Author:Arthur Conan Doyle/Sherlock Holmes

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    <title>Author:Arthur Conan Doyle/Sherlock Holmes</title>
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      <text bytes="3727" xml:space="preserve">{{author subpage
| notes=List of Sherlock Holmes stories. For more information see [[w:Canon of Sherlock Holmes|Canon of Sherlock Holmes]] on Wikipedia.
}}

==Novels==
* [[A Study in Scarlet]] (1887)
* [[The Sign of Four]] (1890)
* [[The Hound of the Baskervilles]] (1902)
* [[The Valley of Fear]] (1915)

==Short stories==
[[Sherlock Holmes (UK Strand)|The Complete Adventures of Sherlock Holmes in The Strand Magazine (UK)]]
#&quot;[[A Scandal in Bohemia]]&quot; (June 1891)
#&quot;[[The Red-Headed League]]&quot; (August 1891)
#&quot;[[A Case of Identity]]&quot; (September 1891)
#&quot;[[The Boscombe Valley Mystery]]&quot; (October 1891)
#&quot;[[The Five Orange Pips]]&quot; (November 1891)
#&quot;[[The Man with the Twisted Lip]]&quot; (December 1891)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle]]&quot; (January 1892)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Speckled Band]]&quot; (February 1892)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb]]&quot; (March 1892)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor]]&quot; (April 1892)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet]]&quot; (May 1892)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Copper Beeches]]&quot; (June 1892)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of Silver Blaze]]&quot; (December 1892)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Cardboard Box]]&quot; (January 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Yellow Face]]&quot; (February 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk]]&quot; (March 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Gloria Scott|The Adventure of the ''Gloria Scott'']]&quot; (April 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Musgrave Ritual]]&quot; (May 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Reigate Squire]]&quot; (June 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Crooked Man]]&quot; (July 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Resident Patient]]&quot; (August 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Greek Interpreter]]&quot; (September 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Naval Treaty]]&quot; (October–November 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Final Problem]]&quot; (December 1893)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Empty House]]&quot; (October 1903)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Norwood Builder]]&quot; (November 1903)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Dancing Men]]&quot; (December 1903)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Solitary Cyclist]]&quot; (January 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Priory School]]&quot; (February 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of Black Peter]]&quot; (March 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of Charles Augustus Milverton]]&quot; (April 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Six Napoleons]]&quot; (May 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Three Students]]&quot; (June 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Golden Pince-Nez]]&quot; (July 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Missing Three-Quarter]]&quot; (August 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Abbey Grange]]&quot; (September 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Second Stain]]&quot; (December 1904)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of Wisteria Lodge]]&quot; (1908)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Red Circle]]&quot; (1911)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Bruce-Partington Plans]]&quot; (1908)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Dying Detective]]&quot; (1913)
#&quot;[[The Disappearance of Lady Frances Carfax]]&quot; (1911)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Devil's Foot]]&quot; (1910)
#&quot;[[His Last Bow|His Last Bow. The War Service of Sherlock Holmes]]&quot; (1917)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]&quot; (1921)
#&quot;[[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]&quot; (1922)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]&quot; (1923)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]&quot; (1924)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Three Garridebs]]&quot; (1924)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]]&quot; (1924)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Three Gables]]&quot; (1926)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Blanched Soldier]]&quot; (1926)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Lion's Mane]]&quot; (1926)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Retired Colourman]]&quot; (1926)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of the Veiled Lodger]]&quot; (1927)
#&quot;[[The Adventure of Shoscombe Old Place]]&quot; (1927)

==Short stories compilations==
* [[The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes]] (1891 - 1892)
* [[The Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes]] (1893)
* [[The Return of Sherlock Holmes]] (1905)
* [[His Last Bow]] (1917)
* [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes]] (1927)</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Author:James Matthew Barrie</title>
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      <text bytes="3691" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = James Matthew
 | lastname     = Barrie
 | last_initial = Ba
 | description  =  Scottish playwright and novelist, '''J. M. Barrie''' is best known for the creation of the character [[w:Peter Pan|Peter Pan]].  {{media|key = y |type = spoken}}
 }}

==Works==
===Novels===
* [[Better Dead]], 1888
* [[Auld Licht Idylls]], 1888
* [[When a Man's Single]], 1888
* [[A Window in Thrums]], 1889
* [[The Little Minister]], 1891
* [[A Powerful Drug; and Other Stories]], 1893
* [[A Lady's Shoe]], 1894
* [[Sentimental Tommy]], 1896
* [[Tommy and Grizel]], 1900
* {{WD author|Q732360|}}
** {{WD author|Q106357308|Q106357308}}
** [[The Little White Bird]], unsourced
* [[Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens]], 1906 
* [[Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens]], 1912 {{ssl|Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens (1912, Hodder &amp; Stoughton).djvu}}
* [[Peter and Wendy]], 1911  {{media|type = spoken}}
* ''Farewell Miss Julie Logan'', 1927

===Short stories===
* &quot;[[The Courting of T'nowhead's Bell]]&quot;
* &quot;[[The Little Nursery Governess]]&quot; (1895; ''Cassell's Magazine'')
* &quot;[[The Family Honor]]&quot; (1895: ''Short Stories'' magazine)
* &quot;[[For Parents Only]]&quot; (1892: ''Harper's'' magazine)
* &quot;[[The Inconsiderate Waiter]]&quot;  {{media|type = spoken}}
* &quot;[[The Late Sherlock Holmes]]&quot; (1893; ''St. James Gazette'')
* &quot;[[My Brother Henry]]&quot;
* {{WD author|Q113257571|}}

===Plays===
* [[Richard Savage]], 1891
* [[Jane Annie]], 1893, (first act only, [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]] wrote the second.)
* [[The Professor's Love Story]], 1894
* [[The Wedding Guest]], 1900
* [[Quality Street]], 1901 {{small scan link|Quality Street (1901).djvu}}
* [[The Admirable Crichton]], 1902
* [[Peter Pan, or The Boy Who Wouldn't Grow Up (1904)|Peter Pan; or, the Boy Who Wouldn't Grow Up]], 1904
* [[Walker, London]], 1907
* [[What Every Woman Knows]], 1908 {{small scan link|What Every Woman Knows - Barrie (US print 1918).pdf}}
* [[When Wendy Grew Up]], 1908
* [[Der Tag]], 1914
* [[Half Hours]], 1914
* [[A Kiss for Cinderella]] (1916)
* [[Shakespeare's Legacy]], 1916
* [[Dear Brutus]], 1917
* [[Echoes of the War]], 1918
* [[Alice Sit-by-the-Fire]], 1919
* [[Mary Rose]] (1920)
* ''Shall We Join the Ladies'', 1927 (first act of an unfinished play)

===Other works===
* [[An Edinburgh Eleven]], 1889
* [[A Holiday in Bed, and Other Sketches]], 1892
* [[A Tillyloss Scandal]], 1893 &lt;small&gt;(short stories)&lt;/small&gt; {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/tillylossscandal00barruoft}}
* [[Two of Them]], 1893 
* [[An Auld Licht Manse, and Other Sketches]], 1893
* [[Allahakbarries C.C.|Allahakbarries C&lt;nowiki&gt;[&lt;/nowiki&gt;ricket&lt;nowiki&gt;]&lt;/nowiki&gt; C&lt;nowiki&gt;[&lt;/nowiki&gt;lub&lt;nowiki&gt;]&lt;/nowiki&gt;]], 1893
* [[Scotland's Lament]], 1895
* [[My Lady Nicotine]], 1896 
* [[Margaret Ogilvy]], 1896
* [[The Allahakbarrie Book of Broadway Cricket for 1899]], 1899
* [[Life in a Country Manse]], 1899
* [[George Meredith]], 1909
* [[Charles Frohman. A Tribute]], 1915
* [[Who was Sarah Findlay? by Mark Twain. With a Suggested Solution]], 1917
* [[Courage (Barrie)|Courage]], 1922
* &quot;[[Myself and My Islands]],&quot; (1922, ''Living Age'',) {{sm|article / speech}}
* [[Neil and Tintinnabulum]], 1925
* [[Captain Hook at Eton]], 1927
* [[The Greenwood Hat]], 1930

==Works about J. M. Barrie==
* {{EB1911 Link|Barrie, James Matthew}}
* {{SBDEL link|Barrie, James Matthew|app}}
* &quot;[[Barrie: A Triumph of Personality]],&quot; by [[Author:Jesse Lynch Williams|Jesse Lynch Williams]] in ''Appleton's Magazine,'' 1906 

{{PD/US|1937}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:Scottish authors]]
[[Category:Novelists]]
[[Category:Playwrights]]
[[Category:Fantasy authors]]
[[Category:Children's authors]]
[[Category:Journalists as authors]]</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Kidnapped (Stevenson, 1895)</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Neo-Jay</username>
        <id>8381</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>removed from [[Wikidata:Q2349094]] ([[Wikipedia:Kidnapped (novel)]] etc.; replaced with [[Kidnapped (Stevenson)]] (moved from [[Wikidata:Q444144]] ([[Wikipedia:Kidnapped]] etc.; replaced with [[Kidnapped]]; unmerging [[Wikidata:Q108867387]] ([[pl:Porwany za młodu]])))). added link [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions#Kidnapped - Stevenson (1895)]] to [[Template:Delete]] (added at 12:31, 18 February 2022)</comment>
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      <text bytes="3337" xml:space="preserve">{{delete|Kidnapped - Stevenson (1895)}}
{{other versions|Kidnapped (Stevenson)}}
{{header
 | title    = Kidnapped
 | author   = Robert Louis Stevenson
 | section  = 
 | previous = 
 | next     = 
 | year = 1886
 | edition = yes
 | portal = Children's literature /  adventure / mystery 
 | categories = children's books / adventure novels / mystery novels / historical fiction novels / novels adapted into films
 | wikipedia = Kidnapped (novel)
 | notes    =  [Cassell and Company, London, 1895 edition. {{illustrator|W. B. Hole}}.] A fast-moving historical fiction adventure story. Written as a &quot;boys novel&quot; and first published in the magazine Young Folks from May to July 1886, the novel has attracted the praise and admiration of writers as diverse as Henry James, Jorge Luis Borges and Seamus Heaney.  A sequel, ''[[Catriona]]'', was published in 1893. The novel was adapted into numerous  films, television serials and comic books.
}}

{{bc|max-width=400px|style=text-align:center|

[[File:Kidnapped cover (WBHole).jpg|300px|frameless|center]]
{{xxxx-larger|{{sp|KIDNAPPED}}}}


{{x-smaller|BEING}}


MEMOIRS OF THE ADVENTURES OF DAVID BALFOUR


{{smaller block|{{justify|''How he was Kidnapped and Cast away; his Sufferings in a Desert Isle; his Journey in the Wild Highlands; his Acquaintance With'' {{sc|Alan Breck Stewart}} ''and other notorious Highland Jacobites; with all that he Suffered at the hands of  his Uncle'', {{sc|Ebenezer Balfour Of Shaws}}, ''falsely so-called: Written by Himself and now set Forth by''}}}}


{{larger|''ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON''}}}}


{{bc|max-width=600px|style=text-align:center|[[File:Kidnapped (sketch).png|600px|thumb|center]]

{{smaller|SKETCH OF THE CRUISE OF THE BRIG ''COVENANT'', AND THE PROBABLE COURSE OF DAVID BALFOUR'S WANDERINGS}}}}


----


{{heading|CONTENTS|3|normal}}
{{smaller|CHAPTER}}
#[[/Chapter 1|I Set Off Upon My Journey to the House of Shaws]]
#[[/Chapter 2|I Come to My Journey's End]]
#[[/Chapter 3|I Make Acquaintance of My Uncle]]
#[[/Chapter 4|I Run a Great Danger in the House of Shaws]]
#[[/Chapter 5|I Go to the Queen's Ferry]]
#[[/Chapter 6|What Befell at the Queen's Ferry]]
#[[/Chapter 7|I Go to Sea in the Brig &quot;Covenant&quot; of Dysart]]
#[[/Chapter 8|The Round-House]]
#[[/Chapter 9|The Man with the Belt of Gold]]
#[[/Chapter 10|The Siege of the Round-House]]
#[[/Chapter 11|The Captain Knuckles Under]]
#[[/Chapter 12|I Hear of the &quot;Red Fox&quot;]]
#[[/Chapter 13|The Loss of the Brig]]
#[[/Chapter 14|The Islet]]
#[[/Chapter 15|The Lad with the Silver Button: Through the Isle of Mull]]
#[[/Chapter 16|The Lad with the Silver Button: Across Morven]]
#[[/Chapter 17|The Death of the Red Fox]]
#[[/Chapter 18|I Talk with Alan in the Wood of Lettermore]]
#[[/Chapter 19|The House of Fear]]
#[[/Chapter 20|The Flight in the Heather: The Rocks]]
#[[/Chapter 21|The Flight in the Heather: The Heugh of Corrynakiegh]]
#[[/Chapter 22|The Flight in the Heather: The Moor]]
#[[/Chapter 23|Cluny's Cage]]
#[[/Chapter 24|The Flight in the Heather: The Quarrel]]
#[[/Chapter 25|In Balquhidder]]
#[[/Chapter 26|End of the Flight: We Pass the Forth]]
#[[/Chapter 27|I Come to Mr. Rankeillor]]
#[[/Chapter 28|I Go in Quest of My Inheritance]]
#[[/Chapter 29|I Come Into My Kingdom]]
#[[/Chapter 30|Good-Bye]]

{{PD-old}}

[[fi:Ryöstölapsi]]
[[fr:Enlevé ! (traduction Varlet)]]</text>
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    <title>Category:Bible</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Etelvino Moreira Souza</username>
        <id>3049130</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Organizando a Bíblia Como Favoritos</comment>
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      <text bytes="232" xml:space="preserve">[[Utilizador:Etelvino Moreira Souza|VOLTAR O MENU PRINCIPAL COMO FAVORITOS]]

{{plain sister 
 | commonscat = Bible
 | wikipedia = Category:Bible
}}
[[Category:Christianity]]
[[Category:Ancient works]]
[[Category:Ancient Near East]]</text>
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        <id>17858</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Reverted edits by [[Special:Contributions/Etelvino Moreira Souza|Etelvino Moreira Souza]] ([[User talk:Etelvino Moreira Souza|talk]]) to last revision by [[User:EmausBot|EmausBot]]</comment>
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      <text bytes="154" xml:space="preserve">{{plain sister 
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[[Category:Christianity]]
[[Category:Ancient works]]
[[Category:Ancient Near East]]</text>
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    <title>Wikisource:Requested texts</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Congressional Record Volume 103 Part 12 */ new section</comment>
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      <text bytes="81310" xml:space="preserve">__NEWSECTIONLINK__
{{process header
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{{flatlist|style=margin:auto;display:table;|
* '''[[/1923/]]'''
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* [[/1926/]]
* [[/1927/]]
* [[/1928/]]
* [[/1929/]]
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}}
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= Old and sorted requests =
== Multi-volume book series ==
* &lt;s&gt;[[Notes &amp; Queries for Somerset and Dorset]], vols. 1-22, 1888-1938.&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor01unkngoog vol. 01] (1890)&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor04unkngoog vol. 02] (1891)&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor09unkngoog vol. 03] (1893)&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor10unkngoog vol. 04] (1895)&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor06unkngoog vol. 06] (1899)&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor00unkngoog vol. 07] (1901)&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor07unkngoog vol. 08] (1903)&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor08unkngoog vol. 09] (1905)&lt;/s&gt;
** &lt;s&gt;[http://www.archive.org/details/notesqueriesfor05unkngoog vol. 10] (1907)&lt;/s&gt;
**: -- [[User:Jasonanaggie|Jasonanaggie]] ([[User talk:Jasonanaggie|talk]]) 04:35, 13 March 2017 (UTC)

:* Volumes up to 1900 (limit of [[commons:Template:PD-old-assumed]]) present: [[Portal:Notes and Queries for Somerset and Dorset]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:03, 1 November 2020 (UTC)

== books.google.co.uk ==
=== Cited in enwiki===
* &lt;s&gt;{{cite book|title=A Complete Collection of the English Poems which Have Obtained the Chancellor's Gold Medal in the University of Cambridge|publisher=W. Metcalfe|location=Cambridge|url=http://books.google.co.uk/books/?id=Gw6GyHofIIAC|author=University of Cambridge|format=PDF|year=1859|accessdate=2008-10-01}}&lt;/s&gt;
** [[Index:A complete collection of the English poems which have obtained the Chancellor's Gold Medal - 1859.djvu]]
*{{cite book|title=A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Landed Gentry of Great Britain|publisher=Harrison|location=London|url=
http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=CZNmAAAAMAAJ|last=Burke|first=Bernad|date=1858}} - NB eneiwki cite refers to a later version not online as pagescans in UK.
*&lt;s&gt;{{cite book|author=W. B. Woodgate|title=Boating|url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=x4F6W5Twd9cC&amp;q=%22sons+of+the+thames+regatta%22&amp;dq=%22sons+of+the+thames+regatta%22&amp;ei=OSRdSLy_I5WQjgGT8dm-Dw|year=1888}}&lt;/s&gt;
** [[Index:Boating - Woodgate - 1888.pdf]]
*{{cite journal|pages=208|url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=EO-R3EsTRYYC&amp;pg=PA208&amp;lpg=PA208&amp;dq=%22george+william+manby%22&amp;source=web&amp;ots=HZUUxXQae4&amp;sig=_449viPr6UsZ2WjChOnkLOMoAsI&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;oi=book_result&amp;resnum=6&amp;ct=result#PPA208,M1| title=Obituary in the Gentleman's Magazine|journal=The Gentleman's Magazine|date=January 1855|author=|publisher=F. Jefferies}}
*{{cite book | title=History of Civilization in England | date=1861 | author=Buckle, H.T. | publisher=Appleton &amp; Co. | url = http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=8MQMAAAAYAAJ| accessdate = 2008-07-09}}
*&lt;s&gt;{{cite book|title=Awd Isaac, The steeple chase, and other poems, with a glossary of the Yorkshire dialect|last=Castillo|first=John|page=p. 8|publisher= Horne &amp; Richardson|date=1843 |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=_-gHAAAAQAAJ|accessdate=2008-08-05}}&lt;/s&gt;
** [[Index:Awd Isaac - Castillo.djvu]]
*{{cite journal|title=Miscellanies - Greece|journal=The American Monitor|date=1824|first=|last=|volume=1|issue=|pages=538|id= |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books/pdf/The_American_Monitor.pdf?id=2bUCAAAAYAAJ&amp;output=pdf&amp;sig=MPPoPXTFmaAI9YLe_S9NT6UvPFA|format=pdf|accessdate=2008-03-27 }}

=== as External Links from enwiki ===
*[http://www.nature.com/nature/first/ ''Nature's'' first issue]
** [[Index:Nature - Volume 1.pdf]]
* &lt;s&gt;''The works of Arthur Murphy''  NB This indicates at least 7 Volumes.&lt;/s&gt;
** All 7 volumes uploaded: see [[Author:Arthur Murphy]]
*[http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=tCRkrCdPtDgC&amp;printsec=frontcover Some Reflections on the Importance of a Religious Life: offered to younger members of the Society of Friends], 1834, 37pp, Society of Friends. [[Index:Some Reflections on the Importance of a Religious Life.djvu|Index]]
*&lt;s&gt;{{cite book|url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=YVQOAAAAIAAJ|title=The Bard of the Dales|last=Castillo|first=John|publisher=John Hughes,W.T Lumley and all Booksellers|date=1850}}&lt;/s&gt;
:*[[Index:The Bard of the Dales.djvu]]

== Without pagescans but cited in enwiki  ==

Some of these have pagescans so a sort out would be appreciated:

* [http://www.qhpress.org/quakerpages/qwhp/bfhstbc.htm The Beaconite Controversy], Anna Braithwaite Thomas, 1912 - URL given notes - Bulletin of Friends' Historical Society, (Philadelphia) Vol. IV, no. 2 (Third Month, 1912,) pages 70-81 (which is pre 1924) {{Ext scan link|https://archive.or/details/bulletinoffriendv4v6frie}}
* http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/proslav/prar170akt.html Mrs Stowe in England], &quot;Daily Despatch&quot;, Richmond, [[3 May]] [[1853]]
* Edward Lear poem inline of [[w:John Cropper]] (fixed [[User:Victuallers|Victuallers]] ([[User talk:Victuallers|talk]]) 17:58, 21 November 2009 (UTC))
* NY Times Article cited in - [[w:Josiah Forster]]   [http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?_r=1&amp;res=9403E1DC1E3FEE34BC4E53DFB2668389679FDE&amp;oref=slogin New York Times], [[6 April]] [[1862]]
* &lt;s&gt;(1855) [[Mount Seir, Sinai and Western Palestine]]. Richard Bently and Sons.&lt;/s&gt;
* &lt;s&gt; {{gutenberg|no=25795|name=Lord Kitchener}} A short biography written in 1917 by [[Author:G. K. Chesterton|G. K. Chesterton]]&lt;/s&gt; [[Lord Kitchener (Chesterton)|Done]] {{ssl|Lord Kitchener (Chesterton).djvu|name1=index}}
* http://www.gazettes-online.co.uk/ViewPDF.aspx?pdf=27019&amp;geotype=London&amp;gpn=6375&amp;type=ArchivedIssuePage&amp;all=&amp;exact=&amp;atleast=&amp;similar=   - London Gazette: no. 27019, page 6375, 1 November 1898. Retrieved on 2008-04-18.- If Bridgmen applies to archived text :) [[User:Sfan00 IMG|Sfan00 IMG]] ([[User talk:Sfan00 IMG|talk]]) 15:18, 16 November 2008 (UTC)
* Henry Charles FitzRoy Somerset Beaufort, Henry Somerset Beaufort, Alfred Edward Thomas Watson (1888). &quot;Boating&quot;, The Badminton Library of Sports and Pastimes 29. Longmans, Green, 298.
** Index here: [[Index:Boating - Woodgate - 1888.pdf]] [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:13, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
* Edwin Dampier Brickwood (1868). The Rowing calendar and aquatic register. &lt;Unknown&gt;, p125.
** I see references to 1867 and 1866 in the NLS / BL catalog without scans but not to a 1868 edition `[[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:13, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
* {{ cite journal | title=The Fight against Malaria: An Industrial Necessity for Our African Colonies | author=Ross, R., and MacGregor, W. | journal=Journal of the Royal African Society | volume=2 | issue=6 | date=Jan 1903| pages=149–160 |url=http://www.jstor.org/pss/714548 }}
* http://www.worldwideschool.org/library/books/hst/biography/JamesNasmythEngineerAnAutobiography/chap17.html James Nasmyth, ''Autobiography'' (1885)]
*[http://www.nls.uk/collections/foreign/russian.html ''Memoir of the late Charles Baird, esq., of St Petersburg, and of his son, the late Francis Baird, esq., of St. Petersburg and 4, Queens Gate, London'' (London, 1867)]
** Only full copy is likely at the ICE [[https://ice.soutron.net/Portal/Default/en-GB/RecordView/Index/50619]], abridged version published in the Minuted of the Proceedings of the ICE {{ext scan link|https://www.icevirtuallibrary.com/doi/pdf/10.1680/imotp.1870.23032}} [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:13, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
* Mary Steel poem cited in [[w:Robert Falcon Scott]]; two different modern books about the expedition, as well as the Wikipedia article, quote just the last stanza. Originally printed in ''Daily Mail'' 14 February 1913, and ''Daily Chronicle'' 13 February 1913.
*'''The Lost Poetry of William Hope Hodgson''' (2005), cited in [[w:William Hope Hodgson]]. It was first published in 2005, which is late enough to be out of copyright, since Hodgson died in 1918.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 00:50, 4 January 2010 (UTC)
*The works of [[Author:Charles Spurgeon]] — ''online archives listed on author page''.
* [[Septuagint]] (see [[w:Septuagint]], very historically important ancient Greek Bible translation, with significant differences from the common text), see [[w:Brenton's English Translation of the Septuagint|1851 Brenton translation into English]] — ''online archives listed in enwiki article''.
** 1844 version: {{small scan link|The Septuagint Version of the Old Testament - Brenton - 1844 - Volume 1.djvu|The Septuagint Version of the Old Testament - Brenton - 1844 - Volume 2.djvu}}
** 1900 parallel-text with apocrypha: {{small scan link|The Septuagint version of the Old Testament and Apocrypha - Brenton - 1900.djvu}}
* [[The Rambler]] (1750-52) by [[Author:Samuel Johnson (1709–1784)|Samuel Johnson]] ([http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/11397 Partial text] at Project Gutenberg)
*[[Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships]] ([[w:Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships|w]]), http://www.history.navy.mil/danfs/, http://www.hazegray.org/
* ''[[Every Man in His Humour]]'', 1598 comedy play by [[:Author:Ben Jonson|Ben Jonson]] ([http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/5333 Full text] at Project Gutenberg)
*[[Giphantie]] by [[Author:Charles-François Tiphaigne de La Roche]], published in English in 1761 — ''this work not listed at Internet Archive as of January 26, 2010.''
** The English title is ''Giphantia'' and was uploaded later in 2010 {{IA small link|giphantiaorviewo00tiph}} [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 16:19, 9 January 2022 (UTC)
*&lt;s&gt; [[Revelations of Divine Love]] by [[Author:Julian of Norwich|Julian of Norwich]] (c.1393) ([[w:Revelations of Divine Love|wikipedia]] [[w:Julian of Norwich|articles]], available at [http://www.ccel.org/ccel/julian/revelations.html])&lt;/s&gt;
* [[Thoughts are Things]] by [[Author:Printice Mulford|Printice Mulford]] — ''rare book''
*&lt;s&gt; [[Narrative of the Most Extraordinary and Distressing Shipwreck of the Whale-Ship Essex]], [[w:Owen Chase|Owen Chase]] (published 1821) — &lt;/s&gt; {{support}} Done, [[User:Lemuritus|Lemuritus]] ([[User talk:Lemuritus|talk]]) 18:24, 24 December 2019 (UTC)
* [[w:Bush-Blair memo|January 31 Bush-Blair memo]] — ''this was classified correspondence leaked to a newspaper, and thus unlikely to be found in its original form''
* [[Author:John J. Pershing|John J. Pershing]] speeches -&gt; have a look at [http://www.archive.org/search.php?query=creator%3A%28Pershing%20john%29 search john pershing] — ''only lists one 25-second speech which is described as &quot;long for him&quot;.  This can be added, but otherwise another obscure request.''
* [[Encyclopédie]], [[:fr:Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers|Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers]] (that is, &quot;Encyclopedia, or a systematic dictionary of the sciences, arts, and crafts&quot; [[w:Encyclopédie|w]]) (in French on the French Wikisource) (English translation) — ''There are two online projects bringing translations of this work to the web.  Presumably a translation does not yet exist.''

{{/existing text requiring pagescans}}

== Unsorted ==
* ''[[The True Historical Narrative of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England]]'' (pub. posthum. 1702-1704) by [[w:Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon]]
**See scans provided under ''History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England'' at the [[Author:Edward Hyde|author page]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* &quot;[[A Letter concerning Enthusiasm]]&quot; (1707? 1708?) by [[Author:Anthony Ashley Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury|Anthony Ashley Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury]] [https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_yigJAAAAQAAJ here it is]
* &quot;[[A Satyr Against Mankind]]&quot; (1675) by [[w:John Wilmot, 2nd Earl of Rochester|John Wilmot, 2nd Earl of Rochester]]
**This poem is found in his complete poetical works (''e. g.'' {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/worksofjohnearlo00roch}}). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* The poems of [[Author:Samuel Boyce|Samuel Boyce]] (18th c.), such as [http://books.google.com/books?id=0EbOAAAAMAAJ&amp;printsec=frontcover&amp;dq=samuel+boyce&amp;cd=1#v=onepage&amp;q&amp;f=false]
**{{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/poemsonseveraloc00boyc}}. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* ''[[Theodosius, or the Force of Love]]'' (1680) play by [[Author:Nathaniel Lee|Nathaniel Lee]]
* ''[[The Adventures of David Simple]]'' (1744) by [[Author:Sarah Fielding|Sarah Fielding]]
**A later edition has been proofread [[The Adventures of David Simple (1904)|here]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* [[The Fable of the Bees]] (1714) by [[Author:Bernard Mandeville|Bernard Mandeville]] [http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/mandeville-the-fable-of-the-bees-or-private-vices-publick-benefits-2-vols here it is]
*[[Moralia]] by [[author:Plutarch|Plutarch]], translated from Latin ([[w:Moralia|Wikipedia]]) 

::1. [[Index:Plutarch - Moralia, translator Holland, 1911.djvu|Moralia translated by Philemon Holland]] 
::2. [[Index talk:Plutarch - Moralia, translator Holland, 1911.djvu|Comparative tables of contents]]. 
::Does this suit your needs? -[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 09:02, 23 October 2012 (UTC)
* [[Census]] results from around the world
* [[The Statesman]] by Sir Henry Taylor available at [http://www.archive.org/details/statesman00taylgoog The Statesman]]
* [[Peace of Augsburg]], [[w:Peace of Augsburg|1555 treaty]]
* [[Peace of Westphalia]], [[w:Peace of Westphalia|1648 treaty]] (refers to the pair of treaties, the [[Treaty of Münster]] and the [[Treaty of Osnabrück]]), 
* Aleksandr Pushkin's [[Eugene Onegin]] (The original [[:ru:Евгений Онегин (Пушкин)|Russian]] is already available)
**The following is a 1943 translation by Babette Deutsch, which was not renewed: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.165902}}. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* John Dickenson. [[Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer]]
**As ''Letters from a farmer in Pennsylvania'' by J. Dickinson: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/lettersfromfarme00dick_2}}. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* Charles I - [[His Speech from the Scaffold]] -- http://anglicanhistory.org/charles/charles1.html
**A scan may be viewed here: {{ext scan link|https://books.google.com/books?id{{=}}gudbAAAAQAAJ}}. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* [[Geneva Bible]]-http://bible.christiansunite.com/genindex.shtml
* [[Philately in a nutshell]], by J.H. Smyth, L. of Congress number 83196129, Sydney, 1911, 110 pages
* [[The Primary Chronicles]] (Kievan Rus)
* [[Swish of the Kris]] - The Story of the Moros by [[Author:Vic Hurley|Vic Hurley]] -  [http://www.bakbakan.com/swishkb.html Complete Text at bakbakan.com](dead link, 1938)
**Renewed: “Swish of the kris. By Vic Hurley. © 1Sep36; A98249. G. V. Hurley (A); 3Feb64; R331038.” [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* [[Jungle Patrol]] - The Story of the Philippine Constabulary by [[Author:Vic Hurley|Vic Hurley]] -  [http://www.bakbakan.com/junglep.html Complete Text at bakbakan.com](dead link)
**Renewed: “Jungle patrol; the story of the Philippine Constabulary. With photographic illus. maps by Paul H. Kirk. © 17Oct38; A123109. Gerald Victor Hurley (A); 2Sep66; R393109.” [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* [[Roman de la Rose]], translated from French ([[w:Roman de la Rose|Wikipedia]])
* [[The Romaunt of the Rose]], in Middle English ([[w:The Romaunt of the Rose|Wikipedia]]) — two possibles [http://www.archive.org/details/prologuetocante02skeagoog 1] &amp; [http://www.archive.org/details/chaucersromaunt00chaugoog 2]
* [[The Romance of the Rose]], Modern English translation of The Romaunt of the Rose
**For the three above, I found a fine illustrated copy here: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/romauntofroseren00guil}}. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* [[Who did it? a novel.]] by Robert Nash Ogden see  [http://books.google.com/books?id=InkWAAAAMAAJ&amp;pg=RA1-PA941&amp;lpg=RA1-PA941&amp;dq=ogden+robert+%22who+did+it+a+novel%22&amp;source=web&amp;ots=DAHnpsBx0C&amp;sig=nyIOxcYmnqo63W-3gNL-hN59Qdk Publishers Weekly December 17, 1887 p 941], [http://worldcat.org/oclc/2229834 worldcat],and [http://myweb.wvnet.edu/~jelkins/lp-2001/ogden.html bio] online Edition [http://www.letrs.indiana.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=wright2;idno=wright2-1816#resultstoc Who did it? a novel]--[http://www.letrs.indiana.edu/web/w/wright2/ Wright American Fiction Project] Indiana University Digital Library Program
* Works by [[Author:Konstantin Eduardovich Tsiolkovsky‎|Konstantin Eduardovich Tsiolkovsky‎]]
* &lt;s&gt;''[[The Virginian]]'' by [[w:Owen Wister|Owen Wister]] [http://www.archive.org/details/thevirginianhors01298gut text at PG] [http://www.archive.org/details/virginianahorse00hosigoog pagescan]&lt;/s&gt; -- [[User:Jasonanaggie|Jasonanaggie]] ([[User talk:Jasonanaggie|talk]]) 04:36, 13 March 2017 (UTC)
**See [[Author:Owen Wister|the author page]] for information about scans, two of which have been uploaded. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:38, 1 October 2020 (UTC).
* ''Leaves from a Russian diary, and thirty years after'' by [[w:Pitirim Aleksandrovich Sorokin]] (1950) (not renewed)
* [[/The Epigrams of Martial]]
*[[A Political Crime]] is a book review of [[A Political Crime: The History of the Great Fraud]], an 1886 book that alleges that [[w:Warren Hayes]] stole the election...isn't that marvellously interesting? We ''must'' find this book and put it online :) [[User:StateOfAvon|StateOfAvon]] ([[User talk:StateOfAvon|talk]]) 02:47, 11 March 2011 (UTC) [https://archive.org/details/politicalcrimehi00gibsuoft/page/n6 here it is]
* [[A survey of English literature, 1780-1880]] (volumes 1 - 4) by Oliver Elton. Per [[WS:PD]]. [[User:Jeepday|Jeepday]] &lt;small&gt;([[User talk:Jeepday|talk]])&lt;/small&gt; 13:22, 2 April 2011 (UTC)
* [[/The Invasion of the Crimea]], table of contents to a desirable work. [Moved from main &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 16:22, 10 July 2011 (UTC)]
is available in full from the [http://www.archive.org/details/babballadsmuchso00gilb Internet Archive]. ----[[User:Gavin.collins|Gavin Collins]] ([[User talk:Gavin.collins#top|talk]]|[[Special:Contributions/Gavin.collins|contribs)]] 00:48, 29 September 2011 (UTC)
* [[Author:Thomas Moore (1779-1852)]]. These quite a lot of books printed during author life-time on [https://www.google.com/search?q=Thomas+Moore&amp;btnG=Search+Books&amp;tbm=bks&amp;tbo=1#hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;tbo=1&amp;tbs=bkv:r&amp;tbm=bks&amp;tbm=bks&amp;q=inauthor:%22Thomas+Moore%22&amp;ei=cQmsT7pqyqSJAsHa-fQI&amp;ved=0CEEQ9Ag&amp;bav=on.2,or.r_gc.r_pw.r_qf.,cf.osb&amp;fp=58249790bbed8fc5&amp;biw=1912&amp;bih=1020 Google Books] and likely on other projects. His poetry was translated on other languages like Polish and Russian during 19th century. Looks like his works are better represented now in Wikisource on other languages then in original. --[[User:EugeneZelenko|EugeneZelenko]] ([[User talk:EugeneZelenko|talk]]) 03:13, 11 May 2012 (UTC)
* ''[[The Nutcracker and the Mouse King]]'' by [[Author:Ernst Theodor Wilhelm Hoffmann|Ernst Theodor Wilhelm Hoffmann]]
== Governmental and organizational works ==

* US government documents regarding the [[w:Vela Incident|Vela Incident]].
* [[Urantia Foundation v. Michael Foundation]], interesting copyright case [http://www.urantiabook.org/archive/history/appeals_court_decision_031103.htm]
* http://www.history.army.mil/books/AMH-V2/AMH%20V2/Prologue.htm (and subsquent chapter) - This work provides a useful summary of US involvement in the Great War, and it would be nice to be able to use it conjunction with other projects discussed at the Scriptorium.
* [http://www.la84foundation.org/5va/reports_frmst.htm Official Olympic Reports] from 1896 through 1920 (7 reports).
* [http://www.un.org/ga/60/ga_rules.html Rules of procedure of the United Nations General Assembly] - particularly relevant to questions of eligibility for UN membership under international law. According to the UN Charter page here, all official UN documents are in the public domain so there shouldn't be any rights issues.
* [[Gryczan v. State of Montana]] [http://www.glapn.org/sodomylaws/usa/montana/gryczan.htm] case overturning sodomy in Montana

=== Statutes ===
* [[Public Health Service Act]] 
* [[Statute of the International Court of Justice]]  {{cite web |url=http://www.icj-cij.org/documents/index.php?p1=4&amp;p2=2&amp;p3=0 |title=Statute of the Court - International Court of Justice|accessdate=2010-01-30 |author=International Court of Justice |work=www.icj-cij.org |format=HTML |language=English}}

== Journal articles ==

==See also==
* [[Wikipedia:Category:Copy to Wikisource]] where the work would need to be [[WS:WIW#What do we include and exclude at Wikisource?|assessed for inclusion]].

==New speeches==
{{plain sister|portal = Speeches}}
&lt;section begin=&quot;requested&quot; /&gt;
* The Speeches of the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, ed. A. W. Hutton and H. J. Cohen (1902) 
** {{Can't find scan}} Looks like this is a 10-volume set, but only [[:file:Speeches of Gladstone - ed. Cohen and Hutton - Volume 9.pdf|v9]], [[:File:Speeches of Gladstone - ed. Cohen and Hutton - Volume 10.pdf|v10]] are immediately obvious (files uploaded). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   19:10, 21 September 2020 (UTC)
* [[Socialism]] - [[Author:Kier Hardie|Kier Hardie]]
** Unsure what speech this is. If it was in the House of Commons (e.g. [https://speakola.com/political/keir-hardie-socialism-labour-1901 this one in 1901], it should be easy to find a transcript? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   16:50, 12 November 2020 (UTC)
* [[Blood and Iron]] - [[Author:Otto von Bismarck|Otto von Bismarck]]
** Is there a full text of this? I can see some German original text at [https://books.google.de/books?id=F_BDAAAAcAAJ&amp;hl=de&amp;pg=RA24-PA6#v=onepage&amp;q&amp;f=false here] (top of col 2, Oct 6, 1862). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   16:50, 12 November 2020 (UTC)
***@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] Best I can find are [https://hdl.handle.net/2027/inu.32000001258237?urlappend=%3Bseq=114%3Bownerid=13510798892527184-118 this in ''Fifty major documents of the nineteenth century''] and  [https://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.32044019380690?urlappend=%3Bseq=407%3Bownerid=1031016-431 this in the ''Life of Bismarck'']. Another scan [https://hdl.handle.net/2027/coo1.ark:/13960/t3805p332?urlappend=%3Bseq=128 here] has a line of the speech and makes reference to a French translation, [https://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.hwm74r?urlappend=%3Bseq=210%3Bownerid=115240959-216 here], which in turn points to pp. 33&amp;ndash;34, vol. 1 ed. 2 (which I could not locate, though it might be helpful for French Wikisource). Apparently, though, no verbatim transcript of the speech exists. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 16:58, 15 March 2022 (UTC)
* [[w:Jeannette Rankin|Jeannette Rankin]]'s sole dissenting vote, and the speech that accompanied it, against US participation in WWII
** Vote at [https://www.govinfo.gov/app/collection/crecb/_crecb/Volume%20087%20(1941) Cong. Rec. v.87, part 9, p. 9536]. But I do not see a speech by Rankin (note there are two Rankins) on that date, just some comments/points of order. Presumably the speech was then not made on the House floor that day? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:47, 10 November 2020 (UTC)
* Any speeches missing at [[Portal:Speeches by British Prime Ministers]]
&lt;section end=&quot;requested&quot; /&gt;

==Forthcoming speeches==
This section is empty.

= New requests =

== Solidarismus / &quot;Solidarity&quot; ==
I request a translation of the book Solidarismus by [[w:Rudolf Diesel]] (the inventor of the diesel engine). I coulnd't find online a copy (in german of translated). The section about Diesel bibliography and social ideas are also missing on wikipedia.  --[[Special:Contributions/109.49.141.100|109.49.141.100]] 14:57, 16 July 2017 (UTC)
: I can still only find a German-language Project Gutenberg copy, and no evident scan at the usual suspects (IA, GB and HT): https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/58351. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   19:15, 21 September 2020 (UTC)
:: Found one: [[Index:Solidarismus - Diesel - 1903.djvu]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:16, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

== Old Science Fiction of 19c ==

Robert William Cole:
* [[The Struggle for Empire: A Story of the Year 2236]]
** Available on HathiTrust {{HathiTrust link|100218279}}
** {{done}} [[Index:Robert William Cole - The Struggle for Empire; A Story of the Year 2236 (1900).djvu]] [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 13:05, 18 January 2022 (UTC)
Albert Robida:
* [[Le Vingtième Siècle]] (1883) - English version
* [[La Guerre au vingtième siècle]] (1887) - English version
* [[Le Vingtième siècle. La vie électrique]] (1890) - English version
* [[La Fin du Cheval]] - English version
* [[La Guerre Infernale]] - English version
** The first published translation I can see is from 2004... A portion of his early novel was published starting with page pg. 768 / Jan 28, 1880 (vol. 6) in ''Puck'' {{HathiTrust link|008886840}} [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:31, 8 January 2022 (UTC)

== Railway/Railroad material ==

I would appreciate someone making a check on the status with a view to inclusion of :
* 1904 Railway Clearing House Atlas of England and Wales. (There is also a post grouping 1935 version)
* The Railway Clearing House Handbook of Railway Stations, 1912 (This would support the Junction diagrams on Commons.)
[[User:Sfan00 IMG|Sfan00 IMG]] ([[User talk:Sfan00 IMG|talk]]) 11:05, 25 August 2010 (UTC)

Railways Act 1922
Transport Act 1947

Any UK 'Local Acts' relating to railways, especially  the railways which eventually amalgamated into the the Great Western and Southern upon grouping or the regions they served.
[[Special:Contributions/62.56.112.112|62.56.112.112]] 23:10, 4 September 2010 (UTC)

:Not progressed further — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:05, 21 October 2020 (UTC)


== Constitution of the State of Mississippi (1861) ==

May somebody please add this text to the source? It can be found [http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/missconv/missconv.html here], [http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/msconven/msconven.html here], and [http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/msconven/menu.html here]. Thank you! [[User:Illegitimate Barrister|Illegitimate Barrister]] ([[User talk:Illegitimate Barrister|talk]]) 11:15, 14 February 2014 (UTC)

== Constitution of the State of Alabama (1861) ==

May somebody please add this text to the source? It can be found [http://web.archive.org/web/20130526153755/http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/ala1861.asp here]. Thanks! [[User:Illegitimate Barrister|Illegitimate Barrister]] ([[User talk:Illegitimate Barrister|talk]]) 06:12, 15 February 2014 (UTC)

== The Reshaping of British Railways ==

aka &quot;The Beeching Report&quot; A version [http://www.railwaysarchive.co.uk/docSummary.php?docID=13] here but under an NC license.

This is an important report in relation to British Transport policy, Does anyone have a copy of this for the production of scans/OCR? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:45, 20 May 2014 (UTC)

:Are you looking for the following?
:*[http://www.railwaysarchive.co.uk/documents/BRB_Beech001a.pdf Part 1]
:*[http://www.railwaysarchive.co.uk/documents/BRB_Beech001b.pdf Part 2]
:*[http://www.railaroundbirmingham.co.uk/beeching_report.php Online version]
[[User:Hrishikes|Hrishikes]] ([[User talk:Hrishikes|talk]]) 06:30, 20 October 2014 (UTC)
: Thats the one, but the scans source given has an NC license... [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 15:32, 5 December 2014 (UTC)
::It is a 1963 report which puts into the public domain at +50 as it is crown copyright, so these files are public domain.  I don't give a toss that some site thinks that they can upload with an NC license, Unless they have some introductory text, they don't get to redefine a work's copyright. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:02, 21 October 2020 (UTC)

== Reference works by James Hastings ==
I am asking assistance with this because, ignorant idjit that I am, I haven't figured out how to get my damn djvu plug-in to work yet. But if anyone were interested in uploading the [[w:Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics]], several articles of which are still included in the bibliographies of articles in the best current reference works in the field. Also, his other multi-volume reference works, including &quot;A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels,&quot; of &quot;Dictionary of the Apostolic Church,&quot; or his &quot;Dictionary of the New Testament,&quot; or &quot;A Dictionary of the Bible,&quot; along with (maybe, if anyone ''really'' wanted to spend a lot of time on this) his &quot;Greater Men and Women of the Bible&quot; and &quot;Great Texts of the Bible,&quot; all of which are I think available at archive.org or elsewhere, I could start work on them. [[User:John Carter|John Carter]] ([[User talk:John Carter|talk]]) 16:47, 9 February 2015 (UTC)

== Vital documents in international law ==
When I was in law school, my international law professor posted a list of &quot;vital documents&quot; that he felt anyone with an international practice should be familiar with. Most of these Wikisource already has; a few were magazine articles or the like, clearly under copyright and not within the scope of Wikisource. The remaining documents, still apparently missing from Wikisource but (to the best of my knowledge) in the public domain are:
*[[African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights]][http://www.achpr.org/instruments/uncat/] (UNTS I-26363) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_1411.pdf}}
*[[Index:Agreement Between the Government of Canada and the Government of the United States of America on Air Quality.pdf]][http://www.ijc.org/en_/Air_Quality__Agreement] {{Done}} [[User:Zppix|Zppix]] ([[User talk:Zppix|talk]]) 01:19, 11 December 2017 (UTC) (UNTS I-31532, A-31532) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_1852.pdf}}
*[[Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes Between States and Nationals of Other States]] (UNTS I-8359) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_575.pdf}}
*[[Convention on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone]] (UNTS I-7477) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_516.pdf}}
*[[Declaration of Helsinki]] 
** Need to check license. the versions in JAMA e.g. {{ext scan link|https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/1760318}} are coprighted: {{ext scan link|https://sites.jamanetwork.com/research-ethics/index.html#helsinki}}, as this is advisory and not law [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:19, 4 January 2022 (UTC)
*[[Establishment of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea]] [http://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/final_act_eng.pdf pages 19-20 of this document] (UN A/CONF.62/121 {{ext scan link|https://treaties.un.org/doc/source/docs/A_CONF.62_121-E.pdf}}
*[[European Human Rights Convention]] ([[European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms]]?) (ETS 5)
*[[Exon-Florio Amendment to Defense Production Act]] (US Statutes at Large 102(1988): 1107) {{ssl|United States Statutes at Large Volume 102 Part 2.djvu}}
*[[Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act]] (90 Stat. 2891) {{ssl|United States Statutes at Large Volume 90 Part 2.djvu}}
*[[Framework Convention on Climate Change]] (UNTS I-30822?) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_1771.pdf}}
*[[General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade]] (UNTS I-814) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_56.pdf}}
*[[Rules of Conciliation and Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce]] (or [[ICC Rules of Arbitration]])
** Copyrighted by the ICC {{ext scan link|https://iccwbo.org/content/uploads/sites/3/2020/12/icc-2021-arbitration-rules-2014-mediation-rules-english-version.pdf}} [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:19, 4 January 2022 (UTC)
*[[International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes Convention]]
** Not sure how this differs from the Convention above which establishes it [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:19, 4 January 2022 (UTC)
*[[Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer]] or [[Montreal Ozone Protocol]] (UNTS I-26369) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_1522.pdf}}
*[[North American Free Trade Agreement]] (107 Stat. 2057) {{ssl|United States Statutes at Large Volume 107 Part 3.djvu}}
*[[Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Declaration on International Investment and Multinational Enterprises]] (or [[OECD Declaration on Multinationals]]) (OECD/LEGAL/0144)
** The OECD version is copyrighted. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:48, 4 January 2022 (UTC)
*[[Optional Protocol on Dispute Settlements]] (I-8640) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_596.pdf}}
*[[Protocols to the Human Rights Convention]] (ETS 9, 44, 45, 46, 55, 114, 117, 118, 140, 146, 155, 177, 187; CETS 194, 204, 213, 214)
*[[Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance]] (Rio Treaty) (I-324?) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_21.pdf}}
*[[U.S. Reservations to the Genocide Convention]] (Senate Consideration of Treaty Document 81-15, KAV 2303)
*[[U.S. Trade Representative Letter on Uruguay Round]] 
** Not sure which letter this is (during the negotiations? afterwards?) [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:40, 4 January 2022 (UTC)
*[[U.S.-Egypt Bilateral Investment Treaty]] (US Treaty Doc No 99-24 (1986), (1982) 21 ILM 927) {{ext scan link|https://www.state.gov/92-627}}
*[[U.S.-U.K. Extradition Treaty]] (1972)  (28 U.S.T. 227, 1977 WL 181653 (U.S. Treaty), T.I.A.S. No. 8468) {{ext scan link|https://www.loc.gov/item/lltreaties-28-1/}}
*[[U.S.-U.K. Supplementary Extradition Treaty]] (1985) (T.I.A.S. 12050, 1556 U.N.T.S. 369 ) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_1556.pdf}}
*[[&quot;Uniting for Peace&quot; Resolution]] (UNGA 377)
*[[Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer]] (or [[Vienna Ozone Convention]]) (UNTS I-26164) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_1513.pdf}}
*[[World Trade Organization Agreement]] (Marrakesh Agreement UNTS I-31874 ?) {{ssl|UN_Treaty_Series_-_vol_1867.pdf}}
Note that we may have some of these under different names. Also note that the list as a whole reflects one professor's views of what documents are &quot;vital&quot;, but I can't see a reason why we wouldn't want to include everything on the list. Cheers! [[User:BD2412|&lt;font style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/font&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 21:14, 19 February 2015 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] FYI, I added links to the UNTS documents here in case you want to create the missing index pages. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:43, 4 January 2022 (UTC)

== British Future Fiction ==
https://www.routledge.com/British-Future-Fiction-1700-1914/Clarke/p/book/9781851966172 is an enormously expensive reprint collection that might offer some interesting suggestions.

* C Oman (ed.), [[The Reign of George VI, 1900–1925]] (1763)
* Edward Bulwer-Lytton, [[The Coming Race]] (1872)
** {{done}} see below
* W D Hay, [[Three Hundred Years Hence]] (1881)
** {{can't find scan}} (BL has record, no scan)
** Unrelated to Mary Griffith story in [[Index:Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   13:26, 1 October 2020 (UTC)
* W H Hudson, [[A Crystal Age]] (1906)
** [[Index:A Crystal Age - Hudson - 1922.djvu]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   12:58, 1 October 2020 (UTC)
* W Grove, [[The Wreck of a World]] (1889)
** [[Index:The Wreck of a World - Grove - 1890.djvu]]
* Louis Tracy, [[An American Emperor]] (1897)
** IA: {{ext scan link|1=https://archive.org/details/americanemperors00trac}}
* Sir Walter Besant, [[The Revolt of Man]] (1890) 
** IA: {{Ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/revoltman00besagoog}}
** PG text: https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48690
* Henry Robert Samuel Dalton, [[Lesbia Newman]] (1889)
** [[Index:Lesbia Newman - Dalton - 1889.djvu]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   12:51, 1 October 2020 (UTC)
* Anon, [[Star of the Morning]] (1906)
** {{can't find scan}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   10:11, 30 September 2020 (UTC)
* A C Fox-Davies, [[The Sex Triumphant]] (1909)
** {{can't find scan}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   10:11, 30 September 2020 (UTC)
* Sir George Tomkyns Chesney, [[The Battle of Dorking]] (1871)
** {{done}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   10:11, 30 September 2020 (UTC)
* Abraham Hayward, [[The Second Armada]] (1871)
** [[Index:The Second Armada - Hayward - 1871.pdf]]
* William Francis Butler, [[The Invasion of England (Butler)]] (1882)
** {{Can't find scan}}
** [[The Invasion of England]] is a different work [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   10:11, 30 September 2020 (UTC)
* ‘Posteritas’, [[The Siege of London (1884)]] (1884)
** [[Index:The Siege of London - Posteritas - 1885.djvu]]
* James Eastwick, [[The New Centurion; a Tale of Automatic Warfare]] (1895)
** [[Index:The New Centurion - Eastwick - 1895.pdf]]
* Captain S Eardley-Wilmot, [[The Next Naval War]] (1894)
** [[Index:The Next Naval War - Eardley-Wilmot - 1894.djvu]]
* Robert Wililiam Cole, [[The Death Trap]] (1907)
** {{can't find scan}} (IA, HT, BL/NLS have record but no scans) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:58, 21 October 2020 (UTC)
* Lloyd Williams, [[The Great Raid]] (1909)
** {{can't find scan}} (IA, HT, BL has 1910 record but not scans)
* Anon., [[Under the Red Ensign]] (1912)
** By Spencer Campbell: ''Under the Red Ensign: A Story of England's Peril''
** Another work from the 20's exists by Tomlinson, H. M.
** {{can't find scan}} (HT, IA, BL has record, no scans)
* William Delisle Hay, [[The Doom of the Great City]] (1880)
** [[Index:Doom of the Great City - Hay - 1880.djvu]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:48, 1 October 2020 (UTC)
* John Davidson, [[The Salvation of Nature]] (1891)
** {{can't find scan}} (HT, IA, BL)
* Robert Hugh Benson, [[Lord of the World]] (1907)
** Exists now, but needs migration to [[Index:Lord of the World - Benson - 1908.djvu]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   12:51, 1 October 2020 (UTC)


: Here's ''The Reign of George VI'': [[Index:The Reign of George VI, 1900–1925.djvu]]. It's an 1899 reprint, but the text should still be the 1763 original (with a new preface/front matter from 1899.) --[[User:Mukkakukaku|Mukkakukaku]] ([[User talk:Mukkakukaku|talk]]) 18:23, 21 September 2016 (UTC)

: Also Bulwer-Lytton's ''The Coming Race'' is here: [[Index:Lytton - The Coming Race (1871).djvu]]. The date on the title page is 1871, though, not 1872. --[[User:Mukkakukaku|Mukkakukaku]] ([[User talk:Mukkakukaku|talk]]) 18:32, 21 September 2016 (UTC)

== Darwin Journal of Researches References ==

[[Index talk:Darwin Journal of Researches.djvu]] lists a number of references by Darwin which would be good to have on WS. — [[User:Zoeannl|Zoeannl]] ([[User talk:Zoeannl|talk]]) 13:42, 2 April 2016 (UTC)

== [[Project Blue Book]] ==

* '''[[wikipedia:Project Blue Book|Project Blue Book]]''' ([[author:USA Air Force]]) is a noteworthy work for ufological history and research that I think would make a great contribution to Wikisource.  The work is marked as public domain.  Source links provided from Wikipedia are:
** http://www.bluebookarchive.org/
** http://www.archive.org/details/bluebook/
** [[User:Nicole Sharp|Nicole Sharp]] ([[User talk:Nicole Sharp|talk]]) 08:40, 7 June 2016 (UTC)

== The Architecture of Open Source Applications ==

What about importing [http://www.aosabook.org/en/index.html The Architecture of Open Source Applications] books? There's even a MediaWiki chapter in volume 2, so surely it might be of some interest to our community, and importing it here might help with translation facilities provided in the Wikimedia infrastructure. I suggest to import it in Wikisource, as this is a books with  paperback available, but you might argue that it would have it's place on wikibooks. Thank you in advance for your feedback and any help on this subject.   --[[User:Psychoslave|Psychoslave]] ([[User talk:Psychoslave|talk]]) 09:54, 20 December 2016 (UTC)

== [[Bible (King James)]] ==

[[User:David Haslam]] and I have found scans to back ''most'' of the 1769 Blayney revision of the KJV, but the books of Lamentations through Malachi are missing from the scans (I assume they are in a 3rd volume yet to be discovered). Assistance finding this third volume, or another complete facsimile (with apocrypha, prefaces, and notes) would be appreciated. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:05, 20 March 2017 (UTC)

:This is pasted from the [https://crosswire.org/wiki/CrossWire_KJV#Chosen_Texts Sword developers' wiki].
:The 1769 KJV facsimile is used for text, front-matter, notes, cross-references, titles, .... for versions after 2.11.
:* The Holy Bible, Containing the Old and New Testaments: Volume 1 of 4, ISBN: 9781171169826
:* The Holy Bible, Containing the Old and New Testaments: Volume 2 of 4, ISBN: 9781171169819
:* The Holy Bible, Containing the Old and New Testaments: Volume 3 of 4, ISBN: 9781171169802
:* The New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,&lt;br/&gt;Translated Out of the Original Greek:&lt;br/&gt;And with the Former Translations :Diligently Compared and Revised,&lt;br/&gt;by His Majesty's Special Command. Appointed to by Read in Churches.&lt;br/&gt;Volume 4 of 4, ISBN: 9781171169796

:[[User:David Haslam|David Haslam]] ([[User talk:David Haslam|talk]]) 09:24, 20 March 2017 (UTC)

::AFAIK, a Print on Demand published facsimile of a PD work doesn't introduce a fresh copyright on the content any more than publishing a scanned facsimile on a website. It's merely that fewer people would readily have access to the printed one. For further background reading, see the article about [[w:Copyfraud|Copyfraud]]. [[User:David Haslam|David Haslam]] ([[User talk:David Haslam|talk]]) 10:26, 20 March 2017 (UTC)
::My CrossWire fellow-worker owns the complete set. I myself recently ordered volume 2 at a discount price. [[User:David Haslam|David Haslam]] ([[User talk:David Haslam|talk]]) 10:29, 20 March 2017 (UTC)

::: It looks like those volumes are published from scans at EEBO Editions, ProQuest. Is that right? In that case we'll need someone with access to http://www.proquest.com/products-services/databases/eebo.html to retrieve the digital scans for us to use. Alternatively, re-scanning the printed facsimile, if it's a good enough scan, would also suffice. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 12:43, 20 March 2017 (UTC)

==Brown, R., (1810) Prodromus Florae Novae Hollandiae==
The text is available at [https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/item/111968#page/5/mode/1up BHL] and can be downloaded as PDF or OCR, but the OCR needs to be corrected with the aid of the pdf to give (1) a corrected Latin text, requiring (2) an English translation. [[User:MargaretRDonald|MargaretRDonald]] ([[User talk:MargaretRDonald|talk]]) 23:15, 10 January 2018 (UTC)
:The latin language work would need to undertaken at [[:la:|latin WS]]. While I can understand the desire for a translation, knowing how well these progress, I cannot see it happening unless it is coordinated and prosecuted. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:19, 11 January 2018 (UTC)
: The file at least is available at [[Index:Prodromus florae Novae Hollandiae et Insulae Van-Diemen - Brown - 1810.djvu]]. It's unlikely a 400+ page la-en translation will happen unless someone is ''very'' interested in the subject, however. This is Volume 1, but I see no obvious sign of a Vol. 2. Also the paging starts at 145 so unsure what's going on there. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:05, 30 September 2020 (UTC)

== Modern Mathematical texts ==

This is a list of select modern mathematical texts available at HathiTrust. A great deal of work, each, but I was making a private list and I thought I'd drop it here.
* [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015077939018 Introduction to projective geometry and modern algebra. Rosenbaum, R. A.]
* [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015049375580 Rudiments of algebraic geometry]
* [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.b4062890 Structure of rings. Jacobson, Nathan, 1910-1999.]
* [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uva.x001320608 The theory of rings. Jacobson, Nathan, 1910-1999]
* [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.b4249723 Rings and ideals, by Neal H. McCoy]
--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 12:34, 19 January 2018 (UTC)

== Works on banned, prohibited, or condemned books ==

Requesting any of the following
*''Books Condemned to Be Burnt'' by James Anson Farrer
*''An Index of Prohibited Books'' by Joseph Mendham
*''A Catalogue of Curious But Prohibited Books''

[[User:John Carter|John Carter]] ([[User talk:John Carter|talk]]) 22:40, 28 February 2018 (UTC)

: [[Index:Books_Condemned_to_be_Burnt_-_James_Anson_Farrer.djvu]] for the first one.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:08, 1 March 2018 (UTC)
: [[Index:An Index of Prohibited Books (1840).djvu]] seems to have been around for a while. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   10:24, 15 September 2020 (UTC)
*&lt;s&gt;{{can't find scan}}&lt;/s&gt;: To my knowledge, the only scan of ''A Catalogue…'' is {{ext scan link|https://books.google.com/books?id{{=}}qKZWAAAAcAAJ}}, which is so broken as to be entirely unusable. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:41, 21 October 2020 (UTC).
:* It looks like it might be available on the Gale ECCO system: https://lib.ugent.be/nl/catalog/rug01:001128914 [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:58, 21 October 2020 (UTC)
*[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: Scan available for ''A Catalogue'' [[Index:Catalogue Of Curious but Prohibited Books.pdf|here]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:30, 7 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} cool! Where did you get it from if you don't mind me asking? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 7 September 2021 (UTC)
::*[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: The same place as I got ''Psychology of Religion'' (at Scan Lab): my university’s ILL request service. Occasionally, I am sent through a different system (the ''O'' system), which gave me a PDF scan for these two works. I’m also looking for the ''Hymns'' below, although that request has been sitting around for a while now. If you have any old, no-scan-found requests lying about (and that you’re interested in proofreading), send me a message. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:09, 8 September 2021 (UTC)

== [[Hymns for the Amusement of Children (1791)]] ==

A scan of the 1791 edition of this text, containing the Appendix which is included in our edition, is available in the [[:w:Early American Imprints]] collection. If any editor has access to this collection through a subscribing library, I would like to request a copy of this scan to be uploaded to Commons. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 15:08, 10 June 2019 (UTC)

== The Tatler, Nov 30, 1923  ==

[http://www.isfdb.org/cgi-bin/title.cgi?826779 The Mask of Sacrifice], by Margery Lawrence, is an early work of fantastic literature by a woman, and has been reprinted as such. It can be found in ''The Floating Cafe and Other Stories'' (1936), but that's going to take a decade to leave copyright. So ''The Tatler'', Nov 30, 1923, is the best source, but HathiTrust doesn't have that issue, nor does IA.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 02:55, 21 October 2020 (UTC)
: {{re|Prosfilaes}} The British Newspapers Archive [https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/search/results/1923-11-30?NewspaperTitle=The%2BTatler&amp;IssueId=BL%2F0001852%2F19231130%2F&amp;County=London%2C%20England has it], but it needs a subscription.
: Side note: since the author died in 1969, it'll be copyright in the UK until 2039, so it's definitely a local-file job.
: Side side note: watch out for the contemporaneous but unrelated [[Portal:The Tatler (New York)|&quot;New York&quot; ''Tatler'']] which appears to be rather more salacious affair around 1920. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:19, 21 October 2020 (UTC)
:: Ah, I was looking for The New York Tatler, so that might have been part of the problem, though HathiTrust still doesn't seem to have it.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:12, 21 October 2020 (UTC)
::: {{Re|Prosfilaes}} also unhelped by the 50 bazillion yearbooks and other periodicals called ''Tatler''! There is very little on the New York ''Tatler'' that I can see other than a motley collection of IA scans and a few images at Commons (from the same scans). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   19:55, 21 October 2020 (UTC)
*[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]], [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: It is now available [[Index:The Mask.pdf|here]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:00, 24 January 2022 (UTC)
==''The Negro Family: The Case For National Action'' (1965)==
Commonly known as the Moynihan Report. [[Wikisource:Scriptorium#Moynihan_report_1965|Requested]] at [[Wikisource:Scriptorium|Scriptorium]]. [https://books.google.com/books?id=VkcsTeQUjQgC A scan] is available at Google Books, but the first page will need to be removed. The work is {{tl|PD-USGov}}. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:23, 5 December 2020 (UTC).
==''[[Index:Black's Law Dictionary (Second Edition).djvu|Black’s Law Dictionary]]''==
An index already exists, but the OCR is poor, as [[Index talk:Black's Law Dictionary (Second Edition).djvu|has been discussed]]. A new file, generated from the same original page, is needed. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 13:02, 12 December 2020 (UTC).
*{{Done}} — [[User:Hrishikes|Hrishikes]] ([[User talk:Hrishikes|talk]]) 06:59, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
==''Congressional Record'' 167(4)==
This issue should be released quite soon; it contains the speeches and proceedings relating to the recent insurrection. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:48, 8 January 2021 (UTC).
*It has been created. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:56, 8 January 2021 (UTC).
** For the (uncongressional!) record: [[Index:Congressional Record 167(4).pdf]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:25, 8 January 2021 (UTC)

== Silver Purchase Act of 1934 ==

Also known as &quot;An Act To authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase silver, issue silver certificates, and for other purposes.&quot; It goes under [[United States Statutes at Large]] under  Vol. 48, under the 73rd Congress (1933-1934), under session 2, Chapter 674, pages 1178–1181. Here is a link to the page scan at the Library of Congress: https://www.loc.gov/law/help/statutes-at-large/73rd-congress/session-2/c73s2ch674.pdf. It was published on June 19, 1934. It's currently being used on the Wikipedia Page on Free Silver.

Thanks!
[[User:Tyrone Madera|Tyrone Madera]] ([[User talk:Tyrone Madera|talk]]) 01:09, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
*[[User:Tyrone Madera|Tyrone Madera]]: This has been created [[Silver Purchase Act of 1934|here]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:59, 30 April 2021 (UTC)
*[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: Thank you! [[User:Tyrone Madera|Tyrone Madera]] ([[User talk:Tyrone Madera|talk]]) 01:08, 1 May 2021 (UTC)

== ''Monarchs and Millionaires'' ==

Lalla Vandervelde (1925), ''[[Monarchs and Millionaires]]'', British version published by London: T. Butterworth Limited; American version published by New York: Adelphi Co.

So far I haven't been able to find any scans online, but someone else might have more luck? [[User:Clay|Clay]] ([[User talk:Clay|talk]]) 16:34, 17 March 2021 (UTC)

: I also can't see any obvious scans. [https://www.worldcat.org/title/monarchs-and-millionaires/oclc/123189461/editions?referer=di&amp;editionsView=true OCLC] isn't encouraging, they know of no digital holdings. :-( [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:44, 17 March 2021 (UTC)

== Complete Works ==
We have many of the stories of [[Author:William Sydney Porter|O. Henry]], but we lack clear sources for many of them. The author page mentions ''The Complete Writing Of O. Henry'' (1918) (14 Vols.), which would provide a source for all of O. Henry's work, and a complete or near complete collection of his work. I've too many projects in the air to take this on, but it seems like a reasonable suggestion. (Same for any other author we have unsourced and is old enough we can upload a complete collection of their writing.)--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 11:58, 28 March 2021 (UTC)

== Seven Great American Poets (1901) ==
By Beatrice Hart, a digital scan of of it can be found on [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Seven_Great_American_Poets/dnhIAQAAMAAJ?hl=en&amp;gbpv=0 Google Books]. Published by Burdett Silver. -- [[User:StuckInLagToad|StuckInLagToad]] ([[User talk:StuckInLagToad|talk]]) 20:55, 1 May 2021 (UTC)
: {{Re|StuckInLagToad}} [[Index:Seven Great American Poets - Hart - 1901.djvu]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 1 May 2021 (UTC)

== Import 5 books about Malayalam language ==
Please [[Special:Import]] five Malayalam-English linguistic books: 
#[[:ml:A dictionary of high and colloquial Malayalim and English]] (Benjamin Bailey 1846) =&gt; #[[:A dictionary of high and colloquial Malayalim and English]]
#[[:ml:A Malayalam and English dictionary]] or [[:ml:ഗുണ്ടർട്ടിന്റെ മലയാളം—ഇംഗ്ലീഷ് നിഘണ്ടു|2]] ([[Author:Hermann Gundert|Hermann Gundert]] 1872) =&gt; [[:A Malayalam and English dictionary]]
#[[:ml:A Grammar of the Malayalim Language (Peet 1841)]].  =&gt; [[:A Grammar of the Malayalim Language (Peet 1841)]]
#[[:ml:Malayalam Selections]] (Arbuthnot 1851) =&gt; [[:Malayalam Selections]]
#[[:ml:മലയാള വ്യാകരണ ചോദ്യോത്തരം]]/Catechism of Malayalam grammar (Hermann Gundert 1897)

All these books are for English speakers to learn Malayalam words, and the definitions are all in English. I hope these public domain books will be helpful for [[:d:WD:LD]] as well. Thank you. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 08:03, 10 July 2021 (UTC)
:{{comment}} at this stage I have created {{tl|interwiki redirect}}s to the first four works.  Proponent has been raised at [[WS:AN]] for discussion the matter about importing these works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:08, 26 August 2021 (UTC)

== Sino-Japanese Joint Defence Agreement==
Please import the 'DOCUMENTS CONCERNING MUTUAL AGREEMENTS BETWEEN CHINA AND JAPAN RELATIVE TO JOINT ACTION AGAINST THE ENEMY' section of [https://library2.um.edu.mo/ebooks/b36024582.pdf this text], which is in the public domain. This is a translation of what is commonly known as the 'Sino-Japanese Joint Defence Agreement', which I am working on an English Wikipedia article about. There is already a [https://ja.wikisource.org/wiki/%E6%97%A5%E6%94%AF%E5%85%B1%E5%90%8C%E9%98%B2%E6%95%B5%E8%BB%8D%E4%BA%8B%E5%8D%94%E5%AE%9A Japanese Wikisource page for the Japanese version]. I'm afraid I don't really understand how to import this Wikisource, so I'd appreciate if someone else could do so. [[User:RGloucester|RGloucester]] ([[User talk:RGloucester|talk]]) 16:29, 15 July 2021 (UTC)
: {{re|RGloucester}} sorry this took so long to get round to: [[Index:The Truth about China and Japan - Weale - 1919.djvu]], the section starts at page 159. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:00, 2 September 2021 (UTC)
::{{ping|Inductiveload}} Thank you, but I don't really understand. I just wanted a Wikisource page for the agreement, as there is in Japanese, with that book as the source...this seems like something else, a transcription of the book? [[User:RGloucester|RGloucester]] ([[User talk:RGloucester|talk]]) 21:03, 7 September 2021 (UTC)
::: {{Re|RGloucester}} That's right, all texts at Wikisource should be, as far as is practical, &quot;scan backed&quot; so that others can check the transcription and verify that it is accurate (aka &quot;validation&quot;). The Wikisource page for this treaty would in fact be a transcribed portion of the book ''[[The Truth about China and Japan]]'' (and we can have other versions of it if there are alternate sources, for example a government gazette). Proofreads of the book happens in the &quot;page&quot; namespace, and then we [[H:Transclusion|transclude]] it to the mainspace. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:18, 7 September 2021 (UTC)

== Sherlock Holmes (1899 play) ==

Requesting scans of William Gillette's 1899 play ''[[w:Sherlock Holmes (play)|Sherlock Holmes]]''. The text, which is {{tl|PD-US}}, is available at the [http://www.diogenes-club.com/sherlockplay1.htm Diogenes Club website], and could be checked against the [https://archive.org/details/sherlockholmesac00arth 1976] and [https://archive.org/details/sherlockholmespl00gill 1977] editions available for checkout at the Internet Archive, but I would prefer to do side-by-proofreading if possible. The copyright pages of these later editions list a 1922 edition published by Samuel French, Ltd., which would be {{tl|PD-US}}. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] | [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:20, 21 July 2021 (UTC)
: Worldcat says ProQuest has a copy in the LION collection (but I don't have access to any of PQ): https://www.proquest.com/lion/docview/2151185961 [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:32, 21 July 2021 (UTC)
::{{re|Inductiveload}} Thank you! It showed up as unavailable when I logged in, but I appreciate the pointer to a source of texts. I just acquired a physical copy which I can scan, so all's well that ends well on my end! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] | [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 23:59, 2 August 2021 (UTC)
::: Great, let me know if you need help making a file out of it.
::: I just checked back and actually that work is actually available though the [[w:Wikipedia:The_Wikipedia_Library|Wikipedia Library]] access. However, it only has a transcript and no scans. Let me know if you'd like the transcript as a match-and-split source. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:06, 3 August 2021 (UTC)
::::{{re|Inductiveload}} Belatedly, yes, I would appreciate both of those things! At the moment, I have scans of all the pages as PNGs, which need to be split down the middle (I'm using a scanning app on my phone, so it's hard to get it to recognize just one of the pages). What are the next steps for turning those into a file? (I also have close-ups of the ground plans for each act, which I can upload separately to Commons.) —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 04:22, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
::::: {{re|CalendulaAsteraceae}} Text is also available [https://www.arthur-conan-doyle.com/index.php?title=Sherlock_Holmes_(play_1899)_Text here]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 04:50, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
::::: {{re|CalendulaAsteraceae}} LION text posted here [[User:Languageseeker/SH]]. Conveniently comes with page breaks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 04:59, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
::::::{{re|Languageseeker}} Thank you! That will be really helpful —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:04, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
:::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] re the scans, the tool I would use there is [https://github.com/4lex4/scantailor-advanced ScanTailor Advanced].
:::::If you like, I'll do it for you (plus OCR and DJVU compilation). If you upload the files somewhere and send me the link (e.g. Internet Archive, or you can email me a private link to a Dropbox-like service, or I can email you a place you can upload them), I'll sort it out the best I can. 
:::::&quot;One Day&quot; I will fix up some documentation on Scan Tailor, but sadly that day is not today. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:26, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
::::::{{re|Inductiveload}} Yes, thank you, I would appreciate you doing it. I'll send you a link. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:31, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] {{done}} [[Index:Sherlock Holmes - A Drama in Four Acts - Doyle, Gillete - 1922.djvu]]. It came out &quot;OK&quot;, but some of the pages are a little blurred and some had to be fairly aggressively de-warped. Since it's fairly short and there's good external text anyway, that's not really a big deal. Note, in future please name the files lexicographically by zero-padding, as otherwise &quot;2&quot; sorts ''after'' &quot;100&quot;. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:18, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
::::::::{{re|Inductiveload}} Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:05, 14 October 2021 (UTC)

== Harkavy's Yiddish-English ==

Please import {{q|Q108376683}}. Scans in good quality are available it seems. [https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/search/?query=Harkavy%27s+Yiddish-English&amp;submit_search=Go%21 It is not in Gutenberg].--[[User:So9q|So9q]] ([[User talk:So9q|talk]]) 05:33, 2 September 2021 (UTC)

: {{re|So9q}} Found some reasonable IA scans: [[Index:Complete English-Jewish Dictionary, 6th ed. - Harkavy - 1910.djvu]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 07:27, 2 September 2021 (UTC)

== Northanger Abbey's list of Gothics ==

From [[Northanger Abbey]]: “I will read you their names directly; here they are, in my pocketbook. Castle of Wolfenbach, Clermont, Mysterious Warnings, Necromancer of the Black Forest, Midnight Bell, Orphan of the Rhine, and Horrid Mysteries. Those will last us some time.” “Yes, pretty well; but are they all horrid, are you sure they are all horrid?”

That is:
* [[Castle of Wolfenbach]]
* [[Clermont]]
* [[Mysterious Warnings]]
* [[Necromancer of the Black Forest]]
* [[The Midnight Bell]], by [[Author:Francis Lathom|Francis Lathom]] (1798)
* [[Orphan of the Rhine]]
* [[Horrid Mysteries]].
(All real books, published not too long before Northanger Abbey's writing.)
--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 16:14, 2 October 2021 (UTC)
*[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]]: I have found the following scans (which are named on Wikipedia [[w:Northanger Abbey#Allusions_to_other_works|here]]):
**''The Castle of Wolfenbach'' {{ext scan link|https://books.google.com/books?id{{=}}51pPAQAAMAAJ}}, by Mrs. [Eliza] Parsons, first published 1793.
*** [[Index:The Castle of Wolfenbach - Parsons - 1854.djvu]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:23, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
**''Clermont'' (first published 1798) {{ext scan link|https://books.google.com/books?id{{=}}DZlKAQAAMAAJ}} (two-volume set, 1799 ed.); I could only find the second volume (same on HathiTrust).
**''The Necromancer: or the Tale of the Black Forest'' {{ext scan link|https://books.google.com/books?id{{=}}xO9DAQAAMAAJ|https://books.google.com/books?id{{=}}rO9DAQAAMAAJ}} (1794)
*The others are very obscure, and likely are only known through 1960s and more modern reprintings. I have access to those (and could scan them in), but there is some concern regarding reasserting copyright. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 16:13, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
** I've had some success over the years at such works; since they are so marginal, they're frequently facsimile reprints that need no special work. However, it seems likely we've uploaded enough of these &quot;horrid&quot; obscure Gothics, at least for now.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 21:59, 15 October 2021 (UTC)
*{{re|Prosfilaes}} I've uploaded [[:File:Horrid Mysteries Volume 3.djvu]] and [[:File:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu]], and [[:File:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 2.djvu]] is in progress at [https://ia-upload.wmcloud.org/ IA Upload]. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 23:06, 14 October 2021 (UTC)
*:Looks like the Volume 2 upload failed. It's [https://archive.org/details/kahlert-karl-friedrich-tr.-peter-will-the-necromancer-vol.-2-minerva-press-1794/mode/2up here] if you want it. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 03:43, 17 October 2021 (UTC)

== [[Fastest Bicycle Rider in the World: The Story of a Colored Boy's Indomitable Courage and Success Against Great Odds]] ==

Would it be possible for someone to grab the [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015010834771&amp;view=1up&amp;seq=11&amp;skin=2021 scan] from HathiTrust? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 03:11, 11 November 2021 (UTC)

:{{doing}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:00, 11 November 2021 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[Index:The fastest bicycle rider in the world - 1928 - Taylor.djvu]] [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:26, 11 November 2021 (UTC)

== The records of the Virginia Company of London ==

In editing [[:wikipedia:en:First Africans in Virginia]], I was looking for the Wikisource version of [https://www.loc.gov/resource/mtj8.vc03/?sp=267 a famous note] recording their arrival in Virginia, but it looks like [https://www.loc.gov/item/06035006/ ''The records of the Virginia Company of London''] have not been uploaded to Wikisource yet. I don't think this is a very high priority for anyone (unless someone is revising the articles about the early history of Virginia or something!), but I thought I'd mention it! -- [[User:Gaurav|Gaurav]] ([[User talk:Gaurav|talk]]) 04:37, 27 November 2021 (UTC)

:If anyone is interested in having a go: {{ssl|The records of the Virginia company of London - Volume 1.djvu|The records of the Virginia company of London - Volume 2.djvu|The records of the Virginia company of London - Volume 3.djvu|The records of the Virginia company of London - Volume 4.djvu}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:24, 29 December 2021 (UTC)

== Wikipedia @ 20 (published by MIT Press) ==
I am starting to translate individual essays from [[:W:Wikipedia_@_20|Wikipedia @ 20]] (published by MIT Press) to Croatian and I wonder if it would be good to import the whole book ([https://wikipedia20.pubpub.org/legal/terms#Site_Content licence]), as well as to advance with translations here on Wikisource? --[[User:Zblace|Zblace]] ([[User talk:Zblace|talk]]) 04:34, 24 December 2021 (UTC)

:OK - things are not moving swiftly here and considering that the compromised and de-admined rightwing Croatian Wikipedia users: Ex13, Roberta F. and SpeedyGonsales are still [[:hr:Wikizvor:Administratori|admins on Croatian Wikisource]] I will not push for this now. -- [[User:Zblace|Zblace]] ([[User talk:Zblace|talk]]) 08:40, 26 December 2021 (UTC)
::FYI the work itself is under a CC-BY 4.0 license. In general it would be good to have the works hosted here as well to a. provide a convenient interwiki link between languages and b. to allow someone to double check the translation easily side-by-side. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 23:38, 29 December 2021 (UTC)
:@[[User:Zblace|Zblace]] is there a complete, canonical, PDF of this available? Ideally, we'd have a copy of the original for verifiability purposes. The MIT Press version is split up into lots of separate PDFs (and also claims a CC-BY-NC license, which is incompatible with Wikisource, though the PubPbub version doesn't have the NC bit). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:12, 10 January 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] thank you for info! @[[User:Reagle|Reagle]] @[[User:Jackiekoerner|Jackiekoerner]] do you mind responding to the above as editors?
::
::--[[User:Zblace|Zblace]] ([[User talk:Zblace|talk]]) 13:08, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::: @[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] is right, the published book is NC, but the PubPub version would be available and I believe it's otherwise identical except that it's missing the pagination information -- I don't know if Wikisource maintains that in any case. One could start by scraping the PubPub version and using Pandoc to convert it to MediaWiki -- unless Wikisource has a different method. -[[User:Reagle|Reagle]] ([[User talk:Reagle|talk]]) 14:31, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

== Passenger Pigeon Manifesto ==

Dear All,

I would like to ask if you think [https://ppmanifesto.hcommons.org/ this text] could be included in Wikisource? It has also been published in a [https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1550190620964044 peer-reviewed journal] but as I'm the author I'm not allowed to upload the text myself. Thank you.

Best,
--[[User:Adam Harangozó|Adam Harangozó]] ([[User talk:Adam Harangozó|talk]]) 16:42, 1 January 2022 (UTC)

:{{Re|Adam Harangozó}} Hello. That would be a useful contribution and you can add it here yourself: the fact you are its author does not make any difference if the text is notable enough to be placed here, which it is. There are two possibilities, the easier one and the better one :-){{pbr}}The easier one is to add the text simply to [[Passenger Pigeon Manifesto]] and to give the source of the text and its licence at [[Talk:Passenger Pigeon Manifesto|its talk page]], with the link to [https://ppmanifesto.hcommons.org/ the page where the license is given]. A disadvantage of this way is that if later the original page with the text and its licence disappeared from the Internet, we would have no proof about the license, which might threaten the existence of the text in Wikisource in the future.{{pbr}}For this reason I suggest to download the [https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1550190620964044 PDF of the published article], upload it to [[:Commons:Main Page|Commons]] and at the same time email the [[Commons:Volunteer Response Team]] about releasing the text under a free licence. You can use one of [[:Commons:Email templates]] for the email. After they confirm the licence, you can transcribe it here, either directly, or using the [[Help:Proofread|proofread extension]]. Feel free to ask me any questions or inform me about any problems at my talk page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:11, 1 January 2022 (UTC)

== Ran Away from the Dutch, Or, Borneo from South to North ==

Published at 1887. Author: Michael Theophile Hubert Perelaer, Abraham Pereira Mendes.

Actually, I've found it on external sources but there are many of them and I don't know which one is the best. So, please your help. Thanks. [[User:Mnafisalmukhdi1|Mnafisalmukhdi1]] ([[User talk:Mnafisalmukhdi1|talk]]) 07:30, 6 January 2022 (UTC)

:And yet, thanks for someone on Commons. It's here: [[:File:Ran away from the Dutch; or, Borneo from south to north (IA cu31924023893609).pdf]]. [[User:Mnafisalmukhdi1|Mnafisalmukhdi1]] ([[User talk:Mnafisalmukhdi1|talk]]) 13:01, 10 January 2022 (UTC)

== Stories by Foreign Authors ==

Missing volumes in [[:Stories by Foreign Authors]]:
* Polish-Greek-Belgian-Hungarian
* German I
[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 09:26, 13 February 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]]: [https://archive.org/details/storiesbyforeign04sonsrich German I] ([[:File:Stories by foreign authors (IA storiesbyforeign04sonsrich).pdf|pdf]]), [https://archive.org/details/storiesbyforeign00newyrich Polish—Greek—Belgian—Hungarian] ([[:File:Stories by foreign authors (IA storiesbyforeign00newyrich).pdf|pdf]]). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:28, 15 March 2022 (UTC)

==Lithuanian-English Dictionary by Lalis==
Third edition if possible. There are various scans on Google Books and the Internet Archive; the most readable/OCRable of the third edition scans should be the one chosen.

* [https://www.google.com/books/edition/_/4l09AAAAYAAJ?gbpv=1 GBooks option 1] - has a lot of slanted pages (only including for completeness)
* [https://www.google.com/books/edition/_/Fc9HAQAAMAAJ?gbpv=1 Gbooks option 2] - has less of that
* [https://archive.org/details/lietuviskosirang00lali/ IA option 1] - seems fine
* [https://archive.org/details/lietuviskosiran00lali/ IA option 2] - also seems fine

I guess someone with more experience could judge which of these is likely to be most usable; either of the IA ones would be okay. I realize that the second part where the headwords are English words and the glosses are Lithuanian belongs more properly on lt.wikisource (but [[:lt:Specialus:Visi_puslapiai/Index:|they don't even use source-backed texts there]], which is inconvenient). Even if only the first part with Lithuanian headwords and English glosses is allowed here, that would still be great. [[Special:Contributions/70.172.194.25|70.172.194.25]] 21:01, 1 March 2022 (UTC)

== Congressional Record Volume 103 Part 12 ==

Scans available at {{GBS|ODw4AQAAMAAJ}} but when I tried uploading the file to Commons it didn't work. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 00:35, 25 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

&lt;div style = &quot;line-height: 1.2&quot;&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
----
Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

Please note, this is the first issue of UCoC Newsletter which is delivered to all subscribers and projects as an announcement of the initiative. If you want the future issues delivered to your talk page, village pumps, or any specific pages you find appropriate, you need to [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/UCoC Newsletter Subscription|subscribe here]].

You can help us by translating the newsletter issues in your languages to spread the news and create awareness of the new conduct to keep our beloved community safe for all of us. Please [[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/Participate|add your name here]] if you want to be informed of the draft issue to translate beforehand. Your participation is valued and appreciated.
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* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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&lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:SOyeyele (WMF) |SOyeyele (WMF) ]] ([[User talk:SOyeyele (WMF) |talk]]) {{#if:SOyeyele (WMF) | 22:37, 10 June 2021‎ }}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

Dear community members, 

Greetings from the EWOC Newsletter team and the education team at Wikimedia Foundation. We are very excited to share that we on tenth years of Education Newsletter ([[m:Education/News|This Month in Education]]) invite you to join us by [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education|subscribing to the newsletter on your talk page]] or by [[m:Education/News/Newsroom|sharing your activities in the upcoming newsletters]]. The Wikimedia Education newsletter is a monthly newsletter that collects articles written by community members using Wikimedia projects in education around the world, and it is published by the EWOC Newsletter team in collaboration with the Education team. These stories can bring you new ideas to try, valuable insights about the success and challenges of our community members in running education programs in their context. 

If your affiliate/language project is developing its own education initiatives, please remember to take advantage of this newsletter to publish your stories with the wider movement that shares your passion for education. You can submit newsletter articles in your own language or submit bilingual articles for the education newsletter. For the month of January the deadline to submit articles is on the 20th January. We look forward to reading your stories.

Older versions of this newsletter can be found in the [[outreach:Education/Newsletter/Archives|complete archive]].

More information about the newsletter can be found at [[m:Education/News/Publication Guidelines|Education/Newsletter/About]].

For more information, please contact spatnaik{{@}}wikimedia.org.
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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
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; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23453785 --&gt;

== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

&lt;/div&gt;
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== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;

19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
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{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23502519 --&gt;

== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23517957 --&gt;

== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>4zhsl9pzpzzb6debbd7pcp7hxnwx6wc</sha1>
    </revision>
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        <username>JesseW</username>
        <id>10613</id>
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      <comment>/* ToC links */ but what would break if I took it out?</comment>
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The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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[[Category:Bots/Archival|Scriptorium ]]
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

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&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
----
Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

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* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:SGrabarczuk_(WMF)/sandbox/MM/En_fallback&amp;oldid=23430301 --&gt;

; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
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== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

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== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
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19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
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{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23517957 --&gt;

== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Yeah, but I'm not sure what would break if I took that out. I suppose I could make a separate version... [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 14:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>9xbc9z0ozz0eo05aic9fhuzbt5weg4z</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506581</id>
      <parentid>12506516</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:43:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Second-hand transcriptions */ Reply</comment>
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 | notes    = The '''[[wikt:scriptorium|Scriptorium]]''' is Wikisource's community discussion page. Feel free to ask questions or leave comments. You may join any current discussion or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl:Wikisource:Scriptorium|action=edit&amp;section=new start}} a new one]&lt;/span&gt;; please see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]].

The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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[[Category:Bots/Archival|Scriptorium ]]
[[Category:Wikisource|Scriptorium]]
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

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&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
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Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

Please note, this is the first issue of UCoC Newsletter which is delivered to all subscribers and projects as an announcement of the initiative. If you want the future issues delivered to your talk page, village pumps, or any specific pages you find appropriate, you need to [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/UCoC Newsletter Subscription|subscribe here]].

You can help us by translating the newsletter issues in your languages to spread the news and create awareness of the new conduct to keep our beloved community safe for all of us. Please [[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/Participate|add your name here]] if you want to be informed of the draft issue to translate beforehand. Your participation is valued and appreciated.
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div style=&quot;margin-top:3px; padding:10px 10px 10px 20px; background:#fffff; border:2px solid #808080; border-radius:4px; font-size:100%;&quot;&gt;
* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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&lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:SOyeyele (WMF) |SOyeyele (WMF) ]] ([[User talk:SOyeyele (WMF) |talk]]) {{#if:SOyeyele (WMF) | 22:37, 10 June 2021‎ }}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

Dear community members, 

Greetings from the EWOC Newsletter team and the education team at Wikimedia Foundation. We are very excited to share that we on tenth years of Education Newsletter ([[m:Education/News|This Month in Education]]) invite you to join us by [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education|subscribing to the newsletter on your talk page]] or by [[m:Education/News/Newsroom|sharing your activities in the upcoming newsletters]]. The Wikimedia Education newsletter is a monthly newsletter that collects articles written by community members using Wikimedia projects in education around the world, and it is published by the EWOC Newsletter team in collaboration with the Education team. These stories can bring you new ideas to try, valuable insights about the success and challenges of our community members in running education programs in their context. 

If your affiliate/language project is developing its own education initiatives, please remember to take advantage of this newsletter to publish your stories with the wider movement that shares your passion for education. You can submit newsletter articles in your own language or submit bilingual articles for the education newsletter. For the month of January the deadline to submit articles is on the 20th January. We look forward to reading your stories.

Older versions of this newsletter can be found in the [[outreach:Education/Newsletter/Archives|complete archive]].

More information about the newsletter can be found at [[m:Education/News/Publication Guidelines|Education/Newsletter/About]].

For more information, please contact spatnaik{{@}}wikimedia.org.
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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
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; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
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== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

&lt;/div&gt;
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== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;

19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
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{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::The bracketed stuff are informative examples to illustrate; the criterion itself is {{tqi|'''Beyond scope''': The content … lies outside the scope of Wikisource|q=y}} (i.e. it fails to meet [[WS:WWI]]), and the limiting clause is {{tqi|… The content '''clearly''' lies outside the scope …|q=y}}. The point there is that if something is borderline or there's a significant possibility of mistake the admin shouldn't unilaterally decide (speedy) and it should go to WS:PD instead for community discussion. The latter is usually exemplified by someone pasting ''Harry Potter'' here—which is clearly a copyvio—versus someone proofreading a 1964 book that makes a superficially plausible claim of being {{tl|PD-US-no renewal}}. The latter could still be a copyvio, but a single admin shouldn't decide that based solely on misbelieving the contributor's assertion: it should go to WS:PD where the community can examine it and possibly dig up the evidence (either way) to determine its actual copyright status. ''Harry Potter'', obviously, should be speedied on sight (and preferably before Wizarding World Digital sends its DMCA-wielding Nazgûl after us).{{pbr}}That being said, I absolutely agree our policies are in dire need of tightening and should be written with much greater clarity. Navigating them now are an exercise in frustration for both general contributors and admins trying to apply them. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:43, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Yeah, but I'm not sure what would break if I took that out. I suppose I could make a separate version... [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 14:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>njxvox7gnbv4j2hlpqqdlo70yyi2rqz</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506827</id>
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        <username>Shells-shells</username>
        <id>3021170</id>
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      <comment>/* Copyright status of Men, Ships, and the Sea (1962) */ Reply</comment>
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 | notes    = The '''[[wikt:scriptorium|Scriptorium]]''' is Wikisource's community discussion page. Feel free to ask questions or leave comments. You may join any current discussion or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl:Wikisource:Scriptorium|action=edit&amp;section=new start}} a new one]&lt;/span&gt;; please see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]].

The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

&lt;div style = &quot;line-height: 1.2&quot;&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
----
Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

Please note, this is the first issue of UCoC Newsletter which is delivered to all subscribers and projects as an announcement of the initiative. If you want the future issues delivered to your talk page, village pumps, or any specific pages you find appropriate, you need to [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/UCoC Newsletter Subscription|subscribe here]].

You can help us by translating the newsletter issues in your languages to spread the news and create awareness of the new conduct to keep our beloved community safe for all of us. Please [[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/Participate|add your name here]] if you want to be informed of the draft issue to translate beforehand. Your participation is valued and appreciated.
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* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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&lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:SOyeyele (WMF) |SOyeyele (WMF) ]] ([[User talk:SOyeyele (WMF) |talk]]) {{#if:SOyeyele (WMF) | 22:37, 10 June 2021‎ }}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

Dear community members, 

Greetings from the EWOC Newsletter team and the education team at Wikimedia Foundation. We are very excited to share that we on tenth years of Education Newsletter ([[m:Education/News|This Month in Education]]) invite you to join us by [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education|subscribing to the newsletter on your talk page]] or by [[m:Education/News/Newsroom|sharing your activities in the upcoming newsletters]]. The Wikimedia Education newsletter is a monthly newsletter that collects articles written by community members using Wikimedia projects in education around the world, and it is published by the EWOC Newsletter team in collaboration with the Education team. These stories can bring you new ideas to try, valuable insights about the success and challenges of our community members in running education programs in their context. 

If your affiliate/language project is developing its own education initiatives, please remember to take advantage of this newsletter to publish your stories with the wider movement that shares your passion for education. You can submit newsletter articles in your own language or submit bilingual articles for the education newsletter. For the month of January the deadline to submit articles is on the 20th January. We look forward to reading your stories.

Older versions of this newsletter can be found in the [[outreach:Education/Newsletter/Archives|complete archive]].

More information about the newsletter can be found at [[m:Education/News/Publication Guidelines|Education/Newsletter/About]].

For more information, please contact spatnaik{{@}}wikimedia.org.
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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
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; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23453785 --&gt;

== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Tiven2240@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Distribution_list/Non-Technical_Village_Pumps_distribution_list&amp;oldid=23454230 --&gt;

== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;

19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
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{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23517957 --&gt;

== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::The bracketed stuff are informative examples to illustrate; the criterion itself is {{tqi|'''Beyond scope''': The content … lies outside the scope of Wikisource|q=y}} (i.e. it fails to meet [[WS:WWI]]), and the limiting clause is {{tqi|… The content '''clearly''' lies outside the scope …|q=y}}. The point there is that if something is borderline or there's a significant possibility of mistake the admin shouldn't unilaterally decide (speedy) and it should go to WS:PD instead for community discussion. The latter is usually exemplified by someone pasting ''Harry Potter'' here—which is clearly a copyvio—versus someone proofreading a 1964 book that makes a superficially plausible claim of being {{tl|PD-US-no renewal}}. The latter could still be a copyvio, but a single admin shouldn't decide that based solely on misbelieving the contributor's assertion: it should go to WS:PD where the community can examine it and possibly dig up the evidence (either way) to determine its actual copyright status. ''Harry Potter'', obviously, should be speedied on sight (and preferably before Wizarding World Digital sends its DMCA-wielding Nazgûl after us).{{pbr}}That being said, I absolutely agree our policies are in dire need of tightening and should be written with much greater clarity. Navigating them now are an exercise in frustration for both general contributors and admins trying to apply them. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:43, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Prosfilaes|Xover}} I'm reasonably confident that at least the text content was written specifically for this book, not copied from another source. I have a copy of the 1973 edition, which explicitly states: &quot;Text by Alan Villiers / with a foreword by Melville Bell Grosvenor / and additional chapters by [several other authors]&quot;. The foreword to this edition seems to indicate that the book was written from scratch: &quot;In commissioning him [Villiers] as chief author of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'', the Society chose the greatest sea writer of our time.&quot;{{pbr}}There are, however, a proudly proclaimed &quot;423 illustrations, 294 in full color&quot; in my copy. Most of these are undoubtedly still under copyright (although a few are obviously in the public domain, and some were commissioned specifically for the book). That's slightly less than one illustration per page. I suppose I could redact all the offending images if I wanted to, but it's probably not fruitful enough to spend a great deal of time with. (If I were to do so&amp;mdash;assuming all the text content is PD&amp;mdash;would it then be suitable to host here?) In any case, thanks to both of you for the help and advice. &lt;code&gt;:)&lt;/code&gt; [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 17:12, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Yeah, but I'm not sure what would break if I took that out. I suppose I could make a separate version... [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 14:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>sp01i90y9dghmpn3ff6nfecevharig9</sha1>
    </revision>
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 | notes    = The '''[[wikt:scriptorium|Scriptorium]]''' is Wikisource's community discussion page. Feel free to ask questions or leave comments. You may join any current discussion or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl:Wikisource:Scriptorium|action=edit&amp;section=new start}} a new one]&lt;/span&gt;; please see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]].

The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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[[Category:Bots/Archival|Scriptorium ]]
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

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&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
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Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

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* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

Dear community members, 

Greetings from the EWOC Newsletter team and the education team at Wikimedia Foundation. We are very excited to share that we on tenth years of Education Newsletter ([[m:Education/News|This Month in Education]]) invite you to join us by [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education|subscribing to the newsletter on your talk page]] or by [[m:Education/News/Newsroom|sharing your activities in the upcoming newsletters]]. The Wikimedia Education newsletter is a monthly newsletter that collects articles written by community members using Wikimedia projects in education around the world, and it is published by the EWOC Newsletter team in collaboration with the Education team. These stories can bring you new ideas to try, valuable insights about the success and challenges of our community members in running education programs in their context. 

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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
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; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
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== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

&lt;/div&gt;
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== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;

19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
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{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::The bracketed stuff are informative examples to illustrate; the criterion itself is {{tqi|'''Beyond scope''': The content … lies outside the scope of Wikisource|q=y}} (i.e. it fails to meet [[WS:WWI]]), and the limiting clause is {{tqi|… The content '''clearly''' lies outside the scope …|q=y}}. The point there is that if something is borderline or there's a significant possibility of mistake the admin shouldn't unilaterally decide (speedy) and it should go to WS:PD instead for community discussion. The latter is usually exemplified by someone pasting ''Harry Potter'' here—which is clearly a copyvio—versus someone proofreading a 1964 book that makes a superficially plausible claim of being {{tl|PD-US-no renewal}}. The latter could still be a copyvio, but a single admin shouldn't decide that based solely on misbelieving the contributor's assertion: it should go to WS:PD where the community can examine it and possibly dig up the evidence (either way) to determine its actual copyright status. ''Harry Potter'', obviously, should be speedied on sight (and preferably before Wizarding World Digital sends its DMCA-wielding Nazgûl after us).{{pbr}}That being said, I absolutely agree our policies are in dire need of tightening and should be written with much greater clarity. Navigating them now are an exercise in frustration for both general contributors and admins trying to apply them. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:43, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Prosfilaes|Xover}} I'm reasonably confident that at least the text content was written specifically for this book, not copied from another source. I have a copy of the 1973 edition, which explicitly states: &quot;Text by Alan Villiers / with a foreword by Melville Bell Grosvenor / and additional chapters by [several other authors]&quot;. The foreword to this edition seems to indicate that the book was written from scratch: &quot;In commissioning him [Villiers] as chief author of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'', the Society chose the greatest sea writer of our time.&quot;{{pbr}}There are, however, a proudly proclaimed &quot;423 illustrations, 294 in full color&quot; in my copy. Most of these are undoubtedly still under copyright (although a few are obviously in the public domain, and some were commissioned specifically for the book). That's slightly less than one illustration per page. I suppose I could redact all the offending images if I wanted to, but it's probably not fruitful enough to spend a great deal of time with. (If I were to do so&amp;mdash;assuming all the text content is PD&amp;mdash;would it then be suitable to host here?) In any case, thanks to both of you for the help and advice. &lt;code&gt;:)&lt;/code&gt; [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 17:12, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Yeah, but I'm not sure what would break if I took that out. I suppose I could make a separate version... [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 14:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I took a look, and it looks like {{tl|TOC link}} is broken by design: it has a hard assumption that there is never more than one level of subpage. Unfortunately, people have apparently depended on the broken behaviour for the last decade or so, so fixing it will require going through all extant uses and fixing the broken ones. I'm not sure that's a task that can be reasonably automated either (it'd need a lot of custom coding, not just application of existing tools), so there's no quick fixes here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:34, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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 | notes    = The '''[[wikt:scriptorium|Scriptorium]]''' is Wikisource's community discussion page. Feel free to ask questions or leave comments. You may join any current discussion or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl:Wikisource:Scriptorium|action=edit&amp;section=new start}} a new one]&lt;/span&gt;; please see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]].

The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

&lt;div style = &quot;line-height: 1.2&quot;&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
----
Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

Please note, this is the first issue of UCoC Newsletter which is delivered to all subscribers and projects as an announcement of the initiative. If you want the future issues delivered to your talk page, village pumps, or any specific pages you find appropriate, you need to [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/UCoC Newsletter Subscription|subscribe here]].

You can help us by translating the newsletter issues in your languages to spread the news and create awareness of the new conduct to keep our beloved community safe for all of us. Please [[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/Participate|add your name here]] if you want to be informed of the draft issue to translate beforehand. Your participation is valued and appreciated.
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div style=&quot;margin-top:3px; padding:10px 10px 10px 20px; background:#fffff; border:2px solid #808080; border-radius:4px; font-size:100%;&quot;&gt;
* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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&lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:SOyeyele (WMF) |SOyeyele (WMF) ]] ([[User talk:SOyeyele (WMF) |talk]]) {{#if:SOyeyele (WMF) | 22:37, 10 June 2021‎ }}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

Dear community members, 

Greetings from the EWOC Newsletter team and the education team at Wikimedia Foundation. We are very excited to share that we on tenth years of Education Newsletter ([[m:Education/News|This Month in Education]]) invite you to join us by [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education|subscribing to the newsletter on your talk page]] or by [[m:Education/News/Newsroom|sharing your activities in the upcoming newsletters]]. The Wikimedia Education newsletter is a monthly newsletter that collects articles written by community members using Wikimedia projects in education around the world, and it is published by the EWOC Newsletter team in collaboration with the Education team. These stories can bring you new ideas to try, valuable insights about the success and challenges of our community members in running education programs in their context. 

If your affiliate/language project is developing its own education initiatives, please remember to take advantage of this newsletter to publish your stories with the wider movement that shares your passion for education. You can submit newsletter articles in your own language or submit bilingual articles for the education newsletter. For the month of January the deadline to submit articles is on the 20th January. We look forward to reading your stories.

Older versions of this newsletter can be found in the [[outreach:Education/Newsletter/Archives|complete archive]].

More information about the newsletter can be found at [[m:Education/News/Publication Guidelines|Education/Newsletter/About]].

For more information, please contact spatnaik{{@}}wikimedia.org.
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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
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; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23453785 --&gt;

== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Tiven2240@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Distribution_list/Non-Technical_Village_Pumps_distribution_list&amp;oldid=23454230 --&gt;

== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;

19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
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{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23517957 --&gt;

== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::The bracketed stuff are informative examples to illustrate; the criterion itself is {{tqi|'''Beyond scope''': The content … lies outside the scope of Wikisource|q=y}} (i.e. it fails to meet [[WS:WWI]]), and the limiting clause is {{tqi|… The content '''clearly''' lies outside the scope …|q=y}}. The point there is that if something is borderline or there's a significant possibility of mistake the admin shouldn't unilaterally decide (speedy) and it should go to WS:PD instead for community discussion. The latter is usually exemplified by someone pasting ''Harry Potter'' here—which is clearly a copyvio—versus someone proofreading a 1964 book that makes a superficially plausible claim of being {{tl|PD-US-no renewal}}. The latter could still be a copyvio, but a single admin shouldn't decide that based solely on misbelieving the contributor's assertion: it should go to WS:PD where the community can examine it and possibly dig up the evidence (either way) to determine its actual copyright status. ''Harry Potter'', obviously, should be speedied on sight (and preferably before Wizarding World Digital sends its DMCA-wielding Nazgûl after us).{{pbr}}That being said, I absolutely agree our policies are in dire need of tightening and should be written with much greater clarity. Navigating them now are an exercise in frustration for both general contributors and admins trying to apply them. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:43, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Prosfilaes|Xover}} I'm reasonably confident that at least the text content was written specifically for this book, not copied from another source. I have a copy of the 1973 edition, which explicitly states: &quot;Text by Alan Villiers / with a foreword by Melville Bell Grosvenor / and additional chapters by [several other authors]&quot;. The foreword to this edition seems to indicate that the book was written from scratch: &quot;In commissioning him [Villiers] as chief author of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'', the Society chose the greatest sea writer of our time.&quot;{{pbr}}There are, however, a proudly proclaimed &quot;423 illustrations, 294 in full color&quot; in my copy. Most of these are undoubtedly still under copyright (although a few are obviously in the public domain, and some were commissioned specifically for the book). That's slightly less than one illustration per page. I suppose I could redact all the offending images if I wanted to, but it's probably not fruitful enough to spend a great deal of time with. (If I were to do so&amp;mdash;assuming all the text content is PD&amp;mdash;would it then be suitable to host here?) In any case, thanks to both of you for the help and advice. &lt;code&gt;:)&lt;/code&gt; [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 17:12, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Yeah, but I'm not sure what would break if I took that out. I suppose I could make a separate version... [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 14:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I took a look, and it looks like {{tl|TOC link}} is broken by design: it has a hard assumption that there is never more than one level of subpage. Unfortunately, people have apparently depended on the broken behaviour for the last decade or so, so fixing it will require going through all extant uses and fixing the broken ones. I'm not sure that's a task that can be reasonably automated either (it'd need a lot of custom coding, not just application of existing tools), so there's no quick fixes here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:34, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Cool, that makes creating a {{tl|TOC link multilevel}} much more appealing. I'll see what I can do. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 21:06, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>msosxyxbizsttqd1h12g32uq3kzazca</sha1>
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 | notes    = The '''[[wikt:scriptorium|Scriptorium]]''' is Wikisource's community discussion page. Feel free to ask questions or leave comments. You may join any current discussion or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl:Wikisource:Scriptorium|action=edit&amp;section=new start}} a new one]&lt;/span&gt;; please see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]].

The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

&lt;div style = &quot;line-height: 1.2&quot;&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
----
Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

Please note, this is the first issue of UCoC Newsletter which is delivered to all subscribers and projects as an announcement of the initiative. If you want the future issues delivered to your talk page, village pumps, or any specific pages you find appropriate, you need to [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/UCoC Newsletter Subscription|subscribe here]].

You can help us by translating the newsletter issues in your languages to spread the news and create awareness of the new conduct to keep our beloved community safe for all of us. Please [[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/Participate|add your name here]] if you want to be informed of the draft issue to translate beforehand. Your participation is valued and appreciated.
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* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

Dear community members, 

Greetings from the EWOC Newsletter team and the education team at Wikimedia Foundation. We are very excited to share that we on tenth years of Education Newsletter ([[m:Education/News|This Month in Education]]) invite you to join us by [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education|subscribing to the newsletter on your talk page]] or by [[m:Education/News/Newsroom|sharing your activities in the upcoming newsletters]]. The Wikimedia Education newsletter is a monthly newsletter that collects articles written by community members using Wikimedia projects in education around the world, and it is published by the EWOC Newsletter team in collaboration with the Education team. These stories can bring you new ideas to try, valuable insights about the success and challenges of our community members in running education programs in their context. 

If your affiliate/language project is developing its own education initiatives, please remember to take advantage of this newsletter to publish your stories with the wider movement that shares your passion for education. You can submit newsletter articles in your own language or submit bilingual articles for the education newsletter. For the month of January the deadline to submit articles is on the 20th January. We look forward to reading your stories.

Older versions of this newsletter can be found in the [[outreach:Education/Newsletter/Archives|complete archive]].

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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
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; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
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== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Tiven2240@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Distribution_list/Non-Technical_Village_Pumps_distribution_list&amp;oldid=23454230 --&gt;

== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;

19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23466250 --&gt;
{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::The bracketed stuff are informative examples to illustrate; the criterion itself is {{tqi|'''Beyond scope''': The content … lies outside the scope of Wikisource|q=y}} (i.e. it fails to meet [[WS:WWI]]), and the limiting clause is {{tqi|… The content '''clearly''' lies outside the scope …|q=y}}. The point there is that if something is borderline or there's a significant possibility of mistake the admin shouldn't unilaterally decide (speedy) and it should go to WS:PD instead for community discussion. The latter is usually exemplified by someone pasting ''Harry Potter'' here—which is clearly a copyvio—versus someone proofreading a 1964 book that makes a superficially plausible claim of being {{tl|PD-US-no renewal}}. The latter could still be a copyvio, but a single admin shouldn't decide that based solely on misbelieving the contributor's assertion: it should go to WS:PD where the community can examine it and possibly dig up the evidence (either way) to determine its actual copyright status. ''Harry Potter'', obviously, should be speedied on sight (and preferably before Wizarding World Digital sends its DMCA-wielding Nazgûl after us).{{pbr}}That being said, I absolutely agree our policies are in dire need of tightening and should be written with much greater clarity. Navigating them now are an exercise in frustration for both general contributors and admins trying to apply them. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:43, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Prosfilaes|Xover}} I'm reasonably confident that at least the text content was written specifically for this book, not copied from another source. I have a copy of the 1973 edition, which explicitly states: &quot;Text by Alan Villiers / with a foreword by Melville Bell Grosvenor / and additional chapters by [several other authors]&quot;. The foreword to this edition seems to indicate that the book was written from scratch: &quot;In commissioning him [Villiers] as chief author of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'', the Society chose the greatest sea writer of our time.&quot;{{pbr}}There are, however, a proudly proclaimed &quot;423 illustrations, 294 in full color&quot; in my copy. Most of these are undoubtedly still under copyright (although a few are obviously in the public domain, and some were commissioned specifically for the book). That's slightly less than one illustration per page. I suppose I could redact all the offending images if I wanted to, but it's probably not fruitful enough to spend a great deal of time with. (If I were to do so&amp;mdash;assuming all the text content is PD&amp;mdash;would it then be suitable to host here?) In any case, thanks to both of you for the help and advice. &lt;code&gt;:)&lt;/code&gt; [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 17:12, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Yeah, but I'm not sure what would break if I took that out. I suppose I could make a separate version... [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 14:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I took a look, and it looks like {{tl|TOC link}} is broken by design: it has a hard assumption that there is never more than one level of subpage. Unfortunately, people have apparently depended on the broken behaviour for the last decade or so, so fixing it will require going through all extant uses and fixing the broken ones. I'm not sure that's a task that can be reasonably automated either (it'd need a lot of custom coding, not just application of existing tools), so there's no quick fixes here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:34, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Cool, that makes creating a {{tl|TOC link multilevel}} much more appealing. I'll see what I can do. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 21:06, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Actually, it looks like {{tl|TOC link}} is fine; it's {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} that needs fixing for multi-level subpages. Specifically, {{tlp|TOC link|1|Volume 3/Something|link label}} works fine; the trick is that {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} breaks up the page link as &quot;The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36&quot; and &quot;The Lisbon Earthquake&quot; (and makes the text link label just the second part), while {{tl|TOC link}} needs the &quot;Volume 36&quot; part explicitly included. I should be able to make a variant of {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} that handles this correctly, just by splitting the &quot;The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36&quot; param. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 22:59, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>1yl104e4rz0cdueqqt26mw2g5j1ok7i</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507522</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:18:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>JesseW</username>
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      <comment>/* ToC links */ yay, got it!</comment>
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 | notes    = The '''[[wikt:scriptorium|Scriptorium]]''' is Wikisource's community discussion page. Feel free to ask questions or leave comments. You may join any current discussion or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl:Wikisource:Scriptorium|action=edit&amp;section=new start}} a new one]&lt;/span&gt;; please see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]].

The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

&lt;div style = &quot;line-height: 1.2&quot;&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
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Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

Please note, this is the first issue of UCoC Newsletter which is delivered to all subscribers and projects as an announcement of the initiative. If you want the future issues delivered to your talk page, village pumps, or any specific pages you find appropriate, you need to [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/UCoC Newsletter Subscription|subscribe here]].

You can help us by translating the newsletter issues in your languages to spread the news and create awareness of the new conduct to keep our beloved community safe for all of us. Please [[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/Participate|add your name here]] if you want to be informed of the draft issue to translate beforehand. Your participation is valued and appreciated.
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* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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&lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:SOyeyele (WMF) |SOyeyele (WMF) ]] ([[User talk:SOyeyele (WMF) |talk]]) {{#if:SOyeyele (WMF) | 22:37, 10 June 2021‎ }}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

Dear community members, 

Greetings from the EWOC Newsletter team and the education team at Wikimedia Foundation. We are very excited to share that we on tenth years of Education Newsletter ([[m:Education/News|This Month in Education]]) invite you to join us by [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education|subscribing to the newsletter on your talk page]] or by [[m:Education/News/Newsroom|sharing your activities in the upcoming newsletters]]. The Wikimedia Education newsletter is a monthly newsletter that collects articles written by community members using Wikimedia projects in education around the world, and it is published by the EWOC Newsletter team in collaboration with the Education team. These stories can bring you new ideas to try, valuable insights about the success and challenges of our community members in running education programs in their context. 

If your affiliate/language project is developing its own education initiatives, please remember to take advantage of this newsletter to publish your stories with the wider movement that shares your passion for education. You can submit newsletter articles in your own language or submit bilingual articles for the education newsletter. For the month of January the deadline to submit articles is on the 20th January. We look forward to reading your stories.

Older versions of this newsletter can be found in the [[outreach:Education/Newsletter/Archives|complete archive]].

More information about the newsletter can be found at [[m:Education/News/Publication Guidelines|Education/Newsletter/About]].

For more information, please contact spatnaik{{@}}wikimedia.org.
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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
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; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
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== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

&lt;/div&gt;
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== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;

19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
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{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::The bracketed stuff are informative examples to illustrate; the criterion itself is {{tqi|'''Beyond scope''': The content … lies outside the scope of Wikisource|q=y}} (i.e. it fails to meet [[WS:WWI]]), and the limiting clause is {{tqi|… The content '''clearly''' lies outside the scope …|q=y}}. The point there is that if something is borderline or there's a significant possibility of mistake the admin shouldn't unilaterally decide (speedy) and it should go to WS:PD instead for community discussion. The latter is usually exemplified by someone pasting ''Harry Potter'' here—which is clearly a copyvio—versus someone proofreading a 1964 book that makes a superficially plausible claim of being {{tl|PD-US-no renewal}}. The latter could still be a copyvio, but a single admin shouldn't decide that based solely on misbelieving the contributor's assertion: it should go to WS:PD where the community can examine it and possibly dig up the evidence (either way) to determine its actual copyright status. ''Harry Potter'', obviously, should be speedied on sight (and preferably before Wizarding World Digital sends its DMCA-wielding Nazgûl after us).{{pbr}}That being said, I absolutely agree our policies are in dire need of tightening and should be written with much greater clarity. Navigating them now are an exercise in frustration for both general contributors and admins trying to apply them. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:43, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Prosfilaes|Xover}} I'm reasonably confident that at least the text content was written specifically for this book, not copied from another source. I have a copy of the 1973 edition, which explicitly states: &quot;Text by Alan Villiers / with a foreword by Melville Bell Grosvenor / and additional chapters by [several other authors]&quot;. The foreword to this edition seems to indicate that the book was written from scratch: &quot;In commissioning him [Villiers] as chief author of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'', the Society chose the greatest sea writer of our time.&quot;{{pbr}}There are, however, a proudly proclaimed &quot;423 illustrations, 294 in full color&quot; in my copy. Most of these are undoubtedly still under copyright (although a few are obviously in the public domain, and some were commissioned specifically for the book). That's slightly less than one illustration per page. I suppose I could redact all the offending images if I wanted to, but it's probably not fruitful enough to spend a great deal of time with. (If I were to do so&amp;mdash;assuming all the text content is PD&amp;mdash;would it then be suitable to host here?) In any case, thanks to both of you for the help and advice. &lt;code&gt;:)&lt;/code&gt; [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 17:12, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Yeah, but I'm not sure what would break if I took that out. I suppose I could make a separate version... [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 14:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I took a look, and it looks like {{tl|TOC link}} is broken by design: it has a hard assumption that there is never more than one level of subpage. Unfortunately, people have apparently depended on the broken behaviour for the last decade or so, so fixing it will require going through all extant uses and fixing the broken ones. I'm not sure that's a task that can be reasonably automated either (it'd need a lot of custom coding, not just application of existing tools), so there's no quick fixes here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:34, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Cool, that makes creating a {{tl|TOC link multilevel}} much more appealing. I'll see what I can do. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 21:06, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Actually, it looks like {{tl|TOC link}} is fine; it's {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} that needs fixing for multi-level subpages. Specifically, {{tlp|TOC link|1|Volume 3/Something|link label}} works fine; the trick is that {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} breaks up the page link as &quot;The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36&quot; and &quot;The Lisbon Earthquake&quot; (and makes the text link label just the second part), while {{tl|TOC link}} needs the &quot;Volume 36&quot; part explicitly included. I should be able to make a variant of {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} that handles this correctly, just by splitting the &quot;The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36&quot; param. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 22:59, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Sweet, I figured out a way to add an optional parameter (subpages=) that solves the problem! Yay, going off to fix ToC's now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 23:18, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>b01rrd56g49x60uwifso0e4sbrxk3sj</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508099</id>
      <parentid>12507522</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:19:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* ToC links */ Reply</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="151819" xml:space="preserve">{{process header
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 | notes    = The '''[[wikt:scriptorium|Scriptorium]]''' is Wikisource's community discussion page. Feel free to ask questions or leave comments. You may join any current discussion or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl:Wikisource:Scriptorium|action=edit&amp;section=new start}} a new one]&lt;/span&gt;; please see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]].

The [[Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard|Administrators' noticeboard]] can be used where appropriate. Some announcements and newsletters are subscribed to [[/Announcements/]].

Project members can often be found in the [[liberachat:wikisource|#wikisource]] IRC channel [https://kiwiirc.com/nextclient/irc.libera.chat?channel=#wikisource webclient]. For discussion related to the entire project (not just the English chapter), please discuss at the [[:mul:Scriptorium|multilingual Wikisource]]. There are currently {{NUMBEROFACTIVEUSERS}} [[Special:ActiveUsers|active users]] here.
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[[Category:Bots/Archival|Scriptorium ]]
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= Announcements =

==June Monthly Challenge==
During the [[Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/June_2022|June Monthly Challenge]], 5155 pages were processed, about 1000 less than in May. Nevertheless, this is more than 250% of the target of 2000 pages per month and thus it is a very good result. Interestingly, also last year's June challenge processed about 1000 pages less than in May 2021, so this may be a first indication of seasonal patterns in activity levels in the challenge.

Fewer indexes were fully proofread or validated than in previous months. But, true to the spirit of the challenge, the completed works covered a wide range of subject matters and original creation dates: From a translation of Homer's Iliad to a document pertaining to U.S. law of the 20th century; from Sherlock Holmes stories to a work discussing etiquette.

To highlight one work, [[Index:The Works of H G Wells Volume 5.pdf|Volume 5 of the complete works of H. G. Wells]] was proofread in June, an important step forward in the ambitious project of transcribing all 28 volumes of the series, of which some only entered the public domain this year. The completion of volume 5 was a true community effort. Thanks to everyone involved!

In [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|July]], contributors will find the opportunity to take up again the work on some important works that were already present in the challenge once, but didn't reach completion. Among others, these are:

*[[Index:Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf|An edition of ''Paradise Lost'']]
*[[Index:Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu|''Uncle Tom's Cabin'']]
*[[Index:The common reader.djvu|''The Common Reader'']]

There are lots of fascinating books to discover. [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022|Come and join the challenge!]]--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

==''Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886'' done==
Joseph Foster's ''[[Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1715-1886]]'' now has all its entries posted here. It is a standard reference work, and the first part (1500-1714) is already [https://www.british-history.ac.uk/alumni-oxon/1500-1714 digitised online]; and would be a possible bot project here.

The four index pages were set up in July 2010, and many editors have since worked on this project. I'd like to mention {{user|Billinghurst}} and {{user|Miraclepine}}. The scans present particular difficulties, with varying systematic errors that substitute one digit for another (especially in the third volume).

Integration work is under way: on Author pages here, on enWP for referencing, and in the creation of Wikidata items. I'd particularly like to mention the Topicmatcher tool, [https://topicmatcher.toolforge.org/#/wikisource?page_prefix=Alumni%20Oxonienses%3A%20the%20Members%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Oxford,%201715-1886 Wikisource version], by Magnus Manske. That link is set up for Foster, but can be used for any work here organised in subpage style. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 16:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

::{{re|Charles Matthews}} Thanks for the ping. I'll go do some work on the Wikidata items as soon as I can. I do want to note, though, that the Topicmatcher hasn't assigned preliminary matches to the recently created items. [[User:Miraclepine|ミラP]]@[[User talk:Miraclepine|Miraclepine]] 17:38, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

:::I can ask Magnus what happens about refreshing that list. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 17:48, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Miraclepine}} Done - 8K more automatches. [[User:Charles Matthews|Charles Matthews]] ([[User talk:Charles Matthews|talk]]) 11:07, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

= Proposals =

==New Request for Comment on Wikilinking Policy is open==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 07:41, 14 April 2031 (UTC) --&gt;
I have just opened [[Wikisource:Requests for comment/Wikilinking policy]]. You will find there a proposed complete overhaul/rewrite of the current policy, which is now ready for review by the wider Wikisource community. It is proposed that the RfC will be open for two weeks. Please make your comments there rather than here. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:33, 14 March 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Beeswaxcandle}} I think 2 weeks / 72 hours is a little bit too aggressive, even for a presumed uncontroversial policy proposal like this. I understand the reasoning, but I just don't think the community is able to move that fast. For example, we have several long-time contributors that are currently in a phase where they check in only every couple of weeks. And I know for my own part that the local Covid status could easily make me too busy to check in here for weeks on end. We could still have an accelerated timeline (just not quite as accelerated as 2/72) if we notify of the proposal in an site notice and maybe even a talk page message to any established contributor that has been active in the last three months (or similar).{{pbr}}PS. And let me repeat my previous private kudos in public: you took my ongoing whining about the old policy and turned it into a concrete proposal for a new policy. Great work, for which I am extremely grateful!  --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:25, 14 March 2021 (UTC)

== Proposal for a new layout ==
Can we have a new layout where the text can encompass the full width of the page (without useless whitespace at the sides) and is also ''justified'' like a regular book? I’d like to have this for works that don’t have sidenotes especially; Layout 1 is ugly, and the other ones are rather sub-optimal for the purpose given the wasted space and unnecessary scrolling required. Basically Layout 1 but with justified text. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 06:48, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

= Bot approval requests =
* See [[Wikisource:Bots]]  for information about applying for a bot status
* See [[Wikisource:Bot requests]] if you require an existing bot to undertake a task
=Repairs (and moves)=

'''Designated for requests related to the repair of works (and scans of works) presented on Wikisource'''

See also [[Wikisource:Scan lab]]

===[[Index:Memorials of Capt. Hedley Vicars, Ninety-seventh Regiment by Marsh, Catherine, 1818-1912.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=[[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:36, 13 May 2022 (UTC)|2=Confirmed from two other editions that no text is missing}}
{{strike|Apologies - I have not requested one of these before, so I will be a little bit more verbose than more experienced colleagues in an effort to get it right first time! I have two pages missing between /127 and /128, so I hope that my request is correctly formed as follows:}}

{{strike|Starting at [[Page:Memorials_of_Capt._Hedley_Vicars,_Ninety-seventh_Regiment_by_Marsh,_Catherine,_1818-1912.djvu/128]] until the end, please move the text by +2. Thank you. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:14, 3 May 2022 (UTC)}}

Bizarrely, on consulting another version of the text, it appears that the typesetters may only have skipped two on the page numbers, while the text itself may in fact be complete! Please hold off until I can triangulate from further editions. Thanks. [[User:CharlesSpencer|CharlesSpencer]] ([[User talk:CharlesSpencer|talk]]) 13:27, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:The future of Africa.djvu/9]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 06:07, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:22, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
[[Starting at [[Page:Incidents in the life of a slave girl.djvu/5]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]] 01:05, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 11:10, 5 February 2022 (UTC)

::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank you!

===[[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|1=--[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Starting at [[Page:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu/3]] until the end, please move the text by +4. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:06, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] Thank You!

===[[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf|Clotel]]===

Please move the pages from [[Index:Clotel, or, The President's daughter - a narrative of slave life in the United States (IA 70979078-9a98-41a4-8db9-1076b6b1186a).pdf]] to [[Index:Clotel (1853).djvu]]. The PDF is basically unreadable. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:36, 22 May 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Thanks for finding more legible scans of this book! I went ahead and transferred the pages manually since there weren't very many of them. Would it be good to do a history fusion? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:42, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] Thank you for transferring the pages and working on this text. I was very happy to find a better version of this book. I don't think that's its necessary to transfer the page history, but I'll mark the pdf for deletion now that the content has been preserved. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]])
:::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: Neat, thanks. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:42, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Cambridge by lamplight - 9 woodcuts.djvu]]===
{{section resolved|[[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 02:32, 31 May 2022 (UTC)}}
Please move the backing file and associated images from commons to wikisource as it is by a UK author who died in 1975. 19:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

: Done.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 19:22, 30 May 2022 (UTC)}}

===[[Index:Karl Kautsky - Georgia - tr. Henry James Stenning (1921).pdf]]===

Sorry about this but the backing pdf needs to move from commons to wikisource because Stenning died in 1971 so it still has UK copyright. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu]]===
Two pages are missing: Pages 101 and 102. Currently, page 100 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/114]] and page 103 corresponds to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 09:42, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

:Pages 101 and 102 can be found here: https://archive.org/details/countryofpointed00jewerich/page/100/ [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:01, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks for this information. I'm still grateful for further assistance, because I've never added pages to djvu files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:40, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:41, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thanks for the quick help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} On closer inspection, now pages 103 and 104 of the book are twice contained in the djvu file. The four pages
:::::[[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/115]] to [[Page:The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu/118]] now contain 103,104,103,104 instead of 101,102,103,104. Sorry that I didn't notice this earlier.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 15:53, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] I think you are seeing cached pages, try to purge the pages. See e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Country_of_Pointed_Firs_-_Jewett_-_1896.djvu&amp;page=115 page 115] in the djvu file. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:35, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{reply to|Mpaa}} Now it's clear. Thank you very much again.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[:Index:IA Query &quot;sponsor-(Sloan) date-(1000 TO 1925) publisher-((New York) OR Chicago OR Jersey OR Illan)&quot; (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]]  ===

Please move this to a new title of [[Index: Conductor Generalis (1788) (IA conductorgeneral00park).pdf]] which is a more sensible name. This would also involve a rename at Commons. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:08, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: I have moved the file on Commons. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Her Benny]]===
FYI the index file is at [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking.djvu]] with proof read pages while the commons backing file is at &quot;Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu&quot; which is breaking the internal links as things pint towards the nonexistent [[Index:Her Benny - Silas K Hocking (Warne, 1890).djvu]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 07:21, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

:: done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 18:30, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu]]===
Four pages of this scan have sticky notes stuck on them and can’t be proofread as the text is illegible; all four are marked ''Problematic''. Can they be replaced by pages from another file? There is [[Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu|another scan]] of this very edition here but it entirely black-and-white; I don’t think that should matter since it is text only but if it does, I’ll try to find another scan on IA.

The pages are listed here:
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/200]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/202]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/215]]
* [[Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/265]]
[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 11:10, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
: Alternative scan, here [https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570180/page/n199/mode/2up]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:27, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:: The version linked by Ciridae is a 1905 edition. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:57, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:14, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::: {{ping|Mpaa|Languageseeker}} Thanks! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 03:54, 21 July 2022 (UTC)}}

= Other discussions =
== Policy on substantially empty works ==
&lt;!-- [[User:DoNotArchiveUntil]] 19:00, 30 August 2030 (UTC) --&gt;
[This is imported from [[WS:PD]], where it applies to multiple current proposals, and several other works].

We have quite a few cases of works that are &quot;collective&quot; or &quot;encyclopaedic&quot; in that they comprise many standalone articles of individual value, which are basically just &quot;shell pages&quot;, with no substantial content of any sort, not even imported scans or Index pages. For example, and this isn't intended to make any statement about these ''specific'' works, they're just examples and they may well get some work done soon during their respective [[WS:PD]] discussions:

* [[Auction Prices of Books]], a four volume set of auction listings, by author. No scans, no content and a couple of notes in the header.
* [[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]], a single volume from a periodical, with a AuxTOC of numbers, and a title page, but otherwise empty. Has scans and Index.
* [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]], a three-volume dictionary by author. Currently has no scans, no title page, and a single non-scan backed article.
* [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]], a top-level periodical page with a single volume number and no other content. No scans linked, though [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] did once exist, it was deleted and [[Index:Bradshaw's_Monthly_(XVI).djvu]] exists and is partly proofread.

Based on the usual rate of editing for things like that, unless dragged up into a process like WS:PD, they'll remain that way a very, very long time. I think it is perhaps there might be a case to host a mainspace page for this work, even though there is zero, or almost zero actual content. Do we want:

* Mainspace pages where this is a tiny bit of information like header notes, scan links and maybe detective work on the talk page (not in this case). This provides a place for people to incrementally add content. Also gives &quot;false positive&quot; blue links, since there is actually no &quot;real&quot; content from the work itself, or
* Do not have a mainspace page until there's some content. Only host this in terms of scan links author/portal scan links, much like we do for something like a novel.

Personally, I lean (gently) towards #2, but with a fairly low bar for how much content is needed. Say, Indexes, basic templates, a title page and one example article. Ideally, a completed TOC if practical, especially for periodical volumes/numbers.  It is fair to not wish to transcribe entire volumes of these work, it is fair to not want to import dozens of scans when you only wanted one, it is fair to only want an article or two, but it's not fair, IMO, to expect the first person who wants to add an article to have to do ''all'' the groundwork themselves, despite having been lured in with a blue link. That onus feels more like it should be on the person creating the top-level page in the first place.

I do see some value in periodical top pages with decent lists of volumes and scans where known, because these are often tricky and fiddly to compile from Google books/IA/Hathi, so it's not useless work, even if there are no imported scans (though imported is better than not).

We currently have a large handful of collective works listed for deletion right now in various levels of &quot;no real content&quot;, and, furthermore, every single periodical that gets added can fall into this situation unless the person who adds, so I think we could have a think about what we really want to see here. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   15:43, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I believe that, if there is no scan as an Index: page, the main-namespace page should not exist unless it is being actively completed or is already mostly completed. A few pages (of the volume itself) is not very helpful, and is entirely useless if their is no scan given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:59, 3 July 2020 (UTC).

* I think such preparatory information would ideally be on more centralized WikiProject pages (for the broad subject), both for clarity and to assist in keeping different efforts consistent -- but that it certainly should be retained as visible to non-admins. I think that the red vs blue link issue is minor (but not totally negligible) and outweighed by the disadvantages of hiding the history of previous efforts. I strongly encourage redirecting such pages to appropriate WikiProject pages (after copying over the details there). [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 18:11, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
:* {{re|JesseW}} I agree that history shouldn't be deleted, but I think we should approach this in terms of what we want to see from these works, rather than what to do with the handful of examples at PD. There are hundreds of periodicals we could have but don't, and this applies to those as well. If we can come to a conclusion about what is and isn't wanted, we can make all the deletion requested works conform to that easily enough. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)
*I think these pages are necessary to list index pages and external scans of multi-volume works (such as encyclopaedias and periodicals) especially if they are wholly or partly anonymous or have many authors or are simply large. I think it makes no difference whether such pages are in the mainspace, the portal space or the project space (except that it is harder to find pages outside the mainspace). The point is that these works often have so many volumes (often dozens or hundreds) that they must have their own page, and cannot be merged into a larger portal or wikiproject. If the community starts insisting on index pages, what will happen is the rapid upload of a large number of scans for the periodicals that already have their own page. Likewise if the community insists on transclusion. I also think it is reasonable to have a contents page in the mainspace, as it allows transclusion of articles. Most importantly, new restrictions should not immediately apply to existing pages that were created before the introduction of the restrictions. This is necessary to prevent a bottleneck. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 23:55, 3 July 2020 (UTC)

::move the works to a maintenance category, and i will work them; delete them and i will not: i find your sword of Damocles demotivating. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 01:55, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Slowking4]]: I am not proposing a sword of Damocles. I agree that the imposition of deadlines is counter-productive. I do not support the deletion of any of these pages. I would prefer to see them improved. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 04:38, 5 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::TEA  is on his usual deletion spree. not a fan. will not be finding scans to save texts, any more. he can do it. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 00:15, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::: The entire point of moving this here, and not staying at [[WS:PD]] is to decouple from the emotions that get stirred up in a deletion discussion. Let's keep deletion out of this. If we come up with some idea of what we do and don't want, ''then'' we can go back to WS:PD and decide what to do. I ''imagine'' that all that will be needed will be a fairly limited amount of housework to bring those works up to some standard that we can decide on here, and all the collective works there will be easy keeps. Hopefully with some kind of consensus that we can point at to outline a minimum viable product for such works going forward. There are hundreds and thousands of dictionaries, encyclopedias, periodicals and newspapers that we could/will, quite reasonably, have only snippets of. How do we want to present them? What, exactly, is the minimum threshold? Let's head of all those future deletion proposals off at the pass, because deletion proposals often cause friction. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   00:47, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::and yet deletion is the default method to &quot;motivate&quot; quality improvement. i reject your assertion that &quot;emotions get stirred in a deletion discussion&quot;, rather, anger is a valid response to a repeated broken process being kicked down on the volunteers. it is unclear that a minimum threshold is necessary, rather a functional quality improvement process is. until we have one, you should expect to see this periodic stirring of emotions, as the non-leaders act out. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:53, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::: {{Re|Slowking4}} Thank you for presenting this opinion, and I'm sorry if I have not made myself clear. We do need to figure out how to avoid a de-facto process of using WS:PD as an ill-tempered ad-hoc venue for &quot;forcing&quot; improvements on people who have somehow managed to generate works that are so in need of improvement that another user has nominated them for deletion.  Please also consider looking at [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] for an idea to have a &quot;functional quality improvement process&quot; to which such works could be referred upon discovery rather than kicking them straight to WS:PD. If you have other ideas or you have previously suggested something similar to address these frustrations, you could detail them there. Personally, I think we should always prefer improvement over deletion. Exactly ''what'' the remediation is (refer to a putative WP:Scans, WS:Scriptorium/Help, directly WS:PD as now, or something else) is ''not'' what this thread is for. This thread is for discussing, what, if anything, should be the tipping point for deeming a page &quot;lacking&quot; and doing something about, whatever &quot;something&quot; is. I don't think I can be much clearer that this is not about deletion. If we ''also'' have a better venue for improvements, then that's even better.{{parabr}}For example, my personal feeling and !vote on [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is &quot;keep and improve&quot;, despite it lacking scans or even links to scans, having only one article and no other content, not even a title page: in short, failing almost every criterion suggested so far in this thread. The only thing it does have is have is good text quality of the one entry. I personally do not think this work should be deleted, but I ''do'' think it should be improved in specific ways. The first half of that sentence is not the focus of this discussion, the second half is. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:18, 9 July 2020 (UTC)
:::::::::deletion threat has been an habitual method of communicating by admins since the beginning of the project. and text dumps have been habitual following in the guttenberg example. culture change and process change would be required to change those behaviors. we could may it easier to start scan backed works, but the wishlist was not supported. &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ⚔ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Rama's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:00, 14 July 2020 (UTC)

I don't think this needs to be much of an issue going forward -- we all agree that it's OK to create Index pages for scans, even if none of the Pages have been transcribed yet; so the only case where this would come up is recording research where '''no''' scan has yet been identified as suitable to be uploaded. And for that, I still think a WikiProject page is the right location, not mainspace. (Or, if you must, your userpage.) [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 00:59, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
I realized I may not have been clear enough here -- in my view, the ideal process goes like this:
# Decide on a work you are interested in (in this case, a periodical/encyclopedic one) -- don't record that anywhere on-wiki (except maybe your user page)
# Find and upload (to Commons) a scan of one part/issue/etc of the work.
# Create a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace for the scan. (You can stop after this point, without worry that your work will later be discarded.)
# EITHER
## Put further research (on other editions, context, possible wikification, etc.) on that Index_talk page.
## Proofread a complete part of the scan (an article from the magazine issue, a chapter from the book, a entry from an encyclopedia, etc.) and transclude it to the mainspace (and create necessary parent pages), and put the further research on the Talk: page of the parent mainspace entry.

If you can't find any scan, and don't want to leave your working notes on your user page, put them on a relevant WikiProject's page.

If you come across such research done by others and misplaced, follow the above process to relocate it to an appropriate place, then redirect the page where you found it to the new location. That's my proposal. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 01:08, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:{{re|JesseW}} It's not clear to me in your above whether when you use the term &quot;index&quot; you refer to a ProofreadPage-managed page in the Index: namespace, or a general wikipage in the main namespace on which an index-like structure (and/or a ToC, or similar) is manually created. Could you clarify? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 05:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
:: I meant the namespace. Clarified now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 05:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*Hoo-boy. Y'all sure know how to pick the difficult issues…{{parabr}}My general stance is that: 1) scans and Index: (and Page:) namespace pages have no particular completion criteria to meet to merit inclusion, and can stay in whatever state indefinitely (there may be other reasons to get rid of them, but not this); and 2) the default for mainspace is that only ''scan-backed'' ''complete'' and ''finished'' works that meet a minimum standard for ''quality'' should exist there.{{parabr}}That general stance must be nuanced in two main ways: 1) there must be ''some'' kind of grandfather clause for pre-existing pages; and 2) there must exist exceptions for certain kinds of works that meet certain criteria. I won't touch on the grandfather clause here much, except to say I'm generally in favour of making it minimal, maybe something like &quot;No active effort to get rid of older works, but if they're brought to PD for other reasons they're fair game&quot;. The design of a grandfather clause for this is a whole separate discussion, and an intelligent one requires analysis of existing pages that would be affected by it. It is always preferable to migrate pages to a modern standard, so a grandfather clause is by definition a second choice option.{{parabr}}Now, to the meat of the matter: the exceptions…{{parabr}}We have a clear policy to start from: no excerpts. Works should either be complete as published, or they should not be in mainspace. But quite apart from the historical practices that modify this (which are somewhat subjective and inconsistent, so I'll ignore them for now), there are some fairly obvious cases that suggest a need for more nuance than a simple bright-line rule alone provides. The major ones that come to mind are: 1) massive never-completed projects like EB1911 or the New York Times (EB because it's ''big''; NYT because new PD issues are added every year); 2) compilations or collections of stand-alone works with plausible claim to independent notability.{{parabr}}For encyclopedias and encyclopedia-like things, we have to accept some subsets due to sheer scale of work. But when that is the grounds for exception, there needs to be some minimum level of completion. I'm not sure I can come up with a specific number of pages/entries or percentage, but it needs to be more than just a single entry (and, obviously, only complete entries). For this kind of exception to apply, I think it needs to be a requirement that the framing structure for it is complete: that is, the mainspace page should give a complete overview of the relevant work even if most of it is redlinks. That includes title pages and other prolegomena when relevant. For a periodical like the NYT, that means complete lists of issues with dates and other such relevant information (e,g. name changes etc.). For ''preference'', these kinds of things should be in Portal: namespace or on a WikiProject page until actually complete, but that will not always be practical (EB1911 and NYT are examples of this). Mainspace or Portal:-space should ''never'' contain external links (i.e. to scans) or links to Index: or Page: space (except the implied link of  transclusion and the &quot;Source&quot; tab in the MW UI provided by ProofreadPage).{{parabr}}For exception claimed under independent notability there are a couple of distinct variants.{{parabr}}Newspaper or magazine articles need to have a certain level of substance in addition to a specific identifiable byline (possibly anonymous or pseudonymous, and possibly identified after the fact by some other source, such as the [[w:Letters of Junius|Letters of Junius]]) in order to qualify. It is not enough to ipso facto ''be'' a newspaper article, a magazine article, a poem, or an encyclopedia entry. On the one hand we have things like dictionaries and thesauri, where an entry could be as little as two words. Or a one-sentence notice without byline in a newspaper. Or two rhymed lines (technically a poem) within a 1000-page scholarly monograph.{{parabr}}To merit this exception it should be reasonable to argue that the &quot;work&quot; in question should exist as a stand-alone mainspace page (not that we generally want that; but as a test for this exception, it should be reasonable to make such an argument). This would clearly apply to moderately long entries in the EB1911 written by a known author that has their own Wikipedia article. It would apply to short stories or novella-length serialisations in literary magazines by authors that have later become famous (or &quot;are still …&quot;). It would apply to various longer-form journalistic material from identifiable journalists (again, rule of thumb is notable enough for enWP article), including things in magazines that have similar properties. For most periodicals the most relevant atomic (indivisable) part is the ''issue'' not the ''entry'' or ''article'', but with some commonsense exceptions.{{parabr}}It would, generally, not apply to things that are works by a single author, like a scholarly monograph that just happens to be arranged in &quot;entries&quot; rather than chapters. It would not apply to things that are essentially lists or tables of data. It would not apply to short entries in something encyclopedia-like or entries that are not by an identifiable author. The OED for example, iirc, is a collective work where entries are by multiple not individually identifiable authors (and each entry is mostly very short too); only the overall editor is usually cited.{{parabr}}For works claiming this exception too the framing structure should be complete, even if most of it are redlinks. The same general rules about Portal:/WikiProject and no external or Index:-space links apply. An exception would be for periodicals where new issues enter the public domain every year; and we should generally avoid including even redlinks for the non-PD issues here (but may allow them in a WikiProject page). For non-periodical works in multiple volumes where some volumes were published after the PD cutoff, including listings for the non-PD volumes (but not links to scans; those are a copyvio issue) is ok.{{parabr}}Poems, short stories, and novellas are a special class of works here. A ''lot'' of these were first published in a magazine (possibly serialized), and a lot of them exist as multiple editions in substantially the same form. Some exist in multiple versions. These should all primarily exist the same way as chapters as part of their various containing works; but there are some cases where we might want to have, for example, a series of connected pages of the poems of [[Template:Emily Dickinson Index|Emily Dickinson]]. I am significantly ambivalent about this practice, as it amounts to making our own &quot;edition&quot; or &quot;collection&quot; of her poems (in violation of several of our other policies), but I acknowledge that it is an established practice and it is something that has definite value to our readers. It may be that it is actually a practice that should be governed by its own dedicated policy rather be attempted to be handled within these other general policies.{{parabr}}For the sake of example; applying this to the works Inductiveload listed at the start of this thread would shake out something like this:{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Auction Prices of Books]]'''''—This work appears to have no sensible subdivisions and is in any case by a single author. I see no obvious reason to grant this work an exception, except under ''sheer volume of work'' and even there I would want to see both a substantial proportion completed ''and'' some kind of ongoing effort towards completion (no particular time frame, but definitely not infinite and definitely not as an effectively abandoned project). In a deletion discussion I would very likely vote to delete the mainspace pages here (but, as nearly always, to keep the Index: and Page: namespace artifacts). I don't see this as a reasonable candidate for a Portal:, nor really a good fit for a WikiProject (though I probably wouldn't object to a WikiProject if someone really wanted one).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Central Law Journal/Volume 1]]'''''—A single volume is too little, so I would want to see a complete structure for the entire ''Central Law Journal'', with level of detail for each volume similar to the one existing volume. Each article in the journal can be individually considered for a stand-alone work exception; but for the collection I would want to see ''at minimum'' a full issue finished to justify having the mainspace structure, and ''preferably'' multiple issues (in a deletion discussion I might insist on multiple issues). Index: and Page:-space artefacts can, of course, stay. A Portal: might make sense for selections from the journal, of articles that meet the standalone work exception. A WikiProject to coordinate work and track links to scans etc. might be a decent fit here, if someone wanted that. As it currently stands I would probably vote delete for the mainspace artefacts (with option to move whatever content has reuse value to a non-mainspace page for preservation; and undeleting if someone wants to work on something is a low bar).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]'''''—The top level mainspace page has near-zero value, existing only to link to the single transcribed entry. For a credible claim to exception to exist it would need to be a complete framework for the work as a whole, and significantly more than a single entry must be complete. I would probably also want to see ongoing work, unless a ''substantial'' percentage of the entries were complete. The single finished entry is eligible to claim a standalone work exception, but I think it probably would not meet my bar for that (I might be wrong; and the rest of the community might judge it differently). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all the mainspace artifacts here (as always keeping Index:/Page: stuff) but with a definite possibility that I might be persuaded on the one completed entry (an absolute requirement for convincing me would be to scan-back it: as a separate issue, my tolerance for grandfathering of non-scan-backed works is small, and effectively zero for new/non-grandfathered works).{{parabr}}{{em}}• '''''[[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway Guide]]'''''—Would need a full framework and a number of individual issues finished to merit a mainspace page. I see no credible subdivisions for a standalone work exception, but might be persuaded otherwise if, say, one of the train tables was used as a (reliable primary) source in a Wikipedia article (implying some sort of notability beyond just being raw data). In a deletion discussion I would probably vote to delete all mainspace artifacts here. If anyone made the argument, I would entertain the notion that there is value in treating train tables like poems, and hosting a series of train tables like we do Dickinson's poems; but that would require a substantial number of them completed.{{parabr}}For everything above my stance is nuanced by a willingness to accept temporary exceptions for things that are actively being worked: ''active'' being operative, but with no particular deadline to complete the work. We have differing amounts of time available, and some works are so labour-intensive or tedious to do, that my person threshold for &quot;active&quot; is a pretty low bar to clear. If it's months and years between every time you dip in and do a bit I might start to get antsy, but days or weeks probably won't faze me. And that the projected time to completion is very long at that pace is not particularly a problem so long as it is not ''infinite''. Within those parameters I would always tend to err on the side of letting contributors just get on with it in peace, regardless of any of the policy-like rules sketched above.{{parabr}}I also want to emphasise that I think this is a very difficult issue to deal with. There are a lot of competing concerns, and a lot of grey areas that will likely take individual discussions to resolve. My balance point on this issue is partly formed by a broader concern about our overall quality (we have ''waay'' too many works of plain sub-par quality, and too many not up to modern standards) and a hope that by preventing the creation of these kinds of works (rather than deleting them after creation) we will be able to retain the good and desirable exceptions without dragging down quality, and without the traumatic and stressful events that deletions and proposed deletion discussions are.{{parabr}}And for that very reason I am grateful this issue was brought up here for discussion, and I hope we can end up with some ''clear'' guidance, possibly in the form of a policy page, going forward. And in any case, since it ''will'' create de facto policy, this is a discussion that needs to stay open for a good long while (there are several community members that have not yet commented whose opinion I would wish to hear before closing this), and depending on how well we manage to structure the consensus, may also require a formal vote (up in the [[#Proposals]] section). --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:03, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*{{oppose}}. It is becoming clear that a policy on incomplete works in the mainspace is going to place enormous pressure on individual editors. I think it would be more effective to start a wikiproject devoted to scan-backing works that lack scans and so on. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 12:14, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
** {{re|James500}} FYI, this thread was made in order to provide an ''exception'' to the current policy of &quot;no excerpts&quot;. A literal reading of the [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|policy as it stands]] has a plausible chance of coming down delete on the mainspace pages over at WS:PD. This thread is a chance to come up with a better way to support such partial collective works. That we have several substantially incomplete and abandoned collective works lolling around in mainspace is actually the result of ''laxity'' in respect to stated policy (not to say I think it's a bad thing). The deletion proposals, whatever you may think of them, are actually not in contradiction to policy. That said, as always, there is scope to adjust policy. Which is what this is.
** Now, in terms of a WikiProject to scan back works, I think that is a good idea. See [[#Re-purpose_WikiProject_OCR_to_WikiProject_Scans]] above, which proposed to reboot Wikiproject OCR as a scan-backing Wikiproject. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   14:40, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***The policy says &quot;When an entire work is available as a djvu file on commons and an Index page is created here, works are considered in process not excerpts.&quot; A literal reading of that policy is that no scan-backed work is an excerpt (it is expected to be completed eventually). Further the policy refers to &quot;Random or selected sections of a larger work&quot;. A literal reading of that expression is that it does not include lists of scans, or auxilliary content tables, as they are not &quot;sections&quot; (they are not part of the work), and that not every incomplete portion of a work is either &quot;random or selected&quot; (which would not include starting from the beginning and getting as far as you can, with intent to finish later). I could probably argue that an encyclopedia article or periodical article is a complete work. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:16, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
* Nice wall of text, [[User:Xover|Xover]] (and I say that with great respect!) -- it generally makes sense and sounds good to me. As another hopefully illustrative example, take [[The Works of Voltaire]], which I've been digging thru lately. I think this would very much satisfy your criteria as a large work, with sufficient scaffolding to justify the mainspace pages that exist for it. I would love to hear others thoughts on that. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 16:07, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
*:{{re|JesseW}} Yeah, apologies for the length. Brevity is just not my strong suit.{{parabr}}''The Works of Voltaire'' probably qualifies on sheer scale of work, yes. I don't think the current wikipage at [[The Works of Voltaire]] is quite it though: as it currently stands it is more WikiProject than something that should sit in mainspace (its contents are for Wikisource contributors, to organise our effort, not our readers, who want to read finished transcriptions). It also mixes a work page with a versions page in a confusing way. So I would probably say… Move the current page to [[Wikisource:WikiProject Voltaire]]; create a new [[The Works of Voltaire]] as a pure versions page, linking to…; [[The Works of Voltaire (1906)]], that is set up as a work page with the cover and title (and other relevant front matter) of the first volume, and an AuxTOC (and possibly also the {{tlx|Works of Voltaire}} volume navigation template). I don't know how tightly coupled the volumes of this edition are (does the first volume have a common ToC or index of works for all the volumes?), so some flexibility on format may be needed to make sense. But as a base rule of thumb it should start from a regular works page and deviate only as needed to accommodate this work (mainly the size is different).{{parabr}}In any case… With a volume or two completed (they're only ~350 pages each) I'd be perfectly happy having something like that sitting around. With less then that I'd possibly be a bit more iffy, but it's hard to put any kind of hard limit on that. And with somebody actively working on it I'd be in no hurry whatsoever regardless of current level of completion.{{parabr}}PS. I'm pretty sure a large proportion of the contents of these volumes are works that would qualify under &quot;standalone works&quot; that could exist independently in mainspace, regardless of what's done with the [[The Works of Voltaire]] page. Even his individual poems and essays can presumably make a credible claim here (because it's Voltaire; less famous authors would have a higher bar). Better as part of the edition, but also acceptable on their own. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 16:56, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

*: {{re|JesseW}} I personally take no issue with this page's existence (actually I think it's a nice work and good way to allow an important author's works to be slotted in piece-by-piece. I have some general comments which overlap with this thread (written before Xover's reply, so pardon overlap):
:** First off, I differ with Xover in terms of the scan links: I think they're better than nothing, and I don't see much value in duplicating the volume list onto an auxiliary page just to add scan links. However, I can sympathise with the sentiment that our mainspace shouldn't direct users off-wiki (or at least off-WMF). But if we don't have the scans, and that's what the user wants, they're leaving anyway. Real answer: import moar scans!
:** No scan links are necessary where the volume exists in mainspace and is scan-backed (e.g. v3)
:** Ext scan links should only be used when there is no Index page or imported scan. Use {{tl|small scan link}} or {{tl|Commons link}} when possible (e.g. v2)
:** The first volume list could probably be in an AuxTOC to mark it out as WS-generated content.
:** The &quot;Other editions&quot; section belongs on an auxiliary namespace page (Talk, Portal or Wikisource). I suggest the Talk page is best in this case. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{re|Xover}} I am in agreement with the majority of what you say. Particularly, I think a framework around any collective work (be it a single-volume biographical dictionary or a 400-issue literary review spanning 80 years) is ''the'' critical prerequisite, plus at least some scans, the more the merrier. Where I think I differ:
** I am inclined to be a bit more relaxed in terms of how much of a work we need. As long as a single article exists, it's not &quot;trivial&quot; (e.g. only a short advert or some incidental text like a &quot;note to correspondents&quot;, as opposed to an actual article), it's well-formatted and scan-backed, and a complete framework exists, including front matter and a TOC, such that's it is easy for anyone to slot in new pieces, I'd be fairly happy.  Lots of periodicals have all sort of tricky bits like tables of stocks or weather tables and writing into policy that those must be proofread in order to get the &quot;real&quot; articles into mainspace would be a chilling effect, in my opinion. If you allowed an exception, it would be verbose and tricky to capture the spirit without saying &quot;unless, like, it's totally, like, hard, man&quot;.
** I am not dead against scan links in the mainspace at the top level, when such a top-level page exists. See my comments on ''Voltaire'' above. I am against them where they could sensibly be on an Author page and they are the only mainspace content.
** I am ambivalent on the presence of, e.g., disjointed train timetables. It's not my thing to have a smattering of random timetables, but as long as they're individually presented nicely, it's not too offensive to my sensibilities. I might question the sanity of someone who loves doing tables that much, but whatever floats the boats! Also, I think that this might circle back to &quot;good for export&quot; - a mark which certainly would require completed issues or volumes. If you want to get that box ticked, you have to do it all.
** Re the &quot;notability&quot; aspect of individual articles, I'm not really bothered by that, as I don't think we'll see a flood of total dross because few people really want to take the time to transcribe 1867 articles about cats in a tree from the Nowhere, Arizona Daily Reporter, and, actually I think some of the &quot;dross&quot; can be quite interesting in a slice-of-life kind of a way (always assuming well-formed and scan-backed). And the real dross is usually so bad (no scans, raw OCR, etc) that it can be dealt with outside of this topic. I think part of the value of WS is the tiny, weird and wonderful, not just in blockbusters like War and Peace and Pultizers. I think I might like to see more of our articles strung together thematically via Portals, but that's another day's issue. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:35, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
***{{re|Inductiveload}} We appear to be mostly in agreement. But… instead of me dropping another wall of text on the remaining points of disagreement, maybe that means we're in a position to try to hash out a draft guidance / policy type page with the rough framework? Then we could go at the remaining issues point by point. Because I think I'm in with a decent chance to persuade you to my point of view on at least some of them, but this thread is fast getting unwieldy (mostly my fault). It would also probably be easier for the community to relate to now, and ''much'' easier to lean on in the future. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:31, 6 July 2020 (UTC)
**** {{re|Xover}} If there are no more comments forthcoming after a couple of days, I think that makes sense. I don't want to railroad it: considering we have at least one !vote for &quot;do nothing&quot;, I'd like to see if there are any other substantially different opinions floating about. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   17:41, 7 July 2020 (UTC)

&lt;s&gt;The quantity of text here has grown far faster than my ability to absorb it, so rather than continue to put it off, here's my position: I don't see any problem with transcriptions that are scan-backed, even if the transcription only covers a small fraction of the entire scan. If Sally chooses (say) to transcribe a favorite story, that happened to be published in an issue of ''Harper's'' back in the 1890s, and goes to the trouble of uploading the full issue, but only creates pages for the one story that interests her, I think that's great. It doesn't matter to me whether she intends to work on the other pages or not. If it's not scan-backed, but it's fairly high quality, I am personally willing to do some work trying to locate a scan and match it up to the text; I'd rather we take that approach, than deletion, though of course deletion is the better option in some cases where the scan is very hard to come by.&lt;/s&gt;

&lt;s&gt;If all this has been said above, or if I've misunderstood the topic, my apologies. Please take this comment or leave it, as appropriate. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:00, 8 July 2020 (UTC)&lt;/s&gt;

{{smaller block|Apologies, I see I had missed the point.}}
I disagree with {{u|Xover}}'s statement that a top-level page for a publication, with a link only to a single article within the publication, has &quot;near-zero value.&quot; Such a page can serve an important function linking content together in ways that help the reader (and search engines) find the content they're looking for, or understand the context around it. For instance, [[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]] is linked from the relevant Wikidata entry. The banner on the Wikisource page clearly tells a Wikisource reader that they won't find a full transcription here; and with a simple edit, it could link to a full scan on another site, or (with perhaps a little more effort) even transcription links here on Wikisource. This page has been here since 2010; we don't have any way of knowing what links might have been created elsewhere in the intervening decade. (I do think that ''new'' pages like this should not be created without a scan at Commons to be linked to.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:12, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

: I'm really bad with walls of text, so I have only read a tiny portion of the above discussion. But I want to mention a couple of things that I think are worth considering in this discussion.
:* Most of the time, a mainspace &quot;work&quot; that is only a table of contents, but which has none of the actual content, and is not actively being worked on, can be (and should be) deleted as [[WS:CSD|No meaningful content or history]] under our deletion policy.
:* A mainspace work that has only a ''little bit'' of content, but that content is a work unto itself within the scope of Wikisourse, ''should be kept''. Most periodicals are like this. For an example, see the [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]] which only has  [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology/Volume 18/The Date, Authors, and Contents of A Handfull of Pleasant Delights|one hosted article]], but that hosted article is scan-backed and firmly within scope.
:* On some occasions, empty mainspace works do have value. I ended up creating the page [[The Roman Breviary]], depsite containing no actual content, mostly because there are a [[Special:WhatLinksHere/The_Roman_Breviary|''lot'' of works that link to it]], using many different titles, and if someone uploaded a copy of the work under one title then many of the links would remain red because they point to different titles of the work. This could be easily solved by creating redirects to a simple placeholder page, so I did. I tried to make the placeholder page as useful as a placeholder page can be, as it contains useful information about the history and authorship of the work, and links to the Index pages where the transcription will take place. 
Anyway those are my 2 cents, sorry if they are redundant —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:40, 29 July 2020 (UTC)

=== Proposal ===

Since there has been no extra input for a month, and not wanting this section to get archived without at least attempting a proposal, I have started a proposal [[#Collective work inclusion criteria]] above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   11:00, 25 August 2020 (UTC)

: Since the proposal has now slipped off the main page ([[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-02#Collective_work_inclusion_criteria|to here]]), with vague support for the first part (collective work inclusion criteria) and a fairly consistent opposition to the second (no-content pages), my plan is to transfer the first part, as guidelines rather than policy, to [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]]. As non-binding guidelines, they can then be worked on further ''in situ''. Sound OK? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:10, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: The example given in [[Wikisource:Periodical guidelines]] might be improved, PSM is and was an exercise that has gone its own way (no offense to {{re|ineuw}}, this ''is'' a site under development and that is only one example).&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:05, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

::: {{ping|Cygnis insignis}} You would be wrong to think that I am offended. Remember that when I started, I knew everything. By now, so much of that knowledge is lost that I am happy to listen. Would you elaborate please? [[User:Ineuw|— Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 19:50, 17 April 2021 (UTC)

----

I've created [[Bradshaw's Monthly Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (XVI)]] - it couldn't be done on one page, due to the very high number of template transclusions. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:52, 1 September 2020 (UTC)

:@[[User:Pigsonthewing|Pigsonthewing]]: The links in the toc on that page appear non-functional. Also, depending on just exactly which templates were the culprit, it is possible that you may be able to put all the content you wanted onto one page now due to some recent technical changes (template code moved to a Lua module which drastically improves performance and prevents hitting transclusion limits until much later). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:17, 14 September 2021 (UTC)
::Create the [[w:Wikipedia:Drafts|Draft namespace]] to hold substantially empty works? Then delete if no improvement after months?--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 19:22, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::The issue is that the &quot;substantially empty works&quot; can have useful and complete content that stands alone. For example, an article from a scientific journal.
:::I would not want to see that either shunted into a Draft namespace to rot or deleted a few weeks down the line.
:::Index and Page namespaces provide our long term staging areas, and works can and do remain unfinished there for years. But what do we do when a self-contained piece of a larger work is ready? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:29, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== Universal Code of Conduct News – Issue 1 ==

&lt;div style = &quot;line-height: 1.2&quot;&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:200%;&quot;&gt;'''Universal Code of Conduct News'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; color:#404040;&quot;&gt;'''Issue 1, June 2021'''&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%; float:right;&quot;&gt;[[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1|Read the full newsletter]]&lt;/span&gt;
----
Welcome to the first issue of [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Universal Code of Conduct|Universal Code of Conduct News]]! This newsletter will help Wikimedians stay involved with the development of the new code, and will distribute relevant news, research, and upcoming events related to the UCoC.

Please note, this is the first issue of UCoC Newsletter which is delivered to all subscribers and projects as an announcement of the initiative. If you want the future issues delivered to your talk page, village pumps, or any specific pages you find appropriate, you need to [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/UCoC Newsletter Subscription|subscribe here]].

You can help us by translating the newsletter issues in your languages to spread the news and create awareness of the new conduct to keep our beloved community safe for all of us. Please [[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/Participate|add your name here]] if you want to be informed of the draft issue to translate beforehand. Your participation is valued and appreciated.
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* '''Affiliate consultations''' – Wikimedia affiliates of all sizes and types were invited to participate in the UCoC affiliate consultation throughout March and April 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec1|continue reading]])
* '''2021 key consultations''' – The Wikimedia Foundation held enforcement key questions consultations in April and May 2021 to request input about UCoC enforcement from the broader Wikimedia community. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec2|continue reading]])
* '''Roundtable discussions''' – The UCoC facilitation team hosted two 90-minute-long public roundtable discussions in May 2021 to discuss UCoC key enforcement questions. More conversations are scheduled. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec3|continue reading]])
* '''Phase 2 drafting committee''' – The drafting committee for the phase 2 of the UCoC started their work on 12 May 2021. Read more about their work. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec4|continue reading]])
* '''Diff blogs''' – The UCoC facilitators wrote several blog posts based on interesting findings and insights from each community during local project consultation that took place in the 1st quarter of 2021. ([[m:Universal Code of Conduct/Newsletter/1#sec5|continue reading]])&lt;/div&gt;

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&lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:SOyeyele (WMF) |SOyeyele (WMF) ]] ([[User talk:SOyeyele (WMF) |talk]]) {{#if:SOyeyele (WMF) | 22:37, 10 June 2021‎ }}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== [[Index:Robert Carter- his life and work. 1807-1889 (IA robertcarterhis00coch).pdf]] ==
First run through is done, and it's transcluded. Needs validation. Thanks in advance for any help. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 18:13, 16 June 2021‎ (UTC)

== J3l ==

[[The Works of the Late Edgar Allan Poe/Volume 1/The Domain of Arnheim]] &lt;span class=&quot;autosigned&quot; style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;—''[[w:Wikipedia:Sign your posts on talk pages|unsigned]] comment by'' [[User:202.165.87.161|202.165.87.161]] ([[User talk:202.165.87.161|talk]]) {{#if:202.165.87.161|18:52, 25 December 2021 ‎(UTC)}}.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;!-- {{unsigned}}--&gt;

== Subscribe to the This Month in Education newsletter - learn from others and share your stories ==

Dear community members, 

Greetings from the EWOC Newsletter team and the education team at Wikimedia Foundation. We are very excited to share that we on tenth years of Education Newsletter ([[m:Education/News|This Month in Education]]) invite you to join us by [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education|subscribing to the newsletter on your talk page]] or by [[m:Education/News/Newsroom|sharing your activities in the upcoming newsletters]]. The Wikimedia Education newsletter is a monthly newsletter that collects articles written by community members using Wikimedia projects in education around the world, and it is published by the EWOC Newsletter team in collaboration with the Education team. These stories can bring you new ideas to try, valuable insights about the success and challenges of our community members in running education programs in their context. 

If your affiliate/language project is developing its own education initiatives, please remember to take advantage of this newsletter to publish your stories with the wider movement that shares your passion for education. You can submit newsletter articles in your own language or submit bilingual articles for the education newsletter. For the month of January the deadline to submit articles is on the 20th January. We look forward to reading your stories.

Older versions of this newsletter can be found in the [[outreach:Education/Newsletter/Archives|complete archive]].

More information about the newsletter can be found at [[m:Education/News/Publication Guidelines|Education/Newsletter/About]].

For more information, please contact spatnaik{{@}}wikimedia.org.
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== Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata ==

Are we allowed to link names in the djvu files to Wikidata? Lets say there is an obituary stored as a djvu file and names a few people that already have a Wikidata entry? Can I link to them? [[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:51, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

:A good question. But why not? I constantly link to Wiktionary and Wikipedia. [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:33, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:* I agree 100%, but in the past all my links had been removed. I prefer linking to Wikidata since the links are more stable, and you can always add in a person, they do not have to be famous. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 05:39, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
::: However, I can see why it is removed, I guess because of double linking. Were they all removed? [[User:Ineuw|&amp;#32;— ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 05:48, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The relevant section of the draft policy on linking (which I must get back to and finish tidying up):
{{Quotation|The default item view on Wikidata is not user friendly or useful for most people, and for this reason direct wikilinks to Wikidata are not permitted in presentation namespaces. In some cases, however, it may be useful to identify a person or work for which a Wikidata item exists, but for which there is no suitable link target on Wikisource or the permitted sister projects. In these cases it is acceptable to link to Wikidata using the {{tlx|wdl}} template, which dynamically displays a link to the most suitable destination based on which targets are available.}}
:::: [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:00, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
:For an obituary, I'd say so. Generally, I link to other projects (Wikipedia, Commons categories, or Wikidata via Reasonator) in non-fiction and not in fiction. And yep, as Beeswaxcandle says, using the {{tl|wdl}} template makes it easy (it'll start of linking to Wikidata, but if someone makes an English Wikipedia article it'll change to that without anyone at Wikisource having to do a thing). [[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 11:26, 17 June 2022 (UTC)
*The problem with Wikipedia vs. Wikidata is that common names in Wikipedia may have a dozen entries that are always being renamed or being turned into disambiguation pages. For example John Smith (politician) may be turned into a disambiguation page for John Smith (mayor) and John Smith (governor). Wikidata is stable. --[[User:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|RAN]] ([[User talk:Richard Arthur Norton (1958- )|talk]]) 02:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== J. Michael Luttig ==

Judge [[w:J. Michael Luttig|J. Michael Luttig]] is very much in the news in the United States since he testified before the January 6 Select committee. Are there any thoughts about adding his testimony to Wikisource? Just curious. [[User:Ottawahitech|Ottawahitech]] ([[User talk:Ottawahitech|talk]]) 15:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
:It depends on how it may or may not be copyrighted.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:31, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

== Desktop Improvements update ==

[[File:Table of contents shown on English Wikipedia 02.webm|thumb]]
; Making this the new default
Hello. I wanted to give you an update about the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|Desktop Improvements]] project, which the Wikimedia Foundation Web team has been working on for the past few years. Our work is almost finished! 🎉

We would love to see these improvements become the default for readers and editors across all wikis. &lt;span style=&quot;background-color:#fc3;&quot;&gt;In the coming weeks, we will begin conversations on more wikis, including yours. 🗓️&lt;/span&gt; We will gladly read your suggestions!

The goals of the project are to make the interface more welcoming and comfortable for readers and useful for advanced users. The project consists of a series of feature improvements which make it easier to read and learn, navigate within the page, search, switch between languages, use article tabs and the user menu, and more. The improvements are already visible by default for readers and editors on more than 30 wikis, including Wikipedias in [[:fr:|French]], [[:pt:|Portuguese]], and [[:fa:|Persian]].

The changes apply to the [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=vector}} Vector] skin only, although it will always be possible to revert to the previous version on an individual basis. [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=monobook}} Monobook] or [{{fullurl:{{FULLPAGENAMEE}}|useskin=timeless}} Timeless] users will not notice any changes.

; The newest features
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Table of contents|Table of contents]] - our version is easier to reach, gain context of the page, and navigate throughout the page without needing to scroll. It is currently tested across our pilot wikis.  It is also available for editors who have opted into the Vector 2022 skin.
* [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page tools|Page tools]] - now, there are two types of links in the sidebar. There are actions and tools for individual pages (like [[Special:RecentChangesLinked|Related changes]]) and links of the wiki-wide nature (like [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent changes]]). We are going to separate these into two intuitive menus.
; How to enable/disable the improvements
[[File:Desktop Improvements - how to enable globally.png|thumb|[[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|{{int:globalpreferences}}]]]]
* It is possible to opt-in individually [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|in the appearance tab within the preferences]] by selecting &quot;{{int:skinname-vector-2022}}&quot;. Also, it is possible to opt-in on all wikis using the [[Special:GlobalPreferences#mw-prefsection-rendering|global preferences]].
* On wikis where the changes are visible by default for all, logged-in users can always opt-out to the Legacy Vector. There is an easily accessible link in the sidebar of the new Vector.

; Learn more and join our events

If you would like to follow the progress of our project, you can [[mw:Special:Newsletter/28/subscribe|subscribe to our newsletter]]. You can read the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|pages of the project]], check [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Frequently_asked_questions|our FAQ]], write on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|project talk page]], and [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|join an online meeting with us]].

Thank you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 16:59, 21 June 2022 (UTC)
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; Join us on Tuesday

Join an online meeting with the team working on the Desktop Improvements! It will take place on '''28 June 2022 at [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1200 12:00 UTC] and [https://www.timeanddate.com/worldclock/fixedtime.html?iso=20220628T1900 19:00 UTC]''' on Zoom. '''[https://wikimedia.zoom.us/j/5304280674 Click here to join]'''. Meeting ID: 5304280674. [https://wikimedia.zoom.us/u/kc2hamfYz9 Dial by your location]. The following events will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

The meeting will not be recorded or streamed. Notes will be taken in a [https://docs.google.com/document/d/1G4tfss-JBVxyZMxGlOj5MCBhOO-0sLekquFoa2XiQb8/edit# Google Docs file] and copied to [[etherpad:p/web-team-office-hours|Etherpad]]. [[mw:User:OVasileva_(WMF)|Olga Vasileva]] (the Product Manager) will be hosting this meeting. The presentation part will be given in English. At this meeting, both [[foundation:Friendly_space_policy|Friendly space policy]] and the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Code_of_Conduct|Code of Conduct]] for Wikimedia technical spaces apply. Zoom is not subject to the [[foundation:Privacy_policy|WMF Privacy Policy]].

We can answer questions asked in English and [[mw:Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web/28-06-2022|a number of other languages]]. If you would like to ask questions in advance, add them on the [[mw:Talk:Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements|talk page]] or send them to sgrabarczuk{{@}}wikimedia.org. We hope to see you! [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 21:43, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: I can already see how these changes are very Wikipedia-centric.  (1) For example, things like &quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.  Nor does Wikisource even have pages that are &quot;articles&quot; unless they are magazine articles or articles from other periodicals.  Most pages in the main namespace are not articles, and most mainspace entities consist of multiple pages which together have one Wikidata item.  (2) How will the new table of content affect the layout of works on Wikisource that require placing sidenotes in the margins, or rely on other multi-page formatting?  (3) Also, will the changes make it possible to find links to a redirect, which used to be possible?  Currently, such searches are suppressed, and the supposed way to do such a search does not function.  --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:33, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::Hello @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for this comment.
::# Some details may be Wikipedia-centric despite of our general approach - sorry for that. I've [https://www.mediawiki.org/w/index.php?title=Reading/Web/Desktop_Improvements/Features/Page_tools&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=5302381&amp;diffmode=source just replaced] every single use of &quot;article&quot; on the documentation page about the page tools menu. I'm well aware that different sister projects have different natures, not everything is an article, not everyone is a Wikipedian.
::# Could you provide some examples? When it comes to Proofread and the Page namespace, we've restored the full width (made an exception to the limited width feature). Works requiring placing sidenotes in the margins - could you share some links?
::# I'll ask, but I doubt if this is about the skin. Perhaps it's more about the search itself... (@[[User:Sannita (WMF)|Sannita (WMF)]], FYI.)
::[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 02:04, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::# It's more than just the label; it's also the placement of those two items which, on Wikisource, are broader (even site-wide) rather than specific to one work.  (a) When we upload a DjVu file, for example, it applies to a multi=page work that does not yet exist here, and not to some existing page.  And nearly all files should instead be uploaded to Commons; those that are loaded here are either specific to something in the Page namespace or else apply to ''all'' the pages of a work.  Nothing is ever uploaded for something in the Main namespace.  (b) Likewise, Wikidata items usually apply to whole ''groups'' of pages and their ''subpages'', and not just to one page.
:::# An example of a Page namespace item with Sidenotes is [[:Page:The Solar System - Six Lectures - Lowell.djvu/20]] and it is transcluded to [[The Solar System/Chapter 1]] (activate Layout 1 or Layout 2 from the margin to put the Sidenotes into the side; or use default Layout 1 to be them &quot;embedded&quot; in the text.  It is unlikely that a ToC will be used in the Main namespace, but there is potential for unforeseen interactions in various namespaces with any new change that alters page layout.  This is also true for works that apply a '''Layout''', such as at [[Coriolanus (1924) Yale/Text/Act III]], where the margins are changed by the applied layout.  The ToC appears most often on Wikisource in the '''Author''' namespace and the '''Portal''' namespace.  Have these been checked?  Such as, against [[Portal:Ancient Greek drama]]; [[Portal:Ancient poetry]]; [[Author:Aristophanes]]; and [[Author:Henry David Thoreau]], to be sure the new ToC interacts appropriately in those namespaces with Wikisource namespace headers?  The headers should be full-page width along with the notes displayed below them.  The content of a page in the Portal namespace may be full width in content boxes, or may be sections of bulleted lists.  And I note that Page Layout '''is not listed in either sub-menu''' for the change.  Where will it appear?
:::# The method for enabling the Search is supposed to be toggable in the Preferences, but the toggle makes no difference.  I do not know enough to determine why it isn't working, but it makes page moves a nightmare here, since when a work with multiple chapters gets moved, links to the various chapters need to be checked, including redirects to those targets.  It used to be that redirects automatically showed up in searching, but they do not anymore.
:::# I did not notice before that there is a plan to move the page-specific Tools to the right-hand side of the page.  This will be problematic for Wikisource as a whole.  Will users be able to opt out of this placement, or can specific projects opt to '''not''' have an additional menu on the right side of the page?   For Wikisource, this will be distracting and horizontally compress works, which is a '''huge''' problem for poetry, plays, and other kinds of works that need horizontal space for formatting.
:::# Moving the Page title above the Tools is also problematic for Wikisource.  I would like to know which Wikisource projects thought this would be a good idea?
:::--[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:42, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]], thanks for all these arguments and examples. I'm not familiar with all the workflows and peculiarities of Wikisource, so I've asked @[[User:Samwilson|Samwilson]] to help me assess to what degree your comments are related to the skin itself. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 19:24, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|SGrabarczuk (WMF)|EncycloPetey}} Hello! I don't know if I'm totally across everything, but can try to help. :)
:::::# {{tqi|&quot;Wikidata item&quot; and &quot;Upload file&quot; are not &quot;article-specific&quot; on Wikisource.}} As far as I can see, these are in the same part of the sidebar that they've always been. I agree that it'd be nice to display the relevant Wikidata item link on ''every'' page of a work (in all namespaces) but I don't think Vector-2022 has anything to do with that.
:::::# The [[Help:Layout|layouts]] in question are from the PageNumbers gadget (not the best name :-P), see [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js|its source]] for details. It's a default gadget, so everyone sees the new part of the sidebar. {{tqi|I note that Page Layout is not listed in either sub-menu for the change.}} I see it in the main sidebar in Vector-2022. Is this not what we'd expect? It's pretty independent from the ToC.
:::::# Search is a separate thing, and I'm not sure it's changed with Vector-2022.
:::::In general, I totally think there's plenty of Wikisource-specific stuff that could be improved! I guess we're just looking for things that are actively broken with Vector-2022 at the moment though.
:::::—[[User:Samwilson|Sam]] [[User_talk:Samwilson|Wilson]] 07:55, 28 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] After using the skin for two or three months, I have noticed a minor issue&amp;mdash;the small popup that appears after successfully creating or editing a page perfectly covers the Edit and View History buttons (on my machine, at least), which is slightly inconvenient. Is there an option to turn it off, or shift its location slightly?{{pbr}}Also, can individual wikis change the text displayed when a new talk page is created? Currently it might be easily misconstrued (especially here on WS), as mentioned [[#New Talk page creation text|above]].{{pbr}}Besides these quibbles, I have not had a specifically negative experience with the new skin, and some new features are quite nice&amp;mdash;for example, the toolbar docked to the top of the window is useful, and I like the use of icons instead of text in both the docked and top-of-page toolbars. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 03:15, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::: The popup issue that Shells-shells mentions in their first paragraph is not unique to the new skin. It happens in Monobook as well. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 03:25, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you @[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]. Indeed, @[[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] is correct, this popup is related to the editing tools. I think @[[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] might help you. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 03:31, 24 June 2022 (UTC)
:::::The page-creation &quot;toast&quot; (because it &quot;pops up&quot; like toast out of a toaster, right?) can be suppressed in your common.css if you don't ever want to see it.  It should disappear after a few seconds (about two seconds too slow for me, but it does disappear). [[User:Whatamidoing (WMF)|Whatamidoing (WMF)]] ([[User talk:Whatamidoing (WMF)|talk]]) 20:04, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

:I just tried the new skin and I like it and have made it my default. I like the table of contents on the side but I would prefer it to be collapsible since I use a small screen and it takes up some space. [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 04:06, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you @[[User:Jpez|Jpez]]. Look at the [https://di-collapsible-menus.web.app/Jorden?sv newest prototype]. Both the table of contents and the sidebar will be nicely collapsible. [[User:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|SGrabarczuk (WMF)]] ([[User talk:SGrabarczuk (WMF)|talk]]) 17:10, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Perfect! [[User:Jpez|Jpez]] ([[User talk:Jpez|talk]]) 18:46, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
:I share the objections raised by EncycloPetey above. What I especially dislike is the TOC in the left sidebar. 1) Its position at the bottom of the sidebar puts it out of sight and I have to scroll down to get to it. 2) Some headings are very long, which is not a problem in the current way of displaying the TOC, but the sidebar is narrow, and so some headings in the 2022 Vector layout take several lines, which makes the TOC more difficult to skim through. For example the TOC of this Scriptorium page is an absolute mess (after unwrapping the headings) in the proposed layout. 3) The TOC in the sidebar is also probably the reason, why the sidebar is wider (and the space for the text narower) than in the 2010 Vector layout, which is also quite unfortunate, as it can make problems to Wikisource pages containing tables, columns etc. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:27, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-26 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise|Wikimedia Enterprise]] API service now has self-service accounts with free on-demand requests and monthly snapshots ([https://enterprise.wikimedia.com/docs/ API documentation]). Community access [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia Enterprise/FAQ#community-access|via database dumps &amp; Wikimedia Cloud Services]] continues.
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] [[d:Special:MyLanguage/Wikidata:Wiktionary#lua|All Wikimedia wikis can now use Wikidata Lexemes in Lua]] after creating local modules and templates. Discussions are welcome [[d:Wikidata_talk:Lexicographical_data#You_can_now_reuse_Wikidata_Lexemes_on_all_wikis|on the project talk page]].

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.18|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-29|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-28|en}} at 06:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s7.dblist targeted wikis]). [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T311033]
*  Some global and cross-wiki services will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-06-30|en}} at 06:00 UTC. This will impact ContentTranslation, Echo, StructuredDiscussions, Growth experiments and a few more services. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T300472]
* Users will be able to sort columns within sortable tables in the mobile skin. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T233340]

'''Future meetings'''
* The next [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates/Talk to Web|open meeting with the Web team]] about Vector (2022) will take place tomorrow (28 June). The following meetings will take place on 12 July and 26 July.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/26|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W26&quot;/&gt;

20:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23453785 --&gt;

== First work on Wikisource ==

What was the first work ever to be published on Wikisource, out of curiosity? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:I can't state this to a certainty; maybe somebody with a better grasp of the search API can verify, but the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Main_Page&amp;oldid=23 very first revision of the Main Page] had a single link to the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Gettysburg_Address&amp;oldid=1 Gettysburg Address], so that looks likely to have been the first. It's also worth noting that Gettysburg Address has [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?curid=1 page id number 1] while Main Page is #2, so I'm pretty confident here. — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 19:05, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
::It's not a page ID, it's a revision ID: [[Special:PermanentLink/1]]. So the first edit on Wikisource, by an IP editor, was adding the Gettysburg Address. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:26, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
:::And the first work to be fully proofread and validated was [[Frontiers]], but that was several years later. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:30, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

== Messed up rendering.. ==

https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Northmost_Australia_volume_2.djvu/25&amp;oldid=12433298

Here something gets mis-wrapped meaning what should be a continuous division/paragrpah isn't.  What's actually 'wrong' because there were NO linter warnings at all about this...
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:05, 30 June 2022 (UTC)
:Don't leave line breaks is the simple answer. The more complex is that line break characters don't behave very well, so don't leave them in. I note that the original text has small-caps throughout the page, all of which have been done as all-caps. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:14, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} I had taken out the line-breaks on a subsequent edit, However, currently the Linter generates no warnings about the soft line-breaks in SPAN issue.  Is there a regular expression that could be used to find related situations in wiki-text, as trying to find these manually isn't practical for templates with widespread usage?[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry, but I know not of what you speak. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:39, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:: Is there anyone technically minded reading this?  I'm currently running a query in AWB to try and find some of the usages of {{tl|smaller}} where there are line-feeds in the paramter which causes the (mis-rendering).  I've also raised a ticket on Phabricator (T311769), which gives a little more detail on what actually happens. 

:: As I said, trying to find the &quot;'line-breaks' intterupt a SPAN error&quot; manually isn't feasible, it needs some kind of semi-automated filter.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: This is just p-wrapping. The parser tries to detect when it needs to insert p tags around content (it thinks all content must be wrapped in a block element of some kind, and inserts p tags when it thinks such is missing), and frequently gets triggered by all sorts of things you wouldn't really think mattered. This is one reason why hard line breaks should generally be removed from running prose (it works fine most of the time, but sometimes creates intractable problems) and why block-based templates should always have a newline after its opening tag and before its closing tag. It's the only way to get predictable behaviour. There's no lint error because the parser has silently &quot;corrected&quot; it.{{pbr}}And, yes, p-wrapping should be ripped out of the codebase and killed with fire, but from the WMF/developer perspective it costs too much to do, will break too many things, and will give too little benefit to be worth it. Wikisource is just about the only project that runs into this kind of problem regularly and we're a mere drop in the ocean compared to the Wikipedias etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}} 
:::Can you have a look at {{tl|hi}} then?  When I changed that in debugging a lint error to include the newlines as you suggest above, I got loads and loads of previously undetected misnesting errors? (on a related note, {{tl|hanging indent inherit}} and {{tl|dent}} and related may also cause the same issue in rendering to manifest in related situations.
:::Is there an automated way to 'find' and repair these hard line breaks, because the manual regexp I was using listpages.py with found at least 4500 for {{tl|smaller}} alone? (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/linebreaks_in_SPAN) 
:::A related check found at least 500 templates that were SPAN based and accepted a parameter based input, (https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_spans_unfiltered), and that's without considering the DIV based templates that wrap parameters in a span.
:::This either needs a fix in the parser, or it needs a specifc 'Linter' rule to look for the P in SPAN mis-nesting that results, in the output.
:::(I consider the P wrapping useful as it let me set up some use case specific behavior in {{tl|hi/m}} , {{tl|dent/m}} which wouldn't be as easy to setup otherwise. )
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:16, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Pages and index at different locations breaking internal linking.. ==

[[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] links upward to
[[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]]

Where is the Index SUPPOSED to be please? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 18:09, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] [[Special:WhatLinksHere/Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/112]] tells us (accurately) that the index is at [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]]. I don't know why the wrong link is being generated in the top bar. Also note that the forward/back buttons are missing. The index page doesn't appear to have ever been moved, and the djvu file has never been edited since its creation, so I'm not sure what could be causing this. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 22:40, 30 June 2022 (UTC)

: File was renamed at Commons.  [ https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_introduction_to_Indonesian_linguistics,_being_four_essays.djvu&amp;redirect=no] appears to confuse Proofread Page. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:35, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Large names on legislative texts ==

For some reason every report and legislative text in the 19th century had a massive name.

See: [[Index:The Ordinances of the Legislative Council of New Zealand and of the Legislative Council of the Province of New Munster - From 4. Victoriæ to 16. Victoriæ Inclusive, 1841 to 1853.pdf]]

And I guess it's preferable to work with the actual name, but it's just so unwieldy to work with on pages for transcription. Is it at all frowned upon to just change this to a shorter name like &quot;Statutes of New Zealand - 1841 to 1853&quot; Or is it preferred to keep the original name? [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:11, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:As long as the mainspace title for the work is a correct one, the only rules about the title of the Index: are that it's unique and matches the File: name. It's preferable that the title has meaning, but we have titles in the form &quot;CU964561&quot;. I frequently use short file names when uploading, and would have used &quot;Ordinances of NZ 1841-53&quot; for this example. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 05:19, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! I think in this instance, the long name provides no value, so I'd be inclined to do it in the format you suggested. I'll look at changing it since I haven't done much with it at this stage. [[User:Supertrinko|Supertrinko]] ([[User talk:Supertrinko|talk]]) 05:21, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Lots of blank pages ==

Around half of the pages (every other pair, in this case, but I've seen books where it was every alternate page) in an old book I'm transcribing are blank. Is there a tool that will let me select them all from the pagelist, and mark them as such? &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 16:46, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

:It is a task a bot can run. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:52, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. That will be a good fallback, but I don't have the sills to run such a bot, and am looking for a tool that I - and others like me - can use. &lt;span class=&quot;vcard&quot;&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;fn&quot;&gt;[[User:Pigsonthewing|Andy Mabbett]]&lt;/span&gt; (&lt;span class=&quot;nickname&quot;&gt;Pigsonthewing&lt;/span&gt;); [[User talk:Pigsonthewing|Talk to Andy]]; [[Special:Contributions/Pigsonthewing|Andy's edits]]&lt;/span&gt; 11:44, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No end-user / user friendly tool that I'm aware of, sorry. But if you provide a list of the pages it should be fairly easy for a bot operator to do (I'm assuming, I've never done that, but I know Mpaa has handled many similar requests here). Large numbers of blank pages is not a very prevalent problem, so far as I can tell, so it's probably more efficient to just handle these cases as one-offs (vs. making an end-user tool to do it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Missing End tags : center ==

https://public.paws.wmcloud.org/User:ShakespeareFan00/obs_center

It would be nice if these could be cleared soon.  The thinking behind concentrating on these, (and the related mismatched font,strike and tt tags) is so that there are NO mismatched version of these obselete tags in Content pages.  The automated approach to conversion that Wikiveristy uses to resolve 'obsolete' tags can than reasonably be applied. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:41, 1 July 2022 (UTC)

== Common.js: line 33 to 59 ==

There're two scripts in [[:th:MediaWiki:Common.js]] line 53 to 79, which are documented as &quot;envelope subNotes&quot; and &quot;envelop hatNotes&quot;, which are also presented in [[MediaWiki:Common.js]] from line 33 to 59 here. I wonder what these scripts actually do because from poking around the inspect element, I couldn't find how these two scripts currently apply to Wikisource. --[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] ([[User talk:Bebiezaza|talk]]) 15:03, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]] Both of these snippets seach for elements that have a specific selector and adds them to the top of the page.For example, the envelop hatNote section searches for elements that are tables with classes &lt;code&gt;ambox&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;ombox&lt;/code&gt; (i.e. the wrapper element generated from the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{ambox}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;{{&lt;nowiki&gt;ombox&lt;/nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/code&gt; templates and prepends them to the top of the page. (Take a look at [[British_Medical_Journal]] with and without &lt;code&gt;?safemode=1&lt;/code&gt;) [[User:Sohom data|Sohom Datta]] ([[User talk:Sohom data|talk]]) 13:37, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Bebiezaza|Bebiezaza]], @[[User:Sohom data|Sohom data]]: These are adjuncts to the page numbers / dynamic layouts script. In order to display the layouts, that Gadget needs to wrap the content part of the page (the transcluded content) inside a few extra &lt;code&gt;div&lt;/code&gt; containers. But that operation also catches maintenance templates (typically implemented using {{tl|ambox}}/{{tl|ombox}}) that we do ''not'' want to be subject to dynamic layouts. So the lines you point to tries to hoist those out of the dynamic layouts container and place them in a suitable place in the DOM. It's currently a bit buggy here on enWS so I wouldn't follow our code too religiously. In fact, you may want to try doing without that code and then add back in a modified version if and as needed. It's likely I will do the same here at some point to try to cut down on the amount of global code and the flaky behaviour. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:36, 12 July 2022 (UTC)

== Wikisource public library project in New Zealand ==

[[File:WCNZ banner.jpg|frameless|700x700px]]

Some background: with the help of [[User:Beeswaxcandle]], the Westland District Library in New Zealand in early 2021 began scanning and uploading out-of-copyright works in its collection to Wikisource. The completed works were then uploaded as EPUBs to the library's ebook catalogue in OverDrive, and made available for loan through most of the South Island. There's been brisk lending, with more readers for the books in the last six months than in 10 years on the shelves or locked away in a Special Collections cabinet. We now have a small group of New Zealand volunteers proofing and verifying, and I've given talks on the project to a couple of library conferences. I've blogged about [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/01/27/digitising-a-tiny-book/ how the work got started], [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/02/26/an-introduction-to-wikisource/ how Wikisource works] (from a public talk Beeswaxcandle gave at the library in Hokitika), and [https://digitalwestland.blog/2021/08/03/releasing-a-book-copyright/ how we've gotten a local author to release their work under an open licence]. The Grey District Library has employed a librarian part-time to source and scan New Zealand works, and I've just received a grant from the [https://matatuhifoundation.co.nz/ Mātātuhi Foundation], funded by the Auckland Writers Festival to spend a help-day a week supporting the project. The Foundation were very interested in the possibility of using Wikisource to increase the visibiity of New Zealand writers, and extending the project to more libraries.

Many people here have kindly stepped in to help out our team and untangle some of the more technical aspects of Wikisource. If anyone would like the add themselves to the task force [[Wikisource:West Coast Task Force|project page]], it would be great to have some regular assistance with transclusion, ToCs and indexes, and some other more complex fornatting—I'm just a beginner, having only been brought into the fold last year. We're looking forward to significantly increasing the amount of New Zealand content on the site over the next six months, and building a volunteer community here so the project becomes self-sustaining. Any help appreciated! —[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 02:06, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Giantflightlessbirds}} It would be great if you can nominate some works at the [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/Nominations|Monthly Challenge]] as well. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:57, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
::That's a great idea; we have some big works coming online soon, including a long biography of Richard Seddon. [[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] ([[User talk:Giantflightlessbirds|talk]]) 11:14, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] @[[User:Giantflightlessbirds|Giantflightlessbirds]] Love the idea! Really happy to see libraries using the epubs produced by Wikisource. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 11:51, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:Yo this is awesome, thanks for bringing awareness to Wikisource to more people, and for increasing the number of NZ works on here! [[User:Reboot01|Reboot01]] ([[User talk:Reboot01|talk]]) 23:59, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Where is the A in the {{tl|di}} template? ==
[[File:Where is the A?-screenshot.png|thumb|right]]
I took a screenshot, because, this is difficult for me to believe. There is no &quot;A&quot; in the template, yet, it is displaying as though there is one. [[Page:Historical essay on the art of bookbinding (IA 0130ARTO).pdf/7]]

How can this be?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:41, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{Re|RaboKarbakian}} Looking at the code of the template, the {{tl|di}}'s first parameter supplies the letter to be displayed, and if none is provided, it supplies &quot;A&quot; by default.--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:16, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:: If you give it nothing, it punishes you by giving you [[the Scarlet Letter]]. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:18, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] OH doh!  I was so miffed by this that I did not even think to read the template source, the idea of a default initial did not occur to me.  Thank you, nice to see your name 'round here again, and also, sorry (and embarrassed) to bother.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:22, 3 July 2022 (UTC) 
::::[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] Poor Hester!--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 18:24, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Results of Wiki Loves Folklore 2022 is out! ==

&lt;div lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot; class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot;&gt;
{{int:please-translate}}
[[File:Wiki Loves Folklore Logo.svg|right|150px|frameless]]

Hi, Greetings

The winners for '''[[c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022|Wiki Loves Folklore 2022]]''' is announced!

We are happy to share with you winning images for this year's edition. This year saw over 8,584 images represented on commons in over 92 countries. Kindly see images '''[[:c:Commons:Wiki Loves Folklore 2022/Winners|here]]'''

Our profound gratitude to all the people who participated and organized local contests and photo walks for this project.

We hope to have you contribute to the campaign next year.

'''Thank you,'''

'''Wiki Loves Folklore International Team'''

--[[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|talk]]) 16:12, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

&lt;/div&gt;
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== Tech News: 2022-27 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translations]] are available.

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.19|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-06|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-05|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s6.dblist targeted wikis]) and on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-07|en}} at 7:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s4.dblist targeted wikis]).
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=| Advanced item]] This change only affects pages in the main namespace in Wikisource. The Javascript config variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; will be removed from &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;[[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Manual:Interface/JavaScript#mw.config|mw.config]]&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt; and be replaced with the variable &lt;bdi lang=&quot;zxx&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;&lt;code&gt;prpSourceIndexPage&lt;/code&gt;&lt;/bdi&gt;.  [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T309490]

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/27|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W27&quot;/&gt;

19:32, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
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{{unsigned|21:32, 4 July 2022‎ (UTC)|MediaWiki message delivery}}

:@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: [[User:Inductiveload/Metadata form.js]] is the only &quot;current&quot; use of &lt;code&gt;proofreadpage_source_href&lt;/code&gt;. I'm pretty sure that's both broken and unused, but you may want to take a look just to be sure. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:07, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

== Some TOC pages do not get transcluded ==

May I ask why the last TOC pages at [[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3]] are not transcluded? I have noticed that some pages using {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} started to have this problem (although not a long time ago they worked fine) and so I started replacing that template with {{tl|TOC begin}} templates, which always helped, except the above mentioned page.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 21:42, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: It’s a built-in “feature” that makes pages with lots of text simply not work: see [[:Category:Pages where template include size is exceeded]]. The solution is to subst: all templates, so make sure you’ve proofread the text. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:57, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:Has the limit changed recently? The pages used to work well. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:02, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: If they can change it, I wish they would just remove the limit: that would fix other problems where even [[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/List of Governors|''two'' pages]] can trigger the problem. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:20, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:{{Re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Thanks very much for the advice, I have substituted the TOC templates and now it works fine.{{pbr}}The limit must have been lowered for some reason :-( Can it be raised or removed for en.ws locally? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:27, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:*:*[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]]: I believe it is related to [[mw:Manual:$wgMaxArticleSize]]; I don’t believe it can be locally reset. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:39, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:What, no, certainly not! Subst:ing templates is not something you should be doing, and certainly not recommending others do, unless the template is specifically designed for being subst:ed. It solves nothing—at best it hides a symptom—leaving the underlying problem in place and creating myriad new ones. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:25, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]]: The limit has not changed recently, and is unlikely to change any time soon (another in a long line of requests for this was declined just last week), because the limit is there for good technical reasons; mostly because raising it would cause performance problems. The &quot;post-include expand size&quot; is one of several limits built into MediaWiki that are designed to keep the sites from falling over when people do dumb things. One can quibble over the exact size of this limit (for instance, the limit is currently in ''bytes'' and heWS uses almost exclusively multi-byte ''characters'', so they effectively get ''half'' the limit enWS gets).{{pbr}}But the underlying problem here is actually the TOC templates, which are all various degrees of broken. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} is the very worst of the bunch, but all of them have severe problems. For the (really rather shocking) illustration, see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help/Archives/2022#Orley_Farm_Contents+Illustrations_Lists|this thread]].{{pbr}}For this reason I really very strongly recommend everyone use plain table wikimarkup (combined with {{tl|ts}} where needed) for tables of contents. Yes, it is less convenient for some things (but more convenient for others), and, yes, it is a bit harder to learn; but it also gives much better control, is much easier to debug, and it completely avoids the problems with the TOC templates. It'd take a pretty epically massive table of contents to hit any of the built-in MediaWiki limits that way, at which point we're probably close to the point where splitting it up would be necessary for the reader in any case. You ''can'' hit the limits with plain tables and table styles as well, but that's typically when the tables are used in very long chapters or appendices with a lot of long tables with complicated formatting (and for these we now have a possible workaround in per-Index stylesheets).{{pbr}}For shorter tables of contents (which is the majority after all) you can get away with using the templates with no ''visible'' problems (all the bloat and inefficiency is still there, it's just not visible unless you go digging at a technical level), so for these cases I've given up on nagging on people. But for anything a bit longer the bloat is just too much. {{tl|Dotted TOC page listing}} in particular should ''never'' be used, and if I thought I'd get the community in general to go along I'd have proposed it for deletion a long time ago (I'm almost certain the community won't agree, which is why I'm here waving that flag instead of at [[WS:PD]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:22, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::Some of the complexity will in time become obselete anyway... There's a proposal for the next 'level' of CSS for table to support the concept of dot leaders... which when  supported in browsers should make adding the dots in TOC entries 1 line of CSS style, as opposed to the complex convolution used currently.
::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:53, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Deletion of redirects ==

Hi Wikisource folks. An outside observation from English Wiktionary: I have done an audit of broken links from English Wiktionary to English Wikisource. You can see the list [[wikt:User:This, that and the other/broken interwiki links/2022-07-01/wikisource|here]]. As you can see, a significant number of the links were once valid but have since been broken by page moves on this wiki. In particular, chapters of ''[[Moby-Dick/Chapter 1|Moby-Dick]]'' and ''[[Sons and Lovers/Chapter I|Sons and Lovers]]'' as well as the ''[[Song of Everlasting Regret]]'' appear all throughout the list.

It seems that this situation has arisen because of eager deletion of redirects on this project. The administrators who deleted those redirects evidently did not consider the impact this would have on other websites (not just wikis) which link to Wikisource texts. Keeping long-standing URLs functional is a courteous thing for a website to do, especially one such as Wikisource where the content is very stable and drastic changes would not be expected. It's reasonably easy for us on Wiktionary to fix these broken links because of our use of templates, but the same can't be said for everybody who links to this site. 

I am curious to understand Wikisource's policy on redirects, how it has come about, and whether there is appetite for keeping certain long-standing redirects even if current naming schemes are not followed. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 14:19, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] does wiktionary have much going on with wikidata yet?  Here {{tl|wdl}} can be used and will prevent this kind of problem from enthusiastic redirect deleters and other problems of inter-wiki linking, as it grabs the current link.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:32, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]]: Well, admittedly, we are sometimes a bit too aggressive in pruning top-level redirects that are non-standard (but might be targeted from another wiki). But mainly the short answer is that page moves and deletions happen and we need to use other mechanisms to keep the dead links down (maybe we should look at bot-updating any link whose target has turned into a soft redirect?). For example, as RK says above, adopting linking through Wikidata would catch page moves, and might make it easier to detect page deletions. And some discipline in (i.e. policy for) what to link ''to'': in your list I find links to the Page: namespace here (which is an internal working area you generally shouldn't link to), links to subpages in mainspace (subpages have zero stability guarantees and don't get redirects on page moves), links to one specific edition of a work when it is likely the intent is to link to the work, and so forth.{{pbr}}And I see another significant subset of the pages in your list are pages created before standards for things like page names were set here, and as such have seen a larger than average amount of attrition due to cleanup and standardisation. As a general rule of thumb, top-level pages for ''works'' (that is, versions pages) and specific editions do not tend to change much here (when they're done they're done). At worst an edition gets moved to make way for a versions page, but then the old page name still gets you a list of editions of the work. In other words, I think a lot of the current dead links are the inevitable consequence of cleaning up old messes (other projects, like enWP, have done this years ago and are now much more stable); and a lot of the rest can be ameliorated (not eliminated) by more disciplined linking.{{pbr}}But I think a better question to address is how we can enable &quot;deep linking&quot; (for lack of a better term). For parts of works that are themselves works (poems, short stories, some, but not all, newspaper and magazine articles, etc.; stuff that's usually published in some form of collection) we can usually create top-level redirects to the subpage (and you should link to the redirect instead of the subpage). But for, say, a chapter of a novel our standard is to ''not'' have redirects. At the same time, Wiktionary and Wikipedia (e.g.) will often want to link to such a sub-part of the work. I also expect both to have a need to link directly to a specific sentence or position (think &quot;To be or not to be&quot;). We currently have no facility to enable this. And both these things are sometimes needed for internal linking on enWS as well, so it's not just our sister projects that need this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:01, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::One of problems I can see is the fact that when we move a work we can check what links there only from Wikisource, we cannot check what links there from other Wikiprojects. If we could, it would help to prevent such things from happening very much. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:43, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:::as a part of the process of deleting redirects, should we include a &quot;what links here check&quot; and if not fixing right away, then adding to a list for linking at the other wiki? --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:11, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
::This sort of thing has even happened here with intrawiki links: see [[Special:PermaLink/11316706|Page:Hero and Leander - Marlowe and Chapman (1821).pdf/36]] and [[Special:PermaLink/9216169|The Passionate Shepherd to His Love]], both of which were broken because the page to which they both linked ([[Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5]]) was moved to [[The Golden Treasury of English Songs and Lyrics/Book 1/Poem 5|''The'' Golden Treasury, etc.]] A redirect was left for the root page in mainspace, but not for all the subpages.{{pbr}}The former of the two broken pages also illustrates the use of {{tl|anchor}}, which is one way—albeit unwieldy—to link to a specific passage in a text. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 20:24, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Wiktionary wants to cite a use of a word. Thus Wiktionarians don't want to cite a generic form of the work, or link to the top level; they want to link a page that has the word in question on it in a specifically dateable context. It doesn't strike me as that rare; while there are times you want to link to a generic version, there's times you want to talk about Homer's use of rosy-fingered dawn (&quot;as soon as early rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then they set sail for the wide camp of the Achaeans&quot;) and link not to the Iliad, but the Iliad, book 1, and a translation that faithfully translates that (not Alexander Pope's! apparently many students over the years have been confused by that).--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 04:14, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Thanks all for your input. I am glad to have generated some discussion around this topic. [[User:This, that and the other|This, that and the other]] ([[User talk:This, that and the other|talk]]) 09:59, 16 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-28 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translations]] are available.

'''Recent changes'''
* In the [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements|Vector 2022 skin]], the page title is now displayed above the tabs such as Discussion, Read, Edit, View history, or More. [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Reading/Web/Desktop Improvements/Updates#Page title/tabs switch|Learn more]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T303549]
* [[File:Octicons-tools.svg|15px|link=|alt=|Advanced item]] It is now possible to easily view most of the configuration settings that apply to just one wiki, and to compare settings between two wikis if those settings are different. For example: [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=jawiktionary Japanese Wiktionary settings], or [https://noc.wikimedia.org/wiki.php?wiki=eswiki&amp;compare=eowiki settings that are different between the Spanish and Esperanto Wikipedias]. Local communities may want to [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Requesting_wiki_configuration_changes|discuss and propose changes]] to their local settings. Details about each of the named settings can be found by [[mw:Special:Search|searching MediaWiki.org]]. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T308932]
*The Anti-Harassment Tools team [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#May|recently deployed]] the IP Info Feature as a [[Special:Preferences#mw-prefsection-betafeatures|Beta Feature at all wikis]]. This feature allows abuse fighters to access information about IP addresses. Please check our update on [[m:Special:MyLanguage/IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/IP Info feature#April|how to find and use the tool]]. Please share your feedback using a link you will be given within the tool itself.

'''Changes later this week'''
* There is no new MediaWiki version this week.
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] Some wikis will be in read-only for a few minutes because of a switch of their main database. It will be performed on {{#time:j xg|2022-07-12|en}} at 07:00 UTC ([https://noc.wikimedia.org/conf/highlight.php?file=dblists/s3.dblist targeted wikis]).

'''Future changes'''
* The Beta Feature for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Help:DiscussionTools|DiscussionTools]] will be updated throughout July.  Discussions will look different.  You can see [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Talk pages project/Usability/Prototype|some of the proposed changes]].

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/28|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W28&quot;/&gt;

19:24, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
&lt;!-- Message sent by User:Quiddity (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/Tech_ambassadors&amp;oldid=23502519 --&gt;

== Board of Trustees elections 2022 -- Election Compass ==

Hi all,

'''The 2022 [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022|Board of Trustees elections]] are from 15 August 2022 to 29 August 2022.'''

Members of the Wikimedia community have the opportunity to elect two candidates to a three-year term. &lt;br&gt;To make the election process more straightforward and to help the community members make informed decisions about candidates they want to support, we have prepared a tool called '''[[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass|Election Compass]]'''.&lt;br&gt;

'''How does the Election Compass work?'''&lt;br&gt;
The Election Compass is a tool to help voters select the candidates that best align with their beliefs and views. The community members will [[metawiki:Special:MyLanguage/Wikimedia_Foundation_elections/2022/Community_Voting/Election_Compass/Statements|propose statements]] for the candidates to answer using a Lickert scale (agree/neutral/disagree). The candidates’ answers to the statements will be loaded into the Election Compass tool. Voters will use the tool by entering their answers to the statements (agree/neutral/disagree). The results will show the candidates that best align with the voter’s beliefs and views.
&lt;br&gt;

'''Here is the timeline for the Election Compass:'''
*July 8 - 20: Community members propose statements for the Election Compass
*July 21 - 22: Elections Committee reviews statements for clarity and removes off-topic statements
*July 23 - August 1: Volunteers vote on the statements
*August 2 - 4: Elections Committee selects the top 15 statements
*August 5 - 12: candidates align themselves with the statements
*August 15: The Election Compass opens for voters to use to help guide their voting decision

Thank you!&lt;br&gt; [[User:BPipal (WMF)|BPipal (WMF)]] ([[User talk:BPipal (WMF)|talk]]) 15:31, 13 July 2022 (UTC)

== Uploading new versions of files ==

I have been asking in vain for help with the for some time now and humbly request that my problem be given some attention. I CANNOT upload a new version of any file. This has been the situation for many months now. Any attempt to upload a new version is inevitably corrupted and all I get is Fileicon-pdf.png and no file.
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 20:40, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] Sorry to hear that. I've been having some trouble with some pdfs recently, it might be a bug. What file are you trying to upload?  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:13, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

Every file I have tried to load a new version to for maybe a year now. The latest was Lydia Sigourney 1834.pdf, which is now in Category: Lydia Sigourney Redundant Files, as I had to re-upload it as Lydia Sigourney, 1834.pdf, which I am now working on. 
[[User:Esme Shepherd|Esme Shepherd]] ([[User talk:Esme Shepherd|talk]]) 06:05, 18 July 2022 (UTC)

== Tech News: 2022-29 ==

&lt;section begin=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;
Latest '''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|tech news]]''' from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translations]] are available.

'''Problems'''
* The feature on mobile web for [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/Extension:NearbyPages|Nearby Pages]] was missing last week. It will be fixed this week. [https://phabricator.wikimedia.org/T312864]

'''Changes later this week'''
* [[File:Octicons-sync.svg|12px|link=|alt=|Recurrent item]] The [[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/wmf.21|new version]] of MediaWiki will be on test wikis and MediaWiki.org from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-19|en}}. It will be on non-Wikipedia wikis and some Wikipedias from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-20|en}}. It will be on all wikis from {{#time:j xg|2022-07-21|en}} ([[mw:MediaWiki 1.39/Roadmap|calendar]]).

'''Future changes'''
* The [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Forum|Technical Decision Forum]] is seeking [[mw:Technical_decision_making/Community_representation|community representatives]]. You can apply on wiki or by emailing &lt;span class=&quot;mw-content-ltr&quot; lang=&quot;en&quot; dir=&quot;ltr&quot;&gt;TDFSupport@wikimedia.org&lt;/span&gt; before 12 August.

'''''[[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News|Tech news]]''' prepared by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/Writers|Tech News writers]] and posted by [[m:Special:MyLanguage/User:MediaWiki message delivery|bot]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News#contribute|Contribute]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/News/2022/29|Translate]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Tech|Get help]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Talk:Tech/News|Give feedback]]&amp;nbsp;• [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/Tech ambassadors|Subscribe or unsubscribe]].''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;technews-2022-W29&quot;/&gt;

22:59, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
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== Page Preview lacking headers and footers ==

For some time now I've been noticing that, when editing a page in the Page namespace, when I preview the page it is rendered without the header and footer (and thus as a side effect shows the page as &quot;not proofread&quot;). When the page is published, all is well; it appears to be solely the preview functionality. Have others seen this? Is this a known bug? — [[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]] &lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 69%;{{#if:|{{{style}}};}}&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;display:inline-block; text-align:center; vertical-align:top; line-height:100%; vertical-align:sub&quot;&gt;([[User_talk:Dcsohl|talk]])&lt;br/&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;vertical-align:bottom; line-height:100%;&quot;&gt;([[Special:Contributions/Dcsohl|contribs]])&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 18:48, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:I have never noticed anything of that kind so far… Have you tried different browsers and/or different computers? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:59, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Dcsohl|Dcsohl]]: This is due to [[phab:T309451|T309451]]. The workaround for now is to disable &quot;Show previews without reloading the page&quot; in the &quot;Editing&quot; section of the Preferences. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:08, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== Second-hand transcriptions ==

Can second-hand transcriptions be speedied based on [[Wikisource:What_Wikisource_includes#Second-hand_transcriptions]] or should they be listed at [[Wikisource:Proposed deletions]]? Currently, they are not among the [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#Speedy deletion]] criteria, but they are repeatedly proposed for speedy deletion. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 09:09, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:Only speedy-able if a sourced version of the same text is hosted, per G4. There are no other valid criteria for speedy deletion of such. Summary deletion of so-called &quot;second-hand&quot; transcriptions without discussion is against the open nature of us as a library that anyone can bring works to. We can encourage people to bring them in a scan-backed form, but at present we don't have a policy that restricts to on-site scan-backing. If we speedy delete a new-comer's contributions we lose the new-comer. Also, the definition of &quot;second-hand&quot; seems quite arbitrary. Why aren't the various Executive Orders treated as second-hand? They are after all, simply brought over from the White House websites with minimal wikification. Yet, I've never seen them proposed for deletion on this ground. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:49, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::once upon a time, we used old guttenberg transcriptions pasted in the side by side edit box, when the text layer was really bad. (as a part of the migration process) yrmv. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:23, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I believe that they would fall under G5. I don't think that there is any evidence that many of these contributions stay on enWS. Most of them come, copy-and-paste a text (often without formatting), and then leave. It's an extremely fast process for them. Then, other enWS contributors then have to spend time on trying to format properly. PG are especially problematic because they silently correct errata. The entire process is just a time drain. As for the Executive Orders, I would also say that they should be speedied. They are published in the Federal Register and should be scan-backed from there. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:38, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::they were useful to me, if you delete them, then i cannot migrate works to scan backed works. increasing the scrap rate does not increase quality. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:41, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Definitely '''not''' G5. That is for ''content'' that is out of scope. The content of these works are in scope (on the whole), it's just the source that is seen as problematic by those tagging for speedy deletion. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:44, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:Second-hand transcriptions are out of scope for enWS, and any ''newly added'' second-hand transcriptions are speediable as such (that is, under CSD G5, which is the criterion for all content that does not meet [[WS:WWI]]). But the definition of it is inherently a grandfather clause in that it says enWS {{tqi|''no longer'' accepts any ''new'' … second-hand transcriptions of any sort|q=y}} (my emphasis). So for anyone pasting in a new Gutenberg text today you can speedy it (presumably while explaining the issue to the contributor on their talk page); but for any similar text that was added in 2021 or earlier it needs to go through a normal deletion discussion. It is also not a given that older second-hand transcriptions will be deleted at [[WS:PD]]: the policy only implicitly marks these as undesirable, so absent community consensus to delete the status quo will obtain. There's no strong presumed default &quot;delete&quot; outcome for these. I personally think there ''should'' be, but that's not what the policy currently is. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::While I agree that such works should not have a place at WS, I am hesitant about their speediness under current deletion policy. I agree with Beeswaxcandle that G5 with its bracketed part &quot;''(such as advertisements or book descriptions without text)''&quot; does not seem to give way to general speedying of all beyond-scope texts. So if we agreed that it does not apply only to completely blatant cases, we should either make the criterion more general by removing the brackets, or we should explicitely add some less blatant examples, e. g. the second-hand transcriptions.{{pbr}}However, after this discussion and after several current similar nominations at [[WS:Proposed deletions]], it seems to me that listing such cases there is useful, as some contributors sometimes save such works by scanbacking them, which would not be happening if they were speedied. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:19, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::The bracketed stuff are informative examples to illustrate; the criterion itself is {{tqi|'''Beyond scope''': The content … lies outside the scope of Wikisource|q=y}} (i.e. it fails to meet [[WS:WWI]]), and the limiting clause is {{tqi|… The content '''clearly''' lies outside the scope …|q=y}}. The point there is that if something is borderline or there's a significant possibility of mistake the admin shouldn't unilaterally decide (speedy) and it should go to WS:PD instead for community discussion. The latter is usually exemplified by someone pasting ''Harry Potter'' here—which is clearly a copyvio—versus someone proofreading a 1964 book that makes a superficially plausible claim of being {{tl|PD-US-no renewal}}. The latter could still be a copyvio, but a single admin shouldn't decide that based solely on misbelieving the contributor's assertion: it should go to WS:PD where the community can examine it and possibly dig up the evidence (either way) to determine its actual copyright status. ''Harry Potter'', obviously, should be speedied on sight (and preferably before Wizarding World Digital sends its DMCA-wielding Nazgûl after us).{{pbr}}That being said, I absolutely agree our policies are in dire need of tightening and should be written with much greater clarity. Navigating them now are an exercise in frustration for both general contributors and admins trying to apply them. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:43, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== Copyright status of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'' (1962) ==

I have done some searching in the copyright.gov database and come up empty for a renewal of the [https://archive.org/details/menshipssea0000unse first edition of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea''] by Alan Villiers, published in 1962 by the National Geographic Society. As far as I can tell it should therefore have lapsed into the public domain (excepting, possibly, licensed photographs and illustrations within it). However, seeing as other works by Villiers have had their copyrights renewed (e.g., the very similarly named ''Of Ships and Men'', also published in 1962), I would like to know the opinion of a more experienced user in judging the copyright status of this work, as I may have missed something important.{{pbr}}On a related note, is there a proper area for discussion about the copyright statuses of works not yet added to WS? I would have put this on [[WS:Copyright discussions]], but that seems to be more about works already on WS than about ones offsite. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 04:31, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

: Do you have the book? If you look at the actual book, you may see a list of copyright notices from other works. With or without them, I'm still concerned that there may be a number of other works that it's copying from.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:15, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Prosfilaes|Xover}} I'm reasonably confident that at least the text content was written specifically for this book, not copied from another source. I have a copy of the 1973 edition, which explicitly states: &quot;Text by Alan Villiers / with a foreword by Melville Bell Grosvenor / and additional chapters by [several other authors]&quot;. The foreword to this edition seems to indicate that the book was written from scratch: &quot;In commissioning him [Villiers] as chief author of ''Men, Ships, and the Sea'', the Society chose the greatest sea writer of our time.&quot;{{pbr}}There are, however, a proudly proclaimed &quot;423 illustrations, 294 in full color&quot; in my copy. Most of these are undoubtedly still under copyright (although a few are obviously in the public domain, and some were commissioned specifically for the book). That's slightly less than one illustration per page. I suppose I could redact all the offending images if I wanted to, but it's probably not fruitful enough to spend a great deal of time with. (If I were to do so&amp;mdash;assuming all the text content is PD&amp;mdash;would it then be suitable to host here?) In any case, thanks to both of you for the help and advice. &lt;code&gt;:)&lt;/code&gt; [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 17:12, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: You're right that [[WS:CV]] is more a workflow for discussing the copyright status of texts already on enWS. But you can certainly raise other copyright issues, such as the one in this thread, there too. It's more a question of what's the best venue for your needs: [[WS:CV]] is watched by only a small subset of the community (unfortunately) and is often months and years backlogged (because of insufficient community participation) so as a practical matter you may prefer to post here. On the flip side, for complicated copyright issues WS:CV may be better because the copyright wonks will see it there, and it may get you a more definitive answer (or at least guard against wholly incorrect answers).{{pbr}}Short version: feel free to post such queries either place.{{pbr}}PS. I agree with Prosfilaes: even if the copyright on ''this'' work was not renewed, it may contain independently copyrighted works that for our purposes has the same effect as if the whole was in copyright. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:53, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== ToC links ==

I like to style ToC's with the text linking to the transcoded page (unconditionally), and the page number linking to the Page namespace (when viewed from the Page or Index namespace), and to the transcoded page when the ToC is transcluded. This is *mostly* satisfied by {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} but it seems to be partially broken; does anyone know of a better choice, or how to fix it? The bug I've observed is that, for multi-level subpages, e.g. [[The_Works_of_Voltaire/Volume_36]], the page number links are broken (they assume a single level, e.g. they link to [[The Works of Voltaire/The Lisbon Earthquake]] but the actual page is [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]]). I think there may be other bugs, too. But it's really nice to have working links both to the transcluded pages and the Page namespace from the Index page, on the actual ToC, so I'd love to get this fixed. Suggestions? [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 03:50, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:Seems to me that this behaviour is caused by the part &lt;code&gt;#invoke:Filter|CleanParentDirectories&lt;/code&gt; in the code of {{Template|TOC link}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:57, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Yeah, but I'm not sure what would break if I took that out. I suppose I could make a separate version... [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 14:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::I took a look, and it looks like {{tl|TOC link}} is broken by design: it has a hard assumption that there is never more than one level of subpage. Unfortunately, people have apparently depended on the broken behaviour for the last decade or so, so fixing it will require going through all extant uses and fixing the broken ones. I'm not sure that's a task that can be reasonably automated either (it'd need a lot of custom coding, not just application of existing tools), so there's no quick fixes here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:34, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Cool, that makes creating a {{tl|TOC link multilevel}} much more appealing. I'll see what I can do. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 21:06, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Actually, it looks like {{tl|TOC link}} is fine; it's {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} that needs fixing for multi-level subpages. Specifically, {{tlp|TOC link|1|Volume 3/Something|link label}} works fine; the trick is that {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} breaks up the page link as &quot;The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36&quot; and &quot;The Lisbon Earthquake&quot; (and makes the text link label just the second part), while {{tl|TOC link}} needs the &quot;Volume 36&quot; part explicitly included. I should be able to make a variant of {{tl|TOC row 2dot-1 linked}} that handles this correctly, just by splitting the &quot;The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36&quot; param. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 22:59, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Sweet, I figured out a way to add an optional parameter (subpages=) that solves the problem! Yay, going off to fix ToC's now. [[User:JesseW|JesseW]] ([[User talk:JesseW|talk]]) 23:18, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::Good to see you solved your problem. I'll have to take another look, but I suspect you're still relying on a quirk of the implementation which we'll need to design a proper migration path for at some point. Not a pressing issue, but just so you're aware.{{pbr}}But let me just add the obligatory Please Don't Use These Templates™ rant: none of the current crop of toc templates should be used, because they are technically poor (every single use creates technical debt for us, and it's unsustainably huge already), a large proportion produce really rather horrid output (in a technical sense), their operation is prone to cause confusion (a link that looks blue in Page: may be broken in mainspace, and these templates make that harder to detect), and provide very little actual value for the complexity (linking to the physical page in Page: makes little sense: you'll never use it and it tells you nothing about the link's state in mainspace where it matters). It also doesn't help that we have a myriad inconsistent and incompatible such templates. The alternative is plain old table markup, which admittedly can be a little harder to learn and slightly more complicated to use for simple cases, but which gives you far more control and flexibility for the hard cases ''without the downsides of the toc templates''.{{pbr}}So far, nobody much are listening to me on this, but I live in hope… [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:19, 25 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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      <text bytes="136033" xml:space="preserve">:''[[WS:PD]] redirects here. For help with public domain materials, see [[Help:Public domain]].''
__NEWSECTIONLINK__
{{process header
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 | section  =
 | previous = [[WS:I/C|Community pages]]
 | next     = [[/Archives|Archives]] ([[/Archives/{{CURRENTYEAR}}|current]])
 | shortcut = [[WS:DEL]]&lt;br /&gt;[[WS:PD]]
 | notes    = This page is for proposing deletion of specific articles on Wikisource in accordance with the [[WS:DP|deletion policy]], and appealing previously-deleted works. '''Please add {{[[Template:delete|delete]]}} to pages you have nominated for deletion.''' [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes|What Wikisource includes]] is the policy used to determine whether or not particular works are acceptable on Wikisource. Articles remaining on this page should be deleted if there is no significant opposition after at least a week.

Possible copyright violations should be listed at [[Wikisource:Copyright discussions|Copyright discussions]]. Pages matching a [[WS:CSD|criterion for speedy deletion]] should be tagged with {{[[Template:sdelete|sdelete]]}} and ''not'' reported here (see [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests|category]]). 

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[[Category:Deletion requests| ]]
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__FORCETOC__

==[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]==
Only one entry is present, and no source is given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:51, 28 June 2020 (UTC).

: {{vk}} (and improve): The entry is proofread and properly formatted, and linked to/from the relevant author page. The scans are available at the IA, and this is [https://archive.org/details/acriticaldictio01unkngoog/page/n801/mode/2up a genuine entry]. It would naturally be better to import the scans, but even if that were not to happen, it's allowed to have single articles from a collective work&lt;sup&gt;†&lt;/sup&gt;, and it's allowed for things to not be scan-backed. It certainly would be beneficial to improve the top level page.
: {{smaller|†If this were only one chapter from a novel, or some other portion of a work that doesn't stand alone, I'd say delete.}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   06:33, 29 June 2020 (UTC)
: OK, so this is a bit of a mess. CDEL has multiple editions, each of three volumes, plus a &quot;supplement&quot; published after Allibone's death. I have managed to scrape up what I hope is a set of decent scans from the IA which aren't Google scans and aren't marked &quot;missing pages&quot; at the IA (not including the supplement): [[commons:Category:A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]. Anyone have any ideas on which three we like best? Latest possible? All are pre-1923. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   08:11, 29 June 2020 (UTC)

:{{vk}} at minimum until [[Wikisource:Scriptorium#Policy_on_substantially_empty_works|this discussion]] is concluded, as it is a prominent example in that discussion. Furthermore, {{vk}} for the long run per Inductiveload. I'm willing to do some of the work to get everything sorted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:14, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{vd}} Whilst I will agree that the work is in scope, this sole article reproduced as typed text sitting in the wilderness is not in scope. Looking forward to someone working on getting volumes of scans and coordinating the work. In the meanwhile delete, this title page and the singular article without prejudice to a proper presentation. Suggest moving the text of the single biography to the author's talk page. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:24, 24 January 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is not formatted correctly. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: These are two different works, though the critical text is (theoretically, at least!) the same:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is the ''US Statutes at Large'', which should be proofread from the scan [[Index:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu]], pages [[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/780|756]]–[[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/792|768]]
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UN Treaty Series. This work should be proofread against the relevant source scan at [[Index:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf]], pages [[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/27|11]]–[[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/57|41]].
:[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:38, 5 October 2020 (UTC)

::retain as different editions/versions, hat note the works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:04, 13 October 2020 (UTC)
*{{ping|Inductiveload}} You seem to have a grasp of what these works are. Could you move the editions of the same work to suitably disambiguated pages, create a versions page (or pages, if relevant), add {{tlx|other versions}}/{{tlx|similar}} hatnotes to link them together, and tag them all with {{tlx|migrate to}}? I ''think'' this and the below section are about two editions of a UN—US treaty and a distinct agreement relating to implementation of that treaty, but I quickly lose track of what's what here. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:55, 18 March 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is not formatted correctly. It also includes the acts of the US Congress that should not be a part of the article. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: Again, these are different works that contain the same text with different &quot;contexts&quot;:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is from [[Index:U.S. Participation in the UN - Report by the President to the Congress (1947).pdf]], starting at p222.
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UNTS v.11, as in the previous section.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:56, 5 October 2020 (UTC)
::If [[user:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] is saying that they are different editions, then retain, and ensure that we suitably disambiguate with a {{tl|versions}} page, and hat note each with {{tl|other version}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:03, 13 October 2020 (UTC)

== [[Translation:Manshu]] ==

Ok, I think it's time we have this conversation…

[[Translation:Manshu]] describes itself as a [[WS:T|Wikisource translation]] of {{tqi|A 9th century Middle Chinese text regarding the geopolitics of southwest China, particularly the historic kingdom of Nanzhao. It is an important historical source for the period. This translation is based upon a digitized version of the recompiled 1774 movable type edition edited by the 武英 (Palace Museum Library).|q=y}}

However, looking at it more closely it appears to be much more an original analytical work than anything that could be shoehorned to fit within our definition of a mere translation.

The front page is almost entirely original work (apart from a table of contents), partly semi-encyclopedic and partly meta-discussion about the effort itself.

Looking at [[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 1|Chapter 1]] we find some actual translation, but mostly comparisons with a professionally published previous translation (Luce) that is quoted ''extensively'', and translator's commentary that far exceeds the actual translated text itself. It also features a lot of images that obviously do not appear in any original, but have been picked to illustrate a particular point (i.e. how Wikipedia would construct an article).

[[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 2|Chapter 2]] and onwards are the same, except they lack the extensive quotations from the published translation (Luce), but only because the effort to compare has not reached that point yet. Around Chapter 9 the translation appears incomplete with only the Chinese original text present.

Irrespective of the rest of this work, there is a question regarding the extensive quotations from the previous professional translation ([https://hdl.handle.net/1813/57513 link]). It is a 1961 publication with copyright notice, so there is a high probability that it is in copyright (and thus the quotations are also copyvios). I haven't looked at this issue in detail, but if this discussion ends up keeping the work in some form we will have to address that separately (and if it is not in copyright, why are we not transcribing that instead of making our own?). The sole contributor to [[Translation:Manshu]] has a somewhat haphazard approach to copyright (e.g. claiming satellite imagery from Google Maps or similar as &quot;own work&quot;) so the issue will have to be checked thoroughly.

But all that being said, this is also a great effort and a unique work that really ''should'' exist somewhere. If it were completed I'm certain it could have been professionally published, and it would be a real shame if all the effort that's gone into it was wasted. The contributor has not been active since 2018 (and the last large progress was in 2016), so I don't think it very likely that it will now ever be completed; but if a place is found for it even the partial translation is valuable, and could conceivably be completed by others at some point in the future. If the outcome of this discussion is that it is out of scope we should make a real effort to see whether a project like WikiBooks would be interested, and, if not, rather than simply delete it we should move it to the contributor's user space (a practice I am usually vehemently opposed to but am making an exception in this particular case).

In any case, it has kept popping up on my radar for various reasons, and I have always been torn on what to do about its issues. It seems clearly outside of scope per [[WS:WWI]], doesn't meet [[WS:T]], violates [[WS:ANN]], and would most likely need cleanup to meet [[WS:COPY]]. So now I'm putting the question before the community: what do we do about this? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:20, 2 April 2021 (UTC)
:[[WS:T]] ought to address contributions like this, the first section on published works is redundant. Are there examples of Wikisource translations that have been in some way verified (validated)? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 14:43, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
::{{re|Cygnis insignis}} Not a lot, but they do exist. [[Translation:On Discoveries and Inventions]] is a recent example. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:42, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
: It could go in User space for the time being. Maybe Wikibooks would want it? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
:I'm only able to comment on a small portion of this, which I hope might be helpful: https://cocatalog.loc.gov/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&amp;PAGE=First has no results for Man shu or southern barbarians as title; nor Luce, Gordon as an author name; nor do Cornell University or Southeast Asia Program or Oey or Fan, Cho seem to have a relevant renewal under their names. Southeast Asia Program as a title reveals registration of other of these data papers as copyrighted works, but no renewal of this one. This suggests the copyright was never renewed on the Luce translation (possibly this is not surprising, as these weren't exactly blockbusters...) and it is now public domain, judging by [[Help:Public domain#ref renewal]]. If accurate, this should resolve the [[WS:COPY]] concern. Good luck with the rest of this matter! [[User:Dingolover6969|Dingolover6969]] ([[User talk:Dingolover6969|talk]]) 11:39, 21 January 2022 (UTC)


===Response by author===
Hi there, I am the primary author, an admin on English Wikipedia. I would say I have spent upwards of 500 hours on this translation. During the time it is alleged that I have been inactive, I was a founding team member at a very important company you would have heard of, and provided some of the earliest COVID map coverage on Wikipedia ([https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.webm webm] [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.gif gif]). Currently I run seven (7) companies and have a family, so it is fair to say I have 'other commitments'. I do still intend to complete the translation. Aside from time constraints, partly I have not been active on Wiki projects recently because I am living in China and this makes editing Wikiprojects a massive hassle due to the requirement for a VPN. Nevertheless, I noticed this deletion attempt by [[User:Xover|Xover]] and would like to respond objectively for the record. If we summarize the alleged issues they are as follows:
* '''The translation includes commentary'''
** That is simply because it is a good (ie. transparent/honest) translation.
** Any accredited historian will agree this is a good (positive) feature.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work is incomplete'''
** I am still finishing, I am just ridiculously busy and have been so for five years.
** Incomplete and pending further effort is often simply the nature of voluntary work.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes quotations from previous translations'''
** Fully cited and contextually presented, in academia, this is clearly fair use.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes satellite derived images'''
** These images were constructed with great care based upon detailed context and are both low resolution and substantially original work in themselves.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The translation is done by the contributor and openly licensed instead of being an out of copyright work of someone else which has been uploaded'''
** IMHO as a student of history original translation is *great* to welcome and should be encouraged.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates 'What Wikisource Includes' (WWI) '''
** Wikisource includes &quot;Works created after 1925&quot; / &quot;Analytical and artistic works&quot;.
** Wikisource includes &quot;Translations&quot;
** To be perfectly honest I consider this assertion a truly baseless accusation that I frankly find highly offensive.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''&quot;Doesn't meet&quot; WS:T'''
** Unclear what this means
** The WST page clearly states that original translations are in-scope and acceptable (there is only one prior English translation and it is bad and incorrect)
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates WS:ANN'''
** I have never seen that page before in my life
** Apparently it doesn't like parallel text
** I would suggest strongly that parallel text provides the basis for most high caliber academic translations, it is my view that ''the policy page'' is wrong and further discussion to correct it should occur there.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Requires cleanup to meet WS:COPY'''
** Unsure what this is actually alleging
** Aside from original work there is only contextual quotations from other works in line with an academic translation
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.

Sincerely, [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:12, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

:I just noticed that Xover also deleted my maps. This is a great loss. I cannot recreate them as I do not have access to the context at the time. This is truly a tragedy. I am ... highly alarmed and stressed at this turn of events and will cease contributing further to Wikipedia projects. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:21, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
::Could someone with more time please go through the undeletion process on my behalf. It is... truly a great tragedy. Multiple academics had thanked me for this work. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 12:55, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

::: {{Re|Pratyeka}} These maps are not appropriate for enWS (or Commons), because they contain copyright material: the satellite photos. There is no allowance here, as there is at enWP, for fair use or de minimis, and resolution doesn't affect it. I imagine the &quot;correct&quot; solution is to either locate a suitable base maps from Commons (or NASA or other PD source), draw your own, or commission them via [[c:Commons:Graphics Lab/Map workshop]].
::: If the presumption of copyright is incorrect (e.g. the photos are PD or freely licenced), then let me know and they can be restored and correct attribution and licence declarations made. In that case, they actually belong at Commons.
::: Sadly, being thanked by academics does not overrule copyright.
::: Even if these are copyrighted, I can also provide you with the files if you do not have access to them any more. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 14:00, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
: {{Re|Pratyeka}} I'm glad to see you're editing again. I'm not sure why you felt it relevant to mention that you have +sysop on enwp, but since you bring it up… as an admin on enwp you should be well familiar with the need to make policy-based arguments in such discussions and to familiarise oneself with the policy on the project. I have raised several policy-based concerns, and your response addresses none of them. However, to reiterate the challenges:{{pbr}}The text on [[Translation:Manshu]] is not a mere translation of a previously published work. It contains substantial portions of your own analysis, comparisons, and commentary: all of which is ''original'' rather than ''previously published'' content. In enwp terms, think of it as &quot;original research&quot;: it's not a perfect analogy, but the problem is similar. This is out of scope for English Wikisource. In addition, you include extensive quotations from the other (professionally published) translation, but that translation is not public domain or compatibly licensed. Fair use content is not permitted on English Wikisource (and even on enWP only in very narrow and limited circumstances), which puts in violation of our licensing policy.{{pbr}}Now, as I wrote above, this is an impressive work and I am sure it is a valuable contribution to the knowledge in that area of study. It just isn't compatible with the policies on Wikisource. In other words, if it is to stay here it will have to be stripped down so that it ''only'' contains the translation, without embellishment, of the original text and all non-public domain elements removed. I imagine that's not your first choice as I get the impression it is the analytical parts of the work that interest you the most. So as an alternative, works such as this may be in scope for [[b:Main Page|WikiBooks]]: their scope explicitly includes original works so long as it falls within their definition of &quot;educational&quot;. As another Wikimedia sister project it is possible to import the pages between projects, even preserving revision history. If you need it we can try to facilitate contact with the Wikibooks community to get the ball rolling. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:50, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

*'''Oppose'''. This whole situation is insulting. The work is clearly a Wikisource translation of a work in the public domain, and is thus in scope, your complaints about the annotations aside. This discussion should never have been started, and much less dragged on this long. The problem with the maps is unfortunate, but the rest is irrelevant. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:25, 4 August 2021 (UTC)
*:Indeed, and I would love nothing better than to see much ''much'' wider participation in discussions here and on [[WS:CV]] so that we could properly determine community consensus and within a reasonable time. That's why I so very much appreciate your efforts to participate in both venues! However, meanwhile we have to operate within the reality that exists. I am sorry if you found this insulting, but there really is no other way to address such issues. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:54, 7 August 2021 (UTC)
*:*I’m sorry, that was a bit much. My apologies. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:22, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Act No. 3815]] ==

Copydump, what formatting there is uses raw HTML, with no source and no license. A superficial look also suggests this is a modern translation (the specified translator shows up in Google as a paralegal) so it may also be a copyvio, but I'm too lazy to do the research on that just now. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:32, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
: Weirdly it looks to have been originally published in English so I am not sure what that translation is about, see e.g. here https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1930/12/08/act-no-3815-s-1930/ (which says public domain). The source is almost certainly from the copyrighted source here: https://www.chanrobles.com/revisedpenalcodeofthephilippines.htm#.YLgkKXVKiV4 since it has the chan robles header. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:38, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
:: Please look at Republic Act No. 8293 Section 176 (which is also here in Wikisource at [[RA 8293#Sec. 176]]), the Philippine law stating all Philippine government works (including your proposed '''Act No. 3815''') are and must be not copyrighted and are in the public domain. &lt;br&gt;Also, all Philippine laws are written in English and not a translation of any kind.— &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:25px&quot;&gt;🍕&lt;/span&gt; &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:'Comic Sans MS';&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#FFC83D&quot;&gt;Yivan&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#F7894A&quot;&gt;000&lt;/span&gt; &lt;small&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[[User:Yivan000|view]]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;sub&gt;[[User_talk:Yivan000|talk]]&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;/small&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 14:38, 16 July 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Yivan000|Yivan000]]: Thank you for working to improve this text; however, please familiarise yourself with our style guide. enWS does not use the automatically generated table of content that MediaWiki provides, does not use the heading syntax of MW wikimarkup (we use direct visual formatting instead), and we use formatting templates rather than raw HTML. Paragraph breaks should be done by simply inserting two newlines, and italics should be done with wikimarkup, not HTML. In short, while massively improved from the cut&amp;pasted text that was there before, this is still a mess. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:12, 3 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham]] ==

{{ping|PBS}} is this a complete work?  Almost seems to be an extract from an extract, but I cannot tell. If we can situate it as part of a work, can we please do so, otherwise it seems it is extract per [[WS:WWI]] and if so, not part of our collection. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:03, 29 July 2021 (UTC)
*The source indicates this is a complete part of the ''History of Birmingham'', but, as it itself is an extract, it should be deleted in favor of the full work; though I cannot find a scan. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:18, 31 July 2021 (UTC)

:Ok, not that it matters all that much to this discussion but I've uploaded a scan of ''The History of Birmingham'' and scan-backed this text. Looking at the immediate source this fragment is actually a &quot;chapter&quot;, of sorts, in that it has its own entry in the table of contents (titled &quot;Extract&quot;). It is still an extract from ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835), which gives an extract of [[Author:John Vicars|John Vicars]]'s ''God in the Mount'' (1641).{{pbr}}Regarding the latter I have been unable to locate any scan of it anywhere. EEBO has [https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A64897.0001.001?view=toc the text], but the scans are, as usual, locked up by ProQuest. Multiple institutions have holdings of it—including the British Library, Corpus Christi, the National Library of Scotland, Trinity College, the Victoria and Albert Museum, the Folger, the Huntington, and the Beinecke—but none have made scans available. If anyone ''really'' cares, several of these institutions may be amenable to scanning it for us.{{pbr}}In any case, as it stands it is an extract of an extract, and presented completely divorced from its original published context, so it'll have to go (from mainspace).{{pbr}}However, as PBS hasn't edited since May I think we should leave this open for a while yet in the hopes of hearing from them. They may be interested in proofreading the rest of ''The History of Birmingham'' and there's no particular hurry. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:33, 10 August 2021 (UTC)
:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: I have (dubious) ProQuest access, and have accessed ''God in the Mount''. The scans bear a (presumably British) copyright notice, does that matter? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 19:35, 23 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: In copyright terms, no. ProQuest is just asserting a &quot;sweat of the brow&quot; copyright for the scanning job, but Wikimedia projects do not honour such claims. The original work is PD and that's what matters. But the terms of use of ProQuest's services (a matter of contract law) prohibit downloading and scraping, so we can't host it for that reason (and you'd risk getting sued over it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: My claim of dubious access was a little too vague, I guess. What I mean is this: I have access to the ''content'' of ProQuest, but I have never myself accessed ProQuest, and do not have access to the “front-end” ProQuest database. Using a personal ILL account, I can request books (some of which are on ProQuest), but nowhere in the agreement to use that ILL account is there a restriction on usage like the ProQuest EULA—which means there is no contract for me (or Wikimedia) to get sued over. The only restriction on usage at all is the generic copyright notice for ILL systems. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 13:49, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

I have been AFK. I see now that the whole book is in place (thank you [[user:Xover]]) so presumably the header about delete can now be removed from the page. However the reason for placing it here on Wikisource in the first place and it is a stand alone extract from a book. If only whole books can exist in this archive and not extracts from a book, then that presents a real problem, as one of the reasons this source site was created was to take extracts that ought not to be placed onto Wikipedia. To take one example &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; does the whole book have to exist on Wikisurce before that extract (about a specific topic, or passage) can be placed on Wikisource? [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes#Excerpts]] is to say the least not clear on this issue. -- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 16:48, 12 September 2021 (UTC)

:@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: Thanks for commenting!{{pbr}}Yes, our written policies are rather less developed than one expects coming from enWP, and rely instead on practice developed over the years. It's really not an approach that's friendly to people for whom enWS is not their primary project, but I've complained about it so much people have started to just nod, smile, and back away slowly when I bring it up. Oh well…{{pbr}}Our basic unit here is the previously published work, in a specific edition. ''God in the Mount'' (1641) is ''a work''. ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835) is ''a work''. The latter includes an excerpt of the former, and [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham|April the 8th …]] is an excerpt from that. In other words, an excerpt of an excerpt. In a ''citation'' (i.e. on enWP) citing some fragment of info through intermediary sources is fine and often even preferable for reliability, but the goal on enWS is preserving and making available the ''works'' themselves ''as published''. That we have added a scan to back the excerpt does not make it any less of an excerpt; only made possible the production of the whole work. But do I take it then that you have no interest in proofreading the entire work? At a little over 500 pages it isn't insurmountable, and it's not inconceivable that others would be interested in helping out. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:15, 17 September 2021 (UTC)
::[[User:Xover|Xover]]: if I had unlimited time the I would be only too happy to proofread the book. However I tend to proof read text that is useful for my primary work about topics on Wikipeadia. My concern here is that the extract was a quote of a primary source, if primary sources can only be accessed if the whole of the text in which it is quoted then this is a diminution of the use of both Wikipedia and Wikisource to provide information to readers of articles on Wikipedia. Take for example the quote from Richard I. The original will be in French, and will exist in some archive. There are several translation in reliable secondary sources. The reason for placing an extract from one of those secondary sources is it allows a  Wikipedia article on Richard to include the statement &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; with a link to the text on Wikisource. The rest of the book may or may not be worth including here. But the translation of the primary source certainly is.
::Another example which is on my to do list is a further transcribing of &quot;[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna]]&quot; That in itself is a large undertaking and usually Wikipedia articles are only interested in specific articles within the treaties that make up the Final Act. However while I see the use of copying all of the treaties that make up the Final Act, I see no reason in the medium term to copy over and proofread the whole of the sources I am using for that text: ''The Parliamentary Debates from the Year 1803 to the Present Time'', volume 2, 1 Feb to 6 march 1816. Even more so as the text is formatted in a way that make reading it difficult (so I am using a couple of other sources to help with formatting and some minor translation alterations). As I wrote in the introduction to ''[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna/Act I]]''  &quot;This translation was laid before the British Parliament on 2 February 1816, with some additional formatting from the French original.&quot; The reason for this is that the French formatting is close to modern English that that used in the Parliamentary translation.
::So I think that you need to consider when suggesting that the whole text of a secondary source is included, whether that is the most useful use of editors time or even if it is desirable when what is most useful for modern use by as [[Wikipedia:Wikipedia:Article titles|:Wikipedia:Article titles]] puts it &quot;The ... description of the subject that someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area will recognize.&quot; Ie someone interested in (but probably not an expert in) the Napoleonic wars, or the post war concord, may well be interested in the details of the treaties without being in the leaset interested in the Prince Regents speech to the British Parliament at the start of the 1816 session.
::It may be in the future that someone somewhere will want a copy of that speech, but until it is requested (eg via a link from an article on Wikipedia), I think that editors can use their limited time here to support the project in ways that are more help to the someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area.
::-- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 14:46, 3 October 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: You need to think of it in terms of things like [[w:WP:NPOV|WP:NPOV]], [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]] and [[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]]: if we allowed arbitrary extracts we would allow selective quotation of whatever subsets of a work supported someone's point of view (maybe [[w:WP:UNDUE|WP:UNDUE]] is an apposite reference?). Our equivalent to [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]] is to make sure works are previously published, and not self-published. For [[w:WP:V|WP:V]] we use proofreading from a scan of the original, rather than just cut&amp;pasting some text from the web somewhere. For example, if you are adding text that is an amalgamation of multiple sources (the text you mentioned as hard to read), or are adding text from one edition but formatting it according to a completely different edition, you are essentially just creating a completely new edition. In analogy, you are violating [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]]/[[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]], [[w:WP:V|WP:V]], and [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]].{{pbr}}We do not require anyone to actually proofread entire publications (they can literally be a lifetime's work in length), but whenever you are looking at something more granular than &quot;book&quot; it ends up being an assessment of whether the text qualifies as a stand-alone ''work'' (think &quot;stand-alone article&quot; or &quot;… list&quot; in enWP terms: [[w:WP:GNG|WP:GNG]]-like assessments apply) or whether it is a mere excerpt from a larger work. A poem of a few lines can certainly qualify as a stand-alone work, but even a full chapter excerpted from a novel would not. Your Richard I example might pass that bar, as it looks like a complete letter or speech (I didn't check its published context; it needs scan-backing and situating within the context of the work within it was published in any case), but the text currently under discussion doesn't because not only is it an excerpt from ''The History of Birmingham'' but it is also in turn an excerpt of ''God in the Mount''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:23, 3 October 2021 (UTC)

== [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] ==

Unsourced Old English poem. I can't find a scan of the original source, or any source that was definitely published before 1926.

I'm sure the poem probably is real, but if it's unsourced there's no way to ''prove'' it wasn't just invented as a hoax. Modern books mention the poem, but that's not quite good enough.

Someone more knowledgable in Old English literature than me might be able to find a source and/or prove what we have transcribed here is legitimate. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:00, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

: This is one of the [[w:Anglo-Saxon metrical charms]]. It's certainly a &quot;thing&quot;:
:* https://uw.digitalmappa.org/58 (Look under Charms -&gt; Against the Water-Elf disease).
:* https://ota.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/repository/xmlui/bitstream/handle/20.500.12024/3009/3009.html?sequence=6&amp;isAllowed=y (No. 344)
: The [[w:Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records]] contains this in volume 6 (1942), but that was renewed: {{copyright renewal|R491174}}.
: That said, this is from the 10th century: even if ASPR 6 is the only printed source ever, this is pretty clearly PD unless this edition has copyrightable modifications. At worst we could use the manuscript above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:03, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Rho9998}} this seems like it might be in your wheelhouse: do you know of a good modern-ish source for this that's in the PD? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:41, 8 August 2021 (UTC)

::: {{re|Inductiveload}} There is Cockayne's 1864 edition of the &quot;Leechbook&quot; in which the poem is found; I don't think there are any editions in the public domain after that. The poem can be found on page 350 of the Internet Archive upload: https://archive.org/details/leechdomswortcun02cock/page/350/mode/2up

:::: {{re|Rho9998}} Amazing, thank you!
:::: The index is already up (along with vols 1 and 3): [[Index:Leechdoms wortcunning and starcraft of early England volume 2.djvu]] due to the industry of @[[User:Beleg Tâl]]! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 9 August 2021 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: The transcription from ASPR does not appear to match that of the ''Leechbook'', suggesting the mere transcription may have copyrightable elements (akin to a translation). In either case, the fragment at [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] is not scan-backed to either ASPR or the ''Leechbook''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:57, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

== The complete works of Count Tolstoy ==

Some page scans of (mostly) Wiener's &quot;The complete works of Count Tolstoy&quot;
exist as 2 versions:

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_01.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_03.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc03tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_04.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc04tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_12.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc12tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_13.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc13tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_17.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc17tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_21.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc21tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_22.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc22tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_24.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc24tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_26.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc26tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_28.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc28tols).pdf]]


To avoid that people start editing them twice, one of these
sets should be deleted. Because the indices with the *.djvu
seem to have been used already in the  
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy ,
the preferential deletion should target the PDF versions, not the DJVU. [On the other hand, the PDF volumes seem to be complete but some DJVU volumes missing, so a homogeneous name space would rather keep the PDF...]
[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 10:04, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:Well, that's frustrating, given that I speedy deleted several of the pdfs as duplicates back a few months and someone has blithely recreated them. Yes, once any proofread pages have been appropriately dealt with, '''delete''' all the pdf versions and also delete the template that lists the volumes. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 21:58, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:There is a message of some &quot;InductiveBot&quot; of 2021-05-17 in [[Page:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksof02tols).pdf/107]] which says that some DJVU pages have been moved to the PDF pages. Will something like this happen again, if the PDF scans are deleted? (I'll start to copy all contents of the PDF pages to the DJVU...). - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 12:24, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
::@[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]]: {{ul2|InductiveBot}} is a bot operated by {{ul2|Inductiveload}} If it moved these pages it was probably in response to a request someone made. I would suggest you hold off moving any pages until we figure out the background and decide definitively what indexes we are going to use. It is also probably best to let an admin do it to avoid a lot of cleanup afterwards. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 1 September 2021 (UTC)

:: (E/C) This was talked about before, but no much seems to have happened: [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-05#Tolstoy_(Wiener)...]].
:: {{Re|R. J. Mathar}} please do not copy the content, that's a complete waste of everyone's time and removes history. I'll move any pages if needed. Manually moving pages between indexes is rarely the right thing to do, because if you do that, whoever does the move properly will need to delete the copied pages first.
:: Volume 2 was missing pages in the DJVU, so it was migrated to the PDF (see the deletion log at [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]]). If we want to go for a full set of DJVUs, that needs fixing. Or do we want a mixed set? 
:: If a batch upload of the missing DJVU volumes is desired, I can do that if provided with a spreadsheet of metadata as explained here [[User:Inductiveload/Requests/Batch uploads]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:36, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:I had in mind to do some Tolstoy a while back and found this mire, when I noticed an admin assisting the disruption I stopped trying to sort it out.  It is very easy to waste a lot of thoughtful contributors time with a few clicks. Can someone please ping the relevant accounts? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 12:57, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:This is one of the templates, [[Template:The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes]], and the history of the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Template:Works_of_Tolstoy_(Wiener)&amp;action=history other]. &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:22, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Languageseeker}} do you have any comment on what you were attempting to achieve? [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 23:06, 10 October 2021 (UTC)
:: As I recall, I started importing this set for the inaugural MC because someone recommended Anna Karenina. I didn’t realize that someone had already started this one as a DJVU set because it wasn’t listed on the Tolstoy page. Then, while looking through some of the Tolstoy works, I stumbled across the partial set of DJVUs. So, I requested that the text be merged over to the PDF because some of the DJVUs had missing pages or were worser quality. Beeswaxcandle then deleted the PDFs leaving to partial sets. Soon afterwards, I had to take a wiki break. It seems that in the meantime, someone began improving the DJVU set and restored the PDFs. Now, it seems like we have three choices. First, move the pages over from the DJVu to the PDF and delete the DJVU set. Two, import all the PDFs, move the page list over, merge the PDF pages to the DJVu, delete all the PDFs. Three, create a mixed set of PDFs and DJVUs by moving the pages over from the PDFs to the DJVUs and then deleting the PDFs. Two seems like the most work, three will produce a more confusing template, and one will require a bot to move stuff. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:33, 10 October 2021 (UTC)

I added the missing pages 311 and 312 (that is 337 and 338 if counted from 1) to the Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_02.djvu version on the wikimedia commons, copying the pages from the PDF scans. So at least that djvu-volume does no longer have missing pages. It would be useful to know exactly which other dvju volumes miss which pages. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 13:23, 15 October 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|R. J. Mathar}} It should be noted that [[:File:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] is based on {{IA|completeworksof02tols}} however [[:File:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]] was based on {{IA|completeworksofc03tols}}. The First is a Univ. of Florida scan of one of their prints while the latter is an MSN scan of a CDL print. It appears you created some strange Frankenstein of the two of them. I just upload [https://archive.org/download/completeworksof02tols/completeworksof02tols.djvu completeworksof02tols.djvu] over it and change the documented source (which was originally only documented as  &quot;Internet Archive&quot;). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 18:24, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
The difference between these two can be easily viewed by comparing:
{|
|DJVU ||{{Works of Tolstoy (Wiener)}}
|-
|PDF ||style=&quot;font-size:0.9em&quot;|{{The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes}}
|}
I filled in the missing DJVU Index pages (and media on Commons) since only [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 2|Volume 2]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 20|Volume 20]] are currently transcluding from the PDFs (where as [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 12|Volume 12]], [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 23|Volume 23]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 24|Volume 24]] are from the DJVUs). They aren't particularly pretty but they are now there (the PDFs seem only slightly better as some of the DJVUs seem to have extraneous pages and the OCR is misaligned between pages). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 19:20, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Korean Air Lines Flight 007 transcripts]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, no consensus--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 02:00, 7 December 2021 (UTC)|text=
An amalgamation of something like 7 different sources of data, all of them selectively included, and compiled into an original work on-wiki. The result is interesting and valuable, but it is [[WS:WWI|out of scope]] for Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:18, 7 September 2021 (UTC)
*It is one work, though compiled from several sources. I do not believe it is original to Wikisource, but to the United Nations; although I have not verified this presumption. The compilation (being chronological) is not creative, and thus does not have copyright. The coloring is useful, and quite interesting. I do not think it to be quite without scope, however. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
}}

== Everything in the mainspace in [[:Category:Project disclaimers]] ==

I feel like this might be a hot take since these have been around a long time, but I don't think the mainspace is the appropriate place to have these disclaimers.

In December 2015, [[User:Library Guy]] moved the page [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] (now a mainspace redirect, which I also disagree with) to [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] with the comment &quot;shouldn't be in main namespace&quot;. They are not works at all, nor are they actual sections of the original encyclopedias themselves, so I don't believe they belong in the mainspace.

At the very least, the mainspace project disclaimers should be moved to appropriate sections of the project namespace, without redirects being left behind. However, I think these overly specific disclaimers are probably products of another time, when Wikisource was younger and it was being used more so than to-day as an aid and supplement to Wikipedia's efforts. We also have [[Wikisource:General disclaimer]] which (at least in a broader way) covers most of the things said in these pages. I would be fine with just to '''delete''' them.

However, I'll leave the interpretation to consensus below. Should the entries be moved to other namespaces, or deleted entirely? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 19:17, 11 September 2021 (UTC)

{{smaller|Edit: Also pinging {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} in case the Library Guy account won't be used a while. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)}}
*'''Oppose.''' Thanks for pinging the other account. Maybe something like {{tl|AuxTOC}} can be used to wrap the disclosures.  I imagine the information is available elsewhere, but I think it is good idea to make the disclaimer information more immediately available for the encyclopedia projects.  I've never checked the alternative disclaimers cited.  They seem too obscure to me. The contents listings for the encyclopedias are also not part of the source.  Something should probably be done there.  Maybe just {{tl|AuxTOC}} could work somehow.  The disclaimers could be moved back to the main namespace with a wrapper of some sort since it seems tough to wrap a redirect. Seems fair to keep around the redirect though since the destination makes things clear. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 13:45, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} You don't think moving them to another namespace is a good idea, at least, as you've done at EB1911? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:I think putting the disclaimer in the project namespace is an effective solution, but you were talking about deleting the redirect, and the wrapper solution, which I have become aware of more lately, would avoid the redirect.  I like the current solution better than the wrapper for the disclaimer.  The wrapper solution ({{tl|AuxTOC}}) would work better for the tables of contents.  It is widely used.  I will also mention the [[ACAB]] disclaimer has some things that I think are really very necessary for that work. Probably the encyclopedia disclaimers should at least refer to the General discliamer. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 17:17, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' These project disclaimers were added a long time ago, and are a part of the project’s set-up. While, strictly speaking, they are not neccessary, I think that, at this point, it would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them. Certainly, they should not be made now; but I do not think they should be deleted. Any move (across namespaces) would necessitate a cross-namespace redirect, owing to the age of the original name. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;It would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them.&quot; – For what reason do you say that? Age alone isn't a reason to keep—there are lots of old relics that we've deleted at WS:PD. Assuming that we delink all references to it in the mainspace (which is what I'm advocating for by the way), what harm would this do to the project itself, reading- or editing-wise? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: The “old relics” which have been deleted were entire works—although they were usually not quite so entire; this is not the case here. I '''oppose''' removing the references, as the continuity of use of them (my meaning in ''age'' here, my apologies for the confusion) would be so disrupted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:15, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;The old relics were entire works; this is not the case here.&quot; Right, they aren't works at all, nor parts of works, in any sense. The mainspace is for ''works'', not entire user-generated pages dedicated to explaining some bits of information about how a work ought to be used, especially when all of those notices are already fundamentally covered by [[WS:General disclaimer]]. Furthermore, the initial question I had has still not been answered. That is, why, specifically, would the removal of these disclaimers in the mainspace be so destructive to the encyclopedia projects? You even admit that &quot;strictly speaking, they are not necessary&quot;, so if something isn't necessary, why would deleting it be so detrimental? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:06, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: They are not ''as a rule'' necessary, but these in particular have been made necessary ''as an exception'' because of their long use. No, the notices are not covered by the general disclaimer; that is why they are project-specific, and deleting them would entail recourse to the general (and thus not specifically useful) disclaimer, while losing the information of specific relevance to the articles at hand. They generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules regarding “verifiability,” “notability,” and such, I believe; such being the reason for their initial creation. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:14, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Wikipedians copying and referencing material that happens to be in the public domain is nothing new as you say. The entire sum of human media before 1923, and now before 1926, is a pretty wide scope of works after all, which, theoretically, we should have transcribed in its totality at Wikisource. I've seen entire plot summary sections of Wikipedia articles having been copied verbatim from public domain film magazines, for example (as of now, film magazine coverage at Wikisource is incredibly slim, however ''theoretically'' we should have them all). There are a ton of nonfiction works, encyclopedias included but also dictionaries, atlases, certain magazines, textbooks, newspapers, masters' theses, and the list goes on. Any number of these things are copied and/or used at Wikipedia all the time. Should we make mainspace disclaimers specific to these, too? How about I put a page like that in [[The Masses (periodical)]], to make sure that Wikipedians who might use it know that ''The Masses'' purposefully has a socialist slant, and that articles shouldn't be copied to Wikipedia because it's not NPOV? The encyclopedia disclaimers set a bad precedent that way, and I'm a bit worried something like that might be tried one day because of it.

And anyway, if &quot;they generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules&quot;, that seems like a bad thing to me. Why is that our responsibility? What is done with the information in the encyclopedias at Wikipedia should ''by no means'' be our specific responsibility. We're a very different project from them, and Wikipedians can go to pages like [[Wikisource:For Wikipedians]] to get an idea of that.

Furthermore, I disagree that these disclaimer pages are useful even. Let's look at [[Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Project Disclaimer]] as an example. It says:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Inaccuracies:''' The articles of the 1921 edition of Collier's New Encyclopedia were based upon the information available to the editors and contributors at the time of their original publication in the early 20th century. Changing circumstances and more recent research may have rendered this information obsolete or revealed it to be inaccurate, especially in the areas of science, law, and ethnography. Readers should bear this in mind when using the information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
There is an entire section dedicated to this very thing covered by [[WS:GD]], which says for example (while not with the exact wording):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] we cannot guarantee (in any way whatsoever) the validity of the documents found here. In particular, medical or legal texts on Wikisource may be incorrect or out of date. We suggest contacting a qualified professional for such information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
The next section:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Transcription errors:''' These articles are transcribed from the originals by volunteers, sometimes directly and sometimes by correcting a preliminary OCR conversion. While we strive for perfect accuracy, there may be transcription errors in the articles.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
What [[WS:GD]] says about the same thing (although the wording isn't very specific so it's easy to misconstrue):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] material found here may not be reviewed by professionals who are knowledgeable in the particular areas of expertise necessary to ensure the accuracy of the texts.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
So we can take out those bits because they aren't necessary for an entire separate page. What we're left with is the very first paragraph, which states:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Title usage:''' Use of the titles Collier's New Encyclopedia or Collier's Encyclopedia is strictly to acknowledge titles used to refer to the edition of 1921 which has gone into the public domain in the United States due to the expiration of its copyright there. Any reference to this material should explicitly note the original date of publication.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
Trademark law is not mentioned in the general disclaimer. However, at this point all we have is a paragraph, which is enough for just being in the notes section on the header of the encyclopedia work.

However, even this trademark law bit ''could'' be mentioned in the general disclaimer, but isn't for some reason. Really, any number of works hosted at Wikisource are probably still protected by trademark in some jurisdictions, and we really shouldn't leave a disclaimer about it on every work that applies to. We should probably mention, in the general disclaimer, that the use of the titles of some works, or the identities of the characters in them, may violate trademark laws in some jurisdictions which is unrelated to copyright.

I'd like to end the post by saying that I think much the material in these project disclaimers could be either included or made more specific in the [[WS:General disclaimer]]. I don't like how vague the general disclaimer currently is on many issues, so it certainly could be improved. However, the issues with the general disclaimer does not necessitate the existence of a specific project disclaimer page, in the ''mainspace'' of all places, for every single encyclopedia we have that I know of. I think the improvement of our general disclaimer should be discussed by the way (probably separately to this discussion). [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:58, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: Many encyclopedias (''e.g.'', ''EB'', ''EA'') are still covered by trademark law, but ''most'' (if not effectively all) books are not. My response to your (rhetorical?) question about ''The Masses'' is the following: No, it should not have a disclaimer, because ''no ''new'' disclaimers should be made''. The maintenance (read: non-deletion) of these project disclaimers harks back to when Wikipedia copied at large from the old encyclopedias, and they noted them back to Wikisource. The disclaimers were added to the projects at the time to facilitate this, and thus, to maintain this ''ad-hoc'' “backwards compatibility,” they should be kept. I disagree with your interpretation above: the ''Collier’s'' disclaimer is more specific than the general disclaimer, and thus is useful. (This is the case with other project disclaimers, as well.) I also believe that the general disclaimer is perfectly functional in its current state: being a ''general'' disclaimer, it doesn’t need excruciating detail. I agree regarding the general disclaimer discussion; for another time, perhaps. (As for the old film magazines, they are quite interesting, but with so many images, it is a daunting prospect.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:13, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: There have apparently been incidents regarding the use of the Sherlock Holmes character in newer works, as policed by the Doyle estate. However I'll digress on everything else, for the sake of further community input on this issue. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:27, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::*Ah, but Sherlock Holmes is not ''title'', but ''character''; for ''titles'', there are but few trademarks, though for characters, there are many more. (I am reminded of “[[w:Arsène Lupin versus Herlock Sholmes|Herlock Sholmes]],” though from whence I know not.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:32, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::My understanding is that the issues around Sherlock Holmes are around copyright because some works are in and some works are not, with the claim that derivative works are derivative of those works still in copyright, the trademark in terms of print [[https://trademarks.justia.com/779/37/sherlock-77937813.html was abandonded]]. Tarzan on the other hand has had court cases around the character and is a live trademark. Winnie-the-Pooh and Steamboat Willie will be other interesting cases of this.  [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 15:01, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{ping|MarkLSteadman}} It'd be a shame if Sherlock Holmes as a character was still under ''copyright proper'' in the UK. In the US, the original being public domain would allow for derivative works of that original interpretation to therefore be allowed, not counting in the possible exception of a trademark still being in effect. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:07, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::: {{ping|PseudoSkull}} The claim of the Doyle Estate was that while Sherlock Holmes as a character is in the PD as represented in the PD works, Sherlock Holmes as a character is not in the PD as represented in the still copyrighted works. Specifically, they talk about Holmes showing emotion, respect for women etc. as a development in the later works and still copyrighted. This particular issue will go mostly away, thankfully, come January when the next batch of stories enter the PD, but the main legal question is what counts as &quot;original interpretation&quot; of the character and what is still copyrighted. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:42, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
: '''Strongly support''' moving these to WS namespace. Neutral regarding actually deleting them (at least within the scope of the current discussion) —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 15:33, 13 September 2021 (UTC)
* delete [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 12:54, 16 September 2021 (UTC)
* {{vd}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:53, 2 October 2021 (UTC)
* '''Support''' moving to WS project space and then either linking from main or transcluding to main in some sort of default collapsed wrapper. I prefer linking as trascluding is similar to transcluding page transcriptions but either way the data would remain easily accessible from main while still moving it technically out of main. —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 00:27, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

== Excerpts of works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]] ==

The following works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]], uploaded and translated by [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]], are excerpts or fragments of larger works, with the rest of the work omitted; and thus are out of [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|scope]] for hosting on Wikisource:
* [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]]
* [[Translation:Final swim]]
* [[Translation:Provincial story]]
—[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 20:10, 12 October 2021 (UTC)

: The three miniatures translated by me are fully completed little novellas that have only an indirect relation to the content of the book that includes them. This is the case when one work, more extensive, contains another — smaller in volume: this happens in literature. The book written in genre of &quot;travel literature&quot;, telling about real events. The miniatures (exhibited for delete) are created in the artistic genre. They are small fantasy scenes played in the mind of the main character of the documentary work. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 05:26, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:: {{re|Виктор Пинчук}} If [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are NOT excerpts from ''Six months by islands...'', but instead are themselves complete works, that were published within ''Six months by islands...'', then I believe we can host them. As for [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], you identified it as a &quot;fragment of an article&quot;; so it does not appear to be a full article. If it is only a portion of an article, I do not think we can host it here. We can *omit* portions of an article, if necessary due to copyright, but in this case most of the article appears to be missing. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:48, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::* {{reply to|Beleg Tâl}} Any of my newspaper articles is part of a series of articles devoted to some topic, and any of my books is part of a description of adventures from my life. So you can get to the point of absurdity, figuring out where a &quot;part of the work&quot; is and where &quot;the whole work&quot; is.&lt;br&gt;
::* If, for example, an extensive newspaper article on a political topic describes a meeting of the president of a certain country with a representative of a neighboring state, at which one of those present told an anecdote unrelated to politics, then the [[w:Russian jokes|anecdote]] taken out of context can be considered a separate work, and not part of an article on a political topic.
::* My Newspaper article (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg) written in the genre of [[w:Opinion journalism|&quot;journalism&quot;]], but the fragment (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Translation:Flight_of_fantasy) — that is part of it is written with the help of [[w:Grotesque|grotesque]].[[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 15:16, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
::*: If an extensive newspaper article about politics contained an anecdote, I still don't think we would be willing to host the anecdote without the surrounding article. I'd be interested in seeing the opinions of other editors on the subject. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

: For clarity, Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.
: I would be gently inclined to keep this as it technically does meet [[WS:WWI]] (published, free license, original source text exists). Publication in a local paper is indeed a low bar, but we set the bar at &quot;publication of any sort except self-publication&quot;. However, I would like to see the following issues addressed before I commit to a &quot;keep&quot;:
:* The work should be scan-backed against the relevant page scan, e.g. [[:File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg]]
:* The page scans in question need to be redacted further as the other photos on the page are not PD or freely licensed.
:* The images like [[:File:Бомж-тур-агентство (иллюстрация к миниатюре «Полёт фантазии»).jpg]] do not appear in the original and should be removed.
:* They should exist as subpages of the newspaper (''Respublica Krim'') rather than floating untethered in mainspace.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:13, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Inductiveload}} There are several works by Pinchuk which I am ''not'' proposing for deletion, because they are published in a local paper and as such meet our publication requirements. The three which I am bringing to the attention of WS:PD are specifically because they are ''exerpts'' and not full works, as per [[WS:WWI#Excerpts]]. &quot;Provincial story&quot; and &quot;Final swim&quot; are not works, they are extracts from the 1916 book ''Six months by islands...''. If the book ''Six months by islands...'' were added to Wikisource in full, I would have no further objection to keeping these portions within it. Similarly, &quot;Flight of fancy&quot; is a ''fragment'' of an article published in ''Respublica Krim''; if the article in its entirety were to be hosted, I would have no further objection. 
:: To your other comments: I have already scan-backed all of the other works we have by Pinchuk, and removed images or added {{tl|image missing}} as needed. I'm neutral on the idea of having the entire structure of ''Respublica Krim'' in Translation space just for these articles (though of course I would demand it in mainspace). —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:39, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::Ah, well, then I am guilty of not paying full attention and thought these were just small self-contained works. Indeed, all of these are fragments of works-as-published and thus are indeed out of scope. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:49, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{re|Inductiveload}} Pinchuk has convinced me that [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are complete works ''per se'', despite being published within a larger work. I am still not convinced about [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], which apparently is comparable to a tangential anecdote being exerpted from a longer article detailing the full conversation. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

* The scan has been corrected, photos not participating in Wikisource have been deleted. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg
* Illustrations of texts posted on Wikisource must exactly match the scanned source, and cannot contain author's additions?
* Yes, ''Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.'' I hope here is no [[w:Corpus delecti|corpus delicti]]?
* The newspaper strip does not includ enough space: not all photos are placed on it. Wikisource is an electronic version, there is more space here. Why not post illustrations that are not included in the newspaper, but belong to the author? (In this case, the illustrations were created by the author specifically for Wikisource.) For example, this: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Бомж-тур-агентство_(иллюстрация_к_миниатюре_«Полёт_фантазии»).jpg [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 12:05, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:* {{Re|Виктор Пинчук}} thank you for the redaction of the image.
:* R.e. {{tqi|1=Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk}}, that is just a clarification to make it clear that you are the author in question in case it's not obvious to others. There's no problem with it.
:* R.e. the illustrations: Wikisource is a repository of texts ''as published''. English Wikisource doesn't accept self-published works. Thus, while the version of the works that appeared in ''Respublica Krim'' are in scope, self-published editions are not. Also, under [[WS:ANN]], {{tqi|Purely decorative illustrations and images. (Known as grangerisation or extra-illustration)}} are specifically excluded from permissible annotations.
:* Note that Wikisource is not a publishing platform for ''users'' work, it's a platform for ''published works'', which in this case, just happens to be by a user: yourself. If it had not been published in a paper, it would be out of scope. If you would like to host your own work somewhere online and it's not in some published format, I do not think the WMF ecosystem contains such a platform. Usually content like that is published via personal website, blogs, or sites like Medium or those mentioned at [[meta:Wikifiction]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:07, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::*I don’t have texts that have not been published in newspapers, magazines, or books, but there are illustrations that, for technical reasons, did not fit into officially publications. These illustrations are not [[w:Grangerisation|Grangerization]] and they are not [[w:Extra-illustration |extra-illustration]]: they correspond to the theme of the material. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 06:05, 14 October 2021 (UTC)

: {{ping|Beleg Tâl}}, {{ping|Inductiveload}} Would you say that the issues raised here have been resolved and this thread can be closed, or is there still more to be done? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:49, 11 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[The American in Holland]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:09, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
: A scan is available here {{IA small link|americaninhollan00grifrich}} if someone wants to match and split the current text. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:11, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:43, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Ingram)]] ==

This is an incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

* If you look at the discussion page, the source is identified and linked. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:14, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  The discussion pages lists at least 5 different sources of which one is still under copyright. The question is which one of these five is the source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*** That is noted and explained in the Notes on the main page of the work. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 05:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
****  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  So the 1912 text mentioned in header is actually a 2003 transcription of the 1912 work that has a copyright of 2003 and is for personal use only. Does that matter? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***** So you agree that this has a source, even though the deletion rationale you gave was that it is &quot;unsourced&quot;? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:24, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
******  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] Yes, I was wrong about the unsourced part. Mea Culpa. I went too fast on these. Despite this, it's still only a small fragment of a work that is over 400 pages long. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:32, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:42, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Myths and Tales from the San Carlos Apache]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The source is a defunct website. There is absolutely no way to assess where the text came from or to continue the work without finding a scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:45, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The Web-site is archived, and the archive contains the relevant text. Even if that were not the case, the singular priting is available [https://digitallibrary.amnh.org/handle/2246/164 here]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:08, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text is incomplete and the original source no longer exists.  The alternative source linked in the above discussion shows a document that differs markedly from what we currently have.  If someone sets up an Index page and begins transcription, they can do so at this title, but the current content does not meet the standards of [[WS:WWI]]: It is a second-hand transcription; it lacks key content in the portions that have been included; and it is a partial work.  Most significantly, it is a scholarly work which has had all the footnotes stripped from it.  Academic citations are a central component of any scholarly work.  Even if the rest of the text were pulled from the Archive of the web site, it is still a second-hand transcription, and lacks key content of the original. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:42, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Apostrophe to the Ocean]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
**This is not an “incomplete” work, ''per se''. It is an excerpt from “[[The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 2/Childe Harold's Pilgrimage/Canto IV|Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage]],” although one that has historically been considered a separate work, as published under the title of “[[The Reciter/Address to the ocean|Address to the Ocean]].” My !vote stands as to the stated rationale. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:25, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::I did not see anything in the 1818 publication referencing that name: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/childeharoldspil22byro}}, need to find an example when it was published under that name independently, the first I found is {{ext scan link|https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008916734}} ... [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 19:25, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Analysis of the Sexual Impulse]] ==

Unformatted, copydump. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:14, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Work is complete. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:32, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The work is unformated from a PGDP text file. It is missing it's footnotes and has numerous instances of italics marked as &quot;_sexual impulse_.&quot; [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:28, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The underscores can be replaced easily; I do not see how this problem justifies deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:16, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
**** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]  If it were just the italics, I could see how that could be fixed by a bot, but the references would need to be added manually. They're more or less mixed into the text. IMHO, it would take quite a bit of work to finish this text and it seems better to be done on a scan than this. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:36, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:36, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
*I have reformatted the work. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:10, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

==[[The Wreck of the Steamer &quot;Stella&quot;]]==
Speedy deletion contested: original by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]], with claim “out of scope - secondary transcription.” However, there is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription. A secondary transcription is a transcription made at another site and then imported here, from my understanding of the closed proposal. This work is marked as “no source”; thus, it is not evident that it originated from an illegal source. For the record, I '''oppose''' the deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:58, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:I'm interpreting the policy as including &quot;no source&quot; as being &quot;secondary transcriptions&quot; by default. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:15, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:: There is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription.  If there is no source, then it cannot be a secondary transcription, and if it is a secondary transcription, then it has a source.  The two cases are inherently mutually exclusive. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:42, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] What is to stop users from source washing by simply omitting the secondary source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:21, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::I think it would be good to communicate to contributors clearly what we expect them to do, if what we want them to do is to provide a source we should explicitly communicate that to them. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 20:07, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::I did reach out to the user and offer to find them a scan. Part of the rationale for this policy is to stop further unsourced/secondary transcriptions. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::You mean: how can you police the honesty of contributors?  That's an entirely separate issue, and not relevant for this deletion discussion. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]])
:::::It’s about making a presumption that no source = secondary transcription as the most likely scenario. The other works that the user posted are from a secondary source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
: This almost certainly was copied from one of the many secondary transcriptions online, which are probably copying each other and I hazard likely eventually back to [https://archive.org/details/yetmorepoeticgem0000mcgo/page/30/mode/2up Yet More Poetic Gems], which is a British 1980 compilation and therefore copyrighted (the compilation, probably not the poem). It would be a lot better if the original source could be found, probably in some periodical, but if it can't be, a &quot;naked&quot; text is the best we can have, though there would always be an open question over whether it was modified in the 1980 edition (with a small but non-zero risk of creative input: cf. [https://mjpbooks.com/blog/the-senseless-tragic-rape-of-charles-bukowskis-ghost-by-john-martins-black-sparrow-press/ the posthumous &quot;improvement&quot; of Charles Bukowski's work]). So it could be an exception to the second hand text thing based on lack of public domain source. Any ideas where the original was published, anyone? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:41, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:: According to [[w:List of William McGonagall poems|Wikipedia]], the poem was first published in 1962 in More Poetic Gems. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:54, 17 February 2022 (UTC)–
::: That can't be right, it sounds like it was likely first published in some local Dundee paper around the time of the event. That Wikipedia list looks like someone has just transcribed the TOCs of the collections at the IA. For example, [https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/roundtable/disaster-poet apparently] the one about Gilfillan was published in the ''Dundee Weekly News'', not in a 1962 collection, 60 years after McGonagall's death. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:14, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: This begets the question of how much work do we need to do to hunt down the original publication. If the uploader transcribed the poem from an original publication, they should be able to easily list it. Otherwise, I'm inclined to presume that they simply copied it from an online source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:28, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Can you solve the mystery and tell us the source of this poem? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:31, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::[https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762 Worldcat] says that the poem was originally published in 1899. But I haven't been able to find an instance of the original publication. [[User:DoublePendulumAttractor|DoublePendulumAttractor]] ([[User talk:DoublePendulumAttractor|talk]]) 03:05, 20 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{ping|Languageseeker|DoublePendulumAttractor}} You might want to note that &quot;[[Lines in Praise of Tommy Atkins]]&quot; was also published in [https://web.archive.org/web/20171210022327/http://www.mcgonagall-online.org.uk/publications/more-poetic-gems ''More Poetic Gems''] (1962).&lt;br&gt;I really don't have any access to print media (although I surely wish I did), and searching Google Books doesn't yield anything with &quot;Preview available&quot;, but I ''do'' know that [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Poems_published_posthumously several other poems] have been published posthumously; that &lt;u&gt;'''''might'''''&lt;/u&gt; have been the case with these two poems. Just giving you some advice. [[User:Shāntián Tàiláng|Shāntián Tàiláng]] ([[User talk:Shāntián Tàiláng|talk]]) 16:28, 23 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Thank you. This source would make it a secondary transcription and out-of-scope. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:51, 27 February 2022 (UTC)

: {{keep}} It rather seems to me that this poem will not be easy to scan-back due to lack of unambiguously copyright-free physical copies. While any one poem is clearly in the PD, the actual book ''Yet More Poetic Gems'' is not because copyright subsists in the collection itself, so we can't host a scan of that book.
: Thus, I suggest that this poem should be permitted, since it's unreasonable to expect someone to use a scan if ''no-one'' can find a scan. If a scan comes along in future, probably due to digitisation of some local Dundee broadsheet, this &quot;unsourced edition&quot; (in that it's not clearly tied to a physical edition, though it likely is ''YMPGs'') can be replaced with a suitably backed copy. In the mean time, we have {{tl|unsourced}} and {{tl|second-hand}} to make it's provenance, or lack thereof, clear.
: This is, IMO, an appropriate time to invoke a [[WS:WWI#Consensus]] exception due to the unusual lack of ''any'' hostable scan for the work.
: If scans ''were'' available, I would expect those to be used instead for all the usual reasons. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:25, 27 February 2022 (UTC)
::apparantly there is a broadsheet floating out there [https://books.google.com/books?id=IdWlNwAACAAJ&amp;dq=The+Wreck+of+the+Steamer+%22Stella%22&amp;hl=en&amp;newbks=1&amp;newbks_redir=0&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwipwN-B96f2AhUqg3IEHdR1CXgQ6AF6BAgLEAE]; [https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762&amp;referer=brief_results] - but it might be hard to find to scan. when you delete it you make it harder to find. (maybe you should contact the Univ Edin. group at WMUK --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:19, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::: National Library of Scotland has a print copy dated 1899 [https://search.nls.uk/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=44NLS_ALMA21525181290004341&amp;context=L&amp;vid=44NLS_VU1&amp;lang=en_US&amp;search_scope=SCOPE1&amp;adaptor=Local%20Search%20Engine&amp;query=any,contains,William%20McGonagall&amp;facet=topic,include,Shipwrecks&amp;mode=basic&amp;offset=0]. Therefore in scope (as are any other of McGonagall's poems being nominated). As we have NLS people involved here talk to their liaison contact {{ping|LilacRoses}} and see if they can help. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:55, 3 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1895)]] ==

Unsourced reprint of the scan-backed text [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1887)]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:32, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
*Just redirect the pages of the old version to the chapters of the new version. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:52, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
**They're not printed from the plates, so it's not quite correct to just redirect. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:23, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
: It's unsourced with an existing scan-backed version so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:50, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{keep}} It is not unsourced. Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:30, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]]: Just who are you !voting should do this work? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:05, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::??? [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:07, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just who is it you are !voting should &quot;Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated.&quot;? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:26, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::It is just my suggested course of action. Whoever is interested can pick it or drop it. Same as &quot;Just redirect the pages ...&quot; above or &quot;rather migrate&quot; below. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:28, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::Yeah, the &quot;rather migrate&quot; below (and spammed across every discussion here) is about as useful. The &quot;just redirect&quot; is an effective delete vote, and within the bounds of what falls under the necessary work of handling deletion discussions. But finding and checking a scan, uploading it, creating an index, match&amp;splitting, proofreading all ~375 pages, and then re-transcluding is a &quot;somewhat&quot; bigger ask. Unless you're actually offering to this yourself, you're effectively voting that ''someone else'' should do all this work. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:46, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::You are making your own reality. My vote was clear and I added it would be better migrate the page. As far as &quot;who will do what&quot;, it will be who will feel like, as it is always been. Do not lecture me about what I am willing to do or not. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:20, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::And while you are giving such lessons, ask yourself why you deleted this: https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Log&amp;logid=11120068 and look at the history of the page. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:27, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::Uhm. Because it was proposed for deletion and all participating in the discussion were in favour of its deletion? As the link to the discussion that was included in the deletion log indicated? If you believe it was deleted in error then feel free to open an undeletion discussion. If you think ''I'' messed up (always a possibility) then I'd appreciate a headsup so I can fix whatever the mistake was. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:52, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::::If you can't see it by yourself, too bad. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:13, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::::You're really going to make me guess? *sigh* But, ok, provided I've guessed correctly… I've opened an undeletion discussion for it down in [[Special:PermanentLink/12192978#Undelete_Posthumous_Works_of_the_Author_of_A_Vindication_of_the_Rights_of_Woman|#Undelete Posthumous Works of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman]] and temporarily undeleted it pending the outcome, and pinged the participants of the previous discussion. I'd give good odds the outcome will be keep, as it usually is when anyone even expresses an interest in working on a text that's been proposed for deletion, not to mention when they've actually started working on it. Much as it would have been had you noted the fact you were working on it in the original discussion at any point during the 5+ weeks it was open. And as it also would have been had you dropped a note about the issue on my talk page a week and a half ago when it was deleted, so I could have reopened the discussion and polled the participants as we usually do in these situations. In fact, I don't believe I've ever seen a delete outcome for a text that someone is actually working on proofreading. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:17, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:51, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[1990 Census Name Files]] ==

This is a severely incomplete dump of a US Census Bureau website, containing only a tiny fraction of the data, and that is sourced to the Internet Archive archive of the website rather than the website itself. It is also mainly raw census statistical data (apart from the cover page), so strictly speaking out of scope. But mostly it's just pretty pointless for us to (badly) mirror the Internet Archive's mirror of a born-digital website which was subject to USGov archival regulations to begin with (you can still FOIA-request those pages and expect to have them handed over). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:26, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep (weak).''' This page ''is'' in scope, and the &lt;code&gt;dist.all.last&lt;/code&gt; directory is also technically in scope, by being an accompaniment to the main report. However, I do not think the table listing should be hosted, and I certainly think a listing of the first one hundred items in that list is more definitely so. However, excluding the somewhat related attachments, the page is complete, and connects to other pages. I would prefer neither of the pages be deleted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:43, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} born digital file that our &quot;open&quot; government persists in publishing in pdf. when you have reliable data link, migrate to commons data. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:49, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:King Alfred&amp;#39;s Old English version of St. Augustine&amp;#39;s Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu]] ==

This has been declined for a speedy delete, but I fail to see how this is not a duplicate of [[King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies Turned Into Modern English]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:41, 24 March 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The two title pages list 1902 and 1904 as the date, respectively, so they are clearly not identical. Both are scan-backed and fully proofread (though the proofreading does leave a bit to be desired, it seems: [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/61]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:15, 22 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] I think there is some confusion because the 1902 scan actually contains actually contains two separate works: Yale Studies in English XIII (1902) and Yale Studies in English XXII (1904). The proposed deletion is for [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. So I'm asking how does the [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/187|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]] differ from [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. My personal sense is that the fact that the 1902 book is bound with the 1904 work has thrown people off the scent. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:54, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary (unsourced)]] ==

Unsourced version of a work for which we have multiple scan-backed editions. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:59, 16 April 2022 (UTC)

== Subtemplates of {{tl|user lang subcat}} ==

* {{tl|user lang subcat/1}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/2}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/3}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/4}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/N}}

I've made significant edits to {{tl|user lang subcat}}, and its subtemplates are now just invocations of the main template. I've removed all uses of the subtemplates, and I think it would be good to delete them so as to avoid unnecessary maintenance. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:31, 17 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1880)]] ==

This work is not backed by a scanned source, the text contains numerous OCR artefacts, and there are clear instances where text is missing. These defects cannot be rectified because there is no indication of the original source (there is no front matter). There is a scan backed version of the work at [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1920)]], so this work should be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 01:03, 18 April 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom. I added links to 1880 scans from the British Library on the [[Author:Sabine Baring-Gould|author page]] if someone wants to create the index files to start a new proofreading effort from scratch. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 01:58, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{vd}} as above. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:12, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:'''Keep and replace''' with scans per the links added by MarkLSteadman. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 18:52, 29 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Category:Wikipedia administrators]] ==

I came across this while browsing the [[:Category:Wikipedia]] content category, but it just seems to be a list of administrators on another project, rather than content? Is this actually useful at all here, given that having Wikipedia admin access doesn't confer any extra access rights here? Thanks. [[User:Mike Peel|Mike Peel]] ([[User talk:Mike Peel|talk]]) 20:50, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{comment}} This category is automatically added by {{tl|User Wikipedia administrator}}, so deleting the category would mean nothing unless the template were also altered. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:27, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{vk}} — Having Wikipedia access rights can be useful here in cases where something would need to be done at Wikipedia in relation to a problem at Wikisource, so being able to browse this category is useful in that way. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:54, 29 May 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;Index:Newton's Principia - the mathematical principles of natural philosophy.djvu &lt;/s&gt;==

This appears to be a duplicate of the work already fully transcribed at [[Index:Newton's Principia (1846).djvu]] [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 03:31, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
:Speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:16, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity/FullText ==

This is the transclusion of the entire work of 'A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity' in one page, but the same index page is also transcluded into individual chapters as per the published work's table of contents. This page should therefore be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 14:03, 11 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Daniel Deronda]] ==

Languageseeker originally speedied this, where I converted it into a &lt;nowiki&gt;{{delete}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template. The comment they left was: &quot;scan back version complete at [[Daniel Deronda (First Edition)]]. Per the notes, this does not correspond to any printed edition.&quot;

I agree with the nomination, so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:05, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:23, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

{{vd}} In case [[Daniel_Deronda]] is deleted in favor of [[Daniel_Deronda_(First_Edition)]], all the subpages https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Daniel_Deronda/Volume* should also be deleted so they're not becoming orphant. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 11:00, 25 May 2022 (UTC)

== Unused toc templates ==

A cluster of now-unused toc templates (several of whom have been broken a long time):

*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h0}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h3}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1/2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s2}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content-nl}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title-nl}}
*{{tl|End}}

These old obsolete templates tend to get found randomly by new users and then start getting cut&amp;paste used again and again. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:37, 27 May 2022 (UTC)

:Note that {{tl|End}} is used in {{tl|Nixon-DD}} and related. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 17:45, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29).pdf]] ==

This is an incomplete computer printout for which the original publication has been proofread and transcluded at [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29 qp).pdf]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:48, 6 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Author:Reza Torkzadeh]] ==

A modern author, whose three books mentioned on this author page are claimed to be &quot;released by him into the public domain worldwide&quot;. I don't see any evidence, upon some Google research, that they are freely licensed at all, much less in the public domain. All of these recent edits related to this lawyer (on Wikidata, Wikimedia Commons, Wikiquote, and Wikisource at least) also seem to be promotional in nature, as they're targeted and specific to this lawyer. {{ping|Andilockwood}} Please note that '''all works''' that are contributed to Wikisource '''must''' follow [[Wikisource:Copyright policy]], and author pages should usually not be made for authors with no works that are freely licensed. The books would be acceptable if they really are in the public domain, though, because any book that went through a peer review process will be, and presumably the published books of a lawyer would qualify under that standard. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:48, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Andilockwood}} Are you the lawyer Reza Torkzadeh? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:50, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
::No. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:33, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
:::There are two free e-books available and one that just became available and is already a bestseller on Amazon. The latest book is not free and I am not sure if it will be for awhile. https://www.amazon.com/Reza-Torkzadeh/e/B08FCQ2NBJ/ref=dp_byline_cont_pop_book_1. The newest book is: https://rezat.com/2022/01/02/book-announcement-the-lawyer-as-ceo/ 
:::The free books are available by contacting the author through: https://rezat.com/ or downloading straight from https://www.torklaw.com/resources/accidents-happen-book/
:::So is the new release not able to be referenced? Just the two free books?
:::Thank you. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:41, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*Looking at [https://www.linkedin.com/posts/the-torkzadeh-law-firm_its-official-rezas-book-the-lawyer-as-activity-6937791145171111936-B_RM this LinkedIn post] and the related [https://www.amazon.com/dp/1544531141/ref=cm_sw_em_r_mt_dp_1TDCBSMT0TMA8Q3WJRN8 Amazon.com listing], the book seems to have been “released” as in “sold commercially,” not “released” into the public domain (this is for ''The Lawyer As CEO'', which just came out about a week ago). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:02, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Yes, that is true. So should I only reference the two free books then? Apologies. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:42, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]]: This seems to be a [[w:Gratis versus libre|''gratis versus libre'']] confusion. Mr. Torkzadeh’s Web-site refers those interested in reading ''Accidents Happen'' to https://accidentshappenbook.com/. This Web-site gives a copyright notice at the bottom of the page, but this is likely false. However, copyright exists automatically, so without an explicit dedication of the book into the public domain, it will remain copyrighted. The book is available for free on the Internet, and may be received for free on demand; these are both ''gratis'' freedoms. However, the book appears to not have been released into the public domain, which is the required ''libre'' freedom (required, as in it is required to post the books here). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:58, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes (unsourced)]] ==

This is a mix of non-scan backed texts from the 1927 edition (which is in copyright) and links to the Strand Magazine versions. Since the Strand Magazine versions have been proofread, I propose deleting the non-scan backed entries. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:28, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I don't see much value in keeping this mix of the 1927 version and the A. Conan Encyclopedia and Strand versions. Having a clear edition is much better than such a mix. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:48, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I agree. Unsourced duplicates should be removed as a matter of principle. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 10:40, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}}. Could have been also speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G7]] Author's request. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:13, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: @[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] It's also for the following subpages:
:* [[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]
:* [[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:03, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Ah, I see. These could have been speedied too, per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]: An unsourced work that is redundant to a sourced (scanned) version. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Testament Pedro II Of the Brazil]] ==

Unsourced, and with no translator credited. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:32, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:06, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;[[Template:Helpme]]&lt;/s&gt; ==

This was a template clearly imported from Wikipedia way back in the 2000s, a similar case to [[Template:Hangon]] which was recently deleted at PD. In the amount of time I've been active at Wikisource, which would be a couple years at this point, I have ''never even seen'' anything of this template, much less seen it being used. I often patrol recent changes for vandalism and new users who might need help or their edits standardized, and in that time I've never seen the template in use. Yet, [[Template:Welcome]] links to this template still.

Not helping the case of &lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; is that '''even the template itself''' (not even the documentation but the ''template'') recommends the main point I have against keeping this template around, which is that we have other outlets that are better used for help. We have such fine resources as [[WS:SCH|the Scriptorium help desk]], talk pages of experienced users, an IRC channel, (as of relatively recently) a Discord server, and probably more outlets I'm forgetting to mention, where a user can ask for help.

Given that we have these other outlets, having a self-categorizing help template on Wikisource doesn't seem like it's very efficient in practice, at least maybe not anymore. [[Template:Helpme]] got only '''2 pageviews''' in the past 30 days, and the category [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] got '''7 pageviews'''. That's ''pretty bad'' when you compare it to [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests]], a far more useful maintenance category, which got '''314 pageviews''' this month. This illustrates the point that I don't think this category gets enough attention for its stated purpose; I doubt many admins have it bookmarked (maybe I should?).

Whatever the case may be, the amount of people specifically patrolling [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] is clearly very scant to none, and a user would get better help by asking for it from another source that would get more attention, like the ones mentioned above. This is especially the case for more complex problems.

It's really most likely to be used by editors who recently discovered us through Wikipedia and are thus used to WP's community practices, and many of those practices really ought not be encouraged. Many things Wikipedia does are virtually incompatible with Wikisource simply because we're a smaller community, and they have a ''far'' larger active editor base than we do.


If a template is greatly discouraged virtually everywhere, it should probably just be deleted. The better outlets should be highlighted to new contributors as the right way to do it, with [[Template:Helpme]] removed from our welcome template and any other places it remains linked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:31, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' I see it used frequently enough, and the category is mentioned through the “recent pages” header listing. I am suprised that you have never seen its use, actually. In addition, the fact that messages sent to such help-related outlets are often ignored makes it desirable to have multiple methods of communication. I believe that the deletion of the “hangon” template was appropriate, because it was never integrated into the Wikisource structure, and its purpose was better accomplished and was actually accomplished by other utilities. However, I believe that the “helpme” template is useful, and its use, though not especially frequent, shows this to be the case. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:35, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Okay, I'll grant that recent pages linked would suggest that this template is still seeing some use, but is still quite [[Template:Helpme|commonly]] [[User talk:Chrisguise#Footnotes - The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5|discouraged]]. And I would really rather people not use it, given the lack of patrolling of this particular template. The other solution would be to both encourage it more and patrol it more; is that what you'd rather be in favor of? And what if only 2 experienced users on the whole site patrol that category even weekly (I'd wager it's less than that), and you need help with a specific thing? Then the backlog just continues to exist. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:48, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

*{{vk}} It's being used periodically. The category doesn't need to be on anyone's watchlist as the template feeds to Recent Changes and RC patrollers should be checking it as a part of their patrols. I certainly do. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 23:25, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added the category to my bookmarks now that I know of its existence. If the template is kept I'll patrol it regularly. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
: '''Kept'''. Redacting deletion request; I might not like it, but I don't think this'll gain consensus, and it is ''marginally'' useful at least, so it's not worth the fight. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:53, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu]] ==

&quot;Junk&quot; status OCR- Please start again with KNOWN scan and correct sourcing detail, Thanks [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:20, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:An alternative would be to realign everything...
{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
!pp (if relevant)
!Destination
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/13
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/3||9861037||(pp001)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/15
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/4||9861038||(pp002)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/16
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/5||||(pp003)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/17
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/6||||(pp004)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/18
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/7||9861042||(pp005)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/19
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/8||9861043||(pp006)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/20
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/9||||(pp007)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/21
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/10||||(pp 008)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/22
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/11||||(pp 009)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/23
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/12||||(pp 010)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/24
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/13||||(pp 011)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/25
|-
|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/470||||(pp468)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/471||||(pp469)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/472||||(pp470)||page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/475&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp473)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/487&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/478&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp476)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/490&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/479&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp477)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/491&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/480&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp478)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/492&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/481&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp479)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/493&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:10, 18 June 2022 (UTC)
*Just run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR device. The new OCR is passable. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:40, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Why would we want to hard-code raw OCR text in these pages when you can get it dynamically when needed, and with probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time (and a choice of OCR engines and settings)? This is entirely raw OCR created in bulk (along with, IIRC, several hundred thousand other pages, none of which have been subsequently proofread). Experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such junk pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:47, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*::The assertion &quot;none of which have been subsequently proofread&quot; is not true. [[Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/7|This page]], for example, has been proofread. Similarly, for an example of another scan, [[Index:Greece from the Coming of the Hellenes to AD. 14.djvu]] has been almost completely marked as proofread (and the other pages appear to have been corrected). The assertion that &quot;several hundred thousand other pages&quot; were created is not true. The assertion that the &quot;other pages&quot; all contain &quot;entirely raw OCR&quot; is not true. I hope I do not need to produce a complete list of every single page that has been wholly or partly corrected by me or by someone else. IIRC, the number of such pages is large. The assertion that there will be &quot;probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time&quot; has not been proved. The assertion that &quot;experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such ... pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present&quot; has not been proved. Xover is not a significant subset of contributors. The OCR of the other volumes is generally almost perfect. The creation of pages for this particular volume appears to have been a mistake. If and when others wish, I can start correcting the pages in this particular volume. If others wish to replace the existing OCR with new OCR, I will have to wait until they have done that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 13:24, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::@[[User:James500|James500]]: How about we just delete the Page: pages for this index and then you can recreate them as and when you have time and inclination to work on it? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:18, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*::::I assume that the proofread pages (title and 472) should be kept. I assume that other pages that have corrected should be kept (including 473, 479 and the Notice). I assume that the blank pages should be kept. I have no opinion about the pages whose OCR reads like gibberish. If other editors wish to &quot;run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR&quot; or wish for the pages to be &quot;be migrated, or regenerated&quot;, I will abstain from !voting either for or against that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:47, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::::You assume correctly, and I apologise for not being more precise: I was suggesting deleting only the pages of status &quot;Not proofread&quot; which contain &quot;gibberish&quot;. Empty pages marked &quot;Empty&quot; are, strictly speaking, finished pages; and &quot;Not proofread&quot; pages that are in the process of being improved (which I see SF00 has started in on subsequent to the nomination; thanks for the headsup!) I generally wouldn't want to interfere with. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:05, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: ''' Withdrawn'''  The pages can be migrated , or regenerated. There is a request for page migration at WS:AN. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:08, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Treaty of Versailles]] ==

This text has been compiled from several sources, and such compilations are excluded from Wikisource scope by [[WS:What Wikisource includes]]. Deleting the text will create space for addition of some original publication.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:08, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' I don’t what the “compilation” was supposed to mean, as all three sources have the same, full text of the treaty (so far as I can see). It is not as if the “Treaty of Versailles” is a compilation of three separate works; it is one work, which has been published as a whole. Scan-backing may be performed against the copy in the [[United States Treaty Series/Volume 2]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:46, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:The sources do not have identical texts. E.g. the given source https://net.lib.byu.edu/~rdh7/wwi/versailles.html does not have preamble and protocol, which are taken from another source. The source http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/dfat/treaties/1920/1.html does not have the table with signatures which has been taken from elsewhere. Our text is a compilation, as it was also noted at its talk page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:55, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} Agree with the deletion rationale. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:50, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text currently hosted here is clearly a compilation from three separate sources and therefore corresponding to none of them; and two of the sources are secondary transcriptions from no known original. The current wikipage(s) at [[Treaty of Versailles]] should be deleted and, once the edition of the treaty published in USSL has been proofread, replaced with a redirect to that. Once multiple editions of the treaty have been proofread, the wikipage can be turned into a versions page.{{pbr}}The treaty was published in the Australian Treaty Series (1920 No. 1), as well as the United Kingdom Treaty Series (004/1919 / Cmd. 153) and United States Treaty Series (Vol. 2 p.43); and probably in the United States Statutes at Large, although I couldn't find that version just now. All of these or either of them would be acceptable here, but separately and in context (for example, in UKTS ''Versailles'' was published along with a treaty between the UK and France guaranteeing protection to the latter in the event of German aggression).{{pbr}}I think it's probably necessary here to clearly distinguish between ''the Treaty of Versailles'' as a legal construct, and the various editions of ''the text of the Treaty of Versailles''. The legal construct should ideally have an identical interpretation irrespective of text source, and can in fact deviate from the plain meaning of the text if legal interpretation says it means something else. This interpretation can change over time, and can temporarily or permanently become divergent. But in essence, this &quot;true treaty&quot; exists as a meta-entity in the heads of legal scholars and so forth. The ''text'' on the other hand, exists in multiple editions and variants, that are, presumably, identical in terms of the legal construct, but can differ markedly and drastically in bibliographic and historiographic terms. Mostly not in terms of the text of the treaty itself, but perhaps in formatting and layout (unless it's a facsimile) and certainly in context (what addenda and prolegomena it is published with; or perhaps even annotation and commentary inserted into the text itself). The legal construct of the treaty on enWS only corresponds with a versions page (or possibly even a Portal); but it is specific published editions of the text of the treaty that are in scope for us to host. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:00, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:[[User:Xover|Xover]]: The United States never ratified the Treaty of Versailles, because of the League of Nations; the [[US–Germany Peace Treaty]] (which ''was'' published in the ''Statutes'') mentions that treaty and incorporates some of its provisions, but the text of the Treaty of Versailles is not to be found in U.S.Stat. I think one consideration which needs to be had here is the number of internal (and external from Wikipedia) links to this copy of the Treaty of Versailles. That is one of the main reasons I proposed keeping and backing to an existing scan: so that all of the links can stay operational. Your thoughts? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:55, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:: @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: Good point. I agree it'd be best if we could have a (policy-compliant) text of the treaty here, but I don't have the capacity to fast-track a proofread just now. If somebody else wants to volunteer I'm sure nobody would object to leaving the old one up for a while.{{pbr}}When replacing it we need to delete the old page and recreate it just to keep Wikidata correct (it detects deletes automatically; but if we just replace the content the Wikidata will be wrong). But that's just a technical issue. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:14, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Angel of Lonesome Hill]] ==

Nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;. IMO it should be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:01, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:503255/OVERVIEW]. 44p. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:49, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 12:48, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The City of Masks]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:02, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Available at IA so we can Match and Split [https://archive.org/details/cityofmasks00mccuuoft]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:59, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:56, 23 July 2022 (UTC)|text=
As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
: Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524828/OVERVIEW]. 107pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:52, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc (1900).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 19:25, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The Redemption of Anthony]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524329/OVERVIEW]. 137pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:54, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::::[[Index:The Redemption of Anthony (1911).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
::::: Withdrawn due to migration to scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:34, 20 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:United States Reports, Volume 244.djvu]] ==

Title page only..  The entire volume should be uploaded. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:43, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

::Uploaded. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:05, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

::: '''Withdrawn''' - Updated file provided [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:29, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of Greece (1973)]] ==

Compilation of most text from [https://books.google.co.il/books?id=u9kjAAAAMAAJ&amp;pg=PA419 one source] (but not all, some parts, e.g. article 128 of the original document, were left out) and contributor's own translation of amendments from [https://archive.org/details/1973-greek-constitution-consolidated-version another source]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:45, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' If the compilation is greatly opposed, the new additions can be moved to an annotated sub-page. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Les Propheties]] ==

It is supposed to be a 1961 translation, but without scan it is an unattainable goal to keep the work faithful to this edition, as people keep adding more alleged prophecies taken from elsewhere,  like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12155372&amp;oldid=12135276 here], or removing them, like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12503587&amp;oldid=12438156 here], and nobody stops them, probably because this particular translation is not available anywhere and so no addition or removal of parts of text can be checked. I believe that works of similar kind always have to be scanbacked and therefore suggest deletion of this one, which will create space for adding some of many other, better available, translations. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:07, 22 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep''' (for now). I will try to obtain and scan a copy of the 1961 translation, and a match-and-split can solve this problem. I ask that it not be deleted too quickly. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)]] ==

A Wikisource user's own compilation of the text from [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1948)]] with separately published amendments. See also related discussion at [[User talk:195.74.82.149]] and at [[User talk:Zezingr]]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:16, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' The text, while ''produced'' by a compilation, is not ''itself'' a compilation, as “Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)” is a real work, even though ''our'' copy is produced by combining two separate works. As PDF scans of the relevant United Nations documents are provided, it would be useful to scan-back these “compiled” constitutions. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*:I am afraid that producing new copies by combining two separate works is exactly what Wikisource should not and does not do. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*::Indeed, and being out of scope it is even speedyable. If an actual published &quot;Constitution of the Republic of Korea with all amendments as of 1952&quot; should show up somewhere it would certainly be addable, but this user-compiled conflated edition is still out of scope. If anyone wants the text for a practical purpose (like a starting point for proofreading any of the source texts) they can have a copy in their user space (or it can be temporarily undeleted on demand by any admin).{{pbr}}@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: By all evidence, your hypothetical 1952 edition exists ''only'' as an abstract legal concept and not as a tangible published text. We can host the individual components (the base text and each of the amendments), but not a user-compiled amalgam that doesn't exist outside Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:58, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>hz62zb5k3vpxo1snnx65nur9frx460i</sha1>
    </revision>
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      <text bytes="136143" xml:space="preserve">:''[[WS:PD]] redirects here. For help with public domain materials, see [[Help:Public domain]].''
__NEWSECTIONLINK__
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 | next     = [[/Archives|Archives]] ([[/Archives/{{CURRENTYEAR}}|current]])
 | shortcut = [[WS:DEL]]&lt;br /&gt;[[WS:PD]]
 | notes    = This page is for proposing deletion of specific articles on Wikisource in accordance with the [[WS:DP|deletion policy]], and appealing previously-deleted works. '''Please add {{[[Template:delete|delete]]}} to pages you have nominated for deletion.''' [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes|What Wikisource includes]] is the policy used to determine whether or not particular works are acceptable on Wikisource. Articles remaining on this page should be deleted if there is no significant opposition after at least a week.

Possible copyright violations should be listed at [[Wikisource:Copyright discussions|Copyright discussions]]. Pages matching a [[WS:CSD|criterion for speedy deletion]] should be tagged with {{[[Template:sdelete|sdelete]]}} and ''not'' reported here (see [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests|category]]). 

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__FORCETOC__

==[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]==
Only one entry is present, and no source is given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:51, 28 June 2020 (UTC).

: {{vk}} (and improve): The entry is proofread and properly formatted, and linked to/from the relevant author page. The scans are available at the IA, and this is [https://archive.org/details/acriticaldictio01unkngoog/page/n801/mode/2up a genuine entry]. It would naturally be better to import the scans, but even if that were not to happen, it's allowed to have single articles from a collective work&lt;sup&gt;†&lt;/sup&gt;, and it's allowed for things to not be scan-backed. It certainly would be beneficial to improve the top level page.
: {{smaller|†If this were only one chapter from a novel, or some other portion of a work that doesn't stand alone, I'd say delete.}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   06:33, 29 June 2020 (UTC)
: OK, so this is a bit of a mess. CDEL has multiple editions, each of three volumes, plus a &quot;supplement&quot; published after Allibone's death. I have managed to scrape up what I hope is a set of decent scans from the IA which aren't Google scans and aren't marked &quot;missing pages&quot; at the IA (not including the supplement): [[commons:Category:A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]. Anyone have any ideas on which three we like best? Latest possible? All are pre-1923. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   08:11, 29 June 2020 (UTC)

:{{vk}} at minimum until [[Wikisource:Scriptorium#Policy_on_substantially_empty_works|this discussion]] is concluded, as it is a prominent example in that discussion. Furthermore, {{vk}} for the long run per Inductiveload. I'm willing to do some of the work to get everything sorted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:14, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{vd}} Whilst I will agree that the work is in scope, this sole article reproduced as typed text sitting in the wilderness is not in scope. Looking forward to someone working on getting volumes of scans and coordinating the work. In the meanwhile delete, this title page and the singular article without prejudice to a proper presentation. Suggest moving the text of the single biography to the author's talk page. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:24, 24 January 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is not formatted correctly. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: These are two different works, though the critical text is (theoretically, at least!) the same:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is the ''US Statutes at Large'', which should be proofread from the scan [[Index:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu]], pages [[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/780|756]]–[[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/792|768]]
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UN Treaty Series. This work should be proofread against the relevant source scan at [[Index:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf]], pages [[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/27|11]]–[[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/57|41]].
:[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:38, 5 October 2020 (UTC)

::retain as different editions/versions, hat note the works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:04, 13 October 2020 (UTC)
*{{ping|Inductiveload}} You seem to have a grasp of what these works are. Could you move the editions of the same work to suitably disambiguated pages, create a versions page (or pages, if relevant), add {{tlx|other versions}}/{{tlx|similar}} hatnotes to link them together, and tag them all with {{tlx|migrate to}}? I ''think'' this and the below section are about two editions of a UN—US treaty and a distinct agreement relating to implementation of that treaty, but I quickly lose track of what's what here. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:55, 18 March 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is not formatted correctly. It also includes the acts of the US Congress that should not be a part of the article. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: Again, these are different works that contain the same text with different &quot;contexts&quot;:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is from [[Index:U.S. Participation in the UN - Report by the President to the Congress (1947).pdf]], starting at p222.
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UNTS v.11, as in the previous section.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:56, 5 October 2020 (UTC)
::If [[user:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] is saying that they are different editions, then retain, and ensure that we suitably disambiguate with a {{tl|versions}} page, and hat note each with {{tl|other version}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:03, 13 October 2020 (UTC)

== [[Translation:Manshu]] ==

Ok, I think it's time we have this conversation…

[[Translation:Manshu]] describes itself as a [[WS:T|Wikisource translation]] of {{tqi|A 9th century Middle Chinese text regarding the geopolitics of southwest China, particularly the historic kingdom of Nanzhao. It is an important historical source for the period. This translation is based upon a digitized version of the recompiled 1774 movable type edition edited by the 武英 (Palace Museum Library).|q=y}}

However, looking at it more closely it appears to be much more an original analytical work than anything that could be shoehorned to fit within our definition of a mere translation.

The front page is almost entirely original work (apart from a table of contents), partly semi-encyclopedic and partly meta-discussion about the effort itself.

Looking at [[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 1|Chapter 1]] we find some actual translation, but mostly comparisons with a professionally published previous translation (Luce) that is quoted ''extensively'', and translator's commentary that far exceeds the actual translated text itself. It also features a lot of images that obviously do not appear in any original, but have been picked to illustrate a particular point (i.e. how Wikipedia would construct an article).

[[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 2|Chapter 2]] and onwards are the same, except they lack the extensive quotations from the published translation (Luce), but only because the effort to compare has not reached that point yet. Around Chapter 9 the translation appears incomplete with only the Chinese original text present.

Irrespective of the rest of this work, there is a question regarding the extensive quotations from the previous professional translation ([https://hdl.handle.net/1813/57513 link]). It is a 1961 publication with copyright notice, so there is a high probability that it is in copyright (and thus the quotations are also copyvios). I haven't looked at this issue in detail, but if this discussion ends up keeping the work in some form we will have to address that separately (and if it is not in copyright, why are we not transcribing that instead of making our own?). The sole contributor to [[Translation:Manshu]] has a somewhat haphazard approach to copyright (e.g. claiming satellite imagery from Google Maps or similar as &quot;own work&quot;) so the issue will have to be checked thoroughly.

But all that being said, this is also a great effort and a unique work that really ''should'' exist somewhere. If it were completed I'm certain it could have been professionally published, and it would be a real shame if all the effort that's gone into it was wasted. The contributor has not been active since 2018 (and the last large progress was in 2016), so I don't think it very likely that it will now ever be completed; but if a place is found for it even the partial translation is valuable, and could conceivably be completed by others at some point in the future. If the outcome of this discussion is that it is out of scope we should make a real effort to see whether a project like WikiBooks would be interested, and, if not, rather than simply delete it we should move it to the contributor's user space (a practice I am usually vehemently opposed to but am making an exception in this particular case).

In any case, it has kept popping up on my radar for various reasons, and I have always been torn on what to do about its issues. It seems clearly outside of scope per [[WS:WWI]], doesn't meet [[WS:T]], violates [[WS:ANN]], and would most likely need cleanup to meet [[WS:COPY]]. So now I'm putting the question before the community: what do we do about this? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:20, 2 April 2021 (UTC)
:[[WS:T]] ought to address contributions like this, the first section on published works is redundant. Are there examples of Wikisource translations that have been in some way verified (validated)? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 14:43, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
::{{re|Cygnis insignis}} Not a lot, but they do exist. [[Translation:On Discoveries and Inventions]] is a recent example. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:42, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
: It could go in User space for the time being. Maybe Wikibooks would want it? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
:I'm only able to comment on a small portion of this, which I hope might be helpful: https://cocatalog.loc.gov/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&amp;PAGE=First has no results for Man shu or southern barbarians as title; nor Luce, Gordon as an author name; nor do Cornell University or Southeast Asia Program or Oey or Fan, Cho seem to have a relevant renewal under their names. Southeast Asia Program as a title reveals registration of other of these data papers as copyrighted works, but no renewal of this one. This suggests the copyright was never renewed on the Luce translation (possibly this is not surprising, as these weren't exactly blockbusters...) and it is now public domain, judging by [[Help:Public domain#ref renewal]]. If accurate, this should resolve the [[WS:COPY]] concern. Good luck with the rest of this matter! [[User:Dingolover6969|Dingolover6969]] ([[User talk:Dingolover6969|talk]]) 11:39, 21 January 2022 (UTC)


===Response by author===
Hi there, I am the primary author, an admin on English Wikipedia. I would say I have spent upwards of 500 hours on this translation. During the time it is alleged that I have been inactive, I was a founding team member at a very important company you would have heard of, and provided some of the earliest COVID map coverage on Wikipedia ([https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.webm webm] [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.gif gif]). Currently I run seven (7) companies and have a family, so it is fair to say I have 'other commitments'. I do still intend to complete the translation. Aside from time constraints, partly I have not been active on Wiki projects recently because I am living in China and this makes editing Wikiprojects a massive hassle due to the requirement for a VPN. Nevertheless, I noticed this deletion attempt by [[User:Xover|Xover]] and would like to respond objectively for the record. If we summarize the alleged issues they are as follows:
* '''The translation includes commentary'''
** That is simply because it is a good (ie. transparent/honest) translation.
** Any accredited historian will agree this is a good (positive) feature.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work is incomplete'''
** I am still finishing, I am just ridiculously busy and have been so for five years.
** Incomplete and pending further effort is often simply the nature of voluntary work.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes quotations from previous translations'''
** Fully cited and contextually presented, in academia, this is clearly fair use.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes satellite derived images'''
** These images were constructed with great care based upon detailed context and are both low resolution and substantially original work in themselves.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The translation is done by the contributor and openly licensed instead of being an out of copyright work of someone else which has been uploaded'''
** IMHO as a student of history original translation is *great* to welcome and should be encouraged.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates 'What Wikisource Includes' (WWI) '''
** Wikisource includes &quot;Works created after 1925&quot; / &quot;Analytical and artistic works&quot;.
** Wikisource includes &quot;Translations&quot;
** To be perfectly honest I consider this assertion a truly baseless accusation that I frankly find highly offensive.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''&quot;Doesn't meet&quot; WS:T'''
** Unclear what this means
** The WST page clearly states that original translations are in-scope and acceptable (there is only one prior English translation and it is bad and incorrect)
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates WS:ANN'''
** I have never seen that page before in my life
** Apparently it doesn't like parallel text
** I would suggest strongly that parallel text provides the basis for most high caliber academic translations, it is my view that ''the policy page'' is wrong and further discussion to correct it should occur there.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Requires cleanup to meet WS:COPY'''
** Unsure what this is actually alleging
** Aside from original work there is only contextual quotations from other works in line with an academic translation
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.

Sincerely, [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:12, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

:I just noticed that Xover also deleted my maps. This is a great loss. I cannot recreate them as I do not have access to the context at the time. This is truly a tragedy. I am ... highly alarmed and stressed at this turn of events and will cease contributing further to Wikipedia projects. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:21, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
::Could someone with more time please go through the undeletion process on my behalf. It is... truly a great tragedy. Multiple academics had thanked me for this work. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 12:55, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

::: {{Re|Pratyeka}} These maps are not appropriate for enWS (or Commons), because they contain copyright material: the satellite photos. There is no allowance here, as there is at enWP, for fair use or de minimis, and resolution doesn't affect it. I imagine the &quot;correct&quot; solution is to either locate a suitable base maps from Commons (or NASA or other PD source), draw your own, or commission them via [[c:Commons:Graphics Lab/Map workshop]].
::: If the presumption of copyright is incorrect (e.g. the photos are PD or freely licenced), then let me know and they can be restored and correct attribution and licence declarations made. In that case, they actually belong at Commons.
::: Sadly, being thanked by academics does not overrule copyright.
::: Even if these are copyrighted, I can also provide you with the files if you do not have access to them any more. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 14:00, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
: {{Re|Pratyeka}} I'm glad to see you're editing again. I'm not sure why you felt it relevant to mention that you have +sysop on enwp, but since you bring it up… as an admin on enwp you should be well familiar with the need to make policy-based arguments in such discussions and to familiarise oneself with the policy on the project. I have raised several policy-based concerns, and your response addresses none of them. However, to reiterate the challenges:{{pbr}}The text on [[Translation:Manshu]] is not a mere translation of a previously published work. It contains substantial portions of your own analysis, comparisons, and commentary: all of which is ''original'' rather than ''previously published'' content. In enwp terms, think of it as &quot;original research&quot;: it's not a perfect analogy, but the problem is similar. This is out of scope for English Wikisource. In addition, you include extensive quotations from the other (professionally published) translation, but that translation is not public domain or compatibly licensed. Fair use content is not permitted on English Wikisource (and even on enWP only in very narrow and limited circumstances), which puts in violation of our licensing policy.{{pbr}}Now, as I wrote above, this is an impressive work and I am sure it is a valuable contribution to the knowledge in that area of study. It just isn't compatible with the policies on Wikisource. In other words, if it is to stay here it will have to be stripped down so that it ''only'' contains the translation, without embellishment, of the original text and all non-public domain elements removed. I imagine that's not your first choice as I get the impression it is the analytical parts of the work that interest you the most. So as an alternative, works such as this may be in scope for [[b:Main Page|WikiBooks]]: their scope explicitly includes original works so long as it falls within their definition of &quot;educational&quot;. As another Wikimedia sister project it is possible to import the pages between projects, even preserving revision history. If you need it we can try to facilitate contact with the Wikibooks community to get the ball rolling. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:50, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

*'''Oppose'''. This whole situation is insulting. The work is clearly a Wikisource translation of a work in the public domain, and is thus in scope, your complaints about the annotations aside. This discussion should never have been started, and much less dragged on this long. The problem with the maps is unfortunate, but the rest is irrelevant. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:25, 4 August 2021 (UTC)
*:Indeed, and I would love nothing better than to see much ''much'' wider participation in discussions here and on [[WS:CV]] so that we could properly determine community consensus and within a reasonable time. That's why I so very much appreciate your efforts to participate in both venues! However, meanwhile we have to operate within the reality that exists. I am sorry if you found this insulting, but there really is no other way to address such issues. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:54, 7 August 2021 (UTC)
*:*I’m sorry, that was a bit much. My apologies. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:22, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Act No. 3815]] ==

Copydump, what formatting there is uses raw HTML, with no source and no license. A superficial look also suggests this is a modern translation (the specified translator shows up in Google as a paralegal) so it may also be a copyvio, but I'm too lazy to do the research on that just now. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:32, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
: Weirdly it looks to have been originally published in English so I am not sure what that translation is about, see e.g. here https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1930/12/08/act-no-3815-s-1930/ (which says public domain). The source is almost certainly from the copyrighted source here: https://www.chanrobles.com/revisedpenalcodeofthephilippines.htm#.YLgkKXVKiV4 since it has the chan robles header. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:38, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
:: Please look at Republic Act No. 8293 Section 176 (which is also here in Wikisource at [[RA 8293#Sec. 176]]), the Philippine law stating all Philippine government works (including your proposed '''Act No. 3815''') are and must be not copyrighted and are in the public domain. &lt;br&gt;Also, all Philippine laws are written in English and not a translation of any kind.— &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:25px&quot;&gt;🍕&lt;/span&gt; &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:'Comic Sans MS';&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#FFC83D&quot;&gt;Yivan&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#F7894A&quot;&gt;000&lt;/span&gt; &lt;small&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[[User:Yivan000|view]]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;sub&gt;[[User_talk:Yivan000|talk]]&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;/small&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 14:38, 16 July 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Yivan000|Yivan000]]: Thank you for working to improve this text; however, please familiarise yourself with our style guide. enWS does not use the automatically generated table of content that MediaWiki provides, does not use the heading syntax of MW wikimarkup (we use direct visual formatting instead), and we use formatting templates rather than raw HTML. Paragraph breaks should be done by simply inserting two newlines, and italics should be done with wikimarkup, not HTML. In short, while massively improved from the cut&amp;pasted text that was there before, this is still a mess. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:12, 3 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham]] ==

{{ping|PBS}} is this a complete work?  Almost seems to be an extract from an extract, but I cannot tell. If we can situate it as part of a work, can we please do so, otherwise it seems it is extract per [[WS:WWI]] and if so, not part of our collection. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:03, 29 July 2021 (UTC)
*The source indicates this is a complete part of the ''History of Birmingham'', but, as it itself is an extract, it should be deleted in favor of the full work; though I cannot find a scan. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:18, 31 July 2021 (UTC)

:Ok, not that it matters all that much to this discussion but I've uploaded a scan of ''The History of Birmingham'' and scan-backed this text. Looking at the immediate source this fragment is actually a &quot;chapter&quot;, of sorts, in that it has its own entry in the table of contents (titled &quot;Extract&quot;). It is still an extract from ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835), which gives an extract of [[Author:John Vicars|John Vicars]]'s ''God in the Mount'' (1641).{{pbr}}Regarding the latter I have been unable to locate any scan of it anywhere. EEBO has [https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A64897.0001.001?view=toc the text], but the scans are, as usual, locked up by ProQuest. Multiple institutions have holdings of it—including the British Library, Corpus Christi, the National Library of Scotland, Trinity College, the Victoria and Albert Museum, the Folger, the Huntington, and the Beinecke—but none have made scans available. If anyone ''really'' cares, several of these institutions may be amenable to scanning it for us.{{pbr}}In any case, as it stands it is an extract of an extract, and presented completely divorced from its original published context, so it'll have to go (from mainspace).{{pbr}}However, as PBS hasn't edited since May I think we should leave this open for a while yet in the hopes of hearing from them. They may be interested in proofreading the rest of ''The History of Birmingham'' and there's no particular hurry. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:33, 10 August 2021 (UTC)
:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: I have (dubious) ProQuest access, and have accessed ''God in the Mount''. The scans bear a (presumably British) copyright notice, does that matter? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 19:35, 23 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: In copyright terms, no. ProQuest is just asserting a &quot;sweat of the brow&quot; copyright for the scanning job, but Wikimedia projects do not honour such claims. The original work is PD and that's what matters. But the terms of use of ProQuest's services (a matter of contract law) prohibit downloading and scraping, so we can't host it for that reason (and you'd risk getting sued over it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: My claim of dubious access was a little too vague, I guess. What I mean is this: I have access to the ''content'' of ProQuest, but I have never myself accessed ProQuest, and do not have access to the “front-end” ProQuest database. Using a personal ILL account, I can request books (some of which are on ProQuest), but nowhere in the agreement to use that ILL account is there a restriction on usage like the ProQuest EULA—which means there is no contract for me (or Wikimedia) to get sued over. The only restriction on usage at all is the generic copyright notice for ILL systems. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 13:49, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

I have been AFK. I see now that the whole book is in place (thank you [[user:Xover]]) so presumably the header about delete can now be removed from the page. However the reason for placing it here on Wikisource in the first place and it is a stand alone extract from a book. If only whole books can exist in this archive and not extracts from a book, then that presents a real problem, as one of the reasons this source site was created was to take extracts that ought not to be placed onto Wikipedia. To take one example &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; does the whole book have to exist on Wikisurce before that extract (about a specific topic, or passage) can be placed on Wikisource? [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes#Excerpts]] is to say the least not clear on this issue. -- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 16:48, 12 September 2021 (UTC)

:@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: Thanks for commenting!{{pbr}}Yes, our written policies are rather less developed than one expects coming from enWP, and rely instead on practice developed over the years. It's really not an approach that's friendly to people for whom enWS is not their primary project, but I've complained about it so much people have started to just nod, smile, and back away slowly when I bring it up. Oh well…{{pbr}}Our basic unit here is the previously published work, in a specific edition. ''God in the Mount'' (1641) is ''a work''. ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835) is ''a work''. The latter includes an excerpt of the former, and [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham|April the 8th …]] is an excerpt from that. In other words, an excerpt of an excerpt. In a ''citation'' (i.e. on enWP) citing some fragment of info through intermediary sources is fine and often even preferable for reliability, but the goal on enWS is preserving and making available the ''works'' themselves ''as published''. That we have added a scan to back the excerpt does not make it any less of an excerpt; only made possible the production of the whole work. But do I take it then that you have no interest in proofreading the entire work? At a little over 500 pages it isn't insurmountable, and it's not inconceivable that others would be interested in helping out. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:15, 17 September 2021 (UTC)
::[[User:Xover|Xover]]: if I had unlimited time the I would be only too happy to proofread the book. However I tend to proof read text that is useful for my primary work about topics on Wikipeadia. My concern here is that the extract was a quote of a primary source, if primary sources can only be accessed if the whole of the text in which it is quoted then this is a diminution of the use of both Wikipedia and Wikisource to provide information to readers of articles on Wikipedia. Take for example the quote from Richard I. The original will be in French, and will exist in some archive. There are several translation in reliable secondary sources. The reason for placing an extract from one of those secondary sources is it allows a  Wikipedia article on Richard to include the statement &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; with a link to the text on Wikisource. The rest of the book may or may not be worth including here. But the translation of the primary source certainly is.
::Another example which is on my to do list is a further transcribing of &quot;[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna]]&quot; That in itself is a large undertaking and usually Wikipedia articles are only interested in specific articles within the treaties that make up the Final Act. However while I see the use of copying all of the treaties that make up the Final Act, I see no reason in the medium term to copy over and proofread the whole of the sources I am using for that text: ''The Parliamentary Debates from the Year 1803 to the Present Time'', volume 2, 1 Feb to 6 march 1816. Even more so as the text is formatted in a way that make reading it difficult (so I am using a couple of other sources to help with formatting and some minor translation alterations). As I wrote in the introduction to ''[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna/Act I]]''  &quot;This translation was laid before the British Parliament on 2 February 1816, with some additional formatting from the French original.&quot; The reason for this is that the French formatting is close to modern English that that used in the Parliamentary translation.
::So I think that you need to consider when suggesting that the whole text of a secondary source is included, whether that is the most useful use of editors time or even if it is desirable when what is most useful for modern use by as [[Wikipedia:Wikipedia:Article titles|:Wikipedia:Article titles]] puts it &quot;The ... description of the subject that someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area will recognize.&quot; Ie someone interested in (but probably not an expert in) the Napoleonic wars, or the post war concord, may well be interested in the details of the treaties without being in the leaset interested in the Prince Regents speech to the British Parliament at the start of the 1816 session.
::It may be in the future that someone somewhere will want a copy of that speech, but until it is requested (eg via a link from an article on Wikipedia), I think that editors can use their limited time here to support the project in ways that are more help to the someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area.
::-- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 14:46, 3 October 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: You need to think of it in terms of things like [[w:WP:NPOV|WP:NPOV]], [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]] and [[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]]: if we allowed arbitrary extracts we would allow selective quotation of whatever subsets of a work supported someone's point of view (maybe [[w:WP:UNDUE|WP:UNDUE]] is an apposite reference?). Our equivalent to [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]] is to make sure works are previously published, and not self-published. For [[w:WP:V|WP:V]] we use proofreading from a scan of the original, rather than just cut&amp;pasting some text from the web somewhere. For example, if you are adding text that is an amalgamation of multiple sources (the text you mentioned as hard to read), or are adding text from one edition but formatting it according to a completely different edition, you are essentially just creating a completely new edition. In analogy, you are violating [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]]/[[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]], [[w:WP:V|WP:V]], and [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]].{{pbr}}We do not require anyone to actually proofread entire publications (they can literally be a lifetime's work in length), but whenever you are looking at something more granular than &quot;book&quot; it ends up being an assessment of whether the text qualifies as a stand-alone ''work'' (think &quot;stand-alone article&quot; or &quot;… list&quot; in enWP terms: [[w:WP:GNG|WP:GNG]]-like assessments apply) or whether it is a mere excerpt from a larger work. A poem of a few lines can certainly qualify as a stand-alone work, but even a full chapter excerpted from a novel would not. Your Richard I example might pass that bar, as it looks like a complete letter or speech (I didn't check its published context; it needs scan-backing and situating within the context of the work within it was published in any case), but the text currently under discussion doesn't because not only is it an excerpt from ''The History of Birmingham'' but it is also in turn an excerpt of ''God in the Mount''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:23, 3 October 2021 (UTC)

== [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] ==

Unsourced Old English poem. I can't find a scan of the original source, or any source that was definitely published before 1926.

I'm sure the poem probably is real, but if it's unsourced there's no way to ''prove'' it wasn't just invented as a hoax. Modern books mention the poem, but that's not quite good enough.

Someone more knowledgable in Old English literature than me might be able to find a source and/or prove what we have transcribed here is legitimate. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:00, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

: This is one of the [[w:Anglo-Saxon metrical charms]]. It's certainly a &quot;thing&quot;:
:* https://uw.digitalmappa.org/58 (Look under Charms -&gt; Against the Water-Elf disease).
:* https://ota.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/repository/xmlui/bitstream/handle/20.500.12024/3009/3009.html?sequence=6&amp;isAllowed=y (No. 344)
: The [[w:Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records]] contains this in volume 6 (1942), but that was renewed: {{copyright renewal|R491174}}.
: That said, this is from the 10th century: even if ASPR 6 is the only printed source ever, this is pretty clearly PD unless this edition has copyrightable modifications. At worst we could use the manuscript above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:03, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Rho9998}} this seems like it might be in your wheelhouse: do you know of a good modern-ish source for this that's in the PD? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:41, 8 August 2021 (UTC)

::: {{re|Inductiveload}} There is Cockayne's 1864 edition of the &quot;Leechbook&quot; in which the poem is found; I don't think there are any editions in the public domain after that. The poem can be found on page 350 of the Internet Archive upload: https://archive.org/details/leechdomswortcun02cock/page/350/mode/2up

:::: {{re|Rho9998}} Amazing, thank you!
:::: The index is already up (along with vols 1 and 3): [[Index:Leechdoms wortcunning and starcraft of early England volume 2.djvu]] due to the industry of @[[User:Beleg Tâl]]! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 9 August 2021 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: The transcription from ASPR does not appear to match that of the ''Leechbook'', suggesting the mere transcription may have copyrightable elements (akin to a translation). In either case, the fragment at [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] is not scan-backed to either ASPR or the ''Leechbook''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:57, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

== The complete works of Count Tolstoy ==

Some page scans of (mostly) Wiener's &quot;The complete works of Count Tolstoy&quot;
exist as 2 versions:

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_01.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_03.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc03tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_04.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc04tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_12.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc12tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_13.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc13tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_17.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc17tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_21.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc21tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_22.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc22tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_24.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc24tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_26.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc26tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_28.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc28tols).pdf]]


To avoid that people start editing them twice, one of these
sets should be deleted. Because the indices with the *.djvu
seem to have been used already in the  
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy ,
the preferential deletion should target the PDF versions, not the DJVU. [On the other hand, the PDF volumes seem to be complete but some DJVU volumes missing, so a homogeneous name space would rather keep the PDF...]
[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 10:04, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:Well, that's frustrating, given that I speedy deleted several of the pdfs as duplicates back a few months and someone has blithely recreated them. Yes, once any proofread pages have been appropriately dealt with, '''delete''' all the pdf versions and also delete the template that lists the volumes. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 21:58, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:There is a message of some &quot;InductiveBot&quot; of 2021-05-17 in [[Page:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksof02tols).pdf/107]] which says that some DJVU pages have been moved to the PDF pages. Will something like this happen again, if the PDF scans are deleted? (I'll start to copy all contents of the PDF pages to the DJVU...). - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 12:24, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
::@[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]]: {{ul2|InductiveBot}} is a bot operated by {{ul2|Inductiveload}} If it moved these pages it was probably in response to a request someone made. I would suggest you hold off moving any pages until we figure out the background and decide definitively what indexes we are going to use. It is also probably best to let an admin do it to avoid a lot of cleanup afterwards. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 1 September 2021 (UTC)

:: (E/C) This was talked about before, but no much seems to have happened: [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-05#Tolstoy_(Wiener)...]].
:: {{Re|R. J. Mathar}} please do not copy the content, that's a complete waste of everyone's time and removes history. I'll move any pages if needed. Manually moving pages between indexes is rarely the right thing to do, because if you do that, whoever does the move properly will need to delete the copied pages first.
:: Volume 2 was missing pages in the DJVU, so it was migrated to the PDF (see the deletion log at [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]]). If we want to go for a full set of DJVUs, that needs fixing. Or do we want a mixed set? 
:: If a batch upload of the missing DJVU volumes is desired, I can do that if provided with a spreadsheet of metadata as explained here [[User:Inductiveload/Requests/Batch uploads]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:36, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:I had in mind to do some Tolstoy a while back and found this mire, when I noticed an admin assisting the disruption I stopped trying to sort it out.  It is very easy to waste a lot of thoughtful contributors time with a few clicks. Can someone please ping the relevant accounts? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 12:57, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:This is one of the templates, [[Template:The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes]], and the history of the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Template:Works_of_Tolstoy_(Wiener)&amp;action=history other]. &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:22, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Languageseeker}} do you have any comment on what you were attempting to achieve? [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 23:06, 10 October 2021 (UTC)
:: As I recall, I started importing this set for the inaugural MC because someone recommended Anna Karenina. I didn’t realize that someone had already started this one as a DJVU set because it wasn’t listed on the Tolstoy page. Then, while looking through some of the Tolstoy works, I stumbled across the partial set of DJVUs. So, I requested that the text be merged over to the PDF because some of the DJVUs had missing pages or were worser quality. Beeswaxcandle then deleted the PDFs leaving to partial sets. Soon afterwards, I had to take a wiki break. It seems that in the meantime, someone began improving the DJVU set and restored the PDFs. Now, it seems like we have three choices. First, move the pages over from the DJVu to the PDF and delete the DJVU set. Two, import all the PDFs, move the page list over, merge the PDF pages to the DJVu, delete all the PDFs. Three, create a mixed set of PDFs and DJVUs by moving the pages over from the PDFs to the DJVUs and then deleting the PDFs. Two seems like the most work, three will produce a more confusing template, and one will require a bot to move stuff. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:33, 10 October 2021 (UTC)

I added the missing pages 311 and 312 (that is 337 and 338 if counted from 1) to the Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_02.djvu version on the wikimedia commons, copying the pages from the PDF scans. So at least that djvu-volume does no longer have missing pages. It would be useful to know exactly which other dvju volumes miss which pages. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 13:23, 15 October 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|R. J. Mathar}} It should be noted that [[:File:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] is based on {{IA|completeworksof02tols}} however [[:File:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]] was based on {{IA|completeworksofc03tols}}. The First is a Univ. of Florida scan of one of their prints while the latter is an MSN scan of a CDL print. It appears you created some strange Frankenstein of the two of them. I just upload [https://archive.org/download/completeworksof02tols/completeworksof02tols.djvu completeworksof02tols.djvu] over it and change the documented source (which was originally only documented as  &quot;Internet Archive&quot;). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 18:24, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
The difference between these two can be easily viewed by comparing:
{|
|DJVU ||{{Works of Tolstoy (Wiener)}}
|-
|PDF ||style=&quot;font-size:0.9em&quot;|{{The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes}}
|}
I filled in the missing DJVU Index pages (and media on Commons) since only [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 2|Volume 2]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 20|Volume 20]] are currently transcluding from the PDFs (where as [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 12|Volume 12]], [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 23|Volume 23]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 24|Volume 24]] are from the DJVUs). They aren't particularly pretty but they are now there (the PDFs seem only slightly better as some of the DJVUs seem to have extraneous pages and the OCR is misaligned between pages). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 19:20, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Korean Air Lines Flight 007 transcripts]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, no consensus--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 02:00, 7 December 2021 (UTC)|text=
An amalgamation of something like 7 different sources of data, all of them selectively included, and compiled into an original work on-wiki. The result is interesting and valuable, but it is [[WS:WWI|out of scope]] for Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:18, 7 September 2021 (UTC)
*It is one work, though compiled from several sources. I do not believe it is original to Wikisource, but to the United Nations; although I have not verified this presumption. The compilation (being chronological) is not creative, and thus does not have copyright. The coloring is useful, and quite interesting. I do not think it to be quite without scope, however. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
}}

== Everything in the mainspace in [[:Category:Project disclaimers]] ==

I feel like this might be a hot take since these have been around a long time, but I don't think the mainspace is the appropriate place to have these disclaimers.

In December 2015, [[User:Library Guy]] moved the page [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] (now a mainspace redirect, which I also disagree with) to [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] with the comment &quot;shouldn't be in main namespace&quot;. They are not works at all, nor are they actual sections of the original encyclopedias themselves, so I don't believe they belong in the mainspace.

At the very least, the mainspace project disclaimers should be moved to appropriate sections of the project namespace, without redirects being left behind. However, I think these overly specific disclaimers are probably products of another time, when Wikisource was younger and it was being used more so than to-day as an aid and supplement to Wikipedia's efforts. We also have [[Wikisource:General disclaimer]] which (at least in a broader way) covers most of the things said in these pages. I would be fine with just to '''delete''' them.

However, I'll leave the interpretation to consensus below. Should the entries be moved to other namespaces, or deleted entirely? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 19:17, 11 September 2021 (UTC)

{{smaller|Edit: Also pinging {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} in case the Library Guy account won't be used a while. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)}}
*'''Oppose.''' Thanks for pinging the other account. Maybe something like {{tl|AuxTOC}} can be used to wrap the disclosures.  I imagine the information is available elsewhere, but I think it is good idea to make the disclaimer information more immediately available for the encyclopedia projects.  I've never checked the alternative disclaimers cited.  They seem too obscure to me. The contents listings for the encyclopedias are also not part of the source.  Something should probably be done there.  Maybe just {{tl|AuxTOC}} could work somehow.  The disclaimers could be moved back to the main namespace with a wrapper of some sort since it seems tough to wrap a redirect. Seems fair to keep around the redirect though since the destination makes things clear. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 13:45, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} You don't think moving them to another namespace is a good idea, at least, as you've done at EB1911? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:I think putting the disclaimer in the project namespace is an effective solution, but you were talking about deleting the redirect, and the wrapper solution, which I have become aware of more lately, would avoid the redirect.  I like the current solution better than the wrapper for the disclaimer.  The wrapper solution ({{tl|AuxTOC}}) would work better for the tables of contents.  It is widely used.  I will also mention the [[ACAB]] disclaimer has some things that I think are really very necessary for that work. Probably the encyclopedia disclaimers should at least refer to the General discliamer. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 17:17, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' These project disclaimers were added a long time ago, and are a part of the project’s set-up. While, strictly speaking, they are not neccessary, I think that, at this point, it would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them. Certainly, they should not be made now; but I do not think they should be deleted. Any move (across namespaces) would necessitate a cross-namespace redirect, owing to the age of the original name. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;It would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them.&quot; – For what reason do you say that? Age alone isn't a reason to keep—there are lots of old relics that we've deleted at WS:PD. Assuming that we delink all references to it in the mainspace (which is what I'm advocating for by the way), what harm would this do to the project itself, reading- or editing-wise? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: The “old relics” which have been deleted were entire works—although they were usually not quite so entire; this is not the case here. I '''oppose''' removing the references, as the continuity of use of them (my meaning in ''age'' here, my apologies for the confusion) would be so disrupted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:15, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;The old relics were entire works; this is not the case here.&quot; Right, they aren't works at all, nor parts of works, in any sense. The mainspace is for ''works'', not entire user-generated pages dedicated to explaining some bits of information about how a work ought to be used, especially when all of those notices are already fundamentally covered by [[WS:General disclaimer]]. Furthermore, the initial question I had has still not been answered. That is, why, specifically, would the removal of these disclaimers in the mainspace be so destructive to the encyclopedia projects? You even admit that &quot;strictly speaking, they are not necessary&quot;, so if something isn't necessary, why would deleting it be so detrimental? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:06, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: They are not ''as a rule'' necessary, but these in particular have been made necessary ''as an exception'' because of their long use. No, the notices are not covered by the general disclaimer; that is why they are project-specific, and deleting them would entail recourse to the general (and thus not specifically useful) disclaimer, while losing the information of specific relevance to the articles at hand. They generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules regarding “verifiability,” “notability,” and such, I believe; such being the reason for their initial creation. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:14, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Wikipedians copying and referencing material that happens to be in the public domain is nothing new as you say. The entire sum of human media before 1923, and now before 1926, is a pretty wide scope of works after all, which, theoretically, we should have transcribed in its totality at Wikisource. I've seen entire plot summary sections of Wikipedia articles having been copied verbatim from public domain film magazines, for example (as of now, film magazine coverage at Wikisource is incredibly slim, however ''theoretically'' we should have them all). There are a ton of nonfiction works, encyclopedias included but also dictionaries, atlases, certain magazines, textbooks, newspapers, masters' theses, and the list goes on. Any number of these things are copied and/or used at Wikipedia all the time. Should we make mainspace disclaimers specific to these, too? How about I put a page like that in [[The Masses (periodical)]], to make sure that Wikipedians who might use it know that ''The Masses'' purposefully has a socialist slant, and that articles shouldn't be copied to Wikipedia because it's not NPOV? The encyclopedia disclaimers set a bad precedent that way, and I'm a bit worried something like that might be tried one day because of it.

And anyway, if &quot;they generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules&quot;, that seems like a bad thing to me. Why is that our responsibility? What is done with the information in the encyclopedias at Wikipedia should ''by no means'' be our specific responsibility. We're a very different project from them, and Wikipedians can go to pages like [[Wikisource:For Wikipedians]] to get an idea of that.

Furthermore, I disagree that these disclaimer pages are useful even. Let's look at [[Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Project Disclaimer]] as an example. It says:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Inaccuracies:''' The articles of the 1921 edition of Collier's New Encyclopedia were based upon the information available to the editors and contributors at the time of their original publication in the early 20th century. Changing circumstances and more recent research may have rendered this information obsolete or revealed it to be inaccurate, especially in the areas of science, law, and ethnography. Readers should bear this in mind when using the information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
There is an entire section dedicated to this very thing covered by [[WS:GD]], which says for example (while not with the exact wording):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] we cannot guarantee (in any way whatsoever) the validity of the documents found here. In particular, medical or legal texts on Wikisource may be incorrect or out of date. We suggest contacting a qualified professional for such information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
The next section:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Transcription errors:''' These articles are transcribed from the originals by volunteers, sometimes directly and sometimes by correcting a preliminary OCR conversion. While we strive for perfect accuracy, there may be transcription errors in the articles.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
What [[WS:GD]] says about the same thing (although the wording isn't very specific so it's easy to misconstrue):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] material found here may not be reviewed by professionals who are knowledgeable in the particular areas of expertise necessary to ensure the accuracy of the texts.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
So we can take out those bits because they aren't necessary for an entire separate page. What we're left with is the very first paragraph, which states:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Title usage:''' Use of the titles Collier's New Encyclopedia or Collier's Encyclopedia is strictly to acknowledge titles used to refer to the edition of 1921 which has gone into the public domain in the United States due to the expiration of its copyright there. Any reference to this material should explicitly note the original date of publication.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
Trademark law is not mentioned in the general disclaimer. However, at this point all we have is a paragraph, which is enough for just being in the notes section on the header of the encyclopedia work.

However, even this trademark law bit ''could'' be mentioned in the general disclaimer, but isn't for some reason. Really, any number of works hosted at Wikisource are probably still protected by trademark in some jurisdictions, and we really shouldn't leave a disclaimer about it on every work that applies to. We should probably mention, in the general disclaimer, that the use of the titles of some works, or the identities of the characters in them, may violate trademark laws in some jurisdictions which is unrelated to copyright.

I'd like to end the post by saying that I think much the material in these project disclaimers could be either included or made more specific in the [[WS:General disclaimer]]. I don't like how vague the general disclaimer currently is on many issues, so it certainly could be improved. However, the issues with the general disclaimer does not necessitate the existence of a specific project disclaimer page, in the ''mainspace'' of all places, for every single encyclopedia we have that I know of. I think the improvement of our general disclaimer should be discussed by the way (probably separately to this discussion). [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:58, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: Many encyclopedias (''e.g.'', ''EB'', ''EA'') are still covered by trademark law, but ''most'' (if not effectively all) books are not. My response to your (rhetorical?) question about ''The Masses'' is the following: No, it should not have a disclaimer, because ''no ''new'' disclaimers should be made''. The maintenance (read: non-deletion) of these project disclaimers harks back to when Wikipedia copied at large from the old encyclopedias, and they noted them back to Wikisource. The disclaimers were added to the projects at the time to facilitate this, and thus, to maintain this ''ad-hoc'' “backwards compatibility,” they should be kept. I disagree with your interpretation above: the ''Collier’s'' disclaimer is more specific than the general disclaimer, and thus is useful. (This is the case with other project disclaimers, as well.) I also believe that the general disclaimer is perfectly functional in its current state: being a ''general'' disclaimer, it doesn’t need excruciating detail. I agree regarding the general disclaimer discussion; for another time, perhaps. (As for the old film magazines, they are quite interesting, but with so many images, it is a daunting prospect.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:13, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: There have apparently been incidents regarding the use of the Sherlock Holmes character in newer works, as policed by the Doyle estate. However I'll digress on everything else, for the sake of further community input on this issue. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:27, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::*Ah, but Sherlock Holmes is not ''title'', but ''character''; for ''titles'', there are but few trademarks, though for characters, there are many more. (I am reminded of “[[w:Arsène Lupin versus Herlock Sholmes|Herlock Sholmes]],” though from whence I know not.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:32, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::My understanding is that the issues around Sherlock Holmes are around copyright because some works are in and some works are not, with the claim that derivative works are derivative of those works still in copyright, the trademark in terms of print [[https://trademarks.justia.com/779/37/sherlock-77937813.html was abandonded]]. Tarzan on the other hand has had court cases around the character and is a live trademark. Winnie-the-Pooh and Steamboat Willie will be other interesting cases of this.  [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 15:01, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{ping|MarkLSteadman}} It'd be a shame if Sherlock Holmes as a character was still under ''copyright proper'' in the UK. In the US, the original being public domain would allow for derivative works of that original interpretation to therefore be allowed, not counting in the possible exception of a trademark still being in effect. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:07, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::: {{ping|PseudoSkull}} The claim of the Doyle Estate was that while Sherlock Holmes as a character is in the PD as represented in the PD works, Sherlock Holmes as a character is not in the PD as represented in the still copyrighted works. Specifically, they talk about Holmes showing emotion, respect for women etc. as a development in the later works and still copyrighted. This particular issue will go mostly away, thankfully, come January when the next batch of stories enter the PD, but the main legal question is what counts as &quot;original interpretation&quot; of the character and what is still copyrighted. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:42, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
: '''Strongly support''' moving these to WS namespace. Neutral regarding actually deleting them (at least within the scope of the current discussion) —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 15:33, 13 September 2021 (UTC)
* delete [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 12:54, 16 September 2021 (UTC)
* {{vd}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:53, 2 October 2021 (UTC)
* '''Support''' moving to WS project space and then either linking from main or transcluding to main in some sort of default collapsed wrapper. I prefer linking as trascluding is similar to transcluding page transcriptions but either way the data would remain easily accessible from main while still moving it technically out of main. —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 00:27, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

== Excerpts of works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]] ==

The following works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]], uploaded and translated by [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]], are excerpts or fragments of larger works, with the rest of the work omitted; and thus are out of [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|scope]] for hosting on Wikisource:
* [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]]
* [[Translation:Final swim]]
* [[Translation:Provincial story]]
—[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 20:10, 12 October 2021 (UTC)

: The three miniatures translated by me are fully completed little novellas that have only an indirect relation to the content of the book that includes them. This is the case when one work, more extensive, contains another — smaller in volume: this happens in literature. The book written in genre of &quot;travel literature&quot;, telling about real events. The miniatures (exhibited for delete) are created in the artistic genre. They are small fantasy scenes played in the mind of the main character of the documentary work. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 05:26, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:: {{re|Виктор Пинчук}} If [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are NOT excerpts from ''Six months by islands...'', but instead are themselves complete works, that were published within ''Six months by islands...'', then I believe we can host them. As for [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], you identified it as a &quot;fragment of an article&quot;; so it does not appear to be a full article. If it is only a portion of an article, I do not think we can host it here. We can *omit* portions of an article, if necessary due to copyright, but in this case most of the article appears to be missing. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:48, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::* {{reply to|Beleg Tâl}} Any of my newspaper articles is part of a series of articles devoted to some topic, and any of my books is part of a description of adventures from my life. So you can get to the point of absurdity, figuring out where a &quot;part of the work&quot; is and where &quot;the whole work&quot; is.&lt;br&gt;
::* If, for example, an extensive newspaper article on a political topic describes a meeting of the president of a certain country with a representative of a neighboring state, at which one of those present told an anecdote unrelated to politics, then the [[w:Russian jokes|anecdote]] taken out of context can be considered a separate work, and not part of an article on a political topic.
::* My Newspaper article (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg) written in the genre of [[w:Opinion journalism|&quot;journalism&quot;]], but the fragment (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Translation:Flight_of_fantasy) — that is part of it is written with the help of [[w:Grotesque|grotesque]].[[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 15:16, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
::*: If an extensive newspaper article about politics contained an anecdote, I still don't think we would be willing to host the anecdote without the surrounding article. I'd be interested in seeing the opinions of other editors on the subject. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

: For clarity, Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.
: I would be gently inclined to keep this as it technically does meet [[WS:WWI]] (published, free license, original source text exists). Publication in a local paper is indeed a low bar, but we set the bar at &quot;publication of any sort except self-publication&quot;. However, I would like to see the following issues addressed before I commit to a &quot;keep&quot;:
:* The work should be scan-backed against the relevant page scan, e.g. [[:File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg]]
:* The page scans in question need to be redacted further as the other photos on the page are not PD or freely licensed.
:* The images like [[:File:Бомж-тур-агентство (иллюстрация к миниатюре «Полёт фантазии»).jpg]] do not appear in the original and should be removed.
:* They should exist as subpages of the newspaper (''Respublica Krim'') rather than floating untethered in mainspace.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:13, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Inductiveload}} There are several works by Pinchuk which I am ''not'' proposing for deletion, because they are published in a local paper and as such meet our publication requirements. The three which I am bringing to the attention of WS:PD are specifically because they are ''exerpts'' and not full works, as per [[WS:WWI#Excerpts]]. &quot;Provincial story&quot; and &quot;Final swim&quot; are not works, they are extracts from the 1916 book ''Six months by islands...''. If the book ''Six months by islands...'' were added to Wikisource in full, I would have no further objection to keeping these portions within it. Similarly, &quot;Flight of fancy&quot; is a ''fragment'' of an article published in ''Respublica Krim''; if the article in its entirety were to be hosted, I would have no further objection. 
:: To your other comments: I have already scan-backed all of the other works we have by Pinchuk, and removed images or added {{tl|image missing}} as needed. I'm neutral on the idea of having the entire structure of ''Respublica Krim'' in Translation space just for these articles (though of course I would demand it in mainspace). —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:39, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::Ah, well, then I am guilty of not paying full attention and thought these were just small self-contained works. Indeed, all of these are fragments of works-as-published and thus are indeed out of scope. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:49, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{re|Inductiveload}} Pinchuk has convinced me that [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are complete works ''per se'', despite being published within a larger work. I am still not convinced about [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], which apparently is comparable to a tangential anecdote being exerpted from a longer article detailing the full conversation. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

* The scan has been corrected, photos not participating in Wikisource have been deleted. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg
* Illustrations of texts posted on Wikisource must exactly match the scanned source, and cannot contain author's additions?
* Yes, ''Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.'' I hope here is no [[w:Corpus delecti|corpus delicti]]?
* The newspaper strip does not includ enough space: not all photos are placed on it. Wikisource is an electronic version, there is more space here. Why not post illustrations that are not included in the newspaper, but belong to the author? (In this case, the illustrations were created by the author specifically for Wikisource.) For example, this: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Бомж-тур-агентство_(иллюстрация_к_миниатюре_«Полёт_фантазии»).jpg [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 12:05, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:* {{Re|Виктор Пинчук}} thank you for the redaction of the image.
:* R.e. {{tqi|1=Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk}}, that is just a clarification to make it clear that you are the author in question in case it's not obvious to others. There's no problem with it.
:* R.e. the illustrations: Wikisource is a repository of texts ''as published''. English Wikisource doesn't accept self-published works. Thus, while the version of the works that appeared in ''Respublica Krim'' are in scope, self-published editions are not. Also, under [[WS:ANN]], {{tqi|Purely decorative illustrations and images. (Known as grangerisation or extra-illustration)}} are specifically excluded from permissible annotations.
:* Note that Wikisource is not a publishing platform for ''users'' work, it's a platform for ''published works'', which in this case, just happens to be by a user: yourself. If it had not been published in a paper, it would be out of scope. If you would like to host your own work somewhere online and it's not in some published format, I do not think the WMF ecosystem contains such a platform. Usually content like that is published via personal website, blogs, or sites like Medium or those mentioned at [[meta:Wikifiction]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:07, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::*I don’t have texts that have not been published in newspapers, magazines, or books, but there are illustrations that, for technical reasons, did not fit into officially publications. These illustrations are not [[w:Grangerisation|Grangerization]] and they are not [[w:Extra-illustration |extra-illustration]]: they correspond to the theme of the material. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 06:05, 14 October 2021 (UTC)

: {{ping|Beleg Tâl}}, {{ping|Inductiveload}} Would you say that the issues raised here have been resolved and this thread can be closed, or is there still more to be done? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:49, 11 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[The American in Holland]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:09, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
: A scan is available here {{IA small link|americaninhollan00grifrich}} if someone wants to match and split the current text. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:11, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:43, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Ingram)]] ==

This is an incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

* If you look at the discussion page, the source is identified and linked. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:14, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  The discussion pages lists at least 5 different sources of which one is still under copyright. The question is which one of these five is the source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*** That is noted and explained in the Notes on the main page of the work. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 05:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
****  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  So the 1912 text mentioned in header is actually a 2003 transcription of the 1912 work that has a copyright of 2003 and is for personal use only. Does that matter? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***** So you agree that this has a source, even though the deletion rationale you gave was that it is &quot;unsourced&quot;? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:24, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
******  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] Yes, I was wrong about the unsourced part. Mea Culpa. I went too fast on these. Despite this, it's still only a small fragment of a work that is over 400 pages long. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:32, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:42, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Myths and Tales from the San Carlos Apache]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The source is a defunct website. There is absolutely no way to assess where the text came from or to continue the work without finding a scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:45, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The Web-site is archived, and the archive contains the relevant text. Even if that were not the case, the singular priting is available [https://digitallibrary.amnh.org/handle/2246/164 here]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:08, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text is incomplete and the original source no longer exists.  The alternative source linked in the above discussion shows a document that differs markedly from what we currently have.  If someone sets up an Index page and begins transcription, they can do so at this title, but the current content does not meet the standards of [[WS:WWI]]: It is a second-hand transcription; it lacks key content in the portions that have been included; and it is a partial work.  Most significantly, it is a scholarly work which has had all the footnotes stripped from it.  Academic citations are a central component of any scholarly work.  Even if the rest of the text were pulled from the Archive of the web site, it is still a second-hand transcription, and lacks key content of the original. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:42, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Apostrophe to the Ocean]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
**This is not an “incomplete” work, ''per se''. It is an excerpt from “[[The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 2/Childe Harold's Pilgrimage/Canto IV|Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage]],” although one that has historically been considered a separate work, as published under the title of “[[The Reciter/Address to the ocean|Address to the Ocean]].” My !vote stands as to the stated rationale. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:25, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::I did not see anything in the 1818 publication referencing that name: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/childeharoldspil22byro}}, need to find an example when it was published under that name independently, the first I found is {{ext scan link|https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008916734}} ... [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 19:25, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Analysis of the Sexual Impulse]] ==

Unformatted, copydump. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:14, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Work is complete. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:32, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The work is unformated from a PGDP text file. It is missing it's footnotes and has numerous instances of italics marked as &quot;_sexual impulse_.&quot; [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:28, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The underscores can be replaced easily; I do not see how this problem justifies deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:16, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
**** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]  If it were just the italics, I could see how that could be fixed by a bot, but the references would need to be added manually. They're more or less mixed into the text. IMHO, it would take quite a bit of work to finish this text and it seems better to be done on a scan than this. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:36, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:36, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
*I have reformatted the work. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:10, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

==[[The Wreck of the Steamer &quot;Stella&quot;]]==
Speedy deletion contested: original by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]], with claim “out of scope - secondary transcription.” However, there is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription. A secondary transcription is a transcription made at another site and then imported here, from my understanding of the closed proposal. This work is marked as “no source”; thus, it is not evident that it originated from an illegal source. For the record, I '''oppose''' the deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:58, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:I'm interpreting the policy as including &quot;no source&quot; as being &quot;secondary transcriptions&quot; by default. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:15, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:: There is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription.  If there is no source, then it cannot be a secondary transcription, and if it is a secondary transcription, then it has a source.  The two cases are inherently mutually exclusive. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:42, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] What is to stop users from source washing by simply omitting the secondary source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:21, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::I think it would be good to communicate to contributors clearly what we expect them to do, if what we want them to do is to provide a source we should explicitly communicate that to them. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 20:07, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::I did reach out to the user and offer to find them a scan. Part of the rationale for this policy is to stop further unsourced/secondary transcriptions. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::You mean: how can you police the honesty of contributors?  That's an entirely separate issue, and not relevant for this deletion discussion. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]])
:::::It’s about making a presumption that no source = secondary transcription as the most likely scenario. The other works that the user posted are from a secondary source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
: This almost certainly was copied from one of the many secondary transcriptions online, which are probably copying each other and I hazard likely eventually back to [https://archive.org/details/yetmorepoeticgem0000mcgo/page/30/mode/2up Yet More Poetic Gems], which is a British 1980 compilation and therefore copyrighted (the compilation, probably not the poem). It would be a lot better if the original source could be found, probably in some periodical, but if it can't be, a &quot;naked&quot; text is the best we can have, though there would always be an open question over whether it was modified in the 1980 edition (with a small but non-zero risk of creative input: cf. [https://mjpbooks.com/blog/the-senseless-tragic-rape-of-charles-bukowskis-ghost-by-john-martins-black-sparrow-press/ the posthumous &quot;improvement&quot; of Charles Bukowski's work]). So it could be an exception to the second hand text thing based on lack of public domain source. Any ideas where the original was published, anyone? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:41, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:: According to [[w:List of William McGonagall poems|Wikipedia]], the poem was first published in 1962 in More Poetic Gems. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:54, 17 February 2022 (UTC)–
::: That can't be right, it sounds like it was likely first published in some local Dundee paper around the time of the event. That Wikipedia list looks like someone has just transcribed the TOCs of the collections at the IA. For example, [https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/roundtable/disaster-poet apparently] the one about Gilfillan was published in the ''Dundee Weekly News'', not in a 1962 collection, 60 years after McGonagall's death. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:14, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: This begets the question of how much work do we need to do to hunt down the original publication. If the uploader transcribed the poem from an original publication, they should be able to easily list it. Otherwise, I'm inclined to presume that they simply copied it from an online source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:28, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Can you solve the mystery and tell us the source of this poem? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:31, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::[https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762 Worldcat] says that the poem was originally published in 1899. But I haven't been able to find an instance of the original publication. [[User:DoublePendulumAttractor|DoublePendulumAttractor]] ([[User talk:DoublePendulumAttractor|talk]]) 03:05, 20 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{ping|Languageseeker|DoublePendulumAttractor}} You might want to note that &quot;[[Lines in Praise of Tommy Atkins]]&quot; was also published in [https://web.archive.org/web/20171210022327/http://www.mcgonagall-online.org.uk/publications/more-poetic-gems ''More Poetic Gems''] (1962).&lt;br&gt;I really don't have any access to print media (although I surely wish I did), and searching Google Books doesn't yield anything with &quot;Preview available&quot;, but I ''do'' know that [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Poems_published_posthumously several other poems] have been published posthumously; that &lt;u&gt;'''''might'''''&lt;/u&gt; have been the case with these two poems. Just giving you some advice. [[User:Shāntián Tàiláng|Shāntián Tàiláng]] ([[User talk:Shāntián Tàiláng|talk]]) 16:28, 23 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Thank you. This source would make it a secondary transcription and out-of-scope. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:51, 27 February 2022 (UTC)

: {{keep}} It rather seems to me that this poem will not be easy to scan-back due to lack of unambiguously copyright-free physical copies. While any one poem is clearly in the PD, the actual book ''Yet More Poetic Gems'' is not because copyright subsists in the collection itself, so we can't host a scan of that book.
: Thus, I suggest that this poem should be permitted, since it's unreasonable to expect someone to use a scan if ''no-one'' can find a scan. If a scan comes along in future, probably due to digitisation of some local Dundee broadsheet, this &quot;unsourced edition&quot; (in that it's not clearly tied to a physical edition, though it likely is ''YMPGs'') can be replaced with a suitably backed copy. In the mean time, we have {{tl|unsourced}} and {{tl|second-hand}} to make it's provenance, or lack thereof, clear.
: This is, IMO, an appropriate time to invoke a [[WS:WWI#Consensus]] exception due to the unusual lack of ''any'' hostable scan for the work.
: If scans ''were'' available, I would expect those to be used instead for all the usual reasons. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:25, 27 February 2022 (UTC)
::apparantly there is a broadsheet floating out there [https://books.google.com/books?id=IdWlNwAACAAJ&amp;dq=The+Wreck+of+the+Steamer+%22Stella%22&amp;hl=en&amp;newbks=1&amp;newbks_redir=0&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwipwN-B96f2AhUqg3IEHdR1CXgQ6AF6BAgLEAE]; [https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762&amp;referer=brief_results] - but it might be hard to find to scan. when you delete it you make it harder to find. (maybe you should contact the Univ Edin. group at WMUK --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:19, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::: National Library of Scotland has a print copy dated 1899 [https://search.nls.uk/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=44NLS_ALMA21525181290004341&amp;context=L&amp;vid=44NLS_VU1&amp;lang=en_US&amp;search_scope=SCOPE1&amp;adaptor=Local%20Search%20Engine&amp;query=any,contains,William%20McGonagall&amp;facet=topic,include,Shipwrecks&amp;mode=basic&amp;offset=0]. Therefore in scope (as are any other of McGonagall's poems being nominated). As we have NLS people involved here talk to their liaison contact {{ping|LilacRoses}} and see if they can help. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:55, 3 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1895)]] ==

Unsourced reprint of the scan-backed text [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1887)]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:32, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
*Just redirect the pages of the old version to the chapters of the new version. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:52, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
**They're not printed from the plates, so it's not quite correct to just redirect. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:23, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
: It's unsourced with an existing scan-backed version so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:50, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{keep}} It is not unsourced. Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:30, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]]: Just who are you !voting should do this work? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:05, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::??? [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:07, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just who is it you are !voting should &quot;Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated.&quot;? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:26, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::It is just my suggested course of action. Whoever is interested can pick it or drop it. Same as &quot;Just redirect the pages ...&quot; above or &quot;rather migrate&quot; below. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:28, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::Yeah, the &quot;rather migrate&quot; below (and spammed across every discussion here) is about as useful. The &quot;just redirect&quot; is an effective delete vote, and within the bounds of what falls under the necessary work of handling deletion discussions. But finding and checking a scan, uploading it, creating an index, match&amp;splitting, proofreading all ~375 pages, and then re-transcluding is a &quot;somewhat&quot; bigger ask. Unless you're actually offering to this yourself, you're effectively voting that ''someone else'' should do all this work. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:46, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::You are making your own reality. My vote was clear and I added it would be better migrate the page. As far as &quot;who will do what&quot;, it will be who will feel like, as it is always been. Do not lecture me about what I am willing to do or not. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:20, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::And while you are giving such lessons, ask yourself why you deleted this: https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Log&amp;logid=11120068 and look at the history of the page. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:27, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::Uhm. Because it was proposed for deletion and all participating in the discussion were in favour of its deletion? As the link to the discussion that was included in the deletion log indicated? If you believe it was deleted in error then feel free to open an undeletion discussion. If you think ''I'' messed up (always a possibility) then I'd appreciate a headsup so I can fix whatever the mistake was. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:52, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::::If you can't see it by yourself, too bad. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:13, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::::You're really going to make me guess? *sigh* But, ok, provided I've guessed correctly… I've opened an undeletion discussion for it down in [[Special:PermanentLink/12192978#Undelete_Posthumous_Works_of_the_Author_of_A_Vindication_of_the_Rights_of_Woman|#Undelete Posthumous Works of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman]] and temporarily undeleted it pending the outcome, and pinged the participants of the previous discussion. I'd give good odds the outcome will be keep, as it usually is when anyone even expresses an interest in working on a text that's been proposed for deletion, not to mention when they've actually started working on it. Much as it would have been had you noted the fact you were working on it in the original discussion at any point during the 5+ weeks it was open. And as it also would have been had you dropped a note about the issue on my talk page a week and a half ago when it was deleted, so I could have reopened the discussion and polled the participants as we usually do in these situations. In fact, I don't believe I've ever seen a delete outcome for a text that someone is actually working on proofreading. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:17, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:51, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[1990 Census Name Files]] ==

This is a severely incomplete dump of a US Census Bureau website, containing only a tiny fraction of the data, and that is sourced to the Internet Archive archive of the website rather than the website itself. It is also mainly raw census statistical data (apart from the cover page), so strictly speaking out of scope. But mostly it's just pretty pointless for us to (badly) mirror the Internet Archive's mirror of a born-digital website which was subject to USGov archival regulations to begin with (you can still FOIA-request those pages and expect to have them handed over). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:26, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep (weak).''' This page ''is'' in scope, and the &lt;code&gt;dist.all.last&lt;/code&gt; directory is also technically in scope, by being an accompaniment to the main report. However, I do not think the table listing should be hosted, and I certainly think a listing of the first one hundred items in that list is more definitely so. However, excluding the somewhat related attachments, the page is complete, and connects to other pages. I would prefer neither of the pages be deleted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:43, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} born digital file that our &quot;open&quot; government persists in publishing in pdf. when you have reliable data link, migrate to commons data. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:49, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:King Alfred&amp;#39;s Old English version of St. Augustine&amp;#39;s Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu]] ==

This has been declined for a speedy delete, but I fail to see how this is not a duplicate of [[King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies Turned Into Modern English]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:41, 24 March 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The two title pages list 1902 and 1904 as the date, respectively, so they are clearly not identical. Both are scan-backed and fully proofread (though the proofreading does leave a bit to be desired, it seems: [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/61]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:15, 22 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] I think there is some confusion because the 1902 scan actually contains actually contains two separate works: Yale Studies in English XIII (1902) and Yale Studies in English XXII (1904). The proposed deletion is for [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. So I'm asking how does the [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/187|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]] differ from [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. My personal sense is that the fact that the 1902 book is bound with the 1904 work has thrown people off the scent. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:54, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary (unsourced)]] ==

Unsourced version of a work for which we have multiple scan-backed editions. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:59, 16 April 2022 (UTC)

== Subtemplates of {{tl|user lang subcat}} ==

* {{tl|user lang subcat/1}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/2}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/3}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/4}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/N}}

I've made significant edits to {{tl|user lang subcat}}, and its subtemplates are now just invocations of the main template. I've removed all uses of the subtemplates, and I think it would be good to delete them so as to avoid unnecessary maintenance. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:31, 17 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1880)]] ==

This work is not backed by a scanned source, the text contains numerous OCR artefacts, and there are clear instances where text is missing. These defects cannot be rectified because there is no indication of the original source (there is no front matter). There is a scan backed version of the work at [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1920)]], so this work should be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 01:03, 18 April 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom. I added links to 1880 scans from the British Library on the [[Author:Sabine Baring-Gould|author page]] if someone wants to create the index files to start a new proofreading effort from scratch. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 01:58, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{vd}} as above. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:12, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:'''Keep and replace''' with scans per the links added by MarkLSteadman. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 18:52, 29 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Category:Wikipedia administrators]] ==

I came across this while browsing the [[:Category:Wikipedia]] content category, but it just seems to be a list of administrators on another project, rather than content? Is this actually useful at all here, given that having Wikipedia admin access doesn't confer any extra access rights here? Thanks. [[User:Mike Peel|Mike Peel]] ([[User talk:Mike Peel|talk]]) 20:50, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{comment}} This category is automatically added by {{tl|User Wikipedia administrator}}, so deleting the category would mean nothing unless the template were also altered. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:27, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{vk}} — Having Wikipedia access rights can be useful here in cases where something would need to be done at Wikipedia in relation to a problem at Wikisource, so being able to browse this category is useful in that way. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:54, 29 May 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;Index:Newton's Principia - the mathematical principles of natural philosophy.djvu &lt;/s&gt;==

This appears to be a duplicate of the work already fully transcribed at [[Index:Newton's Principia (1846).djvu]] [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 03:31, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
:Speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:16, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity/FullText ==

This is the transclusion of the entire work of 'A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity' in one page, but the same index page is also transcluded into individual chapters as per the published work's table of contents. This page should therefore be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 14:03, 11 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Daniel Deronda]] ==

Languageseeker originally speedied this, where I converted it into a &lt;nowiki&gt;{{delete}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template. The comment they left was: &quot;scan back version complete at [[Daniel Deronda (First Edition)]]. Per the notes, this does not correspond to any printed edition.&quot;

I agree with the nomination, so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:05, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:23, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

{{vd}} In case [[Daniel_Deronda]] is deleted in favor of [[Daniel_Deronda_(First_Edition)]], all the subpages https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Daniel_Deronda/Volume* should also be deleted so they're not becoming orphant. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 11:00, 25 May 2022 (UTC)

== Unused toc templates ==

A cluster of now-unused toc templates (several of whom have been broken a long time):

*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h0}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h3}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1/2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s2}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content-nl}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title-nl}}
*{{tl|End}}

These old obsolete templates tend to get found randomly by new users and then start getting cut&amp;paste used again and again. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:37, 27 May 2022 (UTC)

:Note that {{tl|End}} is used in {{tl|Nixon-DD}} and related. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 17:45, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29).pdf]] ==

This is an incomplete computer printout for which the original publication has been proofread and transcluded at [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29 qp).pdf]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:48, 6 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Author:Reza Torkzadeh]] ==

A modern author, whose three books mentioned on this author page are claimed to be &quot;released by him into the public domain worldwide&quot;. I don't see any evidence, upon some Google research, that they are freely licensed at all, much less in the public domain. All of these recent edits related to this lawyer (on Wikidata, Wikimedia Commons, Wikiquote, and Wikisource at least) also seem to be promotional in nature, as they're targeted and specific to this lawyer. {{ping|Andilockwood}} Please note that '''all works''' that are contributed to Wikisource '''must''' follow [[Wikisource:Copyright policy]], and author pages should usually not be made for authors with no works that are freely licensed. The books would be acceptable if they really are in the public domain, though, because any book that went through a peer review process will be, and presumably the published books of a lawyer would qualify under that standard. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:48, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Andilockwood}} Are you the lawyer Reza Torkzadeh? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:50, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
::No. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:33, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
:::There are two free e-books available and one that just became available and is already a bestseller on Amazon. The latest book is not free and I am not sure if it will be for awhile. https://www.amazon.com/Reza-Torkzadeh/e/B08FCQ2NBJ/ref=dp_byline_cont_pop_book_1. The newest book is: https://rezat.com/2022/01/02/book-announcement-the-lawyer-as-ceo/ 
:::The free books are available by contacting the author through: https://rezat.com/ or downloading straight from https://www.torklaw.com/resources/accidents-happen-book/
:::So is the new release not able to be referenced? Just the two free books?
:::Thank you. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:41, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*Looking at [https://www.linkedin.com/posts/the-torkzadeh-law-firm_its-official-rezas-book-the-lawyer-as-activity-6937791145171111936-B_RM this LinkedIn post] and the related [https://www.amazon.com/dp/1544531141/ref=cm_sw_em_r_mt_dp_1TDCBSMT0TMA8Q3WJRN8 Amazon.com listing], the book seems to have been “released” as in “sold commercially,” not “released” into the public domain (this is for ''The Lawyer As CEO'', which just came out about a week ago). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:02, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Yes, that is true. So should I only reference the two free books then? Apologies. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:42, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]]: This seems to be a [[w:Gratis versus libre|''gratis versus libre'']] confusion. Mr. Torkzadeh’s Web-site refers those interested in reading ''Accidents Happen'' to https://accidentshappenbook.com/. This Web-site gives a copyright notice at the bottom of the page, but this is likely false. However, copyright exists automatically, so without an explicit dedication of the book into the public domain, it will remain copyrighted. The book is available for free on the Internet, and may be received for free on demand; these are both ''gratis'' freedoms. However, the book appears to not have been released into the public domain, which is the required ''libre'' freedom (required, as in it is required to post the books here). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:58, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes (unsourced)]] ==

This is a mix of non-scan backed texts from the 1927 edition (which is in copyright) and links to the Strand Magazine versions. Since the Strand Magazine versions have been proofread, I propose deleting the non-scan backed entries. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:28, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I don't see much value in keeping this mix of the 1927 version and the A. Conan Encyclopedia and Strand versions. Having a clear edition is much better than such a mix. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:48, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I agree. Unsourced duplicates should be removed as a matter of principle. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 10:40, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}}. Could have been also speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G7]] Author's request. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:13, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: @[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] It's also for the following subpages:
:* [[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]
:* [[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:03, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Ah, I see. These could have been speedied too, per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]: An unsourced work that is redundant to a sourced (scanned) version. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Testament Pedro II Of the Brazil]] ==

Unsourced, and with no translator credited. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:32, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:06, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;[[Template:Helpme]]&lt;/s&gt; ==

This was a template clearly imported from Wikipedia way back in the 2000s, a similar case to [[Template:Hangon]] which was recently deleted at PD. In the amount of time I've been active at Wikisource, which would be a couple years at this point, I have ''never even seen'' anything of this template, much less seen it being used. I often patrol recent changes for vandalism and new users who might need help or their edits standardized, and in that time I've never seen the template in use. Yet, [[Template:Welcome]] links to this template still.

Not helping the case of &lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; is that '''even the template itself''' (not even the documentation but the ''template'') recommends the main point I have against keeping this template around, which is that we have other outlets that are better used for help. We have such fine resources as [[WS:SCH|the Scriptorium help desk]], talk pages of experienced users, an IRC channel, (as of relatively recently) a Discord server, and probably more outlets I'm forgetting to mention, where a user can ask for help.

Given that we have these other outlets, having a self-categorizing help template on Wikisource doesn't seem like it's very efficient in practice, at least maybe not anymore. [[Template:Helpme]] got only '''2 pageviews''' in the past 30 days, and the category [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] got '''7 pageviews'''. That's ''pretty bad'' when you compare it to [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests]], a far more useful maintenance category, which got '''314 pageviews''' this month. This illustrates the point that I don't think this category gets enough attention for its stated purpose; I doubt many admins have it bookmarked (maybe I should?).

Whatever the case may be, the amount of people specifically patrolling [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] is clearly very scant to none, and a user would get better help by asking for it from another source that would get more attention, like the ones mentioned above. This is especially the case for more complex problems.

It's really most likely to be used by editors who recently discovered us through Wikipedia and are thus used to WP's community practices, and many of those practices really ought not be encouraged. Many things Wikipedia does are virtually incompatible with Wikisource simply because we're a smaller community, and they have a ''far'' larger active editor base than we do.


If a template is greatly discouraged virtually everywhere, it should probably just be deleted. The better outlets should be highlighted to new contributors as the right way to do it, with [[Template:Helpme]] removed from our welcome template and any other places it remains linked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:31, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' I see it used frequently enough, and the category is mentioned through the “recent pages” header listing. I am suprised that you have never seen its use, actually. In addition, the fact that messages sent to such help-related outlets are often ignored makes it desirable to have multiple methods of communication. I believe that the deletion of the “hangon” template was appropriate, because it was never integrated into the Wikisource structure, and its purpose was better accomplished and was actually accomplished by other utilities. However, I believe that the “helpme” template is useful, and its use, though not especially frequent, shows this to be the case. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:35, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Okay, I'll grant that recent pages linked would suggest that this template is still seeing some use, but is still quite [[Template:Helpme|commonly]] [[User talk:Chrisguise#Footnotes - The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5|discouraged]]. And I would really rather people not use it, given the lack of patrolling of this particular template. The other solution would be to both encourage it more and patrol it more; is that what you'd rather be in favor of? And what if only 2 experienced users on the whole site patrol that category even weekly (I'd wager it's less than that), and you need help with a specific thing? Then the backlog just continues to exist. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:48, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

*{{vk}} It's being used periodically. The category doesn't need to be on anyone's watchlist as the template feeds to Recent Changes and RC patrollers should be checking it as a part of their patrols. I certainly do. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 23:25, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added the category to my bookmarks now that I know of its existence. If the template is kept I'll patrol it regularly. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
: '''Kept'''. Redacting deletion request; I might not like it, but I don't think this'll gain consensus, and it is ''marginally'' useful at least, so it's not worth the fight. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:53, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu]] ==

&quot;Junk&quot; status OCR- Please start again with KNOWN scan and correct sourcing detail, Thanks [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:20, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:An alternative would be to realign everything...
{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
!pp (if relevant)
!Destination
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/13
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/3||9861037||(pp001)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/15
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/4||9861038||(pp002)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/16
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/5||||(pp003)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/17
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/6||||(pp004)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/18
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/7||9861042||(pp005)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/19
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/8||9861043||(pp006)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/20
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/9||||(pp007)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/21
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/10||||(pp 008)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/22
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/11||||(pp 009)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/23
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/12||||(pp 010)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/24
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/13||||(pp 011)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/25
|-
|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/470||||(pp468)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/471||||(pp469)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/472||||(pp470)||page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/475&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp473)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/487&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/478&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp476)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/490&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/479&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp477)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/491&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/480&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp478)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/492&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/481&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp479)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/493&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:10, 18 June 2022 (UTC)
*Just run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR device. The new OCR is passable. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:40, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Why would we want to hard-code raw OCR text in these pages when you can get it dynamically when needed, and with probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time (and a choice of OCR engines and settings)? This is entirely raw OCR created in bulk (along with, IIRC, several hundred thousand other pages, none of which have been subsequently proofread). Experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such junk pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:47, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*::The assertion &quot;none of which have been subsequently proofread&quot; is not true. [[Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/7|This page]], for example, has been proofread. Similarly, for an example of another scan, [[Index:Greece from the Coming of the Hellenes to AD. 14.djvu]] has been almost completely marked as proofread (and the other pages appear to have been corrected). The assertion that &quot;several hundred thousand other pages&quot; were created is not true. The assertion that the &quot;other pages&quot; all contain &quot;entirely raw OCR&quot; is not true. I hope I do not need to produce a complete list of every single page that has been wholly or partly corrected by me or by someone else. IIRC, the number of such pages is large. The assertion that there will be &quot;probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time&quot; has not been proved. The assertion that &quot;experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such ... pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present&quot; has not been proved. Xover is not a significant subset of contributors. The OCR of the other volumes is generally almost perfect. The creation of pages for this particular volume appears to have been a mistake. If and when others wish, I can start correcting the pages in this particular volume. If others wish to replace the existing OCR with new OCR, I will have to wait until they have done that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 13:24, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::@[[User:James500|James500]]: How about we just delete the Page: pages for this index and then you can recreate them as and when you have time and inclination to work on it? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:18, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*::::I assume that the proofread pages (title and 472) should be kept. I assume that other pages that have corrected should be kept (including 473, 479 and the Notice). I assume that the blank pages should be kept. I have no opinion about the pages whose OCR reads like gibberish. If other editors wish to &quot;run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR&quot; or wish for the pages to be &quot;be migrated, or regenerated&quot;, I will abstain from !voting either for or against that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:47, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::::You assume correctly, and I apologise for not being more precise: I was suggesting deleting only the pages of status &quot;Not proofread&quot; which contain &quot;gibberish&quot;. Empty pages marked &quot;Empty&quot; are, strictly speaking, finished pages; and &quot;Not proofread&quot; pages that are in the process of being improved (which I see SF00 has started in on subsequent to the nomination; thanks for the headsup!) I generally wouldn't want to interfere with. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:05, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: ''' Withdrawn'''  The pages can be migrated , or regenerated. There is a request for page migration at WS:AN. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:08, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Treaty of Versailles]] ==

This text has been compiled from several sources, and such compilations are excluded from Wikisource scope by [[WS:What Wikisource includes]]. Deleting the text will create space for addition of some original publication.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:08, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' I don’t what the “compilation” was supposed to mean, as all three sources have the same, full text of the treaty (so far as I can see). It is not as if the “Treaty of Versailles” is a compilation of three separate works; it is one work, which has been published as a whole. Scan-backing may be performed against the copy in the [[United States Treaty Series/Volume 2]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:46, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:The sources do not have identical texts. E.g. the given source https://net.lib.byu.edu/~rdh7/wwi/versailles.html does not have preamble and protocol, which are taken from another source. The source http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/dfat/treaties/1920/1.html does not have the table with signatures which has been taken from elsewhere. Our text is a compilation, as it was also noted at its talk page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:55, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} Agree with the deletion rationale. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:50, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text currently hosted here is clearly a compilation from three separate sources and therefore corresponding to none of them; and two of the sources are secondary transcriptions from no known original. The current wikipage(s) at [[Treaty of Versailles]] should be deleted and, once the edition of the treaty published in USSL has been proofread, replaced with a redirect to that. Once multiple editions of the treaty have been proofread, the wikipage can be turned into a versions page.{{pbr}}The treaty was published in the Australian Treaty Series (1920 No. 1), as well as the United Kingdom Treaty Series (004/1919 / Cmd. 153) and United States Treaty Series (Vol. 2 p.43); and probably in the United States Statutes at Large, although I couldn't find that version just now. All of these or either of them would be acceptable here, but separately and in context (for example, in UKTS ''Versailles'' was published along with a treaty between the UK and France guaranteeing protection to the latter in the event of German aggression).{{pbr}}I think it's probably necessary here to clearly distinguish between ''the Treaty of Versailles'' as a legal construct, and the various editions of ''the text of the Treaty of Versailles''. The legal construct should ideally have an identical interpretation irrespective of text source, and can in fact deviate from the plain meaning of the text if legal interpretation says it means something else. This interpretation can change over time, and can temporarily or permanently become divergent. But in essence, this &quot;true treaty&quot; exists as a meta-entity in the heads of legal scholars and so forth. The ''text'' on the other hand, exists in multiple editions and variants, that are, presumably, identical in terms of the legal construct, but can differ markedly and drastically in bibliographic and historiographic terms. Mostly not in terms of the text of the treaty itself, but perhaps in formatting and layout (unless it's a facsimile) and certainly in context (what addenda and prolegomena it is published with; or perhaps even annotation and commentary inserted into the text itself). The legal construct of the treaty on enWS only corresponds with a versions page (or possibly even a Portal); but it is specific published editions of the text of the treaty that are in scope for us to host. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:00, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:[[User:Xover|Xover]]: The United States never ratified the Treaty of Versailles, because of the League of Nations; the [[US–Germany Peace Treaty]] (which ''was'' published in the ''Statutes'') mentions that treaty and incorporates some of its provisions, but the text of the Treaty of Versailles is not to be found in U.S.Stat. I think one consideration which needs to be had here is the number of internal (and external from Wikipedia) links to this copy of the Treaty of Versailles. That is one of the main reasons I proposed keeping and backing to an existing scan: so that all of the links can stay operational. Your thoughts? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:55, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:: @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: Good point. I agree it'd be best if we could have a (policy-compliant) text of the treaty here, but I don't have the capacity to fast-track a proofread just now. If somebody else wants to volunteer I'm sure nobody would object to leaving the old one up for a while.{{pbr}}When replacing it we need to delete the old page and recreate it just to keep Wikidata correct (it detects deletes automatically; but if we just replace the content the Wikidata will be wrong). But that's just a technical issue. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:14, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Angel of Lonesome Hill]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
Nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;. IMO it should be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:01, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:503255/OVERVIEW]. 44p. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:49, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 12:48, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The City of Masks]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:02, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Available at IA so we can Match and Split [https://archive.org/details/cityofmasks00mccuuoft]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:59, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:56, 23 July 2022 (UTC)|text=
As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
: Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524828/OVERVIEW]. 107pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:52, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc (1900).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 19:25, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The Redemption of Anthony]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524329/OVERVIEW]. 137pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:54, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::::[[Index:The Redemption of Anthony (1911).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
::::: Withdrawn due to migration to scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:34, 20 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:United States Reports, Volume 244.djvu]] ==

Title page only..  The entire volume should be uploaded. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:43, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

::Uploaded. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:05, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

::: '''Withdrawn''' - Updated file provided [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:29, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of Greece (1973)]] ==

Compilation of most text from [https://books.google.co.il/books?id=u9kjAAAAMAAJ&amp;pg=PA419 one source] (but not all, some parts, e.g. article 128 of the original document, were left out) and contributor's own translation of amendments from [https://archive.org/details/1973-greek-constitution-consolidated-version another source]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:45, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' If the compilation is greatly opposed, the new additions can be moved to an annotated sub-page. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Les Propheties]] ==

It is supposed to be a 1961 translation, but without scan it is an unattainable goal to keep the work faithful to this edition, as people keep adding more alleged prophecies taken from elsewhere,  like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12155372&amp;oldid=12135276 here], or removing them, like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12503587&amp;oldid=12438156 here], and nobody stops them, probably because this particular translation is not available anywhere and so no addition or removal of parts of text can be checked. I believe that works of similar kind always have to be scanbacked and therefore suggest deletion of this one, which will create space for adding some of many other, better available, translations. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:07, 22 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep''' (for now). I will try to obtain and scan a copy of the 1961 translation, and a match-and-split can solve this problem. I ask that it not be deleted too quickly. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)]] ==

A Wikisource user's own compilation of the text from [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1948)]] with separately published amendments. See also related discussion at [[User talk:195.74.82.149]] and at [[User talk:Zezingr]]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:16, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' The text, while ''produced'' by a compilation, is not ''itself'' a compilation, as “Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)” is a real work, even though ''our'' copy is produced by combining two separate works. As PDF scans of the relevant United Nations documents are provided, it would be useful to scan-back these “compiled” constitutions. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*:I am afraid that producing new copies by combining two separate works is exactly what Wikisource should not and does not do. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*::Indeed, and being out of scope it is even speedyable. If an actual published &quot;Constitution of the Republic of Korea with all amendments as of 1952&quot; should show up somewhere it would certainly be addable, but this user-compiled conflated edition is still out of scope. If anyone wants the text for a practical purpose (like a starting point for proofreading any of the source texts) they can have a copy in their user space (or it can be temporarily undeleted on demand by any admin).{{pbr}}@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: By all evidence, your hypothetical 1952 edition exists ''only'' as an abstract legal concept and not as a tangible published text. We can host the individual components (the base text and each of the amendments), but not a user-compiled amalgam that doesn't exist outside Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:58, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>0n1tjrf7yo57y8v9be9d94ddbgs8a8i</sha1>
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      <comment>/* The Angel of Lonesome Hill */ typo</comment>
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      <text bytes="136149" xml:space="preserve">:''[[WS:PD]] redirects here. For help with public domain materials, see [[Help:Public domain]].''
__NEWSECTIONLINK__
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 | next     = [[/Archives|Archives]] ([[/Archives/{{CURRENTYEAR}}|current]])
 | shortcut = [[WS:DEL]]&lt;br /&gt;[[WS:PD]]
 | notes    = This page is for proposing deletion of specific articles on Wikisource in accordance with the [[WS:DP|deletion policy]], and appealing previously-deleted works. '''Please add {{[[Template:delete|delete]]}} to pages you have nominated for deletion.''' [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes|What Wikisource includes]] is the policy used to determine whether or not particular works are acceptable on Wikisource. Articles remaining on this page should be deleted if there is no significant opposition after at least a week.

Possible copyright violations should be listed at [[Wikisource:Copyright discussions|Copyright discussions]]. Pages matching a [[WS:CSD|criterion for speedy deletion]] should be tagged with {{[[Template:sdelete|sdelete]]}} and ''not'' reported here (see [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests|category]]). 

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__FORCETOC__

==[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]==
Only one entry is present, and no source is given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:51, 28 June 2020 (UTC).

: {{vk}} (and improve): The entry is proofread and properly formatted, and linked to/from the relevant author page. The scans are available at the IA, and this is [https://archive.org/details/acriticaldictio01unkngoog/page/n801/mode/2up a genuine entry]. It would naturally be better to import the scans, but even if that were not to happen, it's allowed to have single articles from a collective work&lt;sup&gt;†&lt;/sup&gt;, and it's allowed for things to not be scan-backed. It certainly would be beneficial to improve the top level page.
: {{smaller|†If this were only one chapter from a novel, or some other portion of a work that doesn't stand alone, I'd say delete.}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   06:33, 29 June 2020 (UTC)
: OK, so this is a bit of a mess. CDEL has multiple editions, each of three volumes, plus a &quot;supplement&quot; published after Allibone's death. I have managed to scrape up what I hope is a set of decent scans from the IA which aren't Google scans and aren't marked &quot;missing pages&quot; at the IA (not including the supplement): [[commons:Category:A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]. Anyone have any ideas on which three we like best? Latest possible? All are pre-1923. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   08:11, 29 June 2020 (UTC)

:{{vk}} at minimum until [[Wikisource:Scriptorium#Policy_on_substantially_empty_works|this discussion]] is concluded, as it is a prominent example in that discussion. Furthermore, {{vk}} for the long run per Inductiveload. I'm willing to do some of the work to get everything sorted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:14, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{vd}} Whilst I will agree that the work is in scope, this sole article reproduced as typed text sitting in the wilderness is not in scope. Looking forward to someone working on getting volumes of scans and coordinating the work. In the meanwhile delete, this title page and the singular article without prejudice to a proper presentation. Suggest moving the text of the single biography to the author's talk page. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:24, 24 January 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is not formatted correctly. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: These are two different works, though the critical text is (theoretically, at least!) the same:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is the ''US Statutes at Large'', which should be proofread from the scan [[Index:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu]], pages [[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/780|756]]–[[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/792|768]]
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UN Treaty Series. This work should be proofread against the relevant source scan at [[Index:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf]], pages [[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/27|11]]–[[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/57|41]].
:[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:38, 5 October 2020 (UTC)

::retain as different editions/versions, hat note the works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:04, 13 October 2020 (UTC)
*{{ping|Inductiveload}} You seem to have a grasp of what these works are. Could you move the editions of the same work to suitably disambiguated pages, create a versions page (or pages, if relevant), add {{tlx|other versions}}/{{tlx|similar}} hatnotes to link them together, and tag them all with {{tlx|migrate to}}? I ''think'' this and the below section are about two editions of a UN—US treaty and a distinct agreement relating to implementation of that treaty, but I quickly lose track of what's what here. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:55, 18 March 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is not formatted correctly. It also includes the acts of the US Congress that should not be a part of the article. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: Again, these are different works that contain the same text with different &quot;contexts&quot;:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is from [[Index:U.S. Participation in the UN - Report by the President to the Congress (1947).pdf]], starting at p222.
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UNTS v.11, as in the previous section.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:56, 5 October 2020 (UTC)
::If [[user:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] is saying that they are different editions, then retain, and ensure that we suitably disambiguate with a {{tl|versions}} page, and hat note each with {{tl|other version}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:03, 13 October 2020 (UTC)

== [[Translation:Manshu]] ==

Ok, I think it's time we have this conversation…

[[Translation:Manshu]] describes itself as a [[WS:T|Wikisource translation]] of {{tqi|A 9th century Middle Chinese text regarding the geopolitics of southwest China, particularly the historic kingdom of Nanzhao. It is an important historical source for the period. This translation is based upon a digitized version of the recompiled 1774 movable type edition edited by the 武英 (Palace Museum Library).|q=y}}

However, looking at it more closely it appears to be much more an original analytical work than anything that could be shoehorned to fit within our definition of a mere translation.

The front page is almost entirely original work (apart from a table of contents), partly semi-encyclopedic and partly meta-discussion about the effort itself.

Looking at [[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 1|Chapter 1]] we find some actual translation, but mostly comparisons with a professionally published previous translation (Luce) that is quoted ''extensively'', and translator's commentary that far exceeds the actual translated text itself. It also features a lot of images that obviously do not appear in any original, but have been picked to illustrate a particular point (i.e. how Wikipedia would construct an article).

[[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 2|Chapter 2]] and onwards are the same, except they lack the extensive quotations from the published translation (Luce), but only because the effort to compare has not reached that point yet. Around Chapter 9 the translation appears incomplete with only the Chinese original text present.

Irrespective of the rest of this work, there is a question regarding the extensive quotations from the previous professional translation ([https://hdl.handle.net/1813/57513 link]). It is a 1961 publication with copyright notice, so there is a high probability that it is in copyright (and thus the quotations are also copyvios). I haven't looked at this issue in detail, but if this discussion ends up keeping the work in some form we will have to address that separately (and if it is not in copyright, why are we not transcribing that instead of making our own?). The sole contributor to [[Translation:Manshu]] has a somewhat haphazard approach to copyright (e.g. claiming satellite imagery from Google Maps or similar as &quot;own work&quot;) so the issue will have to be checked thoroughly.

But all that being said, this is also a great effort and a unique work that really ''should'' exist somewhere. If it were completed I'm certain it could have been professionally published, and it would be a real shame if all the effort that's gone into it was wasted. The contributor has not been active since 2018 (and the last large progress was in 2016), so I don't think it very likely that it will now ever be completed; but if a place is found for it even the partial translation is valuable, and could conceivably be completed by others at some point in the future. If the outcome of this discussion is that it is out of scope we should make a real effort to see whether a project like WikiBooks would be interested, and, if not, rather than simply delete it we should move it to the contributor's user space (a practice I am usually vehemently opposed to but am making an exception in this particular case).

In any case, it has kept popping up on my radar for various reasons, and I have always been torn on what to do about its issues. It seems clearly outside of scope per [[WS:WWI]], doesn't meet [[WS:T]], violates [[WS:ANN]], and would most likely need cleanup to meet [[WS:COPY]]. So now I'm putting the question before the community: what do we do about this? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:20, 2 April 2021 (UTC)
:[[WS:T]] ought to address contributions like this, the first section on published works is redundant. Are there examples of Wikisource translations that have been in some way verified (validated)? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 14:43, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
::{{re|Cygnis insignis}} Not a lot, but they do exist. [[Translation:On Discoveries and Inventions]] is a recent example. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:42, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
: It could go in User space for the time being. Maybe Wikibooks would want it? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
:I'm only able to comment on a small portion of this, which I hope might be helpful: https://cocatalog.loc.gov/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&amp;PAGE=First has no results for Man shu or southern barbarians as title; nor Luce, Gordon as an author name; nor do Cornell University or Southeast Asia Program or Oey or Fan, Cho seem to have a relevant renewal under their names. Southeast Asia Program as a title reveals registration of other of these data papers as copyrighted works, but no renewal of this one. This suggests the copyright was never renewed on the Luce translation (possibly this is not surprising, as these weren't exactly blockbusters...) and it is now public domain, judging by [[Help:Public domain#ref renewal]]. If accurate, this should resolve the [[WS:COPY]] concern. Good luck with the rest of this matter! [[User:Dingolover6969|Dingolover6969]] ([[User talk:Dingolover6969|talk]]) 11:39, 21 January 2022 (UTC)


===Response by author===
Hi there, I am the primary author, an admin on English Wikipedia. I would say I have spent upwards of 500 hours on this translation. During the time it is alleged that I have been inactive, I was a founding team member at a very important company you would have heard of, and provided some of the earliest COVID map coverage on Wikipedia ([https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.webm webm] [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.gif gif]). Currently I run seven (7) companies and have a family, so it is fair to say I have 'other commitments'. I do still intend to complete the translation. Aside from time constraints, partly I have not been active on Wiki projects recently because I am living in China and this makes editing Wikiprojects a massive hassle due to the requirement for a VPN. Nevertheless, I noticed this deletion attempt by [[User:Xover|Xover]] and would like to respond objectively for the record. If we summarize the alleged issues they are as follows:
* '''The translation includes commentary'''
** That is simply because it is a good (ie. transparent/honest) translation.
** Any accredited historian will agree this is a good (positive) feature.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work is incomplete'''
** I am still finishing, I am just ridiculously busy and have been so for five years.
** Incomplete and pending further effort is often simply the nature of voluntary work.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes quotations from previous translations'''
** Fully cited and contextually presented, in academia, this is clearly fair use.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes satellite derived images'''
** These images were constructed with great care based upon detailed context and are both low resolution and substantially original work in themselves.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The translation is done by the contributor and openly licensed instead of being an out of copyright work of someone else which has been uploaded'''
** IMHO as a student of history original translation is *great* to welcome and should be encouraged.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates 'What Wikisource Includes' (WWI) '''
** Wikisource includes &quot;Works created after 1925&quot; / &quot;Analytical and artistic works&quot;.
** Wikisource includes &quot;Translations&quot;
** To be perfectly honest I consider this assertion a truly baseless accusation that I frankly find highly offensive.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''&quot;Doesn't meet&quot; WS:T'''
** Unclear what this means
** The WST page clearly states that original translations are in-scope and acceptable (there is only one prior English translation and it is bad and incorrect)
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates WS:ANN'''
** I have never seen that page before in my life
** Apparently it doesn't like parallel text
** I would suggest strongly that parallel text provides the basis for most high caliber academic translations, it is my view that ''the policy page'' is wrong and further discussion to correct it should occur there.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Requires cleanup to meet WS:COPY'''
** Unsure what this is actually alleging
** Aside from original work there is only contextual quotations from other works in line with an academic translation
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.

Sincerely, [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:12, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

:I just noticed that Xover also deleted my maps. This is a great loss. I cannot recreate them as I do not have access to the context at the time. This is truly a tragedy. I am ... highly alarmed and stressed at this turn of events and will cease contributing further to Wikipedia projects. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:21, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
::Could someone with more time please go through the undeletion process on my behalf. It is... truly a great tragedy. Multiple academics had thanked me for this work. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 12:55, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

::: {{Re|Pratyeka}} These maps are not appropriate for enWS (or Commons), because they contain copyright material: the satellite photos. There is no allowance here, as there is at enWP, for fair use or de minimis, and resolution doesn't affect it. I imagine the &quot;correct&quot; solution is to either locate a suitable base maps from Commons (or NASA or other PD source), draw your own, or commission them via [[c:Commons:Graphics Lab/Map workshop]].
::: If the presumption of copyright is incorrect (e.g. the photos are PD or freely licenced), then let me know and they can be restored and correct attribution and licence declarations made. In that case, they actually belong at Commons.
::: Sadly, being thanked by academics does not overrule copyright.
::: Even if these are copyrighted, I can also provide you with the files if you do not have access to them any more. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 14:00, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
: {{Re|Pratyeka}} I'm glad to see you're editing again. I'm not sure why you felt it relevant to mention that you have +sysop on enwp, but since you bring it up… as an admin on enwp you should be well familiar with the need to make policy-based arguments in such discussions and to familiarise oneself with the policy on the project. I have raised several policy-based concerns, and your response addresses none of them. However, to reiterate the challenges:{{pbr}}The text on [[Translation:Manshu]] is not a mere translation of a previously published work. It contains substantial portions of your own analysis, comparisons, and commentary: all of which is ''original'' rather than ''previously published'' content. In enwp terms, think of it as &quot;original research&quot;: it's not a perfect analogy, but the problem is similar. This is out of scope for English Wikisource. In addition, you include extensive quotations from the other (professionally published) translation, but that translation is not public domain or compatibly licensed. Fair use content is not permitted on English Wikisource (and even on enWP only in very narrow and limited circumstances), which puts in violation of our licensing policy.{{pbr}}Now, as I wrote above, this is an impressive work and I am sure it is a valuable contribution to the knowledge in that area of study. It just isn't compatible with the policies on Wikisource. In other words, if it is to stay here it will have to be stripped down so that it ''only'' contains the translation, without embellishment, of the original text and all non-public domain elements removed. I imagine that's not your first choice as I get the impression it is the analytical parts of the work that interest you the most. So as an alternative, works such as this may be in scope for [[b:Main Page|WikiBooks]]: their scope explicitly includes original works so long as it falls within their definition of &quot;educational&quot;. As another Wikimedia sister project it is possible to import the pages between projects, even preserving revision history. If you need it we can try to facilitate contact with the Wikibooks community to get the ball rolling. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:50, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

*'''Oppose'''. This whole situation is insulting. The work is clearly a Wikisource translation of a work in the public domain, and is thus in scope, your complaints about the annotations aside. This discussion should never have been started, and much less dragged on this long. The problem with the maps is unfortunate, but the rest is irrelevant. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:25, 4 August 2021 (UTC)
*:Indeed, and I would love nothing better than to see much ''much'' wider participation in discussions here and on [[WS:CV]] so that we could properly determine community consensus and within a reasonable time. That's why I so very much appreciate your efforts to participate in both venues! However, meanwhile we have to operate within the reality that exists. I am sorry if you found this insulting, but there really is no other way to address such issues. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:54, 7 August 2021 (UTC)
*:*I’m sorry, that was a bit much. My apologies. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:22, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Act No. 3815]] ==

Copydump, what formatting there is uses raw HTML, with no source and no license. A superficial look also suggests this is a modern translation (the specified translator shows up in Google as a paralegal) so it may also be a copyvio, but I'm too lazy to do the research on that just now. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:32, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
: Weirdly it looks to have been originally published in English so I am not sure what that translation is about, see e.g. here https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1930/12/08/act-no-3815-s-1930/ (which says public domain). The source is almost certainly from the copyrighted source here: https://www.chanrobles.com/revisedpenalcodeofthephilippines.htm#.YLgkKXVKiV4 since it has the chan robles header. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:38, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
:: Please look at Republic Act No. 8293 Section 176 (which is also here in Wikisource at [[RA 8293#Sec. 176]]), the Philippine law stating all Philippine government works (including your proposed '''Act No. 3815''') are and must be not copyrighted and are in the public domain. &lt;br&gt;Also, all Philippine laws are written in English and not a translation of any kind.— &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:25px&quot;&gt;🍕&lt;/span&gt; &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:'Comic Sans MS';&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#FFC83D&quot;&gt;Yivan&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#F7894A&quot;&gt;000&lt;/span&gt; &lt;small&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[[User:Yivan000|view]]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;sub&gt;[[User_talk:Yivan000|talk]]&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;/small&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 14:38, 16 July 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Yivan000|Yivan000]]: Thank you for working to improve this text; however, please familiarise yourself with our style guide. enWS does not use the automatically generated table of content that MediaWiki provides, does not use the heading syntax of MW wikimarkup (we use direct visual formatting instead), and we use formatting templates rather than raw HTML. Paragraph breaks should be done by simply inserting two newlines, and italics should be done with wikimarkup, not HTML. In short, while massively improved from the cut&amp;pasted text that was there before, this is still a mess. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:12, 3 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham]] ==

{{ping|PBS}} is this a complete work?  Almost seems to be an extract from an extract, but I cannot tell. If we can situate it as part of a work, can we please do so, otherwise it seems it is extract per [[WS:WWI]] and if so, not part of our collection. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:03, 29 July 2021 (UTC)
*The source indicates this is a complete part of the ''History of Birmingham'', but, as it itself is an extract, it should be deleted in favor of the full work; though I cannot find a scan. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:18, 31 July 2021 (UTC)

:Ok, not that it matters all that much to this discussion but I've uploaded a scan of ''The History of Birmingham'' and scan-backed this text. Looking at the immediate source this fragment is actually a &quot;chapter&quot;, of sorts, in that it has its own entry in the table of contents (titled &quot;Extract&quot;). It is still an extract from ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835), which gives an extract of [[Author:John Vicars|John Vicars]]'s ''God in the Mount'' (1641).{{pbr}}Regarding the latter I have been unable to locate any scan of it anywhere. EEBO has [https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A64897.0001.001?view=toc the text], but the scans are, as usual, locked up by ProQuest. Multiple institutions have holdings of it—including the British Library, Corpus Christi, the National Library of Scotland, Trinity College, the Victoria and Albert Museum, the Folger, the Huntington, and the Beinecke—but none have made scans available. If anyone ''really'' cares, several of these institutions may be amenable to scanning it for us.{{pbr}}In any case, as it stands it is an extract of an extract, and presented completely divorced from its original published context, so it'll have to go (from mainspace).{{pbr}}However, as PBS hasn't edited since May I think we should leave this open for a while yet in the hopes of hearing from them. They may be interested in proofreading the rest of ''The History of Birmingham'' and there's no particular hurry. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:33, 10 August 2021 (UTC)
:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: I have (dubious) ProQuest access, and have accessed ''God in the Mount''. The scans bear a (presumably British) copyright notice, does that matter? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 19:35, 23 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: In copyright terms, no. ProQuest is just asserting a &quot;sweat of the brow&quot; copyright for the scanning job, but Wikimedia projects do not honour such claims. The original work is PD and that's what matters. But the terms of use of ProQuest's services (a matter of contract law) prohibit downloading and scraping, so we can't host it for that reason (and you'd risk getting sued over it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: My claim of dubious access was a little too vague, I guess. What I mean is this: I have access to the ''content'' of ProQuest, but I have never myself accessed ProQuest, and do not have access to the “front-end” ProQuest database. Using a personal ILL account, I can request books (some of which are on ProQuest), but nowhere in the agreement to use that ILL account is there a restriction on usage like the ProQuest EULA—which means there is no contract for me (or Wikimedia) to get sued over. The only restriction on usage at all is the generic copyright notice for ILL systems. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 13:49, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

I have been AFK. I see now that the whole book is in place (thank you [[user:Xover]]) so presumably the header about delete can now be removed from the page. However the reason for placing it here on Wikisource in the first place and it is a stand alone extract from a book. If only whole books can exist in this archive and not extracts from a book, then that presents a real problem, as one of the reasons this source site was created was to take extracts that ought not to be placed onto Wikipedia. To take one example &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; does the whole book have to exist on Wikisurce before that extract (about a specific topic, or passage) can be placed on Wikisource? [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes#Excerpts]] is to say the least not clear on this issue. -- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 16:48, 12 September 2021 (UTC)

:@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: Thanks for commenting!{{pbr}}Yes, our written policies are rather less developed than one expects coming from enWP, and rely instead on practice developed over the years. It's really not an approach that's friendly to people for whom enWS is not their primary project, but I've complained about it so much people have started to just nod, smile, and back away slowly when I bring it up. Oh well…{{pbr}}Our basic unit here is the previously published work, in a specific edition. ''God in the Mount'' (1641) is ''a work''. ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835) is ''a work''. The latter includes an excerpt of the former, and [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham|April the 8th …]] is an excerpt from that. In other words, an excerpt of an excerpt. In a ''citation'' (i.e. on enWP) citing some fragment of info through intermediary sources is fine and often even preferable for reliability, but the goal on enWS is preserving and making available the ''works'' themselves ''as published''. That we have added a scan to back the excerpt does not make it any less of an excerpt; only made possible the production of the whole work. But do I take it then that you have no interest in proofreading the entire work? At a little over 500 pages it isn't insurmountable, and it's not inconceivable that others would be interested in helping out. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:15, 17 September 2021 (UTC)
::[[User:Xover|Xover]]: if I had unlimited time the I would be only too happy to proofread the book. However I tend to proof read text that is useful for my primary work about topics on Wikipeadia. My concern here is that the extract was a quote of a primary source, if primary sources can only be accessed if the whole of the text in which it is quoted then this is a diminution of the use of both Wikipedia and Wikisource to provide information to readers of articles on Wikipedia. Take for example the quote from Richard I. The original will be in French, and will exist in some archive. There are several translation in reliable secondary sources. The reason for placing an extract from one of those secondary sources is it allows a  Wikipedia article on Richard to include the statement &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; with a link to the text on Wikisource. The rest of the book may or may not be worth including here. But the translation of the primary source certainly is.
::Another example which is on my to do list is a further transcribing of &quot;[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna]]&quot; That in itself is a large undertaking and usually Wikipedia articles are only interested in specific articles within the treaties that make up the Final Act. However while I see the use of copying all of the treaties that make up the Final Act, I see no reason in the medium term to copy over and proofread the whole of the sources I am using for that text: ''The Parliamentary Debates from the Year 1803 to the Present Time'', volume 2, 1 Feb to 6 march 1816. Even more so as the text is formatted in a way that make reading it difficult (so I am using a couple of other sources to help with formatting and some minor translation alterations). As I wrote in the introduction to ''[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna/Act I]]''  &quot;This translation was laid before the British Parliament on 2 February 1816, with some additional formatting from the French original.&quot; The reason for this is that the French formatting is close to modern English that that used in the Parliamentary translation.
::So I think that you need to consider when suggesting that the whole text of a secondary source is included, whether that is the most useful use of editors time or even if it is desirable when what is most useful for modern use by as [[Wikipedia:Wikipedia:Article titles|:Wikipedia:Article titles]] puts it &quot;The ... description of the subject that someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area will recognize.&quot; Ie someone interested in (but probably not an expert in) the Napoleonic wars, or the post war concord, may well be interested in the details of the treaties without being in the leaset interested in the Prince Regents speech to the British Parliament at the start of the 1816 session.
::It may be in the future that someone somewhere will want a copy of that speech, but until it is requested (eg via a link from an article on Wikipedia), I think that editors can use their limited time here to support the project in ways that are more help to the someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area.
::-- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 14:46, 3 October 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: You need to think of it in terms of things like [[w:WP:NPOV|WP:NPOV]], [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]] and [[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]]: if we allowed arbitrary extracts we would allow selective quotation of whatever subsets of a work supported someone's point of view (maybe [[w:WP:UNDUE|WP:UNDUE]] is an apposite reference?). Our equivalent to [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]] is to make sure works are previously published, and not self-published. For [[w:WP:V|WP:V]] we use proofreading from a scan of the original, rather than just cut&amp;pasting some text from the web somewhere. For example, if you are adding text that is an amalgamation of multiple sources (the text you mentioned as hard to read), or are adding text from one edition but formatting it according to a completely different edition, you are essentially just creating a completely new edition. In analogy, you are violating [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]]/[[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]], [[w:WP:V|WP:V]], and [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]].{{pbr}}We do not require anyone to actually proofread entire publications (they can literally be a lifetime's work in length), but whenever you are looking at something more granular than &quot;book&quot; it ends up being an assessment of whether the text qualifies as a stand-alone ''work'' (think &quot;stand-alone article&quot; or &quot;… list&quot; in enWP terms: [[w:WP:GNG|WP:GNG]]-like assessments apply) or whether it is a mere excerpt from a larger work. A poem of a few lines can certainly qualify as a stand-alone work, but even a full chapter excerpted from a novel would not. Your Richard I example might pass that bar, as it looks like a complete letter or speech (I didn't check its published context; it needs scan-backing and situating within the context of the work within it was published in any case), but the text currently under discussion doesn't because not only is it an excerpt from ''The History of Birmingham'' but it is also in turn an excerpt of ''God in the Mount''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:23, 3 October 2021 (UTC)

== [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] ==

Unsourced Old English poem. I can't find a scan of the original source, or any source that was definitely published before 1926.

I'm sure the poem probably is real, but if it's unsourced there's no way to ''prove'' it wasn't just invented as a hoax. Modern books mention the poem, but that's not quite good enough.

Someone more knowledgable in Old English literature than me might be able to find a source and/or prove what we have transcribed here is legitimate. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:00, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

: This is one of the [[w:Anglo-Saxon metrical charms]]. It's certainly a &quot;thing&quot;:
:* https://uw.digitalmappa.org/58 (Look under Charms -&gt; Against the Water-Elf disease).
:* https://ota.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/repository/xmlui/bitstream/handle/20.500.12024/3009/3009.html?sequence=6&amp;isAllowed=y (No. 344)
: The [[w:Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records]] contains this in volume 6 (1942), but that was renewed: {{copyright renewal|R491174}}.
: That said, this is from the 10th century: even if ASPR 6 is the only printed source ever, this is pretty clearly PD unless this edition has copyrightable modifications. At worst we could use the manuscript above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:03, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Rho9998}} this seems like it might be in your wheelhouse: do you know of a good modern-ish source for this that's in the PD? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:41, 8 August 2021 (UTC)

::: {{re|Inductiveload}} There is Cockayne's 1864 edition of the &quot;Leechbook&quot; in which the poem is found; I don't think there are any editions in the public domain after that. The poem can be found on page 350 of the Internet Archive upload: https://archive.org/details/leechdomswortcun02cock/page/350/mode/2up

:::: {{re|Rho9998}} Amazing, thank you!
:::: The index is already up (along with vols 1 and 3): [[Index:Leechdoms wortcunning and starcraft of early England volume 2.djvu]] due to the industry of @[[User:Beleg Tâl]]! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 9 August 2021 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: The transcription from ASPR does not appear to match that of the ''Leechbook'', suggesting the mere transcription may have copyrightable elements (akin to a translation). In either case, the fragment at [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] is not scan-backed to either ASPR or the ''Leechbook''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:57, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

== The complete works of Count Tolstoy ==

Some page scans of (mostly) Wiener's &quot;The complete works of Count Tolstoy&quot;
exist as 2 versions:

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_01.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_03.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc03tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_04.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc04tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_12.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc12tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_13.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc13tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_17.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc17tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_21.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc21tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_22.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc22tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_24.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc24tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_26.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc26tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_28.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc28tols).pdf]]


To avoid that people start editing them twice, one of these
sets should be deleted. Because the indices with the *.djvu
seem to have been used already in the  
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy ,
the preferential deletion should target the PDF versions, not the DJVU. [On the other hand, the PDF volumes seem to be complete but some DJVU volumes missing, so a homogeneous name space would rather keep the PDF...]
[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 10:04, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:Well, that's frustrating, given that I speedy deleted several of the pdfs as duplicates back a few months and someone has blithely recreated them. Yes, once any proofread pages have been appropriately dealt with, '''delete''' all the pdf versions and also delete the template that lists the volumes. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 21:58, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:There is a message of some &quot;InductiveBot&quot; of 2021-05-17 in [[Page:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksof02tols).pdf/107]] which says that some DJVU pages have been moved to the PDF pages. Will something like this happen again, if the PDF scans are deleted? (I'll start to copy all contents of the PDF pages to the DJVU...). - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 12:24, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
::@[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]]: {{ul2|InductiveBot}} is a bot operated by {{ul2|Inductiveload}} If it moved these pages it was probably in response to a request someone made. I would suggest you hold off moving any pages until we figure out the background and decide definitively what indexes we are going to use. It is also probably best to let an admin do it to avoid a lot of cleanup afterwards. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 1 September 2021 (UTC)

:: (E/C) This was talked about before, but no much seems to have happened: [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-05#Tolstoy_(Wiener)...]].
:: {{Re|R. J. Mathar}} please do not copy the content, that's a complete waste of everyone's time and removes history. I'll move any pages if needed. Manually moving pages between indexes is rarely the right thing to do, because if you do that, whoever does the move properly will need to delete the copied pages first.
:: Volume 2 was missing pages in the DJVU, so it was migrated to the PDF (see the deletion log at [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]]). If we want to go for a full set of DJVUs, that needs fixing. Or do we want a mixed set? 
:: If a batch upload of the missing DJVU volumes is desired, I can do that if provided with a spreadsheet of metadata as explained here [[User:Inductiveload/Requests/Batch uploads]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:36, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:I had in mind to do some Tolstoy a while back and found this mire, when I noticed an admin assisting the disruption I stopped trying to sort it out.  It is very easy to waste a lot of thoughtful contributors time with a few clicks. Can someone please ping the relevant accounts? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 12:57, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:This is one of the templates, [[Template:The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes]], and the history of the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Template:Works_of_Tolstoy_(Wiener)&amp;action=history other]. &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:22, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Languageseeker}} do you have any comment on what you were attempting to achieve? [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 23:06, 10 October 2021 (UTC)
:: As I recall, I started importing this set for the inaugural MC because someone recommended Anna Karenina. I didn’t realize that someone had already started this one as a DJVU set because it wasn’t listed on the Tolstoy page. Then, while looking through some of the Tolstoy works, I stumbled across the partial set of DJVUs. So, I requested that the text be merged over to the PDF because some of the DJVUs had missing pages or were worser quality. Beeswaxcandle then deleted the PDFs leaving to partial sets. Soon afterwards, I had to take a wiki break. It seems that in the meantime, someone began improving the DJVU set and restored the PDFs. Now, it seems like we have three choices. First, move the pages over from the DJVu to the PDF and delete the DJVU set. Two, import all the PDFs, move the page list over, merge the PDF pages to the DJVu, delete all the PDFs. Three, create a mixed set of PDFs and DJVUs by moving the pages over from the PDFs to the DJVUs and then deleting the PDFs. Two seems like the most work, three will produce a more confusing template, and one will require a bot to move stuff. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:33, 10 October 2021 (UTC)

I added the missing pages 311 and 312 (that is 337 and 338 if counted from 1) to the Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_02.djvu version on the wikimedia commons, copying the pages from the PDF scans. So at least that djvu-volume does no longer have missing pages. It would be useful to know exactly which other dvju volumes miss which pages. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 13:23, 15 October 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|R. J. Mathar}} It should be noted that [[:File:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] is based on {{IA|completeworksof02tols}} however [[:File:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]] was based on {{IA|completeworksofc03tols}}. The First is a Univ. of Florida scan of one of their prints while the latter is an MSN scan of a CDL print. It appears you created some strange Frankenstein of the two of them. I just upload [https://archive.org/download/completeworksof02tols/completeworksof02tols.djvu completeworksof02tols.djvu] over it and change the documented source (which was originally only documented as  &quot;Internet Archive&quot;). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 18:24, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
The difference between these two can be easily viewed by comparing:
{|
|DJVU ||{{Works of Tolstoy (Wiener)}}
|-
|PDF ||style=&quot;font-size:0.9em&quot;|{{The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes}}
|}
I filled in the missing DJVU Index pages (and media on Commons) since only [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 2|Volume 2]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 20|Volume 20]] are currently transcluding from the PDFs (where as [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 12|Volume 12]], [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 23|Volume 23]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 24|Volume 24]] are from the DJVUs). They aren't particularly pretty but they are now there (the PDFs seem only slightly better as some of the DJVUs seem to have extraneous pages and the OCR is misaligned between pages). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 19:20, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Korean Air Lines Flight 007 transcripts]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, no consensus--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 02:00, 7 December 2021 (UTC)|text=
An amalgamation of something like 7 different sources of data, all of them selectively included, and compiled into an original work on-wiki. The result is interesting and valuable, but it is [[WS:WWI|out of scope]] for Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:18, 7 September 2021 (UTC)
*It is one work, though compiled from several sources. I do not believe it is original to Wikisource, but to the United Nations; although I have not verified this presumption. The compilation (being chronological) is not creative, and thus does not have copyright. The coloring is useful, and quite interesting. I do not think it to be quite without scope, however. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
}}

== Everything in the mainspace in [[:Category:Project disclaimers]] ==

I feel like this might be a hot take since these have been around a long time, but I don't think the mainspace is the appropriate place to have these disclaimers.

In December 2015, [[User:Library Guy]] moved the page [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] (now a mainspace redirect, which I also disagree with) to [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] with the comment &quot;shouldn't be in main namespace&quot;. They are not works at all, nor are they actual sections of the original encyclopedias themselves, so I don't believe they belong in the mainspace.

At the very least, the mainspace project disclaimers should be moved to appropriate sections of the project namespace, without redirects being left behind. However, I think these overly specific disclaimers are probably products of another time, when Wikisource was younger and it was being used more so than to-day as an aid and supplement to Wikipedia's efforts. We also have [[Wikisource:General disclaimer]] which (at least in a broader way) covers most of the things said in these pages. I would be fine with just to '''delete''' them.

However, I'll leave the interpretation to consensus below. Should the entries be moved to other namespaces, or deleted entirely? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 19:17, 11 September 2021 (UTC)

{{smaller|Edit: Also pinging {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} in case the Library Guy account won't be used a while. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)}}
*'''Oppose.''' Thanks for pinging the other account. Maybe something like {{tl|AuxTOC}} can be used to wrap the disclosures.  I imagine the information is available elsewhere, but I think it is good idea to make the disclaimer information more immediately available for the encyclopedia projects.  I've never checked the alternative disclaimers cited.  They seem too obscure to me. The contents listings for the encyclopedias are also not part of the source.  Something should probably be done there.  Maybe just {{tl|AuxTOC}} could work somehow.  The disclaimers could be moved back to the main namespace with a wrapper of some sort since it seems tough to wrap a redirect. Seems fair to keep around the redirect though since the destination makes things clear. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 13:45, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} You don't think moving them to another namespace is a good idea, at least, as you've done at EB1911? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:I think putting the disclaimer in the project namespace is an effective solution, but you were talking about deleting the redirect, and the wrapper solution, which I have become aware of more lately, would avoid the redirect.  I like the current solution better than the wrapper for the disclaimer.  The wrapper solution ({{tl|AuxTOC}}) would work better for the tables of contents.  It is widely used.  I will also mention the [[ACAB]] disclaimer has some things that I think are really very necessary for that work. Probably the encyclopedia disclaimers should at least refer to the General discliamer. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 17:17, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' These project disclaimers were added a long time ago, and are a part of the project’s set-up. While, strictly speaking, they are not neccessary, I think that, at this point, it would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them. Certainly, they should not be made now; but I do not think they should be deleted. Any move (across namespaces) would necessitate a cross-namespace redirect, owing to the age of the original name. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;It would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them.&quot; – For what reason do you say that? Age alone isn't a reason to keep—there are lots of old relics that we've deleted at WS:PD. Assuming that we delink all references to it in the mainspace (which is what I'm advocating for by the way), what harm would this do to the project itself, reading- or editing-wise? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: The “old relics” which have been deleted were entire works—although they were usually not quite so entire; this is not the case here. I '''oppose''' removing the references, as the continuity of use of them (my meaning in ''age'' here, my apologies for the confusion) would be so disrupted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:15, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;The old relics were entire works; this is not the case here.&quot; Right, they aren't works at all, nor parts of works, in any sense. The mainspace is for ''works'', not entire user-generated pages dedicated to explaining some bits of information about how a work ought to be used, especially when all of those notices are already fundamentally covered by [[WS:General disclaimer]]. Furthermore, the initial question I had has still not been answered. That is, why, specifically, would the removal of these disclaimers in the mainspace be so destructive to the encyclopedia projects? You even admit that &quot;strictly speaking, they are not necessary&quot;, so if something isn't necessary, why would deleting it be so detrimental? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:06, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: They are not ''as a rule'' necessary, but these in particular have been made necessary ''as an exception'' because of their long use. No, the notices are not covered by the general disclaimer; that is why they are project-specific, and deleting them would entail recourse to the general (and thus not specifically useful) disclaimer, while losing the information of specific relevance to the articles at hand. They generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules regarding “verifiability,” “notability,” and such, I believe; such being the reason for their initial creation. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:14, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Wikipedians copying and referencing material that happens to be in the public domain is nothing new as you say. The entire sum of human media before 1923, and now before 1926, is a pretty wide scope of works after all, which, theoretically, we should have transcribed in its totality at Wikisource. I've seen entire plot summary sections of Wikipedia articles having been copied verbatim from public domain film magazines, for example (as of now, film magazine coverage at Wikisource is incredibly slim, however ''theoretically'' we should have them all). There are a ton of nonfiction works, encyclopedias included but also dictionaries, atlases, certain magazines, textbooks, newspapers, masters' theses, and the list goes on. Any number of these things are copied and/or used at Wikipedia all the time. Should we make mainspace disclaimers specific to these, too? How about I put a page like that in [[The Masses (periodical)]], to make sure that Wikipedians who might use it know that ''The Masses'' purposefully has a socialist slant, and that articles shouldn't be copied to Wikipedia because it's not NPOV? The encyclopedia disclaimers set a bad precedent that way, and I'm a bit worried something like that might be tried one day because of it.

And anyway, if &quot;they generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules&quot;, that seems like a bad thing to me. Why is that our responsibility? What is done with the information in the encyclopedias at Wikipedia should ''by no means'' be our specific responsibility. We're a very different project from them, and Wikipedians can go to pages like [[Wikisource:For Wikipedians]] to get an idea of that.

Furthermore, I disagree that these disclaimer pages are useful even. Let's look at [[Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Project Disclaimer]] as an example. It says:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Inaccuracies:''' The articles of the 1921 edition of Collier's New Encyclopedia were based upon the information available to the editors and contributors at the time of their original publication in the early 20th century. Changing circumstances and more recent research may have rendered this information obsolete or revealed it to be inaccurate, especially in the areas of science, law, and ethnography. Readers should bear this in mind when using the information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
There is an entire section dedicated to this very thing covered by [[WS:GD]], which says for example (while not with the exact wording):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] we cannot guarantee (in any way whatsoever) the validity of the documents found here. In particular, medical or legal texts on Wikisource may be incorrect or out of date. We suggest contacting a qualified professional for such information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
The next section:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Transcription errors:''' These articles are transcribed from the originals by volunteers, sometimes directly and sometimes by correcting a preliminary OCR conversion. While we strive for perfect accuracy, there may be transcription errors in the articles.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
What [[WS:GD]] says about the same thing (although the wording isn't very specific so it's easy to misconstrue):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] material found here may not be reviewed by professionals who are knowledgeable in the particular areas of expertise necessary to ensure the accuracy of the texts.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
So we can take out those bits because they aren't necessary for an entire separate page. What we're left with is the very first paragraph, which states:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Title usage:''' Use of the titles Collier's New Encyclopedia or Collier's Encyclopedia is strictly to acknowledge titles used to refer to the edition of 1921 which has gone into the public domain in the United States due to the expiration of its copyright there. Any reference to this material should explicitly note the original date of publication.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
Trademark law is not mentioned in the general disclaimer. However, at this point all we have is a paragraph, which is enough for just being in the notes section on the header of the encyclopedia work.

However, even this trademark law bit ''could'' be mentioned in the general disclaimer, but isn't for some reason. Really, any number of works hosted at Wikisource are probably still protected by trademark in some jurisdictions, and we really shouldn't leave a disclaimer about it on every work that applies to. We should probably mention, in the general disclaimer, that the use of the titles of some works, or the identities of the characters in them, may violate trademark laws in some jurisdictions which is unrelated to copyright.

I'd like to end the post by saying that I think much the material in these project disclaimers could be either included or made more specific in the [[WS:General disclaimer]]. I don't like how vague the general disclaimer currently is on many issues, so it certainly could be improved. However, the issues with the general disclaimer does not necessitate the existence of a specific project disclaimer page, in the ''mainspace'' of all places, for every single encyclopedia we have that I know of. I think the improvement of our general disclaimer should be discussed by the way (probably separately to this discussion). [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:58, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: Many encyclopedias (''e.g.'', ''EB'', ''EA'') are still covered by trademark law, but ''most'' (if not effectively all) books are not. My response to your (rhetorical?) question about ''The Masses'' is the following: No, it should not have a disclaimer, because ''no ''new'' disclaimers should be made''. The maintenance (read: non-deletion) of these project disclaimers harks back to when Wikipedia copied at large from the old encyclopedias, and they noted them back to Wikisource. The disclaimers were added to the projects at the time to facilitate this, and thus, to maintain this ''ad-hoc'' “backwards compatibility,” they should be kept. I disagree with your interpretation above: the ''Collier’s'' disclaimer is more specific than the general disclaimer, and thus is useful. (This is the case with other project disclaimers, as well.) I also believe that the general disclaimer is perfectly functional in its current state: being a ''general'' disclaimer, it doesn’t need excruciating detail. I agree regarding the general disclaimer discussion; for another time, perhaps. (As for the old film magazines, they are quite interesting, but with so many images, it is a daunting prospect.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:13, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: There have apparently been incidents regarding the use of the Sherlock Holmes character in newer works, as policed by the Doyle estate. However I'll digress on everything else, for the sake of further community input on this issue. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:27, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::*Ah, but Sherlock Holmes is not ''title'', but ''character''; for ''titles'', there are but few trademarks, though for characters, there are many more. (I am reminded of “[[w:Arsène Lupin versus Herlock Sholmes|Herlock Sholmes]],” though from whence I know not.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:32, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::My understanding is that the issues around Sherlock Holmes are around copyright because some works are in and some works are not, with the claim that derivative works are derivative of those works still in copyright, the trademark in terms of print [[https://trademarks.justia.com/779/37/sherlock-77937813.html was abandonded]]. Tarzan on the other hand has had court cases around the character and is a live trademark. Winnie-the-Pooh and Steamboat Willie will be other interesting cases of this.  [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 15:01, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{ping|MarkLSteadman}} It'd be a shame if Sherlock Holmes as a character was still under ''copyright proper'' in the UK. In the US, the original being public domain would allow for derivative works of that original interpretation to therefore be allowed, not counting in the possible exception of a trademark still being in effect. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:07, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::: {{ping|PseudoSkull}} The claim of the Doyle Estate was that while Sherlock Holmes as a character is in the PD as represented in the PD works, Sherlock Holmes as a character is not in the PD as represented in the still copyrighted works. Specifically, they talk about Holmes showing emotion, respect for women etc. as a development in the later works and still copyrighted. This particular issue will go mostly away, thankfully, come January when the next batch of stories enter the PD, but the main legal question is what counts as &quot;original interpretation&quot; of the character and what is still copyrighted. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:42, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
: '''Strongly support''' moving these to WS namespace. Neutral regarding actually deleting them (at least within the scope of the current discussion) —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 15:33, 13 September 2021 (UTC)
* delete [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 12:54, 16 September 2021 (UTC)
* {{vd}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:53, 2 October 2021 (UTC)
* '''Support''' moving to WS project space and then either linking from main or transcluding to main in some sort of default collapsed wrapper. I prefer linking as trascluding is similar to transcluding page transcriptions but either way the data would remain easily accessible from main while still moving it technically out of main. —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 00:27, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

== Excerpts of works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]] ==

The following works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]], uploaded and translated by [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]], are excerpts or fragments of larger works, with the rest of the work omitted; and thus are out of [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|scope]] for hosting on Wikisource:
* [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]]
* [[Translation:Final swim]]
* [[Translation:Provincial story]]
—[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 20:10, 12 October 2021 (UTC)

: The three miniatures translated by me are fully completed little novellas that have only an indirect relation to the content of the book that includes them. This is the case when one work, more extensive, contains another — smaller in volume: this happens in literature. The book written in genre of &quot;travel literature&quot;, telling about real events. The miniatures (exhibited for delete) are created in the artistic genre. They are small fantasy scenes played in the mind of the main character of the documentary work. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 05:26, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:: {{re|Виктор Пинчук}} If [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are NOT excerpts from ''Six months by islands...'', but instead are themselves complete works, that were published within ''Six months by islands...'', then I believe we can host them. As for [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], you identified it as a &quot;fragment of an article&quot;; so it does not appear to be a full article. If it is only a portion of an article, I do not think we can host it here. We can *omit* portions of an article, if necessary due to copyright, but in this case most of the article appears to be missing. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:48, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::* {{reply to|Beleg Tâl}} Any of my newspaper articles is part of a series of articles devoted to some topic, and any of my books is part of a description of adventures from my life. So you can get to the point of absurdity, figuring out where a &quot;part of the work&quot; is and where &quot;the whole work&quot; is.&lt;br&gt;
::* If, for example, an extensive newspaper article on a political topic describes a meeting of the president of a certain country with a representative of a neighboring state, at which one of those present told an anecdote unrelated to politics, then the [[w:Russian jokes|anecdote]] taken out of context can be considered a separate work, and not part of an article on a political topic.
::* My Newspaper article (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg) written in the genre of [[w:Opinion journalism|&quot;journalism&quot;]], but the fragment (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Translation:Flight_of_fantasy) — that is part of it is written with the help of [[w:Grotesque|grotesque]].[[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 15:16, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
::*: If an extensive newspaper article about politics contained an anecdote, I still don't think we would be willing to host the anecdote without the surrounding article. I'd be interested in seeing the opinions of other editors on the subject. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

: For clarity, Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.
: I would be gently inclined to keep this as it technically does meet [[WS:WWI]] (published, free license, original source text exists). Publication in a local paper is indeed a low bar, but we set the bar at &quot;publication of any sort except self-publication&quot;. However, I would like to see the following issues addressed before I commit to a &quot;keep&quot;:
:* The work should be scan-backed against the relevant page scan, e.g. [[:File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg]]
:* The page scans in question need to be redacted further as the other photos on the page are not PD or freely licensed.
:* The images like [[:File:Бомж-тур-агентство (иллюстрация к миниатюре «Полёт фантазии»).jpg]] do not appear in the original and should be removed.
:* They should exist as subpages of the newspaper (''Respublica Krim'') rather than floating untethered in mainspace.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:13, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Inductiveload}} There are several works by Pinchuk which I am ''not'' proposing for deletion, because they are published in a local paper and as such meet our publication requirements. The three which I am bringing to the attention of WS:PD are specifically because they are ''exerpts'' and not full works, as per [[WS:WWI#Excerpts]]. &quot;Provincial story&quot; and &quot;Final swim&quot; are not works, they are extracts from the 1916 book ''Six months by islands...''. If the book ''Six months by islands...'' were added to Wikisource in full, I would have no further objection to keeping these portions within it. Similarly, &quot;Flight of fancy&quot; is a ''fragment'' of an article published in ''Respublica Krim''; if the article in its entirety were to be hosted, I would have no further objection. 
:: To your other comments: I have already scan-backed all of the other works we have by Pinchuk, and removed images or added {{tl|image missing}} as needed. I'm neutral on the idea of having the entire structure of ''Respublica Krim'' in Translation space just for these articles (though of course I would demand it in mainspace). —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:39, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::Ah, well, then I am guilty of not paying full attention and thought these were just small self-contained works. Indeed, all of these are fragments of works-as-published and thus are indeed out of scope. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:49, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{re|Inductiveload}} Pinchuk has convinced me that [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are complete works ''per se'', despite being published within a larger work. I am still not convinced about [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], which apparently is comparable to a tangential anecdote being exerpted from a longer article detailing the full conversation. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

* The scan has been corrected, photos not participating in Wikisource have been deleted. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg
* Illustrations of texts posted on Wikisource must exactly match the scanned source, and cannot contain author's additions?
* Yes, ''Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.'' I hope here is no [[w:Corpus delecti|corpus delicti]]?
* The newspaper strip does not includ enough space: not all photos are placed on it. Wikisource is an electronic version, there is more space here. Why not post illustrations that are not included in the newspaper, but belong to the author? (In this case, the illustrations were created by the author specifically for Wikisource.) For example, this: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Бомж-тур-агентство_(иллюстрация_к_миниатюре_«Полёт_фантазии»).jpg [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 12:05, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:* {{Re|Виктор Пинчук}} thank you for the redaction of the image.
:* R.e. {{tqi|1=Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk}}, that is just a clarification to make it clear that you are the author in question in case it's not obvious to others. There's no problem with it.
:* R.e. the illustrations: Wikisource is a repository of texts ''as published''. English Wikisource doesn't accept self-published works. Thus, while the version of the works that appeared in ''Respublica Krim'' are in scope, self-published editions are not. Also, under [[WS:ANN]], {{tqi|Purely decorative illustrations and images. (Known as grangerisation or extra-illustration)}} are specifically excluded from permissible annotations.
:* Note that Wikisource is not a publishing platform for ''users'' work, it's a platform for ''published works'', which in this case, just happens to be by a user: yourself. If it had not been published in a paper, it would be out of scope. If you would like to host your own work somewhere online and it's not in some published format, I do not think the WMF ecosystem contains such a platform. Usually content like that is published via personal website, blogs, or sites like Medium or those mentioned at [[meta:Wikifiction]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:07, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::*I don’t have texts that have not been published in newspapers, magazines, or books, but there are illustrations that, for technical reasons, did not fit into officially publications. These illustrations are not [[w:Grangerisation|Grangerization]] and they are not [[w:Extra-illustration |extra-illustration]]: they correspond to the theme of the material. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 06:05, 14 October 2021 (UTC)

: {{ping|Beleg Tâl}}, {{ping|Inductiveload}} Would you say that the issues raised here have been resolved and this thread can be closed, or is there still more to be done? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:49, 11 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[The American in Holland]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:09, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
: A scan is available here {{IA small link|americaninhollan00grifrich}} if someone wants to match and split the current text. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:11, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:43, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Ingram)]] ==

This is an incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

* If you look at the discussion page, the source is identified and linked. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:14, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  The discussion pages lists at least 5 different sources of which one is still under copyright. The question is which one of these five is the source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*** That is noted and explained in the Notes on the main page of the work. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 05:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
****  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  So the 1912 text mentioned in header is actually a 2003 transcription of the 1912 work that has a copyright of 2003 and is for personal use only. Does that matter? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***** So you agree that this has a source, even though the deletion rationale you gave was that it is &quot;unsourced&quot;? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:24, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
******  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] Yes, I was wrong about the unsourced part. Mea Culpa. I went too fast on these. Despite this, it's still only a small fragment of a work that is over 400 pages long. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:32, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:42, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Myths and Tales from the San Carlos Apache]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The source is a defunct website. There is absolutely no way to assess where the text came from or to continue the work without finding a scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:45, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The Web-site is archived, and the archive contains the relevant text. Even if that were not the case, the singular priting is available [https://digitallibrary.amnh.org/handle/2246/164 here]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:08, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text is incomplete and the original source no longer exists.  The alternative source linked in the above discussion shows a document that differs markedly from what we currently have.  If someone sets up an Index page and begins transcription, they can do so at this title, but the current content does not meet the standards of [[WS:WWI]]: It is a second-hand transcription; it lacks key content in the portions that have been included; and it is a partial work.  Most significantly, it is a scholarly work which has had all the footnotes stripped from it.  Academic citations are a central component of any scholarly work.  Even if the rest of the text were pulled from the Archive of the web site, it is still a second-hand transcription, and lacks key content of the original. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:42, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Apostrophe to the Ocean]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
**This is not an “incomplete” work, ''per se''. It is an excerpt from “[[The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 2/Childe Harold's Pilgrimage/Canto IV|Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage]],” although one that has historically been considered a separate work, as published under the title of “[[The Reciter/Address to the ocean|Address to the Ocean]].” My !vote stands as to the stated rationale. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:25, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::I did not see anything in the 1818 publication referencing that name: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/childeharoldspil22byro}}, need to find an example when it was published under that name independently, the first I found is {{ext scan link|https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008916734}} ... [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 19:25, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Analysis of the Sexual Impulse]] ==

Unformatted, copydump. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:14, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Work is complete. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:32, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The work is unformated from a PGDP text file. It is missing it's footnotes and has numerous instances of italics marked as &quot;_sexual impulse_.&quot; [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:28, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The underscores can be replaced easily; I do not see how this problem justifies deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:16, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
**** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]  If it were just the italics, I could see how that could be fixed by a bot, but the references would need to be added manually. They're more or less mixed into the text. IMHO, it would take quite a bit of work to finish this text and it seems better to be done on a scan than this. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:36, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:36, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
*I have reformatted the work. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:10, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

==[[The Wreck of the Steamer &quot;Stella&quot;]]==
Speedy deletion contested: original by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]], with claim “out of scope - secondary transcription.” However, there is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription. A secondary transcription is a transcription made at another site and then imported here, from my understanding of the closed proposal. This work is marked as “no source”; thus, it is not evident that it originated from an illegal source. For the record, I '''oppose''' the deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:58, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:I'm interpreting the policy as including &quot;no source&quot; as being &quot;secondary transcriptions&quot; by default. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:15, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:: There is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription.  If there is no source, then it cannot be a secondary transcription, and if it is a secondary transcription, then it has a source.  The two cases are inherently mutually exclusive. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:42, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] What is to stop users from source washing by simply omitting the secondary source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:21, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::I think it would be good to communicate to contributors clearly what we expect them to do, if what we want them to do is to provide a source we should explicitly communicate that to them. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 20:07, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::I did reach out to the user and offer to find them a scan. Part of the rationale for this policy is to stop further unsourced/secondary transcriptions. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::You mean: how can you police the honesty of contributors?  That's an entirely separate issue, and not relevant for this deletion discussion. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]])
:::::It’s about making a presumption that no source = secondary transcription as the most likely scenario. The other works that the user posted are from a secondary source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
: This almost certainly was copied from one of the many secondary transcriptions online, which are probably copying each other and I hazard likely eventually back to [https://archive.org/details/yetmorepoeticgem0000mcgo/page/30/mode/2up Yet More Poetic Gems], which is a British 1980 compilation and therefore copyrighted (the compilation, probably not the poem). It would be a lot better if the original source could be found, probably in some periodical, but if it can't be, a &quot;naked&quot; text is the best we can have, though there would always be an open question over whether it was modified in the 1980 edition (with a small but non-zero risk of creative input: cf. [https://mjpbooks.com/blog/the-senseless-tragic-rape-of-charles-bukowskis-ghost-by-john-martins-black-sparrow-press/ the posthumous &quot;improvement&quot; of Charles Bukowski's work]). So it could be an exception to the second hand text thing based on lack of public domain source. Any ideas where the original was published, anyone? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:41, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:: According to [[w:List of William McGonagall poems|Wikipedia]], the poem was first published in 1962 in More Poetic Gems. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:54, 17 February 2022 (UTC)–
::: That can't be right, it sounds like it was likely first published in some local Dundee paper around the time of the event. That Wikipedia list looks like someone has just transcribed the TOCs of the collections at the IA. For example, [https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/roundtable/disaster-poet apparently] the one about Gilfillan was published in the ''Dundee Weekly News'', not in a 1962 collection, 60 years after McGonagall's death. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:14, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: This begets the question of how much work do we need to do to hunt down the original publication. If the uploader transcribed the poem from an original publication, they should be able to easily list it. Otherwise, I'm inclined to presume that they simply copied it from an online source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:28, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Can you solve the mystery and tell us the source of this poem? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:31, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::[https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762 Worldcat] says that the poem was originally published in 1899. But I haven't been able to find an instance of the original publication. [[User:DoublePendulumAttractor|DoublePendulumAttractor]] ([[User talk:DoublePendulumAttractor|talk]]) 03:05, 20 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{ping|Languageseeker|DoublePendulumAttractor}} You might want to note that &quot;[[Lines in Praise of Tommy Atkins]]&quot; was also published in [https://web.archive.org/web/20171210022327/http://www.mcgonagall-online.org.uk/publications/more-poetic-gems ''More Poetic Gems''] (1962).&lt;br&gt;I really don't have any access to print media (although I surely wish I did), and searching Google Books doesn't yield anything with &quot;Preview available&quot;, but I ''do'' know that [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Poems_published_posthumously several other poems] have been published posthumously; that &lt;u&gt;'''''might'''''&lt;/u&gt; have been the case with these two poems. Just giving you some advice. [[User:Shāntián Tàiláng|Shāntián Tàiláng]] ([[User talk:Shāntián Tàiláng|talk]]) 16:28, 23 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Thank you. This source would make it a secondary transcription and out-of-scope. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:51, 27 February 2022 (UTC)

: {{keep}} It rather seems to me that this poem will not be easy to scan-back due to lack of unambiguously copyright-free physical copies. While any one poem is clearly in the PD, the actual book ''Yet More Poetic Gems'' is not because copyright subsists in the collection itself, so we can't host a scan of that book.
: Thus, I suggest that this poem should be permitted, since it's unreasonable to expect someone to use a scan if ''no-one'' can find a scan. If a scan comes along in future, probably due to digitisation of some local Dundee broadsheet, this &quot;unsourced edition&quot; (in that it's not clearly tied to a physical edition, though it likely is ''YMPGs'') can be replaced with a suitably backed copy. In the mean time, we have {{tl|unsourced}} and {{tl|second-hand}} to make it's provenance, or lack thereof, clear.
: This is, IMO, an appropriate time to invoke a [[WS:WWI#Consensus]] exception due to the unusual lack of ''any'' hostable scan for the work.
: If scans ''were'' available, I would expect those to be used instead for all the usual reasons. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:25, 27 February 2022 (UTC)
::apparantly there is a broadsheet floating out there [https://books.google.com/books?id=IdWlNwAACAAJ&amp;dq=The+Wreck+of+the+Steamer+%22Stella%22&amp;hl=en&amp;newbks=1&amp;newbks_redir=0&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwipwN-B96f2AhUqg3IEHdR1CXgQ6AF6BAgLEAE]; [https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762&amp;referer=brief_results] - but it might be hard to find to scan. when you delete it you make it harder to find. (maybe you should contact the Univ Edin. group at WMUK --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:19, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::: National Library of Scotland has a print copy dated 1899 [https://search.nls.uk/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=44NLS_ALMA21525181290004341&amp;context=L&amp;vid=44NLS_VU1&amp;lang=en_US&amp;search_scope=SCOPE1&amp;adaptor=Local%20Search%20Engine&amp;query=any,contains,William%20McGonagall&amp;facet=topic,include,Shipwrecks&amp;mode=basic&amp;offset=0]. Therefore in scope (as are any other of McGonagall's poems being nominated). As we have NLS people involved here talk to their liaison contact {{ping|LilacRoses}} and see if they can help. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:55, 3 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1895)]] ==

Unsourced reprint of the scan-backed text [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1887)]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:32, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
*Just redirect the pages of the old version to the chapters of the new version. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:52, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
**They're not printed from the plates, so it's not quite correct to just redirect. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:23, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
: It's unsourced with an existing scan-backed version so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:50, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{keep}} It is not unsourced. Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:30, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]]: Just who are you !voting should do this work? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:05, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::??? [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:07, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just who is it you are !voting should &quot;Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated.&quot;? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:26, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::It is just my suggested course of action. Whoever is interested can pick it or drop it. Same as &quot;Just redirect the pages ...&quot; above or &quot;rather migrate&quot; below. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:28, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::Yeah, the &quot;rather migrate&quot; below (and spammed across every discussion here) is about as useful. The &quot;just redirect&quot; is an effective delete vote, and within the bounds of what falls under the necessary work of handling deletion discussions. But finding and checking a scan, uploading it, creating an index, match&amp;splitting, proofreading all ~375 pages, and then re-transcluding is a &quot;somewhat&quot; bigger ask. Unless you're actually offering to this yourself, you're effectively voting that ''someone else'' should do all this work. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:46, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::You are making your own reality. My vote was clear and I added it would be better migrate the page. As far as &quot;who will do what&quot;, it will be who will feel like, as it is always been. Do not lecture me about what I am willing to do or not. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:20, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::And while you are giving such lessons, ask yourself why you deleted this: https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Log&amp;logid=11120068 and look at the history of the page. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:27, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::Uhm. Because it was proposed for deletion and all participating in the discussion were in favour of its deletion? As the link to the discussion that was included in the deletion log indicated? If you believe it was deleted in error then feel free to open an undeletion discussion. If you think ''I'' messed up (always a possibility) then I'd appreciate a headsup so I can fix whatever the mistake was. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:52, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::::If you can't see it by yourself, too bad. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:13, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::::You're really going to make me guess? *sigh* But, ok, provided I've guessed correctly… I've opened an undeletion discussion for it down in [[Special:PermanentLink/12192978#Undelete_Posthumous_Works_of_the_Author_of_A_Vindication_of_the_Rights_of_Woman|#Undelete Posthumous Works of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman]] and temporarily undeleted it pending the outcome, and pinged the participants of the previous discussion. I'd give good odds the outcome will be keep, as it usually is when anyone even expresses an interest in working on a text that's been proposed for deletion, not to mention when they've actually started working on it. Much as it would have been had you noted the fact you were working on it in the original discussion at any point during the 5+ weeks it was open. And as it also would have been had you dropped a note about the issue on my talk page a week and a half ago when it was deleted, so I could have reopened the discussion and polled the participants as we usually do in these situations. In fact, I don't believe I've ever seen a delete outcome for a text that someone is actually working on proofreading. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:17, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:51, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[1990 Census Name Files]] ==

This is a severely incomplete dump of a US Census Bureau website, containing only a tiny fraction of the data, and that is sourced to the Internet Archive archive of the website rather than the website itself. It is also mainly raw census statistical data (apart from the cover page), so strictly speaking out of scope. But mostly it's just pretty pointless for us to (badly) mirror the Internet Archive's mirror of a born-digital website which was subject to USGov archival regulations to begin with (you can still FOIA-request those pages and expect to have them handed over). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:26, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep (weak).''' This page ''is'' in scope, and the &lt;code&gt;dist.all.last&lt;/code&gt; directory is also technically in scope, by being an accompaniment to the main report. However, I do not think the table listing should be hosted, and I certainly think a listing of the first one hundred items in that list is more definitely so. However, excluding the somewhat related attachments, the page is complete, and connects to other pages. I would prefer neither of the pages be deleted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:43, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} born digital file that our &quot;open&quot; government persists in publishing in pdf. when you have reliable data link, migrate to commons data. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:49, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:King Alfred&amp;#39;s Old English version of St. Augustine&amp;#39;s Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu]] ==

This has been declined for a speedy delete, but I fail to see how this is not a duplicate of [[King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies Turned Into Modern English]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:41, 24 March 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The two title pages list 1902 and 1904 as the date, respectively, so they are clearly not identical. Both are scan-backed and fully proofread (though the proofreading does leave a bit to be desired, it seems: [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/61]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:15, 22 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] I think there is some confusion because the 1902 scan actually contains actually contains two separate works: Yale Studies in English XIII (1902) and Yale Studies in English XXII (1904). The proposed deletion is for [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. So I'm asking how does the [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/187|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]] differ from [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. My personal sense is that the fact that the 1902 book is bound with the 1904 work has thrown people off the scent. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:54, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary (unsourced)]] ==

Unsourced version of a work for which we have multiple scan-backed editions. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:59, 16 April 2022 (UTC)

== Subtemplates of {{tl|user lang subcat}} ==

* {{tl|user lang subcat/1}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/2}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/3}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/4}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/N}}

I've made significant edits to {{tl|user lang subcat}}, and its subtemplates are now just invocations of the main template. I've removed all uses of the subtemplates, and I think it would be good to delete them so as to avoid unnecessary maintenance. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:31, 17 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1880)]] ==

This work is not backed by a scanned source, the text contains numerous OCR artefacts, and there are clear instances where text is missing. These defects cannot be rectified because there is no indication of the original source (there is no front matter). There is a scan backed version of the work at [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1920)]], so this work should be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 01:03, 18 April 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom. I added links to 1880 scans from the British Library on the [[Author:Sabine Baring-Gould|author page]] if someone wants to create the index files to start a new proofreading effort from scratch. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 01:58, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{vd}} as above. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:12, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:'''Keep and replace''' with scans per the links added by MarkLSteadman. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 18:52, 29 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Category:Wikipedia administrators]] ==

I came across this while browsing the [[:Category:Wikipedia]] content category, but it just seems to be a list of administrators on another project, rather than content? Is this actually useful at all here, given that having Wikipedia admin access doesn't confer any extra access rights here? Thanks. [[User:Mike Peel|Mike Peel]] ([[User talk:Mike Peel|talk]]) 20:50, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{comment}} This category is automatically added by {{tl|User Wikipedia administrator}}, so deleting the category would mean nothing unless the template were also altered. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:27, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{vk}} — Having Wikipedia access rights can be useful here in cases where something would need to be done at Wikipedia in relation to a problem at Wikisource, so being able to browse this category is useful in that way. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:54, 29 May 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;Index:Newton's Principia - the mathematical principles of natural philosophy.djvu &lt;/s&gt;==

This appears to be a duplicate of the work already fully transcribed at [[Index:Newton's Principia (1846).djvu]] [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 03:31, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
:Speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:16, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity/FullText ==

This is the transclusion of the entire work of 'A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity' in one page, but the same index page is also transcluded into individual chapters as per the published work's table of contents. This page should therefore be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 14:03, 11 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Daniel Deronda]] ==

Languageseeker originally speedied this, where I converted it into a &lt;nowiki&gt;{{delete}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template. The comment they left was: &quot;scan back version complete at [[Daniel Deronda (First Edition)]]. Per the notes, this does not correspond to any printed edition.&quot;

I agree with the nomination, so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:05, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:23, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

{{vd}} In case [[Daniel_Deronda]] is deleted in favor of [[Daniel_Deronda_(First_Edition)]], all the subpages https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Daniel_Deronda/Volume* should also be deleted so they're not becoming orphant. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 11:00, 25 May 2022 (UTC)

== Unused toc templates ==

A cluster of now-unused toc templates (several of whom have been broken a long time):

*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h0}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h3}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1/2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s2}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content-nl}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title-nl}}
*{{tl|End}}

These old obsolete templates tend to get found randomly by new users and then start getting cut&amp;paste used again and again. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:37, 27 May 2022 (UTC)

:Note that {{tl|End}} is used in {{tl|Nixon-DD}} and related. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 17:45, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29).pdf]] ==

This is an incomplete computer printout for which the original publication has been proofread and transcluded at [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29 qp).pdf]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:48, 6 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Author:Reza Torkzadeh]] ==

A modern author, whose three books mentioned on this author page are claimed to be &quot;released by him into the public domain worldwide&quot;. I don't see any evidence, upon some Google research, that they are freely licensed at all, much less in the public domain. All of these recent edits related to this lawyer (on Wikidata, Wikimedia Commons, Wikiquote, and Wikisource at least) also seem to be promotional in nature, as they're targeted and specific to this lawyer. {{ping|Andilockwood}} Please note that '''all works''' that are contributed to Wikisource '''must''' follow [[Wikisource:Copyright policy]], and author pages should usually not be made for authors with no works that are freely licensed. The books would be acceptable if they really are in the public domain, though, because any book that went through a peer review process will be, and presumably the published books of a lawyer would qualify under that standard. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:48, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Andilockwood}} Are you the lawyer Reza Torkzadeh? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:50, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
::No. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:33, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
:::There are two free e-books available and one that just became available and is already a bestseller on Amazon. The latest book is not free and I am not sure if it will be for awhile. https://www.amazon.com/Reza-Torkzadeh/e/B08FCQ2NBJ/ref=dp_byline_cont_pop_book_1. The newest book is: https://rezat.com/2022/01/02/book-announcement-the-lawyer-as-ceo/ 
:::The free books are available by contacting the author through: https://rezat.com/ or downloading straight from https://www.torklaw.com/resources/accidents-happen-book/
:::So is the new release not able to be referenced? Just the two free books?
:::Thank you. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:41, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*Looking at [https://www.linkedin.com/posts/the-torkzadeh-law-firm_its-official-rezas-book-the-lawyer-as-activity-6937791145171111936-B_RM this LinkedIn post] and the related [https://www.amazon.com/dp/1544531141/ref=cm_sw_em_r_mt_dp_1TDCBSMT0TMA8Q3WJRN8 Amazon.com listing], the book seems to have been “released” as in “sold commercially,” not “released” into the public domain (this is for ''The Lawyer As CEO'', which just came out about a week ago). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:02, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Yes, that is true. So should I only reference the two free books then? Apologies. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:42, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]]: This seems to be a [[w:Gratis versus libre|''gratis versus libre'']] confusion. Mr. Torkzadeh’s Web-site refers those interested in reading ''Accidents Happen'' to https://accidentshappenbook.com/. This Web-site gives a copyright notice at the bottom of the page, but this is likely false. However, copyright exists automatically, so without an explicit dedication of the book into the public domain, it will remain copyrighted. The book is available for free on the Internet, and may be received for free on demand; these are both ''gratis'' freedoms. However, the book appears to not have been released into the public domain, which is the required ''libre'' freedom (required, as in it is required to post the books here). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:58, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes (unsourced)]] ==

This is a mix of non-scan backed texts from the 1927 edition (which is in copyright) and links to the Strand Magazine versions. Since the Strand Magazine versions have been proofread, I propose deleting the non-scan backed entries. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:28, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I don't see much value in keeping this mix of the 1927 version and the A. Conan Encyclopedia and Strand versions. Having a clear edition is much better than such a mix. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:48, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I agree. Unsourced duplicates should be removed as a matter of principle. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 10:40, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}}. Could have been also speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G7]] Author's request. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:13, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: @[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] It's also for the following subpages:
:* [[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]
:* [[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:03, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Ah, I see. These could have been speedied too, per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]: An unsourced work that is redundant to a sourced (scanned) version. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Testament Pedro II Of the Brazil]] ==

Unsourced, and with no translator credited. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:32, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:06, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;[[Template:Helpme]]&lt;/s&gt; ==

This was a template clearly imported from Wikipedia way back in the 2000s, a similar case to [[Template:Hangon]] which was recently deleted at PD. In the amount of time I've been active at Wikisource, which would be a couple years at this point, I have ''never even seen'' anything of this template, much less seen it being used. I often patrol recent changes for vandalism and new users who might need help or their edits standardized, and in that time I've never seen the template in use. Yet, [[Template:Welcome]] links to this template still.

Not helping the case of &lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; is that '''even the template itself''' (not even the documentation but the ''template'') recommends the main point I have against keeping this template around, which is that we have other outlets that are better used for help. We have such fine resources as [[WS:SCH|the Scriptorium help desk]], talk pages of experienced users, an IRC channel, (as of relatively recently) a Discord server, and probably more outlets I'm forgetting to mention, where a user can ask for help.

Given that we have these other outlets, having a self-categorizing help template on Wikisource doesn't seem like it's very efficient in practice, at least maybe not anymore. [[Template:Helpme]] got only '''2 pageviews''' in the past 30 days, and the category [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] got '''7 pageviews'''. That's ''pretty bad'' when you compare it to [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests]], a far more useful maintenance category, which got '''314 pageviews''' this month. This illustrates the point that I don't think this category gets enough attention for its stated purpose; I doubt many admins have it bookmarked (maybe I should?).

Whatever the case may be, the amount of people specifically patrolling [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] is clearly very scant to none, and a user would get better help by asking for it from another source that would get more attention, like the ones mentioned above. This is especially the case for more complex problems.

It's really most likely to be used by editors who recently discovered us through Wikipedia and are thus used to WP's community practices, and many of those practices really ought not be encouraged. Many things Wikipedia does are virtually incompatible with Wikisource simply because we're a smaller community, and they have a ''far'' larger active editor base than we do.


If a template is greatly discouraged virtually everywhere, it should probably just be deleted. The better outlets should be highlighted to new contributors as the right way to do it, with [[Template:Helpme]] removed from our welcome template and any other places it remains linked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:31, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' I see it used frequently enough, and the category is mentioned through the “recent pages” header listing. I am suprised that you have never seen its use, actually. In addition, the fact that messages sent to such help-related outlets are often ignored makes it desirable to have multiple methods of communication. I believe that the deletion of the “hangon” template was appropriate, because it was never integrated into the Wikisource structure, and its purpose was better accomplished and was actually accomplished by other utilities. However, I believe that the “helpme” template is useful, and its use, though not especially frequent, shows this to be the case. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:35, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Okay, I'll grant that recent pages linked would suggest that this template is still seeing some use, but is still quite [[Template:Helpme|commonly]] [[User talk:Chrisguise#Footnotes - The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5|discouraged]]. And I would really rather people not use it, given the lack of patrolling of this particular template. The other solution would be to both encourage it more and patrol it more; is that what you'd rather be in favor of? And what if only 2 experienced users on the whole site patrol that category even weekly (I'd wager it's less than that), and you need help with a specific thing? Then the backlog just continues to exist. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:48, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

*{{vk}} It's being used periodically. The category doesn't need to be on anyone's watchlist as the template feeds to Recent Changes and RC patrollers should be checking it as a part of their patrols. I certainly do. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 23:25, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added the category to my bookmarks now that I know of its existence. If the template is kept I'll patrol it regularly. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
: '''Kept'''. Redacting deletion request; I might not like it, but I don't think this'll gain consensus, and it is ''marginally'' useful at least, so it's not worth the fight. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:53, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu]] ==

&quot;Junk&quot; status OCR- Please start again with KNOWN scan and correct sourcing detail, Thanks [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:20, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:An alternative would be to realign everything...
{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
!pp (if relevant)
!Destination
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/13
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/3||9861037||(pp001)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/15
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/4||9861038||(pp002)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/16
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/5||||(pp003)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/17
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/6||||(pp004)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/18
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/7||9861042||(pp005)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/19
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/8||9861043||(pp006)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/20
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/9||||(pp007)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/21
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/10||||(pp 008)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/22
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/11||||(pp 009)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/23
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/12||||(pp 010)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/24
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/13||||(pp 011)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/25
|-
|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/470||||(pp468)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/471||||(pp469)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/472||||(pp470)||page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/475&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp473)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/487&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/478&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp476)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/490&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/479&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp477)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/491&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/480&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp478)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/492&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/481&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp479)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/493&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:10, 18 June 2022 (UTC)
*Just run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR device. The new OCR is passable. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:40, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Why would we want to hard-code raw OCR text in these pages when you can get it dynamically when needed, and with probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time (and a choice of OCR engines and settings)? This is entirely raw OCR created in bulk (along with, IIRC, several hundred thousand other pages, none of which have been subsequently proofread). Experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such junk pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:47, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*::The assertion &quot;none of which have been subsequently proofread&quot; is not true. [[Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/7|This page]], for example, has been proofread. Similarly, for an example of another scan, [[Index:Greece from the Coming of the Hellenes to AD. 14.djvu]] has been almost completely marked as proofread (and the other pages appear to have been corrected). The assertion that &quot;several hundred thousand other pages&quot; were created is not true. The assertion that the &quot;other pages&quot; all contain &quot;entirely raw OCR&quot; is not true. I hope I do not need to produce a complete list of every single page that has been wholly or partly corrected by me or by someone else. IIRC, the number of such pages is large. The assertion that there will be &quot;probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time&quot; has not been proved. The assertion that &quot;experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such ... pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present&quot; has not been proved. Xover is not a significant subset of contributors. The OCR of the other volumes is generally almost perfect. The creation of pages for this particular volume appears to have been a mistake. If and when others wish, I can start correcting the pages in this particular volume. If others wish to replace the existing OCR with new OCR, I will have to wait until they have done that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 13:24, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::@[[User:James500|James500]]: How about we just delete the Page: pages for this index and then you can recreate them as and when you have time and inclination to work on it? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:18, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*::::I assume that the proofread pages (title and 472) should be kept. I assume that other pages that have corrected should be kept (including 473, 479 and the Notice). I assume that the blank pages should be kept. I have no opinion about the pages whose OCR reads like gibberish. If other editors wish to &quot;run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR&quot; or wish for the pages to be &quot;be migrated, or regenerated&quot;, I will abstain from !voting either for or against that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:47, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::::You assume correctly, and I apologise for not being more precise: I was suggesting deleting only the pages of status &quot;Not proofread&quot; which contain &quot;gibberish&quot;. Empty pages marked &quot;Empty&quot; are, strictly speaking, finished pages; and &quot;Not proofread&quot; pages that are in the process of being improved (which I see SF00 has started in on subsequent to the nomination; thanks for the headsup!) I generally wouldn't want to interfere with. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:05, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: ''' Withdrawn'''  The pages can be migrated , or regenerated. There is a request for page migration at WS:AN. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:08, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Treaty of Versailles]] ==

This text has been compiled from several sources, and such compilations are excluded from Wikisource scope by [[WS:What Wikisource includes]]. Deleting the text will create space for addition of some original publication.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:08, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' I don’t what the “compilation” was supposed to mean, as all three sources have the same, full text of the treaty (so far as I can see). It is not as if the “Treaty of Versailles” is a compilation of three separate works; it is one work, which has been published as a whole. Scan-backing may be performed against the copy in the [[United States Treaty Series/Volume 2]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:46, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:The sources do not have identical texts. E.g. the given source https://net.lib.byu.edu/~rdh7/wwi/versailles.html does not have preamble and protocol, which are taken from another source. The source http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/dfat/treaties/1920/1.html does not have the table with signatures which has been taken from elsewhere. Our text is a compilation, as it was also noted at its talk page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:55, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} Agree with the deletion rationale. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:50, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text currently hosted here is clearly a compilation from three separate sources and therefore corresponding to none of them; and two of the sources are secondary transcriptions from no known original. The current wikipage(s) at [[Treaty of Versailles]] should be deleted and, once the edition of the treaty published in USSL has been proofread, replaced with a redirect to that. Once multiple editions of the treaty have been proofread, the wikipage can be turned into a versions page.{{pbr}}The treaty was published in the Australian Treaty Series (1920 No. 1), as well as the United Kingdom Treaty Series (004/1919 / Cmd. 153) and United States Treaty Series (Vol. 2 p.43); and probably in the United States Statutes at Large, although I couldn't find that version just now. All of these or either of them would be acceptable here, but separately and in context (for example, in UKTS ''Versailles'' was published along with a treaty between the UK and France guaranteeing protection to the latter in the event of German aggression).{{pbr}}I think it's probably necessary here to clearly distinguish between ''the Treaty of Versailles'' as a legal construct, and the various editions of ''the text of the Treaty of Versailles''. The legal construct should ideally have an identical interpretation irrespective of text source, and can in fact deviate from the plain meaning of the text if legal interpretation says it means something else. This interpretation can change over time, and can temporarily or permanently become divergent. But in essence, this &quot;true treaty&quot; exists as a meta-entity in the heads of legal scholars and so forth. The ''text'' on the other hand, exists in multiple editions and variants, that are, presumably, identical in terms of the legal construct, but can differ markedly and drastically in bibliographic and historiographic terms. Mostly not in terms of the text of the treaty itself, but perhaps in formatting and layout (unless it's a facsimile) and certainly in context (what addenda and prolegomena it is published with; or perhaps even annotation and commentary inserted into the text itself). The legal construct of the treaty on enWS only corresponds with a versions page (or possibly even a Portal); but it is specific published editions of the text of the treaty that are in scope for us to host. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:00, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:[[User:Xover|Xover]]: The United States never ratified the Treaty of Versailles, because of the League of Nations; the [[US–Germany Peace Treaty]] (which ''was'' published in the ''Statutes'') mentions that treaty and incorporates some of its provisions, but the text of the Treaty of Versailles is not to be found in U.S.Stat. I think one consideration which needs to be had here is the number of internal (and external from Wikipedia) links to this copy of the Treaty of Versailles. That is one of the main reasons I proposed keeping and backing to an existing scan: so that all of the links can stay operational. Your thoughts? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:55, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:: @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: Good point. I agree it'd be best if we could have a (policy-compliant) text of the treaty here, but I don't have the capacity to fast-track a proofread just now. If somebody else wants to volunteer I'm sure nobody would object to leaving the old one up for a while.{{pbr}}When replacing it we need to delete the old page and recreate it just to keep Wikidata correct (it detects deletes automatically; but if we just replace the content the Wikidata will be wrong). But that's just a technical issue. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:14, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Angel of Lonesome Hill]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 24 July 2022 (UTC)|text=
Nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;. IMO it should be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:01, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:503255/OVERVIEW]. 44p. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:49, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 12:48, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The City of Masks]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:02, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Available at IA so we can Match and Split [https://archive.org/details/cityofmasks00mccuuoft]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:59, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:56, 23 July 2022 (UTC)|text=
As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
: Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524828/OVERVIEW]. 107pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:52, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc (1900).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 19:25, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The Redemption of Anthony]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524329/OVERVIEW]. 137pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:54, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::::[[Index:The Redemption of Anthony (1911).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
::::: Withdrawn due to migration to scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:34, 20 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:United States Reports, Volume 244.djvu]] ==

Title page only..  The entire volume should be uploaded. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:43, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

::Uploaded. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:05, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

::: '''Withdrawn''' - Updated file provided [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:29, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of Greece (1973)]] ==

Compilation of most text from [https://books.google.co.il/books?id=u9kjAAAAMAAJ&amp;pg=PA419 one source] (but not all, some parts, e.g. article 128 of the original document, were left out) and contributor's own translation of amendments from [https://archive.org/details/1973-greek-constitution-consolidated-version another source]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:45, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' If the compilation is greatly opposed, the new additions can be moved to an annotated sub-page. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Les Propheties]] ==

It is supposed to be a 1961 translation, but without scan it is an unattainable goal to keep the work faithful to this edition, as people keep adding more alleged prophecies taken from elsewhere,  like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12155372&amp;oldid=12135276 here], or removing them, like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12503587&amp;oldid=12438156 here], and nobody stops them, probably because this particular translation is not available anywhere and so no addition or removal of parts of text can be checked. I believe that works of similar kind always have to be scanbacked and therefore suggest deletion of this one, which will create space for adding some of many other, better available, translations. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:07, 22 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep''' (for now). I will try to obtain and scan a copy of the 1961 translation, and a match-and-split can solve this problem. I ask that it not be deleted too quickly. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)]] ==

A Wikisource user's own compilation of the text from [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1948)]] with separately published amendments. See also related discussion at [[User talk:195.74.82.149]] and at [[User talk:Zezingr]]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:16, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' The text, while ''produced'' by a compilation, is not ''itself'' a compilation, as “Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)” is a real work, even though ''our'' copy is produced by combining two separate works. As PDF scans of the relevant United Nations documents are provided, it would be useful to scan-back these “compiled” constitutions. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*:I am afraid that producing new copies by combining two separate works is exactly what Wikisource should not and does not do. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*::Indeed, and being out of scope it is even speedyable. If an actual published &quot;Constitution of the Republic of Korea with all amendments as of 1952&quot; should show up somewhere it would certainly be addable, but this user-compiled conflated edition is still out of scope. If anyone wants the text for a practical purpose (like a starting point for proofreading any of the source texts) they can have a copy in their user space (or it can be temporarily undeleted on demand by any admin).{{pbr}}@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: By all evidence, your hypothetical 1952 edition exists ''only'' as an abstract legal concept and not as a tangible published text. We can host the individual components (the base text and each of the amendments), but not a user-compiled amalgam that doesn't exist outside Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:58, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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__NEWSECTIONLINK__
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 | shortcut = [[WS:DEL]]&lt;br /&gt;[[WS:PD]]
 | notes    = This page is for proposing deletion of specific articles on Wikisource in accordance with the [[WS:DP|deletion policy]], and appealing previously-deleted works. '''Please add {{[[Template:delete|delete]]}} to pages you have nominated for deletion.''' [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes|What Wikisource includes]] is the policy used to determine whether or not particular works are acceptable on Wikisource. Articles remaining on this page should be deleted if there is no significant opposition after at least a week.

Possible copyright violations should be listed at [[Wikisource:Copyright discussions|Copyright discussions]]. Pages matching a [[WS:CSD|criterion for speedy deletion]] should be tagged with {{[[Template:sdelete|sdelete]]}} and ''not'' reported here (see [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests|category]]). 

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__FORCETOC__

==[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]==
Only one entry is present, and no source is given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:51, 28 June 2020 (UTC).

: {{vk}} (and improve): The entry is proofread and properly formatted, and linked to/from the relevant author page. The scans are available at the IA, and this is [https://archive.org/details/acriticaldictio01unkngoog/page/n801/mode/2up a genuine entry]. It would naturally be better to import the scans, but even if that were not to happen, it's allowed to have single articles from a collective work&lt;sup&gt;†&lt;/sup&gt;, and it's allowed for things to not be scan-backed. It certainly would be beneficial to improve the top level page.
: {{smaller|†If this were only one chapter from a novel, or some other portion of a work that doesn't stand alone, I'd say delete.}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   06:33, 29 June 2020 (UTC)
: OK, so this is a bit of a mess. CDEL has multiple editions, each of three volumes, plus a &quot;supplement&quot; published after Allibone's death. I have managed to scrape up what I hope is a set of decent scans from the IA which aren't Google scans and aren't marked &quot;missing pages&quot; at the IA (not including the supplement): [[commons:Category:A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]. Anyone have any ideas on which three we like best? Latest possible? All are pre-1923. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   08:11, 29 June 2020 (UTC)

:{{vk}} at minimum until [[Wikisource:Scriptorium#Policy_on_substantially_empty_works|this discussion]] is concluded, as it is a prominent example in that discussion. Furthermore, {{vk}} for the long run per Inductiveload. I'm willing to do some of the work to get everything sorted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:14, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{vd}} Whilst I will agree that the work is in scope, this sole article reproduced as typed text sitting in the wilderness is not in scope. Looking forward to someone working on getting volumes of scans and coordinating the work. In the meanwhile delete, this title page and the singular article without prejudice to a proper presentation. Suggest moving the text of the single biography to the author's talk page. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:24, 24 January 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is not formatted correctly. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: These are two different works, though the critical text is (theoretically, at least!) the same:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is the ''US Statutes at Large'', which should be proofread from the scan [[Index:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu]], pages [[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/780|756]]–[[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/792|768]]
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UN Treaty Series. This work should be proofread against the relevant source scan at [[Index:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf]], pages [[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/27|11]]–[[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/57|41]].
:[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:38, 5 October 2020 (UTC)

::retain as different editions/versions, hat note the works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:04, 13 October 2020 (UTC)
*{{ping|Inductiveload}} You seem to have a grasp of what these works are. Could you move the editions of the same work to suitably disambiguated pages, create a versions page (or pages, if relevant), add {{tlx|other versions}}/{{tlx|similar}} hatnotes to link them together, and tag them all with {{tlx|migrate to}}? I ''think'' this and the below section are about two editions of a UN—US treaty and a distinct agreement relating to implementation of that treaty, but I quickly lose track of what's what here. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:55, 18 March 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is not formatted correctly. It also includes the acts of the US Congress that should not be a part of the article. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: Again, these are different works that contain the same text with different &quot;contexts&quot;:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is from [[Index:U.S. Participation in the UN - Report by the President to the Congress (1947).pdf]], starting at p222.
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UNTS v.11, as in the previous section.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:56, 5 October 2020 (UTC)
::If [[user:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] is saying that they are different editions, then retain, and ensure that we suitably disambiguate with a {{tl|versions}} page, and hat note each with {{tl|other version}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:03, 13 October 2020 (UTC)

== [[Translation:Manshu]] ==

Ok, I think it's time we have this conversation…

[[Translation:Manshu]] describes itself as a [[WS:T|Wikisource translation]] of {{tqi|A 9th century Middle Chinese text regarding the geopolitics of southwest China, particularly the historic kingdom of Nanzhao. It is an important historical source for the period. This translation is based upon a digitized version of the recompiled 1774 movable type edition edited by the 武英 (Palace Museum Library).|q=y}}

However, looking at it more closely it appears to be much more an original analytical work than anything that could be shoehorned to fit within our definition of a mere translation.

The front page is almost entirely original work (apart from a table of contents), partly semi-encyclopedic and partly meta-discussion about the effort itself.

Looking at [[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 1|Chapter 1]] we find some actual translation, but mostly comparisons with a professionally published previous translation (Luce) that is quoted ''extensively'', and translator's commentary that far exceeds the actual translated text itself. It also features a lot of images that obviously do not appear in any original, but have been picked to illustrate a particular point (i.e. how Wikipedia would construct an article).

[[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 2|Chapter 2]] and onwards are the same, except they lack the extensive quotations from the published translation (Luce), but only because the effort to compare has not reached that point yet. Around Chapter 9 the translation appears incomplete with only the Chinese original text present.

Irrespective of the rest of this work, there is a question regarding the extensive quotations from the previous professional translation ([https://hdl.handle.net/1813/57513 link]). It is a 1961 publication with copyright notice, so there is a high probability that it is in copyright (and thus the quotations are also copyvios). I haven't looked at this issue in detail, but if this discussion ends up keeping the work in some form we will have to address that separately (and if it is not in copyright, why are we not transcribing that instead of making our own?). The sole contributor to [[Translation:Manshu]] has a somewhat haphazard approach to copyright (e.g. claiming satellite imagery from Google Maps or similar as &quot;own work&quot;) so the issue will have to be checked thoroughly.

But all that being said, this is also a great effort and a unique work that really ''should'' exist somewhere. If it were completed I'm certain it could have been professionally published, and it would be a real shame if all the effort that's gone into it was wasted. The contributor has not been active since 2018 (and the last large progress was in 2016), so I don't think it very likely that it will now ever be completed; but if a place is found for it even the partial translation is valuable, and could conceivably be completed by others at some point in the future. If the outcome of this discussion is that it is out of scope we should make a real effort to see whether a project like WikiBooks would be interested, and, if not, rather than simply delete it we should move it to the contributor's user space (a practice I am usually vehemently opposed to but am making an exception in this particular case).

In any case, it has kept popping up on my radar for various reasons, and I have always been torn on what to do about its issues. It seems clearly outside of scope per [[WS:WWI]], doesn't meet [[WS:T]], violates [[WS:ANN]], and would most likely need cleanup to meet [[WS:COPY]]. So now I'm putting the question before the community: what do we do about this? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:20, 2 April 2021 (UTC)
:[[WS:T]] ought to address contributions like this, the first section on published works is redundant. Are there examples of Wikisource translations that have been in some way verified (validated)? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 14:43, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
::{{re|Cygnis insignis}} Not a lot, but they do exist. [[Translation:On Discoveries and Inventions]] is a recent example. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:42, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
: It could go in User space for the time being. Maybe Wikibooks would want it? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
:I'm only able to comment on a small portion of this, which I hope might be helpful: https://cocatalog.loc.gov/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&amp;PAGE=First has no results for Man shu or southern barbarians as title; nor Luce, Gordon as an author name; nor do Cornell University or Southeast Asia Program or Oey or Fan, Cho seem to have a relevant renewal under their names. Southeast Asia Program as a title reveals registration of other of these data papers as copyrighted works, but no renewal of this one. This suggests the copyright was never renewed on the Luce translation (possibly this is not surprising, as these weren't exactly blockbusters...) and it is now public domain, judging by [[Help:Public domain#ref renewal]]. If accurate, this should resolve the [[WS:COPY]] concern. Good luck with the rest of this matter! [[User:Dingolover6969|Dingolover6969]] ([[User talk:Dingolover6969|talk]]) 11:39, 21 January 2022 (UTC)


===Response by author===
Hi there, I am the primary author, an admin on English Wikipedia. I would say I have spent upwards of 500 hours on this translation. During the time it is alleged that I have been inactive, I was a founding team member at a very important company you would have heard of, and provided some of the earliest COVID map coverage on Wikipedia ([https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.webm webm] [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.gif gif]). Currently I run seven (7) companies and have a family, so it is fair to say I have 'other commitments'. I do still intend to complete the translation. Aside from time constraints, partly I have not been active on Wiki projects recently because I am living in China and this makes editing Wikiprojects a massive hassle due to the requirement for a VPN. Nevertheless, I noticed this deletion attempt by [[User:Xover|Xover]] and would like to respond objectively for the record. If we summarize the alleged issues they are as follows:
* '''The translation includes commentary'''
** That is simply because it is a good (ie. transparent/honest) translation.
** Any accredited historian will agree this is a good (positive) feature.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work is incomplete'''
** I am still finishing, I am just ridiculously busy and have been so for five years.
** Incomplete and pending further effort is often simply the nature of voluntary work.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes quotations from previous translations'''
** Fully cited and contextually presented, in academia, this is clearly fair use.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes satellite derived images'''
** These images were constructed with great care based upon detailed context and are both low resolution and substantially original work in themselves.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The translation is done by the contributor and openly licensed instead of being an out of copyright work of someone else which has been uploaded'''
** IMHO as a student of history original translation is *great* to welcome and should be encouraged.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates 'What Wikisource Includes' (WWI) '''
** Wikisource includes &quot;Works created after 1925&quot; / &quot;Analytical and artistic works&quot;.
** Wikisource includes &quot;Translations&quot;
** To be perfectly honest I consider this assertion a truly baseless accusation that I frankly find highly offensive.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''&quot;Doesn't meet&quot; WS:T'''
** Unclear what this means
** The WST page clearly states that original translations are in-scope and acceptable (there is only one prior English translation and it is bad and incorrect)
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates WS:ANN'''
** I have never seen that page before in my life
** Apparently it doesn't like parallel text
** I would suggest strongly that parallel text provides the basis for most high caliber academic translations, it is my view that ''the policy page'' is wrong and further discussion to correct it should occur there.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Requires cleanup to meet WS:COPY'''
** Unsure what this is actually alleging
** Aside from original work there is only contextual quotations from other works in line with an academic translation
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.

Sincerely, [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:12, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

:I just noticed that Xover also deleted my maps. This is a great loss. I cannot recreate them as I do not have access to the context at the time. This is truly a tragedy. I am ... highly alarmed and stressed at this turn of events and will cease contributing further to Wikipedia projects. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:21, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
::Could someone with more time please go through the undeletion process on my behalf. It is... truly a great tragedy. Multiple academics had thanked me for this work. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 12:55, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

::: {{Re|Pratyeka}} These maps are not appropriate for enWS (or Commons), because they contain copyright material: the satellite photos. There is no allowance here, as there is at enWP, for fair use or de minimis, and resolution doesn't affect it. I imagine the &quot;correct&quot; solution is to either locate a suitable base maps from Commons (or NASA or other PD source), draw your own, or commission them via [[c:Commons:Graphics Lab/Map workshop]].
::: If the presumption of copyright is incorrect (e.g. the photos are PD or freely licenced), then let me know and they can be restored and correct attribution and licence declarations made. In that case, they actually belong at Commons.
::: Sadly, being thanked by academics does not overrule copyright.
::: Even if these are copyrighted, I can also provide you with the files if you do not have access to them any more. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 14:00, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
: {{Re|Pratyeka}} I'm glad to see you're editing again. I'm not sure why you felt it relevant to mention that you have +sysop on enwp, but since you bring it up… as an admin on enwp you should be well familiar with the need to make policy-based arguments in such discussions and to familiarise oneself with the policy on the project. I have raised several policy-based concerns, and your response addresses none of them. However, to reiterate the challenges:{{pbr}}The text on [[Translation:Manshu]] is not a mere translation of a previously published work. It contains substantial portions of your own analysis, comparisons, and commentary: all of which is ''original'' rather than ''previously published'' content. In enwp terms, think of it as &quot;original research&quot;: it's not a perfect analogy, but the problem is similar. This is out of scope for English Wikisource. In addition, you include extensive quotations from the other (professionally published) translation, but that translation is not public domain or compatibly licensed. Fair use content is not permitted on English Wikisource (and even on enWP only in very narrow and limited circumstances), which puts in violation of our licensing policy.{{pbr}}Now, as I wrote above, this is an impressive work and I am sure it is a valuable contribution to the knowledge in that area of study. It just isn't compatible with the policies on Wikisource. In other words, if it is to stay here it will have to be stripped down so that it ''only'' contains the translation, without embellishment, of the original text and all non-public domain elements removed. I imagine that's not your first choice as I get the impression it is the analytical parts of the work that interest you the most. So as an alternative, works such as this may be in scope for [[b:Main Page|WikiBooks]]: their scope explicitly includes original works so long as it falls within their definition of &quot;educational&quot;. As another Wikimedia sister project it is possible to import the pages between projects, even preserving revision history. If you need it we can try to facilitate contact with the Wikibooks community to get the ball rolling. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:50, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

*'''Oppose'''. This whole situation is insulting. The work is clearly a Wikisource translation of a work in the public domain, and is thus in scope, your complaints about the annotations aside. This discussion should never have been started, and much less dragged on this long. The problem with the maps is unfortunate, but the rest is irrelevant. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:25, 4 August 2021 (UTC)
*:Indeed, and I would love nothing better than to see much ''much'' wider participation in discussions here and on [[WS:CV]] so that we could properly determine community consensus and within a reasonable time. That's why I so very much appreciate your efforts to participate in both venues! However, meanwhile we have to operate within the reality that exists. I am sorry if you found this insulting, but there really is no other way to address such issues. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:54, 7 August 2021 (UTC)
*:*I’m sorry, that was a bit much. My apologies. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:22, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Act No. 3815]] ==

Copydump, what formatting there is uses raw HTML, with no source and no license. A superficial look also suggests this is a modern translation (the specified translator shows up in Google as a paralegal) so it may also be a copyvio, but I'm too lazy to do the research on that just now. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:32, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
: Weirdly it looks to have been originally published in English so I am not sure what that translation is about, see e.g. here https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1930/12/08/act-no-3815-s-1930/ (which says public domain). The source is almost certainly from the copyrighted source here: https://www.chanrobles.com/revisedpenalcodeofthephilippines.htm#.YLgkKXVKiV4 since it has the chan robles header. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:38, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
:: Please look at Republic Act No. 8293 Section 176 (which is also here in Wikisource at [[RA 8293#Sec. 176]]), the Philippine law stating all Philippine government works (including your proposed '''Act No. 3815''') are and must be not copyrighted and are in the public domain. &lt;br&gt;Also, all Philippine laws are written in English and not a translation of any kind.— &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:25px&quot;&gt;🍕&lt;/span&gt; &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:'Comic Sans MS';&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#FFC83D&quot;&gt;Yivan&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#F7894A&quot;&gt;000&lt;/span&gt; &lt;small&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[[User:Yivan000|view]]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;sub&gt;[[User_talk:Yivan000|talk]]&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;/small&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 14:38, 16 July 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Yivan000|Yivan000]]: Thank you for working to improve this text; however, please familiarise yourself with our style guide. enWS does not use the automatically generated table of content that MediaWiki provides, does not use the heading syntax of MW wikimarkup (we use direct visual formatting instead), and we use formatting templates rather than raw HTML. Paragraph breaks should be done by simply inserting two newlines, and italics should be done with wikimarkup, not HTML. In short, while massively improved from the cut&amp;pasted text that was there before, this is still a mess. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:12, 3 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham]] ==

{{ping|PBS}} is this a complete work?  Almost seems to be an extract from an extract, but I cannot tell. If we can situate it as part of a work, can we please do so, otherwise it seems it is extract per [[WS:WWI]] and if so, not part of our collection. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:03, 29 July 2021 (UTC)
*The source indicates this is a complete part of the ''History of Birmingham'', but, as it itself is an extract, it should be deleted in favor of the full work; though I cannot find a scan. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:18, 31 July 2021 (UTC)

:Ok, not that it matters all that much to this discussion but I've uploaded a scan of ''The History of Birmingham'' and scan-backed this text. Looking at the immediate source this fragment is actually a &quot;chapter&quot;, of sorts, in that it has its own entry in the table of contents (titled &quot;Extract&quot;). It is still an extract from ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835), which gives an extract of [[Author:John Vicars|John Vicars]]'s ''God in the Mount'' (1641).{{pbr}}Regarding the latter I have been unable to locate any scan of it anywhere. EEBO has [https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A64897.0001.001?view=toc the text], but the scans are, as usual, locked up by ProQuest. Multiple institutions have holdings of it—including the British Library, Corpus Christi, the National Library of Scotland, Trinity College, the Victoria and Albert Museum, the Folger, the Huntington, and the Beinecke—but none have made scans available. If anyone ''really'' cares, several of these institutions may be amenable to scanning it for us.{{pbr}}In any case, as it stands it is an extract of an extract, and presented completely divorced from its original published context, so it'll have to go (from mainspace).{{pbr}}However, as PBS hasn't edited since May I think we should leave this open for a while yet in the hopes of hearing from them. They may be interested in proofreading the rest of ''The History of Birmingham'' and there's no particular hurry. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:33, 10 August 2021 (UTC)
:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: I have (dubious) ProQuest access, and have accessed ''God in the Mount''. The scans bear a (presumably British) copyright notice, does that matter? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 19:35, 23 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: In copyright terms, no. ProQuest is just asserting a &quot;sweat of the brow&quot; copyright for the scanning job, but Wikimedia projects do not honour such claims. The original work is PD and that's what matters. But the terms of use of ProQuest's services (a matter of contract law) prohibit downloading and scraping, so we can't host it for that reason (and you'd risk getting sued over it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: My claim of dubious access was a little too vague, I guess. What I mean is this: I have access to the ''content'' of ProQuest, but I have never myself accessed ProQuest, and do not have access to the “front-end” ProQuest database. Using a personal ILL account, I can request books (some of which are on ProQuest), but nowhere in the agreement to use that ILL account is there a restriction on usage like the ProQuest EULA—which means there is no contract for me (or Wikimedia) to get sued over. The only restriction on usage at all is the generic copyright notice for ILL systems. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 13:49, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

I have been AFK. I see now that the whole book is in place (thank you [[user:Xover]]) so presumably the header about delete can now be removed from the page. However the reason for placing it here on Wikisource in the first place and it is a stand alone extract from a book. If only whole books can exist in this archive and not extracts from a book, then that presents a real problem, as one of the reasons this source site was created was to take extracts that ought not to be placed onto Wikipedia. To take one example &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; does the whole book have to exist on Wikisurce before that extract (about a specific topic, or passage) can be placed on Wikisource? [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes#Excerpts]] is to say the least not clear on this issue. -- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 16:48, 12 September 2021 (UTC)

:@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: Thanks for commenting!{{pbr}}Yes, our written policies are rather less developed than one expects coming from enWP, and rely instead on practice developed over the years. It's really not an approach that's friendly to people for whom enWS is not their primary project, but I've complained about it so much people have started to just nod, smile, and back away slowly when I bring it up. Oh well…{{pbr}}Our basic unit here is the previously published work, in a specific edition. ''God in the Mount'' (1641) is ''a work''. ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835) is ''a work''. The latter includes an excerpt of the former, and [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham|April the 8th …]] is an excerpt from that. In other words, an excerpt of an excerpt. In a ''citation'' (i.e. on enWP) citing some fragment of info through intermediary sources is fine and often even preferable for reliability, but the goal on enWS is preserving and making available the ''works'' themselves ''as published''. That we have added a scan to back the excerpt does not make it any less of an excerpt; only made possible the production of the whole work. But do I take it then that you have no interest in proofreading the entire work? At a little over 500 pages it isn't insurmountable, and it's not inconceivable that others would be interested in helping out. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:15, 17 September 2021 (UTC)
::[[User:Xover|Xover]]: if I had unlimited time the I would be only too happy to proofread the book. However I tend to proof read text that is useful for my primary work about topics on Wikipeadia. My concern here is that the extract was a quote of a primary source, if primary sources can only be accessed if the whole of the text in which it is quoted then this is a diminution of the use of both Wikipedia and Wikisource to provide information to readers of articles on Wikipedia. Take for example the quote from Richard I. The original will be in French, and will exist in some archive. There are several translation in reliable secondary sources. The reason for placing an extract from one of those secondary sources is it allows a  Wikipedia article on Richard to include the statement &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; with a link to the text on Wikisource. The rest of the book may or may not be worth including here. But the translation of the primary source certainly is.
::Another example which is on my to do list is a further transcribing of &quot;[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna]]&quot; That in itself is a large undertaking and usually Wikipedia articles are only interested in specific articles within the treaties that make up the Final Act. However while I see the use of copying all of the treaties that make up the Final Act, I see no reason in the medium term to copy over and proofread the whole of the sources I am using for that text: ''The Parliamentary Debates from the Year 1803 to the Present Time'', volume 2, 1 Feb to 6 march 1816. Even more so as the text is formatted in a way that make reading it difficult (so I am using a couple of other sources to help with formatting and some minor translation alterations). As I wrote in the introduction to ''[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna/Act I]]''  &quot;This translation was laid before the British Parliament on 2 February 1816, with some additional formatting from the French original.&quot; The reason for this is that the French formatting is close to modern English that that used in the Parliamentary translation.
::So I think that you need to consider when suggesting that the whole text of a secondary source is included, whether that is the most useful use of editors time or even if it is desirable when what is most useful for modern use by as [[Wikipedia:Wikipedia:Article titles|:Wikipedia:Article titles]] puts it &quot;The ... description of the subject that someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area will recognize.&quot; Ie someone interested in (but probably not an expert in) the Napoleonic wars, or the post war concord, may well be interested in the details of the treaties without being in the leaset interested in the Prince Regents speech to the British Parliament at the start of the 1816 session.
::It may be in the future that someone somewhere will want a copy of that speech, but until it is requested (eg via a link from an article on Wikipedia), I think that editors can use their limited time here to support the project in ways that are more help to the someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area.
::-- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 14:46, 3 October 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: You need to think of it in terms of things like [[w:WP:NPOV|WP:NPOV]], [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]] and [[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]]: if we allowed arbitrary extracts we would allow selective quotation of whatever subsets of a work supported someone's point of view (maybe [[w:WP:UNDUE|WP:UNDUE]] is an apposite reference?). Our equivalent to [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]] is to make sure works are previously published, and not self-published. For [[w:WP:V|WP:V]] we use proofreading from a scan of the original, rather than just cut&amp;pasting some text from the web somewhere. For example, if you are adding text that is an amalgamation of multiple sources (the text you mentioned as hard to read), or are adding text from one edition but formatting it according to a completely different edition, you are essentially just creating a completely new edition. In analogy, you are violating [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]]/[[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]], [[w:WP:V|WP:V]], and [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]].{{pbr}}We do not require anyone to actually proofread entire publications (they can literally be a lifetime's work in length), but whenever you are looking at something more granular than &quot;book&quot; it ends up being an assessment of whether the text qualifies as a stand-alone ''work'' (think &quot;stand-alone article&quot; or &quot;… list&quot; in enWP terms: [[w:WP:GNG|WP:GNG]]-like assessments apply) or whether it is a mere excerpt from a larger work. A poem of a few lines can certainly qualify as a stand-alone work, but even a full chapter excerpted from a novel would not. Your Richard I example might pass that bar, as it looks like a complete letter or speech (I didn't check its published context; it needs scan-backing and situating within the context of the work within it was published in any case), but the text currently under discussion doesn't because not only is it an excerpt from ''The History of Birmingham'' but it is also in turn an excerpt of ''God in the Mount''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:23, 3 October 2021 (UTC)

== [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] ==

Unsourced Old English poem. I can't find a scan of the original source, or any source that was definitely published before 1926.

I'm sure the poem probably is real, but if it's unsourced there's no way to ''prove'' it wasn't just invented as a hoax. Modern books mention the poem, but that's not quite good enough.

Someone more knowledgable in Old English literature than me might be able to find a source and/or prove what we have transcribed here is legitimate. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:00, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

: This is one of the [[w:Anglo-Saxon metrical charms]]. It's certainly a &quot;thing&quot;:
:* https://uw.digitalmappa.org/58 (Look under Charms -&gt; Against the Water-Elf disease).
:* https://ota.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/repository/xmlui/bitstream/handle/20.500.12024/3009/3009.html?sequence=6&amp;isAllowed=y (No. 344)
: The [[w:Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records]] contains this in volume 6 (1942), but that was renewed: {{copyright renewal|R491174}}.
: That said, this is from the 10th century: even if ASPR 6 is the only printed source ever, this is pretty clearly PD unless this edition has copyrightable modifications. At worst we could use the manuscript above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:03, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Rho9998}} this seems like it might be in your wheelhouse: do you know of a good modern-ish source for this that's in the PD? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:41, 8 August 2021 (UTC)

::: {{re|Inductiveload}} There is Cockayne's 1864 edition of the &quot;Leechbook&quot; in which the poem is found; I don't think there are any editions in the public domain after that. The poem can be found on page 350 of the Internet Archive upload: https://archive.org/details/leechdomswortcun02cock/page/350/mode/2up

:::: {{re|Rho9998}} Amazing, thank you!
:::: The index is already up (along with vols 1 and 3): [[Index:Leechdoms wortcunning and starcraft of early England volume 2.djvu]] due to the industry of @[[User:Beleg Tâl]]! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 9 August 2021 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: The transcription from ASPR does not appear to match that of the ''Leechbook'', suggesting the mere transcription may have copyrightable elements (akin to a translation). In either case, the fragment at [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] is not scan-backed to either ASPR or the ''Leechbook''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:57, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

== The complete works of Count Tolstoy ==

Some page scans of (mostly) Wiener's &quot;The complete works of Count Tolstoy&quot;
exist as 2 versions:

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_01.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_03.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc03tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_04.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc04tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_12.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc12tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_13.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc13tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_17.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc17tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_21.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc21tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_22.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc22tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_24.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc24tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_26.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc26tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_28.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc28tols).pdf]]


To avoid that people start editing them twice, one of these
sets should be deleted. Because the indices with the *.djvu
seem to have been used already in the  
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy ,
the preferential deletion should target the PDF versions, not the DJVU. [On the other hand, the PDF volumes seem to be complete but some DJVU volumes missing, so a homogeneous name space would rather keep the PDF...]
[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 10:04, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:Well, that's frustrating, given that I speedy deleted several of the pdfs as duplicates back a few months and someone has blithely recreated them. Yes, once any proofread pages have been appropriately dealt with, '''delete''' all the pdf versions and also delete the template that lists the volumes. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 21:58, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:There is a message of some &quot;InductiveBot&quot; of 2021-05-17 in [[Page:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksof02tols).pdf/107]] which says that some DJVU pages have been moved to the PDF pages. Will something like this happen again, if the PDF scans are deleted? (I'll start to copy all contents of the PDF pages to the DJVU...). - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 12:24, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
::@[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]]: {{ul2|InductiveBot}} is a bot operated by {{ul2|Inductiveload}} If it moved these pages it was probably in response to a request someone made. I would suggest you hold off moving any pages until we figure out the background and decide definitively what indexes we are going to use. It is also probably best to let an admin do it to avoid a lot of cleanup afterwards. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 1 September 2021 (UTC)

:: (E/C) This was talked about before, but no much seems to have happened: [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-05#Tolstoy_(Wiener)...]].
:: {{Re|R. J. Mathar}} please do not copy the content, that's a complete waste of everyone's time and removes history. I'll move any pages if needed. Manually moving pages between indexes is rarely the right thing to do, because if you do that, whoever does the move properly will need to delete the copied pages first.
:: Volume 2 was missing pages in the DJVU, so it was migrated to the PDF (see the deletion log at [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]]). If we want to go for a full set of DJVUs, that needs fixing. Or do we want a mixed set? 
:: If a batch upload of the missing DJVU volumes is desired, I can do that if provided with a spreadsheet of metadata as explained here [[User:Inductiveload/Requests/Batch uploads]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:36, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:I had in mind to do some Tolstoy a while back and found this mire, when I noticed an admin assisting the disruption I stopped trying to sort it out.  It is very easy to waste a lot of thoughtful contributors time with a few clicks. Can someone please ping the relevant accounts? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 12:57, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:This is one of the templates, [[Template:The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes]], and the history of the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Template:Works_of_Tolstoy_(Wiener)&amp;action=history other]. &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:22, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Languageseeker}} do you have any comment on what you were attempting to achieve? [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 23:06, 10 October 2021 (UTC)
:: As I recall, I started importing this set for the inaugural MC because someone recommended Anna Karenina. I didn’t realize that someone had already started this one as a DJVU set because it wasn’t listed on the Tolstoy page. Then, while looking through some of the Tolstoy works, I stumbled across the partial set of DJVUs. So, I requested that the text be merged over to the PDF because some of the DJVUs had missing pages or were worser quality. Beeswaxcandle then deleted the PDFs leaving to partial sets. Soon afterwards, I had to take a wiki break. It seems that in the meantime, someone began improving the DJVU set and restored the PDFs. Now, it seems like we have three choices. First, move the pages over from the DJVu to the PDF and delete the DJVU set. Two, import all the PDFs, move the page list over, merge the PDF pages to the DJVu, delete all the PDFs. Three, create a mixed set of PDFs and DJVUs by moving the pages over from the PDFs to the DJVUs and then deleting the PDFs. Two seems like the most work, three will produce a more confusing template, and one will require a bot to move stuff. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:33, 10 October 2021 (UTC)

I added the missing pages 311 and 312 (that is 337 and 338 if counted from 1) to the Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_02.djvu version on the wikimedia commons, copying the pages from the PDF scans. So at least that djvu-volume does no longer have missing pages. It would be useful to know exactly which other dvju volumes miss which pages. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 13:23, 15 October 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|R. J. Mathar}} It should be noted that [[:File:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] is based on {{IA|completeworksof02tols}} however [[:File:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]] was based on {{IA|completeworksofc03tols}}. The First is a Univ. of Florida scan of one of their prints while the latter is an MSN scan of a CDL print. It appears you created some strange Frankenstein of the two of them. I just upload [https://archive.org/download/completeworksof02tols/completeworksof02tols.djvu completeworksof02tols.djvu] over it and change the documented source (which was originally only documented as  &quot;Internet Archive&quot;). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 18:24, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
The difference between these two can be easily viewed by comparing:
{|
|DJVU ||{{Works of Tolstoy (Wiener)}}
|-
|PDF ||style=&quot;font-size:0.9em&quot;|{{The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes}}
|}
I filled in the missing DJVU Index pages (and media on Commons) since only [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 2|Volume 2]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 20|Volume 20]] are currently transcluding from the PDFs (where as [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 12|Volume 12]], [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 23|Volume 23]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 24|Volume 24]] are from the DJVUs). They aren't particularly pretty but they are now there (the PDFs seem only slightly better as some of the DJVUs seem to have extraneous pages and the OCR is misaligned between pages). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 19:20, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Korean Air Lines Flight 007 transcripts]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, no consensus--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 02:00, 7 December 2021 (UTC)|text=
An amalgamation of something like 7 different sources of data, all of them selectively included, and compiled into an original work on-wiki. The result is interesting and valuable, but it is [[WS:WWI|out of scope]] for Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:18, 7 September 2021 (UTC)
*It is one work, though compiled from several sources. I do not believe it is original to Wikisource, but to the United Nations; although I have not verified this presumption. The compilation (being chronological) is not creative, and thus does not have copyright. The coloring is useful, and quite interesting. I do not think it to be quite without scope, however. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
}}

== Everything in the mainspace in [[:Category:Project disclaimers]] ==

I feel like this might be a hot take since these have been around a long time, but I don't think the mainspace is the appropriate place to have these disclaimers.

In December 2015, [[User:Library Guy]] moved the page [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] (now a mainspace redirect, which I also disagree with) to [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] with the comment &quot;shouldn't be in main namespace&quot;. They are not works at all, nor are they actual sections of the original encyclopedias themselves, so I don't believe they belong in the mainspace.

At the very least, the mainspace project disclaimers should be moved to appropriate sections of the project namespace, without redirects being left behind. However, I think these overly specific disclaimers are probably products of another time, when Wikisource was younger and it was being used more so than to-day as an aid and supplement to Wikipedia's efforts. We also have [[Wikisource:General disclaimer]] which (at least in a broader way) covers most of the things said in these pages. I would be fine with just to '''delete''' them.

However, I'll leave the interpretation to consensus below. Should the entries be moved to other namespaces, or deleted entirely? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 19:17, 11 September 2021 (UTC)

{{smaller|Edit: Also pinging {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} in case the Library Guy account won't be used a while. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)}}
*'''Oppose.''' Thanks for pinging the other account. Maybe something like {{tl|AuxTOC}} can be used to wrap the disclosures.  I imagine the information is available elsewhere, but I think it is good idea to make the disclaimer information more immediately available for the encyclopedia projects.  I've never checked the alternative disclaimers cited.  They seem too obscure to me. The contents listings for the encyclopedias are also not part of the source.  Something should probably be done there.  Maybe just {{tl|AuxTOC}} could work somehow.  The disclaimers could be moved back to the main namespace with a wrapper of some sort since it seems tough to wrap a redirect. Seems fair to keep around the redirect though since the destination makes things clear. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 13:45, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} You don't think moving them to another namespace is a good idea, at least, as you've done at EB1911? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:I think putting the disclaimer in the project namespace is an effective solution, but you were talking about deleting the redirect, and the wrapper solution, which I have become aware of more lately, would avoid the redirect.  I like the current solution better than the wrapper for the disclaimer.  The wrapper solution ({{tl|AuxTOC}}) would work better for the tables of contents.  It is widely used.  I will also mention the [[ACAB]] disclaimer has some things that I think are really very necessary for that work. Probably the encyclopedia disclaimers should at least refer to the General discliamer. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 17:17, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' These project disclaimers were added a long time ago, and are a part of the project’s set-up. While, strictly speaking, they are not neccessary, I think that, at this point, it would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them. Certainly, they should not be made now; but I do not think they should be deleted. Any move (across namespaces) would necessitate a cross-namespace redirect, owing to the age of the original name. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;It would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them.&quot; – For what reason do you say that? Age alone isn't a reason to keep—there are lots of old relics that we've deleted at WS:PD. Assuming that we delink all references to it in the mainspace (which is what I'm advocating for by the way), what harm would this do to the project itself, reading- or editing-wise? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: The “old relics” which have been deleted were entire works—although they were usually not quite so entire; this is not the case here. I '''oppose''' removing the references, as the continuity of use of them (my meaning in ''age'' here, my apologies for the confusion) would be so disrupted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:15, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;The old relics were entire works; this is not the case here.&quot; Right, they aren't works at all, nor parts of works, in any sense. The mainspace is for ''works'', not entire user-generated pages dedicated to explaining some bits of information about how a work ought to be used, especially when all of those notices are already fundamentally covered by [[WS:General disclaimer]]. Furthermore, the initial question I had has still not been answered. That is, why, specifically, would the removal of these disclaimers in the mainspace be so destructive to the encyclopedia projects? You even admit that &quot;strictly speaking, they are not necessary&quot;, so if something isn't necessary, why would deleting it be so detrimental? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:06, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: They are not ''as a rule'' necessary, but these in particular have been made necessary ''as an exception'' because of their long use. No, the notices are not covered by the general disclaimer; that is why they are project-specific, and deleting them would entail recourse to the general (and thus not specifically useful) disclaimer, while losing the information of specific relevance to the articles at hand. They generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules regarding “verifiability,” “notability,” and such, I believe; such being the reason for their initial creation. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:14, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Wikipedians copying and referencing material that happens to be in the public domain is nothing new as you say. The entire sum of human media before 1923, and now before 1926, is a pretty wide scope of works after all, which, theoretically, we should have transcribed in its totality at Wikisource. I've seen entire plot summary sections of Wikipedia articles having been copied verbatim from public domain film magazines, for example (as of now, film magazine coverage at Wikisource is incredibly slim, however ''theoretically'' we should have them all). There are a ton of nonfiction works, encyclopedias included but also dictionaries, atlases, certain magazines, textbooks, newspapers, masters' theses, and the list goes on. Any number of these things are copied and/or used at Wikipedia all the time. Should we make mainspace disclaimers specific to these, too? How about I put a page like that in [[The Masses (periodical)]], to make sure that Wikipedians who might use it know that ''The Masses'' purposefully has a socialist slant, and that articles shouldn't be copied to Wikipedia because it's not NPOV? The encyclopedia disclaimers set a bad precedent that way, and I'm a bit worried something like that might be tried one day because of it.

And anyway, if &quot;they generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules&quot;, that seems like a bad thing to me. Why is that our responsibility? What is done with the information in the encyclopedias at Wikipedia should ''by no means'' be our specific responsibility. We're a very different project from them, and Wikipedians can go to pages like [[Wikisource:For Wikipedians]] to get an idea of that.

Furthermore, I disagree that these disclaimer pages are useful even. Let's look at [[Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Project Disclaimer]] as an example. It says:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Inaccuracies:''' The articles of the 1921 edition of Collier's New Encyclopedia were based upon the information available to the editors and contributors at the time of their original publication in the early 20th century. Changing circumstances and more recent research may have rendered this information obsolete or revealed it to be inaccurate, especially in the areas of science, law, and ethnography. Readers should bear this in mind when using the information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
There is an entire section dedicated to this very thing covered by [[WS:GD]], which says for example (while not with the exact wording):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] we cannot guarantee (in any way whatsoever) the validity of the documents found here. In particular, medical or legal texts on Wikisource may be incorrect or out of date. We suggest contacting a qualified professional for such information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
The next section:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Transcription errors:''' These articles are transcribed from the originals by volunteers, sometimes directly and sometimes by correcting a preliminary OCR conversion. While we strive for perfect accuracy, there may be transcription errors in the articles.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
What [[WS:GD]] says about the same thing (although the wording isn't very specific so it's easy to misconstrue):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] material found here may not be reviewed by professionals who are knowledgeable in the particular areas of expertise necessary to ensure the accuracy of the texts.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
So we can take out those bits because they aren't necessary for an entire separate page. What we're left with is the very first paragraph, which states:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Title usage:''' Use of the titles Collier's New Encyclopedia or Collier's Encyclopedia is strictly to acknowledge titles used to refer to the edition of 1921 which has gone into the public domain in the United States due to the expiration of its copyright there. Any reference to this material should explicitly note the original date of publication.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
Trademark law is not mentioned in the general disclaimer. However, at this point all we have is a paragraph, which is enough for just being in the notes section on the header of the encyclopedia work.

However, even this trademark law bit ''could'' be mentioned in the general disclaimer, but isn't for some reason. Really, any number of works hosted at Wikisource are probably still protected by trademark in some jurisdictions, and we really shouldn't leave a disclaimer about it on every work that applies to. We should probably mention, in the general disclaimer, that the use of the titles of some works, or the identities of the characters in them, may violate trademark laws in some jurisdictions which is unrelated to copyright.

I'd like to end the post by saying that I think much the material in these project disclaimers could be either included or made more specific in the [[WS:General disclaimer]]. I don't like how vague the general disclaimer currently is on many issues, so it certainly could be improved. However, the issues with the general disclaimer does not necessitate the existence of a specific project disclaimer page, in the ''mainspace'' of all places, for every single encyclopedia we have that I know of. I think the improvement of our general disclaimer should be discussed by the way (probably separately to this discussion). [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:58, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: Many encyclopedias (''e.g.'', ''EB'', ''EA'') are still covered by trademark law, but ''most'' (if not effectively all) books are not. My response to your (rhetorical?) question about ''The Masses'' is the following: No, it should not have a disclaimer, because ''no ''new'' disclaimers should be made''. The maintenance (read: non-deletion) of these project disclaimers harks back to when Wikipedia copied at large from the old encyclopedias, and they noted them back to Wikisource. The disclaimers were added to the projects at the time to facilitate this, and thus, to maintain this ''ad-hoc'' “backwards compatibility,” they should be kept. I disagree with your interpretation above: the ''Collier’s'' disclaimer is more specific than the general disclaimer, and thus is useful. (This is the case with other project disclaimers, as well.) I also believe that the general disclaimer is perfectly functional in its current state: being a ''general'' disclaimer, it doesn’t need excruciating detail. I agree regarding the general disclaimer discussion; for another time, perhaps. (As for the old film magazines, they are quite interesting, but with so many images, it is a daunting prospect.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:13, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: There have apparently been incidents regarding the use of the Sherlock Holmes character in newer works, as policed by the Doyle estate. However I'll digress on everything else, for the sake of further community input on this issue. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:27, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::*Ah, but Sherlock Holmes is not ''title'', but ''character''; for ''titles'', there are but few trademarks, though for characters, there are many more. (I am reminded of “[[w:Arsène Lupin versus Herlock Sholmes|Herlock Sholmes]],” though from whence I know not.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:32, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::My understanding is that the issues around Sherlock Holmes are around copyright because some works are in and some works are not, with the claim that derivative works are derivative of those works still in copyright, the trademark in terms of print [[https://trademarks.justia.com/779/37/sherlock-77937813.html was abandonded]]. Tarzan on the other hand has had court cases around the character and is a live trademark. Winnie-the-Pooh and Steamboat Willie will be other interesting cases of this.  [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 15:01, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{ping|MarkLSteadman}} It'd be a shame if Sherlock Holmes as a character was still under ''copyright proper'' in the UK. In the US, the original being public domain would allow for derivative works of that original interpretation to therefore be allowed, not counting in the possible exception of a trademark still being in effect. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:07, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::: {{ping|PseudoSkull}} The claim of the Doyle Estate was that while Sherlock Holmes as a character is in the PD as represented in the PD works, Sherlock Holmes as a character is not in the PD as represented in the still copyrighted works. Specifically, they talk about Holmes showing emotion, respect for women etc. as a development in the later works and still copyrighted. This particular issue will go mostly away, thankfully, come January when the next batch of stories enter the PD, but the main legal question is what counts as &quot;original interpretation&quot; of the character and what is still copyrighted. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:42, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
: '''Strongly support''' moving these to WS namespace. Neutral regarding actually deleting them (at least within the scope of the current discussion) —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 15:33, 13 September 2021 (UTC)
* delete [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 12:54, 16 September 2021 (UTC)
* {{vd}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:53, 2 October 2021 (UTC)
* '''Support''' moving to WS project space and then either linking from main or transcluding to main in some sort of default collapsed wrapper. I prefer linking as trascluding is similar to transcluding page transcriptions but either way the data would remain easily accessible from main while still moving it technically out of main. —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 00:27, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

== Excerpts of works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]] ==

The following works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]], uploaded and translated by [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]], are excerpts or fragments of larger works, with the rest of the work omitted; and thus are out of [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|scope]] for hosting on Wikisource:
* [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]]
* [[Translation:Final swim]]
* [[Translation:Provincial story]]
—[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 20:10, 12 October 2021 (UTC)

: The three miniatures translated by me are fully completed little novellas that have only an indirect relation to the content of the book that includes them. This is the case when one work, more extensive, contains another — smaller in volume: this happens in literature. The book written in genre of &quot;travel literature&quot;, telling about real events. The miniatures (exhibited for delete) are created in the artistic genre. They are small fantasy scenes played in the mind of the main character of the documentary work. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 05:26, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:: {{re|Виктор Пинчук}} If [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are NOT excerpts from ''Six months by islands...'', but instead are themselves complete works, that were published within ''Six months by islands...'', then I believe we can host them. As for [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], you identified it as a &quot;fragment of an article&quot;; so it does not appear to be a full article. If it is only a portion of an article, I do not think we can host it here. We can *omit* portions of an article, if necessary due to copyright, but in this case most of the article appears to be missing. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:48, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::* {{reply to|Beleg Tâl}} Any of my newspaper articles is part of a series of articles devoted to some topic, and any of my books is part of a description of adventures from my life. So you can get to the point of absurdity, figuring out where a &quot;part of the work&quot; is and where &quot;the whole work&quot; is.&lt;br&gt;
::* If, for example, an extensive newspaper article on a political topic describes a meeting of the president of a certain country with a representative of a neighboring state, at which one of those present told an anecdote unrelated to politics, then the [[w:Russian jokes|anecdote]] taken out of context can be considered a separate work, and not part of an article on a political topic.
::* My Newspaper article (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg) written in the genre of [[w:Opinion journalism|&quot;journalism&quot;]], but the fragment (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Translation:Flight_of_fantasy) — that is part of it is written with the help of [[w:Grotesque|grotesque]].[[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 15:16, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
::*: If an extensive newspaper article about politics contained an anecdote, I still don't think we would be willing to host the anecdote without the surrounding article. I'd be interested in seeing the opinions of other editors on the subject. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

: For clarity, Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.
: I would be gently inclined to keep this as it technically does meet [[WS:WWI]] (published, free license, original source text exists). Publication in a local paper is indeed a low bar, but we set the bar at &quot;publication of any sort except self-publication&quot;. However, I would like to see the following issues addressed before I commit to a &quot;keep&quot;:
:* The work should be scan-backed against the relevant page scan, e.g. [[:File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg]]
:* The page scans in question need to be redacted further as the other photos on the page are not PD or freely licensed.
:* The images like [[:File:Бомж-тур-агентство (иллюстрация к миниатюре «Полёт фантазии»).jpg]] do not appear in the original and should be removed.
:* They should exist as subpages of the newspaper (''Respublica Krim'') rather than floating untethered in mainspace.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:13, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Inductiveload}} There are several works by Pinchuk which I am ''not'' proposing for deletion, because they are published in a local paper and as such meet our publication requirements. The three which I am bringing to the attention of WS:PD are specifically because they are ''exerpts'' and not full works, as per [[WS:WWI#Excerpts]]. &quot;Provincial story&quot; and &quot;Final swim&quot; are not works, they are extracts from the 1916 book ''Six months by islands...''. If the book ''Six months by islands...'' were added to Wikisource in full, I would have no further objection to keeping these portions within it. Similarly, &quot;Flight of fancy&quot; is a ''fragment'' of an article published in ''Respublica Krim''; if the article in its entirety were to be hosted, I would have no further objection. 
:: To your other comments: I have already scan-backed all of the other works we have by Pinchuk, and removed images or added {{tl|image missing}} as needed. I'm neutral on the idea of having the entire structure of ''Respublica Krim'' in Translation space just for these articles (though of course I would demand it in mainspace). —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:39, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::Ah, well, then I am guilty of not paying full attention and thought these were just small self-contained works. Indeed, all of these are fragments of works-as-published and thus are indeed out of scope. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:49, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{re|Inductiveload}} Pinchuk has convinced me that [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are complete works ''per se'', despite being published within a larger work. I am still not convinced about [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], which apparently is comparable to a tangential anecdote being exerpted from a longer article detailing the full conversation. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

* The scan has been corrected, photos not participating in Wikisource have been deleted. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg
* Illustrations of texts posted on Wikisource must exactly match the scanned source, and cannot contain author's additions?
* Yes, ''Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.'' I hope here is no [[w:Corpus delecti|corpus delicti]]?
* The newspaper strip does not includ enough space: not all photos are placed on it. Wikisource is an electronic version, there is more space here. Why not post illustrations that are not included in the newspaper, but belong to the author? (In this case, the illustrations were created by the author specifically for Wikisource.) For example, this: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Бомж-тур-агентство_(иллюстрация_к_миниатюре_«Полёт_фантазии»).jpg [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 12:05, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:* {{Re|Виктор Пинчук}} thank you for the redaction of the image.
:* R.e. {{tqi|1=Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk}}, that is just a clarification to make it clear that you are the author in question in case it's not obvious to others. There's no problem with it.
:* R.e. the illustrations: Wikisource is a repository of texts ''as published''. English Wikisource doesn't accept self-published works. Thus, while the version of the works that appeared in ''Respublica Krim'' are in scope, self-published editions are not. Also, under [[WS:ANN]], {{tqi|Purely decorative illustrations and images. (Known as grangerisation or extra-illustration)}} are specifically excluded from permissible annotations.
:* Note that Wikisource is not a publishing platform for ''users'' work, it's a platform for ''published works'', which in this case, just happens to be by a user: yourself. If it had not been published in a paper, it would be out of scope. If you would like to host your own work somewhere online and it's not in some published format, I do not think the WMF ecosystem contains such a platform. Usually content like that is published via personal website, blogs, or sites like Medium or those mentioned at [[meta:Wikifiction]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:07, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::*I don’t have texts that have not been published in newspapers, magazines, or books, but there are illustrations that, for technical reasons, did not fit into officially publications. These illustrations are not [[w:Grangerisation|Grangerization]] and they are not [[w:Extra-illustration |extra-illustration]]: they correspond to the theme of the material. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 06:05, 14 October 2021 (UTC)

: {{ping|Beleg Tâl}}, {{ping|Inductiveload}} Would you say that the issues raised here have been resolved and this thread can be closed, or is there still more to be done? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:49, 11 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[The American in Holland]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:09, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
: A scan is available here {{IA small link|americaninhollan00grifrich}} if someone wants to match and split the current text. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:11, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:43, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Ingram)]] ==

This is an incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

* If you look at the discussion page, the source is identified and linked. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:14, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  The discussion pages lists at least 5 different sources of which one is still under copyright. The question is which one of these five is the source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*** That is noted and explained in the Notes on the main page of the work. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 05:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
****  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  So the 1912 text mentioned in header is actually a 2003 transcription of the 1912 work that has a copyright of 2003 and is for personal use only. Does that matter? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***** So you agree that this has a source, even though the deletion rationale you gave was that it is &quot;unsourced&quot;? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:24, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
******  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] Yes, I was wrong about the unsourced part. Mea Culpa. I went too fast on these. Despite this, it's still only a small fragment of a work that is over 400 pages long. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:32, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:42, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Myths and Tales from the San Carlos Apache]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The source is a defunct website. There is absolutely no way to assess where the text came from or to continue the work without finding a scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:45, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The Web-site is archived, and the archive contains the relevant text. Even if that were not the case, the singular priting is available [https://digitallibrary.amnh.org/handle/2246/164 here]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:08, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text is incomplete and the original source no longer exists.  The alternative source linked in the above discussion shows a document that differs markedly from what we currently have.  If someone sets up an Index page and begins transcription, they can do so at this title, but the current content does not meet the standards of [[WS:WWI]]: It is a second-hand transcription; it lacks key content in the portions that have been included; and it is a partial work.  Most significantly, it is a scholarly work which has had all the footnotes stripped from it.  Academic citations are a central component of any scholarly work.  Even if the rest of the text were pulled from the Archive of the web site, it is still a second-hand transcription, and lacks key content of the original. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:42, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Apostrophe to the Ocean]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
**This is not an “incomplete” work, ''per se''. It is an excerpt from “[[The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 2/Childe Harold's Pilgrimage/Canto IV|Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage]],” although one that has historically been considered a separate work, as published under the title of “[[The Reciter/Address to the ocean|Address to the Ocean]].” My !vote stands as to the stated rationale. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:25, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::I did not see anything in the 1818 publication referencing that name: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/childeharoldspil22byro}}, need to find an example when it was published under that name independently, the first I found is {{ext scan link|https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008916734}} ... [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 19:25, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Analysis of the Sexual Impulse]] ==

Unformatted, copydump. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:14, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Work is complete. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:32, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The work is unformated from a PGDP text file. It is missing it's footnotes and has numerous instances of italics marked as &quot;_sexual impulse_.&quot; [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:28, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The underscores can be replaced easily; I do not see how this problem justifies deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:16, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
**** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]  If it were just the italics, I could see how that could be fixed by a bot, but the references would need to be added manually. They're more or less mixed into the text. IMHO, it would take quite a bit of work to finish this text and it seems better to be done on a scan than this. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:36, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:36, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
*I have reformatted the work. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:10, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

==[[The Wreck of the Steamer &quot;Stella&quot;]]==
Speedy deletion contested: original by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]], with claim “out of scope - secondary transcription.” However, there is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription. A secondary transcription is a transcription made at another site and then imported here, from my understanding of the closed proposal. This work is marked as “no source”; thus, it is not evident that it originated from an illegal source. For the record, I '''oppose''' the deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:58, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:I'm interpreting the policy as including &quot;no source&quot; as being &quot;secondary transcriptions&quot; by default. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:15, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:: There is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription.  If there is no source, then it cannot be a secondary transcription, and if it is a secondary transcription, then it has a source.  The two cases are inherently mutually exclusive. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:42, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] What is to stop users from source washing by simply omitting the secondary source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:21, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::I think it would be good to communicate to contributors clearly what we expect them to do, if what we want them to do is to provide a source we should explicitly communicate that to them. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 20:07, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::I did reach out to the user and offer to find them a scan. Part of the rationale for this policy is to stop further unsourced/secondary transcriptions. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::You mean: how can you police the honesty of contributors?  That's an entirely separate issue, and not relevant for this deletion discussion. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]])
:::::It’s about making a presumption that no source = secondary transcription as the most likely scenario. The other works that the user posted are from a secondary source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
: This almost certainly was copied from one of the many secondary transcriptions online, which are probably copying each other and I hazard likely eventually back to [https://archive.org/details/yetmorepoeticgem0000mcgo/page/30/mode/2up Yet More Poetic Gems], which is a British 1980 compilation and therefore copyrighted (the compilation, probably not the poem). It would be a lot better if the original source could be found, probably in some periodical, but if it can't be, a &quot;naked&quot; text is the best we can have, though there would always be an open question over whether it was modified in the 1980 edition (with a small but non-zero risk of creative input: cf. [https://mjpbooks.com/blog/the-senseless-tragic-rape-of-charles-bukowskis-ghost-by-john-martins-black-sparrow-press/ the posthumous &quot;improvement&quot; of Charles Bukowski's work]). So it could be an exception to the second hand text thing based on lack of public domain source. Any ideas where the original was published, anyone? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:41, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:: According to [[w:List of William McGonagall poems|Wikipedia]], the poem was first published in 1962 in More Poetic Gems. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:54, 17 February 2022 (UTC)–
::: That can't be right, it sounds like it was likely first published in some local Dundee paper around the time of the event. That Wikipedia list looks like someone has just transcribed the TOCs of the collections at the IA. For example, [https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/roundtable/disaster-poet apparently] the one about Gilfillan was published in the ''Dundee Weekly News'', not in a 1962 collection, 60 years after McGonagall's death. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:14, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: This begets the question of how much work do we need to do to hunt down the original publication. If the uploader transcribed the poem from an original publication, they should be able to easily list it. Otherwise, I'm inclined to presume that they simply copied it from an online source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:28, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Can you solve the mystery and tell us the source of this poem? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:31, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::[https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762 Worldcat] says that the poem was originally published in 1899. But I haven't been able to find an instance of the original publication. [[User:DoublePendulumAttractor|DoublePendulumAttractor]] ([[User talk:DoublePendulumAttractor|talk]]) 03:05, 20 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{ping|Languageseeker|DoublePendulumAttractor}} You might want to note that &quot;[[Lines in Praise of Tommy Atkins]]&quot; was also published in [https://web.archive.org/web/20171210022327/http://www.mcgonagall-online.org.uk/publications/more-poetic-gems ''More Poetic Gems''] (1962).&lt;br&gt;I really don't have any access to print media (although I surely wish I did), and searching Google Books doesn't yield anything with &quot;Preview available&quot;, but I ''do'' know that [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Poems_published_posthumously several other poems] have been published posthumously; that &lt;u&gt;'''''might'''''&lt;/u&gt; have been the case with these two poems. Just giving you some advice. [[User:Shāntián Tàiláng|Shāntián Tàiláng]] ([[User talk:Shāntián Tàiláng|talk]]) 16:28, 23 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Thank you. This source would make it a secondary transcription and out-of-scope. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:51, 27 February 2022 (UTC)

: {{keep}} It rather seems to me that this poem will not be easy to scan-back due to lack of unambiguously copyright-free physical copies. While any one poem is clearly in the PD, the actual book ''Yet More Poetic Gems'' is not because copyright subsists in the collection itself, so we can't host a scan of that book.
: Thus, I suggest that this poem should be permitted, since it's unreasonable to expect someone to use a scan if ''no-one'' can find a scan. If a scan comes along in future, probably due to digitisation of some local Dundee broadsheet, this &quot;unsourced edition&quot; (in that it's not clearly tied to a physical edition, though it likely is ''YMPGs'') can be replaced with a suitably backed copy. In the mean time, we have {{tl|unsourced}} and {{tl|second-hand}} to make it's provenance, or lack thereof, clear.
: This is, IMO, an appropriate time to invoke a [[WS:WWI#Consensus]] exception due to the unusual lack of ''any'' hostable scan for the work.
: If scans ''were'' available, I would expect those to be used instead for all the usual reasons. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:25, 27 February 2022 (UTC)
::apparantly there is a broadsheet floating out there [https://books.google.com/books?id=IdWlNwAACAAJ&amp;dq=The+Wreck+of+the+Steamer+%22Stella%22&amp;hl=en&amp;newbks=1&amp;newbks_redir=0&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwipwN-B96f2AhUqg3IEHdR1CXgQ6AF6BAgLEAE]; [https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762&amp;referer=brief_results] - but it might be hard to find to scan. when you delete it you make it harder to find. (maybe you should contact the Univ Edin. group at WMUK --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:19, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::: National Library of Scotland has a print copy dated 1899 [https://search.nls.uk/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=44NLS_ALMA21525181290004341&amp;context=L&amp;vid=44NLS_VU1&amp;lang=en_US&amp;search_scope=SCOPE1&amp;adaptor=Local%20Search%20Engine&amp;query=any,contains,William%20McGonagall&amp;facet=topic,include,Shipwrecks&amp;mode=basic&amp;offset=0]. Therefore in scope (as are any other of McGonagall's poems being nominated). As we have NLS people involved here talk to their liaison contact {{ping|LilacRoses}} and see if they can help. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:55, 3 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1895)]] ==

Unsourced reprint of the scan-backed text [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1887)]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:32, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
*Just redirect the pages of the old version to the chapters of the new version. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:52, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
**They're not printed from the plates, so it's not quite correct to just redirect. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:23, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
: It's unsourced with an existing scan-backed version so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:50, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{keep}} It is not unsourced. Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:30, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]]: Just who are you !voting should do this work? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:05, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::??? [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:07, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just who is it you are !voting should &quot;Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated.&quot;? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:26, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::It is just my suggested course of action. Whoever is interested can pick it or drop it. Same as &quot;Just redirect the pages ...&quot; above or &quot;rather migrate&quot; below. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:28, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::Yeah, the &quot;rather migrate&quot; below (and spammed across every discussion here) is about as useful. The &quot;just redirect&quot; is an effective delete vote, and within the bounds of what falls under the necessary work of handling deletion discussions. But finding and checking a scan, uploading it, creating an index, match&amp;splitting, proofreading all ~375 pages, and then re-transcluding is a &quot;somewhat&quot; bigger ask. Unless you're actually offering to this yourself, you're effectively voting that ''someone else'' should do all this work. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:46, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::You are making your own reality. My vote was clear and I added it would be better migrate the page. As far as &quot;who will do what&quot;, it will be who will feel like, as it is always been. Do not lecture me about what I am willing to do or not. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:20, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::And while you are giving such lessons, ask yourself why you deleted this: https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Log&amp;logid=11120068 and look at the history of the page. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:27, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::Uhm. Because it was proposed for deletion and all participating in the discussion were in favour of its deletion? As the link to the discussion that was included in the deletion log indicated? If you believe it was deleted in error then feel free to open an undeletion discussion. If you think ''I'' messed up (always a possibility) then I'd appreciate a headsup so I can fix whatever the mistake was. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:52, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::::If you can't see it by yourself, too bad. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:13, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::::You're really going to make me guess? *sigh* But, ok, provided I've guessed correctly… I've opened an undeletion discussion for it down in [[Special:PermanentLink/12192978#Undelete_Posthumous_Works_of_the_Author_of_A_Vindication_of_the_Rights_of_Woman|#Undelete Posthumous Works of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman]] and temporarily undeleted it pending the outcome, and pinged the participants of the previous discussion. I'd give good odds the outcome will be keep, as it usually is when anyone even expresses an interest in working on a text that's been proposed for deletion, not to mention when they've actually started working on it. Much as it would have been had you noted the fact you were working on it in the original discussion at any point during the 5+ weeks it was open. And as it also would have been had you dropped a note about the issue on my talk page a week and a half ago when it was deleted, so I could have reopened the discussion and polled the participants as we usually do in these situations. In fact, I don't believe I've ever seen a delete outcome for a text that someone is actually working on proofreading. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:17, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:51, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[1990 Census Name Files]] ==

This is a severely incomplete dump of a US Census Bureau website, containing only a tiny fraction of the data, and that is sourced to the Internet Archive archive of the website rather than the website itself. It is also mainly raw census statistical data (apart from the cover page), so strictly speaking out of scope. But mostly it's just pretty pointless for us to (badly) mirror the Internet Archive's mirror of a born-digital website which was subject to USGov archival regulations to begin with (you can still FOIA-request those pages and expect to have them handed over). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:26, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep (weak).''' This page ''is'' in scope, and the &lt;code&gt;dist.all.last&lt;/code&gt; directory is also technically in scope, by being an accompaniment to the main report. However, I do not think the table listing should be hosted, and I certainly think a listing of the first one hundred items in that list is more definitely so. However, excluding the somewhat related attachments, the page is complete, and connects to other pages. I would prefer neither of the pages be deleted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:43, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} born digital file that our &quot;open&quot; government persists in publishing in pdf. when you have reliable data link, migrate to commons data. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:49, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:King Alfred&amp;#39;s Old English version of St. Augustine&amp;#39;s Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu]] ==

This has been declined for a speedy delete, but I fail to see how this is not a duplicate of [[King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies Turned Into Modern English]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:41, 24 March 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The two title pages list 1902 and 1904 as the date, respectively, so they are clearly not identical. Both are scan-backed and fully proofread (though the proofreading does leave a bit to be desired, it seems: [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/61]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:15, 22 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] I think there is some confusion because the 1902 scan actually contains actually contains two separate works: Yale Studies in English XIII (1902) and Yale Studies in English XXII (1904). The proposed deletion is for [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. So I'm asking how does the [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/187|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]] differ from [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. My personal sense is that the fact that the 1902 book is bound with the 1904 work has thrown people off the scent. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:54, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary (unsourced)]] ==

Unsourced version of a work for which we have multiple scan-backed editions. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:59, 16 April 2022 (UTC)

== Subtemplates of {{tl|user lang subcat}} ==

* {{tl|user lang subcat/1}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/2}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/3}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/4}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/N}}

I've made significant edits to {{tl|user lang subcat}}, and its subtemplates are now just invocations of the main template. I've removed all uses of the subtemplates, and I think it would be good to delete them so as to avoid unnecessary maintenance. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:31, 17 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1880)]] ==

This work is not backed by a scanned source, the text contains numerous OCR artefacts, and there are clear instances where text is missing. These defects cannot be rectified because there is no indication of the original source (there is no front matter). There is a scan backed version of the work at [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1920)]], so this work should be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 01:03, 18 April 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom. I added links to 1880 scans from the British Library on the [[Author:Sabine Baring-Gould|author page]] if someone wants to create the index files to start a new proofreading effort from scratch. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 01:58, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{vd}} as above. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:12, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:'''Keep and replace''' with scans per the links added by MarkLSteadman. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 18:52, 29 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Category:Wikipedia administrators]] ==

I came across this while browsing the [[:Category:Wikipedia]] content category, but it just seems to be a list of administrators on another project, rather than content? Is this actually useful at all here, given that having Wikipedia admin access doesn't confer any extra access rights here? Thanks. [[User:Mike Peel|Mike Peel]] ([[User talk:Mike Peel|talk]]) 20:50, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{comment}} This category is automatically added by {{tl|User Wikipedia administrator}}, so deleting the category would mean nothing unless the template were also altered. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:27, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{vk}} — Having Wikipedia access rights can be useful here in cases where something would need to be done at Wikipedia in relation to a problem at Wikisource, so being able to browse this category is useful in that way. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:54, 29 May 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;Index:Newton's Principia - the mathematical principles of natural philosophy.djvu &lt;/s&gt;==

This appears to be a duplicate of the work already fully transcribed at [[Index:Newton's Principia (1846).djvu]] [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 03:31, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
:Speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:16, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity/FullText ==

This is the transclusion of the entire work of 'A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity' in one page, but the same index page is also transcluded into individual chapters as per the published work's table of contents. This page should therefore be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 14:03, 11 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Daniel Deronda]] ==

Languageseeker originally speedied this, where I converted it into a &lt;nowiki&gt;{{delete}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template. The comment they left was: &quot;scan back version complete at [[Daniel Deronda (First Edition)]]. Per the notes, this does not correspond to any printed edition.&quot;

I agree with the nomination, so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:05, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:23, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

{{vd}} In case [[Daniel_Deronda]] is deleted in favor of [[Daniel_Deronda_(First_Edition)]], all the subpages https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Daniel_Deronda/Volume* should also be deleted so they're not becoming orphant. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 11:00, 25 May 2022 (UTC)

== Unused toc templates ==

A cluster of now-unused toc templates (several of whom have been broken a long time):

*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h0}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h3}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1/2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s2}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content-nl}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title-nl}}
*{{tl|End}}

These old obsolete templates tend to get found randomly by new users and then start getting cut&amp;paste used again and again. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:37, 27 May 2022 (UTC)

:Note that {{tl|End}} is used in {{tl|Nixon-DD}} and related. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 17:45, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29).pdf]] ==

This is an incomplete computer printout for which the original publication has been proofread and transcluded at [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29 qp).pdf]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:48, 6 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Author:Reza Torkzadeh]] ==

A modern author, whose three books mentioned on this author page are claimed to be &quot;released by him into the public domain worldwide&quot;. I don't see any evidence, upon some Google research, that they are freely licensed at all, much less in the public domain. All of these recent edits related to this lawyer (on Wikidata, Wikimedia Commons, Wikiquote, and Wikisource at least) also seem to be promotional in nature, as they're targeted and specific to this lawyer. {{ping|Andilockwood}} Please note that '''all works''' that are contributed to Wikisource '''must''' follow [[Wikisource:Copyright policy]], and author pages should usually not be made for authors with no works that are freely licensed. The books would be acceptable if they really are in the public domain, though, because any book that went through a peer review process will be, and presumably the published books of a lawyer would qualify under that standard. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:48, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Andilockwood}} Are you the lawyer Reza Torkzadeh? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:50, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
::No. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:33, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
:::There are two free e-books available and one that just became available and is already a bestseller on Amazon. The latest book is not free and I am not sure if it will be for awhile. https://www.amazon.com/Reza-Torkzadeh/e/B08FCQ2NBJ/ref=dp_byline_cont_pop_book_1. The newest book is: https://rezat.com/2022/01/02/book-announcement-the-lawyer-as-ceo/ 
:::The free books are available by contacting the author through: https://rezat.com/ or downloading straight from https://www.torklaw.com/resources/accidents-happen-book/
:::So is the new release not able to be referenced? Just the two free books?
:::Thank you. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:41, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*Looking at [https://www.linkedin.com/posts/the-torkzadeh-law-firm_its-official-rezas-book-the-lawyer-as-activity-6937791145171111936-B_RM this LinkedIn post] and the related [https://www.amazon.com/dp/1544531141/ref=cm_sw_em_r_mt_dp_1TDCBSMT0TMA8Q3WJRN8 Amazon.com listing], the book seems to have been “released” as in “sold commercially,” not “released” into the public domain (this is for ''The Lawyer As CEO'', which just came out about a week ago). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:02, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Yes, that is true. So should I only reference the two free books then? Apologies. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:42, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]]: This seems to be a [[w:Gratis versus libre|''gratis versus libre'']] confusion. Mr. Torkzadeh’s Web-site refers those interested in reading ''Accidents Happen'' to https://accidentshappenbook.com/. This Web-site gives a copyright notice at the bottom of the page, but this is likely false. However, copyright exists automatically, so without an explicit dedication of the book into the public domain, it will remain copyrighted. The book is available for free on the Internet, and may be received for free on demand; these are both ''gratis'' freedoms. However, the book appears to not have been released into the public domain, which is the required ''libre'' freedom (required, as in it is required to post the books here). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:58, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes (unsourced)]] ==

This is a mix of non-scan backed texts from the 1927 edition (which is in copyright) and links to the Strand Magazine versions. Since the Strand Magazine versions have been proofread, I propose deleting the non-scan backed entries. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:28, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I don't see much value in keeping this mix of the 1927 version and the A. Conan Encyclopedia and Strand versions. Having a clear edition is much better than such a mix. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:48, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I agree. Unsourced duplicates should be removed as a matter of principle. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 10:40, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}}. Could have been also speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G7]] Author's request. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:13, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: @[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] It's also for the following subpages:
:* [[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]
:* [[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:03, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Ah, I see. These could have been speedied too, per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]: An unsourced work that is redundant to a sourced (scanned) version. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Testament Pedro II Of the Brazil]] ==

Unsourced, and with no translator credited. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:32, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:06, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;[[Template:Helpme]]&lt;/s&gt; ==

This was a template clearly imported from Wikipedia way back in the 2000s, a similar case to [[Template:Hangon]] which was recently deleted at PD. In the amount of time I've been active at Wikisource, which would be a couple years at this point, I have ''never even seen'' anything of this template, much less seen it being used. I often patrol recent changes for vandalism and new users who might need help or their edits standardized, and in that time I've never seen the template in use. Yet, [[Template:Welcome]] links to this template still.

Not helping the case of &lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; is that '''even the template itself''' (not even the documentation but the ''template'') recommends the main point I have against keeping this template around, which is that we have other outlets that are better used for help. We have such fine resources as [[WS:SCH|the Scriptorium help desk]], talk pages of experienced users, an IRC channel, (as of relatively recently) a Discord server, and probably more outlets I'm forgetting to mention, where a user can ask for help.

Given that we have these other outlets, having a self-categorizing help template on Wikisource doesn't seem like it's very efficient in practice, at least maybe not anymore. [[Template:Helpme]] got only '''2 pageviews''' in the past 30 days, and the category [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] got '''7 pageviews'''. That's ''pretty bad'' when you compare it to [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests]], a far more useful maintenance category, which got '''314 pageviews''' this month. This illustrates the point that I don't think this category gets enough attention for its stated purpose; I doubt many admins have it bookmarked (maybe I should?).

Whatever the case may be, the amount of people specifically patrolling [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] is clearly very scant to none, and a user would get better help by asking for it from another source that would get more attention, like the ones mentioned above. This is especially the case for more complex problems.

It's really most likely to be used by editors who recently discovered us through Wikipedia and are thus used to WP's community practices, and many of those practices really ought not be encouraged. Many things Wikipedia does are virtually incompatible with Wikisource simply because we're a smaller community, and they have a ''far'' larger active editor base than we do.


If a template is greatly discouraged virtually everywhere, it should probably just be deleted. The better outlets should be highlighted to new contributors as the right way to do it, with [[Template:Helpme]] removed from our welcome template and any other places it remains linked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:31, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' I see it used frequently enough, and the category is mentioned through the “recent pages” header listing. I am suprised that you have never seen its use, actually. In addition, the fact that messages sent to such help-related outlets are often ignored makes it desirable to have multiple methods of communication. I believe that the deletion of the “hangon” template was appropriate, because it was never integrated into the Wikisource structure, and its purpose was better accomplished and was actually accomplished by other utilities. However, I believe that the “helpme” template is useful, and its use, though not especially frequent, shows this to be the case. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:35, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Okay, I'll grant that recent pages linked would suggest that this template is still seeing some use, but is still quite [[Template:Helpme|commonly]] [[User talk:Chrisguise#Footnotes - The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5|discouraged]]. And I would really rather people not use it, given the lack of patrolling of this particular template. The other solution would be to both encourage it more and patrol it more; is that what you'd rather be in favor of? And what if only 2 experienced users on the whole site patrol that category even weekly (I'd wager it's less than that), and you need help with a specific thing? Then the backlog just continues to exist. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:48, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

*{{vk}} It's being used periodically. The category doesn't need to be on anyone's watchlist as the template feeds to Recent Changes and RC patrollers should be checking it as a part of their patrols. I certainly do. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 23:25, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added the category to my bookmarks now that I know of its existence. If the template is kept I'll patrol it regularly. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
: '''Kept'''. Redacting deletion request; I might not like it, but I don't think this'll gain consensus, and it is ''marginally'' useful at least, so it's not worth the fight. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:53, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu]] ==

&quot;Junk&quot; status OCR- Please start again with KNOWN scan and correct sourcing detail, Thanks [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:20, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:An alternative would be to realign everything...
{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
!pp (if relevant)
!Destination
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/13
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/3||9861037||(pp001)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/15
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/4||9861038||(pp002)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/16
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/5||||(pp003)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/17
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/6||||(pp004)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/18
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/7||9861042||(pp005)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/19
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/8||9861043||(pp006)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/20
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/9||||(pp007)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/21
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/10||||(pp 008)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/22
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/11||||(pp 009)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/23
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/12||||(pp 010)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/24
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/13||||(pp 011)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/25
|-
|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/470||||(pp468)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/471||||(pp469)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/472||||(pp470)||page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/475&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp473)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/487&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/478&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp476)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/490&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/479&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp477)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/491&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/480&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp478)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/492&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/481&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp479)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/493&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:10, 18 June 2022 (UTC)
*Just run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR device. The new OCR is passable. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:40, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Why would we want to hard-code raw OCR text in these pages when you can get it dynamically when needed, and with probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time (and a choice of OCR engines and settings)? This is entirely raw OCR created in bulk (along with, IIRC, several hundred thousand other pages, none of which have been subsequently proofread). Experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such junk pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:47, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*::The assertion &quot;none of which have been subsequently proofread&quot; is not true. [[Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/7|This page]], for example, has been proofread. Similarly, for an example of another scan, [[Index:Greece from the Coming of the Hellenes to AD. 14.djvu]] has been almost completely marked as proofread (and the other pages appear to have been corrected). The assertion that &quot;several hundred thousand other pages&quot; were created is not true. The assertion that the &quot;other pages&quot; all contain &quot;entirely raw OCR&quot; is not true. I hope I do not need to produce a complete list of every single page that has been wholly or partly corrected by me or by someone else. IIRC, the number of such pages is large. The assertion that there will be &quot;probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time&quot; has not been proved. The assertion that &quot;experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such ... pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present&quot; has not been proved. Xover is not a significant subset of contributors. The OCR of the other volumes is generally almost perfect. The creation of pages for this particular volume appears to have been a mistake. If and when others wish, I can start correcting the pages in this particular volume. If others wish to replace the existing OCR with new OCR, I will have to wait until they have done that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 13:24, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::@[[User:James500|James500]]: How about we just delete the Page: pages for this index and then you can recreate them as and when you have time and inclination to work on it? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:18, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*::::I assume that the proofread pages (title and 472) should be kept. I assume that other pages that have corrected should be kept (including 473, 479 and the Notice). I assume that the blank pages should be kept. I have no opinion about the pages whose OCR reads like gibberish. If other editors wish to &quot;run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR&quot; or wish for the pages to be &quot;be migrated, or regenerated&quot;, I will abstain from !voting either for or against that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:47, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::::You assume correctly, and I apologise for not being more precise: I was suggesting deleting only the pages of status &quot;Not proofread&quot; which contain &quot;gibberish&quot;. Empty pages marked &quot;Empty&quot; are, strictly speaking, finished pages; and &quot;Not proofread&quot; pages that are in the process of being improved (which I see SF00 has started in on subsequent to the nomination; thanks for the headsup!) I generally wouldn't want to interfere with. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:05, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: ''' Withdrawn'''  The pages can be migrated , or regenerated. There is a request for page migration at WS:AN. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:08, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Treaty of Versailles]] ==

This text has been compiled from several sources, and such compilations are excluded from Wikisource scope by [[WS:What Wikisource includes]]. Deleting the text will create space for addition of some original publication.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:08, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' I don’t what the “compilation” was supposed to mean, as all three sources have the same, full text of the treaty (so far as I can see). It is not as if the “Treaty of Versailles” is a compilation of three separate works; it is one work, which has been published as a whole. Scan-backing may be performed against the copy in the [[United States Treaty Series/Volume 2]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:46, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:The sources do not have identical texts. E.g. the given source https://net.lib.byu.edu/~rdh7/wwi/versailles.html does not have preamble and protocol, which are taken from another source. The source http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/dfat/treaties/1920/1.html does not have the table with signatures which has been taken from elsewhere. Our text is a compilation, as it was also noted at its talk page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:55, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} Agree with the deletion rationale. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:50, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text currently hosted here is clearly a compilation from three separate sources and therefore corresponding to none of them; and two of the sources are secondary transcriptions from no known original. The current wikipage(s) at [[Treaty of Versailles]] should be deleted and, once the edition of the treaty published in USSL has been proofread, replaced with a redirect to that. Once multiple editions of the treaty have been proofread, the wikipage can be turned into a versions page.{{pbr}}The treaty was published in the Australian Treaty Series (1920 No. 1), as well as the United Kingdom Treaty Series (004/1919 / Cmd. 153) and United States Treaty Series (Vol. 2 p.43); and probably in the United States Statutes at Large, although I couldn't find that version just now. All of these or either of them would be acceptable here, but separately and in context (for example, in UKTS ''Versailles'' was published along with a treaty between the UK and France guaranteeing protection to the latter in the event of German aggression).{{pbr}}I think it's probably necessary here to clearly distinguish between ''the Treaty of Versailles'' as a legal construct, and the various editions of ''the text of the Treaty of Versailles''. The legal construct should ideally have an identical interpretation irrespective of text source, and can in fact deviate from the plain meaning of the text if legal interpretation says it means something else. This interpretation can change over time, and can temporarily or permanently become divergent. But in essence, this &quot;true treaty&quot; exists as a meta-entity in the heads of legal scholars and so forth. The ''text'' on the other hand, exists in multiple editions and variants, that are, presumably, identical in terms of the legal construct, but can differ markedly and drastically in bibliographic and historiographic terms. Mostly not in terms of the text of the treaty itself, but perhaps in formatting and layout (unless it's a facsimile) and certainly in context (what addenda and prolegomena it is published with; or perhaps even annotation and commentary inserted into the text itself). The legal construct of the treaty on enWS only corresponds with a versions page (or possibly even a Portal); but it is specific published editions of the text of the treaty that are in scope for us to host. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:00, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:[[User:Xover|Xover]]: The United States never ratified the Treaty of Versailles, because of the League of Nations; the [[US–Germany Peace Treaty]] (which ''was'' published in the ''Statutes'') mentions that treaty and incorporates some of its provisions, but the text of the Treaty of Versailles is not to be found in U.S.Stat. I think one consideration which needs to be had here is the number of internal (and external from Wikipedia) links to this copy of the Treaty of Versailles. That is one of the main reasons I proposed keeping and backing to an existing scan: so that all of the links can stay operational. Your thoughts? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:55, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:: @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: Good point. I agree it'd be best if we could have a (policy-compliant) text of the treaty here, but I don't have the capacity to fast-track a proofread just now. If somebody else wants to volunteer I'm sure nobody would object to leaving the old one up for a while.{{pbr}}When replacing it we need to delete the old page and recreate it just to keep Wikidata correct (it detects deletes automatically; but if we just replace the content the Wikidata will be wrong). But that's just a technical issue. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:14, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Angel of Lonesome Hill]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 24 July 2022 (UTC)|text=
Nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;. IMO it should be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:01, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:503255/OVERVIEW]. 44p. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:49, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 12:48, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The City of Masks]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:02, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Available at IA so we can Match and Split [https://archive.org/details/cityofmasks00mccuuoft]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:59, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:56, 23 July 2022 (UTC)|text=
As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
: Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524828/OVERVIEW]. 107pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:52, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc (1900).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 19:25, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The Redemption of Anthony]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524329/OVERVIEW]. 137pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:54, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::::[[Index:The Redemption of Anthony (1911).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
::::: Withdrawn due to migration to scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:34, 20 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:United States Reports, Volume 244.djvu]] ==

Title page only..  The entire volume should be uploaded. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:43, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

::Uploaded. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:05, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

::: '''Withdrawn''' - Updated file provided [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:29, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of Greece (1973)]] ==

Compilation of most text from [https://books.google.co.il/books?id=u9kjAAAAMAAJ&amp;pg=PA419 one source] (but not all, some parts, e.g. article 128 of the original document, were left out) and contributor's own translation of amendments from [https://archive.org/details/1973-greek-constitution-consolidated-version another source]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:45, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' If the compilation is greatly opposed, the new additions can be moved to an annotated sub-page. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Les Propheties]] ==

It is supposed to be a 1961 translation, but without scan it is an unattainable goal to keep the work faithful to this edition, as people keep adding more alleged prophecies taken from elsewhere,  like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12155372&amp;oldid=12135276 here], or removing them, like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12503587&amp;oldid=12438156 here], and nobody stops them, probably because this particular translation is not available anywhere and so no addition or removal of parts of text can be checked. I believe that works of similar kind always have to be scanbacked and therefore suggest deletion of this one, which will create space for adding some of many other, better available, translations. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:07, 22 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep''' (for now). I will try to obtain and scan a copy of the 1961 translation, and a match-and-split can solve this problem. I ask that it not be deleted too quickly. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)]] ==

A Wikisource user's own compilation of the text from [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1948)]] with separately published amendments. See also related discussion at [[User talk:195.74.82.149]] and at [[User talk:Zezingr]]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:16, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' The text, while ''produced'' by a compilation, is not ''itself'' a compilation, as “Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)” is a real work, even though ''our'' copy is produced by combining two separate works. As PDF scans of the relevant United Nations documents are provided, it would be useful to scan-back these “compiled” constitutions. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*:I am afraid that producing new copies by combining two separate works is exactly what Wikisource should not and does not do. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*::Indeed, and being out of scope it is even speedyable. If an actual published &quot;Constitution of the Republic of Korea with all amendments as of 1952&quot; should show up somewhere it would certainly be addable, but this user-compiled conflated edition is still out of scope. If anyone wants the text for a practical purpose (like a starting point for proofreading any of the source texts) they can have a copy in their user space (or it can be temporarily undeleted on demand by any admin).{{pbr}}@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: By all evidence, your hypothetical 1952 edition exists ''only'' as an abstract legal concept and not as a tangible published text. We can host the individual components (the base text and each of the amendments), but not a user-compiled amalgam that doesn't exist outside Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:58, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*::*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: I do not doubt, although I of course do not have any evidence on hand, that a “Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)” ''was'' published, although in Korean only. The translations are of the original Constitution, and of the articles as they were amended in 1952. It is just that the United Nations publication on hand did not see fit to reprint the entire Constitution, when only some of its articles were amended. I had trouble finding the specific policy, but I do not think that it would be improper to host a legal document which was real, for which we have a complete translation, even if the translation was published in multiple, separated parts. I don’t think that such a “compilation” was considered when compilations were first prohibited, as, in the case of such legal texts, there is no guessing or new material on the part of the compiling user, as the modified articles are all listed in the translations. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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      <text bytes="138787" xml:space="preserve">:''[[WS:PD]] redirects here. For help with public domain materials, see [[Help:Public domain]].''
__NEWSECTIONLINK__
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 | next     = [[/Archives|Archives]] ([[/Archives/{{CURRENTYEAR}}|current]])
 | shortcut = [[WS:DEL]]&lt;br /&gt;[[WS:PD]]
 | notes    = This page is for proposing deletion of specific articles on Wikisource in accordance with the [[WS:DP|deletion policy]], and appealing previously-deleted works. '''Please add {{[[Template:delete|delete]]}} to pages you have nominated for deletion.''' [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes|What Wikisource includes]] is the policy used to determine whether or not particular works are acceptable on Wikisource. Articles remaining on this page should be deleted if there is no significant opposition after at least a week.

Possible copyright violations should be listed at [[Wikisource:Copyright discussions|Copyright discussions]]. Pages matching a [[WS:CSD|criterion for speedy deletion]] should be tagged with {{[[Template:sdelete|sdelete]]}} and ''not'' reported here (see [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests|category]]). 

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__FORCETOC__

==[[A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]==
Only one entry is present, and no source is given. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:51, 28 June 2020 (UTC).

: {{vk}} (and improve): The entry is proofread and properly formatted, and linked to/from the relevant author page. The scans are available at the IA, and this is [https://archive.org/details/acriticaldictio01unkngoog/page/n801/mode/2up a genuine entry]. It would naturally be better to import the scans, but even if that were not to happen, it's allowed to have single articles from a collective work&lt;sup&gt;†&lt;/sup&gt;, and it's allowed for things to not be scan-backed. It certainly would be beneficial to improve the top level page.
: {{smaller|†If this were only one chapter from a novel, or some other portion of a work that doesn't stand alone, I'd say delete.}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   06:33, 29 June 2020 (UTC)
: OK, so this is a bit of a mess. CDEL has multiple editions, each of three volumes, plus a &quot;supplement&quot; published after Allibone's death. I have managed to scrape up what I hope is a set of decent scans from the IA which aren't Google scans and aren't marked &quot;missing pages&quot; at the IA (not including the supplement): [[commons:Category:A Critical Dictionary of English Literature]]. Anyone have any ideas on which three we like best? Latest possible? All are pre-1923. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   08:11, 29 June 2020 (UTC)

:{{vk}} at minimum until [[Wikisource:Scriptorium#Policy_on_substantially_empty_works|this discussion]] is concluded, as it is a prominent example in that discussion. Furthermore, {{vk}} for the long run per Inductiveload. I'm willing to do some of the work to get everything sorted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 02:14, 8 July 2020 (UTC)

* {{vd}} Whilst I will agree that the work is in scope, this sole article reproduced as typed text sitting in the wilderness is not in scope. Looking forward to someone working on getting volumes of scans and coordinating the work. In the meanwhile delete, this title page and the singular article without prejudice to a proper presentation. Suggest moving the text of the single biography to the author's talk page. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:24, 24 January 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is not formatted correctly. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: These are two different works, though the critical text is (theoretically, at least!) the same:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement]] is the ''US Statutes at Large'', which should be proofread from the scan [[Index:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu]], pages [[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/780|756]]–[[Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 61 Part 1.djvu/792|768]]
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UN Treaty Series. This work should be proofread against the relevant source scan at [[Index:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf]], pages [[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/27|11]]–[[Page:UN Treaty Series - vol 11.pdf/57|41]].
:[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:38, 5 October 2020 (UTC)

::retain as different editions/versions, hat note the works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:04, 13 October 2020 (UTC)
*{{ping|Inductiveload}} You seem to have a grasp of what these works are. Could you move the editions of the same work to suitably disambiguated pages, create a versions page (or pages, if relevant), add {{tlx|other versions}}/{{tlx|similar}} hatnotes to link them together, and tag them all with {{tlx|migrate to}}? I ''think'' this and the below section are about two editions of a UN—US treaty and a distinct agreement relating to implementation of that treaty, but I quickly lose track of what's what here. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:55, 18 March 2021 (UTC)

== [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] ==

The [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is not formatted correctly. It also includes the acts of the US Congress that should not be a part of the article. A new version can be found at [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] -- [[User:Jesuiseduardo|Jesuiseduardo]] ([[User talk:Jesuiseduardo|talk]]) 09:13, 05 October 2020 (UTC)

: Again, these are different works that contain the same text with different &quot;contexts&quot;:
:* [[United States Headquarters Agreement for the United Nations]] is from [[Index:U.S. Participation in the UN - Report by the President to the Congress (1947).pdf]], starting at p222.
:* [[UN-US Headquarters Agreement]] is from the UNTS v.11, as in the previous section.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   21:56, 5 October 2020 (UTC)
::If [[user:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] is saying that they are different editions, then retain, and ensure that we suitably disambiguate with a {{tl|versions}} page, and hat note each with {{tl|other version}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:03, 13 October 2020 (UTC)

== [[Translation:Manshu]] ==

Ok, I think it's time we have this conversation…

[[Translation:Manshu]] describes itself as a [[WS:T|Wikisource translation]] of {{tqi|A 9th century Middle Chinese text regarding the geopolitics of southwest China, particularly the historic kingdom of Nanzhao. It is an important historical source for the period. This translation is based upon a digitized version of the recompiled 1774 movable type edition edited by the 武英 (Palace Museum Library).|q=y}}

However, looking at it more closely it appears to be much more an original analytical work than anything that could be shoehorned to fit within our definition of a mere translation.

The front page is almost entirely original work (apart from a table of contents), partly semi-encyclopedic and partly meta-discussion about the effort itself.

Looking at [[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 1|Chapter 1]] we find some actual translation, but mostly comparisons with a professionally published previous translation (Luce) that is quoted ''extensively'', and translator's commentary that far exceeds the actual translated text itself. It also features a lot of images that obviously do not appear in any original, but have been picked to illustrate a particular point (i.e. how Wikipedia would construct an article).

[[Translation:Manshu/Chapter 2|Chapter 2]] and onwards are the same, except they lack the extensive quotations from the published translation (Luce), but only because the effort to compare has not reached that point yet. Around Chapter 9 the translation appears incomplete with only the Chinese original text present.

Irrespective of the rest of this work, there is a question regarding the extensive quotations from the previous professional translation ([https://hdl.handle.net/1813/57513 link]). It is a 1961 publication with copyright notice, so there is a high probability that it is in copyright (and thus the quotations are also copyvios). I haven't looked at this issue in detail, but if this discussion ends up keeping the work in some form we will have to address that separately (and if it is not in copyright, why are we not transcribing that instead of making our own?). The sole contributor to [[Translation:Manshu]] has a somewhat haphazard approach to copyright (e.g. claiming satellite imagery from Google Maps or similar as &quot;own work&quot;) so the issue will have to be checked thoroughly.

But all that being said, this is also a great effort and a unique work that really ''should'' exist somewhere. If it were completed I'm certain it could have been professionally published, and it would be a real shame if all the effort that's gone into it was wasted. The contributor has not been active since 2018 (and the last large progress was in 2016), so I don't think it very likely that it will now ever be completed; but if a place is found for it even the partial translation is valuable, and could conceivably be completed by others at some point in the future. If the outcome of this discussion is that it is out of scope we should make a real effort to see whether a project like WikiBooks would be interested, and, if not, rather than simply delete it we should move it to the contributor's user space (a practice I am usually vehemently opposed to but am making an exception in this particular case).

In any case, it has kept popping up on my radar for various reasons, and I have always been torn on what to do about its issues. It seems clearly outside of scope per [[WS:WWI]], doesn't meet [[WS:T]], violates [[WS:ANN]], and would most likely need cleanup to meet [[WS:COPY]]. So now I'm putting the question before the community: what do we do about this? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:20, 2 April 2021 (UTC)
:[[WS:T]] ought to address contributions like this, the first section on published works is redundant. Are there examples of Wikisource translations that have been in some way verified (validated)? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 14:43, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
::{{re|Cygnis insignis}} Not a lot, but they do exist. [[Translation:On Discoveries and Inventions]] is a recent example. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:42, 8 April 2021 (UTC)
: It could go in User space for the time being. Maybe Wikibooks would want it? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
:I'm only able to comment on a small portion of this, which I hope might be helpful: https://cocatalog.loc.gov/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&amp;PAGE=First has no results for Man shu or southern barbarians as title; nor Luce, Gordon as an author name; nor do Cornell University or Southeast Asia Program or Oey or Fan, Cho seem to have a relevant renewal under their names. Southeast Asia Program as a title reveals registration of other of these data papers as copyrighted works, but no renewal of this one. This suggests the copyright was never renewed on the Luce translation (possibly this is not surprising, as these weren't exactly blockbusters...) and it is now public domain, judging by [[Help:Public domain#ref renewal]]. If accurate, this should resolve the [[WS:COPY]] concern. Good luck with the rest of this matter! [[User:Dingolover6969|Dingolover6969]] ([[User talk:Dingolover6969|talk]]) 11:39, 21 January 2022 (UTC)


===Response by author===
Hi there, I am the primary author, an admin on English Wikipedia. I would say I have spent upwards of 500 hours on this translation. During the time it is alleged that I have been inactive, I was a founding team member at a very important company you would have heard of, and provided some of the earliest COVID map coverage on Wikipedia ([https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.webm webm] [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVID-19_Confirmed_Cases_Animated_Map.gif gif]). Currently I run seven (7) companies and have a family, so it is fair to say I have 'other commitments'. I do still intend to complete the translation. Aside from time constraints, partly I have not been active on Wiki projects recently because I am living in China and this makes editing Wikiprojects a massive hassle due to the requirement for a VPN. Nevertheless, I noticed this deletion attempt by [[User:Xover|Xover]] and would like to respond objectively for the record. If we summarize the alleged issues they are as follows:
* '''The translation includes commentary'''
** That is simply because it is a good (ie. transparent/honest) translation.
** Any accredited historian will agree this is a good (positive) feature.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work is incomplete'''
** I am still finishing, I am just ridiculously busy and have been so for five years.
** Incomplete and pending further effort is often simply the nature of voluntary work.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes quotations from previous translations'''
** Fully cited and contextually presented, in academia, this is clearly fair use.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The work includes satellite derived images'''
** These images were constructed with great care based upon detailed context and are both low resolution and substantially original work in themselves.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''The translation is done by the contributor and openly licensed instead of being an out of copyright work of someone else which has been uploaded'''
** IMHO as a student of history original translation is *great* to welcome and should be encouraged.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates 'What Wikisource Includes' (WWI) '''
** Wikisource includes &quot;Works created after 1925&quot; / &quot;Analytical and artistic works&quot;.
** Wikisource includes &quot;Translations&quot;
** To be perfectly honest I consider this assertion a truly baseless accusation that I frankly find highly offensive.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''&quot;Doesn't meet&quot; WS:T'''
** Unclear what this means
** The WST page clearly states that original translations are in-scope and acceptable (there is only one prior English translation and it is bad and incorrect)
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Violates WS:ANN'''
** I have never seen that page before in my life
** Apparently it doesn't like parallel text
** I would suggest strongly that parallel text provides the basis for most high caliber academic translations, it is my view that ''the policy page'' is wrong and further discussion to correct it should occur there.
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.
* '''Requires cleanup to meet WS:COPY'''
** Unsure what this is actually alleging
** Aside from original work there is only contextual quotations from other works in line with an academic translation
** This does not in any way support 'delete'.

Sincerely, [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:12, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

:I just noticed that Xover also deleted my maps. This is a great loss. I cannot recreate them as I do not have access to the context at the time. This is truly a tragedy. I am ... highly alarmed and stressed at this turn of events and will cease contributing further to Wikipedia projects. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 10:21, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
::Could someone with more time please go through the undeletion process on my behalf. It is... truly a great tragedy. Multiple academics had thanked me for this work. [[User:Pratyeka|Pratyeka]] ([[User talk:Pratyeka|talk]]) 12:55, 11 June 2021 (UTC)

::: {{Re|Pratyeka}} These maps are not appropriate for enWS (or Commons), because they contain copyright material: the satellite photos. There is no allowance here, as there is at enWP, for fair use or de minimis, and resolution doesn't affect it. I imagine the &quot;correct&quot; solution is to either locate a suitable base maps from Commons (or NASA or other PD source), draw your own, or commission them via [[c:Commons:Graphics Lab/Map workshop]].
::: If the presumption of copyright is incorrect (e.g. the photos are PD or freely licenced), then let me know and they can be restored and correct attribution and licence declarations made. In that case, they actually belong at Commons.
::: Sadly, being thanked by academics does not overrule copyright.
::: Even if these are copyrighted, I can also provide you with the files if you do not have access to them any more. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 14:00, 11 June 2021 (UTC)
: {{Re|Pratyeka}} I'm glad to see you're editing again. I'm not sure why you felt it relevant to mention that you have +sysop on enwp, but since you bring it up… as an admin on enwp you should be well familiar with the need to make policy-based arguments in such discussions and to familiarise oneself with the policy on the project. I have raised several policy-based concerns, and your response addresses none of them. However, to reiterate the challenges:{{pbr}}The text on [[Translation:Manshu]] is not a mere translation of a previously published work. It contains substantial portions of your own analysis, comparisons, and commentary: all of which is ''original'' rather than ''previously published'' content. In enwp terms, think of it as &quot;original research&quot;: it's not a perfect analogy, but the problem is similar. This is out of scope for English Wikisource. In addition, you include extensive quotations from the other (professionally published) translation, but that translation is not public domain or compatibly licensed. Fair use content is not permitted on English Wikisource (and even on enWP only in very narrow and limited circumstances), which puts in violation of our licensing policy.{{pbr}}Now, as I wrote above, this is an impressive work and I am sure it is a valuable contribution to the knowledge in that area of study. It just isn't compatible with the policies on Wikisource. In other words, if it is to stay here it will have to be stripped down so that it ''only'' contains the translation, without embellishment, of the original text and all non-public domain elements removed. I imagine that's not your first choice as I get the impression it is the analytical parts of the work that interest you the most. So as an alternative, works such as this may be in scope for [[b:Main Page|WikiBooks]]: their scope explicitly includes original works so long as it falls within their definition of &quot;educational&quot;. As another Wikimedia sister project it is possible to import the pages between projects, even preserving revision history. If you need it we can try to facilitate contact with the Wikibooks community to get the ball rolling. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:50, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

*'''Oppose'''. This whole situation is insulting. The work is clearly a Wikisource translation of a work in the public domain, and is thus in scope, your complaints about the annotations aside. This discussion should never have been started, and much less dragged on this long. The problem with the maps is unfortunate, but the rest is irrelevant. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:25, 4 August 2021 (UTC)
*:Indeed, and I would love nothing better than to see much ''much'' wider participation in discussions here and on [[WS:CV]] so that we could properly determine community consensus and within a reasonable time. That's why I so very much appreciate your efforts to participate in both venues! However, meanwhile we have to operate within the reality that exists. I am sorry if you found this insulting, but there really is no other way to address such issues. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:54, 7 August 2021 (UTC)
*:*I’m sorry, that was a bit much. My apologies. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:22, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Act No. 3815]] ==

Copydump, what formatting there is uses raw HTML, with no source and no license. A superficial look also suggests this is a modern translation (the specified translator shows up in Google as a paralegal) so it may also be a copyvio, but I'm too lazy to do the research on that just now. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:32, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
: Weirdly it looks to have been originally published in English so I am not sure what that translation is about, see e.g. here https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1930/12/08/act-no-3815-s-1930/ (which says public domain). The source is almost certainly from the copyrighted source here: https://www.chanrobles.com/revisedpenalcodeofthephilippines.htm#.YLgkKXVKiV4 since it has the chan robles header. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:38, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
:: Please look at Republic Act No. 8293 Section 176 (which is also here in Wikisource at [[RA 8293#Sec. 176]]), the Philippine law stating all Philippine government works (including your proposed '''Act No. 3815''') are and must be not copyrighted and are in the public domain. &lt;br&gt;Also, all Philippine laws are written in English and not a translation of any kind.— &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:25px&quot;&gt;🍕&lt;/span&gt; &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:'Comic Sans MS';&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#FFC83D&quot;&gt;Yivan&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;color:#F7894A&quot;&gt;000&lt;/span&gt; &lt;small&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[[User:Yivan000|view]]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;sub&gt;[[User_talk:Yivan000|talk]]&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;/small&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 14:38, 16 July 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Yivan000|Yivan000]]: Thank you for working to improve this text; however, please familiarise yourself with our style guide. enWS does not use the automatically generated table of content that MediaWiki provides, does not use the heading syntax of MW wikimarkup (we use direct visual formatting instead), and we use formatting templates rather than raw HTML. Paragraph breaks should be done by simply inserting two newlines, and italics should be done with wikimarkup, not HTML. In short, while massively improved from the cut&amp;pasted text that was there before, this is still a mess. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:12, 3 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham]] ==

{{ping|PBS}} is this a complete work?  Almost seems to be an extract from an extract, but I cannot tell. If we can situate it as part of a work, can we please do so, otherwise it seems it is extract per [[WS:WWI]] and if so, not part of our collection. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:03, 29 July 2021 (UTC)
*The source indicates this is a complete part of the ''History of Birmingham'', but, as it itself is an extract, it should be deleted in favor of the full work; though I cannot find a scan. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:18, 31 July 2021 (UTC)

:Ok, not that it matters all that much to this discussion but I've uploaded a scan of ''The History of Birmingham'' and scan-backed this text. Looking at the immediate source this fragment is actually a &quot;chapter&quot;, of sorts, in that it has its own entry in the table of contents (titled &quot;Extract&quot;). It is still an extract from ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835), which gives an extract of [[Author:John Vicars|John Vicars]]'s ''God in the Mount'' (1641).{{pbr}}Regarding the latter I have been unable to locate any scan of it anywhere. EEBO has [https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A64897.0001.001?view=toc the text], but the scans are, as usual, locked up by ProQuest. Multiple institutions have holdings of it—including the British Library, Corpus Christi, the National Library of Scotland, Trinity College, the Victoria and Albert Museum, the Folger, the Huntington, and the Beinecke—but none have made scans available. If anyone ''really'' cares, several of these institutions may be amenable to scanning it for us.{{pbr}}In any case, as it stands it is an extract of an extract, and presented completely divorced from its original published context, so it'll have to go (from mainspace).{{pbr}}However, as PBS hasn't edited since May I think we should leave this open for a while yet in the hopes of hearing from them. They may be interested in proofreading the rest of ''The History of Birmingham'' and there's no particular hurry. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:33, 10 August 2021 (UTC)
:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: I have (dubious) ProQuest access, and have accessed ''God in the Mount''. The scans bear a (presumably British) copyright notice, does that matter? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 19:35, 23 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: In copyright terms, no. ProQuest is just asserting a &quot;sweat of the brow&quot; copyright for the scanning job, but Wikimedia projects do not honour such claims. The original work is PD and that's what matters. But the terms of use of ProQuest's services (a matter of contract law) prohibit downloading and scraping, so we can't host it for that reason (and you'd risk getting sued over it). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:*:*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: My claim of dubious access was a little too vague, I guess. What I mean is this: I have access to the ''content'' of ProQuest, but I have never myself accessed ProQuest, and do not have access to the “front-end” ProQuest database. Using a personal ILL account, I can request books (some of which are on ProQuest), but nowhere in the agreement to use that ILL account is there a restriction on usage like the ProQuest EULA—which means there is no contract for me (or Wikimedia) to get sued over. The only restriction on usage at all is the generic copyright notice for ILL systems. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 13:49, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

I have been AFK. I see now that the whole book is in place (thank you [[user:Xover]]) so presumably the header about delete can now be removed from the page. However the reason for placing it here on Wikisource in the first place and it is a stand alone extract from a book. If only whole books can exist in this archive and not extracts from a book, then that presents a real problem, as one of the reasons this source site was created was to take extracts that ought not to be placed onto Wikipedia. To take one example &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; does the whole book have to exist on Wikisurce before that extract (about a specific topic, or passage) can be placed on Wikisource? [[Wikisource:What Wikisource includes#Excerpts]] is to say the least not clear on this issue. -- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 16:48, 12 September 2021 (UTC)

:@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: Thanks for commenting!{{pbr}}Yes, our written policies are rather less developed than one expects coming from enWP, and rely instead on practice developed over the years. It's really not an approach that's friendly to people for whom enWS is not their primary project, but I've complained about it so much people have started to just nod, smile, and back away slowly when I bring it up. Oh well…{{pbr}}Our basic unit here is the previously published work, in a specific edition. ''God in the Mount'' (1641) is ''a work''. ''The History of Birmingham'' (1835) is ''a work''. The latter includes an excerpt of the former, and [[April the 8th came certain intelligence to London from Brumingham|April the 8th …]] is an excerpt from that. In other words, an excerpt of an excerpt. In a ''citation'' (i.e. on enWP) citing some fragment of info through intermediary sources is fine and often even preferable for reliability, but the goal on enWS is preserving and making available the ''works'' themselves ''as published''. That we have added a scan to back the excerpt does not make it any less of an excerpt; only made possible the production of the whole work. But do I take it then that you have no interest in proofreading the entire work? At a little over 500 pages it isn't insurmountable, and it's not inconceivable that others would be interested in helping out. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:15, 17 September 2021 (UTC)
::[[User:Xover|Xover]]: if I had unlimited time the I would be only too happy to proofread the book. However I tend to proof read text that is useful for my primary work about topics on Wikipeadia. My concern here is that the extract was a quote of a primary source, if primary sources can only be accessed if the whole of the text in which it is quoted then this is a diminution of the use of both Wikipedia and Wikisource to provide information to readers of articles on Wikipedia. Take for example the quote from Richard I. The original will be in French, and will exist in some archive. There are several translation in reliable secondary sources. The reason for placing an extract from one of those secondary sources is it allows a  Wikipedia article on Richard to include the statement &quot;[[I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God]]&quot; with a link to the text on Wikisource. The rest of the book may or may not be worth including here. But the translation of the primary source certainly is.
::Another example which is on my to do list is a further transcribing of &quot;[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna]]&quot; That in itself is a large undertaking and usually Wikipedia articles are only interested in specific articles within the treaties that make up the Final Act. However while I see the use of copying all of the treaties that make up the Final Act, I see no reason in the medium term to copy over and proofread the whole of the sources I am using for that text: ''The Parliamentary Debates from the Year 1803 to the Present Time'', volume 2, 1 Feb to 6 march 1816. Even more so as the text is formatted in a way that make reading it difficult (so I am using a couple of other sources to help with formatting and some minor translation alterations). As I wrote in the introduction to ''[[Final Act of the Congress of Vienna/Act I]]''  &quot;This translation was laid before the British Parliament on 2 February 1816, with some additional formatting from the French original.&quot; The reason for this is that the French formatting is close to modern English that that used in the Parliamentary translation.
::So I think that you need to consider when suggesting that the whole text of a secondary source is included, whether that is the most useful use of editors time or even if it is desirable when what is most useful for modern use by as [[Wikipedia:Wikipedia:Article titles|:Wikipedia:Article titles]] puts it &quot;The ... description of the subject that someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area will recognize.&quot; Ie someone interested in (but probably not an expert in) the Napoleonic wars, or the post war concord, may well be interested in the details of the treaties without being in the leaset interested in the Prince Regents speech to the British Parliament at the start of the 1816 session.
::It may be in the future that someone somewhere will want a copy of that speech, but until it is requested (eg via a link from an article on Wikipedia), I think that editors can use their limited time here to support the project in ways that are more help to the someone familiar with, although not necessarily an expert in, the subject area.
::-- [[User:PBS|PBS]] ([[User talk:PBS|talk]]) 14:46, 3 October 2021 (UTC)
:::@[[User:PBS|PBS]]: You need to think of it in terms of things like [[w:WP:NPOV|WP:NPOV]], [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]] and [[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]]: if we allowed arbitrary extracts we would allow selective quotation of whatever subsets of a work supported someone's point of view (maybe [[w:WP:UNDUE|WP:UNDUE]] is an apposite reference?). Our equivalent to [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]] is to make sure works are previously published, and not self-published. For [[w:WP:V|WP:V]] we use proofreading from a scan of the original, rather than just cut&amp;pasting some text from the web somewhere. For example, if you are adding text that is an amalgamation of multiple sources (the text you mentioned as hard to read), or are adding text from one edition but formatting it according to a completely different edition, you are essentially just creating a completely new edition. In analogy, you are violating [[w:WP:NOR|WP:NOR]]/[[w:WP:SYN|WP:SYN]], [[w:WP:V|WP:V]], and [[w:WP:RS|WP:RS]].{{pbr}}We do not require anyone to actually proofread entire publications (they can literally be a lifetime's work in length), but whenever you are looking at something more granular than &quot;book&quot; it ends up being an assessment of whether the text qualifies as a stand-alone ''work'' (think &quot;stand-alone article&quot; or &quot;… list&quot; in enWP terms: [[w:WP:GNG|WP:GNG]]-like assessments apply) or whether it is a mere excerpt from a larger work. A poem of a few lines can certainly qualify as a stand-alone work, but even a full chapter excerpted from a novel would not. Your Richard I example might pass that bar, as it looks like a complete letter or speech (I didn't check its published context; it needs scan-backing and situating within the context of the work within it was published in any case), but the text currently under discussion doesn't because not only is it an excerpt from ''The History of Birmingham'' but it is also in turn an excerpt of ''God in the Mount''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:23, 3 October 2021 (UTC)

== [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] ==

Unsourced Old English poem. I can't find a scan of the original source, or any source that was definitely published before 1926.

I'm sure the poem probably is real, but if it's unsourced there's no way to ''prove'' it wasn't just invented as a hoax. Modern books mention the poem, but that's not quite good enough.

Someone more knowledgable in Old English literature than me might be able to find a source and/or prove what we have transcribed here is legitimate. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:00, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

: This is one of the [[w:Anglo-Saxon metrical charms]]. It's certainly a &quot;thing&quot;:
:* https://uw.digitalmappa.org/58 (Look under Charms -&gt; Against the Water-Elf disease).
:* https://ota.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/repository/xmlui/bitstream/handle/20.500.12024/3009/3009.html?sequence=6&amp;isAllowed=y (No. 344)
: The [[w:Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records]] contains this in volume 6 (1942), but that was renewed: {{copyright renewal|R491174}}.
: That said, this is from the 10th century: even if ASPR 6 is the only printed source ever, this is pretty clearly PD unless this edition has copyrightable modifications. At worst we could use the manuscript above. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:03, 7 August 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Rho9998}} this seems like it might be in your wheelhouse: do you know of a good modern-ish source for this that's in the PD? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 20:41, 8 August 2021 (UTC)

::: {{re|Inductiveload}} There is Cockayne's 1864 edition of the &quot;Leechbook&quot; in which the poem is found; I don't think there are any editions in the public domain after that. The poem can be found on page 350 of the Internet Archive upload: https://archive.org/details/leechdomswortcun02cock/page/350/mode/2up

:::: {{re|Rho9998}} Amazing, thank you!
:::: The index is already up (along with vols 1 and 3): [[Index:Leechdoms wortcunning and starcraft of early England volume 2.djvu]] due to the industry of @[[User:Beleg Tâl]]! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 9 August 2021 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: The transcription from ASPR does not appear to match that of the ''Leechbook'', suggesting the mere transcription may have copyrightable elements (akin to a translation). In either case, the fragment at [[Biþ On Wæterælfadle]] is not scan-backed to either ASPR or the ''Leechbook''. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:57, 28 August 2021 (UTC)

== The complete works of Count Tolstoy ==

Some page scans of (mostly) Wiener's &quot;The complete works of Count Tolstoy&quot;
exist as 2 versions:

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_01.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_03.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc03tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_04.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc04tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_12.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc12tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_13.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc13tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_17.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc17tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_21.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc21tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_22.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc22tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_24.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc24tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_26.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc26tols).pdf]]

[[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_28.djvu]]
[[Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc28tols).pdf]]


To avoid that people start editing them twice, one of these
sets should be deleted. Because the indices with the *.djvu
seem to have been used already in the  
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy ,
the preferential deletion should target the PDF versions, not the DJVU. [On the other hand, the PDF volumes seem to be complete but some DJVU volumes missing, so a homogeneous name space would rather keep the PDF...]
[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 10:04, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:Well, that's frustrating, given that I speedy deleted several of the pdfs as duplicates back a few months and someone has blithely recreated them. Yes, once any proofread pages have been appropriately dealt with, '''delete''' all the pdf versions and also delete the template that lists the volumes. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 21:58, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

:There is a message of some &quot;InductiveBot&quot; of 2021-05-17 in [[Page:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksof02tols).pdf/107]] which says that some DJVU pages have been moved to the PDF pages. Will something like this happen again, if the PDF scans are deleted? (I'll start to copy all contents of the PDF pages to the DJVU...). - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 12:24, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
::@[[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]]: {{ul2|InductiveBot}} is a bot operated by {{ul2|Inductiveload}} If it moved these pages it was probably in response to a request someone made. I would suggest you hold off moving any pages until we figure out the background and decide definitively what indexes we are going to use. It is also probably best to let an admin do it to avoid a lot of cleanup afterwards. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:33, 1 September 2021 (UTC)

:: (E/C) This was talked about before, but no much seems to have happened: [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Archives/2021-05#Tolstoy_(Wiener)...]].
:: {{Re|R. J. Mathar}} please do not copy the content, that's a complete waste of everyone's time and removes history. I'll move any pages if needed. Manually moving pages between indexes is rarely the right thing to do, because if you do that, whoever does the move properly will need to delete the copied pages first.
:: Volume 2 was missing pages in the DJVU, so it was migrated to the PDF (see the deletion log at [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]]). If we want to go for a full set of DJVUs, that needs fixing. Or do we want a mixed set? 
:: If a batch upload of the missing DJVU volumes is desired, I can do that if provided with a spreadsheet of metadata as explained here [[User:Inductiveload/Requests/Batch uploads]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:36, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:I had in mind to do some Tolstoy a while back and found this mire, when I noticed an admin assisting the disruption I stopped trying to sort it out.  It is very easy to waste a lot of thoughtful contributors time with a few clicks. Can someone please ping the relevant accounts? &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 12:57, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:This is one of the templates, [[Template:The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes]], and the history of the [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Template:Works_of_Tolstoy_(Wiener)&amp;action=history other]. &lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller;&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Cygnis insignis|CYGNIS INSIGNIS]]&lt;/span &gt; 13:22, 1 September 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|Languageseeker}} do you have any comment on what you were attempting to achieve? [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 23:06, 10 October 2021 (UTC)
:: As I recall, I started importing this set for the inaugural MC because someone recommended Anna Karenina. I didn’t realize that someone had already started this one as a DJVU set because it wasn’t listed on the Tolstoy page. Then, while looking through some of the Tolstoy works, I stumbled across the partial set of DJVUs. So, I requested that the text be merged over to the PDF because some of the DJVUs had missing pages or were worser quality. Beeswaxcandle then deleted the PDFs leaving to partial sets. Soon afterwards, I had to take a wiki break. It seems that in the meantime, someone began improving the DJVU set and restored the PDFs. Now, it seems like we have three choices. First, move the pages over from the DJVu to the PDF and delete the DJVU set. Two, import all the PDFs, move the page list over, merge the PDF pages to the DJVu, delete all the PDFs. Three, create a mixed set of PDFs and DJVUs by moving the pages over from the PDFs to the DJVUs and then deleting the PDFs. Two seems like the most work, three will produce a more confusing template, and one will require a bot to move stuff. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:33, 10 October 2021 (UTC)

I added the missing pages 311 and 312 (that is 337 and 338 if counted from 1) to the Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_02.djvu version on the wikimedia commons, copying the pages from the PDF scans. So at least that djvu-volume does no longer have missing pages. It would be useful to know exactly which other dvju volumes miss which pages. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 13:23, 15 October 2021 (UTC)
:{{re|R. J. Mathar}} It should be noted that [[:File:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] is based on {{IA|completeworksof02tols}} however [[:File:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 02.djvu]] was based on {{IA|completeworksofc03tols}}. The First is a Univ. of Florida scan of one of their prints while the latter is an MSN scan of a CDL print. It appears you created some strange Frankenstein of the two of them. I just upload [https://archive.org/download/completeworksof02tols/completeworksof02tols.djvu completeworksof02tols.djvu] over it and change the documented source (which was originally only documented as  &quot;Internet Archive&quot;). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 18:24, 12 June 2022 (UTC)
The difference between these two can be easily viewed by comparing:
{|
|DJVU ||{{Works of Tolstoy (Wiener)}}
|-
|PDF ||style=&quot;font-size:0.9em&quot;|{{The complete works of Count Tolstoy volumes}}
|}
I filled in the missing DJVU Index pages (and media on Commons) since only [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 2|Volume 2]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 20|Volume 20]] are currently transcluding from the PDFs (where as [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 12|Volume 12]], [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 23|Volume 23]] and [[The Complete Works of Count Tolstoy/Volume 24|Volume 24]] are from the DJVUs). They aren't particularly pretty but they are now there (the PDFs seem only slightly better as some of the DJVUs seem to have extraneous pages and the OCR is misaligned between pages). —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 19:20, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Korean Air Lines Flight 007 transcripts]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, no consensus--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 02:00, 7 December 2021 (UTC)|text=
An amalgamation of something like 7 different sources of data, all of them selectively included, and compiled into an original work on-wiki. The result is interesting and valuable, but it is [[WS:WWI|out of scope]] for Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:18, 7 September 2021 (UTC)
*It is one work, though compiled from several sources. I do not believe it is original to Wikisource, but to the United Nations; although I have not verified this presumption. The compilation (being chronological) is not creative, and thus does not have copyright. The coloring is useful, and quite interesting. I do not think it to be quite without scope, however. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
}}

== Everything in the mainspace in [[:Category:Project disclaimers]] ==

I feel like this might be a hot take since these have been around a long time, but I don't think the mainspace is the appropriate place to have these disclaimers.

In December 2015, [[User:Library Guy]] moved the page [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] (now a mainspace redirect, which I also disagree with) to [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Project Disclaimer]] with the comment &quot;shouldn't be in main namespace&quot;. They are not works at all, nor are they actual sections of the original encyclopedias themselves, so I don't believe they belong in the mainspace.

At the very least, the mainspace project disclaimers should be moved to appropriate sections of the project namespace, without redirects being left behind. However, I think these overly specific disclaimers are probably products of another time, when Wikisource was younger and it was being used more so than to-day as an aid and supplement to Wikipedia's efforts. We also have [[Wikisource:General disclaimer]] which (at least in a broader way) covers most of the things said in these pages. I would be fine with just to '''delete''' them.

However, I'll leave the interpretation to consensus below. Should the entries be moved to other namespaces, or deleted entirely? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 19:17, 11 September 2021 (UTC)

{{smaller|Edit: Also pinging {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} in case the Library Guy account won't be used a while. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)}}
*'''Oppose.''' Thanks for pinging the other account. Maybe something like {{tl|AuxTOC}} can be used to wrap the disclosures.  I imagine the information is available elsewhere, but I think it is good idea to make the disclaimer information more immediately available for the encyclopedia projects.  I've never checked the alternative disclaimers cited.  They seem too obscure to me. The contents listings for the encyclopedias are also not part of the source.  Something should probably be done there.  Maybe just {{tl|AuxTOC}} could work somehow.  The disclaimers could be moved back to the main namespace with a wrapper of some sort since it seems tough to wrap a redirect. Seems fair to keep around the redirect though since the destination makes things clear. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 13:45, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|Bob Burkhardt}} You don't think moving them to another namespace is a good idea, at least, as you've done at EB1911? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:18, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:I think putting the disclaimer in the project namespace is an effective solution, but you were talking about deleting the redirect, and the wrapper solution, which I have become aware of more lately, would avoid the redirect.  I like the current solution better than the wrapper for the disclaimer.  The wrapper solution ({{tl|AuxTOC}}) would work better for the tables of contents.  It is widely used.  I will also mention the [[ACAB]] disclaimer has some things that I think are really very necessary for that work. Probably the encyclopedia disclaimers should at least refer to the General discliamer. [[User:Bob Burkhardt|Bob Burkhardt]] ([[User talk:Bob Burkhardt|talk]]) 17:17, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' These project disclaimers were added a long time ago, and are a part of the project’s set-up. While, strictly speaking, they are not neccessary, I think that, at this point, it would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them. Certainly, they should not be made now; but I do not think they should be deleted. Any move (across namespaces) would necessitate a cross-namespace redirect, owing to the age of the original name. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:23, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;It would be more detrimental to delete them than to keep them.&quot; – For what reason do you say that? Age alone isn't a reason to keep—there are lots of old relics that we've deleted at WS:PD. Assuming that we delink all references to it in the mainspace (which is what I'm advocating for by the way), what harm would this do to the project itself, reading- or editing-wise? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 September 2021 (UTC)
::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: The “old relics” which have been deleted were entire works—although they were usually not quite so entire; this is not the case here. I '''oppose''' removing the references, as the continuity of use of them (my meaning in ''age'' here, my apologies for the confusion) would be so disrupted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 00:15, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} &quot;The old relics were entire works; this is not the case here.&quot; Right, they aren't works at all, nor parts of works, in any sense. The mainspace is for ''works'', not entire user-generated pages dedicated to explaining some bits of information about how a work ought to be used, especially when all of those notices are already fundamentally covered by [[WS:General disclaimer]]. Furthermore, the initial question I had has still not been answered. That is, why, specifically, would the removal of these disclaimers in the mainspace be so destructive to the encyclopedia projects? You even admit that &quot;strictly speaking, they are not necessary&quot;, so if something isn't necessary, why would deleting it be so detrimental? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:06, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: They are not ''as a rule'' necessary, but these in particular have been made necessary ''as an exception'' because of their long use. No, the notices are not covered by the general disclaimer; that is why they are project-specific, and deleting them would entail recourse to the general (and thus not specifically useful) disclaimer, while losing the information of specific relevance to the articles at hand. They generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules regarding “verifiability,” “notability,” and such, I believe; such being the reason for their initial creation. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:14, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
{{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Wikipedians copying and referencing material that happens to be in the public domain is nothing new as you say. The entire sum of human media before 1923, and now before 1926, is a pretty wide scope of works after all, which, theoretically, we should have transcribed in its totality at Wikisource. I've seen entire plot summary sections of Wikipedia articles having been copied verbatim from public domain film magazines, for example (as of now, film magazine coverage at Wikisource is incredibly slim, however ''theoretically'' we should have them all). There are a ton of nonfiction works, encyclopedias included but also dictionaries, atlases, certain magazines, textbooks, newspapers, masters' theses, and the list goes on. Any number of these things are copied and/or used at Wikipedia all the time. Should we make mainspace disclaimers specific to these, too? How about I put a page like that in [[The Masses (periodical)]], to make sure that Wikipedians who might use it know that ''The Masses'' purposefully has a socialist slant, and that articles shouldn't be copied to Wikipedia because it's not NPOV? The encyclopedia disclaimers set a bad precedent that way, and I'm a bit worried something like that might be tried one day because of it.

And anyway, if &quot;they generally serve the purpose of informing Wikipedia users of some relevant facts for local (to Wikipedia) rules&quot;, that seems like a bad thing to me. Why is that our responsibility? What is done with the information in the encyclopedias at Wikipedia should ''by no means'' be our specific responsibility. We're a very different project from them, and Wikipedians can go to pages like [[Wikisource:For Wikipedians]] to get an idea of that.

Furthermore, I disagree that these disclaimer pages are useful even. Let's look at [[Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Project Disclaimer]] as an example. It says:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Inaccuracies:''' The articles of the 1921 edition of Collier's New Encyclopedia were based upon the information available to the editors and contributors at the time of their original publication in the early 20th century. Changing circumstances and more recent research may have rendered this information obsolete or revealed it to be inaccurate, especially in the areas of science, law, and ethnography. Readers should bear this in mind when using the information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
There is an entire section dedicated to this very thing covered by [[WS:GD]], which says for example (while not with the exact wording):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] we cannot guarantee (in any way whatsoever) the validity of the documents found here. In particular, medical or legal texts on Wikisource may be incorrect or out of date. We suggest contacting a qualified professional for such information.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
The next section:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Transcription errors:''' These articles are transcribed from the originals by volunteers, sometimes directly and sometimes by correcting a preliminary OCR conversion. While we strive for perfect accuracy, there may be transcription errors in the articles.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
What [[WS:GD]] says about the same thing (although the wording isn't very specific so it's easy to misconstrue):
&lt;blockquote&gt;[...] material found here may not be reviewed by professionals who are knowledgeable in the particular areas of expertise necessary to ensure the accuracy of the texts.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
So we can take out those bits because they aren't necessary for an entire separate page. What we're left with is the very first paragraph, which states:
&lt;blockquote&gt;'''Title usage:''' Use of the titles Collier's New Encyclopedia or Collier's Encyclopedia is strictly to acknowledge titles used to refer to the edition of 1921 which has gone into the public domain in the United States due to the expiration of its copyright there. Any reference to this material should explicitly note the original date of publication.&lt;/blockquote&gt;
Trademark law is not mentioned in the general disclaimer. However, at this point all we have is a paragraph, which is enough for just being in the notes section on the header of the encyclopedia work.

However, even this trademark law bit ''could'' be mentioned in the general disclaimer, but isn't for some reason. Really, any number of works hosted at Wikisource are probably still protected by trademark in some jurisdictions, and we really shouldn't leave a disclaimer about it on every work that applies to. We should probably mention, in the general disclaimer, that the use of the titles of some works, or the identities of the characters in them, may violate trademark laws in some jurisdictions which is unrelated to copyright.

I'd like to end the post by saying that I think much the material in these project disclaimers could be either included or made more specific in the [[WS:General disclaimer]]. I don't like how vague the general disclaimer currently is on many issues, so it certainly could be improved. However, the issues with the general disclaimer does not necessitate the existence of a specific project disclaimer page, in the ''mainspace'' of all places, for every single encyclopedia we have that I know of. I think the improvement of our general disclaimer should be discussed by the way (probably separately to this discussion). [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 01:58, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
*[[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]]: Many encyclopedias (''e.g.'', ''EB'', ''EA'') are still covered by trademark law, but ''most'' (if not effectively all) books are not. My response to your (rhetorical?) question about ''The Masses'' is the following: No, it should not have a disclaimer, because ''no ''new'' disclaimers should be made''. The maintenance (read: non-deletion) of these project disclaimers harks back to when Wikipedia copied at large from the old encyclopedias, and they noted them back to Wikisource. The disclaimers were added to the projects at the time to facilitate this, and thus, to maintain this ''ad-hoc'' “backwards compatibility,” they should be kept. I disagree with your interpretation above: the ''Collier’s'' disclaimer is more specific than the general disclaimer, and thus is useful. (This is the case with other project disclaimers, as well.) I also believe that the general disclaimer is perfectly functional in its current state: being a ''general'' disclaimer, it doesn’t need excruciating detail. I agree regarding the general disclaimer discussion; for another time, perhaps. (As for the old film magazines, they are quite interesting, but with so many images, it is a daunting prospect.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:13, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:: There have apparently been incidents regarding the use of the Sherlock Holmes character in newer works, as policed by the Doyle estate. However I'll digress on everything else, for the sake of further community input on this issue. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:27, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::*Ah, but Sherlock Holmes is not ''title'', but ''character''; for ''titles'', there are but few trademarks, though for characters, there are many more. (I am reminded of “[[w:Arsène Lupin versus Herlock Sholmes|Herlock Sholmes]],” though from whence I know not.) [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:32, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::My understanding is that the issues around Sherlock Holmes are around copyright because some works are in and some works are not, with the claim that derivative works are derivative of those works still in copyright, the trademark in terms of print [[https://trademarks.justia.com/779/37/sherlock-77937813.html was abandonded]]. Tarzan on the other hand has had court cases around the character and is a live trademark. Winnie-the-Pooh and Steamboat Willie will be other interesting cases of this.  [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 15:01, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{ping|MarkLSteadman}} It'd be a shame if Sherlock Holmes as a character was still under ''copyright proper'' in the UK. In the US, the original being public domain would allow for derivative works of that original interpretation to therefore be allowed, not counting in the possible exception of a trademark still being in effect. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:07, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
::::: {{ping|PseudoSkull}} The claim of the Doyle Estate was that while Sherlock Holmes as a character is in the PD as represented in the PD works, Sherlock Holmes as a character is not in the PD as represented in the still copyrighted works. Specifically, they talk about Holmes showing emotion, respect for women etc. as a development in the later works and still copyrighted. This particular issue will go mostly away, thankfully, come January when the next batch of stories enter the PD, but the main legal question is what counts as &quot;original interpretation&quot; of the character and what is still copyrighted. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 17:42, 12 September 2021 (UTC)
: '''Strongly support''' moving these to WS namespace. Neutral regarding actually deleting them (at least within the scope of the current discussion) —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 15:33, 13 September 2021 (UTC)
* delete [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 12:54, 16 September 2021 (UTC)
* {{vd}}. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:53, 2 October 2021 (UTC)
* '''Support''' moving to WS project space and then either linking from main or transcluding to main in some sort of default collapsed wrapper. I prefer linking as trascluding is similar to transcluding page transcriptions but either way the data would remain easily accessible from main while still moving it technically out of main. —[[User:Uzume|Uzume]] ([[User talk:Uzume|talk]]) 00:27, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

== Excerpts of works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]] ==

The following works by [[Author:Viktor Pinchuk|Viktor Pinchuk]], uploaded and translated by [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]], are excerpts or fragments of larger works, with the rest of the work omitted; and thus are out of [[WS:WWI#Excerpts|scope]] for hosting on Wikisource:
* [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]]
* [[Translation:Final swim]]
* [[Translation:Provincial story]]
—[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 20:10, 12 October 2021 (UTC)

: The three miniatures translated by me are fully completed little novellas that have only an indirect relation to the content of the book that includes them. This is the case when one work, more extensive, contains another — smaller in volume: this happens in literature. The book written in genre of &quot;travel literature&quot;, telling about real events. The miniatures (exhibited for delete) are created in the artistic genre. They are small fantasy scenes played in the mind of the main character of the documentary work. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 05:26, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:: {{re|Виктор Пинчук}} If [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are NOT excerpts from ''Six months by islands...'', but instead are themselves complete works, that were published within ''Six months by islands...'', then I believe we can host them. As for [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], you identified it as a &quot;fragment of an article&quot;; so it does not appear to be a full article. If it is only a portion of an article, I do not think we can host it here. We can *omit* portions of an article, if necessary due to copyright, but in this case most of the article appears to be missing. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:48, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::* {{reply to|Beleg Tâl}} Any of my newspaper articles is part of a series of articles devoted to some topic, and any of my books is part of a description of adventures from my life. So you can get to the point of absurdity, figuring out where a &quot;part of the work&quot; is and where &quot;the whole work&quot; is.&lt;br&gt;
::* If, for example, an extensive newspaper article on a political topic describes a meeting of the president of a certain country with a representative of a neighboring state, at which one of those present told an anecdote unrelated to politics, then the [[w:Russian jokes|anecdote]] taken out of context can be considered a separate work, and not part of an article on a political topic.
::* My Newspaper article (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg) written in the genre of [[w:Opinion journalism|&quot;journalism&quot;]], but the fragment (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Translation:Flight_of_fantasy) — that is part of it is written with the help of [[w:Grotesque|grotesque]].[[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 15:16, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
::*: If an extensive newspaper article about politics contained an anecdote, I still don't think we would be willing to host the anecdote without the surrounding article. I'd be interested in seeing the opinions of other editors on the subject. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

: For clarity, Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.
: I would be gently inclined to keep this as it technically does meet [[WS:WWI]] (published, free license, original source text exists). Publication in a local paper is indeed a low bar, but we set the bar at &quot;publication of any sort except self-publication&quot;. However, I would like to see the following issues addressed before I commit to a &quot;keep&quot;:
:* The work should be scan-backed against the relevant page scan, e.g. [[:File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg]]
:* The page scans in question need to be redacted further as the other photos on the page are not PD or freely licensed.
:* The images like [[:File:Бомж-тур-агентство (иллюстрация к миниатюре «Полёт фантазии»).jpg]] do not appear in the original and should be removed.
:* They should exist as subpages of the newspaper (''Respublica Krim'') rather than floating untethered in mainspace.
: [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 08:13, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:: {{re|Inductiveload}} There are several works by Pinchuk which I am ''not'' proposing for deletion, because they are published in a local paper and as such meet our publication requirements. The three which I am bringing to the attention of WS:PD are specifically because they are ''exerpts'' and not full works, as per [[WS:WWI#Excerpts]]. &quot;Provincial story&quot; and &quot;Final swim&quot; are not works, they are extracts from the 1916 book ''Six months by islands...''. If the book ''Six months by islands...'' were added to Wikisource in full, I would have no further objection to keeping these portions within it. Similarly, &quot;Flight of fancy&quot; is a ''fragment'' of an article published in ''Respublica Krim''; if the article in its entirety were to be hosted, I would have no further objection. 
:: To your other comments: I have already scan-backed all of the other works we have by Pinchuk, and removed images or added {{tl|image missing}} as needed. I'm neutral on the idea of having the entire structure of ''Respublica Krim'' in Translation space just for these articles (though of course I would demand it in mainspace). —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:39, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::Ah, well, then I am guilty of not paying full attention and thought these were just small self-contained works. Indeed, all of these are fragments of works-as-published and thus are indeed out of scope. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:49, 13 October 2021 (UTC)
:::: {{re|Inductiveload}} Pinchuk has convinced me that [[Translation:Final swim]] and [[Translation:Provincial story]] are complete works ''per se'', despite being published within a larger work. I am still not convinced about [[Translation:Flight of fantasy]], which apparently is comparable to a tangential anecdote being exerpted from a longer article detailing the full conversation. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:55, 15 October 2021 (UTC)

* The scan has been corrected, photos not participating in Wikisource have been deleted. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Наяву_на_Яву_прибыл.jpg
* Illustrations of texts posted on Wikisource must exactly match the scanned source, and cannot contain author's additions?
* Yes, ''Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk in Cyrillic.'' I hope here is no [[w:Corpus delecti|corpus delicti]]?
* The newspaper strip does not includ enough space: not all photos are placed on it. Wikisource is an electronic version, there is more space here. Why not post illustrations that are not included in the newspaper, but belong to the author? (In this case, the illustrations were created by the author specifically for Wikisource.) For example, this: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Бомж-тур-агентство_(иллюстрация_к_миниатюре_«Полёт_фантазии»).jpg [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 12:05, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

:* {{Re|Виктор Пинчук}} thank you for the redaction of the image.
:* R.e. {{tqi|1=Виктор Пинчук = Viktor Pinchuk}}, that is just a clarification to make it clear that you are the author in question in case it's not obvious to others. There's no problem with it.
:* R.e. the illustrations: Wikisource is a repository of texts ''as published''. English Wikisource doesn't accept self-published works. Thus, while the version of the works that appeared in ''Respublica Krim'' are in scope, self-published editions are not. Also, under [[WS:ANN]], {{tqi|Purely decorative illustrations and images. (Known as grangerisation or extra-illustration)}} are specifically excluded from permissible annotations.
:* Note that Wikisource is not a publishing platform for ''users'' work, it's a platform for ''published works'', which in this case, just happens to be by a user: yourself. If it had not been published in a paper, it would be out of scope. If you would like to host your own work somewhere online and it's not in some published format, I do not think the WMF ecosystem contains such a platform. Usually content like that is published via personal website, blogs, or sites like Medium or those mentioned at [[meta:Wikifiction]]. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:07, 13 October 2021 (UTC)

::*I don’t have texts that have not been published in newspapers, magazines, or books, but there are illustrations that, for technical reasons, did not fit into officially publications. These illustrations are not [[w:Grangerisation|Grangerization]] and they are not [[w:Extra-illustration |extra-illustration]]: they correspond to the theme of the material. [[User:Виктор Пинчук|Виктор Пинчук]] ([[User talk:Виктор Пинчук|talk]]) 06:05, 14 October 2021 (UTC)

: {{ping|Beleg Tâl}}, {{ping|Inductiveload}} Would you say that the issues raised here have been resolved and this thread can be closed, or is there still more to be done? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:49, 11 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[The American in Holland]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:09, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
: A scan is available here {{IA small link|americaninhollan00grifrich}} if someone wants to match and split the current text. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:11, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:43, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Ingram)]] ==

This is an incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

* If you look at the discussion page, the source is identified and linked. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:14, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  The discussion pages lists at least 5 different sources of which one is still under copyright. The question is which one of these five is the source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*** That is noted and explained in the Notes on the main page of the work. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 05:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
****  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]  So the 1912 text mentioned in header is actually a 2003 transcription of the 1912 work that has a copyright of 2003 and is for personal use only. Does that matter? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***** So you agree that this has a source, even though the deletion rationale you gave was that it is &quot;unsourced&quot;? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:24, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
******  @[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] Yes, I was wrong about the unsourced part. Mea Culpa. I went too fast on these. Despite this, it's still only a small fragment of a work that is over 400 pages long. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:32, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:42, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Myths and Tales from the San Carlos Apache]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work that is over a decade old. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The source is a defunct website. There is absolutely no way to assess where the text came from or to continue the work without finding a scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:45, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The Web-site is archived, and the archive contains the relevant text. Even if that were not the case, the singular priting is available [https://digitallibrary.amnh.org/handle/2246/164 here]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:08, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text is incomplete and the original source no longer exists.  The alternative source linked in the above discussion shows a document that differs markedly from what we currently have.  If someone sets up an Index page and begins transcription, they can do so at this title, but the current content does not meet the standards of [[WS:WWI]]: It is a second-hand transcription; it lacks key content in the portions that have been included; and it is a partial work.  Most significantly, it is a scholarly work which has had all the footnotes stripped from it.  Academic citations are a central component of any scholarly work.  Even if the rest of the text were pulled from the Archive of the web site, it is still a second-hand transcription, and lacks key content of the original. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:42, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Apostrophe to the Ocean]] ==

This is an unsourced, incomplete work. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:11, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Deletion rationale is not truthful. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 02:20, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
**This is not an “incomplete” work, ''per se''. It is an excerpt from “[[The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 2/Childe Harold's Pilgrimage/Canto IV|Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage]],” although one that has historically been considered a separate work, as published under the title of “[[The Reciter/Address to the ocean|Address to the Ocean]].” My !vote stands as to the stated rationale. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:25, 27 January 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:41, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::I did not see anything in the 1818 publication referencing that name: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/childeharoldspil22byro}}, need to find an example when it was published under that name independently, the first I found is {{ext scan link|https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008916734}} ... [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 19:25, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Analysis of the Sexual Impulse]] ==

Unformatted, copydump. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:14, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' Work is complete. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:32, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The work is unformated from a PGDP text file. It is missing it's footnotes and has numerous instances of italics marked as &quot;_sexual impulse_.&quot; [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:28, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
***[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The underscores can be replaced easily; I do not see how this problem justifies deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 18:16, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
**** @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]  If it were just the italics, I could see how that could be fixed by a bot, but the references would need to be added manually. They're more or less mixed into the text. IMHO, it would take quite a bit of work to finish this text and it seems better to be done on a scan than this. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:36, 5 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:36, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
*I have reformatted the work. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:10, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

==[[The Wreck of the Steamer &quot;Stella&quot;]]==
Speedy deletion contested: original by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]], with claim “out of scope - secondary transcription.” However, there is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription. A secondary transcription is a transcription made at another site and then imported here, from my understanding of the closed proposal. This work is marked as “no source”; thus, it is not evident that it originated from an illegal source. For the record, I '''oppose''' the deletion. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:58, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:I'm interpreting the policy as including &quot;no source&quot; as being &quot;secondary transcriptions&quot; by default. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:15, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
:: There is no evidence that this is a secondary transcription.  If there is no source, then it cannot be a secondary transcription, and if it is a secondary transcription, then it has a source.  The two cases are inherently mutually exclusive. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 01:42, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] What is to stop users from source washing by simply omitting the secondary source? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 05:21, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::I think it would be good to communicate to contributors clearly what we expect them to do, if what we want them to do is to provide a source we should explicitly communicate that to them. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 20:07, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::I did reach out to the user and offer to find them a scan. Part of the rationale for this policy is to stop further unsourced/secondary transcriptions. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::You mean: how can you police the honesty of contributors?  That's an entirely separate issue, and not relevant for this deletion discussion. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]])
:::::It’s about making a presumption that no source = secondary transcription as the most likely scenario. The other works that the user posted are from a secondary source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:35, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
: This almost certainly was copied from one of the many secondary transcriptions online, which are probably copying each other and I hazard likely eventually back to [https://archive.org/details/yetmorepoeticgem0000mcgo/page/30/mode/2up Yet More Poetic Gems], which is a British 1980 compilation and therefore copyrighted (the compilation, probably not the poem). It would be a lot better if the original source could be found, probably in some periodical, but if it can't be, a &quot;naked&quot; text is the best we can have, though there would always be an open question over whether it was modified in the 1980 edition (with a small but non-zero risk of creative input: cf. [https://mjpbooks.com/blog/the-senseless-tragic-rape-of-charles-bukowskis-ghost-by-john-martins-black-sparrow-press/ the posthumous &quot;improvement&quot; of Charles Bukowski's work]). So it could be an exception to the second hand text thing based on lack of public domain source. Any ideas where the original was published, anyone? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:41, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:: According to [[w:List of William McGonagall poems|Wikipedia]], the poem was first published in 1962 in More Poetic Gems. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:54, 17 February 2022 (UTC)–
::: That can't be right, it sounds like it was likely first published in some local Dundee paper around the time of the event. That Wikipedia list looks like someone has just transcribed the TOCs of the collections at the IA. For example, [https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/roundtable/disaster-poet apparently] the one about Gilfillan was published in the ''Dundee Weekly News'', not in a 1962 collection, 60 years after McGonagall's death. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:14, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: This begets the question of how much work do we need to do to hunt down the original publication. If the uploader transcribed the poem from an original publication, they should be able to easily list it. Otherwise, I'm inclined to presume that they simply copied it from an online source. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:28, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Can you solve the mystery and tell us the source of this poem? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:31, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::::[https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762 Worldcat] says that the poem was originally published in 1899. But I haven't been able to find an instance of the original publication. [[User:DoublePendulumAttractor|DoublePendulumAttractor]] ([[User talk:DoublePendulumAttractor|talk]]) 03:05, 20 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{ping|Languageseeker|DoublePendulumAttractor}} You might want to note that &quot;[[Lines in Praise of Tommy Atkins]]&quot; was also published in [https://web.archive.org/web/20171210022327/http://www.mcgonagall-online.org.uk/publications/more-poetic-gems ''More Poetic Gems''] (1962).&lt;br&gt;I really don't have any access to print media (although I surely wish I did), and searching Google Books doesn't yield anything with &quot;Preview available&quot;, but I ''do'' know that [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Poems_published_posthumously several other poems] have been published posthumously; that &lt;u&gt;'''''might'''''&lt;/u&gt; have been the case with these two poems. Just giving you some advice. [[User:Shāntián Tàiláng|Shāntián Tàiláng]] ([[User talk:Shāntián Tàiláng|talk]]) 16:28, 23 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: @[[User:Shāntián Tàiláng]] Thank you. This source would make it a secondary transcription and out-of-scope. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:51, 27 February 2022 (UTC)

: {{keep}} It rather seems to me that this poem will not be easy to scan-back due to lack of unambiguously copyright-free physical copies. While any one poem is clearly in the PD, the actual book ''Yet More Poetic Gems'' is not because copyright subsists in the collection itself, so we can't host a scan of that book.
: Thus, I suggest that this poem should be permitted, since it's unreasonable to expect someone to use a scan if ''no-one'' can find a scan. If a scan comes along in future, probably due to digitisation of some local Dundee broadsheet, this &quot;unsourced edition&quot; (in that it's not clearly tied to a physical edition, though it likely is ''YMPGs'') can be replaced with a suitably backed copy. In the mean time, we have {{tl|unsourced}} and {{tl|second-hand}} to make it's provenance, or lack thereof, clear.
: This is, IMO, an appropriate time to invoke a [[WS:WWI#Consensus]] exception due to the unusual lack of ''any'' hostable scan for the work.
: If scans ''were'' available, I would expect those to be used instead for all the usual reasons. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:25, 27 February 2022 (UTC)
::apparantly there is a broadsheet floating out there [https://books.google.com/books?id=IdWlNwAACAAJ&amp;dq=The+Wreck+of+the+Steamer+%22Stella%22&amp;hl=en&amp;newbks=1&amp;newbks_redir=0&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwipwN-B96f2AhUqg3IEHdR1CXgQ6AF6BAgLEAE]; [https://www.worldcat.org/title/wreck-of-the-steamer-stella-a-new-poem/oclc/224197762&amp;referer=brief_results] - but it might be hard to find to scan. when you delete it you make it harder to find. (maybe you should contact the Univ Edin. group at WMUK --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:19, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
::: National Library of Scotland has a print copy dated 1899 [https://search.nls.uk/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=44NLS_ALMA21525181290004341&amp;context=L&amp;vid=44NLS_VU1&amp;lang=en_US&amp;search_scope=SCOPE1&amp;adaptor=Local%20Search%20Engine&amp;query=any,contains,William%20McGonagall&amp;facet=topic,include,Shipwrecks&amp;mode=basic&amp;offset=0]. Therefore in scope (as are any other of McGonagall's poems being nominated). As we have NLS people involved here talk to their liaison contact {{ping|LilacRoses}} and see if they can help. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 06:55, 3 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1895)]] ==

Unsourced reprint of the scan-backed text [[Kidnapped - Stevenson (1887)]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:32, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
*Just redirect the pages of the old version to the chapters of the new version. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:52, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
**They're not printed from the plates, so it's not quite correct to just redirect. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:23, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
: It's unsourced with an existing scan-backed version so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 18:50, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{keep}} It is not unsourced. Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:30, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]]: Just who are you !voting should do this work? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:05, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::??? [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:07, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just who is it you are !voting should &quot;Create an Index page from the scan and set it up to be migrated.&quot;? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:26, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::It is just my suggested course of action. Whoever is interested can pick it or drop it. Same as &quot;Just redirect the pages ...&quot; above or &quot;rather migrate&quot; below. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:28, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::Yeah, the &quot;rather migrate&quot; below (and spammed across every discussion here) is about as useful. The &quot;just redirect&quot; is an effective delete vote, and within the bounds of what falls under the necessary work of handling deletion discussions. But finding and checking a scan, uploading it, creating an index, match&amp;splitting, proofreading all ~375 pages, and then re-transcluding is a &quot;somewhat&quot; bigger ask. Unless you're actually offering to this yourself, you're effectively voting that ''someone else'' should do all this work. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:46, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::You are making your own reality. My vote was clear and I added it would be better migrate the page. As far as &quot;who will do what&quot;, it will be who will feel like, as it is always been. Do not lecture me about what I am willing to do or not. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:20, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::And while you are giving such lessons, ask yourself why you deleted this: https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Log&amp;logid=11120068 and look at the history of the page. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:27, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::Uhm. Because it was proposed for deletion and all participating in the discussion were in favour of its deletion? As the link to the discussion that was included in the deletion log indicated? If you believe it was deleted in error then feel free to open an undeletion discussion. If you think ''I'' messed up (always a possibility) then I'd appreciate a headsup so I can fix whatever the mistake was. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:52, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::::If you can't see it by yourself, too bad. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 16:13, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::::You're really going to make me guess? *sigh* But, ok, provided I've guessed correctly… I've opened an undeletion discussion for it down in [[Special:PermanentLink/12192978#Undelete_Posthumous_Works_of_the_Author_of_A_Vindication_of_the_Rights_of_Woman|#Undelete Posthumous Works of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman]] and temporarily undeleted it pending the outcome, and pinged the participants of the previous discussion. I'd give good odds the outcome will be keep, as it usually is when anyone even expresses an interest in working on a text that's been proposed for deletion, not to mention when they've actually started working on it. Much as it would have been had you noted the fact you were working on it in the original discussion at any point during the 5+ weeks it was open. And as it also would have been had you dropped a note about the issue on my talk page a week and a half ago when it was deleted, so I could have reopened the discussion and polled the participants as we usually do in these situations. In fact, I don't believe I've ever seen a delete outcome for a text that someone is actually working on proofreading. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:17, 3 March 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} non scan backed is not a valid rationale, rather migrate. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:51, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[1990 Census Name Files]] ==

This is a severely incomplete dump of a US Census Bureau website, containing only a tiny fraction of the data, and that is sourced to the Internet Archive archive of the website rather than the website itself. It is also mainly raw census statistical data (apart from the cover page), so strictly speaking out of scope. But mostly it's just pretty pointless for us to (badly) mirror the Internet Archive's mirror of a born-digital website which was subject to USGov archival regulations to begin with (you can still FOIA-request those pages and expect to have them handed over). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:26, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep (weak).''' This page ''is'' in scope, and the &lt;code&gt;dist.all.last&lt;/code&gt; directory is also technically in scope, by being an accompaniment to the main report. However, I do not think the table listing should be hosted, and I certainly think a listing of the first one hundred items in that list is more definitely so. However, excluding the somewhat related attachments, the page is complete, and connects to other pages. I would prefer neither of the pages be deleted. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:43, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:{{vk}} born digital file that our &quot;open&quot; government persists in publishing in pdf. when you have reliable data link, migrate to commons data. --&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Papyrus;&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/span&gt; 亞 &lt;span style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|Farmbrough's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 17:49, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:King Alfred&amp;#39;s Old English version of St. Augustine&amp;#39;s Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu]] ==

This has been declined for a speedy delete, but I fail to see how this is not a duplicate of [[King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies Turned Into Modern English]]. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:41, 24 March 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: The two title pages list 1902 and 1904 as the date, respectively, so they are clearly not identical. Both are scan-backed and fully proofread (though the proofreading does leave a bit to be desired, it seems: [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/61]]). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:15, 22 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] I think there is some confusion because the 1902 scan actually contains actually contains two separate works: Yale Studies in English XIII (1902) and Yale Studies in English XXII (1904). The proposed deletion is for [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. So I'm asking how does the [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies - Hargrove - 1902.djvu/187|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]] differ from [[Page:King Alfred's Old English version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, turned into modern English.djvu/7|Yale Studies in English XXII (1904)]]. My personal sense is that the fact that the 1902 book is bound with the 1904 work has thrown people off the scent. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:54, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary (unsourced)]] ==

Unsourced version of a work for which we have multiple scan-backed editions. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:59, 16 April 2022 (UTC)

== Subtemplates of {{tl|user lang subcat}} ==

* {{tl|user lang subcat/1}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/2}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/3}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/4}}
* {{tl|user lang subcat/N}}

I've made significant edits to {{tl|user lang subcat}}, and its subtemplates are now just invocations of the main template. I've removed all uses of the subtemplates, and I think it would be good to delete them so as to avoid unnecessary maintenance. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:31, 17 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1880)]] ==

This work is not backed by a scanned source, the text contains numerous OCR artefacts, and there are clear instances where text is missing. These defects cannot be rectified because there is no indication of the original source (there is no front matter). There is a scan backed version of the work at [[Mehalah: a story of the salt marshes (1920)]], so this work should be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 01:03, 18 April 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom. I added links to 1880 scans from the British Library on the [[Author:Sabine Baring-Gould|author page]] if someone wants to create the index files to start a new proofreading effort from scratch. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 01:58, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:{{vd}} as above. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:12, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:'''Keep and replace''' with scans per the links added by MarkLSteadman. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 18:52, 29 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Category:Wikipedia administrators]] ==

I came across this while browsing the [[:Category:Wikipedia]] content category, but it just seems to be a list of administrators on another project, rather than content? Is this actually useful at all here, given that having Wikipedia admin access doesn't confer any extra access rights here? Thanks. [[User:Mike Peel|Mike Peel]] ([[User talk:Mike Peel|talk]]) 20:50, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{comment}} This category is automatically added by {{tl|User Wikipedia administrator}}, so deleting the category would mean nothing unless the template were also altered. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:27, 2 May 2022 (UTC)
: {{vk}} — Having Wikipedia access rights can be useful here in cases where something would need to be done at Wikipedia in relation to a problem at Wikisource, so being able to browse this category is useful in that way. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 02:54, 29 May 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;Index:Newton's Principia - the mathematical principles of natural philosophy.djvu &lt;/s&gt;==

This appears to be a duplicate of the work already fully transcribed at [[Index:Newton's Principia (1846).djvu]] [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 03:31, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
:Speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:16, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity/FullText ==

This is the transclusion of the entire work of 'A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity' in one page, but the same index page is also transcluded into individual chapters as per the published work's table of contents. This page should therefore be deleted. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 14:03, 11 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Daniel Deronda]] ==

Languageseeker originally speedied this, where I converted it into a &lt;nowiki&gt;{{delete}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template. The comment they left was: &quot;scan back version complete at [[Daniel Deronda (First Edition)]]. Per the notes, this does not correspond to any printed edition.&quot;

I agree with the nomination, so {{vd}}. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:05, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} per nom [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:23, 17 May 2022 (UTC)

{{vd}} In case [[Daniel_Deronda]] is deleted in favor of [[Daniel_Deronda_(First_Edition)]], all the subpages https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Daniel_Deronda/Volume* should also be deleted so they're not becoming orphant. - [[User:R. J. Mathar|R. J. Mathar]] ([[User talk:R. J. Mathar|talk]]) 11:00, 25 May 2022 (UTC)

== Unused toc templates ==

A cluster of now-unused toc templates (several of whom have been broken a long time):

*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h0}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-h3}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s1/2}}
*{{tl|Cl-act-TOC-s2}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content}}
*{{tl|CTOC-content-nl}}
*{{tl|CTOC-title-nl}}
*{{tl|End}}

These old obsolete templates tend to get found randomly by new users and then start getting cut&amp;paste used again and again. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:37, 27 May 2022 (UTC)

:Note that {{tl|End}} is used in {{tl|Nixon-DD}} and related. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 17:45, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29).pdf]] ==

This is an incomplete computer printout for which the original publication has been proofread and transcluded at [[Index:Marriage (Enabling) Act 1960 (UKPGA Eliz2-8-9-29 qp).pdf]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:48, 6 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Author:Reza Torkzadeh]] ==

A modern author, whose three books mentioned on this author page are claimed to be &quot;released by him into the public domain worldwide&quot;. I don't see any evidence, upon some Google research, that they are freely licensed at all, much less in the public domain. All of these recent edits related to this lawyer (on Wikidata, Wikimedia Commons, Wikiquote, and Wikisource at least) also seem to be promotional in nature, as they're targeted and specific to this lawyer. {{ping|Andilockwood}} Please note that '''all works''' that are contributed to Wikisource '''must''' follow [[Wikisource:Copyright policy]], and author pages should usually not be made for authors with no works that are freely licensed. The books would be acceptable if they really are in the public domain, though, because any book that went through a peer review process will be, and presumably the published books of a lawyer would qualify under that standard. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:48, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Andilockwood}} Are you the lawyer Reza Torkzadeh? [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 14:50, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
::No. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:33, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
:::There are two free e-books available and one that just became available and is already a bestseller on Amazon. The latest book is not free and I am not sure if it will be for awhile. https://www.amazon.com/Reza-Torkzadeh/e/B08FCQ2NBJ/ref=dp_byline_cont_pop_book_1. The newest book is: https://rezat.com/2022/01/02/book-announcement-the-lawyer-as-ceo/ 
:::The free books are available by contacting the author through: https://rezat.com/ or downloading straight from https://www.torklaw.com/resources/accidents-happen-book/
:::So is the new release not able to be referenced? Just the two free books?
:::Thank you. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:41, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*Looking at [https://www.linkedin.com/posts/the-torkzadeh-law-firm_its-official-rezas-book-the-lawyer-as-activity-6937791145171111936-B_RM this LinkedIn post] and the related [https://www.amazon.com/dp/1544531141/ref=cm_sw_em_r_mt_dp_1TDCBSMT0TMA8Q3WJRN8 Amazon.com listing], the book seems to have been “released” as in “sold commercially,” not “released” into the public domain (this is for ''The Lawyer As CEO'', which just came out about a week ago). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:02, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Yes, that is true. So should I only reference the two free books then? Apologies. [[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]] ([[User talk:Andilockwood|talk]]) 21:42, 8 June 2022 (UTC)
*:*[[User:Andilockwood|Andilockwood]]: This seems to be a [[w:Gratis versus libre|''gratis versus libre'']] confusion. Mr. Torkzadeh’s Web-site refers those interested in reading ''Accidents Happen'' to https://accidentshappenbook.com/. This Web-site gives a copyright notice at the bottom of the page, but this is likely false. However, copyright exists automatically, so without an explicit dedication of the book into the public domain, it will remain copyrighted. The book is available for free on the Internet, and may be received for free on demand; these are both ''gratis'' freedoms. However, the book appears to not have been released into the public domain, which is the required ''libre'' freedom (required, as in it is required to post the books here). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 21:58, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes (unsourced)]] ==

This is a mix of non-scan backed texts from the 1927 edition (which is in copyright) and links to the Strand Magazine versions. Since the Strand Magazine versions have been proofread, I propose deleting the non-scan backed entries. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:28, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I don't see much value in keeping this mix of the 1927 version and the A. Conan Encyclopedia and Strand versions. Having a clear edition is much better than such a mix. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:48, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}} I agree. Unsourced duplicates should be removed as a matter of principle. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 10:40, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{vd}}. Could have been also speedied per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G7]] Author's request. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:13, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
:: @[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] It's also for the following subpages:
:* [[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]
:* [[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]
:* [[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:03, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Ah, I see. These could have been speedied too, per [[Wikisource:Deletion policy#G4]]: An unsourced work that is redundant to a sourced (scanned) version. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Testament Pedro II Of the Brazil]] ==

Unsourced, and with no translator credited. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:32, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:06, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== &lt;s&gt;[[Template:Helpme]]&lt;/s&gt; ==

This was a template clearly imported from Wikipedia way back in the 2000s, a similar case to [[Template:Hangon]] which was recently deleted at PD. In the amount of time I've been active at Wikisource, which would be a couple years at this point, I have ''never even seen'' anything of this template, much less seen it being used. I often patrol recent changes for vandalism and new users who might need help or their edits standardized, and in that time I've never seen the template in use. Yet, [[Template:Welcome]] links to this template still.

Not helping the case of &lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; is that '''even the template itself''' (not even the documentation but the ''template'') recommends the main point I have against keeping this template around, which is that we have other outlets that are better used for help. We have such fine resources as [[WS:SCH|the Scriptorium help desk]], talk pages of experienced users, an IRC channel, (as of relatively recently) a Discord server, and probably more outlets I'm forgetting to mention, where a user can ask for help.

Given that we have these other outlets, having a self-categorizing help template on Wikisource doesn't seem like it's very efficient in practice, at least maybe not anymore. [[Template:Helpme]] got only '''2 pageviews''' in the past 30 days, and the category [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] got '''7 pageviews'''. That's ''pretty bad'' when you compare it to [[:Category:Speedy deletion requests]], a far more useful maintenance category, which got '''314 pageviews''' this month. This illustrates the point that I don't think this category gets enough attention for its stated purpose; I doubt many admins have it bookmarked (maybe I should?).

Whatever the case may be, the amount of people specifically patrolling [[:Category:Users looking for help|Users looking for help]] is clearly very scant to none, and a user would get better help by asking for it from another source that would get more attention, like the ones mentioned above. This is especially the case for more complex problems.

It's really most likely to be used by editors who recently discovered us through Wikipedia and are thus used to WP's community practices, and many of those practices really ought not be encouraged. Many things Wikipedia does are virtually incompatible with Wikisource simply because we're a smaller community, and they have a ''far'' larger active editor base than we do.


If a template is greatly discouraged virtually everywhere, it should probably just be deleted. The better outlets should be highlighted to new contributors as the right way to do it, with [[Template:Helpme]] removed from our welcome template and any other places it remains linked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:31, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' I see it used frequently enough, and the category is mentioned through the “recent pages” header listing. I am suprised that you have never seen its use, actually. In addition, the fact that messages sent to such help-related outlets are often ignored makes it desirable to have multiple methods of communication. I believe that the deletion of the “hangon” template was appropriate, because it was never integrated into the Wikisource structure, and its purpose was better accomplished and was actually accomplished by other utilities. However, I believe that the “helpme” template is useful, and its use, though not especially frequent, shows this to be the case. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:35, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Okay, I'll grant that recent pages linked would suggest that this template is still seeing some use, but is still quite [[Template:Helpme|commonly]] [[User talk:Chrisguise#Footnotes - The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5|discouraged]]. And I would really rather people not use it, given the lack of patrolling of this particular template. The other solution would be to both encourage it more and patrol it more; is that what you'd rather be in favor of? And what if only 2 experienced users on the whole site patrol that category even weekly (I'd wager it's less than that), and you need help with a specific thing? Then the backlog just continues to exist. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 22:48, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

*{{vk}} It's being used periodically. The category doesn't need to be on anyone's watchlist as the template feeds to Recent Changes and RC patrollers should be checking it as a part of their patrols. I certainly do. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 23:25, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added the category to my bookmarks now that I know of its existence. If the template is kept I'll patrol it regularly. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:42, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
: '''Kept'''. Redacting deletion request; I might not like it, but I don't think this'll gain consensus, and it is ''marginally'' useful at least, so it's not worth the fight. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 23:53, 11 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu]] ==

&quot;Junk&quot; status OCR- Please start again with KNOWN scan and correct sourcing detail, Thanks [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:20, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

:An alternative would be to realign everything...
{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
!pp (if relevant)
!Destination
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/13
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/3||9861037||(pp001)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/15
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/4||9861038||(pp002)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/16
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/5||||(pp003)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/17
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/6||||(pp004)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/18
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/7||9861042||(pp005)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/19
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/8||9861043||(pp006)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/20
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/9||||(pp007)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/21
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/10||||(pp 008)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/22
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/11||||(pp 009)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/23
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/12||||(pp 010)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/24
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/13||||(pp 011)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/25
|-
|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/470||||(pp468)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/471||||(pp469)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/472||||(pp470)||page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/475&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp473)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/487&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/478&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp476)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/490&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/479&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp477)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/491&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/480&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp478)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/492&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/481&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp479)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/493&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:10, 18 June 2022 (UTC)
*Just run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR device. The new OCR is passable. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 03:40, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*:Why would we want to hard-code raw OCR text in these pages when you can get it dynamically when needed, and with probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time (and a choice of OCR engines and settings)? This is entirely raw OCR created in bulk (along with, IIRC, several hundred thousand other pages, none of which have been subsequently proofread). Experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such junk pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:47, 19 June 2022 (UTC)
*::The assertion &quot;none of which have been subsequently proofread&quot; is not true. [[Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/7|This page]], for example, has been proofread. Similarly, for an example of another scan, [[Index:Greece from the Coming of the Hellenes to AD. 14.djvu]] has been almost completely marked as proofread (and the other pages appear to have been corrected). The assertion that &quot;several hundred thousand other pages&quot; were created is not true. The assertion that the &quot;other pages&quot; all contain &quot;entirely raw OCR&quot; is not true. I hope I do not need to produce a complete list of every single page that has been wholly or partly corrected by me or by someone else. IIRC, the number of such pages is large. The assertion that there will be &quot;probable technical improvements to the OCR quality in the intervening time&quot; has not been proved. The assertion that &quot;experience indicates that a significant subset of contributors are turned off by the presence of such ... pages and will avoid working on indexes where they are present&quot; has not been proved. Xover is not a significant subset of contributors. The OCR of the other volumes is generally almost perfect. The creation of pages for this particular volume appears to have been a mistake. If and when others wish, I can start correcting the pages in this particular volume. If others wish to replace the existing OCR with new OCR, I will have to wait until they have done that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 13:24, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::@[[User:James500|James500]]: How about we just delete the Page: pages for this index and then you can recreate them as and when you have time and inclination to work on it? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 15:18, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*::::I assume that the proofread pages (title and 472) should be kept. I assume that other pages that have corrected should be kept (including 473, 479 and the Notice). I assume that the blank pages should be kept. I have no opinion about the pages whose OCR reads like gibberish. If other editors wish to &quot;run the bot over these pages using the new, higher-quality OCR&quot; or wish for the pages to be &quot;be migrated, or regenerated&quot;, I will abstain from !voting either for or against that. [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|talk]]) 15:47, 23 June 2022 (UTC)
*:::::You assume correctly, and I apologise for not being more precise: I was suggesting deleting only the pages of status &quot;Not proofread&quot; which contain &quot;gibberish&quot;. Empty pages marked &quot;Empty&quot; are, strictly speaking, finished pages; and &quot;Not proofread&quot; pages that are in the process of being improved (which I see SF00 has started in on subsequent to the nomination; thanks for the headsup!) I generally wouldn't want to interfere with. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:05, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

: ''' Withdrawn'''  The pages can be migrated , or regenerated. There is a request for page migration at WS:AN. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:08, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Treaty of Versailles]] ==

This text has been compiled from several sources, and such compilations are excluded from Wikisource scope by [[WS:What Wikisource includes]]. Deleting the text will create space for addition of some original publication.-- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:08, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Oppose.''' I don’t what the “compilation” was supposed to mean, as all three sources have the same, full text of the treaty (so far as I can see). It is not as if the “Treaty of Versailles” is a compilation of three separate works; it is one work, which has been published as a whole. Scan-backing may be performed against the copy in the [[United States Treaty Series/Volume 2]]. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:46, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
*:The sources do not have identical texts. E.g. the given source https://net.lib.byu.edu/~rdh7/wwi/versailles.html does not have preamble and protocol, which are taken from another source. The source http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/dfat/treaties/1920/1.html does not have the table with signatures which has been taken from elsewhere. Our text is a compilation, as it was also noted at its talk page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:55, 8 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} Agree with the deletion rationale. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:50, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
* {{vd}} The text currently hosted here is clearly a compilation from three separate sources and therefore corresponding to none of them; and two of the sources are secondary transcriptions from no known original. The current wikipage(s) at [[Treaty of Versailles]] should be deleted and, once the edition of the treaty published in USSL has been proofread, replaced with a redirect to that. Once multiple editions of the treaty have been proofread, the wikipage can be turned into a versions page.{{pbr}}The treaty was published in the Australian Treaty Series (1920 No. 1), as well as the United Kingdom Treaty Series (004/1919 / Cmd. 153) and United States Treaty Series (Vol. 2 p.43); and probably in the United States Statutes at Large, although I couldn't find that version just now. All of these or either of them would be acceptable here, but separately and in context (for example, in UKTS ''Versailles'' was published along with a treaty between the UK and France guaranteeing protection to the latter in the event of German aggression).{{pbr}}I think it's probably necessary here to clearly distinguish between ''the Treaty of Versailles'' as a legal construct, and the various editions of ''the text of the Treaty of Versailles''. The legal construct should ideally have an identical interpretation irrespective of text source, and can in fact deviate from the plain meaning of the text if legal interpretation says it means something else. This interpretation can change over time, and can temporarily or permanently become divergent. But in essence, this &quot;true treaty&quot; exists as a meta-entity in the heads of legal scholars and so forth. The ''text'' on the other hand, exists in multiple editions and variants, that are, presumably, identical in terms of the legal construct, but can differ markedly and drastically in bibliographic and historiographic terms. Mostly not in terms of the text of the treaty itself, but perhaps in formatting and layout (unless it's a facsimile) and certainly in context (what addenda and prolegomena it is published with; or perhaps even annotation and commentary inserted into the text itself). The legal construct of the treaty on enWS only corresponds with a versions page (or possibly even a Portal); but it is specific published editions of the text of the treaty that are in scope for us to host. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:00, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:[[User:Xover|Xover]]: The United States never ratified the Treaty of Versailles, because of the League of Nations; the [[US–Germany Peace Treaty]] (which ''was'' published in the ''Statutes'') mentions that treaty and incorporates some of its provisions, but the text of the Treaty of Versailles is not to be found in U.S.Stat. I think one consideration which needs to be had here is the number of internal (and external from Wikipedia) links to this copy of the Treaty of Versailles. That is one of the main reasons I proposed keeping and backing to an existing scan: so that all of the links can stay operational. Your thoughts? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:55, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
*:: @[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: Good point. I agree it'd be best if we could have a (policy-compliant) text of the treaty here, but I don't have the capacity to fast-track a proofread just now. If somebody else wants to volunteer I'm sure nobody would object to leaving the old one up for a while.{{pbr}}When replacing it we need to delete the old page and recreate it just to keep Wikidata correct (it detects deletes automatically; but if we just replace the content the Wikidata will be wrong). But that's just a technical issue. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 20:14, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Angel of Lonesome Hill]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 24 July 2022 (UTC)|text=
Nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;. IMO it should be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:01, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:503255/OVERVIEW]. 44p. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:49, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 12:48, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The City of Masks]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:02, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Available at IA so we can Match and Split [https://archive.org/details/cityofmasks00mccuuoft]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:59, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc]] ==
{{closed|1=Kept, backed up with scan [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:56, 23 July 2022 (UTC)|text=
As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)
: Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524828/OVERVIEW]. 107pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:52, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::[[Index:The Mystery of Madeline Le Blanc (1900).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 19:25, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
}}

== [[The Redemption of Anthony]] ==

As above, nominated for speedy deletion by [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] with a brief rationale &quot;''Secondary Transcription. Out of Scope''&quot;, but I am presenting it to be discussed here first. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 17:04, 10 July 2022 (UTC)

:Scan here [http://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:524329/OVERVIEW]. 137pp. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 14:54, 11 July 2022 (UTC)
::::[[Index:The Redemption of Anthony (1911).djvu]] [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:56, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
::::: Withdrawn due to migration to scan. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:34, 20 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:United States Reports, Volume 244.djvu]] ==

Title page only..  The entire volume should be uploaded. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:43, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

::Uploaded. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 14:05, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

::: '''Withdrawn''' - Updated file provided [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:29, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of Greece (1973)]] ==

Compilation of most text from [https://books.google.co.il/books?id=u9kjAAAAMAAJ&amp;pg=PA419 one source] (but not all, some parts, e.g. article 128 of the original document, were left out) and contributor's own translation of amendments from [https://archive.org/details/1973-greek-constitution-consolidated-version another source]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 22:45, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' If the compilation is greatly opposed, the new additions can be moved to an annotated sub-page. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Les Propheties]] ==

It is supposed to be a 1961 translation, but without scan it is an unattainable goal to keep the work faithful to this edition, as people keep adding more alleged prophecies taken from elsewhere,  like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12155372&amp;oldid=12135276 here], or removing them, like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Les_Propheties&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12503587&amp;oldid=12438156 here], and nobody stops them, probably because this particular translation is not available anywhere and so no addition or removal of parts of text can be checked. I believe that works of similar kind always have to be scanbacked and therefore suggest deletion of this one, which will create space for adding some of many other, better available, translations. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:07, 22 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep''' (for now). I will try to obtain and scan a copy of the 1961 translation, and a match-and-split can solve this problem. I ask that it not be deleted too quickly. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)]] ==

A Wikisource user's own compilation of the text from [[Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1948)]] with separately published amendments. See also related discussion at [[User talk:195.74.82.149]] and at [[User talk:Zezingr]]. -- [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:16, 23 July 2022 (UTC)
*'''Keep.''' The text, while ''produced'' by a compilation, is not ''itself'' a compilation, as “Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)” is a real work, even though ''our'' copy is produced by combining two separate works. As PDF scans of the relevant United Nations documents are provided, it would be useful to scan-back these “compiled” constitutions. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:13, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*:I am afraid that producing new copies by combining two separate works is exactly what Wikisource should not and does not do. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:42, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*::Indeed, and being out of scope it is even speedyable. If an actual published &quot;Constitution of the Republic of Korea with all amendments as of 1952&quot; should show up somewhere it would certainly be addable, but this user-compiled conflated edition is still out of scope. If anyone wants the text for a practical purpose (like a starting point for proofreading any of the source texts) they can have a copy in their user space (or it can be temporarily undeleted on demand by any admin).{{pbr}}@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: By all evidence, your hypothetical 1952 edition exists ''only'' as an abstract legal concept and not as a tangible published text. We can host the individual components (the base text and each of the amendments), but not a user-compiled amalgam that doesn't exist outside Wikisource. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:58, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*::*[[User:Xover|Xover]]: I do not doubt, although I of course do not have any evidence on hand, that a “Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1952)” ''was'' published, although in Korean only. The translations are of the original Constitution, and of the articles as they were amended in 1952. It is just that the United Nations publication on hand did not see fit to reprint the entire Constitution, when only some of its articles were amended. I had trouble finding the specific policy, but I do not think that it would be improper to host a legal document which was real, for which we have a complete translation, even if the translation was published in multiple, separated parts. I don’t think that such a “compilation” was considered when compilations were first prohibited, as, in the case of such legal texts, there is no guessing or new material on the part of the compiling user, as the modified articles are all listed in the translations. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:03, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
*::*:Well, even if it were published in Korean (which we do not know), it is  of no use for en.ws. If the UN did not see fit to reprint the entire Constitution in English (and neither anybody else did) we have nothing to share here, except the individual separate texts. You say that you want to host a real legal document, but we do not have such a document to host. It is a big difference if a work is published &quot;in parts&quot; or if they are two separate works (which they are: the texts were written and adopted in different years by different people, and also the translations were done by different translators, though anonymous), and nobody ever tried to publish them together in English.{{pbr}}As for the policy, see [[WS:WWI]]:
*::*:a) Its lead reads: ''Wikisource, as the free library that anyone can improve, exists to archive the free artistic and intellectual works created throughout history, and to &lt;u&gt;present these publications&lt;/u&gt; in a faithful wiki version…''
*::*:b) Section [[WS:What Wikisource includes#Evolving works]] reads: ''Wikisource's mission is to collect and preserve &lt;u&gt;works in their published form&lt;/u&gt;. In light of this, works whose content is expected to constantly change over time'' (my note: like Constitution which is being amended),  ''for the purpose of keeping the work updated (…) are excluded from Wikisource's scope. A few examples include:''
*::*:#…
*::*:# ''Compilations where there are many sources of a particular text'' (…)
*::*:--[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 15:44, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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{{new texts/item|A Treatise on Painting|Leonardo da Vinci|1802}}
{{new texts/item|Life of Edmond Malone|James Prior|1860}}
{{new texts/item|Scotish Descriptive Poems|John Leyden|1803}}
{{new texts/item|San Francisco Earthquake &amp; Fire: April 18, 1906|anonymous|1906|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Child Abduction Act 1984|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1984|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Healthcare Services Act 2020|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2020|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Gold Rush|Charlie Chaplin|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Don Q, Son of Zorro|Donald Crisp|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3/The Lantern|display=The Lantern|[[Author:Alois Jirásek|Alois Jirásek]]|translator=[[Author:Zdenka Buben|Zdenka Buben]] and [[Author:George Rapall Noyes|George Rapall Noyes]] (1925)|1905|nowiki=yes}}
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===Older entries===
(not currently displayed)
&lt;!--MOVE OLDER ENTRIES BELOW HERE--&gt;
{{new texts/item|The Mark of Zorro (film)|display=The Mark of Zorro|Fred Niblo|1920|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Unholy Three (1925 film)|display=The Unholy Three|Charles Albert Browning|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Scarlet Letter (1934 film)|display=The Scarlet Letter|Robert G. Vignola|1934|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The World's Most Famous Court Trial|anonymous|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Fair Rents Act 1915|Parliament of New South Wales|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 735/Prehistoric Man in Burma|display=Prehistoric Man in Burma|Rodway Charles John Swinhoe|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Princess; a medley|Alfred Tennyson|1847}}
{{new texts/item|People of the Comet|Austin Hall|1923}}
{{new texts/item|The Last Will and Testament of Cecil Rhodes|Cecil Rhodes|editor=W. T. Stead|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 3/Results of Allied Intervention in Siberia|display=Results of Allied Intervention in Siberia|Václav Girsa|1919}}
{{new texts/item|Santa Claus vs. Cupid|Willard Louis|1915|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Alice's Adventures in Wonderland (Rackham)|Lewis Carroll|1907|display=Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|In Times of Peril|George Alfred Henty|1900|display=In times of peril: a tale of India}}
{{new texts/item|Fortitude (Walpole)|Hugh Walpole|1913}}
{{new texts/item|Ballads and Barrack-Room Ballads|Rudyard Kipling|1892}}
{{new texts/item|Poems of Mr. John Milton, Both English and Latin, Compos'd at several times|John Milton|1645}}
{{new texts/item|The Business of Being a Woman|Ida Minerva Tarbell|1913}}
{{new texts/item|Arthur Rackham's Book of Pictures|Arthur Rackham|1913}}
{{new texts/item|The Commentaries of Cæsar|Anthony Trollope|1870}}
{{new texts/item|Blue Beard (1828)|Anonymous|1828|nowiki=yes|display=Popular story of Blue Beard, or, The effects of female curiosity}}
{{new texts/item|Laugh and grow fat, or, The comical budget of wit|Anonymous|1825|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Janet Clinker's Oration|Humphrey Clinker|1820|nowiki=yes|display=Janet Clinker's oration, on the villanies of the old women, and the pride of the young}}
{{new texts/item|Heaven Revealed|Benjamin Fiske Barrett|1885}}
{{new texts/item|Aviation Accident Report: Mercury Chic crash on 22 June 1935|Eugene L. Vidal|1935}}
{{new texts/item|Grigor's Ghost|Anonymous|1835|nowiki=yes|display=Grigor's ghost, or, The constant lovers}}
{{new texts/item|Comus (Rackham)|John Milton|1921|display=Comus|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748)|Ambrose Philips|1748|display=Pastorals, epistles, odes, and other original poems, with translations from Pindar, Anacreon, and Sappho}}
{{new texts/item|Crimes (Amendment) Ordinance 1993|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1993|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Interlocutor|Alexander Pennecuik|1803}}
{{new texts/item|Historic Highways of America/Volume 7|Archer Butler Hulbert|1903|display=Portage Paths}}
{{new texts/item|From Passion to Peace|James Allen|1910}}
{{new texts/item|Infanticide Act, 1938|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1938|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Historical essay on the art of bookbinding|Henri Pène du Bois|1883}}
{{new texts/item|Lectures on The Historians of Bohemia|František Lützow|1905}}
{{new texts/item|The History of the Standard Oil Company|Ida Minerva Tarbell|1904}}
{{new texts/item|Abortion Act 1967|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1967|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Community Disputes Resolution Act 2015|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2015|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Crimes Ordinance 1971|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1971|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Common Reader|Virginia Woolf|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Stories from Old English Poetry|Abby Sage Richardson|1899}}
{{new texts/item|Book of Etiquette/Volume 1|display=Book of Etiquette, Volume 1|Lillian Eichler|1921}}
{{new texts/item|A Woman of Paris (film)|display=A Woman of Paris|Charlie Chaplin|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Lucian's True History|Lucian of Samosata|1894|translator=Francis Hickes}}
{{new texts/item|The Tempest (Rackham)|William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|1926|display=The Tempest|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|A Few Moments with Eddie Cantor|Lee de Forest|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Until They Get Me|Frank Borzage|1917|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Hungry Tiger of Oz|Ruth Plumly Thompson|1926}}
{{new texts/item|The Virginian (1914 film)|display=The Virginian|[[Author:Cecil Blount DeMille|Cecil B. DeMille]]|1914|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Independent Commission Against Corruption Ordinance 1974|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1974|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Present State of Wit (1711)|display=The Present State of Wit, in a Letter to a Friend in the Country|John Gay|1711}}
{{new texts/item|Perjury Act, 1911|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1911|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Iliad of Homer (Buckley)|Homer|1860}}
{{new texts/item|Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds|Charles Mackay|1852}}
{{new texts/item|The Zankiwank and the Bletherwitch|Shafto Justin Adair Fitz-Gerald|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Camperdown|display=Camperdown, or, News from our neighbourhood|Mary Griffith|1836}}
{{new texts/item|The Big Parade|King Vidor|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Big Picture: The WAC is a Soldier, Too|[[Portal:United States Army|Signal Corps Pictorial Center]]|1954|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Stanzas on an Ancient Superstition|William James Rivers|1864}}
{{new texts/item|General Order No. 3 (Granger)|display=General Order No.&amp;nbsp;3|Gordon Granger|1865}}
{{new texts/item|The Works of H. G. Wells (Atlantic Edition)/Volume 5|display=The Works of H.G. Wells (Volume 5)|Herbert George Wells|1924}}
{{new texts/item|Kid Boots (film)|display=Kid Boots|Frank Tuttle|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|A Collection of Esoteric Writings of T. Subba Row|Tallapragada Subba Row|1910}}
{{new texts/item|The Country of the Pointed Firs|Sarah Orne Jewett|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Translations into English Verse from the Poems of Davyth ap Gwilym|Dafydd ap Gwilym|1834}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 729/Ornithological Notes for 1901 from Norfolk and the North of Suffolk|display=Ornithological Notes for 1901 from Norfolk and the North of Suffolk|John Henry Gurney Jr.|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Pastorals (Pope)|display=Pastorals|Alexander Pope|1793}}
{{new texts/item|Max Headroom signal hijacking of WTTW|[[Portal:Anonymous texts|Anonymous]]|1987|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Captain Midnight broadcast signal intrusion message|John R. MacDougall|1986}}
{{new texts/item|Interpretation Act 1978|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1978|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Campaign: a Poem to His Grace the Duke of Marlborough|Joseph Addison|1710}}
{{new texts/item|Aviation Accident Report: American Airlines Flight 383|Civil Aeronautics Board|1966|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Enough Rope|Dorothy Parker|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Copyright Ordinance 1973|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1973|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Battleship Potemkin|Sergei Eisenstein|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Official Languages Ordinance 1974|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1974|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Catriona|Robert Louis Stevenson|1893}}
{{new texts/item|Poor Cecco|Margery Williams|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Raggedy Rose|[[Author:Richard Wallace|Richard Wallace]], [[Author:F. Richard Jones|F. Richard Jones]], and [[Author:Stan Laurel|Stan Laurel]]|nowiki=yes|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Patient Countess|Anonymous}}
{{new texts/item|The Fall of Robespierre. An Historic Drama|Samuel Taylor Coleridge|1794}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 728/Notes on the Seal and Whale Fishery of 1901, Southwell|display=Notes on the Seal and Whale Fishery of 1901 |Thomas Southwell|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Conciones Ad Populum. Or, Addresses to the People|Samuel Taylor Coleridge|1795}}
{{new texts/item|Nosferatu|F. W. Murnau|1922|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Great K &amp; A Train Robbery (film)|display=The Great K &amp; A Train Robbery|Lewis Seiler|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Modern Dances|Caroline Walker|1914}}
{{new texts/item|Tag|Valance J Patriarche|1909|display=Tag or The Chien Boule Dog|illustrator=Wallace Goldsmith}}
{{new texts/item|Sing a Song for Sixpence (Caldecott)|Randolph Caldecott|display=Sing a Song for Sixpence}}
{{new texts/item|The Green Door (Milne)|A. A. Milne|1925|display=The Green Door|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|Out-door Games: Cricket and Golf|Robert Henry Lyttelton|1911}}
{{new texts/item|The Kid (film)|display=The Kid|Charlie Chaplin|1921|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Unchastened Woman (film)|display=The Unchastened Woman|[[Author:James Young (1872-1948)|James Young]]|nowiki=yes|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Safety Last!|[[Author:Fred C. Newmeyer|Fred C. Newmeyer]] and [[Author:Sam Taylor|Sam Taylor]]|nowiki=yes|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Sky Pilot (film)|display=The Sky Pilot|King Vidor|1921|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Resignation (Young)|display=Resignation|Edward Young|1762}}
{{new texts/item|Foreign Limitation Periods Act 2012|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2012|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The New-Year's Bargain|Susan Coolidge|1884}}
{{new texts/item|Ramona (1910 film)|display=Ramona|D. W. Griffith|1910|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Oliver Twist (1909 film)|display=Oliver Twist|James Stuart Blackton|1909|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Vampire Bat|Frank R. Strayer|1933|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Aunt Jo's Scrap-Bag/Volume 4|display=Aunt Jo's Scrap-Bag, Volume 4|Louisa May Alcott|1878}}
{{new texts/item|Mickey (1918 film)|display=Mickey|[[Author:Frank Richard Jones|Frank Richard Jones]] and [[Author:James Young (1872-1948)|James Young]]|nowiki=yes|1918|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Choice of Court Agreements Act 2016|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2016|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Railroad Poetry|3=''circa'' 1864}}
{{new texts/item|Germinal|Emile Zola|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Night of the Living Dead|George Andrew Romero|1968|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Andromeda, and Other Poems|Charles Kingsley|1858}}
{{new texts/item|Monte Cristo|Emmett J. Flynn|1922|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|A Letter on the Subject of the Cause (Bramah)|display=A Letter on the Subject of the Cause|Joseph Bramah|1797}}
{{new texts/item|Arthur Rackham: A List of Books Illustrated by Him|Frederick Coykendall|1922}}
{{new texts/item|Provisions of the Government of the Ryukyu Islands|United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands|1952|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|A Little Country Girl (Coolidge)|display=A Little Country Girl|Susan Coolidge|1887}}
{{new texts/item|Slavery Consistent with Christianity (1840)|display=Slavery Consistent with Christianity|Leander Ker|1840}}
{{new texts/item|Findings of Second Permanent Secretary's Investigation Into Alleged Gatherings on Government Premises During Covid Restrictions|Sue Gray|2022}}
{{new texts/item|The Hasty-Pudding, with a Memoir on Maize or Indian Corn|Joel Barlow|1847}}
{{new texts/item|The Woman Socialist|Ethel Snowden|1907}}
{{new texts/item|Historic Highways of America/Volume 6|Archer Butler Hulbert|1903|display=Boone's Wilderness Road}}
{{new texts/item|Modern Dancing|[[Author:Vernon Castle|Vernon Castle]] and [[Author:Irene Castle|Irene Castle]]|1914|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Between the Twilights|Cornelia Sorabji|1908}}
{{new texts/item|Night of the Living Dead/Trailer|George A. Romero|1968|display=Night of the Living Dead (trailer)|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Amyntas, A Tale of the Woods|Torquato Tasso|translator=James Henry Leigh Hunt|1820}}
{{new texts/item|John Wycliff, last of the schoolmen and first of the English reformers|Lewis Sergeant|1893}}
{{new texts/item|Left to Themselves|Edward Irenaeus Prime-Stevenson|1891}}
{{new texts/item|The Petition and Case of Joseph Bramah|Joseph Bramah|1789}}
{{new texts/item|Social Workers Registration Ordinance (Amendment of Schedule 2) Notice 2022|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Secretary for Labour and Welfare, Hong Kong]]|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Scarlet Letter (1926 film)|display=The Scarlet Letter|Victor David Sjöström|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Poems (Bryant, 1821)|display=Poems|William Cullen Bryant|1821}}
{{new texts/item|Neuroomia|George McIver|1894}}
{{new texts/item|National Flag and National Emblem Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Energizer Bunny commercial debut|[[Portal:Energizer|Energizer]]|1988|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)/The Life of Tymon of Athens|display=The Life of Tymon of Athens|William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|1623}}
{{new texts/item|American Society for Testing and Materials v. Public.Resource.Org, Inc. (2022)|display=American Society for Testing and Materials v. Public.Resource.Org, Inc.|United States District Court, District of Columbia|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Great Gatsby (1926 film trailer)|Herbert Brenon|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Sally of the Sawdust/Trailer|display=Sally of the Sawdust (official trailer)|D. W. Griffith|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Fred the Baker commercial (1981)|display=Fred the Baker commercial|[[Portal:Dunkin' Donuts|Dunkin' Donuts]]|1981|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Softsoap commercial 1|[[Portal:Colgate-Palmolive|Colgate-Palmolive]]|1980|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Quaker Corn Bran scarecrow commercial 2|[[Portal:Quaker Oats Company|Quaker Oats Company]]|1981|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Ronald McDonald commercial (1963)|display=Ronald McDonald commercial|[[Portal:McDonald's|McDonald's]]|nowiki=yes|type=film|1963}}
{{new texts/item|The Great Galeoto; Folly or Saintliness; Two Plays Done from the Verse of José Echegaray into English Prose by Hannah Lynch|José Echegaray|translator=Hannah Lynch|1895}}
{{new texts/item|7,200 Lost U.S. Silent Feature Films (1912-29) (2021-02-04)|display=7,200 Lost U.S. Silent Feature Films (1912-29)|Stephen C. Leggett|2021}}
{{new texts/item|The Life and Voyages of the Apostle Paul|John Fleetwood|1851|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Ella Cinders (film)|display=Ella Cinders|type=film|Alfred Edward Green|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Statutory Instruments Act, 1946|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1946|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Absalom and Achitophel|John Dryden|1682}}
{{new texts/item|The Life and Surprising Adventures of Sir William Wallace|Anonymous}}
{{new texts/item|Accountants Act 2004|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2004|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Blithedale Romance|Nathaniel Hawthorne|1852}}
{{new texts/item|Enoch Arden, etc|Alfred Tennyson|1864}}
{{new texts/item|The Anglo-Saxon Version of the Story of Apollonius of Tyre|Benjamin Thorpe|1834}}
{{new texts/item|Infant Life (Preservation) Act, 1929|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1929|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|History of the Ojibway Nation|William Whipple Warren|1885}}
{{new texts/item|Fifty Candles (1926)|display=Fifty Candles|Earl Derr Biggers|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Orley Farm (Serial)|Anthony Trollope|1862}}
{{new texts/item|When I Grow Up|Simóne van der Spuy, Michele Fry, and Jennifer Jacobs|2016|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (draft opinion)|Samuel Alito|2022}}
{{new texts/item|Lyrics of Lowly Life/When de Co'n Pone's Hot|display=When de Co'n Pone's Hot|Paul Laurence Dunbar|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Bury Me in a Free Land|Frances Ellen Watkins Harper|1858}}
{{new texts/item|The House of Falling Leaves/The House of Falling Leaves|display=The House of Falling Leaves|William Stanley Braithwaite|1908}}
{{new texts/item|On the Difficulty of Correct Description of Books|Augustus de Morgan|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Atlantic Monthly/Volume 7/Number 39/Paul Revere's Ride|display=Paul Revere's Ride|Henry Wadsworth Longfellow|1861}}
{{new texts/item|Demeter and other poems|Alfred Tennyson|1889}}
{{new texts/item|Snow-Bound: A Winter Idyl|John Greenleaf Whittier|1866}}
{{new texts/item|The North American Review/Volume 5/Issue 15/Thanatopsis|display=Thanatopsis|William Cullen Bryant|1817}}
{{new texts/item|Awful Disclosures of Maria Monk|Maria Monk|1800}}
{{new texts/item|Temporary Protection Measures for Business Tenants (COVID-19 Pandemic) Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Gospel of Buddha (1917)|Paul Carus|1917|display=The Gospel of Buddha}}
{{new texts/item|The Virginian, Macmillan Co, 1902|display=The Virginian|Owen Wister|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Community Vital Signs: Measuring Wikipedia Communities’ Sustainable Growth and Renewal}}
{{new texts/item|Visions, Discoveries and Warnings of the Dreadful and Terrible Judgements Upon Scotland, England and Ireland|John Porter|1799|display=Dreadful and Terrible Judgements Upon Scotland, England and Ireland}}
{{new texts/item|Spring in New Hampshire|Claude McKay|1920}}
{{new texts/item|Indecent Displays (Control) Act 1981|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1981|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The History of Mahomet, that Grand Impostor|Charles Thomson|1783}}
{{new texts/item|A Humorous Description of the Battle of T**********k|Anonymous|1816}}
{{new texts/item|Chinese Nationality (Miscellaneous Provisions) Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Children and Young Persons (Harmful Publications) Act, 1955|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1955|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Divine Songs for the Use of Children (1847)|Isaac Watts|1847|display=Divine Songs for the Use of Children}}
{{new texts/item|Malicious Communications Act 1988|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1988|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The House of the Seven Gables|Nathaniel Hawthorne|1851}}
(items below this next section have been parsed to enable easy processing to json, those that use non-basic terms need checking)
==Checked for migration to json==

==Link to archives==
{{New texts navigation}}

[[Category:List templates|{{PAGENAME}}]]
[[Category:Main page templates|{{BASEPAGENAME}}]]</text>
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      <text bytes="20519" xml:space="preserve">===New entries===
__NOEDITSECTION__&lt;!-- insert new item(s) at the top, the move the equivalent number from the bottom to the second list - please do not use text formatting or link templates in this template --&gt;
&lt;onlyinclude&gt;
{{new texts/item|Democracy and Social Ethics|Jane Addams|1902}}
{{new texts/item|A Treatise on Painting|Leonardo da Vinci|1802}}
{{new texts/item|Life of Edmond Malone|James Prior|1860}}
{{new texts/item|Scotish Descriptive Poems|John Leyden|1803}}
{{new texts/item|San Francisco Earthquake &amp; Fire: April 18, 1906|anonymous|1906|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Child Abduction Act 1984|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1984|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Healthcare Services Act 2020|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2020|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Gold Rush|Charlie Chaplin|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Don Q, Son of Zorro|Donald Crisp|1925|type=film}}
&lt;/onlyinclude&gt;

===Older entries===
(not currently displayed)
&lt;!--MOVE OLDER ENTRIES BELOW HERE--&gt;
{{new texts/item|Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3/The Lantern|display=The Lantern|[[Author:Alois Jirásek|Alois Jirásek]]|translator=[[Author:Zdenka Buben|Zdenka Buben]] and [[Author:George Rapall Noyes|George Rapall Noyes]] (1925)|1905|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Mark of Zorro (film)|display=The Mark of Zorro|Fred Niblo|1920|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Unholy Three (1925 film)|display=The Unholy Three|Charles Albert Browning|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Scarlet Letter (1934 film)|display=The Scarlet Letter|Robert G. Vignola|1934|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The World's Most Famous Court Trial|anonymous|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Fair Rents Act 1915|Parliament of New South Wales|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 735/Prehistoric Man in Burma|display=Prehistoric Man in Burma|Rodway Charles John Swinhoe|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Princess; a medley|Alfred Tennyson|1847}}
{{new texts/item|People of the Comet|Austin Hall|1923}}
{{new texts/item|The Last Will and Testament of Cecil Rhodes|Cecil Rhodes|editor=W. T. Stead|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 3/Results of Allied Intervention in Siberia|display=Results of Allied Intervention in Siberia|Václav Girsa|1919}}
{{new texts/item|Santa Claus vs. Cupid|Willard Louis|1915|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Alice's Adventures in Wonderland (Rackham)|Lewis Carroll|1907|display=Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|In Times of Peril|George Alfred Henty|1900|display=In times of peril: a tale of India}}
{{new texts/item|Fortitude (Walpole)|Hugh Walpole|1913}}
{{new texts/item|Ballads and Barrack-Room Ballads|Rudyard Kipling|1892}}
{{new texts/item|Poems of Mr. John Milton, Both English and Latin, Compos'd at several times|John Milton|1645}}
{{new texts/item|The Business of Being a Woman|Ida Minerva Tarbell|1913}}
{{new texts/item|Arthur Rackham's Book of Pictures|Arthur Rackham|1913}}
{{new texts/item|The Commentaries of Cæsar|Anthony Trollope|1870}}
{{new texts/item|Blue Beard (1828)|Anonymous|1828|nowiki=yes|display=Popular story of Blue Beard, or, The effects of female curiosity}}
{{new texts/item|Laugh and grow fat, or, The comical budget of wit|Anonymous|1825|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Janet Clinker's Oration|Humphrey Clinker|1820|nowiki=yes|display=Janet Clinker's oration, on the villanies of the old women, and the pride of the young}}
{{new texts/item|Heaven Revealed|Benjamin Fiske Barrett|1885}}
{{new texts/item|Aviation Accident Report: Mercury Chic crash on 22 June 1935|Eugene L. Vidal|1935}}
{{new texts/item|Grigor's Ghost|Anonymous|1835|nowiki=yes|display=Grigor's ghost, or, The constant lovers}}
{{new texts/item|Comus (Rackham)|John Milton|1921|display=Comus|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748)|Ambrose Philips|1748|display=Pastorals, epistles, odes, and other original poems, with translations from Pindar, Anacreon, and Sappho}}
{{new texts/item|Crimes (Amendment) Ordinance 1993|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1993|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Interlocutor|Alexander Pennecuik|1803}}
{{new texts/item|Historic Highways of America/Volume 7|Archer Butler Hulbert|1903|display=Portage Paths}}
{{new texts/item|From Passion to Peace|James Allen|1910}}
{{new texts/item|Infanticide Act, 1938|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1938|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Historical essay on the art of bookbinding|Henri Pène du Bois|1883}}
{{new texts/item|Lectures on The Historians of Bohemia|František Lützow|1905}}
{{new texts/item|The History of the Standard Oil Company|Ida Minerva Tarbell|1904}}
{{new texts/item|Abortion Act 1967|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1967|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Community Disputes Resolution Act 2015|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2015|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Crimes Ordinance 1971|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1971|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Common Reader|Virginia Woolf|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Stories from Old English Poetry|Abby Sage Richardson|1899}}
{{new texts/item|Book of Etiquette/Volume 1|display=Book of Etiquette, Volume 1|Lillian Eichler|1921}}
{{new texts/item|A Woman of Paris (film)|display=A Woman of Paris|Charlie Chaplin|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Lucian's True History|Lucian of Samosata|1894|translator=Francis Hickes}}
{{new texts/item|The Tempest (Rackham)|William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|1926|display=The Tempest|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|A Few Moments with Eddie Cantor|Lee de Forest|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Until They Get Me|Frank Borzage|1917|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Hungry Tiger of Oz|Ruth Plumly Thompson|1926}}
{{new texts/item|The Virginian (1914 film)|display=The Virginian|[[Author:Cecil Blount DeMille|Cecil B. DeMille]]|1914|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Independent Commission Against Corruption Ordinance 1974|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1974|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Present State of Wit (1711)|display=The Present State of Wit, in a Letter to a Friend in the Country|John Gay|1711}}
{{new texts/item|Perjury Act, 1911|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1911|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Iliad of Homer (Buckley)|Homer|1860}}
{{new texts/item|Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds|Charles Mackay|1852}}
{{new texts/item|The Zankiwank and the Bletherwitch|Shafto Justin Adair Fitz-Gerald|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Camperdown|display=Camperdown, or, News from our neighbourhood|Mary Griffith|1836}}
{{new texts/item|The Big Parade|King Vidor|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Big Picture: The WAC is a Soldier, Too|[[Portal:United States Army|Signal Corps Pictorial Center]]|1954|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Stanzas on an Ancient Superstition|William James Rivers|1864}}
{{new texts/item|General Order No. 3 (Granger)|display=General Order No.&amp;nbsp;3|Gordon Granger|1865}}
{{new texts/item|The Works of H. G. Wells (Atlantic Edition)/Volume 5|display=The Works of H.G. Wells (Volume 5)|Herbert George Wells|1924}}
{{new texts/item|Kid Boots (film)|display=Kid Boots|Frank Tuttle|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|A Collection of Esoteric Writings of T. Subba Row|Tallapragada Subba Row|1910}}
{{new texts/item|The Country of the Pointed Firs|Sarah Orne Jewett|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Translations into English Verse from the Poems of Davyth ap Gwilym|Dafydd ap Gwilym|1834}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 729/Ornithological Notes for 1901 from Norfolk and the North of Suffolk|display=Ornithological Notes for 1901 from Norfolk and the North of Suffolk|John Henry Gurney Jr.|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Pastorals (Pope)|display=Pastorals|Alexander Pope|1793}}
{{new texts/item|Max Headroom signal hijacking of WTTW|[[Portal:Anonymous texts|Anonymous]]|1987|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Captain Midnight broadcast signal intrusion message|John R. MacDougall|1986}}
{{new texts/item|Interpretation Act 1978|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1978|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Campaign: a Poem to His Grace the Duke of Marlborough|Joseph Addison|1710}}
{{new texts/item|Aviation Accident Report: American Airlines Flight 383|Civil Aeronautics Board|1966|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Enough Rope|Dorothy Parker|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Copyright Ordinance 1973|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1973|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Battleship Potemkin|Sergei Eisenstein|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Official Languages Ordinance 1974|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1974|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Catriona|Robert Louis Stevenson|1893}}
{{new texts/item|Poor Cecco|Margery Williams|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Raggedy Rose|[[Author:Richard Wallace|Richard Wallace]], [[Author:F. Richard Jones|F. Richard Jones]], and [[Author:Stan Laurel|Stan Laurel]]|nowiki=yes|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Patient Countess|Anonymous}}
{{new texts/item|The Fall of Robespierre. An Historic Drama|Samuel Taylor Coleridge|1794}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 728/Notes on the Seal and Whale Fishery of 1901, Southwell|display=Notes on the Seal and Whale Fishery of 1901 |Thomas Southwell|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Conciones Ad Populum. Or, Addresses to the People|Samuel Taylor Coleridge|1795}}
{{new texts/item|Nosferatu|F. W. Murnau|1922|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Great K &amp; A Train Robbery (film)|display=The Great K &amp; A Train Robbery|Lewis Seiler|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Modern Dances|Caroline Walker|1914}}
{{new texts/item|Tag|Valance J Patriarche|1909|display=Tag or The Chien Boule Dog|illustrator=Wallace Goldsmith}}
{{new texts/item|Sing a Song for Sixpence (Caldecott)|Randolph Caldecott|display=Sing a Song for Sixpence}}
{{new texts/item|The Green Door (Milne)|A. A. Milne|1925|display=The Green Door|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|Out-door Games: Cricket and Golf|Robert Henry Lyttelton|1911}}
{{new texts/item|The Kid (film)|display=The Kid|Charlie Chaplin|1921|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Unchastened Woman (film)|display=The Unchastened Woman|[[Author:James Young (1872-1948)|James Young]]|nowiki=yes|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Safety Last!|[[Author:Fred C. Newmeyer|Fred C. Newmeyer]] and [[Author:Sam Taylor|Sam Taylor]]|nowiki=yes|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Sky Pilot (film)|display=The Sky Pilot|King Vidor|1921|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Resignation (Young)|display=Resignation|Edward Young|1762}}
{{new texts/item|Foreign Limitation Periods Act 2012|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2012|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The New-Year's Bargain|Susan Coolidge|1884}}
{{new texts/item|Ramona (1910 film)|display=Ramona|D. W. Griffith|1910|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Oliver Twist (1909 film)|display=Oliver Twist|James Stuart Blackton|1909|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Vampire Bat|Frank R. Strayer|1933|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Aunt Jo's Scrap-Bag/Volume 4|display=Aunt Jo's Scrap-Bag, Volume 4|Louisa May Alcott|1878}}
{{new texts/item|Mickey (1918 film)|display=Mickey|[[Author:Frank Richard Jones|Frank Richard Jones]] and [[Author:James Young (1872-1948)|James Young]]|nowiki=yes|1918|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Choice of Court Agreements Act 2016|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2016|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Railroad Poetry|3=''circa'' 1864}}
{{new texts/item|Germinal|Emile Zola|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Night of the Living Dead|George Andrew Romero|1968|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Andromeda, and Other Poems|Charles Kingsley|1858}}
{{new texts/item|Monte Cristo|Emmett J. Flynn|1922|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|A Letter on the Subject of the Cause (Bramah)|display=A Letter on the Subject of the Cause|Joseph Bramah|1797}}
{{new texts/item|Arthur Rackham: A List of Books Illustrated by Him|Frederick Coykendall|1922}}
{{new texts/item|Provisions of the Government of the Ryukyu Islands|United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands|1952|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|A Little Country Girl (Coolidge)|display=A Little Country Girl|Susan Coolidge|1887}}
{{new texts/item|Slavery Consistent with Christianity (1840)|display=Slavery Consistent with Christianity|Leander Ker|1840}}
{{new texts/item|Findings of Second Permanent Secretary's Investigation Into Alleged Gatherings on Government Premises During Covid Restrictions|Sue Gray|2022}}
{{new texts/item|The Hasty-Pudding, with a Memoir on Maize or Indian Corn|Joel Barlow|1847}}
{{new texts/item|The Woman Socialist|Ethel Snowden|1907}}
{{new texts/item|Historic Highways of America/Volume 6|Archer Butler Hulbert|1903|display=Boone's Wilderness Road}}
{{new texts/item|Modern Dancing|[[Author:Vernon Castle|Vernon Castle]] and [[Author:Irene Castle|Irene Castle]]|1914|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Between the Twilights|Cornelia Sorabji|1908}}
{{new texts/item|Night of the Living Dead/Trailer|George A. Romero|1968|display=Night of the Living Dead (trailer)|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Amyntas, A Tale of the Woods|Torquato Tasso|translator=James Henry Leigh Hunt|1820}}
{{new texts/item|John Wycliff, last of the schoolmen and first of the English reformers|Lewis Sergeant|1893}}
{{new texts/item|Left to Themselves|Edward Irenaeus Prime-Stevenson|1891}}
{{new texts/item|The Petition and Case of Joseph Bramah|Joseph Bramah|1789}}
{{new texts/item|Social Workers Registration Ordinance (Amendment of Schedule 2) Notice 2022|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Secretary for Labour and Welfare, Hong Kong]]|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Scarlet Letter (1926 film)|display=The Scarlet Letter|Victor David Sjöström|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Poems (Bryant, 1821)|display=Poems|William Cullen Bryant|1821}}
{{new texts/item|Neuroomia|George McIver|1894}}
{{new texts/item|National Flag and National Emblem Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Energizer Bunny commercial debut|[[Portal:Energizer|Energizer]]|1988|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)/The Life of Tymon of Athens|display=The Life of Tymon of Athens|William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|1623}}
{{new texts/item|American Society for Testing and Materials v. Public.Resource.Org, Inc. (2022)|display=American Society for Testing and Materials v. Public.Resource.Org, Inc.|United States District Court, District of Columbia|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Great Gatsby (1926 film trailer)|Herbert Brenon|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Sally of the Sawdust/Trailer|display=Sally of the Sawdust (official trailer)|D. W. Griffith|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Fred the Baker commercial (1981)|display=Fred the Baker commercial|[[Portal:Dunkin' Donuts|Dunkin' Donuts]]|1981|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Softsoap commercial 1|[[Portal:Colgate-Palmolive|Colgate-Palmolive]]|1980|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Quaker Corn Bran scarecrow commercial 2|[[Portal:Quaker Oats Company|Quaker Oats Company]]|1981|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Ronald McDonald commercial (1963)|display=Ronald McDonald commercial|[[Portal:McDonald's|McDonald's]]|nowiki=yes|type=film|1963}}
{{new texts/item|The Great Galeoto; Folly or Saintliness; Two Plays Done from the Verse of José Echegaray into English Prose by Hannah Lynch|José Echegaray|translator=Hannah Lynch|1895}}
{{new texts/item|7,200 Lost U.S. Silent Feature Films (1912-29) (2021-02-04)|display=7,200 Lost U.S. Silent Feature Films (1912-29)|Stephen C. Leggett|2021}}
{{new texts/item|The Life and Voyages of the Apostle Paul|John Fleetwood|1851|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Ella Cinders (film)|display=Ella Cinders|type=film|Alfred Edward Green|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Statutory Instruments Act, 1946|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1946|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Absalom and Achitophel|John Dryden|1682}}
{{new texts/item|The Life and Surprising Adventures of Sir William Wallace|Anonymous}}
{{new texts/item|Accountants Act 2004|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2004|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Blithedale Romance|Nathaniel Hawthorne|1852}}
{{new texts/item|Enoch Arden, etc|Alfred Tennyson|1864}}
{{new texts/item|The Anglo-Saxon Version of the Story of Apollonius of Tyre|Benjamin Thorpe|1834}}
{{new texts/item|Infant Life (Preservation) Act, 1929|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1929|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|History of the Ojibway Nation|William Whipple Warren|1885}}
{{new texts/item|Fifty Candles (1926)|display=Fifty Candles|Earl Derr Biggers|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Orley Farm (Serial)|Anthony Trollope|1862}}
{{new texts/item|When I Grow Up|Simóne van der Spuy, Michele Fry, and Jennifer Jacobs|2016|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (draft opinion)|Samuel Alito|2022}}
{{new texts/item|Lyrics of Lowly Life/When de Co'n Pone's Hot|display=When de Co'n Pone's Hot|Paul Laurence Dunbar|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Bury Me in a Free Land|Frances Ellen Watkins Harper|1858}}
{{new texts/item|The House of Falling Leaves/The House of Falling Leaves|display=The House of Falling Leaves|William Stanley Braithwaite|1908}}
{{new texts/item|On the Difficulty of Correct Description of Books|Augustus de Morgan|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Atlantic Monthly/Volume 7/Number 39/Paul Revere's Ride|display=Paul Revere's Ride|Henry Wadsworth Longfellow|1861}}
{{new texts/item|Demeter and other poems|Alfred Tennyson|1889}}
{{new texts/item|Snow-Bound: A Winter Idyl|John Greenleaf Whittier|1866}}
{{new texts/item|The North American Review/Volume 5/Issue 15/Thanatopsis|display=Thanatopsis|William Cullen Bryant|1817}}
{{new texts/item|Awful Disclosures of Maria Monk|Maria Monk|1800}}
{{new texts/item|Temporary Protection Measures for Business Tenants (COVID-19 Pandemic) Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Gospel of Buddha (1917)|Paul Carus|1917|display=The Gospel of Buddha}}
{{new texts/item|The Virginian, Macmillan Co, 1902|display=The Virginian|Owen Wister|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Community Vital Signs: Measuring Wikipedia Communities’ Sustainable Growth and Renewal}}
{{new texts/item|Visions, Discoveries and Warnings of the Dreadful and Terrible Judgements Upon Scotland, England and Ireland|John Porter|1799|display=Dreadful and Terrible Judgements Upon Scotland, England and Ireland}}
{{new texts/item|Spring in New Hampshire|Claude McKay|1920}}
{{new texts/item|Indecent Displays (Control) Act 1981|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1981|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The History of Mahomet, that Grand Impostor|Charles Thomson|1783}}
{{new texts/item|A Humorous Description of the Battle of T**********k|Anonymous|1816}}
{{new texts/item|Chinese Nationality (Miscellaneous Provisions) Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Children and Young Persons (Harmful Publications) Act, 1955|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1955|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Divine Songs for the Use of Children (1847)|Isaac Watts|1847|display=Divine Songs for the Use of Children}}
{{new texts/item|Malicious Communications Act 1988|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1988|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The House of the Seven Gables|Nathaniel Hawthorne|1851}}
(items below this next section have been parsed to enable easy processing to json, those that use non-basic terms need checking)
==Checked for migration to json==

==Link to archives==
{{New texts navigation}}

[[Category:List templates|{{PAGENAME}}]]
[[Category:Main page templates|{{BASEPAGENAME}}]]</text>
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      <comment>+[[Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982]]</comment>
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      <text bytes="20661" xml:space="preserve">===New entries===
__NOEDITSECTION__&lt;!-- insert new item(s) at the top, the move the equivalent number from the bottom to the second list - please do not use text formatting or link templates in this template --&gt;
&lt;onlyinclude&gt;
{{new texts/item|Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1982|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Democracy and Social Ethics|Jane Addams|1902}}
{{new texts/item|A Treatise on Painting|Leonardo da Vinci|1802}}
{{new texts/item|Life of Edmond Malone|James Prior|1860}}
{{new texts/item|Scotish Descriptive Poems|John Leyden|1803}}
{{new texts/item|San Francisco Earthquake &amp; Fire: April 18, 1906|anonymous|1906|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Child Abduction Act 1984|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1984|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Healthcare Services Act 2020|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2020|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Gold Rush|Charlie Chaplin|1925|type=film}}
&lt;/onlyinclude&gt;

===Older entries===
(not currently displayed)
&lt;!--MOVE OLDER ENTRIES BELOW HERE--&gt;
{{new texts/item|Don Q, Son of Zorro|Donald Crisp|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3/The Lantern|display=The Lantern|[[Author:Alois Jirásek|Alois Jirásek]]|translator=[[Author:Zdenka Buben|Zdenka Buben]] and [[Author:George Rapall Noyes|George Rapall Noyes]] (1925)|1905|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Mark of Zorro (film)|display=The Mark of Zorro|Fred Niblo|1920|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Unholy Three (1925 film)|display=The Unholy Three|Charles Albert Browning|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Scarlet Letter (1934 film)|display=The Scarlet Letter|Robert G. Vignola|1934|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The World's Most Famous Court Trial|anonymous|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Fair Rents Act 1915|Parliament of New South Wales|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 735/Prehistoric Man in Burma|display=Prehistoric Man in Burma|Rodway Charles John Swinhoe|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Princess; a medley|Alfred Tennyson|1847}}
{{new texts/item|People of the Comet|Austin Hall|1923}}
{{new texts/item|The Last Will and Testament of Cecil Rhodes|Cecil Rhodes|editor=W. T. Stead|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 3/Results of Allied Intervention in Siberia|display=Results of Allied Intervention in Siberia|Václav Girsa|1919}}
{{new texts/item|Santa Claus vs. Cupid|Willard Louis|1915|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Alice's Adventures in Wonderland (Rackham)|Lewis Carroll|1907|display=Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|In Times of Peril|George Alfred Henty|1900|display=In times of peril: a tale of India}}
{{new texts/item|Fortitude (Walpole)|Hugh Walpole|1913}}
{{new texts/item|Ballads and Barrack-Room Ballads|Rudyard Kipling|1892}}
{{new texts/item|Poems of Mr. John Milton, Both English and Latin, Compos'd at several times|John Milton|1645}}
{{new texts/item|The Business of Being a Woman|Ida Minerva Tarbell|1913}}
{{new texts/item|Arthur Rackham's Book of Pictures|Arthur Rackham|1913}}
{{new texts/item|The Commentaries of Cæsar|Anthony Trollope|1870}}
{{new texts/item|Blue Beard (1828)|Anonymous|1828|nowiki=yes|display=Popular story of Blue Beard, or, The effects of female curiosity}}
{{new texts/item|Laugh and grow fat, or, The comical budget of wit|Anonymous|1825|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Janet Clinker's Oration|Humphrey Clinker|1820|nowiki=yes|display=Janet Clinker's oration, on the villanies of the old women, and the pride of the young}}
{{new texts/item|Heaven Revealed|Benjamin Fiske Barrett|1885}}
{{new texts/item|Aviation Accident Report: Mercury Chic crash on 22 June 1935|Eugene L. Vidal|1935}}
{{new texts/item|Grigor's Ghost|Anonymous|1835|nowiki=yes|display=Grigor's ghost, or, The constant lovers}}
{{new texts/item|Comus (Rackham)|John Milton|1921|display=Comus|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748)|Ambrose Philips|1748|display=Pastorals, epistles, odes, and other original poems, with translations from Pindar, Anacreon, and Sappho}}
{{new texts/item|Crimes (Amendment) Ordinance 1993|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1993|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Interlocutor|Alexander Pennecuik|1803}}
{{new texts/item|Historic Highways of America/Volume 7|Archer Butler Hulbert|1903|display=Portage Paths}}
{{new texts/item|From Passion to Peace|James Allen|1910}}
{{new texts/item|Infanticide Act, 1938|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1938|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Historical essay on the art of bookbinding|Henri Pène du Bois|1883}}
{{new texts/item|Lectures on The Historians of Bohemia|František Lützow|1905}}
{{new texts/item|The History of the Standard Oil Company|Ida Minerva Tarbell|1904}}
{{new texts/item|Abortion Act 1967|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1967|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Community Disputes Resolution Act 2015|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2015|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Crimes Ordinance 1971|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1971|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Common Reader|Virginia Woolf|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Stories from Old English Poetry|Abby Sage Richardson|1899}}
{{new texts/item|Book of Etiquette/Volume 1|display=Book of Etiquette, Volume 1|Lillian Eichler|1921}}
{{new texts/item|A Woman of Paris (film)|display=A Woman of Paris|Charlie Chaplin|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Lucian's True History|Lucian of Samosata|1894|translator=Francis Hickes}}
{{new texts/item|The Tempest (Rackham)|William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|1926|display=The Tempest|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|A Few Moments with Eddie Cantor|Lee de Forest|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Until They Get Me|Frank Borzage|1917|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Hungry Tiger of Oz|Ruth Plumly Thompson|1926}}
{{new texts/item|The Virginian (1914 film)|display=The Virginian|[[Author:Cecil Blount DeMille|Cecil B. DeMille]]|1914|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Independent Commission Against Corruption Ordinance 1974|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1974|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Present State of Wit (1711)|display=The Present State of Wit, in a Letter to a Friend in the Country|John Gay|1711}}
{{new texts/item|Perjury Act, 1911|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1911|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Iliad of Homer (Buckley)|Homer|1860}}
{{new texts/item|Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds|Charles Mackay|1852}}
{{new texts/item|The Zankiwank and the Bletherwitch|Shafto Justin Adair Fitz-Gerald|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Camperdown|display=Camperdown, or, News from our neighbourhood|Mary Griffith|1836}}
{{new texts/item|The Big Parade|King Vidor|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Big Picture: The WAC is a Soldier, Too|[[Portal:United States Army|Signal Corps Pictorial Center]]|1954|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Stanzas on an Ancient Superstition|William James Rivers|1864}}
{{new texts/item|General Order No. 3 (Granger)|display=General Order No.&amp;nbsp;3|Gordon Granger|1865}}
{{new texts/item|The Works of H. G. Wells (Atlantic Edition)/Volume 5|display=The Works of H.G. Wells (Volume 5)|Herbert George Wells|1924}}
{{new texts/item|Kid Boots (film)|display=Kid Boots|Frank Tuttle|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|A Collection of Esoteric Writings of T. Subba Row|Tallapragada Subba Row|1910}}
{{new texts/item|The Country of the Pointed Firs|Sarah Orne Jewett|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Translations into English Verse from the Poems of Davyth ap Gwilym|Dafydd ap Gwilym|1834}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 729/Ornithological Notes for 1901 from Norfolk and the North of Suffolk|display=Ornithological Notes for 1901 from Norfolk and the North of Suffolk|John Henry Gurney Jr.|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Pastorals (Pope)|display=Pastorals|Alexander Pope|1793}}
{{new texts/item|Max Headroom signal hijacking of WTTW|[[Portal:Anonymous texts|Anonymous]]|1987|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Captain Midnight broadcast signal intrusion message|John R. MacDougall|1986}}
{{new texts/item|Interpretation Act 1978|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1978|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Campaign: a Poem to His Grace the Duke of Marlborough|Joseph Addison|1710}}
{{new texts/item|Aviation Accident Report: American Airlines Flight 383|Civil Aeronautics Board|1966|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Enough Rope|Dorothy Parker|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Copyright Ordinance 1973|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1973|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Battleship Potemkin|Sergei Eisenstein|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Official Languages Ordinance 1974|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1974|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Catriona|Robert Louis Stevenson|1893}}
{{new texts/item|Poor Cecco|Margery Williams|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Raggedy Rose|[[Author:Richard Wallace|Richard Wallace]], [[Author:F. Richard Jones|F. Richard Jones]], and [[Author:Stan Laurel|Stan Laurel]]|nowiki=yes|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Patient Countess|Anonymous}}
{{new texts/item|The Fall of Robespierre. An Historic Drama|Samuel Taylor Coleridge|1794}}
{{new texts/item|The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 728/Notes on the Seal and Whale Fishery of 1901, Southwell|display=Notes on the Seal and Whale Fishery of 1901 |Thomas Southwell|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Conciones Ad Populum. Or, Addresses to the People|Samuel Taylor Coleridge|1795}}
{{new texts/item|Nosferatu|F. W. Murnau|1922|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Great K &amp; A Train Robbery (film)|display=The Great K &amp; A Train Robbery|Lewis Seiler|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Modern Dances|Caroline Walker|1914}}
{{new texts/item|Tag|Valance J Patriarche|1909|display=Tag or The Chien Boule Dog|illustrator=Wallace Goldsmith}}
{{new texts/item|Sing a Song for Sixpence (Caldecott)|Randolph Caldecott|display=Sing a Song for Sixpence}}
{{new texts/item|The Green Door (Milne)|A. A. Milne|1925|display=The Green Door|illustrator=Arthur Rackham}}
{{new texts/item|Out-door Games: Cricket and Golf|Robert Henry Lyttelton|1911}}
{{new texts/item|The Kid (film)|display=The Kid|Charlie Chaplin|1921|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Unchastened Woman (film)|display=The Unchastened Woman|[[Author:James Young (1872-1948)|James Young]]|nowiki=yes|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Safety Last!|[[Author:Fred C. Newmeyer|Fred C. Newmeyer]] and [[Author:Sam Taylor|Sam Taylor]]|nowiki=yes|1923|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Sky Pilot (film)|display=The Sky Pilot|King Vidor|1921|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Resignation (Young)|display=Resignation|Edward Young|1762}}
{{new texts/item|Foreign Limitation Periods Act 2012|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2012|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The New-Year's Bargain|Susan Coolidge|1884}}
{{new texts/item|Ramona (1910 film)|display=Ramona|D. W. Griffith|1910|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Oliver Twist (1909 film)|display=Oliver Twist|James Stuart Blackton|1909|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|The Vampire Bat|Frank R. Strayer|1933|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Aunt Jo's Scrap-Bag/Volume 4|display=Aunt Jo's Scrap-Bag, Volume 4|Louisa May Alcott|1878}}
{{new texts/item|Mickey (1918 film)|display=Mickey|[[Author:Frank Richard Jones|Frank Richard Jones]] and [[Author:James Young (1872-1948)|James Young]]|nowiki=yes|1918|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Choice of Court Agreements Act 2016|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2016|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Railroad Poetry|3=''circa'' 1864}}
{{new texts/item|Germinal|Emile Zola|1925}}
{{new texts/item|Night of the Living Dead|George Andrew Romero|1968|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Andromeda, and Other Poems|Charles Kingsley|1858}}
{{new texts/item|Monte Cristo|Emmett J. Flynn|1922|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|A Letter on the Subject of the Cause (Bramah)|display=A Letter on the Subject of the Cause|Joseph Bramah|1797}}
{{new texts/item|Arthur Rackham: A List of Books Illustrated by Him|Frederick Coykendall|1922}}
{{new texts/item|Provisions of the Government of the Ryukyu Islands|United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands|1952|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|A Little Country Girl (Coolidge)|display=A Little Country Girl|Susan Coolidge|1887}}
{{new texts/item|Slavery Consistent with Christianity (1840)|display=Slavery Consistent with Christianity|Leander Ker|1840}}
{{new texts/item|Findings of Second Permanent Secretary's Investigation Into Alleged Gatherings on Government Premises During Covid Restrictions|Sue Gray|2022}}
{{new texts/item|The Hasty-Pudding, with a Memoir on Maize or Indian Corn|Joel Barlow|1847}}
{{new texts/item|The Woman Socialist|Ethel Snowden|1907}}
{{new texts/item|Historic Highways of America/Volume 6|Archer Butler Hulbert|1903|display=Boone's Wilderness Road}}
{{new texts/item|Modern Dancing|[[Author:Vernon Castle|Vernon Castle]] and [[Author:Irene Castle|Irene Castle]]|1914|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Between the Twilights|Cornelia Sorabji|1908}}
{{new texts/item|Night of the Living Dead/Trailer|George A. Romero|1968|display=Night of the Living Dead (trailer)|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Amyntas, A Tale of the Woods|Torquato Tasso|translator=James Henry Leigh Hunt|1820}}
{{new texts/item|John Wycliff, last of the schoolmen and first of the English reformers|Lewis Sergeant|1893}}
{{new texts/item|Left to Themselves|Edward Irenaeus Prime-Stevenson|1891}}
{{new texts/item|The Petition and Case of Joseph Bramah|Joseph Bramah|1789}}
{{new texts/item|Social Workers Registration Ordinance (Amendment of Schedule 2) Notice 2022|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Secretary for Labour and Welfare, Hong Kong]]|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Scarlet Letter (1926 film)|display=The Scarlet Letter|Victor David Sjöström|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Poems (Bryant, 1821)|display=Poems|William Cullen Bryant|1821}}
{{new texts/item|Neuroomia|George McIver|1894}}
{{new texts/item|National Flag and National Emblem Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Energizer Bunny commercial debut|[[Portal:Energizer|Energizer]]|1988|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)/The Life of Tymon of Athens|display=The Life of Tymon of Athens|William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|1623}}
{{new texts/item|American Society for Testing and Materials v. Public.Resource.Org, Inc. (2022)|display=American Society for Testing and Materials v. Public.Resource.Org, Inc.|United States District Court, District of Columbia|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Great Gatsby (1926 film trailer)|Herbert Brenon|1926|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Sally of the Sawdust/Trailer|display=Sally of the Sawdust (official trailer)|D. W. Griffith|1925|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Fred the Baker commercial (1981)|display=Fred the Baker commercial|[[Portal:Dunkin' Donuts|Dunkin' Donuts]]|1981|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Softsoap commercial 1|[[Portal:Colgate-Palmolive|Colgate-Palmolive]]|1980|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Quaker Corn Bran scarecrow commercial 2|[[Portal:Quaker Oats Company|Quaker Oats Company]]|1981|nowiki=yes|type=film}}
{{new texts/item|Ronald McDonald commercial (1963)|display=Ronald McDonald commercial|[[Portal:McDonald's|McDonald's]]|nowiki=yes|type=film|1963}}
{{new texts/item|The Great Galeoto; Folly or Saintliness; Two Plays Done from the Verse of José Echegaray into English Prose by Hannah Lynch|José Echegaray|translator=Hannah Lynch|1895}}
{{new texts/item|7,200 Lost U.S. Silent Feature Films (1912-29) (2021-02-04)|display=7,200 Lost U.S. Silent Feature Films (1912-29)|Stephen C. Leggett|2021}}
{{new texts/item|The Life and Voyages of the Apostle Paul|John Fleetwood|1851|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Ella Cinders (film)|display=Ella Cinders|type=film|Alfred Edward Green|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Statutory Instruments Act, 1946|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1946|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Absalom and Achitophel|John Dryden|1682}}
{{new texts/item|The Life and Surprising Adventures of Sir William Wallace|Anonymous}}
{{new texts/item|Accountants Act 2004|[[Portal:Law of Singapore|Parliament of Singapore]]|2004|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The Blithedale Romance|Nathaniel Hawthorne|1852}}
{{new texts/item|Enoch Arden, etc|Alfred Tennyson|1864}}
{{new texts/item|The Anglo-Saxon Version of the Story of Apollonius of Tyre|Benjamin Thorpe|1834}}
{{new texts/item|Infant Life (Preservation) Act, 1929|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1929|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|History of the Ojibway Nation|William Whipple Warren|1885}}
{{new texts/item|Fifty Candles (1926)|display=Fifty Candles|Earl Derr Biggers|1926}}
{{new texts/item|Orley Farm (Serial)|Anthony Trollope|1862}}
{{new texts/item|When I Grow Up|Simóne van der Spuy, Michele Fry, and Jennifer Jacobs|2016|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (draft opinion)|Samuel Alito|2022}}
{{new texts/item|Lyrics of Lowly Life/When de Co'n Pone's Hot|display=When de Co'n Pone's Hot|Paul Laurence Dunbar|1896}}
{{new texts/item|Bury Me in a Free Land|Frances Ellen Watkins Harper|1858}}
{{new texts/item|The House of Falling Leaves/The House of Falling Leaves|display=The House of Falling Leaves|William Stanley Braithwaite|1908}}
{{new texts/item|On the Difficulty of Correct Description of Books|Augustus de Morgan|1902}}
{{new texts/item|The Atlantic Monthly/Volume 7/Number 39/Paul Revere's Ride|display=Paul Revere's Ride|Henry Wadsworth Longfellow|1861}}
{{new texts/item|Demeter and other poems|Alfred Tennyson|1889}}
{{new texts/item|Snow-Bound: A Winter Idyl|John Greenleaf Whittier|1866}}
{{new texts/item|The North American Review/Volume 5/Issue 15/Thanatopsis|display=Thanatopsis|William Cullen Bryant|1817}}
{{new texts/item|Awful Disclosures of Maria Monk|Maria Monk|1800}}
{{new texts/item|Temporary Protection Measures for Business Tenants (COVID-19 Pandemic) Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|2022|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Gospel of Buddha (1917)|Paul Carus|1917|display=The Gospel of Buddha}}
{{new texts/item|The Virginian, Macmillan Co, 1902|display=The Virginian|Owen Wister|1902}}
{{new texts/item|Community Vital Signs: Measuring Wikipedia Communities’ Sustainable Growth and Renewal}}
{{new texts/item|Visions, Discoveries and Warnings of the Dreadful and Terrible Judgements Upon Scotland, England and Ireland|John Porter|1799|display=Dreadful and Terrible Judgements Upon Scotland, England and Ireland}}
{{new texts/item|Spring in New Hampshire|Claude McKay|1920}}
{{new texts/item|Indecent Displays (Control) Act 1981|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1981|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The History of Mahomet, that Grand Impostor|Charles Thomson|1783}}
{{new texts/item|A Humorous Description of the Battle of T**********k|Anonymous|1816}}
{{new texts/item|Chinese Nationality (Miscellaneous Provisions) Ordinance|[[Portal:Ordinances of Hong Kong|Provisional Legislative Council of Hong Kong]]|1997|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Children and Young Persons (Harmful Publications) Act, 1955|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1955|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|Divine Songs for the Use of Children (1847)|Isaac Watts|1847|display=Divine Songs for the Use of Children}}
{{new texts/item|Malicious Communications Act 1988|[[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament of the United Kingdom]]|1988|nowiki=yes}}
{{new texts/item|The House of the Seven Gables|Nathaniel Hawthorne|1851}}
(items below this next section have been parsed to enable easy processing to json, those that use non-basic terms need checking)
==Checked for migration to json==

==Link to archives==
{{New texts navigation}}

[[Category:List templates|{{PAGENAME}}]]
[[Category:Main page templates|{{BASEPAGENAME}}]]</text>
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      <text bytes="5824" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh|WOOLEN MANUFACTURE|'''2108'''|WOOSTER}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Wool&quot; /&gt;cloth, which prevents spotting and gives a luster, brushing, pressing and folding finish the work. Broadcloths, cassimeres and beavers are strictly woolen goods, while merinoes, bombazines, delaines etc. are worsted goods, named from the town of Worsted, England, in which the processes of manufacture are somewhat different, the wool being combed, which prevents its felting as closely, and also differently spun. The introduction of machinery and steam-power revolutionized the manufacture of woolen goods. A woman could card one pound of wool a day by hand, spin two skeins of yarn, and weave two or three yards of cloth. Now, by the use of machinery, one worker can card 150 pounds of wool, spin 500 pounds and weave from 35 to 50 yards of cloth in a day. The amount of wool produced throughout the world one year was estimated at 2,643,533,794 pounds, nearly half of which came from Australasia, South America and South Africa. Australasia then produced 400,000,000 pounds; Argentina 370,000,000; Russia 361,100,000; the United States 291,783,032; Great Britain and Ireland 133,124,762; Spain 102,600,000; and South Africa 100,000,000. Great Britain has been the largest producer of woolen goods, but the manufacture is growing rapidly in the United States both in extent and in the quality of the goods.
&lt;section end=&quot;Wool&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Woolen Manufacture&quot; /&gt;
'''Wool′en Manufacture.''' With the introduction of power-machinery and the factory-system a great impetus has been given to the manufacture of woolens as well as worsteds in this and other countries; while in recent years there has also been a large increase in the wool-crop and other raw material, raised not only on the North American continent but in other continents and countries, as Australia, South Africa and South America. As the material of which articles of clothing are made, the use of wool dates from early historic times. It is known to have entered into fabrics worn by the ancient Jews as well as by the Greeks and Romans. To-day woolen manufacture is an extensive industry in this and European nations. Early in the 18th century it found seat in Yorkshire, England, where carding, knitting, spinning, weaving and the various processes of cloth-finishing were actively and profitably engaged in. In the production of woolen goods in the United States we have the advantage not only of possessing, annually, large crops of wool besides extensive importations from abroad (the total available United States wool-product, domestic and foreign, amounted in 1905 to about 500 millions pounds' weight, the domestic production in 1906—7 being 298,715,130 pounds), but of having well-nigh numberless looms, with improved and often ingeniously devised machinery for the now vast local production and the utilizing of what is termed waste.
&lt;section end=&quot;Woolen Manufacture&quot; /&gt;&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Woolsey, Theodore Dwight&quot; /&gt;
{{FI
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'''Woolsey''' ({{NSRW key|''wo͝ol′sĭ''}}), '''Theodore Dwight,''' an American scholar, was born at New York City on Oct. 31, 1801. He studied at Yale, at Princeton and for three years in Germany. He became professor of Greek at Yale College in 1830, and from 1846 to 1871 was president. He was an authority on questions of international law, on which he published a volume. He also edited in Greek a number of Greek plays, and wrote several religious works. The American company of revisers of the New Testament selected him as their president. He died at New Haven, Conn., July 1, 1889.
&lt;section end=&quot;Woolsey, Theodore Dwight&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Woolwich&quot; /&gt;
'''Woolwich''' ({{NSRW key|''wo͝ol′ĭch''}} or {{NSRW key|''ĭj''}}), a town in Kent, England, on Thames River, about nine miles east of London. It is the seat of the principal arsenal of Great Britain, and has the government's factories for producing war-material of all sorts, except gunpowder. The dockyards have existed since 1515, and some of the largest ships of the English navy have been built here. The royal artillery barracks and the Royal Military Academy are also at Woolwich. Population 117,175.
&lt;section end=&quot;Woolwich&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Woonsocket, R. I.&quot; /&gt;
'''Woon′sock′et, R. I.,''' a city on Blackstone River, 16 miles northwest of Providence. Woonsocket Hill, 580 feet high, the highest point in Rhode Island, is next to the town. It has good schools and a free library, but principally is a manufacturing town, especially of cotton, woolen and rubber goods; it also has a large wringing-machine factory, and ranks as the third manufacturing city of Rhode Island. Population 38,125.
&lt;section end=&quot;Woonsocket, R. I.&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Wooster, O.&quot; /&gt;
'''Woos′ter, O.,''' a city, county-seat of Wayne County, 80 miles northeast of Columbus. It is a well-built town, standing on high ground, in a rich farming region. It has factories of agricultural implements, strawboard, whips, organs, furniture, flour, doors, sash and blinds, boilers and engines. Wooster University, founded by Presbyterians in 1866, has three departments, including its medical school at Cleveland, with 41 instructors and 640 students. Other educational institutions are Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, a high school, elementary school and two libraries. Population 6,136.
&lt;section end=&quot;Wooster, O.&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Wooster, David&quot; /&gt;
'''Wooster, David,''' an American general, was born at Stratford, Conn., March 2, 1710. He was in the naval service in command of a vessel to protect the coast in the war between England and Spain, and had {{hws|com|command}}&lt;section end=&quot;Wooster, David&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="5824" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh|WOOLEN MANUFACTURE|'''2108'''|WOOSTER}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Wool&quot; /&gt;cloth, which prevents spotting and gives a luster, brushing, pressing and folding finish the work. Broadcloths, cassimeres and beavers are strictly woolen goods, while merinoes, bombazines, delaines etc. are worsted goods, named from the town of Worsted, England, in which the processes of manufacture are somewhat different, the wool being combed, which prevents its felting as closely, and also differently spun. The introduction of machinery and steam-power revolutionized the manufacture of woolen goods. A woman could card one pound of wool a day by hand, spin two skeins of yarn, and weave two or three yards of cloth. Now, by the use of machinery, one worker can card 150 pounds of wool, spin 500 pounds and weave from 35 to 50 yards of cloth in a day. The amount of wool produced throughout the world one year was estimated at 2,643,533,794 pounds, nearly half of which came from Australasia, South America and South Africa. Australasia then produced 400,000,000 pounds; Argentina 370,000,000; Russia 361,100,000; the United States 291,783,032; Great Britain and Ireland 133,124,762; Spain 102,600,000; and South Africa 100,000,000. Great Britain has been the largest producer of woolen goods, but the manufacture is growing rapidly in the United States both in extent and in the quality of the goods.
&lt;section end=&quot;Wool&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Woolen Manufacture&quot; /&gt;
'''Wool′en Manufacture.''' With the introduction of power-machinery and the factory-system a great impetus has been given to the manufacture of woolens as well as worsteds in this and other countries; while in recent years there has also been a large increase in the wool-crop and other raw material, raised not only on the North American continent but in other continents and countries, as Australia, South Africa and South America. As the material of which articles of clothing are made, the use of wool dates from early historic times. It is known to have entered into fabrics worn by the ancient Jews as well as by the Greeks and Romans. To-day woolen manufacture is an extensive industry in this and European nations. Early in the 18th century it found seat in Yorkshire, England, where carding, knitting, spinning, weaving and the various processes of cloth-finishing were actively and profitably engaged in. In the production of woolen goods in the United States we have the advantage not only of possessing, annually, large crops of wool besides extensive importations from abroad (the total available United States wool-product, domestic and foreign, amounted in 1905 to about 500 millions pounds' weight, the domestic production in 1906—7 being 298,715,130 pounds), but of having well-nigh numberless looms, with improved and often ingeniously devised machinery for the now vast local production and the utilizing of what is termed waste.
&lt;section end=&quot;Woolen Manufacture&quot; /&gt;&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Woolsey, Theodore Dwight&quot; /&gt;
{{FI
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'''Woolsey''' ({{NSRW key|''wo͝ol′sĭ''}}), '''Theodore Dwight,''' an American scholar, was born at New York City on Oct. 31, 1801. He studied at Yale, at Princeton and for three years in Germany. He became professor of Greek at Yale College in 1830, and from 1846 to 1871 was president. He was an authority on questions of international law, on which he published a volume. He also edited in Greek a number of Greek plays, and wrote several religious works. The American company of revisers of the New Testament selected him as their president. He died at New Haven, Conn., July 1, 1889.
&lt;section end=&quot;Woolsey, Theodore Dwight&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Woolwich&quot; /&gt;
'''Woolwich''' ({{NSRW key|''wo͝ol′ĭch''}} or {{NSRW key|''ĭj''}}), a town in Kent, England, on Thames River, about nine miles east of London. It is the seat of the principal arsenal of Great Britain, and has the government's factories for producing war-material of all sorts, except gunpowder. The dockyards have existed since 1515, and some of the largest ships of the English navy have been built here. The royal artillery barracks and the Royal Military Academy are also at Woolwich. Population 117,175.
&lt;section end=&quot;Woolwich&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Woonsocket, R. I.&quot; /&gt;
'''Woon′sock′et, R. I.,''' a city on Blackstone River, 16 miles northwest of Providence. Woonsocket Hill, 580 feet high, the highest point in Rhode Island, is next to the town. It has good schools and a free library, but principally is a manufacturing town, especially of cotton, woolen and rubber goods; it also has a large wringing-machine factory, and ranks as the third manufacturing city of Rhode Island. Population 38,125.
&lt;section end=&quot;Woonsocket, R. I.&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Wooster, O.&quot; /&gt;
'''Woos′ter, O.,''' a city, county-seat of Wayne County, 80 miles northeast of Columbus. It is a well-built town, standing on high ground, in a rich farming region. It has factories of agricultural implements, strawboard, whips, organs, furniture, flour, doors, sash and blinds, boilers and engines. Wooster University, founded by Presbyterians in 1866, has three departments, including its medical school at Cleveland, with 41 instructors and 640 students. Other educational institutions are Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, a high school, elementary school and two libraries. Population 6,136.
&lt;section end=&quot;Wooster, O.&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Wooster, David&quot; /&gt;
'''Wooster, David,''' an American general, was born at Stratford, Conn., March 2, 1710. He was in the naval service in command of a vessel to protect the coast in the war between England and Spain, and had {{hws|com|command}}&lt;section end=&quot;Wooster, David&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="6013" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Bob Burkhardt&quot; /&gt;{{rh|STOCKS|'''1829'''|STOCK-YARDS}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Stock-Raising&quot; /&gt;The vastness of the live-stock industry in the United States is shown by the following statistics of domestic animals in 1910: Cattle (cows, bulls, etc.) 61,225,791; horses and colts 19,731,060; mules 4,183,572; asses and burros 110,012; sheep 51,809,068; swine 58,600,632; and goats 1,948,952. See {{NSRW article link|Agriculture}} (''Stock-Breeding'' and ''Stock-Feeding'', p. 31); {{NSRW article link|Cattle}}; {{NSRW article link|Hog|Swine}}; {{NSRW article link|Horse}}; {{NSRW article link|Meat-Packing}}; {{NSRW article link|Milk}}; {{NSRW article link|Mule}}; {{NSRW article link|Sheep}}; {{NSRW article link|Swine}}; and {{NSRW article link|Wool}}.
&lt;section end=&quot;Stock-Raising&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Stocks&quot; /&gt;'''Stocks''' are the rights in the property of a corporation which those persons possess who have contributed to its capital. Each corporation has a certain capital-stock which may be raised for the purposes of its business but need not be fully paid up. This amount is divided into shares. Certificates are made out for these shares, say $100 shares or $10 shares as the case may be. These certificates are sent to those who have paid up the capital, in proportion to the amount which they have paid. Thus if the stocks be at par, a man who had subscribed $1,000 to a certain stock would receive ten $100 certificates. But the business of the corporation may fall short of expectations; or it may exceed them. In the former case the value of the paper certificates will decrease; in the latter case it will increase. So a stock is rarely at par, ''i.&amp;nbsp;e.'', at such a mark that a hundred dollar certificate is worth exactly one hundred dollars. Stocks are liable to fluctuate in value not merely according to the value of the business which they represent, whether a mine, a railroad, a great commercial concern or what not, but according to the plentifulness or scarcity of money which is being invested.

There are many who almost gamble on the fluctuations of stocks. Some buy merely in order to sell; and it is to their interest to ''bull'' the stock or advance it in price. Others sell stock which perhaps they do not possess; believing that, by the time they will be compelled to hand over the stock, they will be able to buy it more cheaply than they have agreed to sell it. In the stock-market the former class are known as “bulls;” the latter as “bears.” The mere manipulation of stock is undesirable. The member of the public who thinks that he can compete with the professional stockbrokers is likely to suffer heavy loss. He will do better to make a genuine investment in a stock, with the idea, not of selling, but of getting good interest on his money from the dividends which the stock pays out of the proceeds of the business which it represents. On every transaction in stock the buyer or seller pays one-eighth ''per cent.'' of the money which he pays or receives for the stock to a broker. The number of brokers in a stock-exchange is limited. Their seats are property, and may be inherited; but they
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
are occasionally sold to a would-be broker. A seat in the New York Stock Exchange has sold for $88,000. See {{NSRW article link|Board of Trade}}.
&lt;section end=&quot;Stocks&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Stockton, Cal.&quot; /&gt;'''Stock′ton, Cal.''', county-seat of San Joaquin County, is on an arm of San Joaquin River. It has a good harbor, and the river is navigable at all seasons from San Francisco. The city is supplied with water by artesian wells. There are a convent, a state hospital and factories of ironware, woolens, flour, engines, cars, window-glass, leather, soap and carriages. The city is served by the Southern Pacific (Central Pacific), Santa Fé and Western Pacific railroads, as also by two traction-companies. Population 23,253.
&lt;section end=&quot;Stockton, Cal.&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Stockton, Francis Richard&quot; /&gt;
{{FI
 | file = NSRW F R Stockton.jpg
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 | tstyle = font-size:100%; font-variant:all-small-caps;
}}
'''Stockton, Francis Richard''', American author and humorist, was born at Philadelphia, April 5, 1834, and, after graduating at the high school of that city, took to journalism as a profession and to contributing to the magazines. Joining the staff of ''Scribner's Monthly'', he wrote much for it and ''St. Nicholas'', of which he became assistant-editor. In this appeared many of his delightful stories for the young. He became a prolific and industrious author, his stories revealing quaint but unobtrusive humor, with a brightly graphic quality and a literary style that commend his work to the educated and refined. His more prominent works embrace ''Rudder Grange'', ''The Lady or the Tiger'', ''Pomona's Travels'', ''The Casting Away of Mrs. Leeks and Mrs. Aleshine'', ''The Dusantes'', ''The Great Stone of Sardis'', ''A Bicycle of Cathay'' and ''The Captain's Toll-Gate''. He died on April 20, 1902.
&lt;section end=&quot;Stockton, Francis Richard&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Stockton, Robert Field&quot; /&gt;'''Stockton, Robert Field''', an American naval officer, was born at Princeton, N. J., in 1795. He entered the navy in 1811, went to Africa in 1821, and helped to secure the republic of Liberia for the American Colonization Society. He was sent to the West Indies against the pirates and served in the Mediterranean. In 1845 he was sent to the Pacific coast, and next year, with Frémont, conquered California for the United States. In 1851 he was elected United States senator. He died at Princeton, N. J., Oct. 7, 1866.
&lt;section end=&quot;Stockton, Robert Field&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Stock-Yards&quot; /&gt;'''Stock-Yards'''. Enclosures in cities where live-stock is cared for on its way to market or at market. With the development of the central and western states arose the necessity for convenient markets for distribution and sale of the enormous production of live-stock of these regions. (See&lt;section end=&quot;Stock-Yards&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ry4k42b0xo4o6tpufb6i02ph8gndf14</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Userboxtop</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>32309</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507680</id>
      <parentid>12310763</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:57:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="425" xml:space="preserve">{|name=&quot;userboxes&quot; id=&quot;userboxes&quot; style=&quot;margin-left: 1em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; width: 242px; border: {{{bordercolor|#99B3FF}}} solid 1px; background-color: {{{backgroundcolor|#FFFFFF}}}; {{{extra-css|}}}&quot; align=&quot;{{{2|{{{align|right}}}}}}&quot;
!&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%;&quot;&gt;{{{1|{{{toptext|[[w:Wikipedia:Userboxes|Userboxes]]}}}}}}&lt;/span&gt;
|-
|&lt;noinclude&gt;
|}
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;
{{locked}}
&lt;/includeonly&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508053</id>
      <parentid>12507680</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:08:23Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Reverted edits by [[Special:Contributions/2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500|2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500]] ([[User talk:2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500|talk]]) to last revision by [[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="386" xml:space="preserve">{|name=&quot;userboxes&quot; id=&quot;userboxes&quot; style=&quot;margin-left: 1em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; width: 242px; border: {{{bordercolor|#99B3FF}}} solid 1px; background-color: {{{backgroundcolor|#FFFFFF}}}; {{{extra-css|}}}&quot; align=&quot;{{{2|{{{align|right}}}}}}&quot;
!&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%;&quot;&gt;{{{1|{{{toptext|[[w:Wikipedia:Userboxes|Userboxes]]}}}}}}&lt;/span&gt;
|-
|&lt;noinclude&gt;
|}
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>dy6r96ihik1thkn78uojpouboqug0k5</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508054</id>
      <parentid>12508053</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:09:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Reverted edits by [[Special:Contributions/Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) to last revision by [[User:2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500|2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500]]</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="425" xml:space="preserve">{|name=&quot;userboxes&quot; id=&quot;userboxes&quot; style=&quot;margin-left: 1em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; width: 242px; border: {{{bordercolor|#99B3FF}}} solid 1px; background-color: {{{backgroundcolor|#FFFFFF}}}; {{{extra-css|}}}&quot; align=&quot;{{{2|{{{align|right}}}}}}&quot;
!&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%;&quot;&gt;{{{1|{{{toptext|[[w:Wikipedia:Userboxes|Userboxes]]}}}}}}&lt;/span&gt;
|-
|&lt;noinclude&gt;
|}
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;
{{locked}}
&lt;/includeonly&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508081</id>
      <parentid>12508054</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:47:46Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>rv unexplained changes</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="386" xml:space="preserve">{|name=&quot;userboxes&quot; id=&quot;userboxes&quot; style=&quot;margin-left: 1em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; width: 242px; border: {{{bordercolor|#99B3FF}}} solid 1px; background-color: {{{backgroundcolor|#FFFFFF}}}; {{{extra-css|}}}&quot; align=&quot;{{{2|{{{align|right}}}}}}&quot;
!&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:120%;&quot;&gt;{{{1|{{{toptext|[[w:Wikipedia:Userboxes|Userboxes]]}}}}}}&lt;/span&gt;
|-
|&lt;noinclude&gt;
|}
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Wikisource:Administrators' noticeboard</title>
    <ns>4</ns>
    <id>32582</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507718</id>
      <parentid>12503009</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T01:47:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Shells-shells</username>
        <id>3021170</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Page (un)protection requests */ request protection for {{center}} stylesheet</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="130053" xml:space="preserve">{{process header
 | title    = Administrators' noticeboard
 | section  =
 | previous = [[Wikisource:Index/Community|Community page]]
 | next     = [[/Archives|Archives]] ([[/Archives/{{CURRENTYEAR}}|current]])
 | shortcut = [[WS:AN]]
 | notes    = This is a discussion page for coordinating and discussing administrative tasks on Wikisource. Although its target audience is [[Wikisource:administrators|administrators]], ''any user'' is welcome to leave a message or join the discussion here. This is also the place to report vandalism or request an administrator's help. 

* '''Please make your comments concise.''' Editors and administrators are less likely to pay attention to long diatribes.
* This is '''not the place for general discussion.''' For that, see the [[Wikisource:Scriptorium|community discussion page]].
* Administrators please use template {{tl|closed}} to identify completed discussions that can be archived
{{editabuselinks}}{{autoarchive resolved section
 | age            = 7
 | archive        = ((FULLPAGENAME))/Archives/((year))
 | show           = yes
 | level          = 
 | timecompare    = resolved
}}
}}__NEWSECTIONLINK__ {{/snapshot}}

=Checkuser requests=
* [[Wikisource:checkuser policy]]
* At this point of time, English Wikisource has '''no''' checkusers and requests need to be undertaken by stewards
** it would be expected that requests on authentic users would be discussed on this wiki prior to progressing to stewards
** requests by administrators for identification and blocking of IP ranges to manage spambots and longer term nuisance-only editing can be progressed directly to the stewards
** [[m:Steward requests/Checkuser|requests for checkuser]]

=Bureaucrat requests=
* To request a global rename, go to [[Special:GlobalRenameRequest]].
=Page (un)protection requests=
{{fmbox
| image = [[Image:User-info.svg|40px]]
| type = editnotice
| style = margin-top: -0.5em; 
| text = &lt;p&gt;At this section you can request protection of a page, eg. a text that you have checked against a hard copy, or a template. Please make sure that the request follows the requirements of the [[Wikisource:Protection policy#Procedure|procedure for protecting pages]].&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;You can also request unprotection of a text according to the [[Wikisource:Protection policy#Procedure|procedure for protecting pages]]. You should request a reprotection when your work is done. Alternately utilise {{tl|edit protected}} for the respective talk page.&lt;/p&gt;
}}
&lt;!-- ADD ANY UN-PROTECTION REQUESTS BELOW THIS LINE --&gt;

== Requesting page protection for {{tl|left sidenote}} and {{tl|right sidenote}} ==

Given what happened (see above) I am of the view that as highly visible and widely used templates, these along with their respective style-sheets  should be protected from  general editing, with someone appropriate identifying a STABLE version and then protecting that version.  Thanks.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:46, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

== Requesting protection of [[Template:Center/styles.css]] ==

An IP editor ([[Special:Contributions/2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500]]) recently made {{tl|center}} [[Special:Diff/12457520/next|disappear]] because the stylesheet was unprotected. @[[User:Xover|Xover]] only created it a few weeks ago, so this is understandable. The same IP has also made a few mysterious additions to some other templates as well (e.g., [[Special:Diff/12507680/prev|this]]), which might warrant a closer inspection by someone more knowledgeable than me. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 01:47, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

=Other=

== Interface administrators ==

Hi. Please see https://www.mediawiki.org/wiki/Topic:Unisfu5m161hs4zl. I do not remember if this was already discussed and how it is going to be addressed. Comments and suggestions welcome.
{{comment}} As far as I am concerned I would trust any admin who feels skilled and confident enough to tackle such edits.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:05, 29 October 2018 (UTC)
: I can handle the technical aspects of it. However, it can take me a while to get around to tasks that take longer than a few minutes, so I don't want to create a false expectation of being able to handle time sensitive matters on my own. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 02:35, 30 October 2018 (UTC)


We should decide how to address the fact that EnWS has no [[m:interface administrators]]. I see basically the following options. Please add/amend as you feel appropriate.

'''Option A''' - Assign right on demand when needed

'''Option B''' - Assign right permanently to willing Admins, to be reviewed in the confirmation process
:As I said above, I am for the simplest one.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:28, 30 October 2018 (UTC)

'''Option C''' - Assign right permanently to selected Admins, after approval process, to be reviewed in the confirmation process
:Option C sounds like you're being volunteered (based on the lack of the word 'willing'). ;) --[[User:Mukkakukaku|Mukkakukaku]] ([[User talk:Mukkakukaku|talk]]) 06:27, 31 October 2018 (UTC)

'''Option D''' - assign the rights to all the admins, who have already been vetted for community approval, and then whoever has the ability and desire can make use of it as they will and as needed. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:33, 31 October 2018 (UTC)

:Option D would make the most sense for us. For anyone to get themselves to the point that we trust them with the admin tools just so that they can mess around in the interface, they would be playing a very long game. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 22:05, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
:I agree with Beeswaxcandle, '''Option D''', although I would also be fine with the right only going to admins who express an interest. [[User:BD2412|&lt;font style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/font&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 23:00, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
::It is so rare I disagree with [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] but this must be one of those times. The whole point of this change is to prevent the ignorant from accidentally screwing up - insulting as the implications undoubtedly are! As such under the new regime trust is no longer enough; perhaps somebody ought to draw up some kind of eligibility examination&amp;hellip;? [[Special:Contributions/114.73.248.245|114.73.248.245]] 23:03, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
::: That hasn't been an issue for us yet, and accidental changes are easily reversed. If we had more users it would be more of a problem, but as it stands this kind of distinction is more cumbersome than helpful in my opinion. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:08, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
:As much as I like the idea of making all existing admin interface admin, IA were separated from regular adminship specifically to reduce attack surface(from hackers), and it was pretty dangerous if the access fell into the wrong hand, I'd rather propose having existing admin request right from bureaucrat and could be granted at the bureaucrat's discretion, and should be automatically removed if no action after two month.[[User:Viztor|Viztor]] ([[User talk:Viztor|talk]]) 02:13, 10 August 2019 (UTC)

* {{comment}} we discussed it when the rights were split, and it was agreed that it could be assigned on a needs basis. That has been done at least once for me with the temporary assignation of the IA rights. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:58, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:Note that WMF Legal requires 2FA to be enabled for users who are to be assigned this right, so bureaucrats will have to verify this before doing so. MediaWiki's 2FA implementation is also sufficiently finicky that one may not want to enable it without proper consideration. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:21, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:: What's wrong with the 2FA implementation? I haven't had any issues with it at all. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 22:17, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:::Ah, sorry, I should have been more clear. I am going on hearsay, mostly from admins on enwp (a crotchety bunch if ever there was one), and my own assessment of the documentation at meta. The main complaints are that the implementation in general is a little bit primitive (as is to be expected since WMF rolled their own instead of federating with one of the big providers), and that there is no way to regain access to your account if something goes wrong with the 2FA stuff (if your phone is stolen etc.) unless you happen to know one of the developers personally. None of these are in themselves showstoppers, and many people are using it entirely without issue. The phrasing {{talk quote inline| sufficiently finicky that one may not want to enable it without proper consideration|q=y}} was not intended to discourage use, but merely to suggest that it is worthwhile actually giving it a little thought before requesting it be turned on. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:52, 11 August 2019 (UTC)
*:::: Okay, gotcha. As it happens, Wikimedia 2FA does include [[:meta:Help:Two-factor_authentication#Scratch_codes|emergency access codes]] for use when your phone is unavailable. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:56, 11 August 2019 (UTC)

===Formal requirements related to 2FA===
Picking up this again…

I finally got so annoyed by our inability to fix even simple stuff [[Special:PermanentLink/9921352#Content_model_change_-_User:ShakespeareFan00/Sandbox/styles.css|stuff that requires Interface Admin permissions]] that I hopped over to meta to figure out what the ''actual'' requirements are (versus the ''should'' stuff). As it turns out, the 2FA stuff is (surprise surprise) as half-baked as most such Papal bulls from the WMF: 2FA is ''required'' for intadmin, but there is ''no'' way for bureaucrats to actually check whether an account has that enabled. The result of this is that even on enwp (where they take this stuff ''really'' seriously) they do not actually try to verify that 2FA is enabled before they hand the permission out: they check that the user is in the right group so that they ''can'' turn on 2FA, remind the person in question of the requirement, but otherwise take it on faith (trust). There's a request in for the technical capability to verify 2FA (and I think Danny is even working on it), but it seems mostly everyone's waiting for 2FA to be enforced by the software.

Meanwhile, anyone with existing advanced permissions (i.e. +sysop) have the capability to enable 2FA, and anyone with a particular reason (e.g. that they need it to get Interface Administrator permission) can apply to be a &quot;2FA Tester&quot; and thus gain the ability to turn it on.

The net result is that our bureaucrats (ping {{ul2|Hesperian}} and {{ul2|Mpaa}}) ''can'' assign this permission so long as we somehow somewhere make at least a token effort to make sure those getting the bit have 2FA enabled. Whether that's an addition to, or footnote on, [[Wikisource:Adminship]], or the bureaucrats asking/reminding the user when it comes up, or… whatever… I have no particular opinion on. Since the previous community discussions have been actively adverse to regulating this stuff in detail, and absent objections, I think &quot;Whatever Hesperian and Mpaa agree on&quot; is a reasonable enough summary of consensus.

I still think we should have an actual policy for Interface Administrators (or section on it in [[Wikisource:Adminship]]) and some facility for permanently assigning the permission (ala. +sysop; but intadmin tasks are not one-and-done like +sysop tasks, they often require iterative changes over time and need to fit into a overall architecture), but so long as there is no appetite for that, ''something'' that we can point to and say &quot;That's how we handle the 2FA requirement&quot; if the WMF should ever come asking. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:37, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

{{question}} Is there anything further that the community thinks we need to discuss? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:36, 1 October 2021 (UTC)

: I just added [[Special:Diff/11740077]] as a quickrestatement of [[meta:Interface administrators]], which is already linked from the top of [[Wikisource:Interface administrators]]. Basically &quot;you should be using 2FA&quot;. If there are more formal ways to check in future, then we can update the information. FWIW, I have it on, which is a little annoying when I accidentally fat-finger the logout button, but otherwise seems unproblematic.  [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 07:46, 1 October 2021 (UTC)
:: Should? &quot;Required&quot; is my understanding. There was a [[phab:T282624|heated phabricator ticket]] about the WMF moving to have the allocation undertaken by stewards following their checking for 2FA being in place, rather than local 'crats.  The counter argument was that local crats snould be able to check status and apply the rights.  The [[phab:T265726|ticket]] is stalled as a rethink is seemingly in play. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:14, 1 October 2021 (UTC)
:::It's a paraphrase of what I wrote, but I changed the text there to &quot;required&quot; since it's not just an expectation. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:08, 1 October 2021 (UTC)

== Request move ==

Hello. Could you please '''move''' &quot;[[Siamese Interim Administrative Charter Act, Buddhist Era 2475 (1932)]]&quot; to &quot;[[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era]]&quot; and '''change''' its namespace from &quot;main&quot; to &quot;translation&quot;? Thank you so much. --[[User:KhaoNiaoMaMuang|KhaoNiaoMaMuang]] ([[User talk:KhaoNiaoMaMuang|talk]]) 12:21, 11 December 2020 (UTC)

{{done}} The above has been moved. Wikidata item needs to be moved. --[[User:Kathleen.wright5|kathleen wright5]] ([[User talk:Kathleen.wright5|talk]]) 21:10, 11 December 2020 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Kathleen.wright5}} The WD items should be updated when you do the moves, or very quickly afterwards. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:29, 13 December 2020 (UTC)

: If anyone is interested in working on this particular backlog, there are about [https://petscan.wmflabs.org/?psid=14890283 80+ works] (mostly Thai legal documents) that need to be moved from Mainspace to Translation space. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 21:04, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
:: If someone can map out the required conversions from {{tl|header}} to {{tl|translation header}} then I can run through them. Just too busy to do all the thinking of the conversions. Would be wanting indications of which lines add/remove/change, to make the bot tasking easier. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:32, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
::: {{re|billinghurst}} Most of them are obvious - &lt;code&gt;title=&lt;title&gt;&lt;/code&gt;, &lt;code&gt;author=&lt;author&gt;&lt;/code&gt;, etc. The interwiki link &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[th:&lt;pagetitle&gt;]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; gives you the values for &lt;code&gt;language=th&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;original=&lt;pagetitle&gt;&lt;/code&gt;. If &lt;code&gt;shortcut&lt;/code&gt; and/or &lt;code&gt;year&lt;/code&gt; are omitted, they need to be added as blank parameters. Finally, any instance of &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;override_translator = [[Wikisource:Translations|Wikisource]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; needs to be removed. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 14:24, 14 December 2020 (UTC)

== Need an Index: ns page move stopper ==

We need to toughen our defences against Index: and Page: ns moves. My suggestion is an abuse filter that selectively prohibits, or at the bare minimum warns people that it is not advisable. Before I do anything, would like to hear people's thoughts. Recovering from moves of this type is an issue, especially as it happens pretty quietly.

We don't have good automated rights that AF can leverage at this point in time, though there are numbers of measures that we can apply to restrict or pass actions. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:02, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
: Sounds like a good idea, but I'm not familiar enough with the goings-on to have a strong opinion how to do it. Can you describe the problem a little more specifically and/or one or two of the things you think should be done about it? Does this have to with IPs, new accounts, experienced users making poor decisions, intentional vandalism, ..? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:13, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

: We do have [[Special:AbuseFilter/36]], which is exactly for this. Perhaps add a warning actions to it and see if that stops people. Be very clear why they are being warned: {{tqi|&quot;Please be extremely careful when moving pages in the Index or Page namespace if you are not an administrator. Non-administrators cannot suppress redirects, which means you cannot move ''other'' pages to where the moved page used to be. Moved index pages that have any existing sub-pages need to have the orphaned redirects deleted. It's much easier to ask an admin to do this (at [[WS:AN]]) directly rather than asking them to tidy up after a move with redirects left behind.&quot;}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:08, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
::Yeah, that looks good. And I think a warning is the right level for this, at least to start. We have a relative frequent occurrence of people that create a new index after goofing the file name of the first, so the opposite problem is also relevant (it just has smaller consequences). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:06, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
::: Ok, [[Special:AbuseFilter/36]] will now warn the user with [[MediaWiki:Abusefilter-warning-Non-admin Index-Move]], then allow the user to continue (but also tag the edit). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:01, 4 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Mediawiki:Watchlist-announcements]] ==

As administrators we need to make better use of our general means of announcements to our community, especially where we have either a significant proposal or have made a significant change to policy and templates, and want to capture all our users, and spasmodic users.  We have all been pretty rubbish at that general comms in the past while and I think that we should at least think about what we want to better broadcast. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 09:02, 4 July 2021 (UTC)
: This is just the banner that shows up above the watchlist correct? I think that's reasonable. Is there anywhere else we should be remembering to post such content - mailing lists, social media, etc? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 01:47, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::Correct, and it is persistent. As it is watchlist, only logged in users, and they can dismiss it once read.  Wikisource-L, Twitter: @wikisource_en are possibles for some things.  My reason for the watchlist is that it is our editors, and it is persistent, so very targeted, and low noise threshold. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 03:46, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::: Huh, I had utterly forgotten Wikisource-l existed! Twitter seems more like advertising/evangelism than operational notices (one fine day a New Texts bot can post there!). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:34, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::::Indeed. Please don't post RfC or policy discussion notices to Twitter! [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:02, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
:Amen! And especially since low participation is a much bigger problem in our policy/rfc type discussions than excessive numbers of comments or discussions. The better attended a given discussion is the stronger any resulting consensus will be, and, if we do it right, the better it will reflect the position of the community as a whole. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:46, 7 July 2021 (UTC)

== Import help ==
Please import books listed at [[Wikisource:Requested_texts#Import_5_books_about_Malayalam_language]]. These books were written for English speakers to learn Malayalam words, and the definitions are all in English. Thank you. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 00:15, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
:This doesn't require an administrator. Probably better requested at [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]] if you are looking at assistance in how to do these. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:26, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
::I think only admins and [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Special:ListUsers?username=&amp;group=transwiki&amp;wpsubmit=&amp;wpFormIdentifier=mw-listusers-form&amp;limit=50 importers] can do interwiki-import while preserving page history. [[Special:Import]] gives permission error for me. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 11:50, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
:::Apologies, I misunderstood the request as you were referencing requested texts.&lt;br/&gt;If you have those works at mlWS, why would we import them here? Is mlWS planing on deleting it?  We can simply link to the work where it is now, if the work is within scope at mlWS. FWIW no one has import rights to bring works from mlWS to enWS, and from memory our 'crats cannot allocate the right. I think that we need to step right back and work out what it is that is needing to be done, and what is the appropriate place for the work, as it may be be situated at [[:mul:|mulWS]] if it is not to be hosted at mlWS. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:24, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
::::Those are books about Malayalam language written '''for English''' readers/audience. mlWS will not delete it, it is indeed with in its scope. I think enWS also can have it here as its target audience is English language readers. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 01:55, 22 August 2021 (UTC)
:::::Hi, adding my 2c here—from briefly skimming through the texts, a significant portion of the texts appears to be in Malayalam. The [[ml:A Grammar of the Malayalim Language (Peet 1841)|Peet book]] may be within the scope of enWS since it's written in English and uses Malayalam words with context. The other works are more dicey—a significant amount of text is in Malayalam, which might warrant it being hosted on mulWS as opposed to enWS. On the other hand, works such as [[Index:Tamil studies.djvu]] also have a significant amount of text in another language (Tamil, in this case) which I would've expected to have been hosted on mulWS instead.
:::::Is there a formal guideline of sorts that gives an idea of how much non-English text in a work is alright for a work hosted on enWS? Off the top of my head I'd say texts which use non-English words and phrases sparingly could be hosted here, but I can't really think of anyplace this has actually been mentioned. [[WS:Language policy]] redirects to [[WS:Translations]], which doesn't have any info regarding this. &lt;small&gt;—[[User:Clockery|C.]] [[User talk:Clockery|F.]]&lt;/small&gt; 23:38, 24 August 2021 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:Clockery]] Works that are literally half non-English (as in a side by side translation), and works such as a English-(non-English) dictionary seem to be considered 'obviously' in scope by the community here, so the bar where things start being problematic is pretty low. I think if the work is 'usable' to an English language reader, it's probably fine here. That being said, it would probably be easier to maintain just one place, and use an interwiki link. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 00:34, 25 August 2021 (UTC)
::::::::My understanding is that multi-lingual works were in the aegis of mulWS, and that typically works were hosted at one wiki. There are some works that are side-be-side, English/another language, and those have split and are respectively imported using the series explained at [[Template:Iwpage]]. It was why I mentioned mulWS, in my initial response. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:51, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

::::::::: {{comment}} One thing we probably want to eventually sort out is mainspace presentation and export of works using {{tl|iwpage}}. Since the content is loaded by JS in the page namespace, it doesn't work on transclusion and it therefore won't work on export. Which is a big shame for things like ''[[Loeb Classical Library]]'' since that's kind of the whole point.
::::::::: I don't have any immediate idea about how to deal with this (other than throwing up hands and doing it all at enWS!), but I have a sneaking suspicion we'll need at least some server support (either from MW, the export tool, or both). And we'll also likely need to figure out a One True Way to format side-by-side texts in a flexible, exportable and generally not-horrific way. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:12, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

On the general subject, we need clearer rules on this, and those rules shouldn't dissociate us from stuff like the Loeb Classical Library, which is the modern collection of Latin &amp; Ancient Greek works in English. There's a lot of translated material only available in bilingual editions, and that needs to be clearly accessible from here.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:13, 25 August 2021 (UTC)
:I'd like to hear from mulWS ({{ping|Zyephyrus|Ankry|VIGNERON}} as some representatives) on the hosting of dual language works. We we can link to works easily, though it doesn't show up in our searches. I would also be happy to place {{tl|interwiki redirect}}s at the titles (and we can work out WD later). I don't really want to duplicate works as 1) they are dynamic in our proofreading space, 2) they will typically have different templates, 3) duplication is unneeded. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:00, 26 August 2021 (UTC)
::Here are some examples:
::For instance, &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://la.wikisource.org/wiki/Pagina:Ad_Alpes.djvu/46 this book: Latin text and English indications]&lt;/span&gt;, useful on both. Do we place it on mul.ws?--[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 12:59, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:::Or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Fables_d%E2%80%99%C3%89sope_(trad._Chambry,_1927)/L%E2%80%99Aigle,_le_Choucas_et_le_Berger_(bilingue) this one, Ancient Greek and French]&lt;/span&gt;, might be on '''mul.ws''' and offer links to both '''fr.ws''' and '''el.ws'''.

:::I admired the work of [[User:VIGNERON|VIGNERON]] on &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://br.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Pajenn:Lescour_-_Telenn_Remengol.djvu/27&amp;action=edit br.wikisource]&lt;/span&gt; with the {{colors|blue|white|&lt;nowiki&gt;{{iwpage|fr}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template}} used to show &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://br.wikisource.org/wiki/Pajenn:Lescour_-_Telenn_Remengol.djvu/27 the French text}}]&lt;/span&gt;. All these bilingual or multilingual texts would be moved to mul.ws. Do you think this a good solution ? There would be one place and only one to keep these kinds of documents. Would it be convenient and appropriate for all of them? --[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 21:37, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
::::I haven't really given this a lot of thought, so I may be way off base and end up completely changing my mind… But my immediate thought is that ''iff'' we're to delegate something to mulWS we should explicitly take it out of scope (as in not permitted by [[WS:WWI]]) for enWS. To say we permit something but it should mostly be done at mulWS seems unworkable; and having content here that is actually managed at mulWS is untenable (different policies, different practices, different culture; no visibility on watchlists, etc.).{{pbr}}I also generally agree with Prosfilaes' stance above, but reserve the right to modify that due to technical or practical realities.{{pbr}}I suspect that a really ''good'' solution to this would require software support so that a given Page:-namespace page can more easily exist at multiple projects at once. And I don't think that is likely to occur in any reasonable timeframe. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:11, 29 August 2021 (UTC)

{{comment}} Links [[Template:iwpage]]/[[Special:WhatLinkshere/Template:iwpage]] (which is essentially the same at each wiki and [[s:br:Special:WhatLinkshere/Template:iwpage]] — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:10, 29 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[:Category:External links on protected pages]] &amp; Category:Templates used in Mediawiki namespace ==

We have a bit of a maintenance issue in that external links in protected templates and mediawiki: ns are being missed when we are updating links. To assist, I have created the above parent tracking category to label such pages. We obviously cannot use it on Mediawiki: pages, so will have to be content with putting it on the corresponding talk page.  I am working through creating subcats for each WMF tool that I find as they are more likely need to be what is changed, and will do some checks. I will note that as some of these pages use conditional code or includeonly so may be a little tricky to find by searching. [Reminder to not unnecessarily hide things to just avoid visual errors in non-display namespaces or ugly display code.]  I am hoping that this will also allow us to check these a little more easily as we have suffered some link rot.  I think that we may also need to put some checking categories on these so we can at least check these yearly, though haven't got that far and welcome people's thoughts.

I have also identified that we have had some templates transcluded to the mediawiki: ns that have not been protected. Can I express that any such templates need to be '''fully''' protected.  If you are using a template within another template, then all subsidiary templates also need to be protected. Noting that it often it can be safest to simply use html span and div code and embedded css.

On that note, if we are protecting templates, it is better practice to use separate {{tl|documentation}} so the docs can readily updated without someone asking for editing of protected templates. This is not pointing fingers, as some of these are old static pages that don't readily get traffic, and reflect older generation practices.

I welcome any suggestions/feedback here, and any help perusing of the template: and mediawiki: namespaces for targets. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:39, 26 September 2021 (UTC)
:Seems we already have [[:Category:MediaWiki namespace templates]], I will transition to that and update categories. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 10:07, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

== Edit request for MediaWiki filter ==

I've been going through pages with defaultsort conflicts, and it occurred to me that this would be easier if there were a category analogous to [[:Category:Authors with DefaultSort error]]. So I'd like to request that [[:Category:Works with DefaultSort error]] be created and added to [[MediaWiki:Duplicate-defaultsort]]. Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:43, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] {{done}}. This is a good idea, because the current (anti-)pattern of explicit DEFAULTSORTs makes it impossible to do this automatically in the header template (i.e. strip of &quot;A/The&quot; if present). This cat gets us a small step closer to being able to strip most of them out as redundant. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] also I have added the {{parameter|defaultsort}} parameter to {{tl|header}}.
::The task now is to transition all the manual defaultsorts to either that parameter, or, for most(?) of them, do it by stripping A/An/The in the Lua function. I'm not sure the best way to move forward, but one way would be:
::* Temporarily hide the warning text in [[MediaWiki:Duplicate-defaultsort]] in mainspace (leave it enabled in other namespaces), but leave the category
::* Enable the auto-sorting (i.e. stripping of A/An/The) in Lua
::* All the mainspace pages with conflicting sort keys will then drop into the category, but won't spew big red errors
::* The category can be processed (probably with some kind of script, since most of the conflicts are likely &quot;Foo, A&quot; vs &quot;Foo&quot; and easy to handle
::* Once the category is empty, strip the rest of the DEFAULTSORTs, since if they're not throwing errors they must be redundant.
::* Now the pages are transitioned to the parameter, reinstate the warning text
::This is not the only way to do it: you could also
::* Migrate all explicit DEFAULTSORTS in mainspace to the defaultsort parameter, then enable auto-sorting and then go back over all pages and remove redundant keys, or
::* Migrate all explicit DEFAULTSORTS in mainspace to the defaultsort parameter, but just delete any which will become redundant, ''then'' enable auto-sort. This will have short period when some pages will sort by their &quot;A/An/The&quot;.
::Anyway, let me know if you need any more edits to facilitate whichever method you prefer! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:53, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Simon Peter Hughes|Simon Peter Hughes]]: You do a lot of work in this area. Do you have any input here?{{pbr}}@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: Not sure whether it's relevant, but keep in mind that we have some bad habits involving not bothering with the full title in defaultsort so long as the string used will kinda sorta sort properly mostly. Also, the sortkey should ''include'' any article stripped at the end so that titles that differ only in the article will sort correctly among themselves. Also, we have a lot of garbage data in title fields that we probably don't want to throw unprocessed into the magic word. Hmm. And then there's the &quot;Sort key&quot; field in the Index: that could maybe be used for something here… [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] putting the article at the end is indeed how [[Module:Auto sort]] does it, which is what I would suggest [[Module:header]] eventually could use. The current manual ones are done both with and without, e.g. [[A Dictionary of Music and Musicians]], which is literally the first result for &lt;code&gt;insource:DEFAULTSORT&lt;/code&gt; that begins with an article.
::::The least &quot;exciting&quot; way would be to continue to use the subpage name, rather than the title parameter, because that won't change too much. If we wanted to use the title parameter, or inhale from an index page (rather hard, since most header invocations do not know what the index is), that would be a next step.
::::The first steps will have to be removing the manual DEFAULTSORTs, since, because none of them have been set with &lt;code&gt;noerror&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;noreplace&lt;/code&gt;, it's impossible to do anything at all until they are changed to template params (''or'' bot through and ''add'' &lt;code&gt;noerror/noreplace&lt;/code&gt;, which is yet another option for moving forward). There are 132k+ instances, so it's going to be pretty painful whatever happens (and that's why I have never bothered to address it myself). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:08, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|Inductiveload}} Now that [[:Category:Works with DefaultSort error]] is clear and I've had a little time to think about it, I think your first proposed method for transitioning to auto-sorting sounds good! (Assuming you or someone can do the script part, because I sure can't.) And I'm happy to do stuff like manually resolving the trickier conflicts. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:58, 12 February 2022 (UTC)
:::{{re|Inductiveload}} Thank you! I don't particularly have a preference among the different ways of transitioning pages to use the defaultsort parameter. I do have an edit request, though—could you add &lt;syntaxhighlight lang=html inline&gt;| defaultsort = {{{defaultsort|{{SUBPAGENAME}}}}}&lt;/syntaxhighlight&gt; to the header in {{tl|A catalogue of notable Middle Templars, with brief biographical notices}}? Pages in that work had been putting manual DEFAULTSORTs on each page, and I removed that from the preload. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 02:32, 18 January 2022 (UTC)
::::No, please don't do that. There is nothing wrong with individual defaultsort, and it was purposeful to not have it in the template. Having a hidden defaultsort can be problematic. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 11:00, 18 January 2022 (UTC)

== Please delete multiple pages in [[Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] ==

I hope this request is not too much of a hassle. If it is, let me know, and I am willing to continue to deal with it manually. It's a rather painstaking one.

I proofread (and part-proofread) a number of pages of [[Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] prior to realizing (thanks to [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]) how very incomplete the underlying scan was. I have now repaired the scan (manually inserting the missing pages), and I have moved all the pages I'm able to as a non-administrator. But the remaining pages that need to be moved need to overwrite pages that are now redirects or no-text pages, due to the previous page moves.

So, I am hoping that an administrator can can delete all pages starting with scan page 140 that are either:
* Blank, i.e. without text, showing up with grey highlight on the index page, or
* Redirects, showing up with no highlight on the index page.

I'll note, I will likely come back for a second round of this, after I've followed up this request with some more page moves.

If this request is in any way unclear, please either ignore it entirely, or ask for clarification. Thank you for any assistance. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 09:06, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]]: The time-consuming and hard (requires understanding of the specific work / the problem) part is picking out the pages to work on. If you give me a list of pages I can automate the delete or move itself. For deletes, either a flat list of pages, or make a temporary category and tag all the pages to be deleted with that category. For moves, a list of ''page name to move from'' and ''page name to move to'', and whether or not you need to have redirects at the old name or not. With this input I can have a bot do the job in relatively short order. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:50, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}}
:: 140 147 152 209 210 304
:: The full range of 309 to 330 (though a few do not exist)
:: 437 438 445 446 447 502 569 570
:: range: 600 to 623
:: 631
:: Does that do the trick? Thank you! -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 10:25, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::{{re|Peteforsyth}} Well, not quite. The software here doesn't understand the concept of &quot;pages in the book&quot;, it needs to get the list of ''wikipages'' to work on from somewhere. If all the pages are in a category it can look up all pages in that category and delete those, or the list can be manually constructed in this format:
{{cot|List of wikipages}}
&lt;pre&gt;
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/140
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/147
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/152
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/209
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/210
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/304
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/309
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/310
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/311
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/312
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/313
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/314
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/315
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/316
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/317
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/318
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/319
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/320
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/321
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/322
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/323
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/324
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/325
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/326
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/327
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/328
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/329
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/330
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/437
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/438
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/445
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/446
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/447
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/502
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/569
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/570
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/631
&lt;/pre&gt;
{{cob}}
:::Always keep in mind that computers are dumb as bricks: a human always has to tell them what to do in excruciating detail. So in this case I had to translate your page number ranges into a flat list of wikipages. I made the assumption that the numbers were the physical page indexes. If instead you meant the logical page numbers (the ones printed in the book, and that you've mapped to physical page indexes in the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;pagelist …&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; tag) then the list will have to mapped from the one to the other. (and to be clear, I need you to check that the list above is correct / what you want deleted before I push the button)--[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:33, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::BTW, I tried to write down some instructions to make it easier to make mass action requests to admins [[Special:PermanentLink/12118715|here]]. Feedback on whether these are helpful and understandable would be appreciated. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:54, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::: Thanks much. I've taken note of your instructions where I can find them next time, and I'll get you any feedback (but at first blush it seems plenty clear). For some reason, your bot seems to have missed this range (though it was in your list). Maybe it's just operating slowly, or maybe something went wrong:
&lt;pre&gt;
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
&lt;/pre&gt;
:::::-[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:53, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: {{ping|Xover}} Oh, wait. It looks like [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] is working to address these problems, maybe in a different way, I'm not sure if what they're doing is aligned with this request or not. So, probably best not to take any further action until we've heard from them? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:58, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::::: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} As best I can tell, the approach you're taking is going to require a bunch of my work to be redone, which is what I was hoping to avoid. For instance, by deleting the ''content'' instead of the ''page'' at [[Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/328]], you have made it impossible to move the fully proofread page at [[Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/306]] into its proper location. If I'm misunderstanding something, please let me know. But I was trying to approach this in a way that would not require any pages to be proofread a second time. I'd prefer if the final list of pages could be deleted. I'm fine with manually moving pages once the target pages have been deleted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:04, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

:  Please list WHICH pages are wrong and by how many pages they need to be moved. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:09, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
&lt;s&gt;:: Unless you have done any new proofreading, I believe the most straightforward solution at this point would be if [[user:Xover|Xover]] could just run the bot on the initial list he put together (above), which appears to be entirely correct.&lt;/s&gt;
:: I have not requested that any pages be moved, because I can't think of a programmatic way to express that. I've already manually moved dozens of pages, and I'm happy to manually move dozens more. If you think it's better to move them in a programmatic way, I'll probably need some help formulating that request. The offset shifts many times, due to the presence of many illustrated plates and many pages having been omitted in the initially-uploaded scan. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:16, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::: Oh, never mind, now I see that you're moving pages as well as replacing content. I can't really tell what your vision is, so I'm not going to recommend any action here, don't want us all working at cross purposes. I'll probably just delete all these pages from my watchlist for a while until everything settles down, I don't think I can contribute usefully as it is now. (But I do need to scan those remaining 2 pages before the library book is due. I'll make that my last contribution for a while.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:27, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: Think, talk, then act; especially for a work someone else is actively working on. Please discuss with [[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]] and agree on a course of action before moving pages around.{{pbr}}There's no real advantage to moving pages programatically, vs. manually, but unless you want redirects it's often best to have an admin do it. And for any admin to do it in a reasonable time frame it needs to be automated. If you would prefer to move with redirects and then ask for deletion of the redirects afterwards that's fine too. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:35, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

::::   Perhaps someone can sit down and carefully document which page rages are incorrectly placed now? ( Where I'd replaced content, It was that I'd re OCR'ed a page, that had been a redirect, or previously been marked as a blank and now wasn't.)

These are some of the ranges that I think are in the wrong place (I've got no objections to my good faith efforts being overwritten during page moves.)

{{collapse top|This table contains errors, I ''think'' I have corrected them in the version below. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:07, 11 April 2022 (UTC)}}
{|class=wikitable
|-
!Old Page (Djvu)   
!Offset needed.
|-
|301-308||+22
|-
|-
|443-439||+22
|-
|448-460||+22 
|-
|461-463||+6
|-
|557-599||+24
|}
{{collapse bottom}}
(There may be others)

The pagelist itself should now be correct and complete, however.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:45, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

::: Thank you both for your efforts. I've thought it through, and given what seems like a choice between &quot;sit down and carefully document&quot; vs. &quot;just re-proofread the affected pages&quot;, I think I prefer the latter. Is it OK if we just stop the deletions, and stop any further moves unless the mover is certain that the source page is superior to the target?
::: And if so, can we move any further discussion/planning back to [[Index talk:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]], since I don't think that approach will require any administrative intervention?
::: Appreciate both your efforts a great deal. I especially appreciate the guidance on how to approach this sort of thing, and I'll consult it in the future if I have a similar need. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 18:39, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::That sounds like a good plan. If you do end up needing any bulk actions please feel free to request them here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:44, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: Xover, see above, I think it's only those ranges I identifed that are affected.  For someone with admin level rights, a move should be straightforward.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:25, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::: Thanks for doing this, it looks pretty good. But:
::::: 433 should be +22 (and I'm guessing some of the pages following it should share that offset as well). And there seems to be a typo in the 2nd row of the table, &quot;|443-436||+12&quot; (note that the page sequence goes down not up), so I'm not sure what's intended there. I did spot-check the other rows (as in, checked one or two pages in each range) and they seemed good. Do note, if taking this approach it would be good to start with the last row of the table and work backward, as at least one or two of the pages will &quot;overlap.&quot; -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:46, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} Could you take another look at this? Looks like your table is really close. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 09:29, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

I'd like to get back to proofreading this. {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} it seems like we were almost there, and if you're not up for double-checking your work here, I think after another review, I'm fairly confident that the second row should simply read &quot;433-459&quot; instead of &quot;443-439&quot;. If so, it can easily be combined with the following row, as the ranges overlap. I've looked at enough of the pages to be reasonably sure that would take care of it; {{ping|Xover}} could you move the pages as indicated in the (edited) version of the table below? If by chance a handful of errors result, I'll just take care of them by hand. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:07, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

Corrected table:
{|class=wikitable
|-
!Old Page (Djvu)   
!Offset needed.
|-
|301-308||+22
|-
|-
|433-460||+22
|-
|461-463||+6
|-
|557-599||+24
|}

: I am not touching this again until it's in a KNOWN state, and all the existing pages are re-aligned.  This is why I try and check the pagelist before anything else is done. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:24, 11 April 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} I have not asked you to ''touch'' it again, I've asked you to double-check your own work here on this discussion page. Your table above has some errors; as I understand it, you intended the table to address the problems you caused. You're welcome to not engage further, that's fine, and indeed your clear expression that you will not touch it is more useful than simply walking away from the discussion, because it allows me to know that your work on this will not again collide with mine. But please don't insinuate that I caused the problems with this one. I have been trying to communicate with you from the start. 

:: I do appreciate your efforts to help with this -- very much. You have been extremely helpful with many of my transcription efforts, and I have learned many things from you. It is greatly appreciated. But please don't miss the fact that the lack of communication is the very thing that caused this particular work to be such a mess. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 22:33, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

: I'm sorry if I sounded too strong, and I certainly didn't mean to insinuate anything, if anything my strongly worded comment above was mostly aimed at myself. I'll have another look at your updated table. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:00, 11 April 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you for acknowledging that, and I must confess I was also a little overwrought in my own message above. It's true that in my initial enthusiasm I transcribed a bunch of pages before checking for missing pages, as you've pointed out. I've never known that approach to backfire quite as spectacularly as it has in this instance. I regret that approach and I appreciate both of your efforts to help resolve it. I've been stressed about some totally unrelated stuff, and I think I was taking that out here without realizing it. Sorry. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 00:27, 12 April 2022 (UTC)
:::See my revised request below, I made some further checks and listed every single page, because I wasn't sure of the ranges given earlier.
:::I've batched up the requests, and they should be done in the order presented, so as to as avoid 'moving' the wrong versions.
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:00, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

== Russia—Ukraine conflict on-wiki ==

Just a note that the ongoing Russia—Ukraine conflict (and I am deliberately not characterizing it beyond identifying it) is currently creating echoes on-wiki across Wikimedia projects, with Wikimedians sympathising with one or the other of the involved parties acting or reacting on-wiki to events happening IRL. It is very likely this kind of thing will spill over to English Wikisource too (for example, speeches by representatives of the parties or by third parties are in scope) and by its very nature it is an issue apt to engender very strong feelings and emotional responses. I urge all admins to be on the lookout for on-wiki behaviour or actions that appear motivated in some way by this conflict and step in to manage such situations ''before'' they spin out of control, but with diplomacy and sensitivity in a very difficult situation for many.

Also, if you are an admin with a personal stake in this conflict or very strong feelings about it, please leave admin actions that are at all related to it to other admins. We've seen otherwise intelligent and level-headed admins on other projects act on what they feel is a moral imperative but entirely outside policy. There may indeed be trolling or propaganda being perpetuated on-wiki that we need to manage, but if you have a personal stake or very strong feelings you are probably not going to be the best person to make the judgement call of where to draw the line.

Hopefully we can keep this place a fussy, dusty, and what most would consider pretty boring place rather than import IRL conflicts. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:05, 28 February 2022 (UTC)

:In agreement. [[User:Ineuw|Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 23:45, 1 March 2022 (UTC)
::Agreed. Telling us any existing conflicts may catch our attention.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:44, 26 April 2022 (UTC)

== Move request for [[Castelvines y Monteses]] ==

I'd like to request that [[Castelvines y Monteses]] and its subpages be moved to [[Castelvines y Monteses (Cosens)]] etc. without leaving redirects, to make room for a translations page. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 02:22, 10 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:53, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

== Page realignment request:[[:Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] ==

The 'realignment' below should be done in the 'batch' order presented to avoid moving the 'wrong' pages. Thanks. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:01, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 1
!Old page 
!pp
!New page
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/301|| (pp 289)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/323
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/302||  (pp 290)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/324
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/303||  (pp 291)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/325
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/305||  (pp 293)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/327
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/306||  (pp 294) || Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/328
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/307|| (pp 295)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/329
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/308||  (pp 296)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/329
|}
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:15, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 2
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/461||(pp 425)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/467
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/462||(pp 426)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/468
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/463||(pp 427)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/469
|}

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 3
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/433||(pp 415)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/455
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/434||(pp 416)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/456
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/435||(pp 417)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/457
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/436||(pp 418)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/458
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/439||(pp 419)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/461
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/440||(pp 420)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/462
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/441||(pp 421)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/463
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/442||(pp 422)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/464
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/443||(pp 423)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/465
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/444||(pp 424)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/466
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/448||(pp 428)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/470
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/449||(pp 429)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/471
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/450||(pp 430)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/472
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/451||(pp 431)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/473
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/452||(pp 432)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/474
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/453||(pp 433)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/475
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/454||(pp 434)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/476
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/455||(pp 435)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/477
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/456||(pp 436)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/478
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/457||(pp 437)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/479
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/458||(pp 438)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/480
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/459||(pp 439)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/481
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/460||(pp 440)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/482
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 05:13, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 4
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/571||(pp. 547)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/595
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/572||(pp. 548)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/596
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/573||(pp. 549)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/597
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/574||(pp. 550)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/598
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/575||(pp. 551)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/599
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/576||(pp. 552)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/577||(pp. 553)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/578||(pp. 554)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602 
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/579||(pp. 555)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/580||(pp. 556)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/581||(pp. 557)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/582||(pp. 558)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/583||(pp. 559)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/584||(pp. 560)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/585||(pp. 561)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/586||(pp. 562)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/587||(pp. 563)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/588||(pp. 564)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/589||(pp. 565)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/590||(pp. 566)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/591||(pp. 567)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/592||(pp. 568)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/593||(pp. 569)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/594||(pp. 570)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/595||(pp. 571)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/596||(pp. 572)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/597||(pp. 573)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/621
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/598||(pp. 574)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/622
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/599||(pp. 575)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
|}


{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 5
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|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/557||(pp. 535)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/581
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/558||(pp. 536)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/582
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/559||(pp. 537)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/583
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/560||(pp. 538)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/584
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/561||(pp. 539)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/585
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/562||(pp. 540)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/586 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/563||(pp  541)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/587
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/564||(pp. 542)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/588
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/565||(pp. 543)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/589
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/566||(pp. 544)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/590
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|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/567||(pp. 545)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/591
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/568||(pp. 546)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/592
|}
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 05:56, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]], @[[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]]: {{done}} Please check that I didn't mess up anything. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:30, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

:: {{ping|Xover}} Thank you! I'm traveling and won't be able to check closely for a week or so, but I appreciate the effort and the note! -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:01, 24 April 2022 (UTC)

== request move volume Zoologist ==

Could an administrator please move the index of a volume of ''[[The Zoologist]]''?

It's about [[:Index:The Zoologist - Volume 4.djvu]]. It should be moved to [[:Index:The Zoologist, 1st series, vol 4 (1846).djvu]], to have it conform to other volumes of The Zoologist, that are indexed, especially in the [[The Zoologist/3rd series|3rd]] and [[The Zoologist/4th series|4th series]]. Thanks, --[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]] ([[User talk:Dick Bos|talk]]) 10:44, 13 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]]: The Index: page needs to be at the same name as the associated File:; which in this case is on Commons, so you'll first need to request a move there and then we can move the Index: and Page: pages here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:33, 23 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover]], thank you. Done. --[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]] ([[User talk:Dick Bos|talk]]) 17:41, 25 April 2022 (UTC)

== Trying to transclude &quot;The Queen Bee&quot; ==

I am trying to transclude &quot;The Queen Bee&quot; to the page [[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 1/The Queen Bee]], but it says my action may be harmful. [[Special:Contributions/192.107.137.242|192.107.137.242]] 17:27, 19 April 2022 (UTC)

:Annoyingly, your edit was caught in a [[meta:Special:AbuseFilter/131|global filter]] because it appeared like vandalism (non-logged-in users removing large amounts of contiguous text are a common signature of vandalism at most wikis). The good news is that you only need 10 edits to become an &quot;established enough&quot; editor for the filter to no longer apply. This is a global filter, so we can't change it immediately here. However, if we see lots of these hits, we should probably get the filter changed to allow edits if the wiki is a Wikisource and the edit contains &quot;&lt;pages&quot;. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:46, 19 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: IP editors never get autoconfirmed, so that won't help here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:34, 23 April 2022 (UTC)
:@192.107: if you give us the details (Index: link and relevant pages) we can transclude it for you. Alternately, it is really recommended to register a user account (entirely free, and you don't even need to provide an email address if you don't want to). With a user account it's much easier to communicate, and after something like 10 edits you get extended permissions that exempt you from some spam filters, let you move pages, etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:38, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

== Renaming request for Author:Pierre Banet-Rivet ==

Hi! I'd like to rename [[Author:Pierre Banet-Rivet]] in [[Author:Paul Banet-Rivet]]. I don't know were the name ''Pierre'' comes from; I was able to locate his birth certificate ([[d:Q17278990#P735|see on Wikidata]]) and it is definitely Paul. --[[User:Jahl de Vautban|Jahl de Vautban]] ([[User talk:Jahl de Vautban|talk]]) 19:00, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jahl de Vautban|Jahl de Vautban]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:19, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== New index page broken? ==

Just created [[:Index:The Private Life Of Helen Of Troy(1926) (IA dli.ernet.524076).pdf]] and there’s a big error message and size of 0. What’s going on? [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 17:42, 25 April 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:Feydey|feydey]] I told the form that the page was pdf, and now it works.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 23:58, 25 April 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 08:30, 26 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[m:Requests for comment/Global de-adminship for Jusjih]] ==

A user is requesting to &quot;global de-admin&quot; (sorry I really don't know how likely if this could be happened) {{ping|Jusjih}} which in requestor's claim, has many disruptive and abusive behaviors in several Chinese-language projects and Meta-Wiki, the requestor is also mentioned en.wikisource here where Jusjih is also an administrator, but didn't say anything else on their en.wikisource's behaviors. Do any of our adminships that may or may not familiar Jusjih's works know how to resolve it? --[[User:Liuxinyu970226|Liuxinyu970226]] ([[User talk:Liuxinyu970226|talk]]) 05:18, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
* I have commented on a similar section on the Wikipedia administrator's noticeboard to the effect that I have seen nothing from Jusjih on this project that would merit de-adminship. [[User:BD2412|&lt;span style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/span&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 06:22, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
::I have done the same on the meta RFC. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:05, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
:::Hello all, en.wikisource will no longer be included in the scope. Your opinions will be still welcomed if you will. Thank you. [[User:Zhxy 519|Zhxy 519]] ([[User talk:Zhxy 519|talk]]) 00:45, 30 April 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added my thoughts at meta as well. [[User:BD2412|&lt;span style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/span&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 06:23, 30 April 2022 (UTC)
:::We should still consider whether to directly adopt [[w:Wikipedia:No personal attacks]] and [[w:Wikipedia:Assume good faith]] while cited by [[w:Wikipedia:Don't remind others of past misdeeds]].--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 18:06, 7 May 2022 (UTC)

== Move request for [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] ==

Could [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] and its subpages linked in the TOC be moved to [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 1]] etc.? ([[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2]] and its subpages should not be moved.) Once this is done I'd also like for [[The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers]] to be moved to [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]]. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:06, 5 May 2022 (UTC)
: Question: Why is &quot;..., or garden...&quot; in the title?  It does not appear on the work's title page. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:04, 5 May 2022 (UTC)
::{{re|EncycloPetey}} Wow, I didn't notice that! I have no idea, and would be happy for you to take it out. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:12, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::It appears on the full title page: [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/9]]. But I would agree that a better page name would be [[The Paradise]], or possibly [[The Paradise of the Holy Fathers]].{{pbr}}In any case, this does not look like a simple move: there are a gazillion subpages in a complicated work structure that currently does not use subpages in a sane way. See [[Special:PrefixIndex/The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/]]. In other words, I think this needs a bigger cleanup and a well-tought-out subpage structure. [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/Chapter 1]] for ''The History of Abba Isidore'' for example.{{pbr}}That kind of cleanup is possibly best handled manually by someone with +sysop (for which I do not have the spare cycles currently, sorry). Alternately, given a list of page moves I can have a bot do it. If so, the format would be:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[From page 1]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[To page 1]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[From page 2]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[To page 2]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;{{pbr}}Or any other variant with ''from'' a delimiter ''to'' that I can easily transform it. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:24, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 23:51, 9 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just to note, I haven't forgotten about this but I am waiting for the fix to [[phab:T307826]] to get deployed to PAWS. If it's really pressing I can work around it by running from a local checkout of HEAD, but that's a bit of a hassle so I'll just wait for the deployment unless I'm nagged on. :) [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 13:11, 13 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} The bugfix finally got deployed so I've run the move. Please check the results and update the internal links as needed (let me know if you need any batch regex replacements there). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:10, 23 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:Xover|Xover]]: Thank you! Could you update the links in the TOC for Volume 1? [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/13]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/14]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/15]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/16]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/17]]. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:40, 24 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:15, 24 May 2022 (UTC)
{{collapse top|title=Pages to move}}
::::* [[The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers]] to [[The Paradise]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Preface]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Preface]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Introduction]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Introduction]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Epistle of Palladius to Lausus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The Plan of the Book of Paradise]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 Counsels to Lausus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The History of Abba Isidore]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Dorotheos of Thebes]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of the Virgin Potamiaena]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of Didymus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of the Maiden Alexandra]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of Abba Macarius and a certain Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 Concerning the Monks who lived in Nitria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of Abba Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of the Blessed Man Hor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of the Blessed Man Pambo]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of the Blessed Man Ammonius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of the Blessed Man Benjamin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of Apollonius the Merchant]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The Histories of Paesius and Isaiah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Macarius, the Child of his Cross]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of the Blessed Nathaniel]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The Histories of Macarius the Egyptian, and of Macarius the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of the Blessed Man Macarius, the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of the Blessed Man Paul the Simple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of the Blessed Man Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Blessed Man Stephen]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The History of the Blessed Man Valens, the Palestinian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The History of the Blessed Man Hero, the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The History of the Blessed Man Ptolemy, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The History of the Blessed Man Abraham, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The History of the Virgin in Jerusalem]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The History of the Virgin in Caesarea]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The History of the Virgin who fell and repented]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The History of another Virgin who fell and repented]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The History of the Blessed Thais or Thaisis]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/31 The History of the Blessed Man Abba Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 31]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/32 The History of the Blessed Man Dorotheos]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 32]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/33 The History of the Blessed Man Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 33]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/34 An Apology, and Preface, and Admonition]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 34]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/35 The History of the Virgin who hid Athanasius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 35]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/36 The History of Piamon the Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 36]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/37 The History of Mother Talida]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 37]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/38 The History of the Virgin Taor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 38]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/39 The History of the Virgin Colluthus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 39]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/40 The History of the Virgin and the Magistrianus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 40]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/41 The History of Melania the Great]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 41]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/42 The History of Melania the Younger]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 42]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/43 The History of Olympias]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 43]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/44 The History of Candida]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 44]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/45 The History of Gelasia]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 45]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/46 The History of Juliana]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 46]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/47 The History of Heronion and Bosphoria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 47]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/48 The History of Magna]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 48]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/49 The History of the Monk Misericors]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 49]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/50 The History of John of Lycus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 50]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/51 The History of Possidonius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 51]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/52 The History of Chronius of Phcenix]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 52]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/53 The History of James the Lame and Paphnutius Kephala]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 53]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/54 The History of Solomon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 54]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/55 The History of Dorotheos]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 55]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/56 The History of Diocles]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 56]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/57 The History of Kapiton]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 57]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/58 The History of the Monk who fell]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 58]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/59 The History of Ephraim, Deacon of Edessa]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 59]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/60 The History of Innocent the Priest]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 60]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/61 The History of Elpidius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 61]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/62 The History of Eustathius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 62]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/63 The History of Sisinnius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 63]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/64 The History of Gaddai, the Palestinian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 64]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/65 The History of Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 65]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/66 The History of Sabas of Jericho]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 66]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/67 The History of Serapion of the Girdle]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 67]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/68 The History of Eulogius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 68]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Triumph of Mark the Mourner]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Mar Paulus (Paule)]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of an Old Man in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of Peter]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of Aurelius (Adolius)]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of Abba Moses, the Indian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Abba Pior]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Abba Moses, the Libyan]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of a Wandering Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Evagrius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Malchus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of the Two Naked Fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of an Old Man who went Naked]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of another Holy Man]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of a Grass-eating Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of a certain Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Two Young Men with Macarius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The History of Bessarion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The History of the Acts of Bessarion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The History of the Man with Nine Virtues]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The History of Maria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The History of a Sage]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The History of the Two Brothers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The History of a Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The History of Stephana]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The History of Eucarpus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/31 The History of the Deacon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 31]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/32 The History of the Bishop]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 32]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/33 The History of Abba Poemen's Neighbour]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 33]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/34 The History of a Brother who denied Christ]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 34]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/35 The History of an Old Man in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 35]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/36 The History of Serapion and the Harlot]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 36]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/37 The History of a Harlot]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 37]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/38 The History of Apollo in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 38]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/39 The History of Cosmas of Sinai]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 39]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/40 The History of Abba Macarius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 40]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/41 The History of the Melchisedekian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 41]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/42 The History of Macarius, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 42]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/43 The History of Mark the Less]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 43]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/44 The History of Abba Paule, disciple of Anthony]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 44]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Monks of Tabenna]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Sylvanus the Actor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of a Sinner who died]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of the Funeral of a Holy Man]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of the Things heard by Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of the Things which Pachomius did]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of the Words of Doctrine of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Pachomius and the Wheat]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Pachomius and the Wages of the Brethren]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of the Apostate Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Pachomius and the Phantom]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of the Gift of Tongues]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of Jonah the Gardener]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of Pachomius and the Buildings]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of Pachomius and the Heretics]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of a Question and Answer]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of a Vainglorious Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Monk in the Monastery]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Further Remarks by Palladius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Further Remarks by Palladius]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Apology]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of John of Lycus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of Abba Hor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of Abbd Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of Abba Abban]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of the Monks of Oxyrrhynchus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of Abba Theon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of Abba Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of Abba Apollo]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of Apellen]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Apollo, and of John the DesertDweller]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Abba Paphnutius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of Eulogius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Isidore]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Dioscurus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of Copres and Petarpemotis]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of Hor, Isaiah, Paul, and Nopi]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of Evagrius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of Abba Pithyrion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The Triumphs of the Blessed Fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The Triumphs of the Monks who were in Nitria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The Triumph of Ammon the First]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The Triumph of another Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The Triumph of Didymus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The Triumph of Chronius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The Triumph of the Three Brethren]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The Triumph of Philemon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The Triumph of John]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The Triumph of Serapion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The Triumph of Apollo the Less]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 1]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 2]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 3]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 4]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 5]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 6]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 7]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 8]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 9]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 10]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 11]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 12]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 13]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 14]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions And Answers On The Rule Of Life Of The Holy Men]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions And Answers On The Rule Of Life Of The Holy Men]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions By The Pupils And The Answers To The Same By The Holy Fathers And Monks]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions By The Pupils And The Answers To The Same By The Holy Fathers And Monks]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions And Answers On The Vision Of The Mind]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions And Answers On The Vision Of The Mind]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Appendix]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Appendix]]
{{collapse bottom}}

== Protected edit request for [[Module:ISO 639]] ==

I'd like it if there were an option in [[Module:ISO 639]] to specify an error message if the language code isn't recognized. The way I'd do it is [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12317806 like this]—unless there are uses of the module where it's important that it return &lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; if the language code isn't recognized, in which case I can adjust accordingly. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:56, 5 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: The convention is that functions return &lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; to signal an error, particularly this kind of error, and it's generally bad practice to hard code error messages down in library code (for all sorts of reasons). This kind of behaviour is better handled closer to the user layer, but possibly aided by a function in the library to ''check'' whether the code exists and returning a boolean on which the error message can be made conditional. What's the context / use case? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:32, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] The use case is that {{tl|ISO 639 name}} has an option to provide a default value if the code isn't recognized, and now that the template is using [[Module:ISO 639]], I want to make sure that functionality still works. Which, now that I'm typing this, I'm realizing could be done with just an option in the module to provide a default value, something like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12323167 this].
::(Another question: what's a good way to do error-categorization for {{tl|ISO 639 name}}?) —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 22:49, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: Error categorization is just outputting whatever category you want at some point where the wikimarkup could validly appear. I wish the MW devs would move categories out of page content and into metadata for a page, and allow an API from Lua to set cats in a structured way. But for now it's just a matter of spitting out a text string with the category markup and hoping it'll be in some valid context that doesn't mess up formatting.{{pbr}}But what is the use case for having a default language if an invalid language code is provided? In what situation would you want some random and possibly changeable language name returned? As an interface guarantee, &quot;returning either a valid language name or ''nil''&quot; is a lot cleaner than &quot;… or possibly some default value, picked either by a template or module developer, or provided by the end user, that may or may not understand what it means and what the template does, and may or may not be stable over time, and may or may not be a valid language name under some standard or local convention or colloquially or in the user's head.&quot;{{pbr}}&lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; ''is'' a &quot;default value&quot; of a sort, that has the precise semantics &quot;something went wrong&quot;. When something goes wrong you generally want either calling code or the invoking user to be made aware of that fact immediately so that they can fix it. Returning some seemingly valid output is directly contrary to this goal: it ''obfuscates'' the fact that we are in an error situation and thus makes it harder to fix. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:47, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you for explaining! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 22:34, 9 May 2022 (UTC)

== DIFFERENT protected edit request for [[Module:ISO 639]] ==

It's occurred to me that it would be nice if the list of recognized language codes were available outside the module, and the simplest way to do that would be [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12345814 like this]: move the lookup table outside of the &lt;code&gt;language_name&lt;/code&gt; function, and add this function:
&lt;pre&gt;
--[=[
Get the list of all recognized ISO 639 (-1, -2 or -3) codes.
]=]
function p.language_codes()
	return pairs(langs)
end
&lt;/pre&gt;

Would this be possible? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:56, 15 May 2022 (UTC)

:…possibly &lt;code&gt;pairs&lt;/code&gt; doesn't do what I want it to there, but the substance of the request still stands. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 00:11, 16 May 2022 (UTC)
::Yeah, it definitely doesn't, and I'm no longer sure what I wanted a table of all valid ISO codes for, so never mind. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:10, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

== Protected edit request for [[Template:Progress bar]] ==

I've created [[Module:Progress bar]], which implements {{tl|progress bar}} in Lua (and adds support for changing the width of the bar). I've tested this at [[Template:Sandbox]] and as far as I can tell everything works. Assuming there's nothing I've missed, I'd like for [[Template:Progress bar]] to be edited to this:
&lt;pre&gt;
&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Progress bar/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar
|total={{{total|}}}
|validated={{{validated|}}}
|proofread={{{proofread|}}}
|not_proofread={{{not proofread|}}}
|problematic={{{problematic|}}}
|notext={{{notext|}}}
|height={{{height|}}}
|width={{{width|}}}
}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/pre&gt;
Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] FYI, I don't think you need to verbosely pass through all the parameters: you're using [[Module:Arguments]] which happily pulls the arguments out of the &lt;code&gt;mw.getCurrentFrame().getParent()&lt;/code&gt;. All you should need is &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; (I think) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:52, 31 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] Awesome, thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:31, 31 May 2022 (UTC)
::Updated edit request:
&lt;pre&gt;
&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Progress bar/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/pre&gt;
::—[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:18, 4 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]], does the above code look good to you? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 06:56, 22 July 2022 (UTC)

==Vandalism==
Hello, I noticed an ip which was vandalising [[User:Mpaa]] and kept vandalising (page blanking and content removal) this administrators userpage. The ip: [[Special:Contributions/2601:183:CB81:6460:F078:25B3:3716:3BE6]]. They might need to be blocked or the page might require protection. Thanks, [[User:Terasail|Terasail]] ([[User talk:Terasail|talk]]) 15:37, 2 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Terasail}} Blocked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:39, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== Bulk move request for [[Index:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu]] ==

See also: [[Index talk:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu]]

{|
|-
!Source
!pagenum in print
!Destination
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/34||(pp 112.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/126
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/35||(pp 113.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/127
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/36||(pp 114.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/128
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/37||(pp 115.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/129
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/38||(pp 116.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/130
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/39||(pp 117.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/131
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/40||(pp 118.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/132
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/41||(pp 119.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/133
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/42||(pp 120.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/134
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/43||(pp 121.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/135
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/44||(pp 122.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/136
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/45||(pp 123.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/137
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/46||(pp 124.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/138
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/47||(pp 125.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/139
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/48||(pp 126.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/140
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/49||(pp 127.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/141
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/50||(pp 128.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/142
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/51||(pp 129.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/143
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/52||(pp 130.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/144
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/53||(pp 131.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/145
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/54||(pp 132.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/146
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/55||(pp 133.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/147
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/56||(pp 134.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/148
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/57||(pp 135.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/149
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/58||(pp 136.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/150
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/59||(pp 137.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/151
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/60||(pp 138.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/152
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/61||(pp 139.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/153
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/62||(pp 140.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/154
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/63||(pp 141.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/155
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/64||(pp 142.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/156
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles Odes_(1748).djvu/65||(pp 143.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/157
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/66||(pp 144.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/158
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/67||(pp 145.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/159
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/68||(pp 146.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/160
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/69||(pp 147.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/161
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:52, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

The range [[Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/70]] to [[Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/76]] are blank and should be at the end of the work as indicated by the pagelist for the Index. 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:54, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:54, 10 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] ==

A new DJVU scan was uploaded for Volume 2 (with some missing pages re-instated) as a Djvu (see: [[Wikisource:Proposed_deletions#The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy]]), and so the pages here were migrated back from the PDF to the new scan, and any transclusions were updated.

Because I can't delete the generated redirects when migrating pages between scans, it will need an Admin to do this, and I am requesting this here.
:Done, I have removed all pages in Vol.2 pdf.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:41, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

I had also migrated the relatively small number of pages for [[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_20.pdf]] as well.

This leaves Volume 9 to be migrated across and Volume 1 carefully compared between the DJVU and PDF versions.

[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:03, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

== Index Migration: ==

Source: -  [[Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksofc09tols).pdf]]&lt;br&gt;
Destination:-  [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 09.djvu]]&lt;br&gt;
Page-ranges: 1-12,16,18-24, 179-182, 213, 239-242, 289-292, 324-326, 323-326, 363-366, 407-412&lt;br&gt; [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:10, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:09, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

== Index Migration ==

Source:[[:Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]&lt;br&gt;
Destination:[[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 01.djvu]]&lt;br&gt;
Page-ranges: 109-112 , 168, 187-188, 290, 544
:Done, most of the pages were already existing, so no move was done for them. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:18, 17 June 2022 (UTC)


Source: [[:Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc19tols).pdf]]
Destination: [[:Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 19.djvu]]
Page-range: 93
:Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:18, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

Which with the moves of Volume 2, 9 and 20 will allow removal of the PDF based Index for the entire set in favour of the DJVU versions. 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:27, 16 June 2022 (UTC)
:Left to do: rm all pages in Page/Index ns relative to pdf versions.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:43, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

== Migration of pages due to updated source file. ==

{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
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|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
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|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
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|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
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|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
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|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
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|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
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|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
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|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
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|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:53, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: We can deal with this once the deletion discussion is completed. Please don't make multiple requests about the same work in different venues. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:54, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== Request for moving an Index page ==

Dear admin,

Could you please move [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]] to [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]] and also its Page namespace to match its current file name? Thank you. '''&amp;middot;&amp;middot;&amp;middot;''' &lt;span title=&quot;Cherry blossom&quot;&gt;🌸&lt;/span&gt; [[User:Rachmat04|'''Rachmat04''']] '''&amp;middot;''' [[User talk:Rachmat04|&lt;span title=&quot;Let's discuss!&quot;&gt;☕&lt;/span&gt;]] 08:56, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Rachmat04|Rachmat04]]There is no point in moving the index or pages in Page ns. What matters is the title of the work in Main ns. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:17, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::I understood. But, there's a downside if the index page and file name doesn't match. If we are on [[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/17]], we cannot navigate to previous and next page, and also if we click the &lt;code&gt;^&lt;/code&gt; arrow, it points us to &quot;Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu&quot;, which is not exist. '''&amp;middot;&amp;middot;&amp;middot;''' &lt;span title=&quot;Cherry blossom&quot;&gt;🌸&lt;/span&gt; [[User:Rachmat04|'''Rachmat04''']] '''&amp;middot;''' [[User talk:Rachmat04|&lt;span title=&quot;Let's discuss!&quot;&gt;☕&lt;/span&gt;]] 14:01, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{Re|Rachmat04}} I think it would be easier to move the file back to the name corresponding to the index page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:12, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Update MC Template ==

Can an administrator update the MC template from [[Template:Collaboration/MC/sandbox]]. It contains a little additional text to make it more welcoming to new users. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 19:36, 14 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:26, 14 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:36, 15 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Page:The Indian Biographical Dictionary.djvu/189]] ==

Hello. In the history of the above page, please hide the two edits immediately before my edit. They contain a spam link being pushed across numerous wikis. Cheers. ['''[[:User:Cromium|&lt;sub&gt;24&lt;/sub&gt;Cr]]''']['''[[:User talk:Cromium|talk]]'''] 12:47, 15 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:07, 15 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>jlovzxirmon4ngqze9kip5ywqrvrlng</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508085</id>
      <parentid>12507718</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:55:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Requesting protection of Template:Center/styles.css */ Reply</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="130412" xml:space="preserve">{{process header
 | title    = Administrators' noticeboard
 | section  =
 | previous = [[Wikisource:Index/Community|Community page]]
 | next     = [[/Archives|Archives]] ([[/Archives/{{CURRENTYEAR}}|current]])
 | shortcut = [[WS:AN]]
 | notes    = This is a discussion page for coordinating and discussing administrative tasks on Wikisource. Although its target audience is [[Wikisource:administrators|administrators]], ''any user'' is welcome to leave a message or join the discussion here. This is also the place to report vandalism or request an administrator's help. 

* '''Please make your comments concise.''' Editors and administrators are less likely to pay attention to long diatribes.
* This is '''not the place for general discussion.''' For that, see the [[Wikisource:Scriptorium|community discussion page]].
* Administrators please use template {{tl|closed}} to identify completed discussions that can be archived
{{editabuselinks}}{{autoarchive resolved section
 | age            = 7
 | archive        = ((FULLPAGENAME))/Archives/((year))
 | show           = yes
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 | timecompare    = resolved
}}
}}__NEWSECTIONLINK__ {{/snapshot}}

=Checkuser requests=
* [[Wikisource:checkuser policy]]
* At this point of time, English Wikisource has '''no''' checkusers and requests need to be undertaken by stewards
** it would be expected that requests on authentic users would be discussed on this wiki prior to progressing to stewards
** requests by administrators for identification and blocking of IP ranges to manage spambots and longer term nuisance-only editing can be progressed directly to the stewards
** [[m:Steward requests/Checkuser|requests for checkuser]]

=Bureaucrat requests=
* To request a global rename, go to [[Special:GlobalRenameRequest]].
=Page (un)protection requests=
{{fmbox
| image = [[Image:User-info.svg|40px]]
| type = editnotice
| style = margin-top: -0.5em; 
| text = &lt;p&gt;At this section you can request protection of a page, eg. a text that you have checked against a hard copy, or a template. Please make sure that the request follows the requirements of the [[Wikisource:Protection policy#Procedure|procedure for protecting pages]].&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;You can also request unprotection of a text according to the [[Wikisource:Protection policy#Procedure|procedure for protecting pages]]. You should request a reprotection when your work is done. Alternately utilise {{tl|edit protected}} for the respective talk page.&lt;/p&gt;
}}
&lt;!-- ADD ANY UN-PROTECTION REQUESTS BELOW THIS LINE --&gt;

== Requesting page protection for {{tl|left sidenote}} and {{tl|right sidenote}} ==

Given what happened (see above) I am of the view that as highly visible and widely used templates, these along with their respective style-sheets  should be protected from  general editing, with someone appropriate identifying a STABLE version and then protecting that version.  Thanks.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:46, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

== Requesting protection of [[Template:Center/styles.css]] ==

An IP editor ([[Special:Contributions/2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500]]) recently made {{tl|center}} [[Special:Diff/12457520/next|disappear]] because the stylesheet was unprotected. @[[User:Xover|Xover]] only created it a few weeks ago, so this is understandable. The same IP has also made a few mysterious additions to some other templates as well (e.g., [[Special:Diff/12507680/prev|this]]), which might warrant a closer inspection by someone more knowledgeable than me. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 01:47, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: {{done}} The rest of the edits consist mainly of manually copying over a suite of protection-related templates, and their dependencies, from enWP. Since that system is not in use here I have queried the IP regarding their intentions with this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:55, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

=Other=

== Interface administrators ==

Hi. Please see https://www.mediawiki.org/wiki/Topic:Unisfu5m161hs4zl. I do not remember if this was already discussed and how it is going to be addressed. Comments and suggestions welcome.
{{comment}} As far as I am concerned I would trust any admin who feels skilled and confident enough to tackle such edits.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:05, 29 October 2018 (UTC)
: I can handle the technical aspects of it. However, it can take me a while to get around to tasks that take longer than a few minutes, so I don't want to create a false expectation of being able to handle time sensitive matters on my own. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 02:35, 30 October 2018 (UTC)


We should decide how to address the fact that EnWS has no [[m:interface administrators]]. I see basically the following options. Please add/amend as you feel appropriate.

'''Option A''' - Assign right on demand when needed

'''Option B''' - Assign right permanently to willing Admins, to be reviewed in the confirmation process
:As I said above, I am for the simplest one.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:28, 30 October 2018 (UTC)

'''Option C''' - Assign right permanently to selected Admins, after approval process, to be reviewed in the confirmation process
:Option C sounds like you're being volunteered (based on the lack of the word 'willing'). ;) --[[User:Mukkakukaku|Mukkakukaku]] ([[User talk:Mukkakukaku|talk]]) 06:27, 31 October 2018 (UTC)

'''Option D''' - assign the rights to all the admins, who have already been vetted for community approval, and then whoever has the ability and desire can make use of it as they will and as needed. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:33, 31 October 2018 (UTC)

:Option D would make the most sense for us. For anyone to get themselves to the point that we trust them with the admin tools just so that they can mess around in the interface, they would be playing a very long game. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 22:05, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
:I agree with Beeswaxcandle, '''Option D''', although I would also be fine with the right only going to admins who express an interest. [[User:BD2412|&lt;font style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/font&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 23:00, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
::It is so rare I disagree with [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] but this must be one of those times. The whole point of this change is to prevent the ignorant from accidentally screwing up - insulting as the implications undoubtedly are! As such under the new regime trust is no longer enough; perhaps somebody ought to draw up some kind of eligibility examination&amp;hellip;? [[Special:Contributions/114.73.248.245|114.73.248.245]] 23:03, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
::: That hasn't been an issue for us yet, and accidental changes are easily reversed. If we had more users it would be more of a problem, but as it stands this kind of distinction is more cumbersome than helpful in my opinion. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:08, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
:As much as I like the idea of making all existing admin interface admin, IA were separated from regular adminship specifically to reduce attack surface(from hackers), and it was pretty dangerous if the access fell into the wrong hand, I'd rather propose having existing admin request right from bureaucrat and could be granted at the bureaucrat's discretion, and should be automatically removed if no action after two month.[[User:Viztor|Viztor]] ([[User talk:Viztor|talk]]) 02:13, 10 August 2019 (UTC)

* {{comment}} we discussed it when the rights were split, and it was agreed that it could be assigned on a needs basis. That has been done at least once for me with the temporary assignation of the IA rights. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:58, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:Note that WMF Legal requires 2FA to be enabled for users who are to be assigned this right, so bureaucrats will have to verify this before doing so. MediaWiki's 2FA implementation is also sufficiently finicky that one may not want to enable it without proper consideration. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:21, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:: What's wrong with the 2FA implementation? I haven't had any issues with it at all. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 22:17, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:::Ah, sorry, I should have been more clear. I am going on hearsay, mostly from admins on enwp (a crotchety bunch if ever there was one), and my own assessment of the documentation at meta. The main complaints are that the implementation in general is a little bit primitive (as is to be expected since WMF rolled their own instead of federating with one of the big providers), and that there is no way to regain access to your account if something goes wrong with the 2FA stuff (if your phone is stolen etc.) unless you happen to know one of the developers personally. None of these are in themselves showstoppers, and many people are using it entirely without issue. The phrasing {{talk quote inline| sufficiently finicky that one may not want to enable it without proper consideration|q=y}} was not intended to discourage use, but merely to suggest that it is worthwhile actually giving it a little thought before requesting it be turned on. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:52, 11 August 2019 (UTC)
*:::: Okay, gotcha. As it happens, Wikimedia 2FA does include [[:meta:Help:Two-factor_authentication#Scratch_codes|emergency access codes]] for use when your phone is unavailable. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:56, 11 August 2019 (UTC)

===Formal requirements related to 2FA===
Picking up this again…

I finally got so annoyed by our inability to fix even simple stuff [[Special:PermanentLink/9921352#Content_model_change_-_User:ShakespeareFan00/Sandbox/styles.css|stuff that requires Interface Admin permissions]] that I hopped over to meta to figure out what the ''actual'' requirements are (versus the ''should'' stuff). As it turns out, the 2FA stuff is (surprise surprise) as half-baked as most such Papal bulls from the WMF: 2FA is ''required'' for intadmin, but there is ''no'' way for bureaucrats to actually check whether an account has that enabled. The result of this is that even on enwp (where they take this stuff ''really'' seriously) they do not actually try to verify that 2FA is enabled before they hand the permission out: they check that the user is in the right group so that they ''can'' turn on 2FA, remind the person in question of the requirement, but otherwise take it on faith (trust). There's a request in for the technical capability to verify 2FA (and I think Danny is even working on it), but it seems mostly everyone's waiting for 2FA to be enforced by the software.

Meanwhile, anyone with existing advanced permissions (i.e. +sysop) have the capability to enable 2FA, and anyone with a particular reason (e.g. that they need it to get Interface Administrator permission) can apply to be a &quot;2FA Tester&quot; and thus gain the ability to turn it on.

The net result is that our bureaucrats (ping {{ul2|Hesperian}} and {{ul2|Mpaa}}) ''can'' assign this permission so long as we somehow somewhere make at least a token effort to make sure those getting the bit have 2FA enabled. Whether that's an addition to, or footnote on, [[Wikisource:Adminship]], or the bureaucrats asking/reminding the user when it comes up, or… whatever… I have no particular opinion on. Since the previous community discussions have been actively adverse to regulating this stuff in detail, and absent objections, I think &quot;Whatever Hesperian and Mpaa agree on&quot; is a reasonable enough summary of consensus.

I still think we should have an actual policy for Interface Administrators (or section on it in [[Wikisource:Adminship]]) and some facility for permanently assigning the permission (ala. +sysop; but intadmin tasks are not one-and-done like +sysop tasks, they often require iterative changes over time and need to fit into a overall architecture), but so long as there is no appetite for that, ''something'' that we can point to and say &quot;That's how we handle the 2FA requirement&quot; if the WMF should ever come asking. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:37, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

{{question}} Is there anything further that the community thinks we need to discuss? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:36, 1 October 2021 (UTC)

: I just added [[Special:Diff/11740077]] as a quickrestatement of [[meta:Interface administrators]], which is already linked from the top of [[Wikisource:Interface administrators]]. Basically &quot;you should be using 2FA&quot;. If there are more formal ways to check in future, then we can update the information. FWIW, I have it on, which is a little annoying when I accidentally fat-finger the logout button, but otherwise seems unproblematic.  [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 07:46, 1 October 2021 (UTC)
:: Should? &quot;Required&quot; is my understanding. There was a [[phab:T282624|heated phabricator ticket]] about the WMF moving to have the allocation undertaken by stewards following their checking for 2FA being in place, rather than local 'crats.  The counter argument was that local crats snould be able to check status and apply the rights.  The [[phab:T265726|ticket]] is stalled as a rethink is seemingly in play. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:14, 1 October 2021 (UTC)
:::It's a paraphrase of what I wrote, but I changed the text there to &quot;required&quot; since it's not just an expectation. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:08, 1 October 2021 (UTC)

== Request move ==

Hello. Could you please '''move''' &quot;[[Siamese Interim Administrative Charter Act, Buddhist Era 2475 (1932)]]&quot; to &quot;[[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era]]&quot; and '''change''' its namespace from &quot;main&quot; to &quot;translation&quot;? Thank you so much. --[[User:KhaoNiaoMaMuang|KhaoNiaoMaMuang]] ([[User talk:KhaoNiaoMaMuang|talk]]) 12:21, 11 December 2020 (UTC)

{{done}} The above has been moved. Wikidata item needs to be moved. --[[User:Kathleen.wright5|kathleen wright5]] ([[User talk:Kathleen.wright5|talk]]) 21:10, 11 December 2020 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Kathleen.wright5}} The WD items should be updated when you do the moves, or very quickly afterwards. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:29, 13 December 2020 (UTC)

: If anyone is interested in working on this particular backlog, there are about [https://petscan.wmflabs.org/?psid=14890283 80+ works] (mostly Thai legal documents) that need to be moved from Mainspace to Translation space. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 21:04, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
:: If someone can map out the required conversions from {{tl|header}} to {{tl|translation header}} then I can run through them. Just too busy to do all the thinking of the conversions. Would be wanting indications of which lines add/remove/change, to make the bot tasking easier. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:32, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
::: {{re|billinghurst}} Most of them are obvious - &lt;code&gt;title=&lt;title&gt;&lt;/code&gt;, &lt;code&gt;author=&lt;author&gt;&lt;/code&gt;, etc. The interwiki link &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[th:&lt;pagetitle&gt;]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; gives you the values for &lt;code&gt;language=th&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;original=&lt;pagetitle&gt;&lt;/code&gt;. If &lt;code&gt;shortcut&lt;/code&gt; and/or &lt;code&gt;year&lt;/code&gt; are omitted, they need to be added as blank parameters. Finally, any instance of &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;override_translator = [[Wikisource:Translations|Wikisource]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; needs to be removed. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 14:24, 14 December 2020 (UTC)

== Need an Index: ns page move stopper ==

We need to toughen our defences against Index: and Page: ns moves. My suggestion is an abuse filter that selectively prohibits, or at the bare minimum warns people that it is not advisable. Before I do anything, would like to hear people's thoughts. Recovering from moves of this type is an issue, especially as it happens pretty quietly.

We don't have good automated rights that AF can leverage at this point in time, though there are numbers of measures that we can apply to restrict or pass actions. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:02, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
: Sounds like a good idea, but I'm not familiar enough with the goings-on to have a strong opinion how to do it. Can you describe the problem a little more specifically and/or one or two of the things you think should be done about it? Does this have to with IPs, new accounts, experienced users making poor decisions, intentional vandalism, ..? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:13, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

: We do have [[Special:AbuseFilter/36]], which is exactly for this. Perhaps add a warning actions to it and see if that stops people. Be very clear why they are being warned: {{tqi|&quot;Please be extremely careful when moving pages in the Index or Page namespace if you are not an administrator. Non-administrators cannot suppress redirects, which means you cannot move ''other'' pages to where the moved page used to be. Moved index pages that have any existing sub-pages need to have the orphaned redirects deleted. It's much easier to ask an admin to do this (at [[WS:AN]]) directly rather than asking them to tidy up after a move with redirects left behind.&quot;}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:08, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
::Yeah, that looks good. And I think a warning is the right level for this, at least to start. We have a relative frequent occurrence of people that create a new index after goofing the file name of the first, so the opposite problem is also relevant (it just has smaller consequences). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:06, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
::: Ok, [[Special:AbuseFilter/36]] will now warn the user with [[MediaWiki:Abusefilter-warning-Non-admin Index-Move]], then allow the user to continue (but also tag the edit). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:01, 4 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Mediawiki:Watchlist-announcements]] ==

As administrators we need to make better use of our general means of announcements to our community, especially where we have either a significant proposal or have made a significant change to policy and templates, and want to capture all our users, and spasmodic users.  We have all been pretty rubbish at that general comms in the past while and I think that we should at least think about what we want to better broadcast. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 09:02, 4 July 2021 (UTC)
: This is just the banner that shows up above the watchlist correct? I think that's reasonable. Is there anywhere else we should be remembering to post such content - mailing lists, social media, etc? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 01:47, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::Correct, and it is persistent. As it is watchlist, only logged in users, and they can dismiss it once read.  Wikisource-L, Twitter: @wikisource_en are possibles for some things.  My reason for the watchlist is that it is our editors, and it is persistent, so very targeted, and low noise threshold. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 03:46, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::: Huh, I had utterly forgotten Wikisource-l existed! Twitter seems more like advertising/evangelism than operational notices (one fine day a New Texts bot can post there!). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:34, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::::Indeed. Please don't post RfC or policy discussion notices to Twitter! [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:02, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
:Amen! And especially since low participation is a much bigger problem in our policy/rfc type discussions than excessive numbers of comments or discussions. The better attended a given discussion is the stronger any resulting consensus will be, and, if we do it right, the better it will reflect the position of the community as a whole. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:46, 7 July 2021 (UTC)

== Import help ==
Please import books listed at [[Wikisource:Requested_texts#Import_5_books_about_Malayalam_language]]. These books were written for English speakers to learn Malayalam words, and the definitions are all in English. Thank you. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 00:15, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
:This doesn't require an administrator. Probably better requested at [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]] if you are looking at assistance in how to do these. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:26, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
::I think only admins and [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Special:ListUsers?username=&amp;group=transwiki&amp;wpsubmit=&amp;wpFormIdentifier=mw-listusers-form&amp;limit=50 importers] can do interwiki-import while preserving page history. [[Special:Import]] gives permission error for me. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 11:50, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
:::Apologies, I misunderstood the request as you were referencing requested texts.&lt;br/&gt;If you have those works at mlWS, why would we import them here? Is mlWS planing on deleting it?  We can simply link to the work where it is now, if the work is within scope at mlWS. FWIW no one has import rights to bring works from mlWS to enWS, and from memory our 'crats cannot allocate the right. I think that we need to step right back and work out what it is that is needing to be done, and what is the appropriate place for the work, as it may be be situated at [[:mul:|mulWS]] if it is not to be hosted at mlWS. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:24, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
::::Those are books about Malayalam language written '''for English''' readers/audience. mlWS will not delete it, it is indeed with in its scope. I think enWS also can have it here as its target audience is English language readers. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 01:55, 22 August 2021 (UTC)
:::::Hi, adding my 2c here—from briefly skimming through the texts, a significant portion of the texts appears to be in Malayalam. The [[ml:A Grammar of the Malayalim Language (Peet 1841)|Peet book]] may be within the scope of enWS since it's written in English and uses Malayalam words with context. The other works are more dicey—a significant amount of text is in Malayalam, which might warrant it being hosted on mulWS as opposed to enWS. On the other hand, works such as [[Index:Tamil studies.djvu]] also have a significant amount of text in another language (Tamil, in this case) which I would've expected to have been hosted on mulWS instead.
:::::Is there a formal guideline of sorts that gives an idea of how much non-English text in a work is alright for a work hosted on enWS? Off the top of my head I'd say texts which use non-English words and phrases sparingly could be hosted here, but I can't really think of anyplace this has actually been mentioned. [[WS:Language policy]] redirects to [[WS:Translations]], which doesn't have any info regarding this. &lt;small&gt;—[[User:Clockery|C.]] [[User talk:Clockery|F.]]&lt;/small&gt; 23:38, 24 August 2021 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:Clockery]] Works that are literally half non-English (as in a side by side translation), and works such as a English-(non-English) dictionary seem to be considered 'obviously' in scope by the community here, so the bar where things start being problematic is pretty low. I think if the work is 'usable' to an English language reader, it's probably fine here. That being said, it would probably be easier to maintain just one place, and use an interwiki link. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 00:34, 25 August 2021 (UTC)
::::::::My understanding is that multi-lingual works were in the aegis of mulWS, and that typically works were hosted at one wiki. There are some works that are side-be-side, English/another language, and those have split and are respectively imported using the series explained at [[Template:Iwpage]]. It was why I mentioned mulWS, in my initial response. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:51, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

::::::::: {{comment}} One thing we probably want to eventually sort out is mainspace presentation and export of works using {{tl|iwpage}}. Since the content is loaded by JS in the page namespace, it doesn't work on transclusion and it therefore won't work on export. Which is a big shame for things like ''[[Loeb Classical Library]]'' since that's kind of the whole point.
::::::::: I don't have any immediate idea about how to deal with this (other than throwing up hands and doing it all at enWS!), but I have a sneaking suspicion we'll need at least some server support (either from MW, the export tool, or both). And we'll also likely need to figure out a One True Way to format side-by-side texts in a flexible, exportable and generally not-horrific way. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:12, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

On the general subject, we need clearer rules on this, and those rules shouldn't dissociate us from stuff like the Loeb Classical Library, which is the modern collection of Latin &amp; Ancient Greek works in English. There's a lot of translated material only available in bilingual editions, and that needs to be clearly accessible from here.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:13, 25 August 2021 (UTC)
:I'd like to hear from mulWS ({{ping|Zyephyrus|Ankry|VIGNERON}} as some representatives) on the hosting of dual language works. We we can link to works easily, though it doesn't show up in our searches. I would also be happy to place {{tl|interwiki redirect}}s at the titles (and we can work out WD later). I don't really want to duplicate works as 1) they are dynamic in our proofreading space, 2) they will typically have different templates, 3) duplication is unneeded. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:00, 26 August 2021 (UTC)
::Here are some examples:
::For instance, &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://la.wikisource.org/wiki/Pagina:Ad_Alpes.djvu/46 this book: Latin text and English indications]&lt;/span&gt;, useful on both. Do we place it on mul.ws?--[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 12:59, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:::Or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Fables_d%E2%80%99%C3%89sope_(trad._Chambry,_1927)/L%E2%80%99Aigle,_le_Choucas_et_le_Berger_(bilingue) this one, Ancient Greek and French]&lt;/span&gt;, might be on '''mul.ws''' and offer links to both '''fr.ws''' and '''el.ws'''.

:::I admired the work of [[User:VIGNERON|VIGNERON]] on &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://br.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Pajenn:Lescour_-_Telenn_Remengol.djvu/27&amp;action=edit br.wikisource]&lt;/span&gt; with the {{colors|blue|white|&lt;nowiki&gt;{{iwpage|fr}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template}} used to show &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://br.wikisource.org/wiki/Pajenn:Lescour_-_Telenn_Remengol.djvu/27 the French text}}]&lt;/span&gt;. All these bilingual or multilingual texts would be moved to mul.ws. Do you think this a good solution ? There would be one place and only one to keep these kinds of documents. Would it be convenient and appropriate for all of them? --[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 21:37, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
::::I haven't really given this a lot of thought, so I may be way off base and end up completely changing my mind… But my immediate thought is that ''iff'' we're to delegate something to mulWS we should explicitly take it out of scope (as in not permitted by [[WS:WWI]]) for enWS. To say we permit something but it should mostly be done at mulWS seems unworkable; and having content here that is actually managed at mulWS is untenable (different policies, different practices, different culture; no visibility on watchlists, etc.).{{pbr}}I also generally agree with Prosfilaes' stance above, but reserve the right to modify that due to technical or practical realities.{{pbr}}I suspect that a really ''good'' solution to this would require software support so that a given Page:-namespace page can more easily exist at multiple projects at once. And I don't think that is likely to occur in any reasonable timeframe. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:11, 29 August 2021 (UTC)

{{comment}} Links [[Template:iwpage]]/[[Special:WhatLinkshere/Template:iwpage]] (which is essentially the same at each wiki and [[s:br:Special:WhatLinkshere/Template:iwpage]] — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:10, 29 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[:Category:External links on protected pages]] &amp; Category:Templates used in Mediawiki namespace ==

We have a bit of a maintenance issue in that external links in protected templates and mediawiki: ns are being missed when we are updating links. To assist, I have created the above parent tracking category to label such pages. We obviously cannot use it on Mediawiki: pages, so will have to be content with putting it on the corresponding talk page.  I am working through creating subcats for each WMF tool that I find as they are more likely need to be what is changed, and will do some checks. I will note that as some of these pages use conditional code or includeonly so may be a little tricky to find by searching. [Reminder to not unnecessarily hide things to just avoid visual errors in non-display namespaces or ugly display code.]  I am hoping that this will also allow us to check these a little more easily as we have suffered some link rot.  I think that we may also need to put some checking categories on these so we can at least check these yearly, though haven't got that far and welcome people's thoughts.

I have also identified that we have had some templates transcluded to the mediawiki: ns that have not been protected. Can I express that any such templates need to be '''fully''' protected.  If you are using a template within another template, then all subsidiary templates also need to be protected. Noting that it often it can be safest to simply use html span and div code and embedded css.

On that note, if we are protecting templates, it is better practice to use separate {{tl|documentation}} so the docs can readily updated without someone asking for editing of protected templates. This is not pointing fingers, as some of these are old static pages that don't readily get traffic, and reflect older generation practices.

I welcome any suggestions/feedback here, and any help perusing of the template: and mediawiki: namespaces for targets. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:39, 26 September 2021 (UTC)
:Seems we already have [[:Category:MediaWiki namespace templates]], I will transition to that and update categories. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 10:07, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

== Edit request for MediaWiki filter ==

I've been going through pages with defaultsort conflicts, and it occurred to me that this would be easier if there were a category analogous to [[:Category:Authors with DefaultSort error]]. So I'd like to request that [[:Category:Works with DefaultSort error]] be created and added to [[MediaWiki:Duplicate-defaultsort]]. Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:43, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] {{done}}. This is a good idea, because the current (anti-)pattern of explicit DEFAULTSORTs makes it impossible to do this automatically in the header template (i.e. strip of &quot;A/The&quot; if present). This cat gets us a small step closer to being able to strip most of them out as redundant. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] also I have added the {{parameter|defaultsort}} parameter to {{tl|header}}.
::The task now is to transition all the manual defaultsorts to either that parameter, or, for most(?) of them, do it by stripping A/An/The in the Lua function. I'm not sure the best way to move forward, but one way would be:
::* Temporarily hide the warning text in [[MediaWiki:Duplicate-defaultsort]] in mainspace (leave it enabled in other namespaces), but leave the category
::* Enable the auto-sorting (i.e. stripping of A/An/The) in Lua
::* All the mainspace pages with conflicting sort keys will then drop into the category, but won't spew big red errors
::* The category can be processed (probably with some kind of script, since most of the conflicts are likely &quot;Foo, A&quot; vs &quot;Foo&quot; and easy to handle
::* Once the category is empty, strip the rest of the DEFAULTSORTs, since if they're not throwing errors they must be redundant.
::* Now the pages are transitioned to the parameter, reinstate the warning text
::This is not the only way to do it: you could also
::* Migrate all explicit DEFAULTSORTS in mainspace to the defaultsort parameter, then enable auto-sorting and then go back over all pages and remove redundant keys, or
::* Migrate all explicit DEFAULTSORTS in mainspace to the defaultsort parameter, but just delete any which will become redundant, ''then'' enable auto-sort. This will have short period when some pages will sort by their &quot;A/An/The&quot;.
::Anyway, let me know if you need any more edits to facilitate whichever method you prefer! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:53, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Simon Peter Hughes|Simon Peter Hughes]]: You do a lot of work in this area. Do you have any input here?{{pbr}}@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: Not sure whether it's relevant, but keep in mind that we have some bad habits involving not bothering with the full title in defaultsort so long as the string used will kinda sorta sort properly mostly. Also, the sortkey should ''include'' any article stripped at the end so that titles that differ only in the article will sort correctly among themselves. Also, we have a lot of garbage data in title fields that we probably don't want to throw unprocessed into the magic word. Hmm. And then there's the &quot;Sort key&quot; field in the Index: that could maybe be used for something here… [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] putting the article at the end is indeed how [[Module:Auto sort]] does it, which is what I would suggest [[Module:header]] eventually could use. The current manual ones are done both with and without, e.g. [[A Dictionary of Music and Musicians]], which is literally the first result for &lt;code&gt;insource:DEFAULTSORT&lt;/code&gt; that begins with an article.
::::The least &quot;exciting&quot; way would be to continue to use the subpage name, rather than the title parameter, because that won't change too much. If we wanted to use the title parameter, or inhale from an index page (rather hard, since most header invocations do not know what the index is), that would be a next step.
::::The first steps will have to be removing the manual DEFAULTSORTs, since, because none of them have been set with &lt;code&gt;noerror&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;noreplace&lt;/code&gt;, it's impossible to do anything at all until they are changed to template params (''or'' bot through and ''add'' &lt;code&gt;noerror/noreplace&lt;/code&gt;, which is yet another option for moving forward). There are 132k+ instances, so it's going to be pretty painful whatever happens (and that's why I have never bothered to address it myself). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:08, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|Inductiveload}} Now that [[:Category:Works with DefaultSort error]] is clear and I've had a little time to think about it, I think your first proposed method for transitioning to auto-sorting sounds good! (Assuming you or someone can do the script part, because I sure can't.) And I'm happy to do stuff like manually resolving the trickier conflicts. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:58, 12 February 2022 (UTC)
:::{{re|Inductiveload}} Thank you! I don't particularly have a preference among the different ways of transitioning pages to use the defaultsort parameter. I do have an edit request, though—could you add &lt;syntaxhighlight lang=html inline&gt;| defaultsort = {{{defaultsort|{{SUBPAGENAME}}}}}&lt;/syntaxhighlight&gt; to the header in {{tl|A catalogue of notable Middle Templars, with brief biographical notices}}? Pages in that work had been putting manual DEFAULTSORTs on each page, and I removed that from the preload. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 02:32, 18 January 2022 (UTC)
::::No, please don't do that. There is nothing wrong with individual defaultsort, and it was purposeful to not have it in the template. Having a hidden defaultsort can be problematic. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 11:00, 18 January 2022 (UTC)

== Please delete multiple pages in [[Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] ==

I hope this request is not too much of a hassle. If it is, let me know, and I am willing to continue to deal with it manually. It's a rather painstaking one.

I proofread (and part-proofread) a number of pages of [[Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] prior to realizing (thanks to [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]) how very incomplete the underlying scan was. I have now repaired the scan (manually inserting the missing pages), and I have moved all the pages I'm able to as a non-administrator. But the remaining pages that need to be moved need to overwrite pages that are now redirects or no-text pages, due to the previous page moves.

So, I am hoping that an administrator can can delete all pages starting with scan page 140 that are either:
* Blank, i.e. without text, showing up with grey highlight on the index page, or
* Redirects, showing up with no highlight on the index page.

I'll note, I will likely come back for a second round of this, after I've followed up this request with some more page moves.

If this request is in any way unclear, please either ignore it entirely, or ask for clarification. Thank you for any assistance. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 09:06, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]]: The time-consuming and hard (requires understanding of the specific work / the problem) part is picking out the pages to work on. If you give me a list of pages I can automate the delete or move itself. For deletes, either a flat list of pages, or make a temporary category and tag all the pages to be deleted with that category. For moves, a list of ''page name to move from'' and ''page name to move to'', and whether or not you need to have redirects at the old name or not. With this input I can have a bot do the job in relatively short order. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:50, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}}
:: 140 147 152 209 210 304
:: The full range of 309 to 330 (though a few do not exist)
:: 437 438 445 446 447 502 569 570
:: range: 600 to 623
:: 631
:: Does that do the trick? Thank you! -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 10:25, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::{{re|Peteforsyth}} Well, not quite. The software here doesn't understand the concept of &quot;pages in the book&quot;, it needs to get the list of ''wikipages'' to work on from somewhere. If all the pages are in a category it can look up all pages in that category and delete those, or the list can be manually constructed in this format:
{{cot|List of wikipages}}
&lt;pre&gt;
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/140
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/147
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/152
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/209
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/210
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/304
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/309
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/310
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/311
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/312
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/313
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/314
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/315
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/316
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/317
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/318
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/319
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/320
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/321
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/322
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/323
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/324
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/325
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/326
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/327
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/328
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/329
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/330
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/437
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/438
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/445
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/446
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/447
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/502
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/569
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/570
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/631
&lt;/pre&gt;
{{cob}}
:::Always keep in mind that computers are dumb as bricks: a human always has to tell them what to do in excruciating detail. So in this case I had to translate your page number ranges into a flat list of wikipages. I made the assumption that the numbers were the physical page indexes. If instead you meant the logical page numbers (the ones printed in the book, and that you've mapped to physical page indexes in the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;pagelist …&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; tag) then the list will have to mapped from the one to the other. (and to be clear, I need you to check that the list above is correct / what you want deleted before I push the button)--[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:33, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::BTW, I tried to write down some instructions to make it easier to make mass action requests to admins [[Special:PermanentLink/12118715|here]]. Feedback on whether these are helpful and understandable would be appreciated. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:54, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::: Thanks much. I've taken note of your instructions where I can find them next time, and I'll get you any feedback (but at first blush it seems plenty clear). For some reason, your bot seems to have missed this range (though it was in your list). Maybe it's just operating slowly, or maybe something went wrong:
&lt;pre&gt;
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
&lt;/pre&gt;
:::::-[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:53, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: {{ping|Xover}} Oh, wait. It looks like [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] is working to address these problems, maybe in a different way, I'm not sure if what they're doing is aligned with this request or not. So, probably best not to take any further action until we've heard from them? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:58, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::::: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} As best I can tell, the approach you're taking is going to require a bunch of my work to be redone, which is what I was hoping to avoid. For instance, by deleting the ''content'' instead of the ''page'' at [[Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/328]], you have made it impossible to move the fully proofread page at [[Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/306]] into its proper location. If I'm misunderstanding something, please let me know. But I was trying to approach this in a way that would not require any pages to be proofread a second time. I'd prefer if the final list of pages could be deleted. I'm fine with manually moving pages once the target pages have been deleted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:04, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

:  Please list WHICH pages are wrong and by how many pages they need to be moved. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:09, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
&lt;s&gt;:: Unless you have done any new proofreading, I believe the most straightforward solution at this point would be if [[user:Xover|Xover]] could just run the bot on the initial list he put together (above), which appears to be entirely correct.&lt;/s&gt;
:: I have not requested that any pages be moved, because I can't think of a programmatic way to express that. I've already manually moved dozens of pages, and I'm happy to manually move dozens more. If you think it's better to move them in a programmatic way, I'll probably need some help formulating that request. The offset shifts many times, due to the presence of many illustrated plates and many pages having been omitted in the initially-uploaded scan. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:16, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::: Oh, never mind, now I see that you're moving pages as well as replacing content. I can't really tell what your vision is, so I'm not going to recommend any action here, don't want us all working at cross purposes. I'll probably just delete all these pages from my watchlist for a while until everything settles down, I don't think I can contribute usefully as it is now. (But I do need to scan those remaining 2 pages before the library book is due. I'll make that my last contribution for a while.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:27, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: Think, talk, then act; especially for a work someone else is actively working on. Please discuss with [[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]] and agree on a course of action before moving pages around.{{pbr}}There's no real advantage to moving pages programatically, vs. manually, but unless you want redirects it's often best to have an admin do it. And for any admin to do it in a reasonable time frame it needs to be automated. If you would prefer to move with redirects and then ask for deletion of the redirects afterwards that's fine too. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:35, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

::::   Perhaps someone can sit down and carefully document which page rages are incorrectly placed now? ( Where I'd replaced content, It was that I'd re OCR'ed a page, that had been a redirect, or previously been marked as a blank and now wasn't.)

These are some of the ranges that I think are in the wrong place (I've got no objections to my good faith efforts being overwritten during page moves.)

{{collapse top|This table contains errors, I ''think'' I have corrected them in the version below. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:07, 11 April 2022 (UTC)}}
{|class=wikitable
|-
!Old Page (Djvu)   
!Offset needed.
|-
|301-308||+22
|-
|-
|443-439||+22
|-
|448-460||+22 
|-
|461-463||+6
|-
|557-599||+24
|}
{{collapse bottom}}
(There may be others)

The pagelist itself should now be correct and complete, however.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:45, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

::: Thank you both for your efforts. I've thought it through, and given what seems like a choice between &quot;sit down and carefully document&quot; vs. &quot;just re-proofread the affected pages&quot;, I think I prefer the latter. Is it OK if we just stop the deletions, and stop any further moves unless the mover is certain that the source page is superior to the target?
::: And if so, can we move any further discussion/planning back to [[Index talk:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]], since I don't think that approach will require any administrative intervention?
::: Appreciate both your efforts a great deal. I especially appreciate the guidance on how to approach this sort of thing, and I'll consult it in the future if I have a similar need. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 18:39, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::That sounds like a good plan. If you do end up needing any bulk actions please feel free to request them here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:44, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: Xover, see above, I think it's only those ranges I identifed that are affected.  For someone with admin level rights, a move should be straightforward.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:25, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::: Thanks for doing this, it looks pretty good. But:
::::: 433 should be +22 (and I'm guessing some of the pages following it should share that offset as well). And there seems to be a typo in the 2nd row of the table, &quot;|443-436||+12&quot; (note that the page sequence goes down not up), so I'm not sure what's intended there. I did spot-check the other rows (as in, checked one or two pages in each range) and they seemed good. Do note, if taking this approach it would be good to start with the last row of the table and work backward, as at least one or two of the pages will &quot;overlap.&quot; -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:46, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} Could you take another look at this? Looks like your table is really close. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 09:29, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

I'd like to get back to proofreading this. {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} it seems like we were almost there, and if you're not up for double-checking your work here, I think after another review, I'm fairly confident that the second row should simply read &quot;433-459&quot; instead of &quot;443-439&quot;. If so, it can easily be combined with the following row, as the ranges overlap. I've looked at enough of the pages to be reasonably sure that would take care of it; {{ping|Xover}} could you move the pages as indicated in the (edited) version of the table below? If by chance a handful of errors result, I'll just take care of them by hand. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:07, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

Corrected table:
{|class=wikitable
|-
!Old Page (Djvu)   
!Offset needed.
|-
|301-308||+22
|-
|-
|433-460||+22
|-
|461-463||+6
|-
|557-599||+24
|}

: I am not touching this again until it's in a KNOWN state, and all the existing pages are re-aligned.  This is why I try and check the pagelist before anything else is done. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:24, 11 April 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} I have not asked you to ''touch'' it again, I've asked you to double-check your own work here on this discussion page. Your table above has some errors; as I understand it, you intended the table to address the problems you caused. You're welcome to not engage further, that's fine, and indeed your clear expression that you will not touch it is more useful than simply walking away from the discussion, because it allows me to know that your work on this will not again collide with mine. But please don't insinuate that I caused the problems with this one. I have been trying to communicate with you from the start. 

:: I do appreciate your efforts to help with this -- very much. You have been extremely helpful with many of my transcription efforts, and I have learned many things from you. It is greatly appreciated. But please don't miss the fact that the lack of communication is the very thing that caused this particular work to be such a mess. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 22:33, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

: I'm sorry if I sounded too strong, and I certainly didn't mean to insinuate anything, if anything my strongly worded comment above was mostly aimed at myself. I'll have another look at your updated table. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:00, 11 April 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you for acknowledging that, and I must confess I was also a little overwrought in my own message above. It's true that in my initial enthusiasm I transcribed a bunch of pages before checking for missing pages, as you've pointed out. I've never known that approach to backfire quite as spectacularly as it has in this instance. I regret that approach and I appreciate both of your efforts to help resolve it. I've been stressed about some totally unrelated stuff, and I think I was taking that out here without realizing it. Sorry. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 00:27, 12 April 2022 (UTC)
:::See my revised request below, I made some further checks and listed every single page, because I wasn't sure of the ranges given earlier.
:::I've batched up the requests, and they should be done in the order presented, so as to as avoid 'moving' the wrong versions.
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:00, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

== Russia—Ukraine conflict on-wiki ==

Just a note that the ongoing Russia—Ukraine conflict (and I am deliberately not characterizing it beyond identifying it) is currently creating echoes on-wiki across Wikimedia projects, with Wikimedians sympathising with one or the other of the involved parties acting or reacting on-wiki to events happening IRL. It is very likely this kind of thing will spill over to English Wikisource too (for example, speeches by representatives of the parties or by third parties are in scope) and by its very nature it is an issue apt to engender very strong feelings and emotional responses. I urge all admins to be on the lookout for on-wiki behaviour or actions that appear motivated in some way by this conflict and step in to manage such situations ''before'' they spin out of control, but with diplomacy and sensitivity in a very difficult situation for many.

Also, if you are an admin with a personal stake in this conflict or very strong feelings about it, please leave admin actions that are at all related to it to other admins. We've seen otherwise intelligent and level-headed admins on other projects act on what they feel is a moral imperative but entirely outside policy. There may indeed be trolling or propaganda being perpetuated on-wiki that we need to manage, but if you have a personal stake or very strong feelings you are probably not going to be the best person to make the judgement call of where to draw the line.

Hopefully we can keep this place a fussy, dusty, and what most would consider pretty boring place rather than import IRL conflicts. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:05, 28 February 2022 (UTC)

:In agreement. [[User:Ineuw|Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 23:45, 1 March 2022 (UTC)
::Agreed. Telling us any existing conflicts may catch our attention.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:44, 26 April 2022 (UTC)

== Move request for [[Castelvines y Monteses]] ==

I'd like to request that [[Castelvines y Monteses]] and its subpages be moved to [[Castelvines y Monteses (Cosens)]] etc. without leaving redirects, to make room for a translations page. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 02:22, 10 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:53, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

== Page realignment request:[[:Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] ==

The 'realignment' below should be done in the 'batch' order presented to avoid moving the 'wrong' pages. Thanks. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:01, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 1
!Old page 
!pp
!New page
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/301|| (pp 289)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/323
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/302||  (pp 290)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/324
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/303||  (pp 291)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/325
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/305||  (pp 293)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/327
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/306||  (pp 294) || Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/328
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/307|| (pp 295)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/329
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/308||  (pp 296)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/329
|}
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:15, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 2
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/461||(pp 425)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/467
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/462||(pp 426)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/468
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/463||(pp 427)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/469
|}

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 3
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/433||(pp 415)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/455
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/434||(pp 416)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/456
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/435||(pp 417)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/457
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/436||(pp 418)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/458
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/439||(pp 419)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/461
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/440||(pp 420)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/462
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/441||(pp 421)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/463
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/442||(pp 422)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/464
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/443||(pp 423)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/465
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/444||(pp 424)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/466
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/448||(pp 428)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/470
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/449||(pp 429)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/471
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/450||(pp 430)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/472
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/451||(pp 431)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/473
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/452||(pp 432)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/474
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/453||(pp 433)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/475
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/454||(pp 434)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/476
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/455||(pp 435)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/477
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/456||(pp 436)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/478
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/457||(pp 437)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/479
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/458||(pp 438)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/480
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/459||(pp 439)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/481
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/460||(pp 440)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/482
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 05:13, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 4
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/571||(pp. 547)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/595
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/572||(pp. 548)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/596
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/573||(pp. 549)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/597
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/574||(pp. 550)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/598
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/575||(pp. 551)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/599
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/576||(pp. 552)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/577||(pp. 553)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/578||(pp. 554)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/579||(pp. 555)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/580||(pp. 556)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/581||(pp. 557)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/582||(pp. 558)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/583||(pp. 559)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/584||(pp. 560)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/585||(pp. 561)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/586||(pp. 562)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/587||(pp. 563)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/588||(pp. 564)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/589||(pp. 565)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/590||(pp. 566)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/591||(pp. 567)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/592||(pp. 568)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/593||(pp. 569)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/594||(pp. 570)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/595||(pp. 571)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/596||(pp. 572)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/597||(pp. 573)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/621
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/598||(pp. 574)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/622
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/599||(pp. 575)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
|}


{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 5
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/557||(pp. 535)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/581
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/558||(pp. 536)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/582
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/559||(pp. 537)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/583
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/560||(pp. 538)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/584
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/561||(pp. 539)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/585
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/562||(pp. 540)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/586 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/563||(pp  541)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/587
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/564||(pp. 542)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/588
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/565||(pp. 543)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/589
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/566||(pp. 544)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/590
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/567||(pp. 545)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/591
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/568||(pp. 546)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/592
|}
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 05:56, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]], @[[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]]: {{done}} Please check that I didn't mess up anything. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:30, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

:: {{ping|Xover}} Thank you! I'm traveling and won't be able to check closely for a week or so, but I appreciate the effort and the note! -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:01, 24 April 2022 (UTC)

== request move volume Zoologist ==

Could an administrator please move the index of a volume of ''[[The Zoologist]]''?

It's about [[:Index:The Zoologist - Volume 4.djvu]]. It should be moved to [[:Index:The Zoologist, 1st series, vol 4 (1846).djvu]], to have it conform to other volumes of The Zoologist, that are indexed, especially in the [[The Zoologist/3rd series|3rd]] and [[The Zoologist/4th series|4th series]]. Thanks, --[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]] ([[User talk:Dick Bos|talk]]) 10:44, 13 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]]: The Index: page needs to be at the same name as the associated File:; which in this case is on Commons, so you'll first need to request a move there and then we can move the Index: and Page: pages here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:33, 23 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover]], thank you. Done. --[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]] ([[User talk:Dick Bos|talk]]) 17:41, 25 April 2022 (UTC)

== Trying to transclude &quot;The Queen Bee&quot; ==

I am trying to transclude &quot;The Queen Bee&quot; to the page [[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 1/The Queen Bee]], but it says my action may be harmful. [[Special:Contributions/192.107.137.242|192.107.137.242]] 17:27, 19 April 2022 (UTC)

:Annoyingly, your edit was caught in a [[meta:Special:AbuseFilter/131|global filter]] because it appeared like vandalism (non-logged-in users removing large amounts of contiguous text are a common signature of vandalism at most wikis). The good news is that you only need 10 edits to become an &quot;established enough&quot; editor for the filter to no longer apply. This is a global filter, so we can't change it immediately here. However, if we see lots of these hits, we should probably get the filter changed to allow edits if the wiki is a Wikisource and the edit contains &quot;&lt;pages&quot;. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:46, 19 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: IP editors never get autoconfirmed, so that won't help here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:34, 23 April 2022 (UTC)
:@192.107: if you give us the details (Index: link and relevant pages) we can transclude it for you. Alternately, it is really recommended to register a user account (entirely free, and you don't even need to provide an email address if you don't want to). With a user account it's much easier to communicate, and after something like 10 edits you get extended permissions that exempt you from some spam filters, let you move pages, etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:38, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

== Renaming request for Author:Pierre Banet-Rivet ==

Hi! I'd like to rename [[Author:Pierre Banet-Rivet]] in [[Author:Paul Banet-Rivet]]. I don't know were the name ''Pierre'' comes from; I was able to locate his birth certificate ([[d:Q17278990#P735|see on Wikidata]]) and it is definitely Paul. --[[User:Jahl de Vautban|Jahl de Vautban]] ([[User talk:Jahl de Vautban|talk]]) 19:00, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jahl de Vautban|Jahl de Vautban]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:19, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== New index page broken? ==

Just created [[:Index:The Private Life Of Helen Of Troy(1926) (IA dli.ernet.524076).pdf]] and there’s a big error message and size of 0. What’s going on? [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 17:42, 25 April 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:Feydey|feydey]] I told the form that the page was pdf, and now it works.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 23:58, 25 April 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 08:30, 26 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[m:Requests for comment/Global de-adminship for Jusjih]] ==

A user is requesting to &quot;global de-admin&quot; (sorry I really don't know how likely if this could be happened) {{ping|Jusjih}} which in requestor's claim, has many disruptive and abusive behaviors in several Chinese-language projects and Meta-Wiki, the requestor is also mentioned en.wikisource here where Jusjih is also an administrator, but didn't say anything else on their en.wikisource's behaviors. Do any of our adminships that may or may not familiar Jusjih's works know how to resolve it? --[[User:Liuxinyu970226|Liuxinyu970226]] ([[User talk:Liuxinyu970226|talk]]) 05:18, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
* I have commented on a similar section on the Wikipedia administrator's noticeboard to the effect that I have seen nothing from Jusjih on this project that would merit de-adminship. [[User:BD2412|&lt;span style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/span&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 06:22, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
::I have done the same on the meta RFC. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:05, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
:::Hello all, en.wikisource will no longer be included in the scope. Your opinions will be still welcomed if you will. Thank you. [[User:Zhxy 519|Zhxy 519]] ([[User talk:Zhxy 519|talk]]) 00:45, 30 April 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added my thoughts at meta as well. [[User:BD2412|&lt;span style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/span&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 06:23, 30 April 2022 (UTC)
:::We should still consider whether to directly adopt [[w:Wikipedia:No personal attacks]] and [[w:Wikipedia:Assume good faith]] while cited by [[w:Wikipedia:Don't remind others of past misdeeds]].--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 18:06, 7 May 2022 (UTC)

== Move request for [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] ==

Could [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] and its subpages linked in the TOC be moved to [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 1]] etc.? ([[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2]] and its subpages should not be moved.) Once this is done I'd also like for [[The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers]] to be moved to [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]]. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:06, 5 May 2022 (UTC)
: Question: Why is &quot;..., or garden...&quot; in the title?  It does not appear on the work's title page. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:04, 5 May 2022 (UTC)
::{{re|EncycloPetey}} Wow, I didn't notice that! I have no idea, and would be happy for you to take it out. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:12, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::It appears on the full title page: [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/9]]. But I would agree that a better page name would be [[The Paradise]], or possibly [[The Paradise of the Holy Fathers]].{{pbr}}In any case, this does not look like a simple move: there are a gazillion subpages in a complicated work structure that currently does not use subpages in a sane way. See [[Special:PrefixIndex/The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/]]. In other words, I think this needs a bigger cleanup and a well-tought-out subpage structure. [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/Chapter 1]] for ''The History of Abba Isidore'' for example.{{pbr}}That kind of cleanup is possibly best handled manually by someone with +sysop (for which I do not have the spare cycles currently, sorry). Alternately, given a list of page moves I can have a bot do it. If so, the format would be:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[From page 1]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[To page 1]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[From page 2]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[To page 2]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;{{pbr}}Or any other variant with ''from'' a delimiter ''to'' that I can easily transform it. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:24, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 23:51, 9 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just to note, I haven't forgotten about this but I am waiting for the fix to [[phab:T307826]] to get deployed to PAWS. If it's really pressing I can work around it by running from a local checkout of HEAD, but that's a bit of a hassle so I'll just wait for the deployment unless I'm nagged on. :) [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 13:11, 13 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} The bugfix finally got deployed so I've run the move. Please check the results and update the internal links as needed (let me know if you need any batch regex replacements there). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:10, 23 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:Xover|Xover]]: Thank you! Could you update the links in the TOC for Volume 1? [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/13]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/14]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/15]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/16]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/17]]. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:40, 24 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:15, 24 May 2022 (UTC)
{{collapse top|title=Pages to move}}
::::* [[The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers]] to [[The Paradise]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Preface]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Preface]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Introduction]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Introduction]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Epistle of Palladius to Lausus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The Plan of the Book of Paradise]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 Counsels to Lausus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The History of Abba Isidore]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Dorotheos of Thebes]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of the Virgin Potamiaena]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of Didymus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of the Maiden Alexandra]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of Abba Macarius and a certain Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 Concerning the Monks who lived in Nitria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of Abba Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of the Blessed Man Hor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of the Blessed Man Pambo]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of the Blessed Man Ammonius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of the Blessed Man Benjamin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of Apollonius the Merchant]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The Histories of Paesius and Isaiah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Macarius, the Child of his Cross]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of the Blessed Nathaniel]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The Histories of Macarius the Egyptian, and of Macarius the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of the Blessed Man Macarius, the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of the Blessed Man Paul the Simple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of the Blessed Man Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Blessed Man Stephen]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The History of the Blessed Man Valens, the Palestinian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The History of the Blessed Man Hero, the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The History of the Blessed Man Ptolemy, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The History of the Blessed Man Abraham, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The History of the Virgin in Jerusalem]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The History of the Virgin in Caesarea]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The History of the Virgin who fell and repented]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The History of another Virgin who fell and repented]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The History of the Blessed Thais or Thaisis]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/31 The History of the Blessed Man Abba Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 31]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/32 The History of the Blessed Man Dorotheos]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 32]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/33 The History of the Blessed Man Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 33]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/34 An Apology, and Preface, and Admonition]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 34]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/35 The History of the Virgin who hid Athanasius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 35]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/36 The History of Piamon the Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 36]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/37 The History of Mother Talida]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 37]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/38 The History of the Virgin Taor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 38]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/39 The History of the Virgin Colluthus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 39]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/40 The History of the Virgin and the Magistrianus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 40]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/41 The History of Melania the Great]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 41]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/42 The History of Melania the Younger]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 42]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/43 The History of Olympias]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 43]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/44 The History of Candida]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 44]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/45 The History of Gelasia]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 45]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/46 The History of Juliana]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 46]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/47 The History of Heronion and Bosphoria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 47]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/48 The History of Magna]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 48]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/49 The History of the Monk Misericors]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 49]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/50 The History of John of Lycus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 50]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/51 The History of Possidonius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 51]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/52 The History of Chronius of Phcenix]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 52]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/53 The History of James the Lame and Paphnutius Kephala]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 53]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/54 The History of Solomon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 54]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/55 The History of Dorotheos]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 55]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/56 The History of Diocles]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 56]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/57 The History of Kapiton]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 57]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/58 The History of the Monk who fell]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 58]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/59 The History of Ephraim, Deacon of Edessa]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 59]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/60 The History of Innocent the Priest]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 60]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/61 The History of Elpidius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 61]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/62 The History of Eustathius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 62]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/63 The History of Sisinnius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 63]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/64 The History of Gaddai, the Palestinian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 64]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/65 The History of Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 65]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/66 The History of Sabas of Jericho]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 66]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/67 The History of Serapion of the Girdle]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 67]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/68 The History of Eulogius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 68]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Triumph of Mark the Mourner]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Mar Paulus (Paule)]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of an Old Man in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of Peter]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of Aurelius (Adolius)]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of Abba Moses, the Indian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Abba Pior]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Abba Moses, the Libyan]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of a Wandering Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Evagrius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Malchus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of the Two Naked Fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of an Old Man who went Naked]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of another Holy Man]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of a Grass-eating Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of a certain Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Two Young Men with Macarius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The History of Bessarion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The History of the Acts of Bessarion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The History of the Man with Nine Virtues]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The History of Maria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The History of a Sage]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The History of the Two Brothers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The History of a Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The History of Stephana]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The History of Eucarpus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/31 The History of the Deacon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 31]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/32 The History of the Bishop]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 32]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/33 The History of Abba Poemen's Neighbour]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 33]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/34 The History of a Brother who denied Christ]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 34]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/35 The History of an Old Man in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 35]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/36 The History of Serapion and the Harlot]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 36]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/37 The History of a Harlot]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 37]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/38 The History of Apollo in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 38]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/39 The History of Cosmas of Sinai]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 39]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/40 The History of Abba Macarius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 40]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/41 The History of the Melchisedekian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 41]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/42 The History of Macarius, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 42]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/43 The History of Mark the Less]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 43]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/44 The History of Abba Paule, disciple of Anthony]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 44]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Monks of Tabenna]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Sylvanus the Actor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of a Sinner who died]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of the Funeral of a Holy Man]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of the Things heard by Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of the Things which Pachomius did]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of the Words of Doctrine of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Pachomius and the Wheat]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Pachomius and the Wages of the Brethren]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of the Apostate Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Pachomius and the Phantom]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of the Gift of Tongues]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of Jonah the Gardener]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of Pachomius and the Buildings]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of Pachomius and the Heretics]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of a Question and Answer]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of a Vainglorious Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Monk in the Monastery]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Further Remarks by Palladius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Further Remarks by Palladius]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Apology]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of John of Lycus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of Abba Hor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of Abbd Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of Abba Abban]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of the Monks of Oxyrrhynchus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of Abba Theon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of Abba Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of Abba Apollo]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of Apellen]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Apollo, and of John the DesertDweller]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Abba Paphnutius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of Eulogius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Isidore]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Dioscurus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of Copres and Petarpemotis]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of Hor, Isaiah, Paul, and Nopi]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of Evagrius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of Abba Pithyrion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The Triumphs of the Blessed Fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The Triumphs of the Monks who were in Nitria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The Triumph of Ammon the First]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The Triumph of another Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The Triumph of Didymus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The Triumph of Chronius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The Triumph of the Three Brethren]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The Triumph of Philemon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The Triumph of John]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The Triumph of Serapion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The Triumph of Apollo the Less]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 1]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 2]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 3]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 4]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 5]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 6]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 7]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 8]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 9]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 10]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 11]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 12]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 13]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 14]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions And Answers On The Rule Of Life Of The Holy Men]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions And Answers On The Rule Of Life Of The Holy Men]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions By The Pupils And The Answers To The Same By The Holy Fathers And Monks]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions By The Pupils And The Answers To The Same By The Holy Fathers And Monks]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions And Answers On The Vision Of The Mind]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions And Answers On The Vision Of The Mind]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Appendix]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Appendix]]
{{collapse bottom}}

== Protected edit request for [[Module:ISO 639]] ==

I'd like it if there were an option in [[Module:ISO 639]] to specify an error message if the language code isn't recognized. The way I'd do it is [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12317806 like this]—unless there are uses of the module where it's important that it return &lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; if the language code isn't recognized, in which case I can adjust accordingly. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:56, 5 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: The convention is that functions return &lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; to signal an error, particularly this kind of error, and it's generally bad practice to hard code error messages down in library code (for all sorts of reasons). This kind of behaviour is better handled closer to the user layer, but possibly aided by a function in the library to ''check'' whether the code exists and returning a boolean on which the error message can be made conditional. What's the context / use case? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:32, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] The use case is that {{tl|ISO 639 name}} has an option to provide a default value if the code isn't recognized, and now that the template is using [[Module:ISO 639]], I want to make sure that functionality still works. Which, now that I'm typing this, I'm realizing could be done with just an option in the module to provide a default value, something like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12323167 this].
::(Another question: what's a good way to do error-categorization for {{tl|ISO 639 name}}?) —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 22:49, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: Error categorization is just outputting whatever category you want at some point where the wikimarkup could validly appear. I wish the MW devs would move categories out of page content and into metadata for a page, and allow an API from Lua to set cats in a structured way. But for now it's just a matter of spitting out a text string with the category markup and hoping it'll be in some valid context that doesn't mess up formatting.{{pbr}}But what is the use case for having a default language if an invalid language code is provided? In what situation would you want some random and possibly changeable language name returned? As an interface guarantee, &quot;returning either a valid language name or ''nil''&quot; is a lot cleaner than &quot;… or possibly some default value, picked either by a template or module developer, or provided by the end user, that may or may not understand what it means and what the template does, and may or may not be stable over time, and may or may not be a valid language name under some standard or local convention or colloquially or in the user's head.&quot;{{pbr}}&lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; ''is'' a &quot;default value&quot; of a sort, that has the precise semantics &quot;something went wrong&quot;. When something goes wrong you generally want either calling code or the invoking user to be made aware of that fact immediately so that they can fix it. Returning some seemingly valid output is directly contrary to this goal: it ''obfuscates'' the fact that we are in an error situation and thus makes it harder to fix. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:47, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you for explaining! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 22:34, 9 May 2022 (UTC)

== DIFFERENT protected edit request for [[Module:ISO 639]] ==

It's occurred to me that it would be nice if the list of recognized language codes were available outside the module, and the simplest way to do that would be [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12345814 like this]: move the lookup table outside of the &lt;code&gt;language_name&lt;/code&gt; function, and add this function:
&lt;pre&gt;
--[=[
Get the list of all recognized ISO 639 (-1, -2 or -3) codes.
]=]
function p.language_codes()
	return pairs(langs)
end
&lt;/pre&gt;

Would this be possible? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:56, 15 May 2022 (UTC)

:…possibly &lt;code&gt;pairs&lt;/code&gt; doesn't do what I want it to there, but the substance of the request still stands. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 00:11, 16 May 2022 (UTC)
::Yeah, it definitely doesn't, and I'm no longer sure what I wanted a table of all valid ISO codes for, so never mind. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:10, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

== Protected edit request for [[Template:Progress bar]] ==

I've created [[Module:Progress bar]], which implements {{tl|progress bar}} in Lua (and adds support for changing the width of the bar). I've tested this at [[Template:Sandbox]] and as far as I can tell everything works. Assuming there's nothing I've missed, I'd like for [[Template:Progress bar]] to be edited to this:
&lt;pre&gt;
&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Progress bar/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar
|total={{{total|}}}
|validated={{{validated|}}}
|proofread={{{proofread|}}}
|not_proofread={{{not proofread|}}}
|problematic={{{problematic|}}}
|notext={{{notext|}}}
|height={{{height|}}}
|width={{{width|}}}
}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/pre&gt;
Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] FYI, I don't think you need to verbosely pass through all the parameters: you're using [[Module:Arguments]] which happily pulls the arguments out of the &lt;code&gt;mw.getCurrentFrame().getParent()&lt;/code&gt;. All you should need is &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; (I think) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:52, 31 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] Awesome, thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:31, 31 May 2022 (UTC)
::Updated edit request:
&lt;pre&gt;
&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Progress bar/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/pre&gt;
::—[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:18, 4 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]], does the above code look good to you? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 06:56, 22 July 2022 (UTC)

==Vandalism==
Hello, I noticed an ip which was vandalising [[User:Mpaa]] and kept vandalising (page blanking and content removal) this administrators userpage. The ip: [[Special:Contributions/2601:183:CB81:6460:F078:25B3:3716:3BE6]]. They might need to be blocked or the page might require protection. Thanks, [[User:Terasail|Terasail]] ([[User talk:Terasail|talk]]) 15:37, 2 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Terasail}} Blocked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:39, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== Bulk move request for [[Index:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu]] ==

See also: [[Index talk:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu]]

{|
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!Source
!pagenum in print
!Destination
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|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:52, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

The range [[Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/70]] to [[Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/76]] are blank and should be at the end of the work as indicated by the pagelist for the Index. 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:54, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:54, 10 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] ==

A new DJVU scan was uploaded for Volume 2 (with some missing pages re-instated) as a Djvu (see: [[Wikisource:Proposed_deletions#The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy]]), and so the pages here were migrated back from the PDF to the new scan, and any transclusions were updated.

Because I can't delete the generated redirects when migrating pages between scans, it will need an Admin to do this, and I am requesting this here.
:Done, I have removed all pages in Vol.2 pdf.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:41, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

I had also migrated the relatively small number of pages for [[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_20.pdf]] as well.

This leaves Volume 9 to be migrated across and Volume 1 carefully compared between the DJVU and PDF versions.

[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:03, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

== Index Migration: ==

Source: -  [[Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksofc09tols).pdf]]&lt;br&gt;
Destination:-  [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 09.djvu]]&lt;br&gt;
Page-ranges: 1-12,16,18-24, 179-182, 213, 239-242, 289-292, 324-326, 323-326, 363-366, 407-412&lt;br&gt; [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:10, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:09, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

== Index Migration ==

Source:[[:Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]&lt;br&gt;
Destination:[[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 01.djvu]]&lt;br&gt;
Page-ranges: 109-112 , 168, 187-188, 290, 544
:Done, most of the pages were already existing, so no move was done for them. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:18, 17 June 2022 (UTC)


Source: [[:Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc19tols).pdf]]
Destination: [[:Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 19.djvu]]
Page-range: 93
:Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:18, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

Which with the moves of Volume 2, 9 and 20 will allow removal of the PDF based Index for the entire set in favour of the DJVU versions. 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:27, 16 June 2022 (UTC)
:Left to do: rm all pages in Page/Index ns relative to pdf versions.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:43, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

== Migration of pages due to updated source file. ==

{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
!pp (if relevant)
!Destination
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/13
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/3||9861037||(pp001)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/15
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/4||9861038||(pp002)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/16
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/5||||(pp003)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/17
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/6||||(pp004)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/18
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/7||9861042||(pp005)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/19
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/8||9861043||(pp006)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/20
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/9||||(pp007)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/21
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/10||||(pp 008)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/22
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/11||||(pp 009)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/23
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/12||||(pp 010)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/24
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/13||||(pp 011)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/25
|-
|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/470||||(pp468)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/471||||(pp469)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/472||||(pp470)||page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/475&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp473)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/487&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/478&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp476)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/490&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/479&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp477)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/491&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/480&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp478)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/492&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/481&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp479)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/493&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:53, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: We can deal with this once the deletion discussion is completed. Please don't make multiple requests about the same work in different venues. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:54, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== Request for moving an Index page ==

Dear admin,

Could you please move [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]] to [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]] and also its Page namespace to match its current file name? Thank you. '''&amp;middot;&amp;middot;&amp;middot;''' &lt;span title=&quot;Cherry blossom&quot;&gt;🌸&lt;/span&gt; [[User:Rachmat04|'''Rachmat04''']] '''&amp;middot;''' [[User talk:Rachmat04|&lt;span title=&quot;Let's discuss!&quot;&gt;☕&lt;/span&gt;]] 08:56, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Rachmat04|Rachmat04]]There is no point in moving the index or pages in Page ns. What matters is the title of the work in Main ns. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:17, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::I understood. But, there's a downside if the index page and file name doesn't match. If we are on [[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/17]], we cannot navigate to previous and next page, and also if we click the &lt;code&gt;^&lt;/code&gt; arrow, it points us to &quot;Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu&quot;, which is not exist. '''&amp;middot;&amp;middot;&amp;middot;''' &lt;span title=&quot;Cherry blossom&quot;&gt;🌸&lt;/span&gt; [[User:Rachmat04|'''Rachmat04''']] '''&amp;middot;''' [[User talk:Rachmat04|&lt;span title=&quot;Let's discuss!&quot;&gt;☕&lt;/span&gt;]] 14:01, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{Re|Rachmat04}} I think it would be easier to move the file back to the name corresponding to the index page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:12, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Update MC Template ==

Can an administrator update the MC template from [[Template:Collaboration/MC/sandbox]]. It contains a little additional text to make it more welcoming to new users. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 19:36, 14 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:26, 14 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:36, 15 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Page:The Indian Biographical Dictionary.djvu/189]] ==

Hello. In the history of the above page, please hide the two edits immediately before my edit. They contain a spam link being pushed across numerous wikis. Cheers. ['''[[:User:Cromium|&lt;sub&gt;24&lt;/sub&gt;Cr]]''']['''[[:User talk:Cromium|talk]]'''] 12:47, 15 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:07, 15 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>qb0wk9ikebnfrybhdi5zzarnnfr4dfi</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508089</id>
      <parentid>12508085</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:58:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Requesting page protection for {{left sidenote}} and {{right sidenote}} */ Reply</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="130600" xml:space="preserve">{{process header
 | title    = Administrators' noticeboard
 | section  =
 | previous = [[Wikisource:Index/Community|Community page]]
 | next     = [[/Archives|Archives]] ([[/Archives/{{CURRENTYEAR}}|current]])
 | shortcut = [[WS:AN]]
 | notes    = This is a discussion page for coordinating and discussing administrative tasks on Wikisource. Although its target audience is [[Wikisource:administrators|administrators]], ''any user'' is welcome to leave a message or join the discussion here. This is also the place to report vandalism or request an administrator's help. 

* '''Please make your comments concise.''' Editors and administrators are less likely to pay attention to long diatribes.
* This is '''not the place for general discussion.''' For that, see the [[Wikisource:Scriptorium|community discussion page]].
* Administrators please use template {{tl|closed}} to identify completed discussions that can be archived
{{editabuselinks}}{{autoarchive resolved section
 | age            = 7
 | archive        = ((FULLPAGENAME))/Archives/((year))
 | show           = yes
 | level          = 
 | timecompare    = resolved
}}
}}__NEWSECTIONLINK__ {{/snapshot}}

=Checkuser requests=
* [[Wikisource:checkuser policy]]
* At this point of time, English Wikisource has '''no''' checkusers and requests need to be undertaken by stewards
** it would be expected that requests on authentic users would be discussed on this wiki prior to progressing to stewards
** requests by administrators for identification and blocking of IP ranges to manage spambots and longer term nuisance-only editing can be progressed directly to the stewards
** [[m:Steward requests/Checkuser|requests for checkuser]]

=Bureaucrat requests=
* To request a global rename, go to [[Special:GlobalRenameRequest]].
=Page (un)protection requests=
{{fmbox
| image = [[Image:User-info.svg|40px]]
| type = editnotice
| style = margin-top: -0.5em; 
| text = &lt;p&gt;At this section you can request protection of a page, eg. a text that you have checked against a hard copy, or a template. Please make sure that the request follows the requirements of the [[Wikisource:Protection policy#Procedure|procedure for protecting pages]].&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;You can also request unprotection of a text according to the [[Wikisource:Protection policy#Procedure|procedure for protecting pages]]. You should request a reprotection when your work is done. Alternately utilise {{tl|edit protected}} for the respective talk page.&lt;/p&gt;
}}
&lt;!-- ADD ANY UN-PROTECTION REQUESTS BELOW THIS LINE --&gt;

== Requesting page protection for {{tl|left sidenote}} and {{tl|right sidenote}} ==

Given what happened (see above) I am of the view that as highly visible and widely used templates, these along with their respective style-sheets  should be protected from  general editing, with someone appropriate identifying a STABLE version and then protecting that version.  Thanks.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:46, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

:I've semi-protected both, but only as high-traffic templates. The other issues can be dealt with in other ways. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:58, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

== Requesting protection of [[Template:Center/styles.css]] ==

An IP editor ([[Special:Contributions/2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500]]) recently made {{tl|center}} [[Special:Diff/12457520/next|disappear]] because the stylesheet was unprotected. @[[User:Xover|Xover]] only created it a few weeks ago, so this is understandable. The same IP has also made a few mysterious additions to some other templates as well (e.g., [[Special:Diff/12507680/prev|this]]), which might warrant a closer inspection by someone more knowledgeable than me. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 01:47, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: {{done}} The rest of the edits consist mainly of manually copying over a suite of protection-related templates, and their dependencies, from enWP. Since that system is not in use here I have queried the IP regarding their intentions with this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:55, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

=Other=

== Interface administrators ==

Hi. Please see https://www.mediawiki.org/wiki/Topic:Unisfu5m161hs4zl. I do not remember if this was already discussed and how it is going to be addressed. Comments and suggestions welcome.
{{comment}} As far as I am concerned I would trust any admin who feels skilled and confident enough to tackle such edits.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:05, 29 October 2018 (UTC)
: I can handle the technical aspects of it. However, it can take me a while to get around to tasks that take longer than a few minutes, so I don't want to create a false expectation of being able to handle time sensitive matters on my own. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 02:35, 30 October 2018 (UTC)


We should decide how to address the fact that EnWS has no [[m:interface administrators]]. I see basically the following options. Please add/amend as you feel appropriate.

'''Option A''' - Assign right on demand when needed

'''Option B''' - Assign right permanently to willing Admins, to be reviewed in the confirmation process
:As I said above, I am for the simplest one.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:28, 30 October 2018 (UTC)

'''Option C''' - Assign right permanently to selected Admins, after approval process, to be reviewed in the confirmation process
:Option C sounds like you're being volunteered (based on the lack of the word 'willing'). ;) --[[User:Mukkakukaku|Mukkakukaku]] ([[User talk:Mukkakukaku|talk]]) 06:27, 31 October 2018 (UTC)

'''Option D''' - assign the rights to all the admins, who have already been vetted for community approval, and then whoever has the ability and desire can make use of it as they will and as needed. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:33, 31 October 2018 (UTC)

:Option D would make the most sense for us. For anyone to get themselves to the point that we trust them with the admin tools just so that they can mess around in the interface, they would be playing a very long game. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 22:05, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
:I agree with Beeswaxcandle, '''Option D''', although I would also be fine with the right only going to admins who express an interest. [[User:BD2412|&lt;font style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/font&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 23:00, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
::It is so rare I disagree with [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] but this must be one of those times. The whole point of this change is to prevent the ignorant from accidentally screwing up - insulting as the implications undoubtedly are! As such under the new regime trust is no longer enough; perhaps somebody ought to draw up some kind of eligibility examination&amp;hellip;? [[Special:Contributions/114.73.248.245|114.73.248.245]] 23:03, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
::: That hasn't been an issue for us yet, and accidental changes are easily reversed. If we had more users it would be more of a problem, but as it stands this kind of distinction is more cumbersome than helpful in my opinion. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:08, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
:As much as I like the idea of making all existing admin interface admin, IA were separated from regular adminship specifically to reduce attack surface(from hackers), and it was pretty dangerous if the access fell into the wrong hand, I'd rather propose having existing admin request right from bureaucrat and could be granted at the bureaucrat's discretion, and should be automatically removed if no action after two month.[[User:Viztor|Viztor]] ([[User talk:Viztor|talk]]) 02:13, 10 August 2019 (UTC)

* {{comment}} we discussed it when the rights were split, and it was agreed that it could be assigned on a needs basis. That has been done at least once for me with the temporary assignation of the IA rights. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:58, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:Note that WMF Legal requires 2FA to be enabled for users who are to be assigned this right, so bureaucrats will have to verify this before doing so. MediaWiki's 2FA implementation is also sufficiently finicky that one may not want to enable it without proper consideration. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:21, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:: What's wrong with the 2FA implementation? I haven't had any issues with it at all. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 22:17, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:::Ah, sorry, I should have been more clear. I am going on hearsay, mostly from admins on enwp (a crotchety bunch if ever there was one), and my own assessment of the documentation at meta. The main complaints are that the implementation in general is a little bit primitive (as is to be expected since WMF rolled their own instead of federating with one of the big providers), and that there is no way to regain access to your account if something goes wrong with the 2FA stuff (if your phone is stolen etc.) unless you happen to know one of the developers personally. None of these are in themselves showstoppers, and many people are using it entirely without issue. The phrasing {{talk quote inline| sufficiently finicky that one may not want to enable it without proper consideration|q=y}} was not intended to discourage use, but merely to suggest that it is worthwhile actually giving it a little thought before requesting it be turned on. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:52, 11 August 2019 (UTC)
*:::: Okay, gotcha. As it happens, Wikimedia 2FA does include [[:meta:Help:Two-factor_authentication#Scratch_codes|emergency access codes]] for use when your phone is unavailable. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:56, 11 August 2019 (UTC)

===Formal requirements related to 2FA===
Picking up this again…

I finally got so annoyed by our inability to fix even simple stuff [[Special:PermanentLink/9921352#Content_model_change_-_User:ShakespeareFan00/Sandbox/styles.css|stuff that requires Interface Admin permissions]] that I hopped over to meta to figure out what the ''actual'' requirements are (versus the ''should'' stuff). As it turns out, the 2FA stuff is (surprise surprise) as half-baked as most such Papal bulls from the WMF: 2FA is ''required'' for intadmin, but there is ''no'' way for bureaucrats to actually check whether an account has that enabled. The result of this is that even on enwp (where they take this stuff ''really'' seriously) they do not actually try to verify that 2FA is enabled before they hand the permission out: they check that the user is in the right group so that they ''can'' turn on 2FA, remind the person in question of the requirement, but otherwise take it on faith (trust). There's a request in for the technical capability to verify 2FA (and I think Danny is even working on it), but it seems mostly everyone's waiting for 2FA to be enforced by the software.

Meanwhile, anyone with existing advanced permissions (i.e. +sysop) have the capability to enable 2FA, and anyone with a particular reason (e.g. that they need it to get Interface Administrator permission) can apply to be a &quot;2FA Tester&quot; and thus gain the ability to turn it on.

The net result is that our bureaucrats (ping {{ul2|Hesperian}} and {{ul2|Mpaa}}) ''can'' assign this permission so long as we somehow somewhere make at least a token effort to make sure those getting the bit have 2FA enabled. Whether that's an addition to, or footnote on, [[Wikisource:Adminship]], or the bureaucrats asking/reminding the user when it comes up, or… whatever… I have no particular opinion on. Since the previous community discussions have been actively adverse to regulating this stuff in detail, and absent objections, I think &quot;Whatever Hesperian and Mpaa agree on&quot; is a reasonable enough summary of consensus.

I still think we should have an actual policy for Interface Administrators (or section on it in [[Wikisource:Adminship]]) and some facility for permanently assigning the permission (ala. +sysop; but intadmin tasks are not one-and-done like +sysop tasks, they often require iterative changes over time and need to fit into a overall architecture), but so long as there is no appetite for that, ''something'' that we can point to and say &quot;That's how we handle the 2FA requirement&quot; if the WMF should ever come asking. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:37, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

{{question}} Is there anything further that the community thinks we need to discuss? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:36, 1 October 2021 (UTC)

: I just added [[Special:Diff/11740077]] as a quickrestatement of [[meta:Interface administrators]], which is already linked from the top of [[Wikisource:Interface administrators]]. Basically &quot;you should be using 2FA&quot;. If there are more formal ways to check in future, then we can update the information. FWIW, I have it on, which is a little annoying when I accidentally fat-finger the logout button, but otherwise seems unproblematic.  [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 07:46, 1 October 2021 (UTC)
:: Should? &quot;Required&quot; is my understanding. There was a [[phab:T282624|heated phabricator ticket]] about the WMF moving to have the allocation undertaken by stewards following their checking for 2FA being in place, rather than local 'crats.  The counter argument was that local crats snould be able to check status and apply the rights.  The [[phab:T265726|ticket]] is stalled as a rethink is seemingly in play. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:14, 1 October 2021 (UTC)
:::It's a paraphrase of what I wrote, but I changed the text there to &quot;required&quot; since it's not just an expectation. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:08, 1 October 2021 (UTC)

== Request move ==

Hello. Could you please '''move''' &quot;[[Siamese Interim Administrative Charter Act, Buddhist Era 2475 (1932)]]&quot; to &quot;[[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era]]&quot; and '''change''' its namespace from &quot;main&quot; to &quot;translation&quot;? Thank you so much. --[[User:KhaoNiaoMaMuang|KhaoNiaoMaMuang]] ([[User talk:KhaoNiaoMaMuang|talk]]) 12:21, 11 December 2020 (UTC)

{{done}} The above has been moved. Wikidata item needs to be moved. --[[User:Kathleen.wright5|kathleen wright5]] ([[User talk:Kathleen.wright5|talk]]) 21:10, 11 December 2020 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Kathleen.wright5}} The WD items should be updated when you do the moves, or very quickly afterwards. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:29, 13 December 2020 (UTC)

: If anyone is interested in working on this particular backlog, there are about [https://petscan.wmflabs.org/?psid=14890283 80+ works] (mostly Thai legal documents) that need to be moved from Mainspace to Translation space. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 21:04, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
:: If someone can map out the required conversions from {{tl|header}} to {{tl|translation header}} then I can run through them. Just too busy to do all the thinking of the conversions. Would be wanting indications of which lines add/remove/change, to make the bot tasking easier. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:32, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
::: {{re|billinghurst}} Most of them are obvious - &lt;code&gt;title=&lt;title&gt;&lt;/code&gt;, &lt;code&gt;author=&lt;author&gt;&lt;/code&gt;, etc. The interwiki link &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[th:&lt;pagetitle&gt;]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; gives you the values for &lt;code&gt;language=th&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;original=&lt;pagetitle&gt;&lt;/code&gt;. If &lt;code&gt;shortcut&lt;/code&gt; and/or &lt;code&gt;year&lt;/code&gt; are omitted, they need to be added as blank parameters. Finally, any instance of &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;override_translator = [[Wikisource:Translations|Wikisource]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; needs to be removed. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 14:24, 14 December 2020 (UTC)

== Need an Index: ns page move stopper ==

We need to toughen our defences against Index: and Page: ns moves. My suggestion is an abuse filter that selectively prohibits, or at the bare minimum warns people that it is not advisable. Before I do anything, would like to hear people's thoughts. Recovering from moves of this type is an issue, especially as it happens pretty quietly.

We don't have good automated rights that AF can leverage at this point in time, though there are numbers of measures that we can apply to restrict or pass actions. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:02, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
: Sounds like a good idea, but I'm not familiar enough with the goings-on to have a strong opinion how to do it. Can you describe the problem a little more specifically and/or one or two of the things you think should be done about it? Does this have to with IPs, new accounts, experienced users making poor decisions, intentional vandalism, ..? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:13, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

: We do have [[Special:AbuseFilter/36]], which is exactly for this. Perhaps add a warning actions to it and see if that stops people. Be very clear why they are being warned: {{tqi|&quot;Please be extremely careful when moving pages in the Index or Page namespace if you are not an administrator. Non-administrators cannot suppress redirects, which means you cannot move ''other'' pages to where the moved page used to be. Moved index pages that have any existing sub-pages need to have the orphaned redirects deleted. It's much easier to ask an admin to do this (at [[WS:AN]]) directly rather than asking them to tidy up after a move with redirects left behind.&quot;}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:08, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
::Yeah, that looks good. And I think a warning is the right level for this, at least to start. We have a relative frequent occurrence of people that create a new index after goofing the file name of the first, so the opposite problem is also relevant (it just has smaller consequences). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:06, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
::: Ok, [[Special:AbuseFilter/36]] will now warn the user with [[MediaWiki:Abusefilter-warning-Non-admin Index-Move]], then allow the user to continue (but also tag the edit). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:01, 4 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Mediawiki:Watchlist-announcements]] ==

As administrators we need to make better use of our general means of announcements to our community, especially where we have either a significant proposal or have made a significant change to policy and templates, and want to capture all our users, and spasmodic users.  We have all been pretty rubbish at that general comms in the past while and I think that we should at least think about what we want to better broadcast. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 09:02, 4 July 2021 (UTC)
: This is just the banner that shows up above the watchlist correct? I think that's reasonable. Is there anywhere else we should be remembering to post such content - mailing lists, social media, etc? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 01:47, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::Correct, and it is persistent. As it is watchlist, only logged in users, and they can dismiss it once read.  Wikisource-L, Twitter: @wikisource_en are possibles for some things.  My reason for the watchlist is that it is our editors, and it is persistent, so very targeted, and low noise threshold. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 03:46, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::: Huh, I had utterly forgotten Wikisource-l existed! Twitter seems more like advertising/evangelism than operational notices (one fine day a New Texts bot can post there!). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:34, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::::Indeed. Please don't post RfC or policy discussion notices to Twitter! [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:02, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
:Amen! And especially since low participation is a much bigger problem in our policy/rfc type discussions than excessive numbers of comments or discussions. The better attended a given discussion is the stronger any resulting consensus will be, and, if we do it right, the better it will reflect the position of the community as a whole. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:46, 7 July 2021 (UTC)

== Import help ==
Please import books listed at [[Wikisource:Requested_texts#Import_5_books_about_Malayalam_language]]. These books were written for English speakers to learn Malayalam words, and the definitions are all in English. Thank you. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 00:15, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
:This doesn't require an administrator. Probably better requested at [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]] if you are looking at assistance in how to do these. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:26, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
::I think only admins and [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Special:ListUsers?username=&amp;group=transwiki&amp;wpsubmit=&amp;wpFormIdentifier=mw-listusers-form&amp;limit=50 importers] can do interwiki-import while preserving page history. [[Special:Import]] gives permission error for me. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 11:50, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
:::Apologies, I misunderstood the request as you were referencing requested texts.&lt;br/&gt;If you have those works at mlWS, why would we import them here? Is mlWS planing on deleting it?  We can simply link to the work where it is now, if the work is within scope at mlWS. FWIW no one has import rights to bring works from mlWS to enWS, and from memory our 'crats cannot allocate the right. I think that we need to step right back and work out what it is that is needing to be done, and what is the appropriate place for the work, as it may be be situated at [[:mul:|mulWS]] if it is not to be hosted at mlWS. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:24, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
::::Those are books about Malayalam language written '''for English''' readers/audience. mlWS will not delete it, it is indeed with in its scope. I think enWS also can have it here as its target audience is English language readers. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 01:55, 22 August 2021 (UTC)
:::::Hi, adding my 2c here—from briefly skimming through the texts, a significant portion of the texts appears to be in Malayalam. The [[ml:A Grammar of the Malayalim Language (Peet 1841)|Peet book]] may be within the scope of enWS since it's written in English and uses Malayalam words with context. The other works are more dicey—a significant amount of text is in Malayalam, which might warrant it being hosted on mulWS as opposed to enWS. On the other hand, works such as [[Index:Tamil studies.djvu]] also have a significant amount of text in another language (Tamil, in this case) which I would've expected to have been hosted on mulWS instead.
:::::Is there a formal guideline of sorts that gives an idea of how much non-English text in a work is alright for a work hosted on enWS? Off the top of my head I'd say texts which use non-English words and phrases sparingly could be hosted here, but I can't really think of anyplace this has actually been mentioned. [[WS:Language policy]] redirects to [[WS:Translations]], which doesn't have any info regarding this. &lt;small&gt;—[[User:Clockery|C.]] [[User talk:Clockery|F.]]&lt;/small&gt; 23:38, 24 August 2021 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:Clockery]] Works that are literally half non-English (as in a side by side translation), and works such as a English-(non-English) dictionary seem to be considered 'obviously' in scope by the community here, so the bar where things start being problematic is pretty low. I think if the work is 'usable' to an English language reader, it's probably fine here. That being said, it would probably be easier to maintain just one place, and use an interwiki link. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 00:34, 25 August 2021 (UTC)
::::::::My understanding is that multi-lingual works were in the aegis of mulWS, and that typically works were hosted at one wiki. There are some works that are side-be-side, English/another language, and those have split and are respectively imported using the series explained at [[Template:Iwpage]]. It was why I mentioned mulWS, in my initial response. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:51, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

::::::::: {{comment}} One thing we probably want to eventually sort out is mainspace presentation and export of works using {{tl|iwpage}}. Since the content is loaded by JS in the page namespace, it doesn't work on transclusion and it therefore won't work on export. Which is a big shame for things like ''[[Loeb Classical Library]]'' since that's kind of the whole point.
::::::::: I don't have any immediate idea about how to deal with this (other than throwing up hands and doing it all at enWS!), but I have a sneaking suspicion we'll need at least some server support (either from MW, the export tool, or both). And we'll also likely need to figure out a One True Way to format side-by-side texts in a flexible, exportable and generally not-horrific way. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:12, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

On the general subject, we need clearer rules on this, and those rules shouldn't dissociate us from stuff like the Loeb Classical Library, which is the modern collection of Latin &amp; Ancient Greek works in English. There's a lot of translated material only available in bilingual editions, and that needs to be clearly accessible from here.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:13, 25 August 2021 (UTC)
:I'd like to hear from mulWS ({{ping|Zyephyrus|Ankry|VIGNERON}} as some representatives) on the hosting of dual language works. We we can link to works easily, though it doesn't show up in our searches. I would also be happy to place {{tl|interwiki redirect}}s at the titles (and we can work out WD later). I don't really want to duplicate works as 1) they are dynamic in our proofreading space, 2) they will typically have different templates, 3) duplication is unneeded. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:00, 26 August 2021 (UTC)
::Here are some examples:
::For instance, &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://la.wikisource.org/wiki/Pagina:Ad_Alpes.djvu/46 this book: Latin text and English indications]&lt;/span&gt;, useful on both. Do we place it on mul.ws?--[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 12:59, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:::Or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Fables_d%E2%80%99%C3%89sope_(trad._Chambry,_1927)/L%E2%80%99Aigle,_le_Choucas_et_le_Berger_(bilingue) this one, Ancient Greek and French]&lt;/span&gt;, might be on '''mul.ws''' and offer links to both '''fr.ws''' and '''el.ws'''.

:::I admired the work of [[User:VIGNERON|VIGNERON]] on &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://br.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Pajenn:Lescour_-_Telenn_Remengol.djvu/27&amp;action=edit br.wikisource]&lt;/span&gt; with the {{colors|blue|white|&lt;nowiki&gt;{{iwpage|fr}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template}} used to show &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://br.wikisource.org/wiki/Pajenn:Lescour_-_Telenn_Remengol.djvu/27 the French text}}]&lt;/span&gt;. All these bilingual or multilingual texts would be moved to mul.ws. Do you think this a good solution ? There would be one place and only one to keep these kinds of documents. Would it be convenient and appropriate for all of them? --[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 21:37, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
::::I haven't really given this a lot of thought, so I may be way off base and end up completely changing my mind… But my immediate thought is that ''iff'' we're to delegate something to mulWS we should explicitly take it out of scope (as in not permitted by [[WS:WWI]]) for enWS. To say we permit something but it should mostly be done at mulWS seems unworkable; and having content here that is actually managed at mulWS is untenable (different policies, different practices, different culture; no visibility on watchlists, etc.).{{pbr}}I also generally agree with Prosfilaes' stance above, but reserve the right to modify that due to technical or practical realities.{{pbr}}I suspect that a really ''good'' solution to this would require software support so that a given Page:-namespace page can more easily exist at multiple projects at once. And I don't think that is likely to occur in any reasonable timeframe. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:11, 29 August 2021 (UTC)

{{comment}} Links [[Template:iwpage]]/[[Special:WhatLinkshere/Template:iwpage]] (which is essentially the same at each wiki and [[s:br:Special:WhatLinkshere/Template:iwpage]] — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:10, 29 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[:Category:External links on protected pages]] &amp; Category:Templates used in Mediawiki namespace ==

We have a bit of a maintenance issue in that external links in protected templates and mediawiki: ns are being missed when we are updating links. To assist, I have created the above parent tracking category to label such pages. We obviously cannot use it on Mediawiki: pages, so will have to be content with putting it on the corresponding talk page.  I am working through creating subcats for each WMF tool that I find as they are more likely need to be what is changed, and will do some checks. I will note that as some of these pages use conditional code or includeonly so may be a little tricky to find by searching. [Reminder to not unnecessarily hide things to just avoid visual errors in non-display namespaces or ugly display code.]  I am hoping that this will also allow us to check these a little more easily as we have suffered some link rot.  I think that we may also need to put some checking categories on these so we can at least check these yearly, though haven't got that far and welcome people's thoughts.

I have also identified that we have had some templates transcluded to the mediawiki: ns that have not been protected. Can I express that any such templates need to be '''fully''' protected.  If you are using a template within another template, then all subsidiary templates also need to be protected. Noting that it often it can be safest to simply use html span and div code and embedded css.

On that note, if we are protecting templates, it is better practice to use separate {{tl|documentation}} so the docs can readily updated without someone asking for editing of protected templates. This is not pointing fingers, as some of these are old static pages that don't readily get traffic, and reflect older generation practices.

I welcome any suggestions/feedback here, and any help perusing of the template: and mediawiki: namespaces for targets. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:39, 26 September 2021 (UTC)
:Seems we already have [[:Category:MediaWiki namespace templates]], I will transition to that and update categories. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 10:07, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

== Edit request for MediaWiki filter ==

I've been going through pages with defaultsort conflicts, and it occurred to me that this would be easier if there were a category analogous to [[:Category:Authors with DefaultSort error]]. So I'd like to request that [[:Category:Works with DefaultSort error]] be created and added to [[MediaWiki:Duplicate-defaultsort]]. Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:43, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] {{done}}. This is a good idea, because the current (anti-)pattern of explicit DEFAULTSORTs makes it impossible to do this automatically in the header template (i.e. strip of &quot;A/The&quot; if present). This cat gets us a small step closer to being able to strip most of them out as redundant. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] also I have added the {{parameter|defaultsort}} parameter to {{tl|header}}.
::The task now is to transition all the manual defaultsorts to either that parameter, or, for most(?) of them, do it by stripping A/An/The in the Lua function. I'm not sure the best way to move forward, but one way would be:
::* Temporarily hide the warning text in [[MediaWiki:Duplicate-defaultsort]] in mainspace (leave it enabled in other namespaces), but leave the category
::* Enable the auto-sorting (i.e. stripping of A/An/The) in Lua
::* All the mainspace pages with conflicting sort keys will then drop into the category, but won't spew big red errors
::* The category can be processed (probably with some kind of script, since most of the conflicts are likely &quot;Foo, A&quot; vs &quot;Foo&quot; and easy to handle
::* Once the category is empty, strip the rest of the DEFAULTSORTs, since if they're not throwing errors they must be redundant.
::* Now the pages are transitioned to the parameter, reinstate the warning text
::This is not the only way to do it: you could also
::* Migrate all explicit DEFAULTSORTS in mainspace to the defaultsort parameter, then enable auto-sorting and then go back over all pages and remove redundant keys, or
::* Migrate all explicit DEFAULTSORTS in mainspace to the defaultsort parameter, but just delete any which will become redundant, ''then'' enable auto-sort. This will have short period when some pages will sort by their &quot;A/An/The&quot;.
::Anyway, let me know if you need any more edits to facilitate whichever method you prefer! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:53, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Simon Peter Hughes|Simon Peter Hughes]]: You do a lot of work in this area. Do you have any input here?{{pbr}}@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: Not sure whether it's relevant, but keep in mind that we have some bad habits involving not bothering with the full title in defaultsort so long as the string used will kinda sorta sort properly mostly. Also, the sortkey should ''include'' any article stripped at the end so that titles that differ only in the article will sort correctly among themselves. Also, we have a lot of garbage data in title fields that we probably don't want to throw unprocessed into the magic word. Hmm. And then there's the &quot;Sort key&quot; field in the Index: that could maybe be used for something here… [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] putting the article at the end is indeed how [[Module:Auto sort]] does it, which is what I would suggest [[Module:header]] eventually could use. The current manual ones are done both with and without, e.g. [[A Dictionary of Music and Musicians]], which is literally the first result for &lt;code&gt;insource:DEFAULTSORT&lt;/code&gt; that begins with an article.
::::The least &quot;exciting&quot; way would be to continue to use the subpage name, rather than the title parameter, because that won't change too much. If we wanted to use the title parameter, or inhale from an index page (rather hard, since most header invocations do not know what the index is), that would be a next step.
::::The first steps will have to be removing the manual DEFAULTSORTs, since, because none of them have been set with &lt;code&gt;noerror&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;noreplace&lt;/code&gt;, it's impossible to do anything at all until they are changed to template params (''or'' bot through and ''add'' &lt;code&gt;noerror/noreplace&lt;/code&gt;, which is yet another option for moving forward). There are 132k+ instances, so it's going to be pretty painful whatever happens (and that's why I have never bothered to address it myself). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:08, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|Inductiveload}} Now that [[:Category:Works with DefaultSort error]] is clear and I've had a little time to think about it, I think your first proposed method for transitioning to auto-sorting sounds good! (Assuming you or someone can do the script part, because I sure can't.) And I'm happy to do stuff like manually resolving the trickier conflicts. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:58, 12 February 2022 (UTC)
:::{{re|Inductiveload}} Thank you! I don't particularly have a preference among the different ways of transitioning pages to use the defaultsort parameter. I do have an edit request, though—could you add &lt;syntaxhighlight lang=html inline&gt;| defaultsort = {{{defaultsort|{{SUBPAGENAME}}}}}&lt;/syntaxhighlight&gt; to the header in {{tl|A catalogue of notable Middle Templars, with brief biographical notices}}? Pages in that work had been putting manual DEFAULTSORTs on each page, and I removed that from the preload. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 02:32, 18 January 2022 (UTC)
::::No, please don't do that. There is nothing wrong with individual defaultsort, and it was purposeful to not have it in the template. Having a hidden defaultsort can be problematic. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 11:00, 18 January 2022 (UTC)

== Please delete multiple pages in [[Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] ==

I hope this request is not too much of a hassle. If it is, let me know, and I am willing to continue to deal with it manually. It's a rather painstaking one.

I proofread (and part-proofread) a number of pages of [[Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] prior to realizing (thanks to [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]) how very incomplete the underlying scan was. I have now repaired the scan (manually inserting the missing pages), and I have moved all the pages I'm able to as a non-administrator. But the remaining pages that need to be moved need to overwrite pages that are now redirects or no-text pages, due to the previous page moves.

So, I am hoping that an administrator can can delete all pages starting with scan page 140 that are either:
* Blank, i.e. without text, showing up with grey highlight on the index page, or
* Redirects, showing up with no highlight on the index page.

I'll note, I will likely come back for a second round of this, after I've followed up this request with some more page moves.

If this request is in any way unclear, please either ignore it entirely, or ask for clarification. Thank you for any assistance. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 09:06, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]]: The time-consuming and hard (requires understanding of the specific work / the problem) part is picking out the pages to work on. If you give me a list of pages I can automate the delete or move itself. For deletes, either a flat list of pages, or make a temporary category and tag all the pages to be deleted with that category. For moves, a list of ''page name to move from'' and ''page name to move to'', and whether or not you need to have redirects at the old name or not. With this input I can have a bot do the job in relatively short order. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:50, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}}
:: 140 147 152 209 210 304
:: The full range of 309 to 330 (though a few do not exist)
:: 437 438 445 446 447 502 569 570
:: range: 600 to 623
:: 631
:: Does that do the trick? Thank you! -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 10:25, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::{{re|Peteforsyth}} Well, not quite. The software here doesn't understand the concept of &quot;pages in the book&quot;, it needs to get the list of ''wikipages'' to work on from somewhere. If all the pages are in a category it can look up all pages in that category and delete those, or the list can be manually constructed in this format:
{{cot|List of wikipages}}
&lt;pre&gt;
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/140
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/147
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/152
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/209
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/210
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/304
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/309
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/310
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/311
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/312
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/313
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/314
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/315
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/316
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/317
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/318
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/319
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/320
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/321
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/322
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/323
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/324
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/325
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/326
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/327
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/328
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/329
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/330
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/437
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/438
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/445
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/446
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/447
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/502
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/569
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/570
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/631
&lt;/pre&gt;
{{cob}}
:::Always keep in mind that computers are dumb as bricks: a human always has to tell them what to do in excruciating detail. So in this case I had to translate your page number ranges into a flat list of wikipages. I made the assumption that the numbers were the physical page indexes. If instead you meant the logical page numbers (the ones printed in the book, and that you've mapped to physical page indexes in the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;pagelist …&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; tag) then the list will have to mapped from the one to the other. (and to be clear, I need you to check that the list above is correct / what you want deleted before I push the button)--[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:33, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::BTW, I tried to write down some instructions to make it easier to make mass action requests to admins [[Special:PermanentLink/12118715|here]]. Feedback on whether these are helpful and understandable would be appreciated. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:54, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::: Thanks much. I've taken note of your instructions where I can find them next time, and I'll get you any feedback (but at first blush it seems plenty clear). For some reason, your bot seems to have missed this range (though it was in your list). Maybe it's just operating slowly, or maybe something went wrong:
&lt;pre&gt;
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
&lt;/pre&gt;
:::::-[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:53, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: {{ping|Xover}} Oh, wait. It looks like [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] is working to address these problems, maybe in a different way, I'm not sure if what they're doing is aligned with this request or not. So, probably best not to take any further action until we've heard from them? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:58, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::::: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} As best I can tell, the approach you're taking is going to require a bunch of my work to be redone, which is what I was hoping to avoid. For instance, by deleting the ''content'' instead of the ''page'' at [[Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/328]], you have made it impossible to move the fully proofread page at [[Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/306]] into its proper location. If I'm misunderstanding something, please let me know. But I was trying to approach this in a way that would not require any pages to be proofread a second time. I'd prefer if the final list of pages could be deleted. I'm fine with manually moving pages once the target pages have been deleted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:04, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

:  Please list WHICH pages are wrong and by how many pages they need to be moved. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:09, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
&lt;s&gt;:: Unless you have done any new proofreading, I believe the most straightforward solution at this point would be if [[user:Xover|Xover]] could just run the bot on the initial list he put together (above), which appears to be entirely correct.&lt;/s&gt;
:: I have not requested that any pages be moved, because I can't think of a programmatic way to express that. I've already manually moved dozens of pages, and I'm happy to manually move dozens more. If you think it's better to move them in a programmatic way, I'll probably need some help formulating that request. The offset shifts many times, due to the presence of many illustrated plates and many pages having been omitted in the initially-uploaded scan. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:16, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::: Oh, never mind, now I see that you're moving pages as well as replacing content. I can't really tell what your vision is, so I'm not going to recommend any action here, don't want us all working at cross purposes. I'll probably just delete all these pages from my watchlist for a while until everything settles down, I don't think I can contribute usefully as it is now. (But I do need to scan those remaining 2 pages before the library book is due. I'll make that my last contribution for a while.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:27, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: Think, talk, then act; especially for a work someone else is actively working on. Please discuss with [[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]] and agree on a course of action before moving pages around.{{pbr}}There's no real advantage to moving pages programatically, vs. manually, but unless you want redirects it's often best to have an admin do it. And for any admin to do it in a reasonable time frame it needs to be automated. If you would prefer to move with redirects and then ask for deletion of the redirects afterwards that's fine too. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:35, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

::::   Perhaps someone can sit down and carefully document which page rages are incorrectly placed now? ( Where I'd replaced content, It was that I'd re OCR'ed a page, that had been a redirect, or previously been marked as a blank and now wasn't.)

These are some of the ranges that I think are in the wrong place (I've got no objections to my good faith efforts being overwritten during page moves.)

{{collapse top|This table contains errors, I ''think'' I have corrected them in the version below. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:07, 11 April 2022 (UTC)}}
{|class=wikitable
|-
!Old Page (Djvu)   
!Offset needed.
|-
|301-308||+22
|-
|-
|443-439||+22
|-
|448-460||+22 
|-
|461-463||+6
|-
|557-599||+24
|}
{{collapse bottom}}
(There may be others)

The pagelist itself should now be correct and complete, however.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:45, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

::: Thank you both for your efforts. I've thought it through, and given what seems like a choice between &quot;sit down and carefully document&quot; vs. &quot;just re-proofread the affected pages&quot;, I think I prefer the latter. Is it OK if we just stop the deletions, and stop any further moves unless the mover is certain that the source page is superior to the target?
::: And if so, can we move any further discussion/planning back to [[Index talk:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]], since I don't think that approach will require any administrative intervention?
::: Appreciate both your efforts a great deal. I especially appreciate the guidance on how to approach this sort of thing, and I'll consult it in the future if I have a similar need. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 18:39, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::That sounds like a good plan. If you do end up needing any bulk actions please feel free to request them here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:44, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: Xover, see above, I think it's only those ranges I identifed that are affected.  For someone with admin level rights, a move should be straightforward.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:25, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::: Thanks for doing this, it looks pretty good. But:
::::: 433 should be +22 (and I'm guessing some of the pages following it should share that offset as well). And there seems to be a typo in the 2nd row of the table, &quot;|443-436||+12&quot; (note that the page sequence goes down not up), so I'm not sure what's intended there. I did spot-check the other rows (as in, checked one or two pages in each range) and they seemed good. Do note, if taking this approach it would be good to start with the last row of the table and work backward, as at least one or two of the pages will &quot;overlap.&quot; -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:46, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} Could you take another look at this? Looks like your table is really close. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 09:29, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

I'd like to get back to proofreading this. {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} it seems like we were almost there, and if you're not up for double-checking your work here, I think after another review, I'm fairly confident that the second row should simply read &quot;433-459&quot; instead of &quot;443-439&quot;. If so, it can easily be combined with the following row, as the ranges overlap. I've looked at enough of the pages to be reasonably sure that would take care of it; {{ping|Xover}} could you move the pages as indicated in the (edited) version of the table below? If by chance a handful of errors result, I'll just take care of them by hand. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:07, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

Corrected table:
{|class=wikitable
|-
!Old Page (Djvu)   
!Offset needed.
|-
|301-308||+22
|-
|-
|433-460||+22
|-
|461-463||+6
|-
|557-599||+24
|}

: I am not touching this again until it's in a KNOWN state, and all the existing pages are re-aligned.  This is why I try and check the pagelist before anything else is done. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:24, 11 April 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} I have not asked you to ''touch'' it again, I've asked you to double-check your own work here on this discussion page. Your table above has some errors; as I understand it, you intended the table to address the problems you caused. You're welcome to not engage further, that's fine, and indeed your clear expression that you will not touch it is more useful than simply walking away from the discussion, because it allows me to know that your work on this will not again collide with mine. But please don't insinuate that I caused the problems with this one. I have been trying to communicate with you from the start. 

:: I do appreciate your efforts to help with this -- very much. You have been extremely helpful with many of my transcription efforts, and I have learned many things from you. It is greatly appreciated. But please don't miss the fact that the lack of communication is the very thing that caused this particular work to be such a mess. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 22:33, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

: I'm sorry if I sounded too strong, and I certainly didn't mean to insinuate anything, if anything my strongly worded comment above was mostly aimed at myself. I'll have another look at your updated table. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:00, 11 April 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you for acknowledging that, and I must confess I was also a little overwrought in my own message above. It's true that in my initial enthusiasm I transcribed a bunch of pages before checking for missing pages, as you've pointed out. I've never known that approach to backfire quite as spectacularly as it has in this instance. I regret that approach and I appreciate both of your efforts to help resolve it. I've been stressed about some totally unrelated stuff, and I think I was taking that out here without realizing it. Sorry. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 00:27, 12 April 2022 (UTC)
:::See my revised request below, I made some further checks and listed every single page, because I wasn't sure of the ranges given earlier.
:::I've batched up the requests, and they should be done in the order presented, so as to as avoid 'moving' the wrong versions.
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:00, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

== Russia—Ukraine conflict on-wiki ==

Just a note that the ongoing Russia—Ukraine conflict (and I am deliberately not characterizing it beyond identifying it) is currently creating echoes on-wiki across Wikimedia projects, with Wikimedians sympathising with one or the other of the involved parties acting or reacting on-wiki to events happening IRL. It is very likely this kind of thing will spill over to English Wikisource too (for example, speeches by representatives of the parties or by third parties are in scope) and by its very nature it is an issue apt to engender very strong feelings and emotional responses. I urge all admins to be on the lookout for on-wiki behaviour or actions that appear motivated in some way by this conflict and step in to manage such situations ''before'' they spin out of control, but with diplomacy and sensitivity in a very difficult situation for many.

Also, if you are an admin with a personal stake in this conflict or very strong feelings about it, please leave admin actions that are at all related to it to other admins. We've seen otherwise intelligent and level-headed admins on other projects act on what they feel is a moral imperative but entirely outside policy. There may indeed be trolling or propaganda being perpetuated on-wiki that we need to manage, but if you have a personal stake or very strong feelings you are probably not going to be the best person to make the judgement call of where to draw the line.

Hopefully we can keep this place a fussy, dusty, and what most would consider pretty boring place rather than import IRL conflicts. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:05, 28 February 2022 (UTC)

:In agreement. [[User:Ineuw|Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 23:45, 1 March 2022 (UTC)
::Agreed. Telling us any existing conflicts may catch our attention.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:44, 26 April 2022 (UTC)

== Move request for [[Castelvines y Monteses]] ==

I'd like to request that [[Castelvines y Monteses]] and its subpages be moved to [[Castelvines y Monteses (Cosens)]] etc. without leaving redirects, to make room for a translations page. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 02:22, 10 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:53, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

== Page realignment request:[[:Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] ==

The 'realignment' below should be done in the 'batch' order presented to avoid moving the 'wrong' pages. Thanks. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:01, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 1
!Old page 
!pp
!New page
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/301|| (pp 289)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/323
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/302||  (pp 290)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/324
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/303||  (pp 291)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/325
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/305||  (pp 293)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/327
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/306||  (pp 294) || Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/328
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/307|| (pp 295)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/329
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/308||  (pp 296)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/329
|}
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:15, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 2
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/461||(pp 425)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/467
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/462||(pp 426)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/468
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/463||(pp 427)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/469
|}

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 3
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/433||(pp 415)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/455
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/434||(pp 416)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/456
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/435||(pp 417)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/457
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/436||(pp 418)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/458
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/439||(pp 419)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/461
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/440||(pp 420)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/462
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/441||(pp 421)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/463
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/442||(pp 422)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/464
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/443||(pp 423)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/465
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/444||(pp 424)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/466
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/448||(pp 428)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/470
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/449||(pp 429)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/471
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/450||(pp 430)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/472
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/451||(pp 431)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/473
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/452||(pp 432)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/474
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/453||(pp 433)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/475
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/454||(pp 434)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/476
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/455||(pp 435)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/477
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/456||(pp 436)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/478
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/457||(pp 437)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/479
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/458||(pp 438)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/480
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/459||(pp 439)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/481
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/460||(pp 440)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/482
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 05:13, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 4
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/571||(pp. 547)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/595
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/572||(pp. 548)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/596
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/573||(pp. 549)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/597
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/574||(pp. 550)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/598
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/575||(pp. 551)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/599
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/576||(pp. 552)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/577||(pp. 553)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/578||(pp. 554)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/579||(pp. 555)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/580||(pp. 556)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/581||(pp. 557)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/582||(pp. 558)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/583||(pp. 559)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/584||(pp. 560)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/585||(pp. 561)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/586||(pp. 562)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/587||(pp. 563)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/588||(pp. 564)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/589||(pp. 565)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/590||(pp. 566)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/591||(pp. 567)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/592||(pp. 568)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/593||(pp. 569)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/594||(pp. 570)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/595||(pp. 571)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/596||(pp. 572)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/597||(pp. 573)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/621
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/598||(pp. 574)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/622
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/599||(pp. 575)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
|}


{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 5
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/557||(pp. 535)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/581
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/558||(pp. 536)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/582
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/559||(pp. 537)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/583
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/560||(pp. 538)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/584
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/561||(pp. 539)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/585
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/562||(pp. 540)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/586 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/563||(pp  541)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/587
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/564||(pp. 542)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/588
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/565||(pp. 543)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/589
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/566||(pp. 544)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/590
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/567||(pp. 545)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/591
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/568||(pp. 546)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/592
|}
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 05:56, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]], @[[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]]: {{done}} Please check that I didn't mess up anything. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:30, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

:: {{ping|Xover}} Thank you! I'm traveling and won't be able to check closely for a week or so, but I appreciate the effort and the note! -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:01, 24 April 2022 (UTC)

== request move volume Zoologist ==

Could an administrator please move the index of a volume of ''[[The Zoologist]]''?

It's about [[:Index:The Zoologist - Volume 4.djvu]]. It should be moved to [[:Index:The Zoologist, 1st series, vol 4 (1846).djvu]], to have it conform to other volumes of The Zoologist, that are indexed, especially in the [[The Zoologist/3rd series|3rd]] and [[The Zoologist/4th series|4th series]]. Thanks, --[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]] ([[User talk:Dick Bos|talk]]) 10:44, 13 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]]: The Index: page needs to be at the same name as the associated File:; which in this case is on Commons, so you'll first need to request a move there and then we can move the Index: and Page: pages here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:33, 23 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover]], thank you. Done. --[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]] ([[User talk:Dick Bos|talk]]) 17:41, 25 April 2022 (UTC)

== Trying to transclude &quot;The Queen Bee&quot; ==

I am trying to transclude &quot;The Queen Bee&quot; to the page [[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 1/The Queen Bee]], but it says my action may be harmful. [[Special:Contributions/192.107.137.242|192.107.137.242]] 17:27, 19 April 2022 (UTC)

:Annoyingly, your edit was caught in a [[meta:Special:AbuseFilter/131|global filter]] because it appeared like vandalism (non-logged-in users removing large amounts of contiguous text are a common signature of vandalism at most wikis). The good news is that you only need 10 edits to become an &quot;established enough&quot; editor for the filter to no longer apply. This is a global filter, so we can't change it immediately here. However, if we see lots of these hits, we should probably get the filter changed to allow edits if the wiki is a Wikisource and the edit contains &quot;&lt;pages&quot;. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:46, 19 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: IP editors never get autoconfirmed, so that won't help here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:34, 23 April 2022 (UTC)
:@192.107: if you give us the details (Index: link and relevant pages) we can transclude it for you. Alternately, it is really recommended to register a user account (entirely free, and you don't even need to provide an email address if you don't want to). With a user account it's much easier to communicate, and after something like 10 edits you get extended permissions that exempt you from some spam filters, let you move pages, etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:38, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

== Renaming request for Author:Pierre Banet-Rivet ==

Hi! I'd like to rename [[Author:Pierre Banet-Rivet]] in [[Author:Paul Banet-Rivet]]. I don't know were the name ''Pierre'' comes from; I was able to locate his birth certificate ([[d:Q17278990#P735|see on Wikidata]]) and it is definitely Paul. --[[User:Jahl de Vautban|Jahl de Vautban]] ([[User talk:Jahl de Vautban|talk]]) 19:00, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jahl de Vautban|Jahl de Vautban]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:19, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== New index page broken? ==

Just created [[:Index:The Private Life Of Helen Of Troy(1926) (IA dli.ernet.524076).pdf]] and there’s a big error message and size of 0. What’s going on? [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 17:42, 25 April 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:Feydey|feydey]] I told the form that the page was pdf, and now it works.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 23:58, 25 April 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 08:30, 26 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[m:Requests for comment/Global de-adminship for Jusjih]] ==

A user is requesting to &quot;global de-admin&quot; (sorry I really don't know how likely if this could be happened) {{ping|Jusjih}} which in requestor's claim, has many disruptive and abusive behaviors in several Chinese-language projects and Meta-Wiki, the requestor is also mentioned en.wikisource here where Jusjih is also an administrator, but didn't say anything else on their en.wikisource's behaviors. Do any of our adminships that may or may not familiar Jusjih's works know how to resolve it? --[[User:Liuxinyu970226|Liuxinyu970226]] ([[User talk:Liuxinyu970226|talk]]) 05:18, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
* I have commented on a similar section on the Wikipedia administrator's noticeboard to the effect that I have seen nothing from Jusjih on this project that would merit de-adminship. [[User:BD2412|&lt;span style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/span&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 06:22, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
::I have done the same on the meta RFC. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:05, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
:::Hello all, en.wikisource will no longer be included in the scope. Your opinions will be still welcomed if you will. Thank you. [[User:Zhxy 519|Zhxy 519]] ([[User talk:Zhxy 519|talk]]) 00:45, 30 April 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added my thoughts at meta as well. [[User:BD2412|&lt;span style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/span&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 06:23, 30 April 2022 (UTC)
:::We should still consider whether to directly adopt [[w:Wikipedia:No personal attacks]] and [[w:Wikipedia:Assume good faith]] while cited by [[w:Wikipedia:Don't remind others of past misdeeds]].--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 18:06, 7 May 2022 (UTC)

== Move request for [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] ==

Could [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] and its subpages linked in the TOC be moved to [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 1]] etc.? ([[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2]] and its subpages should not be moved.) Once this is done I'd also like for [[The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers]] to be moved to [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]]. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:06, 5 May 2022 (UTC)
: Question: Why is &quot;..., or garden...&quot; in the title?  It does not appear on the work's title page. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:04, 5 May 2022 (UTC)
::{{re|EncycloPetey}} Wow, I didn't notice that! I have no idea, and would be happy for you to take it out. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:12, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::It appears on the full title page: [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/9]]. But I would agree that a better page name would be [[The Paradise]], or possibly [[The Paradise of the Holy Fathers]].{{pbr}}In any case, this does not look like a simple move: there are a gazillion subpages in a complicated work structure that currently does not use subpages in a sane way. See [[Special:PrefixIndex/The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/]]. In other words, I think this needs a bigger cleanup and a well-tought-out subpage structure. [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/Chapter 1]] for ''The History of Abba Isidore'' for example.{{pbr}}That kind of cleanup is possibly best handled manually by someone with +sysop (for which I do not have the spare cycles currently, sorry). Alternately, given a list of page moves I can have a bot do it. If so, the format would be:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[From page 1]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[To page 1]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[From page 2]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[To page 2]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;{{pbr}}Or any other variant with ''from'' a delimiter ''to'' that I can easily transform it. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:24, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 23:51, 9 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just to note, I haven't forgotten about this but I am waiting for the fix to [[phab:T307826]] to get deployed to PAWS. If it's really pressing I can work around it by running from a local checkout of HEAD, but that's a bit of a hassle so I'll just wait for the deployment unless I'm nagged on. :) [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 13:11, 13 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} The bugfix finally got deployed so I've run the move. Please check the results and update the internal links as needed (let me know if you need any batch regex replacements there). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:10, 23 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:Xover|Xover]]: Thank you! Could you update the links in the TOC for Volume 1? [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/13]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/14]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/15]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/16]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/17]]. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:40, 24 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:15, 24 May 2022 (UTC)
{{collapse top|title=Pages to move}}
::::* [[The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers]] to [[The Paradise]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Preface]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Preface]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Introduction]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Introduction]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Epistle of Palladius to Lausus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The Plan of the Book of Paradise]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 Counsels to Lausus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The History of Abba Isidore]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Dorotheos of Thebes]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of the Virgin Potamiaena]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of Didymus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of the Maiden Alexandra]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of Abba Macarius and a certain Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 Concerning the Monks who lived in Nitria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of Abba Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of the Blessed Man Hor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of the Blessed Man Pambo]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of the Blessed Man Ammonius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of the Blessed Man Benjamin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of Apollonius the Merchant]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The Histories of Paesius and Isaiah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Macarius, the Child of his Cross]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of the Blessed Nathaniel]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The Histories of Macarius the Egyptian, and of Macarius the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of the Blessed Man Macarius, the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of the Blessed Man Paul the Simple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of the Blessed Man Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Blessed Man Stephen]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The History of the Blessed Man Valens, the Palestinian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The History of the Blessed Man Hero, the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The History of the Blessed Man Ptolemy, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The History of the Blessed Man Abraham, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The History of the Virgin in Jerusalem]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The History of the Virgin in Caesarea]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The History of the Virgin who fell and repented]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The History of another Virgin who fell and repented]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The History of the Blessed Thais or Thaisis]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/31 The History of the Blessed Man Abba Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 31]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/32 The History of the Blessed Man Dorotheos]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 32]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/33 The History of the Blessed Man Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 33]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/34 An Apology, and Preface, and Admonition]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 34]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/35 The History of the Virgin who hid Athanasius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 35]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/36 The History of Piamon the Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 36]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/37 The History of Mother Talida]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 37]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/38 The History of the Virgin Taor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 38]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/39 The History of the Virgin Colluthus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 39]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/40 The History of the Virgin and the Magistrianus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 40]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/41 The History of Melania the Great]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 41]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/42 The History of Melania the Younger]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 42]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/43 The History of Olympias]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 43]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/44 The History of Candida]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 44]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/45 The History of Gelasia]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 45]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/46 The History of Juliana]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 46]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/47 The History of Heronion and Bosphoria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 47]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/48 The History of Magna]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 48]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/49 The History of the Monk Misericors]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 49]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/50 The History of John of Lycus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 50]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/51 The History of Possidonius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 51]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/52 The History of Chronius of Phcenix]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 52]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/53 The History of James the Lame and Paphnutius Kephala]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 53]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/54 The History of Solomon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 54]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/55 The History of Dorotheos]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 55]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/56 The History of Diocles]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 56]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/57 The History of Kapiton]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 57]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/58 The History of the Monk who fell]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 58]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/59 The History of Ephraim, Deacon of Edessa]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 59]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/60 The History of Innocent the Priest]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 60]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/61 The History of Elpidius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 61]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/62 The History of Eustathius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 62]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/63 The History of Sisinnius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 63]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/64 The History of Gaddai, the Palestinian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 64]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/65 The History of Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 65]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/66 The History of Sabas of Jericho]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 66]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/67 The History of Serapion of the Girdle]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 67]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/68 The History of Eulogius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 68]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Triumph of Mark the Mourner]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Mar Paulus (Paule)]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of an Old Man in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of Peter]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of Aurelius (Adolius)]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of Abba Moses, the Indian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Abba Pior]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Abba Moses, the Libyan]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of a Wandering Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Evagrius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Malchus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of the Two Naked Fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of an Old Man who went Naked]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of another Holy Man]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of a Grass-eating Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of a certain Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Two Young Men with Macarius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The History of Bessarion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The History of the Acts of Bessarion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The History of the Man with Nine Virtues]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The History of Maria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The History of a Sage]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The History of the Two Brothers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The History of a Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The History of Stephana]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The History of Eucarpus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/31 The History of the Deacon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 31]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/32 The History of the Bishop]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 32]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/33 The History of Abba Poemen's Neighbour]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 33]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/34 The History of a Brother who denied Christ]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 34]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/35 The History of an Old Man in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 35]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/36 The History of Serapion and the Harlot]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 36]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/37 The History of a Harlot]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 37]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/38 The History of Apollo in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 38]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/39 The History of Cosmas of Sinai]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 39]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/40 The History of Abba Macarius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 40]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/41 The History of the Melchisedekian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 41]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/42 The History of Macarius, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 42]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/43 The History of Mark the Less]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 43]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/44 The History of Abba Paule, disciple of Anthony]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 44]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Monks of Tabenna]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Sylvanus the Actor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of a Sinner who died]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of the Funeral of a Holy Man]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of the Things heard by Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of the Things which Pachomius did]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of the Words of Doctrine of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Pachomius and the Wheat]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Pachomius and the Wages of the Brethren]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of the Apostate Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Pachomius and the Phantom]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of the Gift of Tongues]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of Jonah the Gardener]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of Pachomius and the Buildings]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of Pachomius and the Heretics]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of a Question and Answer]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of a Vainglorious Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Monk in the Monastery]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Further Remarks by Palladius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Further Remarks by Palladius]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Apology]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of John of Lycus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of Abba Hor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of Abbd Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of Abba Abban]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of the Monks of Oxyrrhynchus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of Abba Theon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of Abba Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of Abba Apollo]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of Apellen]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Apollo, and of John the DesertDweller]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Abba Paphnutius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of Eulogius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Isidore]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Dioscurus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of Copres and Petarpemotis]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of Hor, Isaiah, Paul, and Nopi]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of Evagrius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of Abba Pithyrion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The Triumphs of the Blessed Fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The Triumphs of the Monks who were in Nitria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The Triumph of Ammon the First]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The Triumph of another Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The Triumph of Didymus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The Triumph of Chronius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The Triumph of the Three Brethren]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The Triumph of Philemon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The Triumph of John]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The Triumph of Serapion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The Triumph of Apollo the Less]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 1]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 2]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 3]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 4]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 5]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 6]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 7]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 8]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 9]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 10]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 11]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 12]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 13]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 14]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions And Answers On The Rule Of Life Of The Holy Men]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions And Answers On The Rule Of Life Of The Holy Men]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions By The Pupils And The Answers To The Same By The Holy Fathers And Monks]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions By The Pupils And The Answers To The Same By The Holy Fathers And Monks]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions And Answers On The Vision Of The Mind]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions And Answers On The Vision Of The Mind]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Appendix]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Appendix]]
{{collapse bottom}}

== Protected edit request for [[Module:ISO 639]] ==

I'd like it if there were an option in [[Module:ISO 639]] to specify an error message if the language code isn't recognized. The way I'd do it is [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12317806 like this]—unless there are uses of the module where it's important that it return &lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; if the language code isn't recognized, in which case I can adjust accordingly. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:56, 5 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: The convention is that functions return &lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; to signal an error, particularly this kind of error, and it's generally bad practice to hard code error messages down in library code (for all sorts of reasons). This kind of behaviour is better handled closer to the user layer, but possibly aided by a function in the library to ''check'' whether the code exists and returning a boolean on which the error message can be made conditional. What's the context / use case? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:32, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] The use case is that {{tl|ISO 639 name}} has an option to provide a default value if the code isn't recognized, and now that the template is using [[Module:ISO 639]], I want to make sure that functionality still works. Which, now that I'm typing this, I'm realizing could be done with just an option in the module to provide a default value, something like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12323167 this].
::(Another question: what's a good way to do error-categorization for {{tl|ISO 639 name}}?) —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 22:49, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: Error categorization is just outputting whatever category you want at some point where the wikimarkup could validly appear. I wish the MW devs would move categories out of page content and into metadata for a page, and allow an API from Lua to set cats in a structured way. But for now it's just a matter of spitting out a text string with the category markup and hoping it'll be in some valid context that doesn't mess up formatting.{{pbr}}But what is the use case for having a default language if an invalid language code is provided? In what situation would you want some random and possibly changeable language name returned? As an interface guarantee, &quot;returning either a valid language name or ''nil''&quot; is a lot cleaner than &quot;… or possibly some default value, picked either by a template or module developer, or provided by the end user, that may or may not understand what it means and what the template does, and may or may not be stable over time, and may or may not be a valid language name under some standard or local convention or colloquially or in the user's head.&quot;{{pbr}}&lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; ''is'' a &quot;default value&quot; of a sort, that has the precise semantics &quot;something went wrong&quot;. When something goes wrong you generally want either calling code or the invoking user to be made aware of that fact immediately so that they can fix it. Returning some seemingly valid output is directly contrary to this goal: it ''obfuscates'' the fact that we are in an error situation and thus makes it harder to fix. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:47, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you for explaining! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 22:34, 9 May 2022 (UTC)

== DIFFERENT protected edit request for [[Module:ISO 639]] ==

It's occurred to me that it would be nice if the list of recognized language codes were available outside the module, and the simplest way to do that would be [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12345814 like this]: move the lookup table outside of the &lt;code&gt;language_name&lt;/code&gt; function, and add this function:
&lt;pre&gt;
--[=[
Get the list of all recognized ISO 639 (-1, -2 or -3) codes.
]=]
function p.language_codes()
	return pairs(langs)
end
&lt;/pre&gt;

Would this be possible? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:56, 15 May 2022 (UTC)

:…possibly &lt;code&gt;pairs&lt;/code&gt; doesn't do what I want it to there, but the substance of the request still stands. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 00:11, 16 May 2022 (UTC)
::Yeah, it definitely doesn't, and I'm no longer sure what I wanted a table of all valid ISO codes for, so never mind. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:10, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

== Protected edit request for [[Template:Progress bar]] ==

I've created [[Module:Progress bar]], which implements {{tl|progress bar}} in Lua (and adds support for changing the width of the bar). I've tested this at [[Template:Sandbox]] and as far as I can tell everything works. Assuming there's nothing I've missed, I'd like for [[Template:Progress bar]] to be edited to this:
&lt;pre&gt;
&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Progress bar/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar
|total={{{total|}}}
|validated={{{validated|}}}
|proofread={{{proofread|}}}
|not_proofread={{{not proofread|}}}
|problematic={{{problematic|}}}
|notext={{{notext|}}}
|height={{{height|}}}
|width={{{width|}}}
}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/pre&gt;
Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] FYI, I don't think you need to verbosely pass through all the parameters: you're using [[Module:Arguments]] which happily pulls the arguments out of the &lt;code&gt;mw.getCurrentFrame().getParent()&lt;/code&gt;. All you should need is &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; (I think) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:52, 31 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] Awesome, thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:31, 31 May 2022 (UTC)
::Updated edit request:
&lt;pre&gt;
&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Progress bar/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/pre&gt;
::—[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:18, 4 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]], does the above code look good to you? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 06:56, 22 July 2022 (UTC)

==Vandalism==
Hello, I noticed an ip which was vandalising [[User:Mpaa]] and kept vandalising (page blanking and content removal) this administrators userpage. The ip: [[Special:Contributions/2601:183:CB81:6460:F078:25B3:3716:3BE6]]. They might need to be blocked or the page might require protection. Thanks, [[User:Terasail|Terasail]] ([[User talk:Terasail|talk]]) 15:37, 2 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Terasail}} Blocked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:39, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== Bulk move request for [[Index:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu]] ==

See also: [[Index talk:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu]]

{|
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/63||(pp 141.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/155
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/64||(pp 142.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/156
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles Odes_(1748).djvu/65||(pp 143.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/157
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/66||(pp 144.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/158
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/67||(pp 145.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/159
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/68||(pp 146.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/160
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/69||(pp 147.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/161
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:52, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

The range [[Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/70]] to [[Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/76]] are blank and should be at the end of the work as indicated by the pagelist for the Index. 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:54, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:54, 10 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] ==

A new DJVU scan was uploaded for Volume 2 (with some missing pages re-instated) as a Djvu (see: [[Wikisource:Proposed_deletions#The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy]]), and so the pages here were migrated back from the PDF to the new scan, and any transclusions were updated.

Because I can't delete the generated redirects when migrating pages between scans, it will need an Admin to do this, and I am requesting this here.
:Done, I have removed all pages in Vol.2 pdf.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:41, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

I had also migrated the relatively small number of pages for [[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_20.pdf]] as well.

This leaves Volume 9 to be migrated across and Volume 1 carefully compared between the DJVU and PDF versions.

[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:03, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

== Index Migration: ==

Source: -  [[Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksofc09tols).pdf]]&lt;br&gt;
Destination:-  [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 09.djvu]]&lt;br&gt;
Page-ranges: 1-12,16,18-24, 179-182, 213, 239-242, 289-292, 324-326, 323-326, 363-366, 407-412&lt;br&gt; [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:10, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:09, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

== Index Migration ==

Source:[[:Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]&lt;br&gt;
Destination:[[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 01.djvu]]&lt;br&gt;
Page-ranges: 109-112 , 168, 187-188, 290, 544
:Done, most of the pages were already existing, so no move was done for them. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:18, 17 June 2022 (UTC)


Source: [[:Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc19tols).pdf]]
Destination: [[:Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 19.djvu]]
Page-range: 93
:Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:18, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

Which with the moves of Volume 2, 9 and 20 will allow removal of the PDF based Index for the entire set in favour of the DJVU versions. 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:27, 16 June 2022 (UTC)
:Left to do: rm all pages in Page/Index ns relative to pdf versions.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:43, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

== Migration of pages due to updated source file. ==

{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
!pp (if relevant)
!Destination
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/13
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/3||9861037||(pp001)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/15
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/4||9861038||(pp002)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/16
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/5||||(pp003)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/17
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/6||||(pp004)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/18
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/7||9861042||(pp005)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/19
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/8||9861043||(pp006)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/20
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/9||||(pp007)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/21
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/10||||(pp 008)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/22
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/11||||(pp 009)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/23
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/12||||(pp 010)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/24
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/13||||(pp 011)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/25
|-
|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/470||||(pp468)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/471||||(pp469)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/472||||(pp470)||page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/475&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp473)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/487&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/478&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp476)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/490&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/479&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp477)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/491&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/480&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp478)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/492&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/481&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp479)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/493&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:53, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: We can deal with this once the deletion discussion is completed. Please don't make multiple requests about the same work in different venues. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:54, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== Request for moving an Index page ==

Dear admin,

Could you please move [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]] to [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]] and also its Page namespace to match its current file name? Thank you. '''&amp;middot;&amp;middot;&amp;middot;''' &lt;span title=&quot;Cherry blossom&quot;&gt;🌸&lt;/span&gt; [[User:Rachmat04|'''Rachmat04''']] '''&amp;middot;''' [[User talk:Rachmat04|&lt;span title=&quot;Let's discuss!&quot;&gt;☕&lt;/span&gt;]] 08:56, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Rachmat04|Rachmat04]]There is no point in moving the index or pages in Page ns. What matters is the title of the work in Main ns. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:17, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::I understood. But, there's a downside if the index page and file name doesn't match. If we are on [[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/17]], we cannot navigate to previous and next page, and also if we click the &lt;code&gt;^&lt;/code&gt; arrow, it points us to &quot;Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu&quot;, which is not exist. '''&amp;middot;&amp;middot;&amp;middot;''' &lt;span title=&quot;Cherry blossom&quot;&gt;🌸&lt;/span&gt; [[User:Rachmat04|'''Rachmat04''']] '''&amp;middot;''' [[User talk:Rachmat04|&lt;span title=&quot;Let's discuss!&quot;&gt;☕&lt;/span&gt;]] 14:01, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{Re|Rachmat04}} I think it would be easier to move the file back to the name corresponding to the index page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:12, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Update MC Template ==

Can an administrator update the MC template from [[Template:Collaboration/MC/sandbox]]. It contains a little additional text to make it more welcoming to new users. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 19:36, 14 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:26, 14 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:36, 15 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Page:The Indian Biographical Dictionary.djvu/189]] ==

Hello. In the history of the above page, please hide the two edits immediately before my edit. They contain a spam link being pushed across numerous wikis. Cheers. ['''[[:User:Cromium|&lt;sub&gt;24&lt;/sub&gt;Cr]]''']['''[[:User talk:Cromium|talk]]'''] 12:47, 15 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:07, 15 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>fa3yko94hvvl0vdi2bupvqv4851gj9m</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508090</id>
      <parentid>12508089</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:58:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Requesting page protection for {{tl|left sidenote}} and {{tl|right sidenote}} */ resolved: actioned ([[User:DannyS712/Quick closer|Quick closer]] v.1.0.2)</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="130726" xml:space="preserve">{{process header
 | title    = Administrators' noticeboard
 | section  =
 | previous = [[Wikisource:Index/Community|Community page]]
 | next     = [[/Archives|Archives]] ([[/Archives/{{CURRENTYEAR}}|current]])
 | shortcut = [[WS:AN]]
 | notes    = This is a discussion page for coordinating and discussing administrative tasks on Wikisource. Although its target audience is [[Wikisource:administrators|administrators]], ''any user'' is welcome to leave a message or join the discussion here. This is also the place to report vandalism or request an administrator's help. 

* '''Please make your comments concise.''' Editors and administrators are less likely to pay attention to long diatribes.
* This is '''not the place for general discussion.''' For that, see the [[Wikisource:Scriptorium|community discussion page]].
* Administrators please use template {{tl|closed}} to identify completed discussions that can be archived
{{editabuselinks}}{{autoarchive resolved section
 | age            = 7
 | archive        = ((FULLPAGENAME))/Archives/((year))
 | show           = yes
 | level          = 
 | timecompare    = resolved
}}
}}__NEWSECTIONLINK__ {{/snapshot}}

=Checkuser requests=
* [[Wikisource:checkuser policy]]
* At this point of time, English Wikisource has '''no''' checkusers and requests need to be undertaken by stewards
** it would be expected that requests on authentic users would be discussed on this wiki prior to progressing to stewards
** requests by administrators for identification and blocking of IP ranges to manage spambots and longer term nuisance-only editing can be progressed directly to the stewards
** [[m:Steward requests/Checkuser|requests for checkuser]]

=Bureaucrat requests=
* To request a global rename, go to [[Special:GlobalRenameRequest]].
=Page (un)protection requests=
{{fmbox
| image = [[Image:User-info.svg|40px]]
| type = editnotice
| style = margin-top: -0.5em; 
| text = &lt;p&gt;At this section you can request protection of a page, eg. a text that you have checked against a hard copy, or a template. Please make sure that the request follows the requirements of the [[Wikisource:Protection policy#Procedure|procedure for protecting pages]].&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;You can also request unprotection of a text according to the [[Wikisource:Protection policy#Procedure|procedure for protecting pages]]. You should request a reprotection when your work is done. Alternately utilise {{tl|edit protected}} for the respective talk page.&lt;/p&gt;
}}
&lt;!-- ADD ANY UN-PROTECTION REQUESTS BELOW THIS LINE --&gt;

== Requesting page protection for {{tl|left sidenote}} and {{tl|right sidenote}} ==
{{closed|Actioned.|text=


Given what happened (see above) I am of the view that as highly visible and widely used templates, these along with their respective style-sheets  should be protected from  general editing, with someone appropriate identifying a STABLE version and then protecting that version.  Thanks.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:46, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

:I've semi-protected both, but only as high-traffic templates. The other issues can be dealt with in other ways. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:58, 25 July 2022 (UTC)
}}
{{section resolved|1=[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:58, 25 July 2022 (UTC)}}

== Requesting protection of [[Template:Center/styles.css]] ==

An IP editor ([[Special:Contributions/2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500]]) recently made {{tl|center}} [[Special:Diff/12457520/next|disappear]] because the stylesheet was unprotected. @[[User:Xover|Xover]] only created it a few weeks ago, so this is understandable. The same IP has also made a few mysterious additions to some other templates as well (e.g., [[Special:Diff/12507680/prev|this]]), which might warrant a closer inspection by someone more knowledgeable than me. [[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]] ([[User talk:Shells-shells|talk]]) 01:47, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Shells-shells|Shells-shells]]: {{done}} The rest of the edits consist mainly of manually copying over a suite of protection-related templates, and their dependencies, from enWP. Since that system is not in use here I have queried the IP regarding their intentions with this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:55, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

=Other=

== Interface administrators ==

Hi. Please see https://www.mediawiki.org/wiki/Topic:Unisfu5m161hs4zl. I do not remember if this was already discussed and how it is going to be addressed. Comments and suggestions welcome.
{{comment}} As far as I am concerned I would trust any admin who feels skilled and confident enough to tackle such edits.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:05, 29 October 2018 (UTC)
: I can handle the technical aspects of it. However, it can take me a while to get around to tasks that take longer than a few minutes, so I don't want to create a false expectation of being able to handle time sensitive matters on my own. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 02:35, 30 October 2018 (UTC)


We should decide how to address the fact that EnWS has no [[m:interface administrators]]. I see basically the following options. Please add/amend as you feel appropriate.

'''Option A''' - Assign right on demand when needed

'''Option B''' - Assign right permanently to willing Admins, to be reviewed in the confirmation process
:As I said above, I am for the simplest one.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:28, 30 October 2018 (UTC)

'''Option C''' - Assign right permanently to selected Admins, after approval process, to be reviewed in the confirmation process
:Option C sounds like you're being volunteered (based on the lack of the word 'willing'). ;) --[[User:Mukkakukaku|Mukkakukaku]] ([[User talk:Mukkakukaku|talk]]) 06:27, 31 October 2018 (UTC)

'''Option D''' - assign the rights to all the admins, who have already been vetted for community approval, and then whoever has the ability and desire can make use of it as they will and as needed. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 13:33, 31 October 2018 (UTC)

:Option D would make the most sense for us. For anyone to get themselves to the point that we trust them with the admin tools just so that they can mess around in the interface, they would be playing a very long game. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 22:05, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
:I agree with Beeswaxcandle, '''Option D''', although I would also be fine with the right only going to admins who express an interest. [[User:BD2412|&lt;font style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/font&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 23:00, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
::It is so rare I disagree with [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] but this must be one of those times. The whole point of this change is to prevent the ignorant from accidentally screwing up - insulting as the implications undoubtedly are! As such under the new regime trust is no longer enough; perhaps somebody ought to draw up some kind of eligibility examination&amp;hellip;? [[Special:Contributions/114.73.248.245|114.73.248.245]] 23:03, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
::: That hasn't been an issue for us yet, and accidental changes are easily reversed. If we had more users it would be more of a problem, but as it stands this kind of distinction is more cumbersome than helpful in my opinion. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 00:08, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
:As much as I like the idea of making all existing admin interface admin, IA were separated from regular adminship specifically to reduce attack surface(from hackers), and it was pretty dangerous if the access fell into the wrong hand, I'd rather propose having existing admin request right from bureaucrat and could be granted at the bureaucrat's discretion, and should be automatically removed if no action after two month.[[User:Viztor|Viztor]] ([[User talk:Viztor|talk]]) 02:13, 10 August 2019 (UTC)

* {{comment}} we discussed it when the rights were split, and it was agreed that it could be assigned on a needs basis. That has been done at least once for me with the temporary assignation of the IA rights. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:58, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:Note that WMF Legal requires 2FA to be enabled for users who are to be assigned this right, so bureaucrats will have to verify this before doing so. MediaWiki's 2FA implementation is also sufficiently finicky that one may not want to enable it without proper consideration. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:21, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:: What's wrong with the 2FA implementation? I haven't had any issues with it at all. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 22:17, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
*:::Ah, sorry, I should have been more clear. I am going on hearsay, mostly from admins on enwp (a crotchety bunch if ever there was one), and my own assessment of the documentation at meta. The main complaints are that the implementation in general is a little bit primitive (as is to be expected since WMF rolled their own instead of federating with one of the big providers), and that there is no way to regain access to your account if something goes wrong with the 2FA stuff (if your phone is stolen etc.) unless you happen to know one of the developers personally. None of these are in themselves showstoppers, and many people are using it entirely without issue. The phrasing {{talk quote inline| sufficiently finicky that one may not want to enable it without proper consideration|q=y}} was not intended to discourage use, but merely to suggest that it is worthwhile actually giving it a little thought before requesting it be turned on. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:52, 11 August 2019 (UTC)
*:::: Okay, gotcha. As it happens, Wikimedia 2FA does include [[:meta:Help:Two-factor_authentication#Scratch_codes|emergency access codes]] for use when your phone is unavailable. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 19:56, 11 August 2019 (UTC)

===Formal requirements related to 2FA===
Picking up this again…

I finally got so annoyed by our inability to fix even simple stuff [[Special:PermanentLink/9921352#Content_model_change_-_User:ShakespeareFan00/Sandbox/styles.css|stuff that requires Interface Admin permissions]] that I hopped over to meta to figure out what the ''actual'' requirements are (versus the ''should'' stuff). As it turns out, the 2FA stuff is (surprise surprise) as half-baked as most such Papal bulls from the WMF: 2FA is ''required'' for intadmin, but there is ''no'' way for bureaucrats to actually check whether an account has that enabled. The result of this is that even on enwp (where they take this stuff ''really'' seriously) they do not actually try to verify that 2FA is enabled before they hand the permission out: they check that the user is in the right group so that they ''can'' turn on 2FA, remind the person in question of the requirement, but otherwise take it on faith (trust). There's a request in for the technical capability to verify 2FA (and I think Danny is even working on it), but it seems mostly everyone's waiting for 2FA to be enforced by the software.

Meanwhile, anyone with existing advanced permissions (i.e. +sysop) have the capability to enable 2FA, and anyone with a particular reason (e.g. that they need it to get Interface Administrator permission) can apply to be a &quot;2FA Tester&quot; and thus gain the ability to turn it on.

The net result is that our bureaucrats (ping {{ul2|Hesperian}} and {{ul2|Mpaa}}) ''can'' assign this permission so long as we somehow somewhere make at least a token effort to make sure those getting the bit have 2FA enabled. Whether that's an addition to, or footnote on, [[Wikisource:Adminship]], or the bureaucrats asking/reminding the user when it comes up, or… whatever… I have no particular opinion on. Since the previous community discussions have been actively adverse to regulating this stuff in detail, and absent objections, I think &quot;Whatever Hesperian and Mpaa agree on&quot; is a reasonable enough summary of consensus.

I still think we should have an actual policy for Interface Administrators (or section on it in [[Wikisource:Adminship]]) and some facility for permanently assigning the permission (ala. +sysop; but intadmin tasks are not one-and-done like +sysop tasks, they often require iterative changes over time and need to fit into a overall architecture), but so long as there is no appetite for that, ''something'' that we can point to and say &quot;That's how we handle the 2FA requirement&quot; if the WMF should ever come asking. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:37, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

{{question}} Is there anything further that the community thinks we need to discuss? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:36, 1 October 2021 (UTC)

: I just added [[Special:Diff/11740077]] as a quickrestatement of [[meta:Interface administrators]], which is already linked from the top of [[Wikisource:Interface administrators]]. Basically &quot;you should be using 2FA&quot;. If there are more formal ways to check in future, then we can update the information. FWIW, I have it on, which is a little annoying when I accidentally fat-finger the logout button, but otherwise seems unproblematic.  [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 07:46, 1 October 2021 (UTC)
:: Should? &quot;Required&quot; is my understanding. There was a [[phab:T282624|heated phabricator ticket]] about the WMF moving to have the allocation undertaken by stewards following their checking for 2FA being in place, rather than local 'crats.  The counter argument was that local crats snould be able to check status and apply the rights.  The [[phab:T265726|ticket]] is stalled as a rethink is seemingly in play. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:14, 1 October 2021 (UTC)
:::It's a paraphrase of what I wrote, but I changed the text there to &quot;required&quot; since it's not just an expectation. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:08, 1 October 2021 (UTC)

== Request move ==

Hello. Could you please '''move''' &quot;[[Siamese Interim Administrative Charter Act, Buddhist Era 2475 (1932)]]&quot; to &quot;[[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era]]&quot; and '''change''' its namespace from &quot;main&quot; to &quot;translation&quot;? Thank you so much. --[[User:KhaoNiaoMaMuang|KhaoNiaoMaMuang]] ([[User talk:KhaoNiaoMaMuang|talk]]) 12:21, 11 December 2020 (UTC)

{{done}} The above has been moved. Wikidata item needs to be moved. --[[User:Kathleen.wright5|kathleen wright5]] ([[User talk:Kathleen.wright5|talk]]) 21:10, 11 December 2020 (UTC)
:::{{ping|Kathleen.wright5}} The WD items should be updated when you do the moves, or very quickly afterwards. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:29, 13 December 2020 (UTC)

: If anyone is interested in working on this particular backlog, there are about [https://petscan.wmflabs.org/?psid=14890283 80+ works] (mostly Thai legal documents) that need to be moved from Mainspace to Translation space. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 21:04, 12 December 2020 (UTC)
:: If someone can map out the required conversions from {{tl|header}} to {{tl|translation header}} then I can run through them. Just too busy to do all the thinking of the conversions. Would be wanting indications of which lines add/remove/change, to make the bot tasking easier. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:32, 13 December 2020 (UTC)
::: {{re|billinghurst}} Most of them are obvious - &lt;code&gt;title=&lt;title&gt;&lt;/code&gt;, &lt;code&gt;author=&lt;author&gt;&lt;/code&gt;, etc. The interwiki link &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[th:&lt;pagetitle&gt;]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; gives you the values for &lt;code&gt;language=th&lt;/code&gt; and &lt;code&gt;original=&lt;pagetitle&gt;&lt;/code&gt;. If &lt;code&gt;shortcut&lt;/code&gt; and/or &lt;code&gt;year&lt;/code&gt; are omitted, they need to be added as blank parameters. Finally, any instance of &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;override_translator = [[Wikisource:Translations|Wikisource]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; needs to be removed. —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 14:24, 14 December 2020 (UTC)

== Need an Index: ns page move stopper ==

We need to toughen our defences against Index: and Page: ns moves. My suggestion is an abuse filter that selectively prohibits, or at the bare minimum warns people that it is not advisable. Before I do anything, would like to hear people's thoughts. Recovering from moves of this type is an issue, especially as it happens pretty quietly.

We don't have good automated rights that AF can leverage at this point in time, though there are numbers of measures that we can apply to restrict or pass actions. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:02, 30 May 2021 (UTC)
: Sounds like a good idea, but I'm not familiar enough with the goings-on to have a strong opinion how to do it. Can you describe the problem a little more specifically and/or one or two of the things you think should be done about it? Does this have to with IPs, new accounts, experienced users making poor decisions, intentional vandalism, ..? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:13, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

: We do have [[Special:AbuseFilter/36]], which is exactly for this. Perhaps add a warning actions to it and see if that stops people. Be very clear why they are being warned: {{tqi|&quot;Please be extremely careful when moving pages in the Index or Page namespace if you are not an administrator. Non-administrators cannot suppress redirects, which means you cannot move ''other'' pages to where the moved page used to be. Moved index pages that have any existing sub-pages need to have the orphaned redirects deleted. It's much easier to ask an admin to do this (at [[WS:AN]]) directly rather than asking them to tidy up after a move with redirects left behind.&quot;}} [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:08, 2 June 2021 (UTC)
::Yeah, that looks good. And I think a warning is the right level for this, at least to start. We have a relative frequent occurrence of people that create a new index after goofing the file name of the first, so the opposite problem is also relevant (it just has smaller consequences). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:06, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
::: Ok, [[Special:AbuseFilter/36]] will now warn the user with [[MediaWiki:Abusefilter-warning-Non-admin Index-Move]], then allow the user to continue (but also tag the edit). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:01, 4 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[Mediawiki:Watchlist-announcements]] ==

As administrators we need to make better use of our general means of announcements to our community, especially where we have either a significant proposal or have made a significant change to policy and templates, and want to capture all our users, and spasmodic users.  We have all been pretty rubbish at that general comms in the past while and I think that we should at least think about what we want to better broadcast. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 09:02, 4 July 2021 (UTC)
: This is just the banner that shows up above the watchlist correct? I think that's reasonable. Is there anywhere else we should be remembering to post such content - mailing lists, social media, etc? —[[User:Beleg Tâl|Beleg Tâl]] ([[User talk:Beleg Tâl|talk]]) 01:47, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::Correct, and it is persistent. As it is watchlist, only logged in users, and they can dismiss it once read.  Wikisource-L, Twitter: @wikisource_en are possibles for some things.  My reason for the watchlist is that it is our editors, and it is persistent, so very targeted, and low noise threshold. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 03:46, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::: Huh, I had utterly forgotten Wikisource-l existed! Twitter seems more like advertising/evangelism than operational notices (one fine day a New Texts bot can post there!). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:34, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
::::Indeed. Please don't post RfC or policy discussion notices to Twitter! [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:02, 7 July 2021 (UTC)
:Amen! And especially since low participation is a much bigger problem in our policy/rfc type discussions than excessive numbers of comments or discussions. The better attended a given discussion is the stronger any resulting consensus will be, and, if we do it right, the better it will reflect the position of the community as a whole. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:46, 7 July 2021 (UTC)

== Import help ==
Please import books listed at [[Wikisource:Requested_texts#Import_5_books_about_Malayalam_language]]. These books were written for English speakers to learn Malayalam words, and the definitions are all in English. Thank you. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 00:15, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
:This doesn't require an administrator. Probably better requested at [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]] if you are looking at assistance in how to do these. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:26, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
::I think only admins and [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Special:ListUsers?username=&amp;group=transwiki&amp;wpsubmit=&amp;wpFormIdentifier=mw-listusers-form&amp;limit=50 importers] can do interwiki-import while preserving page history. [[Special:Import]] gives permission error for me. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 11:50, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
:::Apologies, I misunderstood the request as you were referencing requested texts.&lt;br/&gt;If you have those works at mlWS, why would we import them here? Is mlWS planing on deleting it?  We can simply link to the work where it is now, if the work is within scope at mlWS. FWIW no one has import rights to bring works from mlWS to enWS, and from memory our 'crats cannot allocate the right. I think that we need to step right back and work out what it is that is needing to be done, and what is the appropriate place for the work, as it may be be situated at [[:mul:|mulWS]] if it is not to be hosted at mlWS. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:24, 20 August 2021 (UTC)
::::Those are books about Malayalam language written '''for English''' readers/audience. mlWS will not delete it, it is indeed with in its scope. I think enWS also can have it here as its target audience is English language readers. [[User:Vis M|Vis M]] ([[User talk:Vis M|talk]]) 01:55, 22 August 2021 (UTC)
:::::Hi, adding my 2c here—from briefly skimming through the texts, a significant portion of the texts appears to be in Malayalam. The [[ml:A Grammar of the Malayalim Language (Peet 1841)|Peet book]] may be within the scope of enWS since it's written in English and uses Malayalam words with context. The other works are more dicey—a significant amount of text is in Malayalam, which might warrant it being hosted on mulWS as opposed to enWS. On the other hand, works such as [[Index:Tamil studies.djvu]] also have a significant amount of text in another language (Tamil, in this case) which I would've expected to have been hosted on mulWS instead.
:::::Is there a formal guideline of sorts that gives an idea of how much non-English text in a work is alright for a work hosted on enWS? Off the top of my head I'd say texts which use non-English words and phrases sparingly could be hosted here, but I can't really think of anyplace this has actually been mentioned. [[WS:Language policy]] redirects to [[WS:Translations]], which doesn't have any info regarding this. &lt;small&gt;—[[User:Clockery|C.]] [[User talk:Clockery|F.]]&lt;/small&gt; 23:38, 24 August 2021 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:Clockery]] Works that are literally half non-English (as in a side by side translation), and works such as a English-(non-English) dictionary seem to be considered 'obviously' in scope by the community here, so the bar where things start being problematic is pretty low. I think if the work is 'usable' to an English language reader, it's probably fine here. That being said, it would probably be easier to maintain just one place, and use an interwiki link. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 00:34, 25 August 2021 (UTC)
::::::::My understanding is that multi-lingual works were in the aegis of mulWS, and that typically works were hosted at one wiki. There are some works that are side-be-side, English/another language, and those have split and are respectively imported using the series explained at [[Template:Iwpage]]. It was why I mentioned mulWS, in my initial response. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:51, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

::::::::: {{comment}} One thing we probably want to eventually sort out is mainspace presentation and export of works using {{tl|iwpage}}. Since the content is loaded by JS in the page namespace, it doesn't work on transclusion and it therefore won't work on export. Which is a big shame for things like ''[[Loeb Classical Library]]'' since that's kind of the whole point.
::::::::: I don't have any immediate idea about how to deal with this (other than throwing up hands and doing it all at enWS!), but I have a sneaking suspicion we'll need at least some server support (either from MW, the export tool, or both). And we'll also likely need to figure out a One True Way to format side-by-side texts in a flexible, exportable and generally not-horrific way. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 06:12, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

On the general subject, we need clearer rules on this, and those rules shouldn't dissociate us from stuff like the Loeb Classical Library, which is the modern collection of Latin &amp; Ancient Greek works in English. There's a lot of translated material only available in bilingual editions, and that needs to be clearly accessible from here.--[[User:Prosfilaes|Prosfilaes]] ([[User talk:Prosfilaes|talk]]) 20:13, 25 August 2021 (UTC)
:I'd like to hear from mulWS ({{ping|Zyephyrus|Ankry|VIGNERON}} as some representatives) on the hosting of dual language works. We we can link to works easily, though it doesn't show up in our searches. I would also be happy to place {{tl|interwiki redirect}}s at the titles (and we can work out WD later). I don't really want to duplicate works as 1) they are dynamic in our proofreading space, 2) they will typically have different templates, 3) duplication is unneeded. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:00, 26 August 2021 (UTC)
::Here are some examples:
::For instance, &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://la.wikisource.org/wiki/Pagina:Ad_Alpes.djvu/46 this book: Latin text and English indications]&lt;/span&gt;, useful on both. Do we place it on mul.ws?--[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 12:59, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
:::Or &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Fables_d%E2%80%99%C3%89sope_(trad._Chambry,_1927)/L%E2%80%99Aigle,_le_Choucas_et_le_Berger_(bilingue) this one, Ancient Greek and French]&lt;/span&gt;, might be on '''mul.ws''' and offer links to both '''fr.ws''' and '''el.ws'''.

:::I admired the work of [[User:VIGNERON|VIGNERON]] on &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://br.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Pajenn:Lescour_-_Telenn_Remengol.djvu/27&amp;action=edit br.wikisource]&lt;/span&gt; with the {{colors|blue|white|&lt;nowiki&gt;{{iwpage|fr}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; template}} used to show &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[https://br.wikisource.org/wiki/Pajenn:Lescour_-_Telenn_Remengol.djvu/27 the French text}}]&lt;/span&gt;. All these bilingual or multilingual texts would be moved to mul.ws. Do you think this a good solution ? There would be one place and only one to keep these kinds of documents. Would it be convenient and appropriate for all of them? --[[User:Zyephyrus|Zyephyrus]] ([[User talk:Zyephyrus|talk]]) 21:37, 28 August 2021 (UTC)
::::I haven't really given this a lot of thought, so I may be way off base and end up completely changing my mind… But my immediate thought is that ''iff'' we're to delegate something to mulWS we should explicitly take it out of scope (as in not permitted by [[WS:WWI]]) for enWS. To say we permit something but it should mostly be done at mulWS seems unworkable; and having content here that is actually managed at mulWS is untenable (different policies, different practices, different culture; no visibility on watchlists, etc.).{{pbr}}I also generally agree with Prosfilaes' stance above, but reserve the right to modify that due to technical or practical realities.{{pbr}}I suspect that a really ''good'' solution to this would require software support so that a given Page:-namespace page can more easily exist at multiple projects at once. And I don't think that is likely to occur in any reasonable timeframe. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:11, 29 August 2021 (UTC)

{{comment}} Links [[Template:iwpage]]/[[Special:WhatLinkshere/Template:iwpage]] (which is essentially the same at each wiki and [[s:br:Special:WhatLinkshere/Template:iwpage]] — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:10, 29 August 2021 (UTC)

== [[:Category:External links on protected pages]] &amp; Category:Templates used in Mediawiki namespace ==

We have a bit of a maintenance issue in that external links in protected templates and mediawiki: ns are being missed when we are updating links. To assist, I have created the above parent tracking category to label such pages. We obviously cannot use it on Mediawiki: pages, so will have to be content with putting it on the corresponding talk page.  I am working through creating subcats for each WMF tool that I find as they are more likely need to be what is changed, and will do some checks. I will note that as some of these pages use conditional code or includeonly so may be a little tricky to find by searching. [Reminder to not unnecessarily hide things to just avoid visual errors in non-display namespaces or ugly display code.]  I am hoping that this will also allow us to check these a little more easily as we have suffered some link rot.  I think that we may also need to put some checking categories on these so we can at least check these yearly, though haven't got that far and welcome people's thoughts.

I have also identified that we have had some templates transcluded to the mediawiki: ns that have not been protected. Can I express that any such templates need to be '''fully''' protected.  If you are using a template within another template, then all subsidiary templates also need to be protected. Noting that it often it can be safest to simply use html span and div code and embedded css.

On that note, if we are protecting templates, it is better practice to use separate {{tl|documentation}} so the docs can readily updated without someone asking for editing of protected templates. This is not pointing fingers, as some of these are old static pages that don't readily get traffic, and reflect older generation practices.

I welcome any suggestions/feedback here, and any help perusing of the template: and mediawiki: namespaces for targets. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:39, 26 September 2021 (UTC)
:Seems we already have [[:Category:MediaWiki namespace templates]], I will transition to that and update categories. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 10:07, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

== Edit request for MediaWiki filter ==

I've been going through pages with defaultsort conflicts, and it occurred to me that this would be easier if there were a category analogous to [[:Category:Authors with DefaultSort error]]. So I'd like to request that [[:Category:Works with DefaultSort error]] be created and added to [[MediaWiki:Duplicate-defaultsort]]. Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:43, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] {{done}}. This is a good idea, because the current (anti-)pattern of explicit DEFAULTSORTs makes it impossible to do this automatically in the header template (i.e. strip of &quot;A/The&quot; if present). This cat gets us a small step closer to being able to strip most of them out as redundant. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:12, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] also I have added the {{parameter|defaultsort}} parameter to {{tl|header}}.
::The task now is to transition all the manual defaultsorts to either that parameter, or, for most(?) of them, do it by stripping A/An/The in the Lua function. I'm not sure the best way to move forward, but one way would be:
::* Temporarily hide the warning text in [[MediaWiki:Duplicate-defaultsort]] in mainspace (leave it enabled in other namespaces), but leave the category
::* Enable the auto-sorting (i.e. stripping of A/An/The) in Lua
::* All the mainspace pages with conflicting sort keys will then drop into the category, but won't spew big red errors
::* The category can be processed (probably with some kind of script, since most of the conflicts are likely &quot;Foo, A&quot; vs &quot;Foo&quot; and easy to handle
::* Once the category is empty, strip the rest of the DEFAULTSORTs, since if they're not throwing errors they must be redundant.
::* Now the pages are transitioned to the parameter, reinstate the warning text
::This is not the only way to do it: you could also
::* Migrate all explicit DEFAULTSORTS in mainspace to the defaultsort parameter, then enable auto-sorting and then go back over all pages and remove redundant keys, or
::* Migrate all explicit DEFAULTSORTS in mainspace to the defaultsort parameter, but just delete any which will become redundant, ''then'' enable auto-sort. This will have short period when some pages will sort by their &quot;A/An/The&quot;.
::Anyway, let me know if you need any more edits to facilitate whichever method you prefer! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:53, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Simon Peter Hughes|Simon Peter Hughes]]: You do a lot of work in this area. Do you have any input here?{{pbr}}@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: Not sure whether it's relevant, but keep in mind that we have some bad habits involving not bothering with the full title in defaultsort so long as the string used will kinda sorta sort properly mostly. Also, the sortkey should ''include'' any article stripped at the end so that titles that differ only in the article will sort correctly among themselves. Also, we have a lot of garbage data in title fields that we probably don't want to throw unprocessed into the magic word. Hmm. And then there's the &quot;Sort key&quot; field in the Index: that could maybe be used for something here… [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 12:49, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] putting the article at the end is indeed how [[Module:Auto sort]] does it, which is what I would suggest [[Module:header]] eventually could use. The current manual ones are done both with and without, e.g. [[A Dictionary of Music and Musicians]], which is literally the first result for &lt;code&gt;insource:DEFAULTSORT&lt;/code&gt; that begins with an article.
::::The least &quot;exciting&quot; way would be to continue to use the subpage name, rather than the title parameter, because that won't change too much. If we wanted to use the title parameter, or inhale from an index page (rather hard, since most header invocations do not know what the index is), that would be a next step.
::::The first steps will have to be removing the manual DEFAULTSORTs, since, because none of them have been set with &lt;code&gt;noerror&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code&gt;noreplace&lt;/code&gt;, it's impossible to do anything at all until they are changed to template params (''or'' bot through and ''add'' &lt;code&gt;noerror/noreplace&lt;/code&gt;, which is yet another option for moving forward). There are 132k+ instances, so it's going to be pretty painful whatever happens (and that's why I have never bothered to address it myself). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 13:08, 17 January 2022 (UTC)
:::::{{re|Inductiveload}} Now that [[:Category:Works with DefaultSort error]] is clear and I've had a little time to think about it, I think your first proposed method for transitioning to auto-sorting sounds good! (Assuming you or someone can do the script part, because I sure can't.) And I'm happy to do stuff like manually resolving the trickier conflicts. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:58, 12 February 2022 (UTC)
:::{{re|Inductiveload}} Thank you! I don't particularly have a preference among the different ways of transitioning pages to use the defaultsort parameter. I do have an edit request, though—could you add &lt;syntaxhighlight lang=html inline&gt;| defaultsort = {{{defaultsort|{{SUBPAGENAME}}}}}&lt;/syntaxhighlight&gt; to the header in {{tl|A catalogue of notable Middle Templars, with brief biographical notices}}? Pages in that work had been putting manual DEFAULTSORTs on each page, and I removed that from the preload. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 02:32, 18 January 2022 (UTC)
::::No, please don't do that. There is nothing wrong with individual defaultsort, and it was purposeful to not have it in the template. Having a hidden defaultsort can be problematic. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 11:00, 18 January 2022 (UTC)

== Please delete multiple pages in [[Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] ==

I hope this request is not too much of a hassle. If it is, let me know, and I am willing to continue to deal with it manually. It's a rather painstaking one.

I proofread (and part-proofread) a number of pages of [[Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] prior to realizing (thanks to [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]) how very incomplete the underlying scan was. I have now repaired the scan (manually inserting the missing pages), and I have moved all the pages I'm able to as a non-administrator. But the remaining pages that need to be moved need to overwrite pages that are now redirects or no-text pages, due to the previous page moves.

So, I am hoping that an administrator can can delete all pages starting with scan page 140 that are either:
* Blank, i.e. without text, showing up with grey highlight on the index page, or
* Redirects, showing up with no highlight on the index page.

I'll note, I will likely come back for a second round of this, after I've followed up this request with some more page moves.

If this request is in any way unclear, please either ignore it entirely, or ask for clarification. Thank you for any assistance. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 09:06, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]]: The time-consuming and hard (requires understanding of the specific work / the problem) part is picking out the pages to work on. If you give me a list of pages I can automate the delete or move itself. For deletes, either a flat list of pages, or make a temporary category and tag all the pages to be deleted with that category. For moves, a list of ''page name to move from'' and ''page name to move to'', and whether or not you need to have redirects at the old name or not. With this input I can have a bot do the job in relatively short order. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:50, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Xover}}
:: 140 147 152 209 210 304
:: The full range of 309 to 330 (though a few do not exist)
:: 437 438 445 446 447 502 569 570
:: range: 600 to 623
:: 631
:: Does that do the trick? Thank you! -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 10:25, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::{{re|Peteforsyth}} Well, not quite. The software here doesn't understand the concept of &quot;pages in the book&quot;, it needs to get the list of ''wikipages'' to work on from somewhere. If all the pages are in a category it can look up all pages in that category and delete those, or the list can be manually constructed in this format:
{{cot|List of wikipages}}
&lt;pre&gt;
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/140
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/147
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/152
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/209
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/210
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/304
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/309
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/310
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/311
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/312
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/313
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/314
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/315
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/316
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/317
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/318
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/319
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/320
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/321
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/322
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/323
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/324
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/325
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/326
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/327
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/328
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/329
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/330
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/437
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/438
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/445
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/446
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/447
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/502
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/569
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/570
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/631
&lt;/pre&gt;
{{cob}}
:::Always keep in mind that computers are dumb as bricks: a human always has to tell them what to do in excruciating detail. So in this case I had to translate your page number ranges into a flat list of wikipages. I made the assumption that the numbers were the physical page indexes. If instead you meant the logical page numbers (the ones printed in the book, and that you've mapped to physical page indexes in the &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;pagelist …&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; tag) then the list will have to mapped from the one to the other. (and to be clear, I need you to check that the list above is correct / what you want deleted before I push the button)--[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:33, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::BTW, I tried to write down some instructions to make it easier to make mass action requests to admins [[Special:PermanentLink/12118715|here]]. Feedback on whether these are helpful and understandable would be appreciated. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:54, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::: Thanks much. I've taken note of your instructions where I can find them next time, and I'll get you any feedback (but at first blush it seems plenty clear). For some reason, your bot seems to have missed this range (though it was in your list). Maybe it's just operating slowly, or maybe something went wrong:
&lt;pre&gt;
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/618
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/619
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/620
Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/623
&lt;/pre&gt;
:::::-[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:53, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: {{ping|Xover}} Oh, wait. It looks like [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] is working to address these problems, maybe in a different way, I'm not sure if what they're doing is aligned with this request or not. So, probably best not to take any further action until we've heard from them? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 16:58, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::::: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} As best I can tell, the approach you're taking is going to require a bunch of my work to be redone, which is what I was hoping to avoid. For instance, by deleting the ''content'' instead of the ''page'' at [[Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/328]], you have made it impossible to move the fully proofread page at [[Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/306]] into its proper location. If I'm misunderstanding something, please let me know. But I was trying to approach this in a way that would not require any pages to be proofread a second time. I'd prefer if the final list of pages could be deleted. I'm fine with manually moving pages once the target pages have been deleted. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:04, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

:  Please list WHICH pages are wrong and by how many pages they need to be moved. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:09, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
&lt;s&gt;:: Unless you have done any new proofreading, I believe the most straightforward solution at this point would be if [[user:Xover|Xover]] could just run the bot on the initial list he put together (above), which appears to be entirely correct.&lt;/s&gt;
:: I have not requested that any pages be moved, because I can't think of a programmatic way to express that. I've already manually moved dozens of pages, and I'm happy to manually move dozens more. If you think it's better to move them in a programmatic way, I'll probably need some help formulating that request. The offset shifts many times, due to the presence of many illustrated plates and many pages having been omitted in the initially-uploaded scan. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:16, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::: Oh, never mind, now I see that you're moving pages as well as replacing content. I can't really tell what your vision is, so I'm not going to recommend any action here, don't want us all working at cross purposes. I'll probably just delete all these pages from my watchlist for a while until everything settles down, I don't think I can contribute usefully as it is now. (But I do need to scan those remaining 2 pages before the library book is due. I'll make that my last contribution for a while.) -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 17:27, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: Think, talk, then act; especially for a work someone else is actively working on. Please discuss with [[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]] and agree on a course of action before moving pages around.{{pbr}}There's no real advantage to moving pages programatically, vs. manually, but unless you want redirects it's often best to have an admin do it. And for any admin to do it in a reasonable time frame it needs to be automated. If you would prefer to move with redirects and then ask for deletion of the redirects afterwards that's fine too. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:35, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

::::   Perhaps someone can sit down and carefully document which page rages are incorrectly placed now? ( Where I'd replaced content, It was that I'd re OCR'ed a page, that had been a redirect, or previously been marked as a blank and now wasn't.)

These are some of the ranges that I think are in the wrong place (I've got no objections to my good faith efforts being overwritten during page moves.)

{{collapse top|This table contains errors, I ''think'' I have corrected them in the version below. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:07, 11 April 2022 (UTC)}}
{|class=wikitable
|-
!Old Page (Djvu)   
!Offset needed.
|-
|301-308||+22
|-
|-
|443-439||+22
|-
|448-460||+22 
|-
|461-463||+6
|-
|557-599||+24
|}
{{collapse bottom}}
(There may be others)

The pagelist itself should now be correct and complete, however.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 17:45, 2 February 2022 (UTC)

::: Thank you both for your efforts. I've thought it through, and given what seems like a choice between &quot;sit down and carefully document&quot; vs. &quot;just re-proofread the affected pages&quot;, I think I prefer the latter. Is it OK if we just stop the deletions, and stop any further moves unless the mover is certain that the source page is superior to the target?
::: And if so, can we move any further discussion/planning back to [[Index talk:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]], since I don't think that approach will require any administrative intervention?
::: Appreciate both your efforts a great deal. I especially appreciate the guidance on how to approach this sort of thing, and I'll consult it in the future if I have a similar need. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 18:39, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::That sounds like a good plan. If you do end up needing any bulk actions please feel free to request them here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 18:44, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::: Xover, see above, I think it's only those ranges I identifed that are affected.  For someone with admin level rights, a move should be straightforward.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:25, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
::::: Thanks for doing this, it looks pretty good. But:
::::: 433 should be +22 (and I'm guessing some of the pages following it should share that offset as well). And there seems to be a typo in the 2nd row of the table, &quot;|443-436||+12&quot; (note that the page sequence goes down not up), so I'm not sure what's intended there. I did spot-check the other rows (as in, checked one or two pages in each range) and they seemed good. Do note, if taking this approach it would be good to start with the last row of the table and work backward, as at least one or two of the pages will &quot;overlap.&quot; -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:46, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
:::::: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} Could you take another look at this? Looks like your table is really close. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 09:29, 4 February 2022 (UTC)

I'd like to get back to proofreading this. {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} it seems like we were almost there, and if you're not up for double-checking your work here, I think after another review, I'm fairly confident that the second row should simply read &quot;433-459&quot; instead of &quot;443-439&quot;. If so, it can easily be combined with the following row, as the ranges overlap. I've looked at enough of the pages to be reasonably sure that would take care of it; {{ping|Xover}} could you move the pages as indicated in the (edited) version of the table below? If by chance a handful of errors result, I'll just take care of them by hand. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:07, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

Corrected table:
{|class=wikitable
|-
!Old Page (Djvu)   
!Offset needed.
|-
|301-308||+22
|-
|-
|433-460||+22
|-
|461-463||+6
|-
|557-599||+24
|}

: I am not touching this again until it's in a KNOWN state, and all the existing pages are re-aligned.  This is why I try and check the pagelist before anything else is done. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:24, 11 April 2022 (UTC)
:: {{ping|ShakespeareFan00}} I have not asked you to ''touch'' it again, I've asked you to double-check your own work here on this discussion page. Your table above has some errors; as I understand it, you intended the table to address the problems you caused. You're welcome to not engage further, that's fine, and indeed your clear expression that you will not touch it is more useful than simply walking away from the discussion, because it allows me to know that your work on this will not again collide with mine. But please don't insinuate that I caused the problems with this one. I have been trying to communicate with you from the start. 

:: I do appreciate your efforts to help with this -- very much. You have been extremely helpful with many of my transcription efforts, and I have learned many things from you. It is greatly appreciated. But please don't miss the fact that the lack of communication is the very thing that caused this particular work to be such a mess. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 22:33, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

: I'm sorry if I sounded too strong, and I certainly didn't mean to insinuate anything, if anything my strongly worded comment above was mostly aimed at myself. I'll have another look at your updated table. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:00, 11 April 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you for acknowledging that, and I must confess I was also a little overwrought in my own message above. It's true that in my initial enthusiasm I transcribed a bunch of pages before checking for missing pages, as you've pointed out. I've never known that approach to backfire quite as spectacularly as it has in this instance. I regret that approach and I appreciate both of your efforts to help resolve it. I've been stressed about some totally unrelated stuff, and I think I was taking that out here without realizing it. Sorry. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 00:27, 12 April 2022 (UTC)
:::See my revised request below, I made some further checks and listed every single page, because I wasn't sure of the ranges given earlier.
:::I've batched up the requests, and they should be done in the order presented, so as to as avoid 'moving' the wrong versions.
:::[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:00, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

== Russia—Ukraine conflict on-wiki ==

Just a note that the ongoing Russia—Ukraine conflict (and I am deliberately not characterizing it beyond identifying it) is currently creating echoes on-wiki across Wikimedia projects, with Wikimedians sympathising with one or the other of the involved parties acting or reacting on-wiki to events happening IRL. It is very likely this kind of thing will spill over to English Wikisource too (for example, speeches by representatives of the parties or by third parties are in scope) and by its very nature it is an issue apt to engender very strong feelings and emotional responses. I urge all admins to be on the lookout for on-wiki behaviour or actions that appear motivated in some way by this conflict and step in to manage such situations ''before'' they spin out of control, but with diplomacy and sensitivity in a very difficult situation for many.

Also, if you are an admin with a personal stake in this conflict or very strong feelings about it, please leave admin actions that are at all related to it to other admins. We've seen otherwise intelligent and level-headed admins on other projects act on what they feel is a moral imperative but entirely outside policy. There may indeed be trolling or propaganda being perpetuated on-wiki that we need to manage, but if you have a personal stake or very strong feelings you are probably not going to be the best person to make the judgement call of where to draw the line.

Hopefully we can keep this place a fussy, dusty, and what most would consider pretty boring place rather than import IRL conflicts. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:05, 28 February 2022 (UTC)

:In agreement. [[User:Ineuw|Ineuw]] ([[User talk:Ineuw|talk]]) 23:45, 1 March 2022 (UTC)
::Agreed. Telling us any existing conflicts may catch our attention.--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 03:44, 26 April 2022 (UTC)

== Move request for [[Castelvines y Monteses]] ==

I'd like to request that [[Castelvines y Monteses]] and its subpages be moved to [[Castelvines y Monteses (Cosens)]] etc. without leaving redirects, to make room for a translations page. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 02:22, 10 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:53, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

== Page realignment request:[[:Index:History of Oregon Literature.djvu]] ==

The 'realignment' below should be done in the 'batch' order presented to avoid moving the 'wrong' pages. Thanks. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 06:01, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 1
!Old page 
!pp
!New page
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/301|| (pp 289)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/323
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/302||  (pp 290)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/324
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/303||  (pp 291)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/325
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/305||  (pp 293)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/327
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/306||  (pp 294) || Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/328
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/307|| (pp 295)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/329
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/308||  (pp 296)||  Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/329
|}
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:15, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 2
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/461||(pp 425)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/467
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/462||(pp 426)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/468
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/463||(pp 427)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/469
|}

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 3
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/433||(pp 415)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/455
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/434||(pp 416)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/456
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/435||(pp 417)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/457
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/436||(pp 418)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/458
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/439||(pp 419)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/461
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/440||(pp 420)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/462
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/441||(pp 421)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/463
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/442||(pp 422)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/464
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/443||(pp 423)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/465
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/444||(pp 424)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/466
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/448||(pp 428)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/470
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/449||(pp 429)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/471
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/450||(pp 430)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/472
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/451||(pp 431)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/473
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/452||(pp 432)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/474
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/453||(pp 433)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/475
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/454||(pp 434)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/476
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/455||(pp 435)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/477
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/456||(pp 436)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/478
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/457||(pp 437)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/479
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/458||(pp 438)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/480
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/459||(pp 439)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/481
|-
|Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/460||(pp 440)||Page:History_of_Oregon_Literature.djvu/482
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 05:13, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; style=&quot;text-decoration:line-through&quot;
|+ Batch 4
!old page
!pp
!newpage
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/571||(pp. 547)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/595
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/572||(pp. 548)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/596
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/573||(pp. 549)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/597
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/574||(pp. 550)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/598
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/575||(pp. 551)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/599
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/576||(pp. 552)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/600
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/577||(pp. 553)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/601
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/578||(pp. 554)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/602 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/579||(pp. 555)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/603 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/580||(pp. 556)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/604
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/581||(pp. 557)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/605
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/582||(pp. 558)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/606
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/583||(pp. 559)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/607
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/584||(pp. 560)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/608
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/585||(pp. 561)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/609
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/586||(pp. 562)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/610
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/587||(pp. 563)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/611
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/588||(pp. 564)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/612
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/589||(pp. 565)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/613
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/590||(pp. 566)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/614
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/591||(pp. 567)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/615 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/592||(pp. 568)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/616 
|-
|Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/593||(pp. 569)||Page:History of Oregon Literature.djvu/617 
|-
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[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 05:56, 12 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]], @[[User:Peteforsyth|Peteforsyth]]: {{done}} Please check that I didn't mess up anything. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:30, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

:: {{ping|Xover}} Thank you! I'm traveling and won't be able to check closely for a week or so, but I appreciate the effort and the note! -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:01, 24 April 2022 (UTC)

== request move volume Zoologist ==

Could an administrator please move the index of a volume of ''[[The Zoologist]]''?

It's about [[:Index:The Zoologist - Volume 4.djvu]]. It should be moved to [[:Index:The Zoologist, 1st series, vol 4 (1846).djvu]], to have it conform to other volumes of The Zoologist, that are indexed, especially in the [[The Zoologist/3rd series|3rd]] and [[The Zoologist/4th series|4th series]]. Thanks, --[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]] ([[User talk:Dick Bos|talk]]) 10:44, 13 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]]: The Index: page needs to be at the same name as the associated File:; which in this case is on Commons, so you'll first need to request a move there and then we can move the Index: and Page: pages here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:33, 23 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover]], thank you. Done. --[[User:Dick Bos|Dick Bos]] ([[User talk:Dick Bos|talk]]) 17:41, 25 April 2022 (UTC)

== Trying to transclude &quot;The Queen Bee&quot; ==

I am trying to transclude &quot;The Queen Bee&quot; to the page [[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 1/The Queen Bee]], but it says my action may be harmful. [[Special:Contributions/192.107.137.242|192.107.137.242]] 17:27, 19 April 2022 (UTC)

:Annoyingly, your edit was caught in a [[meta:Special:AbuseFilter/131|global filter]] because it appeared like vandalism (non-logged-in users removing large amounts of contiguous text are a common signature of vandalism at most wikis). The good news is that you only need 10 edits to become an &quot;established enough&quot; editor for the filter to no longer apply. This is a global filter, so we can't change it immediately here. However, if we see lots of these hits, we should probably get the filter changed to allow edits if the wiki is a Wikisource and the edit contains &quot;&lt;pages&quot;. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 22:46, 19 April 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]: IP editors never get autoconfirmed, so that won't help here. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:34, 23 April 2022 (UTC)
:@192.107: if you give us the details (Index: link and relevant pages) we can transclude it for you. Alternately, it is really recommended to register a user account (entirely free, and you don't even need to provide an email address if you don't want to). With a user account it's much easier to communicate, and after something like 10 edits you get extended permissions that exempt you from some spam filters, let you move pages, etc. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:38, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

== Renaming request for Author:Pierre Banet-Rivet ==

Hi! I'd like to rename [[Author:Pierre Banet-Rivet]] in [[Author:Paul Banet-Rivet]]. I don't know were the name ''Pierre'' comes from; I was able to locate his birth certificate ([[d:Q17278990#P735|see on Wikidata]]) and it is definitely Paul. --[[User:Jahl de Vautban|Jahl de Vautban]] ([[User talk:Jahl de Vautban|talk]]) 19:00, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Jahl de Vautban|Jahl de Vautban]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:19, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

== New index page broken? ==

Just created [[:Index:The Private Life Of Helen Of Troy(1926) (IA dli.ernet.524076).pdf]] and there’s a big error message and size of 0. What’s going on? [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 17:42, 25 April 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:Feydey|feydey]] I told the form that the page was pdf, and now it works.--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 23:58, 25 April 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks. [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 08:30, 26 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[m:Requests for comment/Global de-adminship for Jusjih]] ==

A user is requesting to &quot;global de-admin&quot; (sorry I really don't know how likely if this could be happened) {{ping|Jusjih}} which in requestor's claim, has many disruptive and abusive behaviors in several Chinese-language projects and Meta-Wiki, the requestor is also mentioned en.wikisource here where Jusjih is also an administrator, but didn't say anything else on their en.wikisource's behaviors. Do any of our adminships that may or may not familiar Jusjih's works know how to resolve it? --[[User:Liuxinyu970226|Liuxinyu970226]] ([[User talk:Liuxinyu970226|talk]]) 05:18, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
* I have commented on a similar section on the Wikipedia administrator's noticeboard to the effect that I have seen nothing from Jusjih on this project that would merit de-adminship. [[User:BD2412|&lt;span style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/span&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 06:22, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
::I have done the same on the meta RFC. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 09:05, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
:::Hello all, en.wikisource will no longer be included in the scope. Your opinions will be still welcomed if you will. Thank you. [[User:Zhxy 519|Zhxy 519]] ([[User talk:Zhxy 519|talk]]) 00:45, 30 April 2022 (UTC)
:: I have added my thoughts at meta as well. [[User:BD2412|&lt;span style=&quot;background:lightgreen&quot;&gt;''BD2412''&lt;/span&gt;]] [[User talk:BD2412|'''T''']] 06:23, 30 April 2022 (UTC)
:::We should still consider whether to directly adopt [[w:Wikipedia:No personal attacks]] and [[w:Wikipedia:Assume good faith]] while cited by [[w:Wikipedia:Don't remind others of past misdeeds]].--[[User:Jusjih|Jusjih]] ([[User talk:Jusjih|talk]]) 18:06, 7 May 2022 (UTC)

== Move request for [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] ==

Could [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] and its subpages linked in the TOC be moved to [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 1]] etc.? ([[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2]] and its subpages should not be moved.) Once this is done I'd also like for [[The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers]] to be moved to [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]]. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:06, 5 May 2022 (UTC)
: Question: Why is &quot;..., or garden...&quot; in the title?  It does not appear on the work's title page. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:04, 5 May 2022 (UTC)
::{{re|EncycloPetey}} Wow, I didn't notice that! I have no idea, and would be happy for you to take it out. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 05:12, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::It appears on the full title page: [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/9]]. But I would agree that a better page name would be [[The Paradise]], or possibly [[The Paradise of the Holy Fathers]].{{pbr}}In any case, this does not look like a simple move: there are a gazillion subpages in a complicated work structure that currently does not use subpages in a sane way. See [[Special:PrefixIndex/The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/]]. In other words, I think this needs a bigger cleanup and a well-tought-out subpage structure. [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/Chapter 1]] for ''The History of Abba Isidore'' for example.{{pbr}}That kind of cleanup is possibly best handled manually by someone with +sysop (for which I do not have the spare cycles currently, sorry). Alternately, given a list of page moves I can have a bot do it. If so, the format would be:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[From page 1]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[To page 1]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[From page 2]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[To page 2]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;{{pbr}}Or any other variant with ''from'' a delimiter ''to'' that I can easily transform it. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:24, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 23:51, 9 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::Just to note, I haven't forgotten about this but I am waiting for the fix to [[phab:T307826]] to get deployed to PAWS. If it's really pressing I can work around it by running from a local checkout of HEAD, but that's a bit of a hassle so I'll just wait for the deployment unless I'm nagged on. :) [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 13:11, 13 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} The bugfix finally got deployed so I've run the move. Please check the results and update the internal links as needed (let me know if you need any batch regex replacements there). [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 06:10, 23 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::::@[[User:Xover|Xover]]: Thank you! Could you update the links in the TOC for Volume 1? [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/13]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/14]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/15]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/16]], [[Page:Theparadiseoftheholyfathers.djvu/17]]. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 07:40, 24 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:15, 24 May 2022 (UTC)
{{collapse top|title=Pages to move}}
::::* [[The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers]] to [[The Paradise]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Preface]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Preface]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Introduction]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Introduction]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Epistle of Palladius to Lausus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The Plan of the Book of Paradise]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 Counsels to Lausus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The History of Abba Isidore]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Dorotheos of Thebes]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of the Virgin Potamiaena]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of Didymus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of the Maiden Alexandra]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of Abba Macarius and a certain Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 Concerning the Monks who lived in Nitria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of Abba Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of the Blessed Man Hor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of the Blessed Man Pambo]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of the Blessed Man Ammonius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of the Blessed Man Benjamin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of Apollonius the Merchant]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The Histories of Paesius and Isaiah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Macarius, the Child of his Cross]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of the Blessed Nathaniel]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The Histories of Macarius the Egyptian, and of Macarius the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of the Blessed Man Macarius, the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of the Blessed Man Paul the Simple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of the Blessed Man Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Blessed Man Stephen]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The History of the Blessed Man Valens, the Palestinian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The History of the Blessed Man Hero, the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The History of the Blessed Man Ptolemy, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The History of the Blessed Man Abraham, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The History of the Virgin in Jerusalem]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The History of the Virgin in Caesarea]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The History of the Virgin who fell and repented]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The History of another Virgin who fell and repented]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The History of the Blessed Thais or Thaisis]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/31 The History of the Blessed Man Abba Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 31]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/32 The History of the Blessed Man Dorotheos]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 32]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/33 The History of the Blessed Man Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 33]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/34 An Apology, and Preface, and Admonition]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 34]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/35 The History of the Virgin who hid Athanasius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 35]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/36 The History of Piamon the Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 36]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/37 The History of Mother Talida]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 37]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/38 The History of the Virgin Taor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 38]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/39 The History of the Virgin Colluthus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 39]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/40 The History of the Virgin and the Magistrianus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 40]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/41 The History of Melania the Great]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 41]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/42 The History of Melania the Younger]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 42]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/43 The History of Olympias]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 43]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/44 The History of Candida]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 44]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/45 The History of Gelasia]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 45]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/46 The History of Juliana]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 46]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/47 The History of Heronion and Bosphoria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 47]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/48 The History of Magna]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 48]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/49 The History of the Monk Misericors]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 49]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/50 The History of John of Lycus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 50]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/51 The History of Possidonius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 51]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/52 The History of Chronius of Phcenix]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 52]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/53 The History of James the Lame and Paphnutius Kephala]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 53]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/54 The History of Solomon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 54]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/55 The History of Dorotheos]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 55]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/56 The History of Diocles]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 56]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/57 The History of Kapiton]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 57]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/58 The History of the Monk who fell]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 58]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/59 The History of Ephraim, Deacon of Edessa]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 59]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/60 The History of Innocent the Priest]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 60]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/61 The History of Elpidius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 61]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/62 The History of Eustathius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 62]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/63 The History of Sisinnius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 63]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/64 The History of Gaddai, the Palestinian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 64]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/65 The History of Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 65]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/66 The History of Sabas of Jericho]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 66]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/67 The History of Serapion of the Girdle]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 67]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/68 The History of Eulogius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 1/The Paradise of Palladius/The Histories of the Holy Men/History 68]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Triumph of Mark the Mourner]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Mar Paulus (Paule)]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of the Alexandrian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of an Old Man in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of Peter]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of a Disciple]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of Aurelius (Adolius)]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of Abba Moses, the Indian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Abba Pior]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Abba Moses, the Libyan]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of a Wandering Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Evagrius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Malchus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of the Two Naked Fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of an Old Man who went Naked]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of another Holy Man]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of a Grass-eating Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of a certain Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Two Young Men with Macarius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The History of Bessarion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The History of the Acts of Bessarion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The History of the Man with Nine Virtues]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The History of Maria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The History of a Sage]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The History of the Two Brothers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The History of a Virgin]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The History of Stephana]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The History of Eucarpus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/31 The History of the Deacon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 31]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/32 The History of the Bishop]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 32]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/33 The History of Abba Poemen's Neighbour]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 33]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/34 The History of a Brother who denied Christ]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 34]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/35 The History of an Old Man in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 35]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/36 The History of Serapion and the Harlot]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 36]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/37 The History of a Harlot]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 37]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/38 The History of Apollo in Scete]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 38]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/39 The History of Cosmas of Sinai]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 39]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/40 The History of Abba Macarius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 40]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/41 The History of the Melchisedekian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 41]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/42 The History of Macarius, the Egyptian]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 42]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/43 The History of Mark the Less]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 43]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/44 The History of Abba Paule, disciple of Anthony]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/Book 2/Chapter 44]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Monks of Tabenna]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of Sylvanus the Actor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of a Sinner who died]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of the Funeral of a Holy Man]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of the Things heard by Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of the Things which Pachomius did]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of the Revelation of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of the Words of Doctrine of Pachomius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Pachomius and the Wheat]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Pachomius and the Wages of the Brethren]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of the Apostate Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Pachomius and the Phantom]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of the Gift of Tongues]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of Jonah the Gardener]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of Pachomius and the Buildings]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of Pachomius and the Heretics]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of a Question and Answer]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The History of a Vainglorious Monk]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The History of the Monk in the Monastery]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Further Remarks by Palladius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The Rule of Pachomius at Tabenna/Further Remarks by Palladius]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/1 The Apology]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/2 The History of John of Lycus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/3 The History of Abba Hor]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/4 The History of Abbd Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/5 The History of Abba Abban]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/6 The History of the Monks of Oxyrrhynchus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/7 The History of Abba Theon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/8 The History of Abba Elijah]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/9 The History of Abba Apollo]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/10 The History of Apellen]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/11 The History of Apollo, and of John the DesertDweller]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/12 The History of Abba Paphnutius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/13 The History of Eulogius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/14 The History of Isidore]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/15 The History of Dioscurus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 15]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/16 The History of Copres and Petarpemotis]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 16]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/17 The History of Hor, Isaiah, Paul, and Nopi]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 17]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/18 The History of Evagrius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 18]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/19 The History of Abba Pithyrion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 19]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/20 The Triumphs of the Blessed Fathers]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 20]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/21 The Triumphs of the Monks who were in Nitria]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 21]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/22 The Triumph of Ammon the First]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 22]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/23 The Triumph of another Ammon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 23]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/24 The Triumph of Didymus]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 24]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/25 The Triumph of Chronius]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 25]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/26 The Triumph of the Three Brethren]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 26]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/27 The Triumph of Philemon]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 27]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/28 The Triumph of John]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 28]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/29 The Triumph of Serapion]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 29]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/30 The Triumph of Apollo the Less]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 1/The history of the Monks/Chapter 30]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 1]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 1]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 2]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 2]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 3]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 3]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 4]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 4]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 5]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 5]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 6]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 6]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 7]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 7]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 8]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 8]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 9]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 9]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 10]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 10]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 11]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 11]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 12]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 12]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 13]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 13]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Chapter 14]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 1/Chapter 14]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions And Answers On The Rule Of Life Of The Holy Men]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions And Answers On The Rule Of Life Of The Holy Men]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions By The Pupils And The Answers To The Same By The Holy Fathers And Monks]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions By The Pupils And The Answers To The Same By The Holy Fathers And Monks]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Questions And Answers On The Vision Of The Mind]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Questions And Answers On The Vision Of The Mind]]
::::* [[The paradise, or garden of the holy fathers/Volume 2/Appendix]] to [[The Paradise/Volume 2/Book 2/Appendix]]
{{collapse bottom}}

== Protected edit request for [[Module:ISO 639]] ==

I'd like it if there were an option in [[Module:ISO 639]] to specify an error message if the language code isn't recognized. The way I'd do it is [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12317806 like this]—unless there are uses of the module where it's important that it return &lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; if the language code isn't recognized, in which case I can adjust accordingly. Thanks! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:56, 5 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: The convention is that functions return &lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; to signal an error, particularly this kind of error, and it's generally bad practice to hard code error messages down in library code (for all sorts of reasons). This kind of behaviour is better handled closer to the user layer, but possibly aided by a function in the library to ''check'' whether the code exists and returning a boolean on which the error message can be made conditional. What's the context / use case? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 11:32, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] The use case is that {{tl|ISO 639 name}} has an option to provide a default value if the code isn't recognized, and now that the template is using [[Module:ISO 639]], I want to make sure that functionality still works. Which, now that I'm typing this, I'm realizing could be done with just an option in the module to provide a default value, something like [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12323167 this].
::(Another question: what's a good way to do error-categorization for {{tl|ISO 639 name}}?) —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 22:49, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]]: Error categorization is just outputting whatever category you want at some point where the wikimarkup could validly appear. I wish the MW devs would move categories out of page content and into metadata for a page, and allow an API from Lua to set cats in a structured way. But for now it's just a matter of spitting out a text string with the category markup and hoping it'll be in some valid context that doesn't mess up formatting.{{pbr}}But what is the use case for having a default language if an invalid language code is provided? In what situation would you want some random and possibly changeable language name returned? As an interface guarantee, &quot;returning either a valid language name or ''nil''&quot; is a lot cleaner than &quot;… or possibly some default value, picked either by a template or module developer, or provided by the end user, that may or may not understand what it means and what the template does, and may or may not be stable over time, and may or may not be a valid language name under some standard or local convention or colloquially or in the user's head.&quot;{{pbr}}&lt;code&gt;nil&lt;/code&gt; ''is'' a &quot;default value&quot; of a sort, that has the precise semantics &quot;something went wrong&quot;. When something goes wrong you generally want either calling code or the invoking user to be made aware of that fact immediately so that they can fix it. Returning some seemingly valid output is directly contrary to this goal: it ''obfuscates'' the fact that we are in an error situation and thus makes it harder to fix. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:47, 8 May 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you for explaining! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 22:34, 9 May 2022 (UTC)

== DIFFERENT protected edit request for [[Module:ISO 639]] ==

It's occurred to me that it would be nice if the list of recognized language codes were available outside the module, and the simplest way to do that would be [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Module:Sandbox&amp;oldid=12345814 like this]: move the lookup table outside of the &lt;code&gt;language_name&lt;/code&gt; function, and add this function:
&lt;pre&gt;
--[=[
Get the list of all recognized ISO 639 (-1, -2 or -3) codes.
]=]
function p.language_codes()
	return pairs(langs)
end
&lt;/pre&gt;

Would this be possible? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:56, 15 May 2022 (UTC)

:…possibly &lt;code&gt;pairs&lt;/code&gt; doesn't do what I want it to there, but the substance of the request still stands. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 00:11, 16 May 2022 (UTC)
::Yeah, it definitely doesn't, and I'm no longer sure what I wanted a table of all valid ISO codes for, so never mind. —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:10, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

== Protected edit request for [[Template:Progress bar]] ==

I've created [[Module:Progress bar]], which implements {{tl|progress bar}} in Lua (and adds support for changing the width of the bar). I've tested this at [[Template:Sandbox]] and as far as I can tell everything works. Assuming there's nothing I've missed, I'd like for [[Template:Progress bar]] to be edited to this:
&lt;pre&gt;
&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Progress bar/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar
|total={{{total|}}}
|validated={{{validated|}}}
|proofread={{{proofread|}}}
|not_proofread={{{not proofread|}}}
|problematic={{{problematic|}}}
|notext={{{notext|}}}
|height={{{height|}}}
|width={{{width|}}}
}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/pre&gt;
Thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 08:06, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] FYI, I don't think you need to verbosely pass through all the parameters: you're using [[Module:Arguments]] which happily pulls the arguments out of the &lt;code&gt;mw.getCurrentFrame().getParent()&lt;/code&gt;. All you should need is &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; (I think) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 19:52, 31 May 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] Awesome, thank you! —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 21:31, 31 May 2022 (UTC)
::Updated edit request:
&lt;pre&gt;
&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Progress bar/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:Progress bar|progress_bar}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/pre&gt;
::—[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 09:18, 4 June 2022 (UTC)
:::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]], does the above code look good to you? —[[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|contribs]]) 06:56, 22 July 2022 (UTC)

==Vandalism==
Hello, I noticed an ip which was vandalising [[User:Mpaa]] and kept vandalising (page blanking and content removal) this administrators userpage. The ip: [[Special:Contributions/2601:183:CB81:6460:F078:25B3:3716:3BE6]]. They might need to be blocked or the page might require protection. Thanks, [[User:Terasail|Terasail]] ([[User talk:Terasail|talk]]) 15:37, 2 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{ping|Terasail}} Blocked. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 15:39, 2 June 2022 (UTC)

== Bulk move request for [[Index:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu]] ==

See also: [[Index talk:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu]]

{|
|-
!Source
!pagenum in print
!Destination
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/34||(pp 112.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/126
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/35||(pp 113.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/127
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/36||(pp 114.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/128
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/37||(pp 115.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/129
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/38||(pp 116.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/130
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/39||(pp 117.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/131
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/40||(pp 118.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/132
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/41||(pp 119.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/133
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/42||(pp 120.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/134
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/43||(pp 121.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/135
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/46||(pp 124.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/138
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/47||(pp 125.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/139
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|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/48||(pp 126.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/140
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/49||(pp 127.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/141
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/50||(pp 128.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/142
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/51||(pp 129.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/143
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/52||(pp 130.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/144
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/53||(pp 131.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/145
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/54||(pp 132.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/146
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/55||(pp 133.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/147
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/56||(pp 134.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/148
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/57||(pp 135.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/149
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/58||(pp 136.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/150
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/59||(pp 137.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/151
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/60||(pp 138.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/152
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/61||(pp 139.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/153
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/62||(pp 140.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/154
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/63||(pp 141.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/155
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/64||(pp 142.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/156
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles Odes_(1748).djvu/65||(pp 143.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/157
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/66||(pp 144.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/158
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/67||(pp 145.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/159
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/68||(pp 146.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/160
|-
|Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/69||(pp 147.)||Page:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu/161
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:52, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

The range [[Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/70]] to [[Page:Pastorals_Epistles_Odes_(1748).djvu/76]] are blank and should be at the end of the work as indicated by the pagelist for the Index. 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:54, 9 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:54, 10 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksof02tols).pdf]] ==

A new DJVU scan was uploaded for Volume 2 (with some missing pages re-instated) as a Djvu (see: [[Wikisource:Proposed_deletions#The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy]]), and so the pages here were migrated back from the PDF to the new scan, and any transclusions were updated.

Because I can't delete the generated redirects when migrating pages between scans, it will need an Admin to do this, and I am requesting this here.
:Done, I have removed all pages in Vol.2 pdf.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:41, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

I had also migrated the relatively small number of pages for [[Index:Complete_Works_of_Count_Tolstoy_-_20.pdf]] as well.

This leaves Volume 9 to be migrated across and Volume 1 carefully compared between the DJVU and PDF versions.

[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:03, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

== Index Migration: ==

Source: -  [[Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksofc09tols).pdf]]&lt;br&gt;
Destination:-  [[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 09.djvu]]&lt;br&gt;
Page-ranges: 1-12,16,18-24, 179-182, 213, 239-242, 289-292, 324-326, 323-326, 363-366, 407-412&lt;br&gt; [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:10, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:09, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

== Index Migration ==

Source:[[:Index:The complete works of Count Tolstoy (IA completeworksofc01tols).pdf]]&lt;br&gt;
Destination:[[Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 01.djvu]]&lt;br&gt;
Page-ranges: 109-112 , 168, 187-188, 290, 544
:Done, most of the pages were already existing, so no move was done for them. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:18, 17 June 2022 (UTC)


Source: [[:Index:The_complete_works_of_Count_Tolstoy_(IA_completeworksofc19tols).pdf]]
Destination: [[:Index:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 19.djvu]]
Page-range: 93
:Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:18, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

Which with the moves of Volume 2, 9 and 20 will allow removal of the PDF based Index for the entire set in favour of the DJVU versions. 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 14:27, 16 June 2022 (UTC)
:Left to do: rm all pages in Page/Index ns relative to pdf versions.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:43, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

== Migration of pages due to updated source file. ==

{| {{ts|margin-left:1.6em}}
|-
!Source 
!oldid
!pp (if relevant)
!Destination
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483||.||.||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/11
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/12
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485||||||Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/13
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/2||9861036||(TOC)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/14	
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/3||9861037||(pp001)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/15
|-	
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/4||9861038||(pp002)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/16
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/5||||(pp003)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/17
|-	
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/6||||(pp004)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/18
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/7||9861042||(pp005)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/19
|-
|Page:The_Complete_Peerage_Ed_1_Vol_6.djvu/8||9861043||(pp006)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/20
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/9||||(pp007)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/21
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/10||||(pp 008)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/22
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/11||||(pp 009)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/23
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/12||||(pp 010)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/24
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/13||||(pp 011)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/25
|-
|...||...|| (Same shift occcurs upto)||...
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/470||||(pp468)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/471||||(pp469)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/483
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/472||||(pp470)||page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/484
|-
|Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/473||||(pp471)||Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/485
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/474&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp472)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/486&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/475&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp473)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/487&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/476&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp474)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/488&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/477&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp475)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/489&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/478&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp476)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/490&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/479&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp477)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/491&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/480&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp478)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/492&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/481&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp479)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/493&lt;/s&gt;
|-
|&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/482&lt;/s&gt;||||&lt;s&gt;(pp480)&lt;/s&gt;||&lt;s&gt;Page:The Complete Peerage Ed 1 Vol 6.djvu/494&lt;/s&gt;
|} [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:53, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]]: We can deal with this once the deletion discussion is completed. Please don't make multiple requests about the same work in different venues. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:54, 19 June 2022 (UTC)

== Request for moving an Index page ==

Dear admin,

Could you please move [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu]] to [[Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu]] and also its Page namespace to match its current file name? Thank you. '''&amp;middot;&amp;middot;&amp;middot;''' &lt;span title=&quot;Cherry blossom&quot;&gt;🌸&lt;/span&gt; [[User:Rachmat04|'''Rachmat04''']] '''&amp;middot;''' [[User talk:Rachmat04|&lt;span title=&quot;Let's discuss!&quot;&gt;☕&lt;/span&gt;]] 08:56, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Rachmat04|Rachmat04]]There is no point in moving the index or pages in Page ns. What matters is the title of the work in Main ns. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 21:17, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::I understood. But, there's a downside if the index page and file name doesn't match. If we are on [[Page:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays.djvu/17]], we cannot navigate to previous and next page, and also if we click the &lt;code&gt;^&lt;/code&gt; arrow, it points us to &quot;Index:An introduction to Indonesian linguistics, being four essays; Renward Brandstetter; 1916; London, Royal Asiatic Society.djvu&quot;, which is not exist. '''&amp;middot;&amp;middot;&amp;middot;''' &lt;span title=&quot;Cherry blossom&quot;&gt;🌸&lt;/span&gt; [[User:Rachmat04|'''Rachmat04''']] '''&amp;middot;''' [[User talk:Rachmat04|&lt;span title=&quot;Let's discuss!&quot;&gt;☕&lt;/span&gt;]] 14:01, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::{{Re|Rachmat04}} I think it would be easier to move the file back to the name corresponding to the index page. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 18:12, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

== Update MC Template ==

Can an administrator update the MC template from [[Template:Collaboration/MC/sandbox]]. It contains a little additional text to make it more welcoming to new users. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 19:36, 14 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: {{done}} [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:26, 14 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Xover|Xover]] Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:36, 15 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[:Page:The Indian Biographical Dictionary.djvu/189]] ==

Hello. In the history of the above page, please hide the two edits immediately before my edit. They contain a spam link being pushed across numerous wikis. Cheers. ['''[[:User:Cromium|&lt;sub&gt;24&lt;/sub&gt;Cr]]''']['''[[:User talk:Cromium|talk]]'''] 12:47, 15 July 2022 (UTC)
:{{done}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 13:07, 15 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>0big3r5qo76x05ntqrbzfpgbuxiixrz</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Author:Johann Wolfgang von Goethe</title>
    <ns>102</ns>
    <id>38003</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506686</id>
      <parentid>12172541</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:01:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jabota gisum</username>
        <id>3039791</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Poems */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="16313" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Johann Wolfgang 
 | lastname     = von Goethe
 | last_initial = Go
 | description  = German polymath {{media|key = y |type = spoken}}
 | defaultsort = Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von
 }}

==Works==
* ''[[The Works of J. W. von Goethe]]'' (14 volumes)

===Dramas===
* ''[[Egmont]]''
* ''[[Faust (Goethe)|Faust]]''
** Translated in the ''Collected Works'' (various translators) {{ssl|The Works of J. W. von Goethe, Volume 7.djvu|The Works of J. W. von Goethe, Volume 8.djvu}}
** [[Faust (Goethe)|Translated]] by [[Author:Bayard Taylor|Bayard Taylor]] {{external scan link|https://archive.org/details/fausttragedytran00goetuoft/}}
** Translated by [[Author:Thomas Roscoe|Thomas Roscoe]] {{ssl|The German Novelists (Volume 1).djvu}}
* ''[[Götz von Berlichingen]]''
* ''[[Iphigenia in Tauris (Goethe)|Iphigenia in Tauris]]'' [https://archive.org/details/iphigeniaintaur00taylgoog English trans. by Wm. Taylor]
* ''[[Torquato Tasso]]''
* ''[[The Fellow Culprits]]''

===Poems===
''[[A Night Thought]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[A Parable (Goethe)|A Parable]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[A Plan the Muses Entertained]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[A Symbol]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Admonition (Goethe)|Admonition]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[After-Sensations]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Alexis and Dora]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Anacreon's Grave]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Anniversary Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Another (Goethe)|Another]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Answers in a Game of Questions]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Apparent Death]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[April (Goethe)|April]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[As Broad as It's Long]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[At Midnight Hour]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Authors]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Autumn Feelings]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ballad (Goethe)|Ballad]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Before a Court of Justice]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Blindman's Buff (Goethe)|Blindman's Buff]]'' (''Blinde Kuh'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Burial (Goethe)|Burial]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[By the River (Goethe; &quot;Flow on, ye lays so loved, so fair&quot;)|By the River]]'' (&quot;Flow on, ye lays so loved, so fair&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[By the River (Goethe; &quot;When by the broad stream thou dost dwell&quot;)|By the River]]'' (&quot;When by the broad stream thou dost dwell&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Calm at Sea]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Cat-Pie]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Celebrity]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Charade]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Christel]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Comfort in Tears]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Constancy in Change]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Coptic Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Courage (Goethe)|Courage]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Death Lament of the Noble Wife of Asan Aga]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Declaration of War]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Dedication (Goethe)|Dedication]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Delight of Sorrow]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Departure (Goethe)|Departure]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Depression]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Different Emotions on the Same Spot]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Different Threats]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Distichs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Early Spring (Goethe)|Early Spring]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Effect at a Distance]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Epilogue to Schiller's &quot;Song of the Bell&quot;]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Epiphanias]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Epitaph (Goethe)|Epitaph]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ergo Bibamus!]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Evening (Goethe)|Evening]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ever and Everywhere]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Exculpation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Explanation of an Ancient Woodcut, Representing Hans Sachs's Poetical Mission]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Explanation of an Antique Gem]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Faithful Eckart]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Farewell (Goethe)|Farewell]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Finnish Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[First Loss]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Flower-Salute]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Food in Travel]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[For Ever]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Fortune of War]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Found|Found]]'' (''Gefunden'') ''[[Image:Speaker Icon.svg|20px]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From &quot;The Sorrows of Young Werther&quot;]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From an Album of 1604]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Egmont]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Faust]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Faust—Second Part]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Götz Von Berlichingen]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From the Mountain]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ganymede]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[General Confession]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Genial Impulse]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[God, Soul and World]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Growth]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Gypsy Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Hartz Mountains]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Holy Family]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Human Feelings]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Huntsman's Evening Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Idyll]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ilm, the River, to the Moon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[In a Word]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[In Absence (Goethe)|In Absence]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[In Summer (Goethe)|In Summer]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Johanna Sebus]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Joy (Goethe)|Joy]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Joy and Sorrow (Goethe| Joy and Sorrow]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[June (Goethe)|June]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Legend (Goethe)|Legend]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[L'Envoi (Goethe)|L'Envoi]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Leopold, Duke of Brunswick]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Like and Like]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Lili's Menagerie]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Limits of Humanity]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Lines on Seeing Schiller's Skull]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Living Remembrance]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Longing (Goethe)|Longing]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Love as a Landscape Painter]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Lover in All Shapes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Love's Distresses]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Love's Dream]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Love's Hour-Glass]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Mahomet's Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Maiden Wishes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[March (Goethe)|March]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Marriage Unequal]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[May (Goethe)|May]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[May Song (Goethe; &quot;Between wheat-field and corn&quot;)|May Song]]'' (&quot;Between wheat-field and corn&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[May Song (Goethe; &quot;How gloriously gleameth all nature to me!&quot;)|May Song]]'' (&quot;How gloriously gleameth all nature to me!&quot;; also published in translation under the title ''Mayfest'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Memento]]'' (''Erinnerung'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Mignon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Mischievous Joy]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Morning Lament]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Motives]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[My Goddess]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[My Only Property]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Neither This nor That]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Nemesis (Goethe)|Nemesis]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[New Love, New Life]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Next Year's Spring]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Night Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[November Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Old Age (Goethe)|Old Age]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[On the Divan]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[On the Lake]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[On the New Year]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Open Table]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Paulo Post Futuri]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Perfect Bliss]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Petition (Goethe)|Petition]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Philine's Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Philomena]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Phoebus and Hermes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Phooemion]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Playing at Priests]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Poetry (Goethe)|Poetry]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Presence]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Prometheus (Goethe)|Prometheus]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Proverbs (Goethe; &quot;A breach is every day&quot;)|Proverbs]]'' (&quot;A breach is every day&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Proverbs (Goethe; &quot;A thousand flies did I at even slay&quot;)|Proverbs]]'' (&quot;A thousand flies did I at even slay&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Proximity]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Psyche (Goethe)|Psyche]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Reciprocal]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Reciprocal Invitation to the Dance]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Religion and Church]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Reservation (Goethe)|Reservation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Resolve (Goethe)|Resolve]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Restless Love]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Rinaldo]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Rollicking Hans]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Roman Elegies]]'' (''Erotica Romana'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Royal Prayer]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Rule for Monarchs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sakontala]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Second Life]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Self-Deceit]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Separation (Goethe)|Separation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[She Cannot End]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Should E'er the Loveless Day]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sicilian Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sir Curt's Wedding Journey]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Smitten]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Solitude (Goethe)|Solitude]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Song of Fellowship]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Song of the Fates]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Song of the Spirits over the Waters]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Songs (Goethe)|Songs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sorrow Without Consolation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sound, Sweet Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Spirit Greeting]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Such, Such is He Who Pleaseth Me]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Swiss Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Symbols (Goethe)|Symbols]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Table Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Tame Xenia]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Artist's Morning Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Beauteous Flower]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Best]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Bliss of Absence]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Breeze]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Bride of Corinth]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Bridegroom]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Brothers (Goethe)|The Brothers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Buyers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Castle on the Mountain]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Cavalier's Choice]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Chinaman in Rome]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Chosen Rock]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Christmas-Box]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Church Window]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Consecrated Spot]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Coquette (Goethe)|The Coquette]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Country Schoolmaster (Goethe)|The Country Schoolmaster]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Critic]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Dance of the Dead]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Death of the Fly]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Destruction of Magdeburg]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Dilettante and the Critic]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Doubters and the Lovers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Drops of Nectar]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Eagle and the Dove]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Epochs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Erl-King]]'' (''Der Erlkönig''; also translated as ''The Alder King'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Exchange]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Faithless Boy]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Farewell (Goethe)|The Farewell]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The First Walpurgis-Night]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Fisherman (Goethe)|The Fisherman]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Fool's Epilogue]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Fox and Crane]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Fox and the Huntsman]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Freebooter]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Friendly Meeting]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Frogs (Goethe)|The Frogs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The German Parnassus]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Goblet (Goethe)|The Goblet]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The God and the Bayadere]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Godlike]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Goldsmith's Apprentice]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Happy Couple]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Husbandman]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Translation:The Joys|The Joys]]'' (''Die Freuden'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The King of Thule]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Legend of the Horseshoe]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Lovely Night]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Loving One Once More]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Loving One Writes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Magic Net]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Maid of the Mill's Repentance]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Maid of the Mill's Treachery]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Maiden Speaks]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Metamorphosis of Plants (Goethe; poem)|The Metamorphosis of Plants]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Minstrel]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Misanthrope (Goethe)|The Misanthrope]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Modern Amadis]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Mountain Village]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Musagetes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Muses' Mirror]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Muses' Son]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The New Love]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Page and the Miller's Daughter]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Pariah]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Park]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Parting (Goethe)|The Parting]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Prosperous Voyage]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Pupil in Magic]]'' (also known as ''The Sorcerer's Apprentice'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Rat-Catcher]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Reckoning (Goethe)|The Reckoning]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Rule of Life]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Same, Expanded]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Translation:The Screaming|The Screaming]]'' (''Das Schreien'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Sea-Voyage]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Shepherd's Lament]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Soldier's Consolation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Spinner]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Spring Oracle]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Stork's Vocation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Teachers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Traveller and the Farm Maiden]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Treasure-Seeker (Goethe)|The Treasure-Seeker]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Violet (Goethe)|The Violet]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Visit (Goethe)|The Visit]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Walking Bell]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wanderer (Goethe)|The Wanderer]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wanderer's Storm-Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Warning (Goethe)|The Warning]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Water-Man]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Way to Behave]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wedding (Goethe)|The Wedding]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wedding Night (Goethe)|The Wedding Night]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wild Rose]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wrangler]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wreaths]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Yelpers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Youth and the Mill-Stream]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Threatening Signs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Three Palinodias]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To a Golden Heart He Was Wearing on His Neck]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Belinda]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Charlotte]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Father Kronos]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To His Coy One]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Lida]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Lina]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Luna]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Mignon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To My Friend]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To My Mistress (Goethe)|To My Mistress]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Originals]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Chosen One]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Distant One]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Grasshopper]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Kind Reader]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Rising Full Moon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Treasure Trove]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Trilogy of Passion]]'' (including the famous ''[[Marienbad Elegy]]'' (''Marienbader Elegie''))&amp;nbsp;•
''[[True Enjoyment]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Valediction (Goethe)|Valediction]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Vanitas, Vanitatum Vanitas]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Venetian Epigrams]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Wanderer's Night-Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Warning (Goethe)|Warning]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Wedding Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Welcome and Departure]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[When the Fox Dies His Skin Counts]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Who'll Buy Cupid?]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[With a Golden Necklace]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[With an Embroidered Ribbon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Wont and Done]]''

====Long poems, epics and structured collections====
* ''[[Hermann and Dorothea]]''
* ''[[Reynard the Fox]]''
* ''[[West-Eastern Divan]]''

===Novels and short stories===
* ''[[A Tale]]''
* ''[[Elective Affinities]]''
* ''[[The Good Women]]''
* ''[[The Green Snake and the Beautiful Lily]]''
* ''[[The Sorrows of Young Werther]]''
* ''[[Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship]]''
* ''[[Wilhelm Meister's Travels]]''

===Scientific works===
* ''[[Theory of Colours]]''
* ''[[The Metamorphosis of Plants (Goethe; essay)|The Metamorphosis of Plants]]''

===Autobiographical===
* ''[[Italian Journey]]''
* ''[[From my Life: Poetry and Truth]]''
* ''[[Letters from Switzerland]]''
* ''[[The autobiography of Goethe: truth and fiction relating to my life]]'' (1882), edited by [[Author:John Oxenford|John Oxenford]]

==Works about Goethe==
* {{AmCyc link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von}}
* {{EB9 link|Goethe|volume=10|author=[[Author:Oscar Browning|Oscar Browning]]}}
* {{NIE Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von|year=1906|author=[[Author:Benjamin Willis Wells|Benjamin Willis Wells]]}}
* {{Nuttall Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von|first_letter=G}}
* {{EB1911 Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von|author=[[Author:Walter Alison Phillips|Walter Alison Phillips]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von|year=1920|author=[[Author:Calvin Thomas|Calvin Thomas]]}}
* {{Collier's Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von}}
* [[The Maclise Portrait-Gallery/The Baron von Goethe|The Baron von Goethe]] in [[The Maclise Portrait-Gallery]]

===On his works===&lt;!-- sorted by German title --&gt;
* {{Americana Link|Poetry and Truth|author=[[Author:Ewald Eiserhardt|Ewald Eiserhardt]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Sorrows of Young Werther, The|author=[[Author:Ewald Eiserhardt|Ewald Eiserhardt]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Egmont|author=[[Author:William G. Howard|William G. Howard]]}}
* {{PSM link|Goethe's Farbenlehre: Theory of Colors I|17|June 1880|author=John Tyndall}}
* {{PSM link|Goethe's Farbenlehre: Theory of Colors II|17|July 1880|author=John Tyndall}}
* {{Americana Link|Faust (Goethe)|author=[[Author:William G. Howard|William G. Howard]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Hermann und Dorothea|author=[[Author:Ewald Eiserhardt|Ewald Eiserhardt]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Iphigenia in Tauris}}
* {{NIE link|Wahlverwandtschaften|year=1905}}
* {{Americana link|Elective Affinities, The|author=[[Author:William G. Howard|William G. Howard]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Wilhelm Meister|author=[[Author:Ewald Eiserhardt|Ewald Eiserhardt]]}}

===Other related works===
* ''[[To Goethe]]'', a poem by [[Author:Friedrich Nietzsche|Friedrich Nietzsche]]

{{PD-old}}
{{authority control}}
[[Category:German authors]]
[[Category:Travel writers]]
[[Category:Novelists]]
[[Category:Playwrights]]
[[Category:Early modern poets]]
[[Category:Romantic poets]]
[[Category:Botanists as authors]]</text>
      <sha1>i2znc55jca341obcgwb4d565nn42aky</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506687</id>
      <parentid>12506686</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:03:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jabota gisum</username>
        <id>3039791</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Poems */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="16343" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Johann Wolfgang 
 | lastname     = von Goethe
 | last_initial = Go
 | description  = German polymath {{media|key = y |type = spoken}}
 | defaultsort = Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von
 }}

==Works==
* ''[[The Works of J. W. von Goethe]]'' (14 volumes)

===Dramas===
* ''[[Egmont]]''
* ''[[Faust (Goethe)|Faust]]''
** Translated in the ''Collected Works'' (various translators) {{ssl|The Works of J. W. von Goethe, Volume 7.djvu|The Works of J. W. von Goethe, Volume 8.djvu}}
** [[Faust (Goethe)|Translated]] by [[Author:Bayard Taylor|Bayard Taylor]] {{external scan link|https://archive.org/details/fausttragedytran00goetuoft/}}
** Translated by [[Author:Thomas Roscoe|Thomas Roscoe]] {{ssl|The German Novelists (Volume 1).djvu}}
* ''[[Götz von Berlichingen]]''
* ''[[Iphigenia in Tauris (Goethe)|Iphigenia in Tauris]]'' [https://archive.org/details/iphigeniaintaur00taylgoog English trans. by Wm. Taylor]
* ''[[Torquato Tasso]]''
* ''[[The Fellow Culprits]]''

===Poems===
''[[A Night Thought]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[A Parable (Goethe)|A Parable]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[A Plan the Muses Entertained]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[A Symbol]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Admonition (Goethe)|Admonition]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[After-Sensations]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Alexis and Dora]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Anacreon's Grave]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Anniversary Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Another (Goethe)|Another]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Answers in a Game of Questions]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Apparent Death]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[April (Goethe)|April]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[As Broad as It's Long]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[At Midnight Hour]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Authors]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Autumn Feelings]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ballad (Goethe)|Ballad]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Before a Court of Justice]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Blindman's Buff (Goethe)|Blindman's Buff]]'' (''Blinde Kuh'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Burial (Goethe)|Burial]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[By the River (Goethe; &quot;Flow on, ye lays so loved, so fair&quot;)|By the River]]'' (&quot;Flow on, ye lays so loved, so fair&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[By the River (Goethe; &quot;When by the broad stream thou dost dwell&quot;)|By the River]]'' (&quot;When by the broad stream thou dost dwell&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Calm at Sea]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Cat-Pie]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Celebrity]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Charade]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Christel]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Comfort in Tears]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Constancy in Change]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Coptic Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Courage (Goethe)|Courage]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Death Lament of the Noble Wife of Asan Aga]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Declaration of War]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Dedication (Goethe)|Dedication]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Delight of Sorrow]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Departure (Goethe)|Departure]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Depression]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Different Emotions on the Same Spot]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Different Threats]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Distichs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Early Spring (Goethe)|Early Spring]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Effect at a Distance]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Epilogue to Schiller's &quot;Song of the Bell&quot;]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Epiphanias]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Epitaph (Goethe)|Epitaph]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ergo Bibamus!]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Evening (Goethe)|Evening]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ever and Everywhere]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Exculpation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Explanation of an Ancient Woodcut, Representing Hans Sachs's Poetical Mission]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Explanation of an Antique Gem]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Faithful Eckart]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Farewell (Goethe)|Farewell]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Finnish Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[First Loss]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Flower-Salute]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Food in Travel]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[For Ever]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Fortune of War]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Found|Found]]'' (''Gefunden'') ''[[Image:Speaker Icon.svg|20px]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From &quot;The Sorrows of Young Werther&quot;]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From an Album of 1604]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Egmont]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Faust]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Faust—Second Part]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Götz Von Berlichingen]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From the Mountain]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[From Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ganymede]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[General Confession]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Genial Impulse]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[God, Soul and World]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Growth]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Gypsy Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Hartz Mountains]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Holy Family]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Human Feelings]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Huntsman's Evening Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Idyll]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Ilm, the River, to the Moon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[In a Word]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[In Absence (Goethe)|In Absence]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[In Summer (Goethe)|In Summer]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Johanna Sebus]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Joy (Goethe)|Joy]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Works of J. W. von Goethe/Volume 9/Joy and Sorrow|Joy and Sorrow]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[June (Goethe)|June]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Legend (Goethe)|Legend]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[L'Envoi (Goethe)|L'Envoi]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Leopold, Duke of Brunswick]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Like and Like]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Lili's Menagerie]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Limits of Humanity]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Lines on Seeing Schiller's Skull]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Living Remembrance]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Longing (Goethe)|Longing]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Love as a Landscape Painter]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Lover in All Shapes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Love's Distresses]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Love's Dream]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Love's Hour-Glass]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Mahomet's Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Maiden Wishes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[March (Goethe)|March]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Marriage Unequal]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[May (Goethe)|May]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[May Song (Goethe; &quot;Between wheat-field and corn&quot;)|May Song]]'' (&quot;Between wheat-field and corn&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[May Song (Goethe; &quot;How gloriously gleameth all nature to me!&quot;)|May Song]]'' (&quot;How gloriously gleameth all nature to me!&quot;; also published in translation under the title ''Mayfest'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Memento]]'' (''Erinnerung'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Mignon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Mischievous Joy]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Morning Lament]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Motives]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[My Goddess]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[My Only Property]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Neither This nor That]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Nemesis (Goethe)|Nemesis]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[New Love, New Life]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Next Year's Spring]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Night Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[November Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Old Age (Goethe)|Old Age]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[On the Divan]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[On the Lake]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[On the New Year]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Open Table]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Paulo Post Futuri]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Perfect Bliss]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Petition (Goethe)|Petition]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Philine's Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Philomena]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Phoebus and Hermes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Phooemion]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Playing at Priests]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Poetry (Goethe)|Poetry]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Presence]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Prometheus (Goethe)|Prometheus]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Proverbs (Goethe; &quot;A breach is every day&quot;)|Proverbs]]'' (&quot;A breach is every day&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Proverbs (Goethe; &quot;A thousand flies did I at even slay&quot;)|Proverbs]]'' (&quot;A thousand flies did I at even slay&quot;)&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Proximity]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Psyche (Goethe)|Psyche]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Reciprocal]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Reciprocal Invitation to the Dance]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Religion and Church]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Reservation (Goethe)|Reservation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Resolve (Goethe)|Resolve]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Restless Love]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Rinaldo]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Rollicking Hans]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Roman Elegies]]'' (''Erotica Romana'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Royal Prayer]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Rule for Monarchs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sakontala]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Second Life]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Self-Deceit]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Separation (Goethe)|Separation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[She Cannot End]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Should E'er the Loveless Day]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sicilian Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sir Curt's Wedding Journey]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Smitten]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Solitude (Goethe)|Solitude]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Song of Fellowship]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Song of the Fates]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Song of the Spirits over the Waters]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Songs (Goethe)|Songs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sorrow Without Consolation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Sound, Sweet Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Spirit Greeting]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Such, Such is He Who Pleaseth Me]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Swiss Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Symbols (Goethe)|Symbols]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Table Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Tame Xenia]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Artist's Morning Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Beauteous Flower]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Best]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Bliss of Absence]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Breeze]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Bride of Corinth]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Bridegroom]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Brothers (Goethe)|The Brothers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Buyers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Castle on the Mountain]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Cavalier's Choice]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Chinaman in Rome]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Chosen Rock]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Christmas-Box]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Church Window]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Consecrated Spot]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Coquette (Goethe)|The Coquette]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Country Schoolmaster (Goethe)|The Country Schoolmaster]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Critic]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Dance of the Dead]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Death of the Fly]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Destruction of Magdeburg]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Dilettante and the Critic]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Doubters and the Lovers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Drops of Nectar]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Eagle and the Dove]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Epochs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Erl-King]]'' (''Der Erlkönig''; also translated as ''The Alder King'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Exchange]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Faithless Boy]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Farewell (Goethe)|The Farewell]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The First Walpurgis-Night]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Fisherman (Goethe)|The Fisherman]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Fool's Epilogue]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Fox and Crane]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Fox and the Huntsman]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Freebooter]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Friendly Meeting]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Frogs (Goethe)|The Frogs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The German Parnassus]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Goblet (Goethe)|The Goblet]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The God and the Bayadere]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Godlike]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Goldsmith's Apprentice]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Happy Couple]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Husbandman]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Translation:The Joys|The Joys]]'' (''Die Freuden'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The King of Thule]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Legend of the Horseshoe]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Lovely Night]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Loving One Once More]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Loving One Writes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Magic Net]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Maid of the Mill's Repentance]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Maid of the Mill's Treachery]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Maiden Speaks]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Metamorphosis of Plants (Goethe; poem)|The Metamorphosis of Plants]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Minstrel]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Misanthrope (Goethe)|The Misanthrope]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Modern Amadis]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Mountain Village]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Musagetes]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Muses' Mirror]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Muses' Son]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The New Love]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Page and the Miller's Daughter]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Pariah]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Park]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Parting (Goethe)|The Parting]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Prosperous Voyage]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Pupil in Magic]]'' (also known as ''The Sorcerer's Apprentice'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Rat-Catcher]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Reckoning (Goethe)|The Reckoning]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Rule of Life]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Same, Expanded]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Translation:The Screaming|The Screaming]]'' (''Das Schreien'')&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Sea-Voyage]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Shepherd's Lament]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Soldier's Consolation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Spinner]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Spring Oracle]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Stork's Vocation]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Teachers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Traveller and the Farm Maiden]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Treasure-Seeker (Goethe)|The Treasure-Seeker]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Violet (Goethe)|The Violet]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Visit (Goethe)|The Visit]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Walking Bell]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wanderer (Goethe)|The Wanderer]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wanderer's Storm-Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Warning (Goethe)|The Warning]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Water-Man]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Way to Behave]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wedding (Goethe)|The Wedding]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wedding Night (Goethe)|The Wedding Night]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wild Rose]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wrangler]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Wreaths]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Yelpers]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[The Youth and the Mill-Stream]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Threatening Signs]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Three Palinodias]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To a Golden Heart He Was Wearing on His Neck]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Belinda]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Charlotte]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Father Kronos]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To His Coy One]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Lida]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Lina]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Luna]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Mignon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To My Friend]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To My Mistress (Goethe)|To My Mistress]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To Originals]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Chosen One]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Distant One]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Grasshopper]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Kind Reader]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[To the Rising Full Moon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Treasure Trove]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Trilogy of Passion]]'' (including the famous ''[[Marienbad Elegy]]'' (''Marienbader Elegie''))&amp;nbsp;•
''[[True Enjoyment]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Valediction (Goethe)|Valediction]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Vanitas, Vanitatum Vanitas]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Venetian Epigrams]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Wanderer's Night-Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Warning (Goethe)|Warning]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Wedding Song]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Welcome and Departure]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[When the Fox Dies His Skin Counts]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Who'll Buy Cupid?]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[With a Golden Necklace]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[With an Embroidered Ribbon]]''&amp;nbsp;•
''[[Wont and Done]]''

====Long poems, epics and structured collections====
* ''[[Hermann and Dorothea]]''
* ''[[Reynard the Fox]]''
* ''[[West-Eastern Divan]]''

===Novels and short stories===
* ''[[A Tale]]''
* ''[[Elective Affinities]]''
* ''[[The Good Women]]''
* ''[[The Green Snake and the Beautiful Lily]]''
* ''[[The Sorrows of Young Werther]]''
* ''[[Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship]]''
* ''[[Wilhelm Meister's Travels]]''

===Scientific works===
* ''[[Theory of Colours]]''
* ''[[The Metamorphosis of Plants (Goethe; essay)|The Metamorphosis of Plants]]''

===Autobiographical===
* ''[[Italian Journey]]''
* ''[[From my Life: Poetry and Truth]]''
* ''[[Letters from Switzerland]]''
* ''[[The autobiography of Goethe: truth and fiction relating to my life]]'' (1882), edited by [[Author:John Oxenford|John Oxenford]]

==Works about Goethe==
* {{AmCyc link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von}}
* {{EB9 link|Goethe|volume=10|author=[[Author:Oscar Browning|Oscar Browning]]}}
* {{NIE Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von|year=1906|author=[[Author:Benjamin Willis Wells|Benjamin Willis Wells]]}}
* {{Nuttall Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von|first_letter=G}}
* {{EB1911 Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von|author=[[Author:Walter Alison Phillips|Walter Alison Phillips]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von|year=1920|author=[[Author:Calvin Thomas|Calvin Thomas]]}}
* {{Collier's Link|Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von}}
* [[The Maclise Portrait-Gallery/The Baron von Goethe|The Baron von Goethe]] in [[The Maclise Portrait-Gallery]]

===On his works===&lt;!-- sorted by German title --&gt;
* {{Americana Link|Poetry and Truth|author=[[Author:Ewald Eiserhardt|Ewald Eiserhardt]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Sorrows of Young Werther, The|author=[[Author:Ewald Eiserhardt|Ewald Eiserhardt]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Egmont|author=[[Author:William G. Howard|William G. Howard]]}}
* {{PSM link|Goethe's Farbenlehre: Theory of Colors I|17|June 1880|author=John Tyndall}}
* {{PSM link|Goethe's Farbenlehre: Theory of Colors II|17|July 1880|author=John Tyndall}}
* {{Americana Link|Faust (Goethe)|author=[[Author:William G. Howard|William G. Howard]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Hermann und Dorothea|author=[[Author:Ewald Eiserhardt|Ewald Eiserhardt]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Iphigenia in Tauris}}
* {{NIE link|Wahlverwandtschaften|year=1905}}
* {{Americana link|Elective Affinities, The|author=[[Author:William G. Howard|William G. Howard]]}}
* {{Americana Link|Wilhelm Meister|author=[[Author:Ewald Eiserhardt|Ewald Eiserhardt]]}}

===Other related works===
* ''[[To Goethe]]'', a poem by [[Author:Friedrich Nietzsche|Friedrich Nietzsche]]

{{PD-old}}
{{authority control}}
[[Category:German authors]]
[[Category:Travel writers]]
[[Category:Novelists]]
[[Category:Playwrights]]
[[Category:Early modern poets]]
[[Category:Romantic poets]]
[[Category:Botanists as authors]]</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Epistle to Yemen/Introduction</title>
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      <text bytes="8459" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;{{header
 | title    = [[../]]
 | author   = Moses Maimonides
 | section  =Introduction
 | previous = 
 | next     = [[../I|page i]]
 | notes    = ''Iggeret Teiman'', translated by Boaz Cohen, notes by Abraham S. Halkin
}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;
THE EPISTLE TO YEMEN, probably a compilation of several shorter responsa, was written by Maimonides about 1172 in reply to an inquiry (or inquiries) by Jacob ben Netan'el al-Fayyūmi, the then head of the Jewish community in Yemen.  The exchange of letters was occasioned by a crisis through which the Jews of that country were passing.  A forced conversion to Islam, inaugurated about 1165 by 'Abd-al-Nabī ibn Mahdi, who had gained control over most of Yemen, threw the Jews into panic.  The campaign conducted by a recent convert to win them to his new faith, coupled with a Messianic movement started by a native of the country who claimed he was the Messiah, increased the confusion within the Jewish community.  Rabbi Jacob evidently sought guidance and encouragement, and Maimonides attempted to supply both.

In the course of his reply Maimonides deals at length with several subjects which were live issues in his time.  In the Hebrew introduction these topics are analyzed in detail.  Here only a brief summary will be presented.

''Religious polemics''.  In his desire to refute the arguments of the apostate Jew, Maimonides devotes considerable space to demolishing his propaganda.  Muslim polemics against Judaism could be subsumed under three headings: 1) By His dispensation revealed to Muhammad, God abrogated the Law of Moses, just as He had previously abrogated regulations within the Bible; 2) The Jews have forged and falsified the contents of their Law; originally many predictions of Muhammad's coming were found in it; 3) References to the prophetic mission of Muhammad in the Jewish Scriptures are nevertheless still available.  Earlier Jewish scholars, both Rabbanite and Karaite, met these charges with logical as well as historical arguments.  Maimonides rests his case squarely on evidence to be gleaned from the Law.  He disposes of the first Muslim contention with the apodictic assertion that we have it from Moses himself that no other Law will be revealed.  He counters the charge of forgery by his explanation that the Muslims resorted to it only after the discovery that nothing in the Jewish Law even suggested the coming of Muhammad.  Actually the Muslims themselves realize that this charge has no basis in fact, and hurl it only because of their disappointment with the Masoretic text.  However, this text is incontrovertibly authentic since the several versions of the Bible, all earlier than their Prophet, agree with it down to details.  The last argument is refuted by more elaborate treatment.  He demonstrates that, taken in their context, Genesis 17.20, Deuteronomy 33.2 and 18.15 cannot possibly refer to the Muslim prophet, and that any attempt to read such meaning into these passages is sheer folly.  In addition, Maimonides defines the standards for determining the prophethood of any claimant.  Although in this issue as elsewhere his predecessors dealt with this question, he develops it his own way.  He makes it clear that credibility depends not on the nationality of the candidate but on the content of his message.  Falling back on the unassailable assertion by Moses that our Torah is eternal, he rules that unless a man comes to confirm the Mosaic dispensation he does not deserve to have his claim checked.  Moreover, this basic requirement is not disregarded even if the pretender displays dexterity in performing miracles; on the contrary, they are not heeded in view of his denial of the Law of Moses.  Only after his avowal of faith in Moses and his Law is he to be asked for a sign.  This is not necessarily a miracle and may consist of the ability to predict an event.  Once these conditions are met, credence of the prophet becomes an obligation, although it is theoretically possible that he is an impostor.  We cannot tell whether Maimonides replied to points raised by the apostate or took up some items in the general discussion.  For this reason we do not know whether his defense of the Oral Law was directed against the attacks by the convert or whether they were written to strengthen the faith of the Yemenites against well-known criticisms of the Talmud by Muslims who may have acquired their stock arguments from the Karaites.

''Maimonides' attitude to astrology''.  The Jewish position on astrology is not too clearly defined.  Notwithstanding the Biblical prohibition, enough evidence can be found in Rabbinic literature in favor of the belief in star-gazing.  Such statements are in reality a reflection of the generally wide acceptance of this &quot;science&quot; in the ancient world.  At the same time the Talmudic authorities never hesitate in their insistence on man's freedom of will, despite the logical contradiction.  In the Middle Ages, in an environment which treated astrology as a respectable pursuit, the tendency persisted to recognize the influence of the movements of the heavenly bodies on the fate of this world.  But since they were aware of the Biblical injunction against the application of its conclusions, adepts employed various means to explain and justify their position, such as maintaining that only the practice and not the acceptance of astrology is prohibited.  Maimonides, however, remains a consistent opponent of it in all his works.  In his legal writings as well as in his letters he points out its incredibility and weakness.  Replying to questions on the subject addressed to him by the communities of Southern France, he condemns astrology as sheer stupidity and as a useless pursuit.  He goes so far as to declare that occupation with it instead of with military practice accounts for the fall of Jerusalem in the war with the Romans.  The allegedly approving utterances of Rabbis and sages will not sway him whatever the explanation of their statements may be.  In our text he similarly expresses his thoroughgoing disdain of this occult &quot;science&quot; by demonstrating that its predictions have always been wrong and its interpretation of events unwarranted.  Both on rational and on traditional grounds it is an error, and it further results in minimizing the complete rule and justice of God's providence in the world.

''Messianism''.  Although Maimonides counted the belief in the advent of the Messiah as an article of faith and restated it in his legal code, his view of the Messianic age is rather sober.  He regards it merely as a period of peace and of the ingathering of the exiles for the higher aim of the study of Torah and preparation for life in the world to come.  He discounts the likelihood of supernatural events and, basing himself on the opinion of a Talmudic sage, emphasizes the essentially natural character of the transition.  But in the Epistle to Yemen his entire attitude changes.  Perhaps as a result of the difficult condition of the Jews or of the critical situation in Yemen, he manifests greater excitement, warmth, and typically Jewish piety.  The abstract dogma becomes a concrete hope.  He sees a prelude to the Messianic age in the misery which the Jews of his day are suffering.  He looks to the renewal of prophecy in the near future, and even confirms the prophetic character of a man of his time who was nevertheless mistaken in his prediction of the imminent coming of the Messiah.  He glorifies the figure of the Redeemer, describes in detail the greatness of his performance and the amazement which it will create in the world.  However, expectant as he is, he is equally anxious to dispel his correspondent's illusion that this or any other upstart can rise and claim Messiahship.  Maimonides thus seeks to achieve two goals in his treatment of this subject.  He attempts to make it clear that this pretender cannot possibly be the Messiah and at the same time to keep up the courage of the Jews by stressing the nearness of the redemption.  He urges hopeful patience, illustrating by several examples from Jewish history the tragic results of haste and of irrational credulity in the claims of any pretender.

In sum, a study of the letter indicates that although Maimonides necessarily wrote in a popular vein, he nevertheless touches on some fundamental problems of his age and solves them in a manner and tone worthy of his character and his intellect.</text>
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    <title>Darby O'Gill and the Good People</title>
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      <text bytes="2763" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title    = Darby O'Gill and the Good People
 | author   = Herminie Templeton Kavanagh
 | section  =  
 | previous =
 | next     = [[/Darby O'Gill and the Good People/]]
 | year = 1903
 | edition = yes
 | notes    = [''His Misadventures Among the Good People and Fairy Folk of Knocknasheega, Also Known As &quot;Leprechauns&quot;'']
{{illustrator|John R. Neill}}
}}

&lt;div class=&quot;prose&quot;&gt;
[[File:Cover--Darby O'Gill and the Good People.png|300px|center|frameless]]


[[File:Frontispiece, Darby O'Gill and the Good People.jpg|300px|center|frameless]]


{{larger block|{{xxx-larger block|{{c|Darby O'Gill &lt;br/&gt;and the Good People}}}}

{{dhr}}
{{c|By &lt;br/&gt;
Herminie Templeton Kavanagh

{{dhr}}
Frontispiece by &lt;br/&gt;
John R. Neill

{{dhr}}
Chicago&lt;br/&gt;
The Reilly &amp; Lee Co.}}}}

{{dhr}}
{{smaller block|{{c|Copyright, 1903 &lt;br/&gt;
By &lt;br/&gt;
McClure, Phillips &amp; Co.}}}}

{{dhr|3}}
{{page break|label=}}
{{dhr|3}}

{{c|FOREWORD}} 
{{di|T}}HIS history sets forth the only true account of the adventures of a daring Tipperary man named Darby O'Gill among the Fairies of Sleive-na-mon. 

These adventures were first related to me by Mr. Jerry Murtaugh, a reliable car-driver, who goes between Kilcuny and Ballinderg. He is a first cousin of Darby O'Gill's own mother. 

{{dhr|3}}
{{page break|label=}}
{{dhr|3}}

{{block center|{{italic block|
&lt;poem&gt;{{c|THE FAIRIES}} 
{{fqm}}Up the airy mountain, 
Down the rushy glen, 
We daren't go a-hunting 
For fear of little men. 
Wee folk, good folk, 
Trooping altogether; 
Green jacket, red cap, 
And white owl's feather. 

They stole little Bridget 
For seven years long; 
When she came down again 
Her friends were all gone. 
They took her lightly back 
Between the day and morrow; 
They thought that she was fast asleep,
But she was dead with sorrow.&quot; 
{{right|{{sc|William  Allingham}}.}}&lt;/poem&gt;}}}} 


{{dhr|3}}
==Contents==
* {{sc|[[/Darby O'Gill and the Good People/]]}}
* {{sc|[[/Darby O'Gill and the Leprechaun/]]}}
* {{sc|[[/The Convarsion of Father Cassidy/]]}}
* {{sc|[[/How the Fairies Came to Ireland/]]}}
* {{sc|[[/The Adventures of King Brian Connors/]]}}
**[[/The Adventures of King Brian Connors/Chapter 1|I. The King and the Omadhaun]]
**[[/The Adventures of King Brian Connors/Chapter 2|II. The Couple without Childher]]
**[[/The Adventures of King Brian Connors/Chapter 3|III. The Luck of the Mulligans]]
* {{sc|[[/The Banshee's Comb/]]}}
** [[/The Banshee's Comb/Chapter 1|I. The Diplomacy of Bridget]]
** [[/The Banshee's Comb/Chapter 2|II. The Banshee's Halloween]]
** [[/The Banshee's Comb/Chapter 3|III. The Ghosts at Chartre's Mill]]
** [[/The Banshee's Comb/Chapter 4|IV. The Costa Bower]]
&lt;/div&gt;


{{PD/US|1933}}
[[Category:Collections of short stories]]
[[Category:Fantasy]]
[[Category:Leprechaun tales]]</text>
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    <title>The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Death of Adrienne Lecouvreur</title>
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  <page>
    <title>Author:Margaret Oliphant Oliphant</title>
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      <text bytes="9481" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Margaret Oliphant
 | lastname     = Oliphant
 | last_initial = Ol
 | description  = née Margaret Oliphant Wilson; Scottish novelist and historical writer, often simply credited as &quot;Mrs. Oliphant;&quot; her fictional works encompass &quot;domestic realism, the historical novel and tales of the supernatural.
 }}

== Works ==
===Novels===
&lt;!--This section derived from ''Margaret Oliphant Fiction Bibliography'' by [[author:John Stock Clarke|John Stock Clarke]]--&gt;
* Passages in the Life of Mrs. Margaret Maitland (1849), in 3 vols.
* Merkland: A Story of Scottish Life (1850), in 2 vols.
* Caleb Field: a Tale of the Puritans (1851)
* John Drayton; being a history of the early life and development of a Liverpool engineer (1851), in 2 vols.
* Memoirs and Resolutions of Adam Graeme of Mossgray (1852), in 3 vols.
* The Melvilles (1852), in 3 vols.
* Katie Stewart: A True Story (1852)
* Harry Muir: A Story of Scottish Life (1853), in 3 vols.
* Ailieford (1853), in 3 vols.
* The Quiet Heart (1854)
* Magdalen Hepburn: A Story of the Scottish Reformation (1854), in 3 vols.
* Mathew Paxton (1854), in 3 vols.
* Zaidee: A Romance (1855), in 3 vols.
* Christian Melville (1855)
* Lilliesleaf: being a concluding series of Passages in the life of Mrs. Margaret Maitland, of Sunnyside (1855), in 3 vols. 
* The Athelings; or, The Three Gifts (1857), in 3 vols.
* The days of my life, an autobiography (1857), in 3 vols.
* Orphans: A Chapter in Life (1858)
* The Laird of Nordlaw:  a Scottish story (1858), in 3 vols.
* Agnes Hopetoun's Schools and Holidays (1859)
* Lucy Crofton (1860)
* The House on the Moor (1861), in 3 vols.
* The Last of the Mortimers: A story in two voices (1862), in 3 vols.
* Heart and Cross (1863)
* Agnes (1866), in 3 vols.
* A Son of the Soil (1866)
* The Brownlows (1868), in 3 vols.
* The Minister's Wife (1869), in 3 vols.
* The Three Brothers (1870), in 3 vols. 
* John: A Love Story (1870), in 2 vols.
* Squire Arden (1871), in 3 vols.
* At His Gates (1872), in 3 vols.
* Ombra (1872), in 3 vols.
* May (1873), in 3 vols.
* Innocent: A Tale of Modern Life (1873), in 3 vols.
* The Story of Valentine and his Brother (1875), in 3 vols. 
* A Rose in June (1874), in 2 vols.
* For Love and Life (1874), in 3 vols.
* Whiteladies (1875), in 3 vols.
* The Curate in Charge (1876), in 2 vols.
* An Odd Couple (1876)
* Carita (1877), in 3 vols. 
* Young Musgrave (1877), in 3 vols. 
* Mrs Arthur (1877), in 3 vols.
* Within the Precincts (1879), in 3 vols.
* The Primrose Path: A Chapter in the Annals of the Kingdom of Fife (1878), in 3 vols.
* The Greatest Heiress in England (1879), in 3 vols.
* He that Will Not when he May (1880), in 3 vols.
* In Trust: A Story of a Lady and her Lover (1882), in 3 vols. 
* Harry Joscelyn (1881), in 3 vols. 
* The Ladies Lindores (1883), in 3 vols.
* The Wizard's Son (1884), in 3 vols. 
* Sir Tom (1884), in 3 vols.
* Hester: A Story of a Contemporary Life (1883), in 3 vols.
* It was a Lover and his Lass (1883), in 3 vols.
* Madam (1885), in 3 vols.
* A Country Gentleman and His Family (1886), in 3 vols.
* A House Divided against Itself (1886), in 3 vols.
* Oliver's Bride: A True Story (1886)
* Effie Ogilvie (1886), in 2 vols.
* The Son of his Father (1887), in 3 vols.
* The Second Son (1888), in 3 vols.
* Joyce (1888), in 3 vols.
* Cousin Mary (1888), in 3 vols.
* A Poor Gentleman (1889), in 3 vols. 
* Lady Car: The Sequel of a Life (1889)
* Kirsteen: A Story of a Scottish Family Seventy Years Ago (1890), in 3 vols.
* The Duke's Daughter and The Fugitives (1890), in 3 vols.
* The Mystery of Mrs Blencarrow (1890)
* Sons and Daughters (1890)
* The Railway Man and his Children (1891), in 3 vols.
* Janet (1891), in 3 vols.
* The Heir Presumptive and the Heir Apparent (1892), in 3 vols.
* The Marriage of Elinor (1892), in 3 vols.
* The Cuckoo in the Nest (1892), in 3 vols.
* Diana Trelawny: The Story of a Great Mistake (1892), in 2 vols.
* Lady William (1893), in 3 vols.
* The Sorceress (1893), in 3 vols.
* A House in Bloomsbury (1894), in 2 vols.
* The Prodigals and their Inheritance (1894), in 2 vols.
* Who was Lost and is Found (1894)
* Sir Robert's Fortune: A Story of a Scotch Moor (1895)
* Two Strangers (1895)
* The Two Mary's (1896)
* Old Mr Tredgold (1896)
* The Unjust Steward; or, The Minister's Debt (1896)
* The Ways of Life (1897)

===Chronicles of Carlingford===
* [[The Rector; and, The Doctor's Family]] (1863) 
* [[Salem Chapel]] (1863), in 2 vols. 
* [[The Perpetual Curate]] (1864).
* [[Miss Marjoribanks]] (1866), in 3 vols.
* [[Phoebe, Junior|Phoebe, Junior: A Last Chronicle of Carlingford]] (1876), in 3 vols.

=== Stories of the Seen and Unseen ===
* [[A Christmas Tale]] (1857)
** [[Blackwood's Magazine/Volume 81/Issue 1/A Christmas Tale|A Christmas Tale]] (1857, ''Blackwood's Magazine'')
* [[The Secret Chamber]] (1858)
* [[A Beleaguered City]] (1880)
* [[Earthbound: A Story of the Seen and Unseen]]
* [[The Open Door]] (1882)
* [[A Little Pilgrim in the Unseen]] (1882)
* [[Two Stories of the Seen and Unseen]] (1885)
* [[The Land of Darkness]], along with some Further Chapters in the Experience of the Little Pilgrims (1888)
* [[Dies Irae (Oliphant)|Dies Irae]], the Story of a Spirit in Prison (1895)
* [[The Library Window]] (1896) 
* [[The Lady's Walk]] (1897)
* [[Stories of the Seen and Unseen (William Blackwood and Sons, 1902)]] 1902 {{smaller|omnibus}}
** {{fine|The Open Door —  Old Lady Mary — The Portrait — The Library Window}}

===Short story collections===
* Neighbours on the Green (1889), in 3 vols.
* A Widow's Tale and Other Stories (1898)
* That Little Cutty  and Other Stories (1898)

===Non-fiction===
&lt;!--This section largely derived from ''Margaret Oliphant Non-Fiction Bibliography'' by [[author:John Stock Clarke|John Stock Clarke]]--&gt;
* ''A history of Scotland for the young'' (1850)
* ''Sundays'' (1858)
* ''Life of Edward Irving'' (1862), in 2 vols. 
* ''Historical Sketches of the Reign of George II.'' (1869), in 2 vols.
* ''Francis of Assissi'' (1870)
* ''Memoire of Count de Montalembert'' (1872)
* ''The Makers of Florence: Dante, Giotto, Savonarola, and their City'' (1876)
* ''[[Dante (Oliphant)|Dante]]'' (1877), part of the series Foreign Classics for English Readers
* ''Dress'' (1878)(Art at Home Series)
* ''[[Moliere (Oliphant)|Moliere]]'' (1879), part of the series Foreign Classics for English Readers (in conjunction with F. Tarver) 
* ''[[Cervantes (Oliphant)|Cervantes]]'' (1880), part of the series Foreign Classics for English Readers  
* ''Literary History of England in the End of the Eighteenth and Beginning of the Nineteenth Century'' (1882), in 3 vols.
* ''Sheridan'' (1883) (English Men of Letters) 
* ''Selections from Cowper's Poems'' (1883)
* ''The Makers of Venice: Doges, Conquerors, Painters, and Men of Letters'' (1887)
* ''A Memoir of the Life of John Tulloch'' (1888) [https://archive.org/details/memoiroflifeo00olip/page/n10 external source]
* ''Royal Edinburgh: Her Saints, Kings, Prophets, and Poets'' (1890)
* ''A House of Peace'' (1890)
* ''A memoir of the life of Laurence Oliphant and of Alice Oliphant, his wife'' (1890)
* ''Jerusalem: Its History and Hope'' (1891)
* ''The Victorian Age of English Literature'' (1892), in 2 vols. (with F. R. Oliphant)
* ''Thomas Chalmers, Preacher, Philosopher, and Statesman'' (1893) {English Leaders of Religion)
* ''Historical Sketches of the Reign of Queen Anne'' (1894)
* ''A Child's History of Scotland'' (1895)
* ''The Makers of Modern Rome'' (1895)
* ''[[Jeanne d'Arc: Her Life and Death]]'' (1896) (''Heroes of the Nations'')
* '' Women Novelists of Queen Victoria's reign'' (1897), by various authors
** Contributed chapter ''The Sisters Brontë'' 
* ''Annals of a Publishing House: William Blackwood and his Sons, their Magazine and Friends'' (1897), in 2 vols.

===Translations===
* ''The monks of the West from St. Benedict to St. Bernard'' (1861-79), in 7 vols, by Count de Montalembert

===Works from magazines===
* [[Blackwood's Magazine/Volume 81/Issue 1/A Christmas Tale|A Christmas Tale]] (1857, ''Blackwood's Magazine'')
* &quot;[[The Two Mrs. Scudamores]]&quot; (1871 Nov–1872 Jan, ''Scribner's Monthly'') (novelette) 
* &quot;[[At His Gates]]&quot; (1872, ''Scribner's Monthly'') (novel) 
* &quot;[[Heidelburg]]&quot; (1884-85, ''The English Illustrated'') (article) 
* &quot;[[A Girl of the Period]]&quot; (1891-92, ''The English Illustrated'') (ss)
* &quot;A Mysterious Bridegroom&quot; (1895, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'')
* She published extensively in [[Littell's Living Age]] and [[Blackwood's Magazine]], which need incorporating here.

===Other===
*(1870) Introductory Chapter to 'Life of Robert Lee,' by R. H. Story 
*(1872) Memoirs of the Count de Montalembert: A Chapter of recent French History
*(1875) Preface to 'Art of Swimming in the Eton Style' by J. Leahy
*(1878) Postscript to 'Life of Anna Jameson,' by G. Macpherson 
 
== Works about Oliphant ==
* &quot;The autobiography and letters of Mrs. M. O. W. Oliphant&quot; (1899), edited by [[author:Annie Louisa Walker|Annie Louisa Walker]]
* {{SBDEL link|Oliphant, Mrs. Margaret Oliphant}}
* {{EB1911 link|Oliphant, Margaret Oliphant}}
* {{DNB link|Oliphant, Margaret Oliphant|year=01}}
===About Oliphant's works===
* &quot;[[Works by Mrs. Oliphant]]&quot; (1869 June 19, in  ''Littell's Living Age'') 

{{PD-old}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:Scottish authors]]
[[Category:Novelists]]
[[Category:Autobiographers]]
[[Category:Romance authors]]
[[Category:Horror authors]]
[[Category:Historical fiction authors]]</text>
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      <text bytes="9515" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Margaret Oliphant
 | lastname     = Oliphant
 | last_initial = Ol
 | description  = née Margaret Oliphant Wilson; Scottish novelist and historical writer, often simply credited as &quot;Mrs. Oliphant;&quot; her fictional works encompass &quot;domestic realism, the historical novel and tales of the supernatural.
 }}

== Works ==
===Novels===
&lt;!--This section derived from ''Margaret Oliphant Fiction Bibliography'' by [[author:John Stock Clarke|John Stock Clarke]]--&gt;
* Passages in the Life of Mrs. Margaret Maitland (1849), in 3 vols.
* Merkland: A Story of Scottish Life (1850), in 2 vols.
* Caleb Field: a Tale of the Puritans (1851)
* John Drayton; being a history of the early life and development of a Liverpool engineer (1851), in 2 vols.
* Memoirs and Resolutions of Adam Graeme of Mossgray (1852), in 3 vols.
* The Melvilles (1852), in 3 vols.
* Katie Stewart: A True Story (1852)
* Harry Muir: A Story of Scottish Life (1853), in 3 vols.
* Ailieford (1853), in 3 vols.
* The Quiet Heart (1854)
* Magdalen Hepburn: A Story of the Scottish Reformation (1854), in 3 vols.
* Mathew Paxton (1854), in 3 vols.
* Zaidee: A Romance (1855), in 3 vols.
* Christian Melville (1855)
* Lilliesleaf: being a concluding series of Passages in the life of Mrs. Margaret Maitland, of Sunnyside (1855), in 3 vols. 
* The Athelings; or, The Three Gifts (1857), in 3 vols.
* The days of my life, an autobiography (1857), in 3 vols.
* Orphans: A Chapter in Life (1858)
* The Laird of Nordlaw:  a Scottish story (1858), in 3 vols.
* Agnes Hopetoun's Schools and Holidays (1859)
* Lucy Crofton (1860)
* The House on the Moor (1861), in 3 vols.
* The Last of the Mortimers: A story in two voices (1862), in 3 vols.
* Heart and Cross (1863)
* Agnes (1866), in 3 vols.
* A Son of the Soil (1866)
* The Brownlows (1868), in 3 vols.
* The Minister's Wife (1869), in 3 vols.
* The Three Brothers (1870), in 3 vols. 
* John: A Love Story (1870), in 2 vols.
* Squire Arden (1871), in 3 vols.
* At His Gates (1872), in 3 vols.
* Ombra (1872), in 3 vols.
* May (1873), in 3 vols.
* Innocent: A Tale of Modern Life (1873), in 3 vols.
* The Story of Valentine and his Brother (1875), in 3 vols. 
* A Rose in June (1874), in 2 vols.
* For Love and Life (1874), in 3 vols.
* Whiteladies (1875), in 3 vols.
* The Curate in Charge (1876), in 2 vols.
* An Odd Couple (1876)
* Carita (1877), in 3 vols. 
* Young Musgrave (1877), in 3 vols. 
* Mrs Arthur (1877), in 3 vols.
* Within the Precincts (1879), in 3 vols.
* The Primrose Path: A Chapter in the Annals of the Kingdom of Fife (1878), in 3 vols.
* The Greatest Heiress in England (1879), in 3 vols.
* He that Will Not when he May (1880), in 3 vols.
* In Trust: A Story of a Lady and her Lover (1882), in 3 vols. 
* Harry Joscelyn (1881), in 3 vols. 
* The Ladies Lindores (1883), in 3 vols.
* The Wizard's Son (1884), in 3 vols. 
* Sir Tom (1884), in 3 vols.
* Hester: A Story of a Contemporary Life (1883), in 3 vols.
* It was a Lover and his Lass (1883), in 3 vols.
* Madam (1885), in 3 vols.
* A Country Gentleman and His Family (1886), in 3 vols.
* A House Divided against Itself (1886), in 3 vols.
* Oliver's Bride: A True Story (1886)
* Effie Ogilvie (1886), in 2 vols.
* The Son of his Father (1887), in 3 vols.
* The Second Son (1888), in 3 vols.
* Joyce (1888), in 3 vols.
* Cousin Mary (1888), in 3 vols.
* A Poor Gentleman (1889), in 3 vols. 
* Lady Car: The Sequel of a Life (1889)
* Kirsteen: A Story of a Scottish Family Seventy Years Ago (1890), in 3 vols.
* The Duke's Daughter and The Fugitives (1890), in 3 vols.
* The Mystery of Mrs Blencarrow (1890)
* Sons and Daughters (1890)
* The Railway Man and his Children (1891), in 3 vols.
* Janet (1891), in 3 vols.
* The Heir Presumptive and the Heir Apparent (1892), in 3 vols.
* The Marriage of Elinor (1892), in 3 vols.
* The Cuckoo in the Nest (1892), in 3 vols.
* Diana Trelawny: The Story of a Great Mistake (1892), in 2 vols.
* Lady William (1893), in 3 vols.
* The Sorceress (1893), in 3 vols.
* A House in Bloomsbury (1894), in 2 vols.
* The Prodigals and their Inheritance (1894), in 2 vols.
* Who was Lost and is Found (1894)
* Sir Robert's Fortune: A Story of a Scotch Moor (1895)
* Two Strangers (1895)
* The Two Mary's (1896)
* Old Mr Tredgold (1896)
* The Unjust Steward; or, The Minister's Debt (1896)
* The Ways of Life (1897)

===Chronicles of Carlingford===
* [[The Rector; and, The Doctor's Family]] (1863) 
* [[Salem Chapel]] (1863), in 2 vols. 
* [[The Perpetual Curate]] (1864).
* [[Miss Marjoribanks]] (1866), in 3 vols.
* [[Phoebe, Junior|Phoebe, Junior: A Last Chronicle of Carlingford]] (1876), in 3 vols.

=== Stories of the Seen and Unseen ===
* [[A Christmas Tale]] (1857)
** [[Blackwood's Magazine/Volume 81/Issue 1/A Christmas Tale|A Christmas Tale]] (1857, ''Blackwood's Magazine'')
* [[The Secret Chamber]] (1858)
* [[A Beleaguered City]] (1880)
* [[Earthbound: A Story of the Seen and Unseen]]
* [[The Open Door]] (1882)
* [[A Little Pilgrim in the Unseen]] (1882)
* [[Two Stories of the Seen and Unseen]] (1885)
* [[The Land of Darkness]], along with some Further Chapters in the Experience of the Little Pilgrims (1888)
* [[Dies Irae (Oliphant)|Dies Irae]], the Story of a Spirit in Prison (1895)
* [[The Library Window]] (1896) 
* [[The Lady's Walk]] (1897)
* [[Stories of the Seen and Unseen (William Blackwood and Sons, 1902)]] 1902 {{smaller|omnibus}}
** {{fine|The Open Door —  Old Lady Mary — The Portrait — The Library Window}}

===Short story collections===
* Neighbours on the Green (1889), in 3 vols.
* A Widow's Tale and Other Stories (1898)
* That Little Cutty  and Other Stories (1898)

===Non-fiction===
&lt;!--This section largely derived from ''Margaret Oliphant Non-Fiction Bibliography'' by [[author:John Stock Clarke|John Stock Clarke]]--&gt;
* ''A history of Scotland for the young'' (1850)
* ''Sundays'' (1858)
* ''Life of Edward Irving'' (1862), in 2 vols. 
* ''Historical Sketches of the Reign of George II.'' (1869), in 2 vols.
* ''Francis of Assissi'' (1870)
* ''Memoire of Count de Montalembert'' (1872)
* ''The Makers of Florence: Dante, Giotto, Savonarola, and their City'' (1876)
* ''[[Dante (Oliphant)|Dante]]'' (1877), part of the series Foreign Classics for English Readers
* ''Dress'' (1878)(Art at Home Series)
* ''[[Moliere (Oliphant)|Moliere]]'' (1879), part of the series Foreign Classics for English Readers (in conjunction with F. Tarver) 
* ''[[Cervantes (Oliphant)|Cervantes]]'' (1880), part of the series Foreign Classics for English Readers  
* ''Literary History of England in the End of the Eighteenth and Beginning of the Nineteenth Century'' (1882), in 3 vols.
* ''Sheridan'' (1883) (English Men of Letters) 
* ''Selections from Cowper's Poems'' (1883)
* ''The Makers of Venice: Doges, Conquerors, Painters, and Men of Letters'' (1887)
* ''A Memoir of the Life of John Tulloch'' (1888) [https://archive.org/details/memoiroflifeo00olip/page/n10 external source]
* ''Royal Edinburgh: Her Saints, Kings, Prophets, and Poets'' (1890)
* ''A House of Peace'' (1890)
* ''A memoir of the life of Laurence Oliphant and of Alice Oliphant, his wife'' (1890)
* ''Jerusalem: Its History and Hope'' (1891)
* ''The Victorian Age of English Literature'' (1892), in 2 vols. (with F. R. Oliphant)
* ''Thomas Chalmers, Preacher, Philosopher, and Statesman'' (1893) {English Leaders of Religion)
* ''Historical Sketches of the Reign of Queen Anne'' (1894)
* ''A Child's History of Scotland'' (1895)
* ''The Makers of Modern Rome'' (1895)
* ''[[Jeanne d'Arc: Her Life and Death]]'' (1896) (''Heroes of the Nations'')
* '' Women Novelists of Queen Victoria's reign'' (1897), by various authors
** Contributed chapter ''The Sisters Brontë'' 
* ''Annals of a Publishing House: William Blackwood and his Sons, their Magazine and Friends'' (1897), in 2 vols.

===Translations===
* ''The monks of the West from St. Benedict to St. Bernard'' (1861-79), in 7 vols, by Count de Montalembert

===Works from magazines===
* [[Blackwood's Magazine/Volume 81/Issue 1/A Christmas Tale|A Christmas Tale]] (1857, ''Blackwood's Magazine'')
* &quot;[[The Two Mrs. Scudamores]]&quot; (1871 Nov–1872 Jan, ''Scribner's Monthly'') (novelette) 
* &quot;[[At His Gates]]&quot; (1872, ''Scribner's Monthly'') (novel) 
* &quot;[[Heidelburg]]&quot; (1884-85, ''The English Illustrated'') (article) 
* &quot;[[A Girl of the Period]]&quot; (1891-92, ''The English Illustrated'') (ss)
* &quot;A Mysterious Bridegroom&quot; (1895, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'')
* She published extensively in [[Littell's Living Age]] and [[Blackwood's Magazine]], which need incorporating here.

===Other===
*(1870) Introductory Chapter to 'Life of Robert Lee,' by R. H. Story 
*(1872) Memoirs of the Count de Montalembert: A Chapter of recent French History
*(1875) Preface to 'Art of Swimming in the Eton Style' by J. Leahy
*(1878) Postscript to 'Life of Anna Jameson,' by G. Macpherson
*(1895) [[A Mysterious Bridegroom]]

== Works about Oliphant ==
* &quot;The autobiography and letters of Mrs. M. O. W. Oliphant&quot; (1899), edited by [[author:Annie Louisa Walker|Annie Louisa Walker]]
* {{SBDEL link|Oliphant, Mrs. Margaret Oliphant}}
* {{EB1911 link|Oliphant, Margaret Oliphant}}
* {{DNB link|Oliphant, Margaret Oliphant|year=01}}
===About Oliphant's works===
* &quot;[[Works by Mrs. Oliphant]]&quot; (1869 June 19, in  ''Littell's Living Age'') 

{{PD-old}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:Scottish authors]]
[[Category:Novelists]]
[[Category:Autobiographers]]
[[Category:Romance authors]]
[[Category:Horror authors]]
[[Category:Historical fiction authors]]</text>
      <sha1>apyx6xrpem0hbkp11mosg2609ca59qn</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Author:Albert Kinross</title>
    <ns>102</ns>
    <id>182456</id>
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      <minor />
      <comment>+ some mag works</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3768" xml:space="preserve">{{author 
 | firstname    = Albert
 | lastname     = Kinross
 | last_initial = Ki
  | description  = English journalist, magazine editor and writer of novels, stories and articles.  He worked and published in many of the most popular periodicals of his day.
 }}

==Works==
* ''[[The Fearsome Island]]'' (1896) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/fearsomeislandbe00kinriala}}
* ''[[A Game of Consequences]]'' (1896)
* ''[[An Opera and Lady Grasmere]]'' (1899) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/operaladygrasmer00kinriala}}
* ''[[Philbrick Howell]]'' (1901)
* ''The Early Stars'' (1901)
* ''Within the Radius'' (1901)
* ''The Way Back'' (1903)
* ''[[The Land of Every Man]]'' (1907) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/landeveryman00kinrgoog}}
* ''[[Davenant]]'' (1907)
* ''[[Joan of Garioch]]'' (1908) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/joangarioch00kinrgoog}}
* ''The Love Brokers'' (1909)
* ''The Fortunes of Virginia Bright'' (1915)
* ''[[The Truth about Vignolles]]'' (1922) {{smaller|short stories}}
** {{fine|The Truth about Vignolles — Forbidden Fruit — An Honest Living — Eve Damer — Behind the Lines — The Profiteer}}
* God and tony Hewitt (1926)

===Works from magazines===
* &quot;[[The Prodigal (Kinross)|The Prodigal]]&quot; (1899 June 24 ''The Outlook'') (ss) [Within the Radius]
* &quot;[[In a Single Night]]&quot; (1899 Dec 16, ''The Outlook'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Shadow on the House]]&quot; (1901 Oct, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[Sherwell's Holiday]]&quot; (1908 Aug, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Golden Fleece (Kinross)|The Golden Fleece]]&quot;, (1908) in ''McClure's Magazine''
* &quot;[[The Raising of the Dead]]&quot; (with M. W. Kinross) (1910 Feb, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The 'Cause']]&quot; (1910 Nov, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[Life (Kinross)|Life]]&quot; (1914 April, ''The English Review'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Hopperton Boy]]&quot;  (1911 July, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[Scribner's Magazine/Volume 52/Number 6/The Winged Hussar|The Winged Hussar]]&quot; (1912 Dec, ''Scribner's Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Apple Tree in the Orchard]]&quot; (1912 Nov, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Soldier (Kinross)|The Soldier]]&quot; (1913 Oct, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Hotel Hester]]&quot; (1914, ''The Windsor Magazine'') [Hester Ling] (ss) 
* &quot;[[Spider's Castle]]&quot; (1914, ''The Windsor Magazine'') [Hester Ling](ss)
* &quot;[[His Own People]]&quot; (1914 Jan, ''The Smart Set'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Probation of Jimmy Baker]]&quot;  (1915)  in ''[[The Times Red Cross Story Book]]'' by &quot;Famous Novelists Serving in His Majesty's Forces.&quot;
* &quot;[[The Symphony (Kinross)|The Symphony]]&quot; (1915 Feb 20, ''Harper's Weekly'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Collaborators (Kinross)|The Collaborators ]]&quot; (1915-16, ''The Century Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[A Disciple (Kinross)|A Disciple]]&quot; (1920-21, ''The Century Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[The Truth About Vignolles (Century Magazine)|The Truth About Vignolles]]&quot; (1920-21, ''The Century Magazine'') (ss)
* &quot;[[Traitors (Kinross)|Traitors]]&quot; (1922 April, ''The Smart Set'') (ss)
	
;Longer works
* &quot;[[Bank Farm]]&quot; (1919 Dec, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (novella)
	
;Other works
* &quot;[[In Exile (Kinross)|In Exile]]&quot; (1899 Dec, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (poem)
* &quot;[['Caught at the Wicket']]. Cricket Memories&quot; (1913 June, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (article)
* &quot;[[Coming of Age]]: Twenty-One Years of the Pall Magazine&quot; (1914 May, ''The Pall Mall Magazine'') (article)

{{PD/US|1929}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:United Kingdom authors]]
[[Category:Journalists as authors]]
[[Category:Editors as authors]]
[[Category:soldiers as authors]]
[[Category:novelists]]
[[Category:short story authors]]
[[Category:essayists]]
[[Category:adventure authors]]
[[Category:mystery authors]]
[[Category:science fiction authors]]</text>
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      <contributor>
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      <comment>/* editing-tools-for-Index-namespace */ make transclusion-checker default</comment>
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      <text bytes="4626" xml:space="preserve">== editing-tools ==
* charinsert[ResourceLoader|default|peers=charinsert-styles]|charinsert.js
* charinsert-core[ResourceLoader|hidden|dependencies=jquery.textSelection,user,mediawiki.storage]|charinsert-core.js
* charinsert-styles[ResourceLoader|hidden|type=styles]|charinsert-styles.css
* WikiEditorTools[ResourceLoader]|WikiEditor-Tools-loader.js
&lt;!-- Loaded by WikiEditorTools only when needed --&gt;
* WikiEditor-CssTools[ResourceLoader|hidden]|WikiEditor-CssTools.js
* edittop[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util]|edittop.js
* HotCat[ResourceLoader|rights=edit,purge]|HotCat.js&lt;!-- purge is a work-around to default-enable only for logged-in users. --&gt;
* popups[ResourceLoader|type=general]|popups.js|navpop.css
* RegexMenuFramework[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util]|RegexMenuFramework.js
* refToolbar[ResourceLoader|dependencies=user.options]|refToolbar.js
* specialchars[ResourceLoader]|specialchars.js
* TemplatePreloader[ResourceLoader|targets=desktop,mobile]|TemplatePreloader.js
* DefaultSummaries[ResourceLoader]|DefaultSummaries.js
* ContrastReducer[ResourceLoader]|ContrastReducer.js
* robot[ResourceLoader]|robot.js

== editing-tools-for-Page-namespace ==
* ocr[ResourceLoader]|ocr.js
* GoogleOCR[ResourceLoader]|GoogleOCR.js
* Easy_LST[ResourceLoader|default]|Easy_LST.js
* NopInserter[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util]|NopInserter.js
* pilcrowMarkers[ResourceLoader]|pilcrowMarkers.css
* mark-proofread[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util,mediawiki.api]|mark-proofread.js|mark-proofread.css
* Preload_Page_Images[ResourceLoader]|Preload_Page_Images.js
* RunningHeader[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util,mediawiki.api]|RunningHeader.js
* ImageUploader[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util]|ImageUploader.js

== editing-tools-for-Index-namespace ==
* Fill_Index[ResourceLoader|default|targets=desktop,mobile]|Fill_Index.js
* IndexFormTools[ResourceLoader|default|dependencies=oojs-ui-core]|IndexFormTools.js
* ImportPagelist[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util|targets=desktop,mobile]|ImportPagelist.js
* transclusion-check[ResourceLoader|default|dependencies=mediawiki.util,mediawiki.api|targets=desktop,mobile]|transclusion-check.js|transclusion-check.css

== interface ==
* Site[ResourceLoader|default|top|dependencies=mediawiki.util|peers=Site-styles]|SiteMessages.js|DisplayFooter.js|ToolbarFixes.js|site-source-links.js|Site-PreloadTestPages.js
* Site-styles[hidden|type=styles]|Site.css|SiteHeader.css|enwp-boxes.css|enwp-lists.css|enws-tweaks.css
* PageNumbers[ResourceLoader|default]|PageNumbers.js
* PageNumbers-core[ResourceLoader|hidden|dependencies=mediawiki.util,user,mediawiki.cookie]|PageNumbers-core.js|PageNumbers-core.css
* HideFundraisingNotice[ResourceLoader|type=general]|HideFundraisingNotice.js|HideFundraisingNotice.css
* MobileSite[ResourceLoader|default|targets=mobile]|SiteMessages.js|MobileDownloadLink.js|site-source-links.js|DisplayFooter.js|SiteHeader.css
* addsection-plus[ResourceLoader]|addsection-plus.js
* altindex[ResourceLoader]|altindex.js
* userMessages[ResourceLoader]|UserMessages.js
* PurgeTab[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util,mediawiki.api|default]|PurgeTab.js
* UTCLiveClock[ResourceLoader]|UTCLiveClock.js
* WhatLeavesHere[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util|targets=desktop,mobile]|WhatLeavesHere.js
* ShowMessageNames[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util]|ShowMessageNames.js
* DebugMode[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util]|DebugMode.js
* CurIDLink[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util]|CurIDLink.js
* BugStatusUpdate[ResourceLoader]|BugStatusUpdate.js
* Visibility[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.cookie]|Visibility.js

== compatibility ==
* Font-Awesome[ResourceLoader|top]|Font-Awesome.css

== development ==
* ResultListSort[ResourceLoader]|ResultListSort.js
* WE-framework WS[ResourceLoader]|WE-framework WS.js
* WikidataInfo [ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.jqueryMsg] | WikidataInfo.js
* sandbox[ResourceLoader|dependencies=mediawiki.util]|sandbox.js|sandbox.css
* legacyToolbar[ResourceLoader]|legacyToolbar.js
* extra-toolbar-buttons[ResourceLoader|default]|extra-toolbar-buttons.js
* extra-toolbar-buttons-core[ResourceLoader|hidden]|extra-toolbar-buttons-core.js
* pr_test_layout[ResourceLoader]|pr_test_layout.js|pr_test_layout.css

== maintenance-tools==
* markblocked[ResourceLoader]|markblocked.js

== admin-tools ==
* CleanDeleteReasons[ResourceLoader|rights=delete]|CleanDeleteReasons.js
* massdelete[ResourceLoader|rights=delete]|massdelete.js

== hidden ==
* utils-difference[ResourceLoader|hidden|targets=desktop,mobile]|utils-difference.js</text>
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    <title>Page:Al Que Quiere.djvu/7</title>
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      <text bytes="248" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Prosody&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center|
A BOOK OF POEMS 

{{larger|AL QUE QUIERE! }}

{{asc|BY}}

WILLIAM CARLOS WILLIAMS
{{dhr|5}}
[[File:The Four Seas Company publisher's mark.png|center|100px]]
{{dhr|5}}
{{smaller|BOSTON}}&lt;br/&gt;
{{smaller|THE FOUR SEAS COMPANY}}&lt;br/&gt;
1917 
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 5.djvu/623</title>
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      <text bytes="4135" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Notsquaregarden&quot; /&gt;{{USStatHeader | side=right | volume=5 | congress=27th | congress word=TWENTY-SEVENTH | session=3rd | chapter=2 | year=1842 | page=587}}

{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;For fuel and light, seven hundred dollars;

For miscellaneous items, three hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Treasury Department.&lt;br /&gt;Secretary, &amp;c.}}''[[w:United States Department of the Treasury|Treasury Department]]''.―For compensation of the [[w:United States Secretary of the Treasury|Secretary of the Treasury]], and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger, in his office, thirteen thousand nine hundred and twenty-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|First Comptroller, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the First Comptroller, and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger, in his office, eleven thousand four hundred and seventy-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Second Comptroller, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Second Comptroller, and the clerks and messenger in his office, seven thousand six hundred and twenty-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|1st Auditor, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the First auditor, and the clerks and messenger in his office, nine thousand nine hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|2d Auditor, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Second Auditor, and the clerks and messenger in his office, ten thousand seven hundred and five dollars and forty-nine cents.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|3d Auditor, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Third Auditor, and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger, in his office, nineteen thousand one hundred and seventy-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|4th Auditor, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Fourth Auditor, and the clerks and messenger in his office, ten thousand and seventy-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|5th Auditor, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Fifth Auditor, and the clerks and messenger in his office, seven thousand four hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Treasurer, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the [[w:Treasurer of the United States|Treasurer of the United States]], and the clerks and messenger in his office, six thousand eight hundred and seventy-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Register, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Register of the Treasury, and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger, in his office, fourteen thousand three hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Commiss’rs of General Land Office, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Commissioner of the [[w:General Land Office|General Land Office]], and the recorder, solicitor, draughtsman, assistant draughtsman, clerks, messengers, and packers, in his office, forty-nine thousand two hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Solicitor, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the [[w:Solicitor of the United States Treasury|Solicitor of the Treasury]], and the clerks and messenger in his office, six thousand two hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Contingent expenses.}}For the incidental and contingent expenses of the Treasury Department, viz.:

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Office of the Secretary.}}In the office of the Secretary of the Treasury:

For newspapers and periodicals, fifty dollars;

For labor, seventy-five dollars;

For extra clerk hire, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For printing, (including the printing of the public accounts,) one thousand two hundred and seventy-five dollars;

For sealing ship registers, fifty dollars;

For miscellaneous items, three hundred and fifty dollars;

For translating foreign languages, seventy-five dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|First Comptroller.}}In the office of the First Comptroller:

For blank books, binding, and stationery, five hundred dollars;

For labor, two hundred and twenty-five dollars;

For extra clerk hire, two hundred and twenty-five dollars;

For miscellaneous items, one hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Second Comptroller.}}In the office of the Second Comptroller:

For blank books, binding and stationery, three hundred and fifty dollars;

For labor, one hundred dollars;

For extra clerk hire, two hundred dollars;

For miscellaneous items, one hundred dollars;
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="4575" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Notsquaregarden&quot; /&gt;{{USStatHeader | side=right | volume=5 | congress=27th | congress word=TWENTY-SEVENTH | session=3rd | chapter=2 | year=1842 | page=589}}

{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger, in his office, nine thousand seven hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Commissioner of Pensions, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Commissioner of Pensions, and the clerks and messengers in his office, seven thousand six hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Office of Commanding General.}}For compensation of the clerk and messenger in the office of the [[w:Commanding General of the United States Army|Commanding General]], seven hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Adjutant General.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the [[w:United States Army Adjutant General's Corps|office of the Adjutant General]], three thousand eight hundred and twenty-five dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Quartermaster General.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of the [[w:Quartermaster Corps (United States Army)|Quartermaster General]], three thousand six hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Paymaster General.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of the [[w:Paymaster-General of the United States Army|Paymaster General]], three thousand five hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Clothing and Equipage.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of clothing and equipage at [[w:Philadelphia|Philadelphia]], two thousand one hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Comm’y Gen. of Subsistence.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of the Commissary General of Subsistence, two thousand six hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Chief Engineer.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of the Chief Engineer, tow thousand eight hundred and twenty-five dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Surgeon General.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of the [[w:Surgeon General of the United States Army|Surgeon General]], one thousand three hundred and twenty-five dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Colonel of Ordnance.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of the [[w:Chief of Ordnance of the United States Army|Colonel of Ordnance]], four thousand three hundred and twenty-five dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Topographical Engineers.}}For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the [[w:United States Army Corps of Topographical Engineers|bureau of Topographical Engineers]], two thousand four hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|N. W. executive building.}}For compensation of the superintendent and four watchmen of the northwest executive building, eight hundred and fifty-five dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Contingent expenses.}}For contingent expenses of the War Department, viz:

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Office of the Secretary.}}In the office of the Secretary of War:

For blank books, binding, and stationery, three hundred dollars;

For newspapers and periodicals, one hundred and twenty-five dollars;

For labor, one hundred and fifty dollars;

For printing, one hundred and fifty dollars;

For miscellaneous items, two hundred and seventy-five dollars;

For books, maps, and plans, five hundred dollars.

For extra clerk hire, one thousand five hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Commissioner of Ind. Affairs.}}In the office of the Commissioner of Indian affairs:

For blank books, binding, and stationery, three hundred dollars;

For labor, twenty-five dollars;

For miscellaneous items, one hundred and seventy-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Commissioner of Pensions.}}In the office of the Commissioner of Pensions:

For blank books, binding, and stationery, two hundred and fifty dollars;

For printing, two hundred dollars;

For fuel, seventy-five dollars;

For miscellaneous items, two hundred and twenty-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Commanding General.}}In the office of the Commanding General:

For miscellaneous items, one hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Quartermaster General.}}In the office of the Quartermaster General:

For blank books, binding, and stationery, one hundred and fifty dollars;

For labor, fifty dollars;

For printing, fifty dollars;

For miscellaneous items, fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Chief Engineer.}}In the office of the Chief Engineer.

For blank books, binding, and stationery, two hundred dollars;

For printing, fifty dollars;
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 5.djvu/627</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;For printing, two hundred dollars;

For labor, four hundred dollars;

For one day watchman, one hundred and eighty dollars;

For compensation of temporary clerks, one thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Auditor, &amp;c.}}For compensation of the Auditor of the Post Office Department, and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger, in his office, forty-two thousand eight hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Contingent expenses.}}For contingent expenses of said office, viz:

For blank books, binding, and stationery, one thousand dollars;

For printing blanks, four hundred dollars;

For labor, five hundred dollars;

For miscellaneous items, two hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Surveyors and their clerks.&lt;br /&gt;North-west of the Ohio.}}''Surveyors and their Clerks''.―For compensation of the [[w:Surveyor General of the Northwest Territory|surveyor general northwest of the Ohio]], and the clerks in his office, four thousand one hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Illinois and Missouri.}}For compensation of the surveyor general in Illinois and Missouri, and the clerks in his office, two thousand nine hundred and ten dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Arkansas.}}For compensation of the surveyor general in Arkansas, and the clerks in his office, tow thousand one hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Louisiana.}}For compensation of the surveyor general in Louisiana, and the clerks in his office, two thousand two hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Mississippi.}}For compensation of the surveyor general in Mississippi, and the clerks in his office, three thousand five hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Alabama.}}For compensation of the surveyor general in Alabama, and the clerks in his office, two thousand dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Florida.}}For compensation of the surveyor general in Florida, and the clerks in his office, two thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Wisconsin and Iowa.}}For compensation of the surveyor general in Wisconsin and Iowa, and the clerks in his office, one thousand five hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Secretary to sign land patents.}}For compensation of the secretary to sign land patents for public lands, seven hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Commissioner of public buildings.}}For compensation of the Commissioner of Public Buildings in [[w:Washington, D.C.|Washington city]], and the three assistants, as draw-keepers at the [[w:Long Bridge (Potomac River)|Potomac bridge]], including oil, fire wood, and repairs, two thousand three hundred and twenty-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Mint and branches.&lt;br /&gt;Mint at Philadelphia―officers.}}''[[w:United States Mint|United States Mint]] and Branches''.―For compensation of the officers and workmen of the [[w:Philadelphia Mint|mint]] at [[w:Philadelphia|Philadelphia]], viz:

For the director, one thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the treasurer, one thousand dollars;

For the chief coiner, one thousand dollars;

For the assayer, one thousand dollars;

For the melter and refiner, one thousand dollars;

For the engraver, one thousand dollars;

For the assistant assayer, six hundred and fifty dollars;

For four clerks, two thousand two hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Workmen.}}For wages to workmen, twelve thousand dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Specimens.}}For specimens of ores and coins to be reserved at said mint, three hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Branch mint at Charlotte―officers.}}For compensation of the officers and workmen of the [[w:Charlotte Mint|branch mint]] at [[w:Charlotte, North Carolina|Charlotte]], in North Carolina, viz:

For the superintendent, one thousand dollars;

For the assayer, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the coiner, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the clerk, five hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Workmen.}}For wages to workmen, one thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Branch mint at Dahlonega―officers.}}For compensation of the officers and workmen of the [[w:Dahlonega Mint|branch mint]] at [[w:Dahlonega, Georgia|Dahlonega]], in Georgia, viz:

For the superintendent, one thousand dollars;
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 5.djvu/628</title>
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      <text bytes="4551" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Notsquaregarden&quot; /&gt;{{USStatHeader | side=left | volume=5 | congress=27th | congress word=TWENTY-SEVENTH | session=3rd | chapter=2 | year=1842 | page=592}}

{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;For the assayer, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the coiner, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the clerk, five hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Workmen.}}For wages to workmen, one thousand four hundred and forty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Contingent expenses.}}For incidental and contingent expenses of said branch, including fuel, materials, stationery, taxes and wastage of gold, six hundred and seventy-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Branch mint at New Orleans―officers.}}For compensation of the officers and workmen of the [[w:New Orleans Mint|branch mint]] at [[w:New Orleans|New Orleans]], viz:

For the superintendent, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the treasurer, one thousand dollars;

For the coiner, one thousand dollars;

For the assayer, one thousand dollars;

For the melter and refiner, one thousand dollars;

For two clerks, one thousand two hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Workmen.}}For wages to workmen, ten thousand dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Contingent expenses.}}For incidental and contingent expenses of said branch, including fuel, materials, stationery, and wastage of gold and silver, eight thousand dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Territories.&lt;br /&gt;Wisconsin.&lt;br /&gt;Governor.&lt;br /&gt;Judges.&lt;br /&gt;Secretary.}}''Governments in the Territories of the United States''.―For compensation of the officers of [[w:Wisconsin Territory|Wisconsin Territory]], viz: For Governor, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars; for three judges, two thousand seven hundred dollars; for secretary, six hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Contingent expenses.}}For contingent expenses of said Territory, one hundred and seventy-five dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Legislative Assembly.}}For compensation and mileage of the members of the Legislative Assembly of said Territory, pay of officers, printing, stationery, fuel, furniture, and all other incidental and miscellaneous objects, nineteen thousand two hundred and seventy-five dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Iowa.}}For compensation of the officers of Iowa Territory, viz.:

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Governor.}}For Governor, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Judges.}}For three judges, two thousand seven hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Secretary.}}For secretary, six hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Contingent expenses.}}For contingent expenses of said Territory, one hundred and seventy-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Florida.}}For compensation of the officers of the [[w:Florida Territory|Florida Territory]], viz:

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Governor.}}For Governor, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Judges.}}For five judges, four thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Secretary.}}For secretary, seven hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Contingent expenses.}}For contingent expenses of said Territory, one hundred and seventy-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Legislative Council.}}For compensation and mileage of the members of the [[w:Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida|Legislative Council of said Territory]], pay of officers, stationery, fuel, printing, and all other incidental and miscellaneous objects, including the private secretary of the executive office, twenty-seven thousand one hundred and twenty-five dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Judiciary.}}''Judiciary''.―For compensation of the officers of the Judiciary, viz:

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Chief justice.}}For the [[w:Chief Justice of the United States|Chief Justice of the Supreme court]], two thousand five hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Associate judges.}}For eight [[w:Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States|associate judges of said court]], eighteen thousand dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|District judges.}}For the district judge of Maine, nine hundred dollars;

For the district judge of New Hampshire, five hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Massachusetts, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Vermont, six hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Rhode Island, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Connecticut, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of New York, northern district, one thousand dollars;
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 5.djvu/629</title>
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      <text bytes="3538" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Notsquaregarden&quot; /&gt;{{USStatHeader | side=right | volume=5 | congress=27th | congress word=TWENTY-SEVENTH | session=3rd | chapter=2 | year=1842 | page=593}}

{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;{{USStatSidenote2|R|District judges.}}For the district judge of New York, southern district, one thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of New Jersey, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Pennsylvania, eastern district, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Pennsylvania, western district, nine hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Delaware, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Maryland, one thousand dollars;

For the district judge of Virginia, eastern district, nine hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Virginia, western district, eight hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Kentucky, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Tennessee, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Ohio, five hundred dollars;

For the district judge of North Carolina, one thousand dollars;

For the district judge of South Carolina, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Georgia, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Louisiana, one thousand five hundred dollasr;

For the district judge of Mississippi, one thousand dollars;

For the district judge of Indiana, five hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Illinois, five hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Alabama, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Missouri, six hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Judges of District of Columbia.}}For the chief justice of the [[w:District of Columbia (until 1871)|District of Columbia]], one thousand three hundred and fifty dollars;

For the two associate judges of said District, two thousand five hundred dollars;

For the judge of the Criminal Court of said District, one thousand dollars;

For the judge of the Orphans’ Court of [[w:Washington County, D.C.|Washington county]], in said District, five hundred dollars;

For the judge of the Orphans’ Court of [[w:Arlington County, Virginia|Alexandria county]], in said District, five hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Attorney General, &amp;c.}}For the [[w:United States Attorney General|Attorney General of the United States]], and the clerk and messenger in his office, and the contingent expenses thereof, three thousand dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Reporter of Supreme Court.}}For the [[w:Reporter of Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States|reporter of the decisions of the Supreme Court]], six hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|District attorneys.}}For the [[w:United States Attorney|district attorney]] of Maine, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of New Hampshire, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Massachusetts, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Vermont, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Rhode Island, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Connecticut, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of New York, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of New Jersey, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Pennsylvania, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Pennsylvania, western district, one hundred dollars.
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3667" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Notsquaregarden&quot; /&gt;{{USStatHeader | side=right | volume=5 | congress=27th | congress word=TWENTY-SEVENTH | session=3rd | chapter=2 | year=1842 | page=593}}

{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;{{USStatSidenote2|R|District judges.}}For the district judge of New York, southern district, one thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of New Jersey, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Pennsylvania, eastern district, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Pennsylvania, western district, nine hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Delaware, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Maryland, one thousand dollars;

For the district judge of Virginia, eastern district, nine hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Virginia, western district, eight hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Kentucky, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Tennessee, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Ohio, five hundred dollars;

For the district judge of North Carolina, one thousand dollars;

For the district judge of South Carolina, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Georgia, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Louisiana, one thousand five hundred dollasr;

For the district judge of Mississippi, one thousand dollars;

For the district judge of Indiana, five hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Illinois, five hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Alabama, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Missouri, six hundred dollars;

For the district judge of Michigan, seven hundred and fifty dollars;

For the district judge of Arkansas, one thousand dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Judges of District of Columbia.}}For the chief justice of the [[w:District of Columbia (until 1871)|District of Columbia]], one thousand three hundred and fifty dollars;

For the two associate judges of said District, two thousand five hundred dollars;

For the judge of the Criminal Court of said District, one thousand dollars;

For the judge of the Orphans’ Court of [[w:Washington County, D.C.|Washington county]], in said District, five hundred dollars;

For the judge of the Orphans’ Court of [[w:Arlington County, Virginia|Alexandria county]], in said District, five hundred dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Attorney General, &amp;c.}}For the [[w:United States Attorney General|Attorney General of the United States]], and the clerk and messenger in his office, and the contingent expenses thereof, three thousand dollars;

{{USStatSidenote2|R|Reporter of Supreme Court.}}For the [[w:Reporter of Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States|reporter of the decisions of the Supreme Court]], six hundred and fifty dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|R|District attorneys.}}For the [[w:United States Attorney|district attorney]] of Maine, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of New Hampshire, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Massachusetts, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Vermont, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Rhode Island, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Connecticut, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of New York, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of New Jersey, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Pennsylvania, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Pennsylvania, western district, one hundred dollars.
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    <title>Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 5.djvu/630</title>
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      <text bytes="2920" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Notsquaregarden&quot; /&gt;{{USStatHeader | side=left | volume=5 | congress=27th | congress word=TWENTY-SEVENTH | session=3rd | chapter=2 | year=1842 | page=594}}

{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;{{USStatSidenote2|L|District attorneys.}}For the district attorney of Delaware, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Maryland, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Virginia, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Virginia, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, Jackson district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Kentucky, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Ohio, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of North Carolina, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of South Carolina, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Georgia, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Louisiana, eastern district, three hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Louisiana, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Mississippi, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Mississippi, southern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Indiana, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Illinois, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Alabama, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Missouri, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Michigan, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Arkansas, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, southern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, Appalachicola district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Wisconsin, one hundred and twenty-five dollars.

For the district attorney of Iowa, one hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Marshals.}}For the [[w:United States Marshals Service|marshal]] of the district of Maine, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New Hampshire, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Vermont, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Rhode Island, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Connecticut, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New York, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New Jersey, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, western district, one hundred dollars.
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2999" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Notsquaregarden&quot; /&gt;{{USStatHeader | side=left | volume=5 | congress=27th | congress word=TWENTY-SEVENTH | session=3rd | chapter=2 | year=1842 | page=594}}

{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;{{USStatSidenote2|L|District attorneys.}}For the district attorney of Delaware, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Maryland, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Virginia, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Virginia, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, Jackson district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Kentucky, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Ohio, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of North Carolina, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of South Carolina, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Georgia, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Louisiana, eastern district, three hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Louisiana, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Mississippi, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Mississippi, southern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Indiana, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Illinois, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Alabama, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Alabama, southern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Missouri, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Michigan, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Arkansas, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, southern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, Appalachicola district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Wisconsin, one hundred and twenty-five dollars.

For the district attorney of Iowa, one hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Marshals.}}For the [[w:United States Marshals Service|marshal]] of the district of Maine, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New Hampshire, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Vermont, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Rhode Island, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Connecticut, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New York, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New Jersey, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, western district, one hundred dollars.
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3076" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Notsquaregarden&quot; /&gt;{{USStatHeader | side=left | volume=5 | congress=27th | congress word=TWENTY-SEVENTH | session=3rd | chapter=2 | year=1842 | page=594}}

{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;{{USStatSidenote2|L|District attorneys.}}For the district attorney of Delaware, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Maryland, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Virginia, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Virginia, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Tennessee, Jackson district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Kentucky, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Ohio, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of North Carolina, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of South Carolina, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Georgia, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Louisiana, eastern district, three hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Louisiana, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Mississippi, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Mississippi, southern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Indiana, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Illinois, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Alabama, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Alabama, southern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Missouri, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Michigan, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Arkansas, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, eastern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, middle district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, western district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, southern district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Florida, Appalachicola district, one hundred dollars.

For the district attorney of Wisconsin, one hundred and twenty-five dollars.

For the district attorney of Iowa, one hundred dollars.

{{USStatSidenote2|L|Marshals.}}For the [[w:United States Marshals Service|marshal]] of the district of Maine, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New Hampshire, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Vermont, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Rhode Island, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Connecticut, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New York, northern district, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of New Jersey, one hundred dollars.

For the marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, western district, one hundred dollars.
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;chap2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 27.djvu/2</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <comment>Moved THE to next line</comment>
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      <text bytes="4022" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Mjbot&quot; /&gt;&lt;div class=pagetext&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|LIST}}

{{x-smaller|OF}}

{{larger|THE PUBLIC ACTS AND RESOLUTIONS}}

{{smaller|OF CONGRESS}}

{{smaller|CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME.}}}}
{{rule|10em}}

{{c|Acts of the Fifty-Second Congress of the United States.

STATUTE I.— 1891-1892.}}

{{hi|''United States courts, Iowa.'' An act fixing the times for holding the district and circuit courts of the United States in the northern district of Iowa. January 22, 1892 {{DJVU page link|1|27}} }}

{{hi|''Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians.'' An act providing for the completion of the allotment of lands to the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians. January 28, 1892 {{DJVU page link|1|27}} }}

{{hi|''Right of way, Ind. Ter.'' An act to amend an act entitled &quot;An act granting the right of way to the Hutchison and Southern Railroad Company through the Indian Territory.&quot; February 3, 1892 {{DJVU page link|2|28}} }}

{{hi|''Incorporations, D. C.'' An act to amend an act entitled &quot;An act to amend the general incorporation law of the District of Columbia,&quot; approved May seventeenth, eighteen hundred and eighty-two. February 9, 1892 {{DJVU page link|2|28}} }}

{{hi|''United States courts, Ark.'' An act to detach Montgomery County from the western and add it to the eastern district of Arkansas. February 9, 1892 {{DJVU page link|3|29}} }}

{{hi|''Utah courts.'' An act to provide for the creation of a fourth judicial district in the Territory of Utah. February 11, 1892 {{DJVU page link|3|29}}  }}

{{hi|''Bridge, Mississippi River.'' An act to amend an act entitled &quot;An act for the construction of a railroad and wagon bridge across the Mississippi River at, South Saint Paul, Minnesota,&quot; approved April twenty-six, eighteen hundred and ninety. February 15, 1892 {{DJVU page link|3|29}}  }}

{{hi|''National Safe Deposit Company, D. C.'' An act to change the corporate name of the National Safe Deposit Company, of Washington. February 18, 1892 {{DJVU page link|4|30}}  }}

{{hi|''Immediate transportation, Sandusky, Ohio.'' An act to extend the privileges of the transportation of dutiable merchandise without appraisement to the port of Sandusky, Ohio. February 26, 1892 {{DJVU page link|4|30}} }}

{{hi|''Immediate transportation, Newark, N. J.'' An act to constitute Newark, in the State of New Jersey, a port of immediate transportation. March 8, 1892 {{DJVU page link|5|31}} }}

{{hi|''Deficiency appropriations.'' An act, making appropriations to supply a deficiency in the appropriation for the expenses of the Eleventh Census, and for other purposes. March 8, 1892 {{DJVU page link|5|31}} }}

{{hi|''Depositions, United States courts.'' An act to provide an additional mode of taking depositions of witnesses in causes pending in the courts of the United States. March 9, 1892 7 }}

{{hi|''United Slates courts, N. H.'' An act to provide for a term of the circuit and district court at Littleton, New Hampshire. March 10, 1892 7 }}

{{hi|''Arizona, World's Fair exhibit.'' An act ratifying the act of the sixteenth territorial legislative assembly of Arizona, approved March nineteenth, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, making appropriation in aid of Arizona's exhibit at the World's Columbian Exposition. March 18, 1892 7 }}

{{hi|''Deficiencies appropriations.'' An act making appropriations to supply a deficiency in the Department of Agriculture, and for other purposes. March 18, 1892 7 }}

{{hi|''Urgent deficiencies appropriations.'' An act to provide for certain of the most urgent deficiencies in the appropriations for the service of the Government for the fiscal year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and ninety-two. March 18, 1892 8 }}

{{hi|''Commission merchants, D. C.'' An act to prevent fraudulent transactions on the part of commission merchant.; and other consignees of goods and other property in the District of Columbia. March 21, 1892 10 }}

{{hi|''United States courts, Md.'' An act to provide for terms of the United States circuit and district courts at Cumberland, Maryland. March 21, 1892 11 }}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:United States Statutes at Large Volume 27.djvu/1064</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>329155</id>
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      <comment>Fixed a few typos while reading (sorry do not know how to set page up). Thanks to [[User:Clindberg]] for the link.</comment>
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      <text bytes="3343" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Mjbot&quot; /&gt;&lt;div class=pagetext&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;PROCLAMATIONS. Nos. 34, 35. 1043
of the west half of township one south of range twenty-seven east, lying Lands excepted—Continued.
south of the Yellowstone Riiver.
''Tract 9.'' Section fourteen, township three south of range nineteen east.
''Tract 10.'' Beginning in the mid-channel of the Main or West Fork of
Red Lodge Creek at the point where it intersects the line known as the
line of the Blake Survey, and which was formerly supposed to be
the south boundary of the Crow Indian Reserve; thence running due
east along the line of said Blake Survey for a distance of one mile;
thence runmng northeasterly along a line parallel to and one mile from
the mid-channel of the said West Fork of said Red Lodge Creek for a
distance of ten miles; thence due west to the mid-channel of the said
West Fork of said Red Lodge Creek; thence southwesterly along the
mid-channel of the said West Fork of said Bed Lodge Creek to the
place of beginning.
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this fifteenth day of October, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-two,
[SEAL.] and of the Independence of the United States the one hundred
and seventeenth.
Benj Harrison
By the President:
John W. Foster
''Secretary of, State.''

[No. 35.]
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. October 31, 1892
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas it is provided by section 13 of the act of Congress of March Preamble. Vol. 26, p. 1110
3, 1891, entitled “An act to amend title sixty, chapter three, of the Revised 
Statutes of the United States, relating to copyrights,&quot; that said act
“shall only apply to a citizen or subject of a foreign state or nation when
such foreign state or nation permits to citizens of the United States of
America the benefit of copyright on substantially the same basis as its
own citizens; or when such foreign state or nation is a party to an international agreement which provides for reciprocity in the granting of
copyright, by the terms of which agreement the United States of
America may, at its pleasure, become a party to such agreement:&quot;
And whereas it is also provided by said section that “the existence of
either of the conditions aforesaid shall be determined by the President
of the United States by proclamation made from time to time as the
purposes of this act may require:&quot;
And whereas satisfactory official assurances have been given that in
Italy the law permits to citizens of the United States the benefit of
copyright on substantially the same basis as to the subiects of Italy;
Now, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States Copyright benefits extended to the subjects of Italy
of America, do declare and proclaim that the first of the conditions 
specified in section 13 of the act of March 3, 1891, now exists and is ful-filled in respect to the subjects of Italy.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this thirty-first day of October one
thousand eight hundred and ninety-two, and of the Inde-
[SEAL.] pendence of the United States the one hundred and seventeenth.
Benj Harrison
By the President:
John W. Foster,
''Secretary of State.''&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Dictionary of Music and Musicians vol 4.djvu/987</title>
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      <text bytes="7687" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Mjbot&quot; /&gt;{{rh||INDEX.|147}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{sc|Shalm}}. (See [[../Shawm|{{sc|Shawm}}, iii. 485''b'']].)

{{hi|[[../Sharp|{{sc|Sharp}}, iii. 485''a'']]; Accidentals, i. 18''b'']], etc.; Acuteness, i. 26''b'']]; Diesis, i. 446''b'']]; Key, ii. 53''a'']]; Notation, ii. 474''a'']], etc.}}

{{sc|Sharp}}, W.; Neate, ii. 450''a'']].

[[../Shaw, Mary|{{sc|Shaw}}, Mary, iii. 485''a'']]; Mendelssohn, ii. 275''b'']]; Philh. Soc., ii. 699''b'']]; Postans, iii. 21''b'']]; Singing, iii. 512''a'']].

[[../Shawm|{{sc|Shawm}}, iii. 485''b'']]; Clarinet, i. 361''a'']]; Oboe, ii. 486''a'']].

{{sc|Shedlock}}, J. S.; Mus. Periodicals, iv. 727''a'']].

{{sc|Shepherd}}, J. (See [[../Sheppard, John|{{sc|Sheppard}}, iii. 486''a'']].)

[[../Shepherd's Pipe|{{sc|Shepherd's Pipe}}, iii. 486''a'']].

{{hi|[[../Sheppard, John|{{sc|Sheppard}}, J., iii. 486''a'']]; Barnard, i. 140''b'']]; Hawkins, i. 700''b'']]; Motet, ii. 375''b'']]; Mus. Lib., ii. 422''a'']]; Schools of Comp., iii. 270''b'']], etc.; Sketches, iii. 526''b'']]; Tudway, iv. 199''a'']]; Burney, iv. 570''b'']]; Motet Soc., iv. 720''a'']]; Mus. Lib., iv. 723''b'']]; Psalter, iv. 759''b'']].}}

[[../Sherrington, Jose|{{sc|Sherrington}}, J., iii. 486''b'']].

[[../Sherrington, Mme. Lemmens-|{{sc|Sherrington}}, Mme. {{sc|Lemmens}}, iv. 699''a'']]; Philh. Soc., ii. 700''a'']]; Singing, iii. 512''b'']].

{{sc|Sherrington}}, W.; Philh. Soc., ii. 698''a'']].

{{sc|Sheryngham}}; Burney, iv. 570''b'']].

{{hi|[[../Shield, William|{{sc|Shield}}, W., iii. 486''b''; iv. 792''b'']]; Baumgarten, i. 157''a'']]; English Opera, i. 489''a'']]; Glee Club, i. 599''a'']]; Incledon, ii. 3''a'']]; King's Band, ii. 58''a'']]; Opera, ii. 524''a'']]; Pantomime, ii. 646''a'']]; Part Mus., ii. 656''b'']]; Philh. Soc., ii. 698''a'']]; Reeve, iii. 92''b'']]; Royal Academy of Mus., iii. 185''a'']]; Schools of Comp., iii. 291''b'']], etc.; Song, iii. 607''a'']]; Thoroughbass, iv. 108''b'']].}}

[[../Shift|{{sc|Shift}}, iii. 487''b'']]; Baltzar, i. 133''b'']]; Matteis, ii. 239''b'']]; Mutations, ii. 439''b'']]; Violin, iv. 270''b'']], etc.

{{sc|Shifting Pedal}}; Pedals, ii. 683''a'']].

{{sc|Shifts}}. (See [[../Positions|{{sc|Positions}}, iii. 20''b'']].)

[[../Shinner, Emily|{{sc|Shinner}}, E., iv. 792''b'']]; London Mus. Soc., iv. 705''b'']].

[[../Shirreff|{{sc|Shirreff}}, J., iii. 488''a''; iv. 792''b'']].

[[../Shore, Matthias|{{sc|Shore}}, C., iii. 488''b'']].

[[../Shore, Matthias|{{sc|Shore}}, J., iii. 488''b''; iv. 792''b'']]; Lutenist, ii. 178''a'']]; Sergeant-Trumpeter, iii. 469''a'']]; Tuning-fork, iv. 190''a'']].

[[../Shore, Matthias|{{sc|Shore}}, M., iii. 488''b'']]; Sergeant-Trumpeter, iii. 469''a'']].

[[../Shore, Matthias|{{sc|Shore}}, W., iii. 488''b'']]; Sergeant-Trumpeter, iii. 469''a'']].

{{sc|Short Octaves}}. (See {{sc|Octaves, Short}}.)

{{sc|Short Score}}. (See [[../Score#426|{{sc|Score}}, iii. 426''b'']].)

{{sc|Shoubridge}}; Charity Children, i. 340''b'']].

{{hi|[[../Shudi, Burkat|{{sc|Shudi}}, iii. 488''b''; iv. 792''b'']]; Broadwood &amp; Sons, i. 278''a'']]; Harpsichord, i. 689''a'']], etc.; Key, ii. 54''a'']]; Kirkman, ii. 61''b'']]; Mozart, ii. 381''a'']]; Pianoforte, ii. 716''b'']], etc.; Ruckers, iii. 193''b'']]; Stops, iii. 718''b'']]; Swell, iv. 8''b'']]; Tschudi, iv. 183''b'']]; Harpsichord, iv. 668''b'']].}}

[[../Shuttleworth, Obadiah|{{sc|Shuttleworth}}, O., iii. 490''a'']]; Britton (T.), i. 277''b'']].

[[../Si|{{sc|Si}}, iii. 490''a'']]; [[../B|B, i. 107''a'']]; [[../H|H, i. 643''a'']]; Solmisation, iii. 551''b'']].

{{sc|Si contra Fa}}. (See [[../Mi contra Fa|{{sc|Mi contra Fa}}, ii. 326''b'']].)

[[../Siboni|{{sc|Siboni}}, E. A., iii. 491''a'']].

[[../Siboni|{{sc|Siboni}}, G., iii. 491''a'']]; Fröhlich (N.), i. 565''b'']].

[[../Siboni|{{sc|Siboni}}, J. F., iii. 491''a'']].

[[../Sicilian Bride, The|{{sc|Sicilian Bride}}, The, iii. 491''b'']]; Balfe, i. 127''b'']].

[[../Sicilian Mariners' Hymn|{{sc|Sicilian Mariners' Hymn}}, The, iii. 491''b'']].

{{sc|Sicilian Music}}; Bartholdy (J. S.), i. 145''b'']].

[[../Siciliana|{{sc|Siciliana}}, iii. 491''b'']]; Pastorale, ii. 670''b'']].

{{sc|Siciliani}}, Ph.; Sistine Chapel, iv. 794''a'']].

[[../Side-Drum|{{sc|Side-Drum}}, iii. 491''b'']]; Drum, i. 463''b'']], etc.; Instrument, ii. 7''a'']]; Orchestra, ii. 566''b'']]; Windband, iv. 467''b'']], etc.

{{sc|Siebenkäs}}; Wind-band, iv. 470''a'']].

{{sc|Sieg}}; Gr. Prix de Rome, i. 618''b'']].

[[../Siége de Corinthe, Le|{{sc|Siège de Corinthe}}, Le, iii. 492''a'']]; Maometto Secondo, ii. 208''b'']]; Rossini, iii. 171''b'']].

[[../Siege of Rochelle, The|{{sc|Siege of Rochelle}}, The, iii. 492''a''; iv. 793''a'']]; Balfe, i. 127''a'']].

{{sc|Siegfried}}. (See {{sc|Walküre}}, iv. 376''b'']].)

{{sc|Siehr}}; Wagner, iv. 363''b'']], etc.

{{sc|Siena}}; Accademia, i. 11''b'']]; Hist. of Mus., iv. 675''b'']].

[[../Siface, Giovanni|{{sc|Siface}}, G. F. G. detto, iii. 492''a'']].

{{sc|Sigismondo d'India}}; Mus. Lib., iv. 726''a'']].

[[../Signale für die musikalische Welt|{{sc|Signale für die musikalische Welt}}, iii. 492''b'']]; Mus. Periodicals, ii. 430''b'']]; Senff, iii. 463''a'']].

{{sc|Signals (Hunting)}}; Horn, i. 748''b'']].

[[../Signals|{{sc|Signals (Military)}}, iii. 492''b'']]. (See [[../Sounds and Signals, Military|{{sc|Sounds}}, iii. 642''b'']].)

[[../Signature|{{sc|Signature}}, iii. 492''b''; iv. 793''a'']]; Accidentals, i. 19]], etc.; Key, ii. 52''b'']]; Score, iii. 427''a'']].

{{sc|Sikorski}}, Prof.; Song, iv. 795''a'']].

[[../Silas, Edouard|{{sc|Silas}}, E., iii. 493''a''; iv. 793''a'']]; PF. Mus., ii. 734''a'']]; PF.-playing, ii. 745]]; Philh. Soc., iv. 747''a'']].

{{hi|[[../Silbermann|{{sc|Silbermann}}, iii. 494''a'']]; Bach (J. S.), i. 115''b'']]; Cembal d'Amore, i. 330''a'']]; Frederic the Great, i. 561''b'']]; Grand Piano, i. 617''b'']]; Mozart, ii. 386''b'']]; Pianoforte, ii. 712''a'']], etc.; Sordini, iii. 636''b'']]; Stein (J. A.), iii. 708''a'']]; Upright Grand Piano, iv. 208''b'']].}}

[[../Silcher, Friedrich|{{sc|Silcher}}, F., iii. 495''a'']]; Song, iii. 623''a'']]; Volkslied, iv. 338''a'']].

{{sc|Sillet}}; Nut, ii. 485''b'']].

{{sc|Silva}}; Zingarelli, iv. 509''a'']].

{{sc|Silva}}, A. de; Sistine Chapel, iv. 794''a'']].

{{sc|Silva}}, J. da; Song, iii. 600''b'']].

[[../Silvana|{{sc|Silvana}}, iii. 533''b'']]; Waldmädchen, iv. 375''b'']]; Weber, iv. 393''b'']], etc.

{{sc|Silver}}, J.; Gibbons (C.), iv. 647''a'']].

{{sc|Silvester}}, J.; Jackson (of Exeter), ii. 27''a'']].

{{sc|Silvestre}}; Violin, iv. 283''a'']].

{{sc|Simak}}; Song, iii. 614''b'']].

{{sc|Simao}}. (See {{sc|Portogallo}}, iii. 19''b'']].)

{{sc|Similar Motion}}; Contrary Motion, i. 396''a'']]; Motion, ii. 377''a'']].

[[../Simili|{{sc|Simili}}, iii. 495''a'']]; Abbreviations, i. 3''b'']].

{{sc|Simon}}, A.; Orphéon, L', ii. 611''b'']].

{{sc|Simon}}; Beethoven, i. 172''a'']].

{{sc|Simon}}; Song, iii. 594''b'']].

[[../Simone Boccanegra|{{sc|Simone Boccanegra}}, iii. 533''b'']]; Verdi, iv. 250''a'']].

{{sc|Simonelli}}, M.; Casini, i. 318''b'']]; Corelli, i. 400''6'']]; Sistine Chapel, iv. 794''a'']].

{{sc|Simple Recitative}}; Recitative, iii. 83''b'']].

{{sc|Simple Time}}; Common Time, i. 381''a'']]; Notation, ii. 475''b'']]; Time, iv. 118''a'']].

{{sc|Simpson}}; Parke (J.), ii. 650''a'']].

{{sc|Simpson}}, C. (See {{sc|Sympson}}, iv. 43''b''.)

[[../Simpson, Thomas|{{sc|Simpson}}, T., iii. 495''a'']].

[[../Simrock|{{sc|Simrock}}, iii. 495''a'']]; Beethoven, i. 164''b'']], etc.; Sterkel, iii. 711''b'']]; Mozart, iv. 721''a'']].

{{hi/s}}
{{sc|Sina}}, L., iii. 495''b'']]; Kraft, ii. 70''a'']]; Lichnowsky (C.), ii. 132''a'']]; {{lps|link=../Rasoumowsky, Andreas|pre=Rasoumowsky, iii.|post=77''a'', ''note''}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{hi/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Dictionary of Music and Musicians vol 4.djvu/988</title>
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      <text bytes="7379" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Mjbot&quot; /&gt;{{rh|148|INDEX.}}
{{hi/m}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{lpe|link=../Rasoumowsky, Andreas|pre=Rasoumowsky, iii.|post=77''a'', ''note''}}; Schuppanzigh, iii. 425''a'']].
{{hi/e}}

[[../Sinclair, John|{{sc|Sinclair}}, J., iii. 495''b'']]; Singing, iii. 512''a'']]; Welsh (T.), iv. 444''b'']].

{{sc|Sincopas}}. (See [[../Sink-a-Pace|{{sc|Sink-a-Pace}}, iii. 517''b'']].)

[[../Sinfonie-Cantate|{{sc|Sinfonie-Cantate}}, iii. 496''a'']].

{{hi/s}}
[[../Singing|{{sc|Sing, Singing}}, iii. 496''a'']]; iv. 793''a'']]; Accidentals, i. 20''a'']]; Adamberger, i. 29''a'']]; Agujari, i. 45''a'']]; Albertazzi, i. 49''b'']]; Alboni, i. 50''b'']]; Amicis (A. L. de), i. 61''a'']]; Ander, i. 65''b'']]; Ansani, i. 69''b'']]; Aprile, i. 79''b'']]; Badiali, i. 122''a'']]; Baldassarri, i. 126''a'']]; Baldi, i. 126''b'']]; Banti, i. 136''a'']]; Baroness, i. 142''a'']]; Bartleman, i. 146''a'']]; Bass, i. 148''b'']]; Beard, i. 158''a'']]; Begnis, i. 209''b'']]; Begrez, i. 210''a'']]; Bellamy (T. L.), i. 211''a'']]; Belletti, i. 211''b'']]; Bendler, i. 221''b'']]; Bernacchi, i. 234''b'']]; Bernasconi, i. 235''a'']]; Berselli, i. 236''a'']]; Bertinotti, i. 236''a'']]; Bertolli, i. 236''b'']]; Billington, i. 242''a'']]; Blangini, i. 247''b'']]; Boccabadati, i. 250''b'']]; Borosini (F.), i. 261''a'']]; Borosini (L.), i. 261''a'']]; Boschi, i. 261''b'']]; Bosio, i. 262''a'']]; Bouche Fermée, i. 263''a'']]; Braham, i. 269''a'']]; Brambilla, i. 271''a'']]; Breath, i. 272''a'']]; Caffarelli, i. 295''b'']]; Calori, i. 299''a'']]; Campioli, i. 301''a'']]; Camporese, i. 301''b'']]; Caradori-Allen, i. 307''b'']]; Carestini (G.), i. 308''b'']]; Catalani, i. 320''a'']]; Catley, i. 325''b'']]; Cavalieri, i. 329''b'']]; Chimenti, i. 345''b'']]; Ciprandi, i. 359''a'']]; Cipriani, i. 359''a'']]; Colbran, i. 377''a'']]; Compass, i. 382''a'']]; Cooke (T.), i. 398''a'']]; Crescentini, i 416''b'']]; Crivelli, i. 418''b'']]; Cruvelli, i. 421''b'']]; Cummings (W.), i. 423''b'']]; Curioni, i. 423''b'']]; Damoreau, i. 428''b'']]; Danzi (F.), i. 43''a'']]; Davide, i. 434''a'']]; Duprez, i. 470''a'']]; Dyne, i. 478''a'']]; Epine, i. 490''a'']]; Fabri, i. 501''a'']]; Farinelli (C. B.), i. 504''a'']]; Faure, i. 571''a'']]; Ferlendis, i. 512''a'']]; Ferrarese del Bene, i. 513''a'']]; Ferri, i. 514''a'']]; Fischer, i. 528''b'']]; Fodor-Mainvielle, i. 538''b'']]; Formes, i. 555''a'']]; Fornasari, i. 555''b'']]; Forti, i. 556''a'']]; Francesina, La, i. 558''a'']]; Fraschini, i. 560''b'']]; Frasi, i. 561''a'']]; Frezzolini, i. 564''a'']]; Fröhlich (Jos.), i. 565''b'']]; Gabrielli, i. 573''a'']]; Gabussi, i. 574''a'']]; Galli (C.), i. 577''b'']]; Galli (F.), i. 577''b'']]; Galli (Signora), i. 577''b'']]; Gallia, i. 578''a'']]; Garat, i. 581''a'']]; Garcia (M.), i. 582''a'']]; Gizziello, i. 597''b'']]; Grassini, i. 620''a'']]; Graziani, i. 622''b'']]; Grisi, i. 632''b'']]; Guadagni (G.), i. 635''a'']]; Guarducci, i. 636''a'']]; Haitzinger, i. 644''a'']]; Harrison (S.), i. 692''a'']]; Harrison (W.), i. 692''b'']]; Hauck, i. 697''b'']]; Hayes (C.), i. 722''b'']]; Helmholtz, i. 726''b'']]; Henschel, i. 729''a'']]; Hiller (J. A.),i. 739''a'']]; Incledon (C. B.), ii. 2''b'']]; Ivanoff, ii. 26''a'']]; Kellogg, ii. 49''a'']]; Lablache, ii. 79''b'']]; Lacy (J.), ii. 82''b'']]; Lajeunesse, ii. 85''b'']]; Lalande (Meric),ii. 85''b'']]; Lamperti, ii. 88''b'']]; Lange, ii. 90''a'']]; Lays, ii. 107''b'']]; Lazzarini, ii. 108''a'']]; Lebrun, ii. 109''b'']]; Leffler, ii. 112''a'']]; Leveridge, ii. 126''b'']]; Lind, ii. 140''b'']]; Linley, ii. 144''a'']]; Lloyd, ii. 154''a'']]; Lockey, ii. 158''a'']]; Loewe (J. S.), ii. 160''b'']]; Lowe (T.), ii. 170''a'']]; Lucca, ii. 170''b'']]; Malibran, ii. 201''a'']], etc.; Mantius, ii. 207''b'']]; Manzuoli, ii. 208''a'']]; Mara, ii. 208''b'']]; Mario, ii. 216''b'']]; Materna, ii. 237''a'']]; Mengozzi, ii. 311''b'']]; Meric, de, ii. 313''b'']]; Merighi, ii. 313''b'']]; Milder-Hauptmann, ii. 330''a'']]; Millico, ii. 331''a'']]; Mingotti, ii. 331''b'']]; Montagnana, ii. 356''b'']]; Monticelli, ii. 360''a'']]; Morelli, ii. 365''a'']]; Moriani, ii. 365''b'']]; Morichelli, ii. 365''b'']; Morigi (P.), ii. 366''a'']]; Mountier, ii. 377''b'']]; Murska, I. de, ii. 409''b'']]; Nachbaur, ii. 440''a'']]; Nantier-Didtee, ii. 444''a'']]; Nau, ii. 448''a'']]; Naudin, ii. 448''b'']]; Nava, ii. 449''b'']]; Negri (M. C.), ii. 451''a'']]; Nicolini (E. N.), ii. 453''b'']; Nicolini (N. G.), ii. 454''a'']]; Niemann, ii. 458''a'']]; Nilsson, ii. 458''b'']]; Nourrit (L.), ii. 479''b'']]; Novello (C.), ii. 481''b'']]; Novello (J.), ii. 482''a'']]; Orgenyi, ii. 610''b'']]; Pacchierotti, ii. 625''a'']]; Panofka, ii. 644''b'']]; Panseron, ii. 645''a'']]; Pappenheim, iii. 54''a'']]; Pasta, ii. 667''b'']]; Patey (Janet), ii. 672''a'']]; Paton, ii. 673''a'']]; Patti, ii. 673''b'']]; Pellegrini (F.}, ii. 683''b'']]; Pellegrini (G.), ii. 684''a'']]; Persiani, 693''b'']]; Peschka-Leutner, ii. 695''b'']]; Piccolomini, ii. 751''a'']]; Pisaroni, ii. 756''a'']]; Pischek, iii. 54''a'']]; Pitch, ii. 758''a'']]; Polonini, iii. 11''b'']]; Poole (E.), iii. 15''b'']]; Porpora, iii. 16''b'']]; Pyne, iii. 54''a'']]; Raaff, iii. 62''a'']]; Rainforth, iii. 67''b'']]; Randegger, iii. 73''b'']]; Rauzzini, iii. 78''a'']]; Redeker, iii. 89''a'']]; Reeves (J. Sims), iii. 92''b'']]; Register, iii. 94''a'']]; Reichardt (A.), iii. 99''a'']]; Reinhold (T.), iii. 103''a'']]; Rigby, iii. 134''a'']]; Robinson (Anastasia), iii. 139''b'']]; Roger, iii. 144''b'']]; Rokitansky, iii. 147''a'']]; Romer, iii. 154''a'']]; Ronconi, iii. 154''b'']], etc.; Roze, iii. 188''a'']]; Rubinelli, iii. 188''b'']]; Rubini, iii. 189''a'']]; Rudersdorff, iii. 199''a'']]; Saint-Aubin (J.), iii. 213''a'']]; Saint-Huberty, iii. 214''a'']]; Sainton-Dolby, iii. 217''a'']]; Salmon (E.), iii. 220''a'']]; Santley, iii. 226''b'']]; Sarti, iii. 229''a'']]; Scalchi, iii. 235''a'']]; Scaria, iii. 237''b'']]; Schechner-Waagen, iii. 243''a'']]; Schimon, iii. 250''b'']]; Schira, iii. 251''b'']]; Schoberlechner (Mme.), iii. 257''a'']; Schönstein, iii. 258''b'']]; Schott (A.), iii. 314''b'']]; Schröder-Devrient, iii. 315''b'']]; Sedie, Delle, iii. 456''b'']]; Seguin, iii. 457''b'']]; Senesino, iii. 461''b'']]; Shakespeare, iii. 484''b'']]; Shaw, iii. 485''a'']]; Siboni (G.), iii. 491''a'']]; Siface, iii. 492''a'']]; Sinclair, iii. 496''a'']; Sistine Choir, iii. 521''b'']], etc.; Smith (C.), iii. 539''b'']]; Smith (Montem), iii. 539''b'']]; Sol-fa, iii. 545''b'']]; Solfeggio, iii. 546''a'']]; Song, iii. 607''b'']]; Sontag, iii. 634''a'']]; Soprano, iii. 635''b'']]; Sordini, iii. 638''a'']]; Soria, de, iii. 638''a'']]; Staccato, iii. 685''a'']]; Staudigl (J.), iii. 691''a'']]; Stephens (Catherine), iii. 710''b'']]; Sterling, iii. 711''b'']]; Stockhausen (Mme.), iii. 715''a'']]; Stockhausen (J.), iii. 715''b'']]; Strada del Pò, iii. 721''b'']]; Strohmeyer, iii. 746''b'']]; Sucher (Rosa), iii. 754''b'']]; Tacchinardi, iv. 51''a'']]; Tagliafico, iv. 52''a'']]; Tamberlik, iv. 54''b'']]; Tamburini, iv. 56''a'']]; Temperament, iv. 77''b'']], etc.; Templeton, iv. 81''b'']]; Tenducci, iv. 85''b'']]; Tenor, iv. 88''a'']]; Tesi-Tramontani, iv. 93''b'']]; Tessitura, iv. 94''a'']]; Thursby, iv. 113''a'']]; Tichatschek, iv. 113''a'']], etc.; Tietjens, iv. 115''a'']]; Todi, iv. 130''b'']]; Tofts, iv. 131''a'']]; Tone, iv. 141''b'']]; Tonic-Sol-fa, iv. 144''a'']]; Tosi, iv. 151''b'']]; Trebelli, iv. 165''a'']];&lt;noinclude&gt;{{hi/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>2007 Democratic Debate - 23 July</title>
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      <text bytes="28427" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title    = 2007 Democratic Presidential Debate
 | author   = |override_author=[[Author:Hillary Rodham Clinton|Hillary Clinton]], [[Author:Barack Obama|Barack Obama]], [[Author:Joe Biden|Joe Biden]], [[Author:John Edwards|John Edwards]], [[w:Mike Gravel|Mike Gravel]], [[Author:Christopher Dodd|Christopher Dodd]], [[w:Bill Richardson|Bill Richardson]], [[Author:Dennis Kucinich|Dennis Kucinich]], with [[w:Anderson Cooper|Anderson Cooper]]
 | section  =
 | previous = [[2007 Democratic Debate - 12 July]]
 | next     = [[2007 Democratic Debate - 4 August]]
 | year     = 2007
 | notes    = Democratic Party debate held 23 July 2007 in [[w:Charleston, South Carolkna|Charleston, SC]].}}


'''COOPER''': The question was about personal sacrifice. I just want to ask a question to...

'''DODD''': I drive a hybrid, we have a hybrid, and we use efficient light bulbs in our homes...

'''COOPER''': So let me just ask a question to everyone on this stage. And I know we said we wouldn't do a lot of show of hands. This is probably the only one we'll do tonight.

'''COOPER''': How many people here a private jet or a chartered jet to get here tonight?  You're not sure?

'''RICHARDSON''': Yesterday.

'''COOPER''': Yesterday, OK.  Senator Gravel, what was that? You took the train?

'''GRAVEL''': I took the train...


'''COOPER''': OK.

'''GRAVEL''': And maybe one of these will give me a ride someday.


'''CLINTON''': Anderson, you know, we haven't really seriously addressed this incredibly important issue of global warming and energy efficiency.

'''COOPER''': We've got another question on it's way now.

'''CLINTON''': OK. 

CHARLESTON, South Carolina (CNN) -- '''[QUESTION]''': Hi, my name is Shawn and I'm from Ann Arbor, Michigan. There is a scientific consensus for man-caused climate change, and I've heard each of you talk in previous debates about alternative energy sources like solar or wind, but I have not heard any of you speak your opinion on nuclear power. I believe that nuclear power is safer, cleaner, and provides a quicker avenue to energy independence than other alternatives.

'''[QUESTION]''': I am curious what each of you believe.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': Wind, solar, cellulose-based biofuels are the way we need to go. I do not favor nuclear power. We haven't built a nuclear power plant in decades in this country. There is a reason for that. The reason is it is extremely costly. It takes an enormous amount of time to get one planned, developed and built. And we still don't have a safe way to dispose of the nuclear waste. It is a huge problem for America over the long term.

I also don't believe we should liquefy coal. The last thing we need is another carbon-based fuel in America. We need to find fuels that are in fact renewable, clean, and will allow us to address directly the question that has been raised, which is the issue of global warming, which I believe is a crisis.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': I actually think that we should explore nuclear power as part of the energy mix. There are no silver bullets to this issue. We have to develop solar. I have proposed drastically increasing fuel efficiency standards on cars, an aggressive cap on the amount of greenhouse gases that can be emitted.

'''OBAMA''': But we're going to have to try a series of different approaches.

The one thing I have to remind folks, though, of -- we've been talking about this through Republican administrations and Democratic administrations for decades.

And the reason it doesn't change -- you can take a look at how Dick Cheney did his energy policy. He met with environmental groups once. He met with renewable energy folks once. And then he met with oil and gas companies 40 times. And that's how they put together our energy policy. We've got to put the national interests ahead of special interests, and that's what I'll do as president of the United States.


'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, what is Senator Edwards -- why is he wrong on nuclear power?

'''CLINTON''': First of all, I have proposed a strategic energy fund that I would fund by taking away the tax break for the oil companies, which have gotten much greater under Bush and Cheney.


And we could spend about $50 billion doing what America does best. It's time we start acting like Americans again.

'''CLINTON''': We can solve these problems if we focus on innovation and technology.

So, yes, all these alternative forms of energy are important. So is fuel efficiency for cars and so is energy efficiency for buildings.

I'm agnostic about nuclear power. John is right, that until we figure out what we're going to do with the waste and the cost, it's very hard to see nuclear as a part of our future. But that's where American technology comes in. Let's figure out what we're going to do about the waste and the cost if we think nuclear should be a part of the solution.

But this issue of energy and global warming has the promise of creating millions of new jobs in America.

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''CLINTON''': So it can be a win-win, if we do it right.


'''COOPER''': I want to go another YouTube video, another question.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi, everyone. My name's Melissa and I'm from San Luis Obispo, California.

My question is for everyone: In recent years, there's been so much controversy regarding dangling chads, then no paper trail in electronic systems.

I know it costs money to amend things like that, but if I can go to any state and get the same triple grande, non-fat, no foam vanilla latte from Starbucks, why I can't I go to any state and vote the same way?

'''[QUESTION]''': Don't you think that standardizing our voting practices will increase legitimacy, and possibly even voter turnout in our elections? What are you going to do to fix that? If you want, give me a call and I will make a standardized form for you.

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson?


'''RICHARDSON''': I, as president, I would push the whole country to verified paper trails. There are close to 10 states that do this.


My state a year ago, my state was one of those states, along with Florida and Ohio, that, because of the touch-tones, there was uncertainty about the election.

We have close to 50 percent of those Americans eligible to vote voting. That is inexcusable, compared to many other nations. We need to have same-day registration. We need to have an effort to get the Republican Party to stop suppressing minority voters. We need to find ways also to depoliticize the Justice Department that tried to find those voters that were legitimately voting.

'''RICHARDSON''': And lastly, a verifiable paper trail with optical scanners is going to improve turnout, democracy, and it's going to get a lot of young voters in the polls.


'''COOPER''': We're going to take a short break. We're going to go to break with a YouTube-style video from Senator Biden's campaign.

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]'''''

:'''ANNOUNCER''': Imagine you're trapped deep in a hole with a group of politicians debating.
:
:President Bush says the only way out of Iraq is to dig us deeper and deeper. But what if one leader stood up for us and said no, we can get out now, without leaving chaos behind?
:
:Joe Biden is the only one with the experience and the plan to end this war responsibly so our children don't have to go back.
:
:'''BIDEN''': I'm Joe Biden and I approved this message.

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]'''''

:'''KUCINICH''': You can vote now to end the war in Iraq. Text Peace, 73223. Text peace now to send a message to the White House and to the Democratic Congress that now's the time to end the war. Text Peace, 73223. Make your vote count and your voice be heard. Text Peace, 73223, to move this country away from war as an instrument of policy, and to achieve strength through peace. Text Peace.
:
:This is Dennis Kucinich, and I authorized this message.

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

''[COMMERCIAL BREAK]''

'''COOPER''': Welcome back. We still have a lot of YouTube videos we want to try to get to. This next one is about a pocketbook issue. Let's take a look.

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]'''''

:'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. I'm Cecilla Smith.
:
:'''[QUESTION]''': And I'm Asanti Wilkins.
:
:'''[QUESTION]''': And we're from Pennsylvania, and my question is to all the candidates, and it's regarding the national minimum wage. Congress seems to never have a problem when it comes time to give themselves a raise. But when it came time to increase the minimum wage, they had a problem.
:
:My question to the candidates: If you're elected to serve, would you be willing to do this service for the next four years and be paid the national minimum wage?

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

'''COOPER''': So, it's pretty simple, yes or no. Minimum wage, by the way, goes up tomorrow to $6.55. In 2009, it will be $7.25.

Senator Gravel, would you work for the minimum wage?

'''GRAVEL''': Oh, yes, I would, but I would say that we don't need a minimum wage; we need a living wage. We don't have that in this country because of what they passed.


'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd, would you work for the minimum wage?

'''DODD''': I have two young daughters who I'm trying to educate them. I don't think I could live on the minimum wage, but I'm a strong advocate to seeing to it that we increase it at least to $9 or $10 to give people a chance out there to be able to provide for their families.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''DODD''': That's leadership in the country.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': Yes.

'''COOPER''': Yes.

Senator Clinton?

'''CLINTON''': Sure.

Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': Well, we can afford to work for the minimum wage because most folks on this stage have a lot of money. It's the folks...


... on that screen who deserve -- you're doing all right, Chris, compared to, I promise you, the folks who are on that screen.


'''DODD''': Not that well, I'll tell you, Barack.

'''OBAMA''': I mean, we don't have -- we don't have Mitt Romney money, but...


But we could afford to do it for a few years. Most folks can't. And that's why we've got to fight and advocate for...

'''COOPER''': Governor -- Governor Richardson, yes?

'''RICHARDSON''': Yes, I would.

'''COOPER''': OK.

Senator Biden?

'''BIDEN''': I don't have Barack Obama money either.


My net worth is $70,000 to $150,000. That's what happens you get elected at 29. I couldn't afford to stay in the Congress for the minimum wage. But if I get a second job, I'd do it.


'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich?

'''KUCINICH''': Anderson, I live in the same house I purchased in 1971 for $22,500. I think we need to increase the minimum wage and so all my neighbors can get an increase in their wages.

'''COOPER''': So would you work for it?

'''KUCINICH''': I would.

'''COOPER''': OK.

'''KUCINICH''': But I wouldn't want to...

'''COOPER''': By the way, you'd all get overtime, too. So don't worry about that.


Let's watch another video here, another question.

'''[QUESTION]''': This is Nancy McDonald from Wilmington, Delaware.

'''[QUESTION]''': We all know that Social Security is running out of money, but people who earn over $97,500 stop paying into Social Security. What is up with that?

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd, what about that? The Congressional Research Service says that if all earnings were subject to payroll tax, the Social Security trust fund would remain solvent for the next 75 years.

'''DODD''': I don't disagree with that. I think frankly this is an issue that comes to a head, as we all know, by the year 2040. Obviously, I think it would be important to start to address the issue. Certainly, we have no ideas, and I would be totally opposed to the privatization of Social Security. That is a very bad idea and I am glad we rejected it.

But one of the ideas is to raise that level above $97,000.

'''COOPER''': Do you support that?

'''DODD''': I would support that. That is one of the solutions that would make a lot of sense to me to make the trust fund whole.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': I think that it is an important option on the table, but the key, in addition to making sure that we don't privatize, because Social Security is that floor beneath none of us can sink.

'''OBAMA''': And we've got to make sure that we preserve Social Security is to do the same thing that Ronald Reagan and Tip O'Neill were able to do back in 1983, which is come up with a bipartisan solution that puts Social Security on a firm footing for a long time.

'''COOPER''': Another question on Social Security.

'''[QUESTION]''': What's the dirtiest little secret in Washington? The U.S. is going broke. With the retirement of the baby boomers, things are only going to get worse. Fed Chairman Bernanke has said Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security need to be radically changed to avoid this crisis, yet everything is business as usual in D.C.

There are two solutions, both of which are politically unpopular: Raise taxes or cut benefits. Which would you choose, and how would you convince the public to support you?

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson?

'''RICHARDSON''': The best solution to those two issues is a bipartisan effort to fix it.

'''RICHARDSON''': Medicare -- 33 percent of it is diabetes. Let's have major prevention programs, and also ways that we can ensure that we find a cure.


Social Security -- stop raiding the Social Security trust fund. Stop talking about privatization.


And then thirdly, let's look at a universal pension, 401(k) universal pension, that would assure portability for those that want to keep their pensions as they move into other professions.

But what we need is a bipartisan effort. Put this issue aside. If I'm president, I would take this issue and I would say, Republicans, Democrats, within a year, let's find a solution. No politics. This is the safety net of this country.

'''COOPER''': Here's a question on taxes.

'''[QUESTION]''': This here is a two-part question.

(SINGING): Pay taxes on my clothes and food, pay taxes on my place, pay taxes on my moisturizer, I pay taxes on my weights. I pay taxes on my land. Every year, y'all make me pay. I pay tax on this guitar so I can sing for you today.

My taxes put some kids in college I can't afford to send myself. Now, tell me, if you were elected president, what would you do to help?

Also, I got a parking ticket last week. Could one of y'all pardon me?


'''COOPER''': Senator Biden, this guy's overtaxed.

'''BIDEN''': First of all, change the tax structure. We are giving people tax breaks who don't need it. The top 1 percent got an $85 billion a year tax break. It is not needed.


My dad used to have an expression -- don't tell me what you value; show me your budget.

And the budget we have here is we all dance around it. We need more revenue to be able to pay for the things the governor and everybody else talks about.

And there's only one way to do it. You either raise taxes or take tax cuts away from people who don't need them. I'd take them away from people who don't need them.


'''COOPER''': I'm sorry. There's another tax question right here.

'''[QUESTION]''': My name is Marcus Benson from Minneapolis. And I'd like to know, if the Democrats come into office, are my taxes going to rise like usually they do when a Democrats gets into office?

'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich, are the taxes going to rise?

'''KUCINICH''': The answer is no; that we're going to stop the tax increases that President Bush gave to people in the top brackets. We're going to end war as an instrument of policy, with the defense policy of strength through peace.

So we're not going to be borrowing money from China to fight wars in Baghdad. We're going to lower our trade deficit by ending NAFTA and the WTO and going back to trade based on worker's rights.

We're going to have a change in our economy so that people will be able to get something for the taxes they pay but they're not going to have to pay more.


'''COOPER''': One of the most popular topics that we got questions on was health care. We, frankly, were overwhelmed with videos on health care, so we put several of them together.

I want to show you some personal stories.

'''[QUESTION]''': Mark and Joel Strauss, Davenport, Iowa. Not every parent has the luxury of two loving sons to care for them during Alzheimer's.

'''[QUESTION]''': My question for the candidates is, people like us -- the baby boomer generation -- is going to see a boom of Alzheimer's over the upcoming decades.

What are you prepared to do to fight this disease now?

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. These are my grandmothers. Both of them suffered from diabetes and ultimately died of massive heart attacks.

This is my mother. She suffers from diabetes and she's also had a heart attack.

The statistics for women with heart disease are staggering. What I'd like to know is, how do each of you plan on addressing chronic disease and preventative health in your health care plans? I would like my mother to be around to see her grandchildren.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. My name is Kim. I'm 36 years old and hope to be a future breast cancer survivor from Long Island. My chances for survivor aren't as good as they might be, however, because like millions of Americans, I've gone for years without health insurance that would have allowed me to take preventative medicine.

'''[QUESTION]''': What would you as president do to make low-cost or free preventive medicine available for everybody in this country? Thank you.

(VIDEO CLIP)

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, 45 million uninsured Americans. Senator Edwards says your plan doesn't really provide universal coverage. Does it?

'''OBAMA''': Absolutely it does. John and I have a disagreement. John thinks that the only way we get universal coverage is to mandate coverage. I think that the problem is not that people are trying to avoid getting health care coverage.

It is folks like that who are desperately in desire of it, but they can can't afford it.

'''OBAMA''': And I know from personal experience. My mother, when she was between jobs, contracted cancer, and she spent the last few months of her life trying to figure out whether or not she was going to be able to pay for the treatments.

It is an outrage. How is that the wealthiest nation on Earth cannot afford to provide coverage to all people? And that's why I put forward a plan.


But let's understand this. Everybody here is going to have a plan. John's got a plan. I've got a plan. Hopefully, everybody here will provide a plan for universal coverage.

But we've had plan before, under a Democratic president in the '90s and a Democratic Congress. We couldn't get it done because the drug insurance -- drug and insurance companies are spending $1 billion over the last decade on lobbying.


And that's why we've got to have a president who is willing to fight to make sure that they don't have veto power. They can have a seat at the table, but they can't buy every single chair when it comes to crafting the sort of universal health care that's going to help the folks that you saw in that video.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards...


'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards, does Senator Obama provide universal coverage?

'''EDWARDS''': No, because the only way to provide universal coverage is to mandate that everyone be covered.

But I want to say, you know, I came out with a universal plan several months ago. A couple of months later, Senator Obama came out with a plan. He's made a very serious proposal, and I'm not casting aspersions on his plan. I think it's a very serious proposal. It just doesn't cover everybody. The only way to cover everybody is to mandate it.

And the stories we have just heard, from diabetes, to Alzheimer's, to cancer -- there are millions of people in this country who are suffering so badly. And just this past week -- in fact, you were with me on the third day -- I went on a three-day poverty tour in America.

The last day, I was with a man in western Virginia, in the Appalachian mountains -- 51 years old, three years younger than me.

'''EDWARDS''': He'd been born with a severe cleft palate, and he was proud of the fact that someone had finally volunteered to correct it. He had not been able to talk -- I want to finish this. He had not been able to talk until it was fixed.

Here was the problem. It was fixed when he was 50 years old. For five decades, James Lowe lived in the richest nation on the planet not able to talk because he couldn't afford the procedure that would've allowed him to talk. When are we going to stand up and do something about this?

We have talked about it too long. We have got to stand up to the insurance companies and the drug companies that Barack just spoke about. It is the only way we're ever going to bring about real change. We should be outraged by these stories.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, this goes back to the first question that we got. How is it going to be any different under your administration?

'''CLINTON''': Well, first, I want to thank Mark and Joel and Charity and Kim and Mike. You know, it's not easy coming in front of the entire world and talking about your Alzheimer's, or your diabetes or your breast cancer, or your disability.

'''CLINTON''': But the fact that this is happening in a country as rich as ours is just a national disgrace.

And, yes, I did try in '93 and '94, and I like to say I have the scars to show for it, but I learned a lot about what we have to do. And having a plan, yes, that's part of it. But more important, we have to have a sense of national commitment that universal health care is an American value.

We have to quit being told the special interests, like the insurance companies and the drug companies, that, somehow, we can't do what most other developed countries do, which is cover everybody and provide decency and respect to every single person in this country with health care.


'''COOPER''': All right. I've got another question on health care.

Let's watch.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi, this is Lucia Ballie for a group of friends on the east side of L.A. And our question is: Does your health care plan cover undocumented workers?

'''[QUESTION]''': Thank you.

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd?

'''DODD''': First of all, I hope all of us get a chance to comment on this issue. This is a huge issue that deserves the attention and every candidate here ought to have the chance to talk about health care.

(CROSSTALK)

'''DODD''': First of all, the woman with the Alzheimer's issue -- stem cell research. Under a Dodd administration, stem cell research will be conducted so they can deal with diabetes.


Regarding the family that's talking about diabetes, 49 percent of our school districts have exclusive contracts with soft drink companies and junk food companies because we're not funding enough in our education system.


That's an obesity problem as well.

'''COOPER''': Would your plan cover undocumented workers?

'''DODD''': It would. People who live in this country -- children certainly would be covered. And I'm in support of the immigration policy here that requires them to contribute so that...

'''COOPER''': So that's a yes?

'''DODD''': If they're paying part of that thing, then they also get covered. Because, frankly, I don't want them contributing disease problems and health issues to the rest of the...

'''COOPER''': Let's try to answer the question.

'''COOPER''': Would your plan, Governor Richardson, cover undocumented workers?

'''RICHARDSON''': Yes, it would. It should cover everybody.


In this country, no matter who you are, whether you're a ditch- digger, you're a teacher, you're a CEO, you're a waiter, you're a maid, every American deserves the right to the best possible quality health care.


That would be part of my plan. But also, it is prevention. It's starting early with kids. It's having -- get rid of junk food in schools, as I did in New Mexico...


... a healthy breakfast for every child, mandatory phys ed, research into Alzheimer's, into cancer, into stem cell.

'''COOPER''': OK. Another question from a YouTube viewer.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. My name is Chris Nolan and I'm a Democratic precinct committeeman from Mundelein, Illinois. And my question is for Hillary Clinton.

With Bush, Clinton, and Bush again serving as the last three presidents, how would electing you, a Clinton, constitute the type of change in Washington so many people in the heartland are yearning for, and what your campaign has been talking about?

I was also wondering if any of the other candidates had a problem with the same two families being in charge of the executive branch of government for 28 consecutive years, if Hillary Clinton were to potentially be elected and then re-elected.

'''[QUESTION]''': Good luck. And, whoever becomes the nominee, I'm pulling for you.

'''[QUESTION]''': Go Democrats!


'''COOPER''': The question is for Senator Clinton.

'''CLINTON''': Well, I think it is a problem that Bush was elected in 2000.


'''CLINTON''': I actually thought somebody else was elected in that election, but...


'''CLINTON''': Obviously, I am running on my own merits, but I am very proud of my husband's record as president of the United States.


'''CLINTON''': You know what is great about this is look at this stage and look at the diversity you have here in the Democratic Party. Any one of us would be a better president than our current president or the future Republican nominee.


'''CLINTON''': So I'm looking forward to making my case to the people of this country...

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''CLINTON''': ... and I hope they will judge me on my merits.

'''COOPER''': Thirty seconds, Senator Gravel. Do you have a problem with it?

'''GRAVEL''': Well, yes, I do, a serious problem. The Democratic Party used to stand for the ordinary working man. But the Clintons and the DLC sold out the Democratic Party to Wall Street.

Look at where all the money is being raised right now, for Hillary, Obama and Edwards. It's the hedge funds, it's Wall Street bankers, it's the people who brought you what you have today.

Please wake up. Just look at the New York Times of the 17th of July that analyzes where the money's coming from.

'''COOPER''': Time's up.

'''GRAVEL''': It comes from the bankers on Wall Street and of course hedge funds, which is code for bankers on Wall Street. And they're lock, stock and barrel in their pocket.

'''COOPER''': Since you went to Senator Obama, we'll let you respond, if you want.

'''OBAMA''': Look, I think every single question we've heard you see cynicism about the capacity to change this country. And the question for the American people, who desperately want change, is: Who's got a track record of bringing about change?

Who can unify the country, so that we're not just talking about Democrats and Republicans, but we're talking about Americans? And who can overcome the special interests in Washington so that we have a president of the United States who is fighting on behalf of ordinary people?

'''COOPER''': In our remaining...

'''OBAMA''': And that, I think, is going to be the kind of president that is going to be elected -- is going to be nominated by the Democrats, and I believe that I'm best qualified to fill that role.

'''COOPER''': In our remaining few minutes, the questions turn to two subjects -- God and guns. First question.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi, I'm Zenne Abraham in Oakland, California. The cathedral behind me is the perfect backdrop for this question. This quarter reads &quot;United States of America.&quot; And when I turn it over, you find that it reads &quot;liberty, in God we trust.&quot; What do those words mean to you? Thank you.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden.

'''BIDEN''': Religion informs my values.

'''BIDEN''': My reason dictates outcomes. My religion taught me about abuse of power. That's why I moved to write the Violence Against Women Act. That's why I take the position I take on Darfur. It came about as a consequence of the reasoning that we're able to do it.

You know, look, I don't think they're inconsistent. I don't find anything inconsistent about my deep, religious beliefs and my ability to use reason. I think the coin's got it just right. I think I have it in perspective.

'''COOPER''': Here's a 

here.


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      <text bytes="118597" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title    = 2007 Democratic Presidential Debate
 | author   = |override_author=[[Author:Hillary Rodham Clinton|Hillary Clinton]], [[Author:Barack Obama|Barack Obama]], [[Author:Joe Biden|Joe Biden]], [[Author:John Edwards|John Edwards]], [[w:Mike Gravel|Mike Gravel]], [[Author:Christopher Dodd|Christopher Dodd]], [[w:Bill Richardson|Bill Richardson]], [[Author:Dennis Kucinich|Dennis Kucinich]], with [[w:Anderson Cooper|Anderson Cooper]]
 | section  =
 | previous = [[2007 Democratic Debate - 12 July]]
 | next     = [[2007 Democratic Debate - 4 August]]
 | year     = 2007
 | notes    = Democratic Party debate held 23 July 2007 in [[w:Charleston, South Carolina|Charleston, SC]].}}

'''ANDERSON COOPER''': Our first question tonight is Zach Kempf in Provo, Utah.

'''[QUESTION]''': What's up? I'm running out of tape; I have to hurry.  So my question is: We have a bunch of leaders who can't seem to do their job. And we pick people based on the issues they that they represent, but then they get in power and they don't do anything about it anyway.

You're going to spend this whole night talking about your views on issues, but the issues don't matter if when you get in power nothing's going to get done.

We have a Congress and a president with, like, a 30 percent approval rating, so clearly we don't think they're doing a good job. What's going to make you any more effectual, beyond all the platitudes and the stuff we're used to hearing? I mean, be honest with us. How are you going to be any different?

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd, you've been in Congress more than 30 years. Can you honestly say you're any different?

'''SENATOR CHRISTOPHER DODD''': Well, I think so.  First of all, thank you for inviting us here in The Citadel. It's great to be here at this wonderful college, university.

Certainly, I think it's a very important question one ought to be asking because, while hope and confidence and optimism are clearly very important, I think experience matters a great deal -- the experience people bring to their candidacy, the ideas, the bold ideas that they've championed over the years, whether or not they were successful in advancing those ideas and able to bring people together.

I'm very proud of the fact that, over my 26 years in the Senate, I've authored landmark legislation, the Family and Medical Leave Act, child care legislation, reform of financial institutions.  In every case, those are new ideas, bold ideas, that I campaigned on and then were able to achieve in the United States Senate by bringing Republicans as well as Democrats together around those issues.  That's what's missing, more than anything else, I think, right now, is the ability to bring people together to get the job done.

'''COOPER''': But if someone really wants a change, are you the guy to give it to them?

'''DODD''': Well, I think they ought to look back. Speeches are easy to make and rhetoric is easy to expose here. But I think the idea of looking back and saying, &quot;What have you done?&quot; --if you want to get a good idea of where someone is going to lead or how they're going to lead, I think it's very appropriate to say, &quot;What have you done? Show me. Demonstrate to me the ability to get these things done that you've championed in the past.&quot;

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, your supporters say you are different. Your critics say you're inexperienced. You're a first-term senator.

'''SENATOR BARACK OBAMA''': Well, I think the questioner hit the nail on the head. As I travel around the country, people have an urgent desire for change in Washington. And we are not going to fix health care, we're not going to fix energy, we are not going to do anything about our education system unless we change how business is done in Washington.

Now, part of that is bringing people together, as Chris said. But part of it is also overcoming special interests and lobbyists who are writing legislation that's critical to the American people.  And one of the things I bring is a perspective as a community organizer, as a state legislator, as well as a U.S. senator, that says: Washington has to change.

'''COOPER''': A lot of people say -- Congressman Kucinich, your supporters certainly say you are different. Even your critics would certainly say you are different. Here's a direct question for you.

'''DAVIS FLEETWOOD''': Hello. My name is Davis Fleetwood. I'm from Groton, Massachusetts. My question is for Dennis Kucinich.  After watching the first several debates, which seemed more like conversations than actually debates, we're all clear out here that you Democrats are united. We get it.

But we have a very important decision to make coming up very soon, and Americans desperate for a change need to know: Congressman Kucinich, how would America be better off with you as president than we would be if either Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama became president?

'''COOPER''': What do you have that Senator Clinton and Senator Obama do not have?

'''REPRESENTATIVE DENNIS KUCINICH''': Well, first of all, a clear record as having not only opposed the war from the very beginning -- the only one of the stage that actually voted against the war, and also the only one on the stage who voted against funding the war 100 percent of the time.

You know, we're here at The Citadel. I want the people of The Citadel to know that I mourn the passing of those people who gave their lives, but I also would not hesitate to call upon you to defend this country, but I'll never send you in pursuit of a political agenda or a lie.

Just like my father before me, who served in the Marines, and my brother who served in the Marines in Vietnam, and my nephew who served in Iraq, I believed in duty and honor and I think it's important to have those commitments to this country.

And so I say we achieve strength through peace. That's the new doctrine that I'm going to promote throughout this campaign; that we'll use the science of human relations and diplomacy; that we pursue an approach which says that you can use international agreements and treaties; and that you can work to settle your differences without committing the young men and women to war, unless it's absolutely necessary.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, you were involved in that question. I want to give you a chance to respond, 30 seconds.

'''SENATOR HILLARY CLINTON''': Well, I think the Democrats are united, as Davis said, and we are united for change. We cannot take another four or eight years of Republican leadership that has been so disastrous for our country.

The issue is: Which of us is ready to lead on day one? I have 35 years of being an instrument and agent of change, before I was ever a public official. And during the time that I've been privileged to serve as first lady and now as senator, I've worked to bring people together, to find common ground where we can, and then to stand our ground where we can't.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, you were involved in that question as well.

'''OBAMA''': Look, I don't think this is just a Republican problem. I think this is a problem that spans the parties. And we don't just need a change in political parties in Washington. We've got to have a change in attitudes of those who are representing the people, America. And part of the reason I don't take PAC money, I don't take federal lobbyists' money is because we've got to get the national interests up front as opposed to the special interests.

And that is something that I've got a track record doing, and I think that is what the American people are looking for in this election -- people of both parties as well as independents.

'''COOPER''': Our next question is for Senator Clinton.

'''ROB PORTER''': Hi. My name is Rob Porter, and I'm from Irvine, California.  I have a question for Hillary Clinton.  Mrs. Clinton, how would you define the word &quot;liberal?&quot;  And would you use this word to describe yourself?  Thank you.

'''CLINTON''': You know, it is a word that originally meant that you were for freedom, that you were for the freedom to achieve, that you were willing to stand against big power and on behalf of the individual.  Unfortunately, in the last 30, 40 years, it has been turned up on its head and it's been made to seem as though it is a word that describes big government, totally contrary to what its meaning was in the 19th and early 20th century.

I prefer the word &quot;progressive,&quot; which has a real American meaning, going back to the progressive era at the beginning of the 20th century.  I consider myself a modern progressive, someone who believes strongly in individual rights and freedoms, who believes that we are better as a society when we're working together and when we find ways to help those who may not have all the advantages in life get the tools they need to lead a more productive life for themselves and their family.

So I consider myself a proud modern American progressive, and I think that's the kind of philosophy and practice that we need to bring back to American politics.

'''COOPER''': So you wouldn't use the word &quot;liberal,&quot; you'd say &quot;progressive.&quot;  Senator Gravel, are you a liberal?

'''FORMER SENATOR MIKE GRAVEL''': I wouldn't use either word. Zach asked about change. You're not going to see any change when these people get elected.  We were asked about -- that we're united.

We're not united. I'm not united on many of their views. And I want to take on Barack Obama for a minute, who said he doesn't take money from lobbyists. Well, he has 134 bundlers. Now, what does he think that is?

And, besides that, he has received money from a Robert Wolf, the head of the USB (sic) bank in the United States, who raised $195,000 -- from this bank -- wait a second -- who has lobbyists in Washington...

'''COOPER''': Your time is up.

'''GRAVEL''': ... and it's a foreign-owned bank.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, I'm going to have to let you respond.

'''OBAMA''': Absolutely.  Well, the fact is I don't take PAC money and I don't take lobbyists' money.  And the bundlers -- the reason you know who is raising money for me, Mike, is because I have pushed through a law this past session to disclose that.

And that's the kind of leadership that I've shown in the Senate. That's the kind of leadership that I showed when I was a state legislator. And that's the kind of leadership that I'll show as president of the United States.

'''GRAVEL''': Wait a minute...

'''COOPER''': Our next question is for Senator Biden.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hello. This question is for all of the candidates. Partisanship played a major role in why nothing can be done in Washington today. All of you say you will be able to work with Republicans. Well, here's a test. If you had to pick any Republican member of Congress or Republican governor to be your running mate, who would it be?

'''SENATOR JOE BIDEN''': At the risk of hurting his reputation -- and it will hurt him -- but I would pick Chuck Hagel, and I'd consider asking Dick Lugar to be secretary of state.

And I do have -- I do have a record of significant accomplishment. The crime bill, which became known as the Clinton crime bill, was written by Joe Biden, the Biden crime bill. That required me to cross over, get everyone together, not -- no one's civil liberties were in any way jeopardized.

We put 100,000 cops on the street. Violent crime came down.  The Violence against Women Act, what we did in Bosnia, and so on. So I have a track record of being able to cross over and get things done.  And by the way, if you want to end all this money, support my effort to pass public financing of all elections.

'''COOPER''': All right. Stay on the topic.  Senator Edwards? Any Republicans?

'''FORMER SENATOR JOHN EDWARDS''': Actually, I think Chuck Hagel is a good choice. But I -- if you listen to these questions, they all have exactly the same thing, which is how do we bring about big change?  And I think that's a fundamental threshold question. And the question is: Do you believe that compromise, triangulation will bring about big change? I don't.

I think the people who are powerful in Washington -- big insurance companies, big drug companies, big oil companies -- they are not going to negotiate. They are not going to give away their power. The only way that they are going to give away their power is if we take it away from them.  And I have been standing up to these people my entire life. I have been fighting them my entire life in court rooms -- and beating them.

If you want real change, you need somebody who's taking these people on and beating them...

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''EDWARDS''': ... over and over and over.

'''COOPER''': The other thing you're going to see tonight are candidate videos. We've asked each campaign to put together a 30- second YouTube-style video. The first one is from Senator Chris Dodd.

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]''''':

:'''[QUESTION]''': Senator, I have to ask, what's with the white hair?
:
:'''DODD''': I don't know why you bring that up. Bill Richardson, Hillary, Joe Biden and I, we're all about the same age. I don't think the white hair is an issue.
:
:'''[QUESTION]''': Well, how did you get the white hair?
:
:'''DODD''': Hard work, I suppose. For example, it took me seven years to pass the Family and Medical Leave Act, and I helped to end wars in Central America and bring peace to Northern Ireland. I'm ready to be president.
:
:'''[QUESTION]''': Well, how many white hairs do you have?
:
:'''DODD''': Hundreds, thousands, I presume.
:
:'''[QUESTION]''': Really?
:
:'''DODD''': I'm Chris Dodd, and we approved this message.

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

'''COOPER''': There you go. Nothing wrong with white hair.

'''DODD''': A young person with white hair, too?

'''COOPER''': Yes, sadly, my age is catching up to my hair.  Almost 50 percent of South Carolina's Democrats are African- Americans. It's among the highest percentage of the nation. So we're giving a lot of questions from YouTube viewers on race tonight.  This first one is for Senator Edwards. Let's listen.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hello, America. Hello, presidential candidates. This is Will from Boston, Massachusetts. And I hope, you know, they put this question on. It's a question in the back of everybody's head. You know, in some people, it's further back than others, collecting cobwebs.  But is African-Americans ever going to get reparations for slavery?  I know you all are going to run around this question, dipping and dodging, so let's see how far you all can get.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards, no dipping and dodging. Should African-Americans get reparations?

'''EDWARDS''': I'm not for reparations. I can answer that questions. But I think there are other things we can do to create some equality that doesn't exist in this country today.  Today there was a report that, right here in Charleston, African Americans are paying more than their white counterparts for mortgages than any other place in America, any other place in the United States of America.

And here's an example. What is the conceivable explanation for this, that black people are paying more for their mortgage?  And, by the way, it's not just low-income African Americans; it's high-income African-Americans. There's absolutely no explanation for this. It goes to the basic question that I raised just a few minutes ago.

To have a president that's going to -- is going to fight for equality, fight for real change, big change, bold change, we're going to have to somebody -- we can't trade our insiders for their insiders. That doesn't work.  What we need is somebody who will take these people on, these big banks, these mortgage companies, big insurance companies, big drug companies. That's the only way we're going to bring about change. And I will do that as president.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, your position on reparations?

'''OBAMA''': I think the reparations we need right here in South Carolina is investment, for example, in our schools. I did a &amp;ndash; I did a town hall meeting in Florence, South Carolina, in an area called the corridor of shame. They've got buildings that students are trying to learn in that were built right after the Civil War. And we've got teachers who are not trained to teach the subjects they're teaching and high dropout rates.

We've got to understand that there are corridors of shame all across the country. And if we make the investments and understand that those are our children, that's the kind of reparations that are really going to make a difference in America right now.

'''COOPER''': Is anyone on the stage for reparations for slavery for African-Americans?  Are you?

'''KUCINICH''': I am.  The Bible says we shall be and must be repairers of the breach. And a breach has occurred.  We have to acknowledge that. It's a breach that has resulted in inequality in opportunities for education, for health care, for housing, for employment. And so, we must be mindful of that.

But it's also a breach that has affected a lot of poor whites as well.  We need to have a country which recognizes that there is an inequality of opportunity and a president who's ready to challenge the interest groups -- be they insurance companies or mortgage companies or defense contractors who are taking the money away from the people who need it.

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''KUCINICH''': Yes, I am for repairing the breach. Yes, I am for reparations.

'''COOPER''': Our next question is for Senator Dodd.

'''[QUESTION]''': Do you believe the response in the wake of Hurricane Katrina would have been different if the storm hit an affluent, predominantly white city? What roles do you believe race and class played in the storm's aftermath? And if you acknowledge that race and class affected the response efforts, what can you do to ensure that this won't happen in the future? And what can you do to ensure this nation's most needy people, in times of crisis and always, something will be done to help them too?

'''DODD''': Well, it's a great question, Morgan, to raise here. It, obviously, points to one of the most dark and shameful moments in recent past history in our country -- the fact that a major American city went through a natural disaster, and we found almost little to do. The American president had almost no response whatsoever to the people of that city, New Orleans.

In fact, today still, the problem persists where people who had to move out of their city, move elsewhere, and little or no efforts to make sure they can get back in their homes. They have literally thousands of people whose homes were destroyed, their economic opportunities destroyed.

I believe that had this occurred in a place with mainly a white population, we would have seen a much more rapid response and a consistent response to that issue.

As an American president, we can never, ever allow again a major city, a major population center in our country go through what New Orleans, what the Gulf states did as a result of the kind of neglect from an American president.

As president, I would commit to do everything possible we bring to bear the talents, the resources.

In fact, it should have been done ahead of time, to have a FEMA operation that was prepared to respond to these predictable disasters. So it's a mark of shame on our country. It ought to be reversed. It will in the Dodd administration.

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson, the Democrats talk a lot about the failure of the president with Hurricane Katrina. The governor of that state was a Democrat; the mayor of that city is a Democrat as well.

'''GOVENOR BILL RICHARDSON''': Well, there was politics. All of a sudden, other states that had the similar devastation got better treatment, like Mississippi.

This is what I would do. The response of our government to Katrina, before, during and after, was inexcusable. We have got to eliminate in the future any red tape that helps families -- that helps the devastation.

Secondly, we have to let those that live there to come back first, instead of big moneyed interests. We have to stop the predatory lending of insurance companies, housing and many others that are ripping off the people.

And then, finally, we have to make sure that a president cares -- and doesn't just pose for photo ops, but makes a difference and a commitment to rebuild that city and that region.

'''COOPER''': Our next question comes from Jordan Williams.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hello. My name is Jordan Williams, and I am a student at K.U., from Coffeyville, Kansas.

This question is meant for Senator Obama and Senator Clinton.

Whenever I read an editorial about one of you, the author never fails to mention the issue of race or gender, respectively. Either one is not authentically black enough, or the other is not satisfactorily feminine.

How will you address these critics and their charges if one or both of you should end up on the Democratic ticket in '08?

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, how do you address those who say you're not authentically black enough?


'''OBAMA''': Well...

'''COOPER''': Not my question; Jordan's question.

'''OBAMA''': You know, when I'm catching a cab in Manhattan -- in the past, I think I've given my credentials.

But let me go to the broader issue here. And that is that race permeates our society. It is still a critical problem.

But I do believe in the core decency of the American people, and I think they want to get beyond some of our racial divisions.

Unfortunately, we've had a White House that hasn't invested in the kinds of steps that have to be done to overcome the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow in this country.

And as president of the United States, my commitment on issues like education, my commitment on issues like health care is to close the disparities and the gaps, because that's what's really going to solve the race problem in this country.

If people feel like they've got a fair shake, if children feel as if the fact that they have a different surname or they've got a different skin color is not going to impede their dreams, then I am absolutely confident that we're going to be able to move forward on the challenges that we face as a country.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, you have a minute as well since this question is to you.

'''CLINTON''': Well, I couldn't run as anything other than a woman.  I am proud to be running as a woman.  And I'm excited that I may &amp;ndash; you know, may be able, finally, to break that hardest of all glass ceilings.

But, obviously, I'm not running because I'm a woman. I'm running because I think I'm the most qualified and experienced person to hit the ground running in January 2009.

And I trust the American people to make a decision that is not about me or my gender, or about Barack or his race or about Bill and his ethnicity, but about what is best for you and your family.

We have big challenges &amp;ndash; and big needs in our country. And I think we're going to need experienced and strong leadership in order to start handling all of the problems that we have here at home and around the world.

And when I'm inaugurated, I think it's going to send a great message to a lot of little girls and boys around the world.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards...  Senator Edwards, earlier this week, your wife said that you would be a better advocate for women than Senator Clinton. Was she right?

'''EDWARDS''': Well, let me say first that on the question that was just asked to Senator Obama...

'''COOPER''': We prefer you stay on the question...

'''EDWARDS''': I'm going to stay on your question. I promise I'll answer that question. But the first thing I want to say -- and I want to speak for everybody, I believe, on this stage -- anybody who's considering not voting for Senator Obama because he's black or for Senator Clinton because she's a woman, I don't want their vote. I don't want them voting for me.

I think what Elizabeth was saying was -- to answer your question, what Elizabeth was saying was there are very important issues facing women in this country. More women are affected by the minimum wage than men are affected by the minimum wage. I have been the most aggressive -- in fact, I would challenge every Democrat on this stage today to commit to raising the minimum wage to $9.50 an hour by the year 2012.

Second, there are more women in poverty than men in poverty.

And I have made this a central cause in my life and a central cause in my campaign. More women have difficulty getting the health care that they need than men do. And I was the first person to come out with a comprehensive, truly universal health care plan.

'''COOPER''': So do you think you're a better advocate for women than Senator Clinton?

'''EDWARDS''': Those are issues -- listen, Senator Clinton has a long history of speaking out on behalf of women. She deserves to be commended for that. But I believe that on the issues that directly affect women's lives, I have the strongest, boldest ideas and can bring about the change that needs to be brought.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, is he a better advocate for women?

'''CLINTON''': Anderson, I have a great deal of admiration for Elizabeth Edwards. And I appreciate greatly John's comments. You know, I have spent my entire life advocating for women. I went to Beijing in 1995 and said that women's rights are human rights, and I've done everything I can to make that principle come true.

And, specifically on issues, I got to vote to raise the minimum wage.

I put in legislation which said that Congress should not get a salary increase until they did raise the minimum wage, and I am putting that back in, because I agree that by the time we got it raised after 10 years, it was already out of date.

And as to women in poverty and women with health care needs, I have been on the forefront of both advocating and creating change in my public service, in my time in Arkansas, the White House, and now in the Senate.

But I think it is terrific. We're up here arguing about who's going to be better for women, because isn't that a nice change for everybody to hear.

'''COOPER''': Our next question is on a topic that got a lot of response from YouTube viewers. Let's watch.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. My name is Mary.

'''[QUESTION]''': And my name is Jen.

'''[QUESTION]''': And we're from Brooklyn, New York.  If you were elected president of the United States, would you allow us to be married to each other?

'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich?

'''KUCINICH''': Mary and Jen, the answer to your question is yes. And let me tell you why.

Because if our Constitution really means what it says, that all are created equal, if it really means what it says, that there should be equality of opportunity before the law, then our brothers and sisters who happen to be gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgender should have the same rights accorded to them as anyone else, and that includes the ability to have a civil marriage ceremony.

Yes, I support you. And welcome to a better and a new America under a President Kucinich administration.

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd, you supported the Defense of Marriage Act. What's your position?

'''DODD''': I've made the case, Anderson, that -- my wife and I have two young daughters, age 5 and 2.

I'd simply ask the audience to ask themselves the question that Jackie and I have asked: How would I want my two daughters treated if they grew up and had a different sexual orientation than their parents?  Good jobs, equal opportunity, to be able to retire, to visit each other, to be with each other, as other people do.

So I feel very strongly, if you ask yourself the question, &quot;How would you like your children treated if they had a different sexual orientation than their parents?,&quot; the answer is yes. They ought to have that ability in civil unions.  I don't go so far as to call for marriage. I believe marriage is between a man and a woman.

But my state of Connecticut, the state of New Hampshire, have endorsed civil unions. I strongly support that. But I don't go so far as marriage.

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson?

'''RICHARDSON''': Well, I would say to the two young women, I would level with you -- I would do what is achievable.  What I think is achievable is full civil unions with full marriage rights. I would also press for you a hate crimes act in the Congress. I would eliminate &quot;don't ask/don't tell&quot; in the military.

If we're going to have in our military men and women that die for this country, we shouldn't give them a lecture on their sexual orientation.  I would push for domestic partnership laws, nondiscrimination in insurance and housing.

I would also send a very strong message that, in my administration, I will not tolerate any discrimination on the basis of race, gender, or sexual orientation.

'''COOPER''': This next question is for Senator Edwards.

'''REGGIE LONGCRIER''': I'm Reverend Reggie Longcrier. I'm the pastor of Exodus Mission and Outreach Church in Hickory, North Carolina.

Senator Edwards said his opposition to gay marriage is influenced by his Southern Baptist background. Most Americans agree it was wrong and unconstitutional to use religion to justify slavery, segregation, and denying women the right to vote.

So why is it still acceptable to use religion to deny gay American their full and equal rights?

'''EDWARDS''': I think Reverend Longcrier asks a very important question, which is whether fundamentally -- whether it's right for any of our faith beliefs to be imposed on the American people when we're president of the United States. I do not believe that's right.

I feel enormous personal conflict about this issue. I want to end discrimination. I want to do some of the things that I just heard Bill Richardson talking about -- standing up for equal rights, substantive rights, civil unions, the thing that Chris Dodd just talked about. But I think that's something everybody on this stage will commit themselves to as president of the United States.

But I personally have been on a journey on this issue. I feel enormous conflict about it. As I think a lot of people know, Elizabeth spoke -- my wife Elizabeth spoke out a few weeks ago, and she actually supports gay marriage. I do not. But this is a very, very difficult issue for me. And I recognize and have enormous respect for people who have a different view of it.

'''COOPER''': I should also point out that the reverend is actually in the audience tonight. Where is he? Right over here.  Reverend, do you feel he answered your question?

'''[QUESTION]''': This question was just a catalyst that promoted some other things that wrapped around that particular question, especially when it comes to fair housing practices. Also...

'''COOPER''': Do you think he answered the question, though?

'''[QUESTION]''': Not like I would like to have heard it...

'''COOPER''': What did you not hear?

'''[QUESTION]''': I didn't quite get -- some people were moving around, and I didn't quite get all of his answer. I just heard...

'''COOPER''': All right, there's 30 seconds more. Why is it OK to quite religious beliefs when talking about why you don't support something? That's essentially what's his question.

'''EDWARDS''': It's not. I mean, I've been asked a personal question which is, I think, what Reverend Longcrier is raising, and that personal question is, do I believe and do I personally support gay marriage?

The honest answer to that is I don't. But I think it is absolutely wrong, as president of the United States, for me to have used that faith basis as a basis for denying anybody their rights, and I will not do that when I'm president of the United States.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, the laws banning interracial marriage in the United States were ruled unconstitutional in 1967. What is the difference between a ban on interracial marriage and a ban on gay marriage?

'''OBAMA''': Well, I think that it is important to pick up on something that was said earlier by both Dennis and by Bill, and that is that we've got to make sure that everybody is equal under the law. And the civil unions that I proposed would be equivalent in terms of making sure that all the rights that are conferred by the state are equal for same-sex couples as well as for heterosexual couples.

Now, with respect to marriage, it's my belief that it's up to the individual denominations to make a decision as to whether they want to recognize marriage or not. But in terms of, you know, the rights of people to transfer property, to have hospital visitation, all those critical civil rights that are conferred by our government, those should be equal.

'''COOPER''': We're going to take a quick break, but before we go we're going to show another candidate video. This one is from the Clinton campaign. And then when we come back from the break, we'll see one from the -- from Senator Edwards' campaign.

''[COMMERCIAL BREAK]''

'''COOPER''': That was just one of the candidates' videos. If you're just joining us, that's one of the candidate videos you're going to be seeing throughout the evening as we go to commercial breaks.  Let's turn international now. We've got a lot of international questions. Let's listen.

'''[QUESTION]''': I'm Gabriel. And I'm Connie, from a refugee camp near Darfur.  Before you answer this question, imagine yourself the parent of one of these children.  What action do you commit to that will get these children back home to a safe Darfur and not letting it be yet another empty promise?

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson, what are you going to do? Would you commit American troops?

'''RICHARDSON''': I was at that refugee camp. And there was a refugee, a woman who came up to me. She'd been raped, her husband had been killed and she said, &quot;When is America going to start helping?&quot;

This is what I would do: It's diplomacy. It's getting U.N. peacekeeping troops and not African Union troops. It's getting China to pressure Sudan. It's getting the European Union to be part of economic sanctions in Sudan. It's called leadership.

A no-fly zone, I believe, would be an option. But we have to be concerned about humanitarian workers being hurt by planes, being shot.

The answer here is caring about Africa. The answer here is not just thinking of our strategic interests as a country, as oil and Europe and the Middle East. It should be Africa, Asia and Latin America, doing something about poverty, about AIDS, about refugees, about those that have been left behind. That's how we restore American leadership in this country.

'''COOPER''': You say U.N. troops. Does that mean American troops?

'''RICHARDSON''': United Nations peacekeeping troops, and that would primarily be Muslim troops. We need a permanent U.N. peacekeeping force, stationed somewhere.  If we get U.N. peacekeeping troops authorized for Darfur, there's some already there, it'll take six months for them to get there. Genocide is continuing there; 200,000 have died; close to 2 million refugees in that region. America needs to respond with diplomacy, with diplomatic leadership.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden, in the past, you've talked about NATO troops. What about American troops?

'''BIDEN''': Absolutely, positively. Look, I'm so tired of this. Let's get right to it. I heard the same arguments after I came back from meeting with Milosevic: We can't act; we can't send troops there.

Where we can, America must. Why Darfur? Because we can.

We should now. Those kids will be dead by the time the diplomacy is over.

I'm not joking. I've been to that camp. I walked through that camp.

You know what happened when I landed?

When I landed and the dust settled, a young African aid worker came up to me and he looked at me and he said, &quot;Thank you. Thank you, America, for coming.&quot;

You don't understand -- they don't understand. They think we can save them.

And guess what? We can. Twenty-five hundred American troops -- if we do not get the 21,000 U.N. troops in there -- can stop the genocide now. I have called for a no-fly zone. Everybody agreed, but you need troops on the ground.

'''COOPER''': Time.  Senator Gravel?

'''GRAVEL''': The problem goes a little bit deeper than that. It's because we haven't owned up to our responsibilities to a sense of global governance. And so now, you've got a situation with the United States of America, as Joe says, wants to go in, but the African nations don't want us there.  What's the message? They're afraid of us. They're flat afraid of us. And if you'll permit me, since I haven't got as much time as the others.

'''COOPER''': Actually, no, you've got to answer just directly the question, 30 seconds.

'''GRAVEL''': Thank you very much, Anderson.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, would you agree with Senator Biden? American troops should got to Darfur?

'''CLINTON''': I agree completely that what we need to do is start acting instead of talking.

That means accelerating the United Nations peacekeeping forces along with the African Union. It means moving more quickly on divestment and sanctions on the Sudanese government, including trying to use the diplomacy to get China involved.

And, finally, it does mean a no-fly zone. We can do it in a way that doesn't endanger humanitarian relief.

'''COOPER''': How about American troops on the ground?

'''CLINTON''': I think NATO has to be there with the no-fly zone, and I think that only the United States can provide the logistical support and the air lift to make a no-fly zone and the actual delivery of humanitarian aid work.

'''COOPER''': Just in the spirit of trying to get the answer, does that mean no American ground troops?

'''CLINTON''': American ground troops I don't think belong in Darfur at this time. I think we need to focus on the United Nations peacekeeping troops and the African Union troops.

We've got to figure out what we're doing in Iraq, where our troops are stretched thin, and Afghanistan, where we're losing the fight to al Qaeda and bin Laden.

'''COOPER''': OK, want to talk about Iraq tonight. Before we do, I just want to put a picture up on the screen.

That's United States Marine Corps 1st Lieutenant Shane Chiders. He was a 2001 graduate of this college, The Citadel. March 1st, 2003, it was just after sunrise when Lieutenant Chiders and his platoon were on a mission to capture an oil pumping station from Iraqi soldiers before the Iraqi soldiers could destroy it.

During the operation, a stray bullet hit him just below his body armor. Lieutenant Chiders became the first U.S. service man to die inside Iraq in Operation Iraqi Freedom.

In all, 12 Citadel graduates died in either Afghanistan or Iraq since September 11th, 2001, and over 1,100 have served in those two countries. Tonight we acknowledge their sacrifices and the sacrifices of all our service men and women now serving in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Our first question on Iraq tonight comes from Barry Mitchell in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

'''[QUESTION]''': Mitch from Philadelphia.

My question for all the candidates: How do we pull out now? And the follow-up, are we watching the same blankin' war? I certainly wasn't a big fan of the invasion/liberation. It sickens me to hear about soldiers wounded and getting killed daily, not to mention innocent Iraqis, but how do we pull out now? The government's shaky; bombs daily.

Don't you think if we pulled out now that would open it up for Iran and Syria, God knows who -- Russia -- how do we pull out now? And isn't it our responsibility to get these people up on their feet? I mean, do you leave a newborn baby to take care of himself? How do we pull out now?

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, how do we pull out now?

'''OBAMA''': Look, I opposed this war from the start. Because I anticipated that we would be creating the kind of sectarian violence that we've seen and that it would distract us from the war on terror.

'''COOPER''': Right...

'''OBAMA''': I'm going to get to the question, Anderson.

At this point, I think we can be as careful getting out as we were careless getting in. But we have to send a clear message to the Iraqi government as well as to the surrounding neighbors that there is no military solution to the problems that we face in Iraq.

We just heard a White House spokesman, Tony Snow, excuse the fact that the Iraqi legislature went on vacation for three weeks because it's hot in Baghdad. Well, let me tell you: It is hot for American troops who are over there with 100 pounds worth of gear.

And that kind of irresponsibility is not helpful.

So we have to begin a phased withdrawal; have our combat troops out by March 31st of next year; and initiate the kind of diplomatic surge that is necessary in these surrounding regions to make sure that everybody is carrying their weight.

And that is what I will do on day one, as president of the United States, if we have not done it in the intervening months.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden, how do we pull out now? That was the question.

'''BIDEN''': Anderson, you've been there. You know we can't just pull out now. Let's get something straight. It's time to start to tell the truth. The truth of the matter is: If we started today, it would take one year, one year to get 160,000 troops physically out of Iraq, logistically.

That's number one.

Number two, you cannot pull out of Iraq without the follow-on that's been projected here, unless you have a political solution. I'm the only one that's offered a political solution.

And it literally means separate the parties; give them jurisdiction in their own areas; have a decentralized government, a federal system. No central government will work.

And, thirdly, the fact of the matter is, the very thing everybody's quoting is the very legislation I wrote in January. It said: Begin to draw down combat troops now; get the majority of the combat troops out by March of '08.

There's not one person in here that can say we're going to eliminate all troops...

'''COOPER''': OK, time.

'''BIDEN''': ... unless you're going to eliminate every physical person who's an American in Iraq.

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''BIDEN''': Tell the truth for a change.

'''COOPER''': Another question on Iraq.

'''[QUESTION]''': Thank you for taking my question. The 2006 election gave the Democrats in office a mandate to end the U.S. occupation of Iraq. Since that time, 800 of our military service members have died there.

As the mother of an American soldier deploying to Iraq for a second time, I would like to know if the perception is true that the Democrats are putting politics before conscience.

How many more soldiers must die while these political games continue in our government?

Is the reason why we are still in Iraq and seemingly will be for some time due to the Democrats' fear that blame for the loss of the war will be placed on them by the Republican spin machine?

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton?

'''CLINTON''': Well, I want to thank her and her son for their service and their sacrifice. When we send a soldier or Marine to combat in Iraq, we really are sending a family.

And since the election of 2006, the Democrats have tried repeatedly to win Republican support with a simple proposition that we need to set a timeline to begin bringing our troops home now.

I happen to agree that there is no military solution, and the Iraqis refuse to pursue the political solutions. In fact, I asked the Pentagon a simple '''[QUESTION]''': Have you prepared for withdrawing our troops? In response, I got a letter accusing me of being unpatriotic; that I shouldn't be asking questions.

Well, one of the problems is that there are a lot of questions that we're asking but we're not getting answers from the Bush administration.

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''CLINTON''': And it's time for the Republicans to join us in standing up to the president to bring our troops home.

'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich, the Democrats have been in power for seven months. Nothing has changed in Iraq.

'''KUCINICH''': If you're not going to answer the question, I'm going to answer the mother that troop -- question.

The answer to your question, ma'am, is: Yes, it is politics. The Democrats have failed the American people. When we took over in January, the American people didn't expect us to give them a Democratic version of the war. They expected us to act quickly to end the war.

And here's how we can do it. It doesn't take legislation. That's a phony excuse to say that you don't have the votes. We appropriated $97 billion a month ago. We should tell President Bush, no more funds for the war, use that money to bring the troops home, use it to bring the troops home.

And, Anderson, right, now if people want to send that message to Congress...

'''COOPER''': OK. Senator...

'''KUCINICH''': ... they can text &quot;Peace,&quot; 73223.

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd -- we're going to see your campaign commercial.  Senator Dodd, you're in the Congress. What about it? You've been in power seven months now. Nothing's changed in Iraq.

'''DODD''': First of all, there are differences here. The first responsibility of the commander in chief is to keep our nation safe and secure. It has been said from the very beginning: There is no military solution to this civil war in Iraq.  I think it's incumbent upon the Congress.

There is a sense of disappointment. We should set that time certain. I don't normally advocate that here, but I know of no other way we're going to convince the political and religious leaders in Iraq to take seriously their responsibility to decide to form a nation-state or not.

I think by saying with clarity here that we are withdrawing and redeploying our forces out of there, robustly pursuing diplomacy, which we have not done at all here. This administration treats statecraft and diplomacy as if it were a gift to your opponents here.

We need to have a program here that allows us to become much more engaged in the region.

The answer on Darfur isn't just what we do...

'''COOPER''': No, no, no, no, let's not go to Darfur...

'''DODD''': Well, no, because Iraq is related to Darfur, Anderson, here. It's because we're bogged down there at $10 billion a month, we've lost our moral leadership in the world. No one listens to us when it comes to foreign policy. That has to change in this country. That's the difference here.

'''COOPER''': The question, though, is: Are the Democrats playing politics?

'''RICHARDSON''': There's a big difference on Iraq between me and the senators, and here's where it is.

The lives of our young troops are more important than George Bush's legacy.

This is what I stand for: I believe we should bring all the troops home by the end of this year, in six months, with no residual forces -- no residual forces.

This is critically important. A hundred American troops are dying every month. And this war is a quagmire. It's endless.

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''RICHARDSON''': And the time has come to bring the troops home. No politics.

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''RICHARDSON''': Get it done.

'''COOPER''': The next question is for Senator Gravel.

'''[QUESTION]''': My name is Don. I'm from West Virginia.  My question is for Mike Gravel. In one of the previous debates you said something along the lines of the entire deaths of Vietnam died in vain.

How do you expect to win in a country where probably a pretty large chunk of the people voting disagree with that statement and might very well be offended by it?  I'd like to know if you plan to defend that statement, or if you're just going to flip-flop.

Thanks.

'''GRAVEL''': John, why would you think I would flip-flop? I've never flip-flopped before, and I like the question. I don't get very many of them, but I'll just tell you...

Thank you. Thank you. Has it been fair thus far? I'll tell you, John, it's a set up question. Our soldiers died in Vietnam in vain. You can now, John, go to Hanoi and get a Baskin-Robbins ice cream cone. That's what you can do. And now we have most favored nation trade.

What did all these people die for? What are they dying for right now in Iraq every single day? Let me tell you: There's only one thing worse than a soldier dying in vain; it's more soldiers dying in vain.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, are the soldiers dying in Iraq in vain?

'''OBAMA''': Our soldiers have done everything that's been asked of them. They deposed Saddam Hussein.

They have carried out extraordinarily difficult missions with great courage and great bravery.

But, you know, one thing I have to say about Senator Clinton's comments a couple of moments ago. I think it's terrific that she's asking for plans from the Pentagon, and I think the Pentagon response was ridiculous. But what I also know is that the time for us to ask how we were going to get out of Iraq was before we went in.

And that is something that too many of us failed to do. We failed to do it. And I do think that that is something that both Republicans and Democrats have to take responsibility for.

When I am president of the United States, when I send our troops into battle, I am going to be absolutely sure that it is based on sound intelligence, and I'm going to tell the truth to the American people, as well as the families who are being asked to sacrifice.

'''COOPER''': To the question of, did the troops -- are the troops dying in vain, though: Yes or no?

'''OBAMA''': I never think that troops, like those who are coming out of The Citadel, who do their mission for their country, are dying in vain. But what I do think is that the civilian leadership and the commander in chief has a responsibility to make sure that they have the plans that are going to allow our troops to succeed in their mission.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards, are the troops -- did the troops in Vietnam die in vain?

'''EDWARDS''': I don't think any of our troops die in vain when they go and do the duty that's been given to them by the commander in chief. No, I don't think they died in vain.

But I think the question is -- the question is: What is going to be done to stop this war?

The other people have raised the question earlier. And in fact, Senator Obama spoke just a minute ago about the White House agreeing that the parliament, the Iraqi parliament could take a month-long vacation because it was too hot, while our men and women are putting their lives on the line every day.

Here's my question. While the Iraqi parliament is on vacation, is George Bush going to be on vacation in Crawford, Texas?

What we need to do is turn up the heat on George Bush and hold him responsible and make this president change course.

It is the only way he will change course. He will never change course unless he's made to do it.

'''COOPER''': Got another question -- this one's relatively short -- from a Tony Fuller. Let's listen.

'''[QUESTION]''': My name is Tony Fuller from Wilson, Ohio, and I was wondering if the candidates feel women should register for the draft when they turn 18. Why or why not?

'''COOPER''': Should women register for selective service when they turn 18 like men do currently?

Senator Dodd?

'''DODD''': Well, yes, I think they should, in a sense. I'm opposed to a draft, but I think if you're going to have registration, it ought to be across lines so you don't just ask one gender to do the -- have the responsibility. So in my view that would be the fair thing to do.

I happen to believe, by the way, Anderson, and taking the question here a bit further, and it's a good question that Tony has raised, I'm an advocate of universal nation service, not by mandating it, but one of the things I'm missing in our country is the shared experience.

I served in the National Guard, I served in the reserves, I served in the Peace Corps in Latin America back in the '60s here. I want to see every American given the opportunity to serve their country in some way.

I think we need to do more of that in the United States today. Elections ought to be more than just about a series of issues, but the shared experiences of service.

It's so important that every American have that opportunity. It's something I strongly advocate and would advocate as president.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, do you think women should register for Selective Service?

'''CLINTON''': I do. I don't support a draft. I think our all- volunteer military has performed superbly. But we've had women die in Iraq. We've had combat deaths of women in Iraq and Afghanistan. And I do think that women should register. I doubt very much that we'll ever have to go back to a draft. But I think it is fair to call upon every young American.

And I agree completely with Chris. We've got to look for more ways for universal national service. I've introduced legislation for a public service academy that would be patterned on great institutions like The Citadel and our military academies. Because we've got to get young people back into public service.

And the other night we had a provision in our bill that we passed to have people who go into public service have their student loans deferred and even forgiven.

We need to do more to support public service.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, should women register for Selective Service?

'''OBAMA''': You know, a while back we had a celebration in the Capitol for the Tuskegee Airmen, and it was extraordinarily powerful because it reminded us, there was a time when African-Americans weren't allowed to serve in combat.

And yet, when they did, not only did they perform brilliantly, but what also happened is they helped to change America, and they helped to underscore that we're equal.

And I think that if women are registered for service -- not necessarily in combat roles, and I don't agree with the draft -- I think it will help to send a message to my two daughters that they've got obligations to this great country as well as boys do.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': Anyone who has any question about whether women can serve this country honorably in the military should meet Sally Bardon, who's sitting with my wife Elizabeth down there. She flew fighter jets, F-16s, into the first 15 minutes of the war in Iraq. Flew over Baghdad.

She put her life at risk, at the very beginning of the war. Anybody who has any questions about whether women can serve courageously and honorably, need to meet women like Sally Bardon.

'''COOPER''': Senator Gravel?

'''GRAVEL''': Well, of course I want to take credit and admit that I'm the guy that filibustered for five months, all by myself, in the Senate to end the draft in the United States of America.

And I'm very proud of that because George Bush does not have the boots on the ground to invade Iran.

'''COOPER''': Thank you. Do you think -- should women register?

'''GRAVEL''': Of course women should be going -- go into the draft if we're going to have a draft. They should register also. What's the difference?

'''COOPER''': OK. Thank you for your answer.  Another video.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hello, my name is John McAlpin. I'm a proud serving member of the United States military. I'm serving overseas.

This question is to Senator Hillary Clinton. The Arab states, Muslim nations, believe it's women as being second-class citizens. If you're president of the United States, how do you feel that you would even be taken seriously by these states in any kind of talks, negotiations, or any other diplomatic relations? I feel that is a legitimate question.

'''CLINTON''': Thank you, John, and thank you for your service to our country.

You know, when I was first lady, I was privileged to represent our country in 82 countries. I have met with many officials in Arabic and Muslim countries. I have met with kings and presidents and prime ministers and sheiks and tribal leaders.

And certainly, in the last years during my time in the Senate, I have had many high-level meetings with presidents and prime ministers in Iraq, Afghanistan, Kuwait, Pakistan and many other countries.

I believe that there isn't much doubt in anyone's mind that I can be taken seriously.

I believe that other countries have had women presidents and women prime ministers. There are several serving now -- in Germany, in Chile, in Liberia and elsewhere -- and I have noticed that their compatriots on the world stage certainly take them seriously.

I think that it is...

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''CLINTON''': It would be quite appropriate to have a woman president deal with the Arab and Muslim countries on behalf of the United States of America.

'''COOPER''': Let's go to another YouTube video.

'''[QUESTION]''': In 1982, Anwar Sadat traveled to Israel, a trip that resulted in a peace agreement that has lasted ever since.

In the spirit of that type of bold leadership, would you be willing to meet separately, without precondition, during the first year of your administration, in Washington or anywhere else, with the leaders of Iran, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba and North Korea, in order to bridge the gap that divides our countries?

'''COOPER''': I should also point out that Stephen is in the crowd tonight.

Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': I would. And the reason is this, that the notion that somehow not talking to countries is punishment to them -- which has been the guiding diplomatic principle of this administration -- is ridiculous.


Now, Ronald Reagan and Democratic presidents like JFK constantly spoke to Soviet Union at a time when Ronald Reagan called them an evil empire. And the reason is because they understood that we may not trust them and they may pose an extraordinary danger to this country, but we had the obligation to find areas where we can potentially move forward.

And I think that it is a disgrace that we have not spoken to them. We've been talking about Iraq -- one of the first things that I would do in terms of moving a diplomatic effort in the region forward is to send a signal that we need to talk to Iran and Syria because they're going to have responsibilities if Iraq collapses.

They have been acting irresponsibly up until this point. But if we tell them that we are not going to be a permanent occupying force, we are in a position to say that they are going to have to carry some weight, in terms of stabilizing the region.

'''COOPER''': I just want to check in with Stephen if he believes he got an answer to his question.

'''[QUESTION]''': I seem to have a microphone in my hand. Well, I'd be interested in knowing what Hillary has to say to that question.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton?

'''CLINTON''': Well, I will not promise to meet with the leaders of these countries during my first year. I will promise a very vigorous diplomatic effort because I think it is not that you promise a meeting at that high a level before you know what the intentions are.

I don't want to be used for propaganda purposes. I don't want to make a situation even worse. But I certainly agree that we need to get back to diplomacy, which has been turned into a bad word by this administration.

And I will purse very vigorous diplomacy.

And I will use a lot of high-level presidential envoys to test the waters, to feel the way. But certainly, we're not going to just have our president meet with Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez and, you know, the president of North Korea, Iran and Syria until we know better what the way forward would be.


'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards, would you meet with Hugo Chavez, Fidel Castro, Kim Jong Il?

'''EDWARDS''': Yes, and I think actually Senator Clinton's right though. Before that meeting takes place, we need to do the work, the diplomacy, to make sure that that meeting's not going to be used for propaganda purposes, will not be used to just beat down the United States of America in the world community.

But I think this is just a piece of a bigger question, which is, what do we actually do? What should the president of the United States do to restore America's moral leadership in the world. It's not enough just to lead with bad leaders. In addition to that, the world needs to hear from the president of the United States about who we are, what it is we represent.

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''EDWARDS''': That, in fact, we believe in equality, we believe in diversity, that they are at the heart and soul of what the United States of America is.

'''COOPER''': We've got another question on the subject.


'''[QUESTION]''': Dear Presidential Candidates, see those three flags over my shoulder? They covered the coffins of my grandfather, my father, and my oldest son.

Someday, mine will join them.

I do not want to see my youngest sons join them.

I have two questions. By what date after January 21st, 2009, will all U.S. troops be out of Iraq? And how many family members do you have serving in uniform?

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd.


'''DODD''': I have advocated, again, that we have our troops out by April of next year. I believe that the timeframe is appropriate to do that. I would urge simultaneously that we do the things we've talked about here, and that is pursue the diplomatic efforts in the region to at least provide Iraq the opportunity to get on its feet. But I believe our military ought to be out before that.

If I'm president in January, I'd be advocating a responsible withdrawal that's safe for our troops who are there, to provide the resources for them to do it.

As I mentioned earlier, I served with the National Guard and Reserves. My brother served in the military as well. So, in my family, there have been at least two that I'm aware of. I have first cousins of mine that were submarine commanders. My uncle was a commander in World War II in the Navy. So there have been a number of people in my family.

'''COOPER''': So you're saying that by January 21st, 2009, all U.S. troops would be out...

'''DODD''': Well, no, I've argued that it actually happen before then. I've been pushing...

'''COOPER''': Right.

'''DODD''': There were 11 of us back when the supplemental bill came up a few weeks ago that voted to cut off that funding here. There's no other way I know to bring this to a head than through that mechanism. So come January, I hope that would be completed.


But, if not, then I'd advocate a time frame that would be done responsibly.

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson?

'''RICHARDSON''': Well, I'm trying to provoke a debate here, because there's a difference between the senators and me on when we get our troops out.

I've been very clear: Six month, but no residual forces.

Senator Clinton has a plan that I understand is maybe 50,000 residual forces. Our troops have become targets. The diplomatic work...

'''COOPER''': Is that even possible? Six months...

'''RICHARDSON''': The diplomatic work cannot begin to heal Iraq, to protect our interests, without troops out. Our troops have become targets. You are going to say six months, because it might provoke a civil war. There is a civil war. There is sectarian conflict.


The time has come, and I get challenged. I have no troops left. One hundred are dying a month.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden?

'''BIDEN''': Number one, there is not a single military man in this audience who will tell this senator he can get those troops out in six months if the order goes today.

Let's start telling the truth. Number one, you take all the troops out. You better have helicopters ready to take those 3,000 civilians inside the Green Zone where I have been seven times and shot at. You better make sure you have protection for them, or let them die, number one.

So we can't leave them there. And it's going to take a minimum 5,000 troops to 10,000 just to protect our civilians. So while you're taking them out, Governor, take everybody out. That may be necessary.

Number three, the idea that we all voted -- except for me -- for that appropriation. That man's son is dead. For all I know, it was an IED. Seventy percent of all the deaths occurred have been those roadside bombs. We have money in that bill to begin to build and send immediately mine-resistant vehicles that increase by 80 percent the likelihood none of your cadets will die, General. And they all voted against it.

How in good conscience can you vote not to send those vehicles over there as long as there's one single, solitary troop there?

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton?


'''CLINTON''': You know, I put forth a comprehensive three-point plan to get our troops out of Iraq, and it does start with moving them out as soon as possible.

But Joe is right. You know, I have done extensive work on this. And the best estimate is that we can probably move a brigade a month, if we really accelerate it, maybe a brigade and a half or two a month. That is a lot of months.

My point is: They're not even planning for that in the Pentagon. You know, Mr. Berry, I am so sorry about the loss of your son. And I hope to goodness your youngest son doesn't face anything like that.

But until we get this president and the Pentagon to begin to at least tell us they are planning to withdraw, we are not going to be able to turn this around.

And so, with all due respect to some of my friends here -- yes, we want to begin moving the troops out, but we want to do so safely, and orderly and carefully.

We don't want more loss of American life and Iraqi life as we attempt to withdraw, and it is time for us to admit that it's going to be complicated, so let's start it now.

'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich?


'''KUCINICH''': The underlying assumption here is that we're going to be in Iraq until the next president takes office, and I reject that totally. People can send a message to Congress right now -- and this is in a convention of this appearance -- they can text peace, and text 73223, text peace. Send a message to Congress right now, you want out.

I introduced a plan four years ago, Anderson, that was a full plan to remove our troops. I'm the only one on this stage -- excuse me -- who not only voted against this war, but voted against funding the war.


It is not credible to say you oppose the war from the start when you voted to fund it 100 percent of the time, 70 percent, 5 percent of the time. Let's get real about this war. Let's get those troops home and let's take a stand and do it now. Send a message to Congress now.

'''COOPER''': All right.

'''KUCINICH''': We cannot wait until the next president takes office.


'''COOPER''': We've got to take a short break. As we go to break, we're going to show another campaign commercial, this one from Senator Mike Gravel.

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]'''''

:'''GRAVEL''': George Bush's oil war was a mistake. We need to stop killing Americans and Iraqis. Been around since the beginning of time. It's not a war. It should be a police action based on global intelligence. It's the most serious problem facing humanity today.
:
:A universal voucher system will provide equal treatment and choice of providers.
:
:The Congress has to stop raiding the surplus.

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

'''COOPER''': And welcome back to the CNN/YouTube debate. That was obviously a YouTube-style video from Governor Richardson's campaign.

This next question is on the topic of education.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi, my name is Sheena Currell. I'm from (inaudible), South Carolina.

My question is: Who was your favorite teacher and why?

'''COOPER''': A little bit hard to hear. The question was: Who was your favorite teacher and why?

Senator Gravel?

'''GRAVEL''': A brother by the name of Edgar Burke, who's since deceased, became a priest later, he recognized me as a very failing student because I was dyslexic and couldn't read very well. And so he gave me some attention and taught me to speak, and that's what little chance I get to use it today.

Thank you.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': I had a teacher in fifth grade named Mrs. Hefty. And I was just coming from overseas, coming back to the United States, felt a little bit out of place. And she had actually lived in Kenya and worked there and taught there and was able to give me some sense that even though I had experiences outside this country, those were actually valuable and important.

And that's the power of a good teacher, is making every single child feel special.

And we need more teachers like that in front of every single classroom.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden?

'''BIDEN''': The principal of my high school, his name was Justin E. Dinney. He was a priest, and he taught me that the single most serious sin humanity could commit was abuse of power, and the second most serious sin was standing by and watching it be abused.

He was the brightest guy I have ever known.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': Ms. Burns, who was the high school English teacher who made me believe that somebody can come from a little town in North Carolina where their daddy worked in the mill and do just about anything if they really believe in themselves.

'''COOPER''': All right. With the next question, you are going to have to pay attention both to the words, the music and to what is written on the screen.

'''''[VIDEO PRESENTATION]'''''

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson, you have had to implement No Child Left Behind in your state. Would you scrap it? Revise it?

'''RICHARDSON''': I would scrap it. It doesn't work.  It is the law. It is not just an unfunded mandate, but the one- size-fits-all doesn't work.  It doesn't emphasize teacher training. It doesn't emphasize the disabled kids.  It doesn't -- English learning kids don't get help.  The worst thing it does is it takes districts and schools that are not doing well, takes their funds away, penalizes them.

If a school is not doing well, we help that school.  The last thing we need to do, relating to teachers, is the key to a good education in this country is a strong teacher. I would have a minimum wage for all our teachers, $40,000 per year.  And I would emphasize science and math.

And I would also bring, to make sure our kids that are not scoring well in science and math, 29th in the world, to unlock those minds in science and math, I would have a major federal program of art in the schools &amp;ndash; music, dancing, sculpture, and the arts.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden, everyone on this stage who was in Congress in 2001 voted for No Child Left Behind. Would you scrap it or revise it?

'''BIDEN''': It was a mistake. I remember talking with Paul Wellstone at the time. And quite frankly, the reason I voted for it, against my better instinct, is I have great faith in Ted Kennedy, who is so devoted to education.  But I would scrap it -- or I guess, theoretically, you could do a major overhaul. But I think I'd start from the beginning.

You need better teachers. You need smaller classrooms. You need to start kids earlier. It's all basic.  My wife's been teaching for 30 years. She has her doctorate in education. She comes back and points out how it's just not working.  The bottom line here is that I would fundamentally change the way in which we approach this.

'''COOPER''': Our next question comes from South Carolina.

'''MIKE GREEN''': Hey, I'm Mike Green from Lexington, South Carolina. And I was wanting to ask all the nominees whether they would send their kids to public school or private school.

'''COOPER''': The question is public school or private school. We know, Senator Clinton, you sent your daughter to private school.  Senator Edwards, Obama and Biden also send your kids to private school.  Is that correct?

'''CLINTON''': No.

'''COOPER''': No?

'''CLINTON''': No, it's not correct.

'''COOPER''': OK.

'''EDWARDS''': I've had four children, and all of them have gone to public school. I've got two kids &amp;nbsp; who are actually here with me in Charleston tonight, two kids, Emma Claire and Jack, just finished the third grade in public school in North Carolina, and Jack just finished the first grade in public school in North Carolina.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton?

'''CLINTON''': And Chelsea went to public schools, kindergarten through eighth grade, until we moved to Washington. And then I was advised, and it was, unfortunately, good advice, that if she were to go to a public school, the press would never leave her alone, because it's a public school. So I had to make a very difficult decision.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama?

'''CLINTON''': But we were very pleased she was in public schools in Little Rock.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': My kids have gone to the University of Chicago Lab School, a private school, because I taught there, and it was five minutes from our house. So it was the best option for our kids.

But the fact is that there are some terrific public schools in Chicago that they could be going to. The problem is, is that we don't have good schools, public schools, for all kids.

A U.S. senator can get his kid into a terrific public school. That's not the question. The question is whether or not ordinary parents, who can't work the system, are able to get their kids into a decent school, and that's what I need to fight for and will fight for as president of the United States.

'''COOPER''': I want to ask this question of everyone.  Senator Biden?

'''BIDEN''': My kids did go to private schools, because right after I got elected, my wife and daughter were killed. I had two sons who survived. My sister was the head of the history department. She was helping me raise my children at Wilmington Friends School.  When it came time to go to high school when they had come through their difficulties -- I'm a practicing Catholic -- it was very important to me they go to a Catholic school, and they went to a Catholic school.  My kids would not have gone to that school were it not for the fact that my wife and daughter were killed and my two children were under the care of my sister who drove them to school every morning.

'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich?

'''KUCINICH''': My daughter, Jackie, went to the Columbus public schools and got a great education. And I want to make sure that that commitment that sent her to public school is a commitment that will cause all American children to be able to go to great public schools.

'''COOPER''': Senator Gravel?

'''GRAVEL''': My children went to public school and private school, and I'm recommend that we need a little bit of competition in our system of education. Right now, we have 30 percent of our children do not graduate from high school. That is abominable, and that is the problem of both parties.

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd?

'''DODD''': My daughter goes to the public school as a pre-school -- kindergarten. But I want to come back to the No Child Left Behind.

Because I think remedying this -- and I understand the applause here -- accountability is very important. This is one country -- we've got to have the best prepared generation of Americans that we've ever produced in our educational system. No other issue, in my view, is as important as this one here.

And getting the No Child Left Behind law right is where we ought to focus our attention here so that we have resources coming back to our states. You measure growth in a child. You invest in failing schools. But I would not scrap it entirely. Accountability is very important in this country. We ought not to abandon that idea.

'''COOPER''': Let's try to stay on the topic.

The next question comes from Pennsylvania.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. My name is Anne, and I work at a Planned Parenthood in Pennsylvania.  My question is, we here at Planned Parenthood support comprehensive sex education and I'd like to know if any of you as candidates have talked to your children about sex and used medically accurate and age-appropriate information?

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': Well, Elizabeth and I have had sort of an unusual experience for parents, because Elizabeth likes to say that was made a member of AARP when she was pregnant with Jack, our last child.

We have had four children. Our two youngest children are now nine and seven. So we have been through the whole experience, including kids who have grown up.

Yes, the answer is we have taught our younger children when they were young how to look for the signs of wrong touching, any kind of what would be sexual abuse, inappropriate touching. And we have taught our children as they got older, all -- I think, using medically appropriate terms -- all that they needed to know to be properly educated.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, Mitt Romney has accused you this week of saying that 5-year-old children should be getting sex education. Was he right?

'''OBAMA''': Ironically, this was actually a proposal that he himself said he supported when he was running for governor of Massachusetts.  Apparently, he forgot.  And it makes the exact point that John made.

I've got a 9-year-old daughter and a 6-year-old daughter. And I want them to know if somebody is doing something wrong to them, encroaching on their privacy, that they should come talk to me or my wife.

And we've had that conversation, but not every parent is going to have that conversation with their child, and I think it's important that every child does, to make sure that they're not subject to the sexual predators.

'''COOPER''': All right.  Now, time for something completely different.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hey, there, my name's Jackie Broyles. And I'm Dunlap [2nd person on video]. We're from Red State Update. Murfreesboro, Tennessee. This here question's for all you candidates. Mainstream media seems awfully interested in old Al Gore these days. Is he losing weight? What's it say in his book? Is he still worried about all the ice? They interpret all these as signs that he may or may not run. They really want to know if Al Gore's going to run again. Yes. Well, what we want to know is does that hurt you-all's feelings?

'''COOPER''': Anybody have their feelings hurt?  No, you're all right about that?

'''BIDEN''': Anderson...

'''COOPER''': Yes?

'''BIDEN''': I think the people of Tennessee just had their feelings hurt.

'''COOPER''': They can take it up with Jackie.

We're not going to talk about Al Gore tonight, but we are going to talk about something that he talks a lot about. That's what our next question's about.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hello, Democratic candidates. I've been growing concerned that global warming, the single most important issue to the snowmen of this country, is being neglected.  As president, what will you do to ensure that my son will live a full and happy life?  Thank you.

'''COOPER''': It's a funny video. It's a serious question. Congressman Kucinich?

'''KUCINICH''': Well, we have to understand the connection between global warring and global warming. Because when we start talking about wars for oil, we're essentially keeping the same approach to energy.

So I'm saying we need to move away from reliance on oil and coal and toward reliance on wind and solar.

'''KUCINICH''': Anderson, that's the basis of my WGA, Works Green Administration, where we take an entirely new approach to organize the entire country around sustainability, around conservation. We don't have to have our snowmen melting, and the planet shouldn't be melting either.

'''COOPER''': Are the people on this stage, are your fellow candidates, are they green enough?

'''KUCINICH''': No. And I think that the reason is that if you support, for example, in Iraq, if you say that Iraq should privatize its oil for the U.S. oil companies, then what you're doing is you're continuing a commitment to use more oil. If you believe that all options should be put on the table with respect to Iran, that's about oil.

So we need to move away from reliance on oil...

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''KUCINICH''': ... and that's really connected to our defense policy, and I'm the one who gets the connection.

'''COOPER''': All right.  Similar topic. Let's listen.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi, I'm Stephanie. We're in the Bay area, in my bathroom, because this is one of the places where I use compact fluorescent light bulbs. I use these to decrease my personal energy use, and I hear politicians talking about alternative energy to delay -- to decrease our energy impact as a whole.

So my question for you is, how is the United States going to decrease its energy consumption in the first place? In other words, how will your policies influence Americans, rather than just using special light bulbs, to do this?

'''COOPER''': Senator Gravel, how do you get Americans to conserve?

'''GRAVEL''': Very simple, change our tax structure. Have a fair tax where people are taxed on what they spend rather than what they earn. And our tax system is totally corrupt right now.

And so if we now have a retail sales tax, you'll take this nation of ours from a consuming nation to a savings nation.

'''GRAVEL''': And that's the most significant thing we can do to alter climate change.

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd?

'''DODD''': Anderson, there are a number of things. The 50-mile-per- gallon standard is something I've advocated by 2017, that I would push hard for. Entire fleet of federal automobiles would be hybrids or electric automobiles, so we reduce even further out consumption.

But I believe I'm the only candidate here, along with Al Gore, who's called for that, is a corporate carbon tax. You've got to tax polluters. You've got to separate the price differential so that we can move away from fossil fuels that do so much damage to our environment, to our economy, to our future, to jobs in this country.

Until you deal with the issue of price, until you impose a corporate carbon tax, we will never get away from fossil fuels. It's the only way this can be achieved. You have to advocate that if you're serious about global warming.

'''COOPER''': The question was about personal sacrifice. I just want to ask a question to...

'''DODD''': I drive a hybrid, we have a hybrid, and we use efficient light bulbs in our homes...

'''COOPER''': So let me just ask a question to everyone on this stage. And I know we said we wouldn't do a lot of show of hands. This is probably the only one we'll do tonight.

'''COOPER''': How many people here a private jet or a chartered jet to get here tonight?  You're not sure?

'''RICHARDSON''': Yesterday.

'''COOPER''': Yesterday, OK.  Senator Gravel, what was that? You took the train?

'''GRAVEL''': I took the train...


'''COOPER''': OK.

'''GRAVEL''': And maybe one of these will give me a ride someday.


'''CLINTON''': Anderson, you know, we haven't really seriously addressed this incredibly important issue of global warming and energy efficiency.

'''COOPER''': We've got another question on it's way now.

'''CLINTON''': OK. 

CHARLESTON, South Carolina (CNN) -- '''[QUESTION]''': Hi, my name is Shawn and I'm from Ann Arbor, Michigan. There is a scientific consensus for man-caused climate change, and I've heard each of you talk in previous debates about alternative energy sources like solar or wind, but I have not heard any of you speak your opinion on nuclear power. I believe that nuclear power is safer, cleaner, and provides a quicker avenue to energy independence than other alternatives.

'''[QUESTION]''': I am curious what each of you believe.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': Wind, solar, cellulose-based biofuels are the way we need to go. I do not favor nuclear power. We haven't built a nuclear power plant in decades in this country. There is a reason for that. The reason is it is extremely costly. It takes an enormous amount of time to get one planned, developed and built. And we still don't have a safe way to dispose of the nuclear waste. It is a huge problem for America over the long term.

I also don't believe we should liquefy coal. The last thing we need is another carbon-based fuel in America. We need to find fuels that are in fact renewable, clean, and will allow us to address directly the question that has been raised, which is the issue of global warming, which I believe is a crisis.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': I actually think that we should explore nuclear power as part of the energy mix. There are no silver bullets to this issue. We have to develop solar. I have proposed drastically increasing fuel efficiency standards on cars, an aggressive cap on the amount of greenhouse gases that can be emitted.

'''OBAMA''': But we're going to have to try a series of different approaches.

The one thing I have to remind folks, though, of -- we've been talking about this through Republican administrations and Democratic administrations for decades.

And the reason it doesn't change -- you can take a look at how Dick Cheney did his energy policy. He met with environmental groups once. He met with renewable energy folks once. And then he met with oil and gas companies 40 times. And that's how they put together our energy policy. We've got to put the national interests ahead of special interests, and that's what I'll do as president of the United States.


'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, what is Senator Edwards -- why is he wrong on nuclear power?

'''CLINTON''': First of all, I have proposed a strategic energy fund that I would fund by taking away the tax break for the oil companies, which have gotten much greater under Bush and Cheney.


And we could spend about $50 billion doing what America does best. It's time we start acting like Americans again.

'''CLINTON''': We can solve these problems if we focus on innovation and technology.

So, yes, all these alternative forms of energy are important. So is fuel efficiency for cars and so is energy efficiency for buildings.

I'm agnostic about nuclear power. John is right, that until we figure out what we're going to do with the waste and the cost, it's very hard to see nuclear as a part of our future. But that's where American technology comes in. Let's figure out what we're going to do about the waste and the cost if we think nuclear should be a part of the solution.

But this issue of energy and global warming has the promise of creating millions of new jobs in America.

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''CLINTON''': So it can be a win-win, if we do it right.


'''COOPER''': I want to go another YouTube video, another question.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi, everyone. My name's Melissa and I'm from San Luis Obispo, California.

My question is for everyone: In recent years, there's been so much controversy regarding dangling chads, then no paper trail in electronic systems.

I know it costs money to amend things like that, but if I can go to any state and get the same triple grande, non-fat, no foam vanilla latte from Starbucks, why I can't I go to any state and vote the same way?

'''[QUESTION]''': Don't you think that standardizing our voting practices will increase legitimacy, and possibly even voter turnout in our elections? What are you going to do to fix that? If you want, give me a call and I will make a standardized form for you.

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson?


'''RICHARDSON''': I, as president, I would push the whole country to verified paper trails. There are close to 10 states that do this.


My state a year ago, my state was one of those states, along with Florida and Ohio, that, because of the touch-tones, there was uncertainty about the election.

We have close to 50 percent of those Americans eligible to vote voting. That is inexcusable, compared to many other nations. We need to have same-day registration. We need to have an effort to get the Republican Party to stop suppressing minority voters. We need to find ways also to depoliticize the Justice Department that tried to find those voters that were legitimately voting.

'''RICHARDSON''': And lastly, a verifiable paper trail with optical scanners is going to improve turnout, democracy, and it's going to get a lot of young voters in the polls.


'''COOPER''': We're going to take a short break. We're going to go to break with a YouTube-style video from Senator Biden's campaign.

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]'''''

:'''ANNOUNCER''': Imagine you're trapped deep in a hole with a group of politicians debating.
:
:President Bush says the only way out of Iraq is to dig us deeper and deeper. But what if one leader stood up for us and said no, we can get out now, without leaving chaos behind?
:
:Joe Biden is the only one with the experience and the plan to end this war responsibly so our children don't have to go back.
:
:'''BIDEN''': I'm Joe Biden and I approved this message.

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]'''''

:'''KUCINICH''': You can vote now to end the war in Iraq. Text Peace, 73223. Text peace now to send a message to the White House and to the Democratic Congress that now's the time to end the war. Text Peace, 73223. Make your vote count and your voice be heard. Text Peace, 73223, to move this country away from war as an instrument of policy, and to achieve strength through peace. Text Peace.
:
:This is Dennis Kucinich, and I authorized this message.

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

''[COMMERCIAL BREAK]''

'''COOPER''': Welcome back. We still have a lot of YouTube videos we want to try to get to. This next one is about a pocketbook issue. Let's take a look.

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]'''''

:'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. I'm Cecilla Smith.
:
:'''[QUESTION]''': And I'm Asanti Wilkins.
:
:'''[QUESTION]''': And we're from Pennsylvania, and my question is to all the candidates, and it's regarding the national minimum wage. Congress seems to never have a problem when it comes time to give themselves a raise. But when it came time to increase the minimum wage, they had a problem.
:
:My question to the candidates: If you're elected to serve, would you be willing to do this service for the next four years and be paid the national minimum wage?

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

'''COOPER''': So, it's pretty simple, yes or no. Minimum wage, by the way, goes up tomorrow to $6.55. In 2009, it will be $7.25.

Senator Gravel, would you work for the minimum wage?

'''GRAVEL''': Oh, yes, I would, but I would say that we don't need a minimum wage; we need a living wage. We don't have that in this country because of what they passed.


'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd, would you work for the minimum wage?

'''DODD''': I have two young daughters who I'm trying to educate them. I don't think I could live on the minimum wage, but I'm a strong advocate to seeing to it that we increase it at least to $9 or $10 to give people a chance out there to be able to provide for their families.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''DODD''': That's leadership in the country.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': Yes.

'''COOPER''': Yes.

Senator Clinton?

'''CLINTON''': Sure.

Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': Well, we can afford to work for the minimum wage because most folks on this stage have a lot of money. It's the folks...


... on that screen who deserve -- you're doing all right, Chris, compared to, I promise you, the folks who are on that screen.


'''DODD''': Not that well, I'll tell you, Barack.

'''OBAMA''': I mean, we don't have -- we don't have Mitt Romney money, but...


But we could afford to do it for a few years. Most folks can't. And that's why we've got to fight and advocate for...

'''COOPER''': Governor -- Governor Richardson, yes?

'''RICHARDSON''': Yes, I would.

'''COOPER''': OK.

Senator Biden?

'''BIDEN''': I don't have Barack Obama money either.


My net worth is $70,000 to $150,000. That's what happens you get elected at 29. I couldn't afford to stay in the Congress for the minimum wage. But if I get a second job, I'd do it.


'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich?

'''KUCINICH''': Anderson, I live in the same house I purchased in 1971 for $22,500. I think we need to increase the minimum wage and so all my neighbors can get an increase in their wages.

'''COOPER''': So would you work for it?

'''KUCINICH''': I would.

'''COOPER''': OK.

'''KUCINICH''': But I wouldn't want to...

'''COOPER''': By the way, you'd all get overtime, too. So don't worry about that.


Let's watch another video here, another question.

'''[QUESTION]''': This is Nancy McDonald from Wilmington, Delaware.

'''[QUESTION]''': We all know that Social Security is running out of money, but people who earn over $97,500 stop paying into Social Security. What is up with that?

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd, what about that? The Congressional Research Service says that if all earnings were subject to payroll tax, the Social Security trust fund would remain solvent for the next 75 years.

'''DODD''': I don't disagree with that. I think frankly this is an issue that comes to a head, as we all know, by the year 2040. Obviously, I think it would be important to start to address the issue. Certainly, we have no ideas, and I would be totally opposed to the privatization of Social Security. That is a very bad idea and I am glad we rejected it.

But one of the ideas is to raise that level above $97,000.

'''COOPER''': Do you support that?

'''DODD''': I would support that. That is one of the solutions that would make a lot of sense to me to make the trust fund whole.

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': I think that it is an important option on the table, but the key, in addition to making sure that we don't privatize, because Social Security is that floor beneath none of us can sink.

'''OBAMA''': And we've got to make sure that we preserve Social Security is to do the same thing that Ronald Reagan and Tip O'Neill were able to do back in 1983, which is come up with a bipartisan solution that puts Social Security on a firm footing for a long time.

'''COOPER''': Another question on Social Security.

'''[QUESTION]''': What's the dirtiest little secret in Washington? The U.S. is going broke. With the retirement of the baby boomers, things are only going to get worse. Fed Chairman Bernanke has said Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security need to be radically changed to avoid this crisis, yet everything is business as usual in D.C.

There are two solutions, both of which are politically unpopular: Raise taxes or cut benefits. Which would you choose, and how would you convince the public to support you?

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson?

'''RICHARDSON''': The best solution to those two issues is a bipartisan effort to fix it.

'''RICHARDSON''': Medicare -- 33 percent of it is diabetes. Let's have major prevention programs, and also ways that we can ensure that we find a cure.


Social Security -- stop raiding the Social Security trust fund. Stop talking about privatization.


And then thirdly, let's look at a universal pension, 401(k) universal pension, that would assure portability for those that want to keep their pensions as they move into other professions.

But what we need is a bipartisan effort. Put this issue aside. If I'm president, I would take this issue and I would say, Republicans, Democrats, within a year, let's find a solution. No politics. This is the safety net of this country.

'''COOPER''': Here's a question on taxes.

'''[QUESTION]''': This here is a two-part question.

(SINGING): Pay taxes on my clothes and food, pay taxes on my place, pay taxes on my moisturizer, I pay taxes on my weights. I pay taxes on my land. Every year, y'all make me pay. I pay tax on this guitar so I can sing for you today.

My taxes put some kids in college I can't afford to send myself. Now, tell me, if you were elected president, what would you do to help?

Also, I got a parking ticket last week. Could one of y'all pardon me?


'''COOPER''': Senator Biden, this guy's overtaxed.

'''BIDEN''': First of all, change the tax structure. We are giving people tax breaks who don't need it. The top 1 percent got an $85 billion a year tax break. It is not needed.


My dad used to have an expression -- don't tell me what you value; show me your budget.

And the budget we have here is we all dance around it. We need more revenue to be able to pay for the things the governor and everybody else talks about.

And there's only one way to do it. You either raise taxes or take tax cuts away from people who don't need them. I'd take them away from people who don't need them.


'''COOPER''': I'm sorry. There's another tax question right here.

'''[QUESTION]''': My name is Marcus Benson from Minneapolis. And I'd like to know, if the Democrats come into office, are my taxes going to rise like usually they do when a Democrats gets into office?

'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich, are the taxes going to rise?

'''KUCINICH''': The answer is no; that we're going to stop the tax increases that President Bush gave to people in the top brackets. We're going to end war as an instrument of policy, with the defense policy of strength through peace.

So we're not going to be borrowing money from China to fight wars in Baghdad. We're going to lower our trade deficit by ending NAFTA and the WTO and going back to trade based on worker's rights.

We're going to have a change in our economy so that people will be able to get something for the taxes they pay but they're not going to have to pay more.


'''COOPER''': One of the most popular topics that we got questions on was health care. We, frankly, were overwhelmed with videos on health care, so we put several of them together.

I want to show you some personal stories.

'''[QUESTION]''': Mark and Joel Strauss, Davenport, Iowa. Not every parent has the luxury of two loving sons to care for them during Alzheimer's.

'''[QUESTION]''': My question for the candidates is, people like us -- the baby boomer generation -- is going to see a boom of Alzheimer's over the upcoming decades.

What are you prepared to do to fight this disease now?

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. These are my grandmothers. Both of them suffered from diabetes and ultimately died of massive heart attacks.

This is my mother. She suffers from diabetes and she's also had a heart attack.

The statistics for women with heart disease are staggering. What I'd like to know is, how do each of you plan on addressing chronic disease and preventative health in your health care plans? I would like my mother to be around to see her grandchildren.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. My name is Kim. I'm 36 years old and hope to be a future breast cancer survivor from Long Island. My chances for survivor aren't as good as they might be, however, because like millions of Americans, I've gone for years without health insurance that would have allowed me to take preventative medicine.

'''[QUESTION]''': What would you as president do to make low-cost or free preventive medicine available for everybody in this country? Thank you.

(VIDEO CLIP)

'''COOPER''': Senator Obama, 45 million uninsured Americans. Senator Edwards says your plan doesn't really provide universal coverage. Does it?

'''OBAMA''': Absolutely it does. John and I have a disagreement. John thinks that the only way we get universal coverage is to mandate coverage. I think that the problem is not that people are trying to avoid getting health care coverage.

It is folks like that who are desperately in desire of it, but they can can't afford it.

'''OBAMA''': And I know from personal experience. My mother, when she was between jobs, contracted cancer, and she spent the last few months of her life trying to figure out whether or not she was going to be able to pay for the treatments.

It is an outrage. How is that the wealthiest nation on Earth cannot afford to provide coverage to all people? And that's why I put forward a plan.


But let's understand this. Everybody here is going to have a plan. John's got a plan. I've got a plan. Hopefully, everybody here will provide a plan for universal coverage.

But we've had plan before, under a Democratic president in the '90s and a Democratic Congress. We couldn't get it done because the drug insurance -- drug and insurance companies are spending $1 billion over the last decade on lobbying.


And that's why we've got to have a president who is willing to fight to make sure that they don't have veto power. They can have a seat at the table, but they can't buy every single chair when it comes to crafting the sort of universal health care that's going to help the folks that you saw in that video.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards...


'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards, does Senator Obama provide universal coverage?

'''EDWARDS''': No, because the only way to provide universal coverage is to mandate that everyone be covered.

But I want to say, you know, I came out with a universal plan several months ago. A couple of months later, Senator Obama came out with a plan. He's made a very serious proposal, and I'm not casting aspersions on his plan. I think it's a very serious proposal. It just doesn't cover everybody. The only way to cover everybody is to mandate it.

And the stories we have just heard, from diabetes, to Alzheimer's, to cancer -- there are millions of people in this country who are suffering so badly. And just this past week -- in fact, you were with me on the third day -- I went on a three-day poverty tour in America.

The last day, I was with a man in western Virginia, in the Appalachian mountains -- 51 years old, three years younger than me.

'''EDWARDS''': He'd been born with a severe cleft palate, and he was proud of the fact that someone had finally volunteered to correct it. He had not been able to talk -- I want to finish this. He had not been able to talk until it was fixed.

Here was the problem. It was fixed when he was 50 years old. For five decades, James Lowe lived in the richest nation on the planet not able to talk because he couldn't afford the procedure that would've allowed him to talk. When are we going to stand up and do something about this?

We have talked about it too long. We have got to stand up to the insurance companies and the drug companies that Barack just spoke about. It is the only way we're ever going to bring about real change. We should be outraged by these stories.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton, this goes back to the first question that we got. How is it going to be any different under your administration?

'''CLINTON''': Well, first, I want to thank Mark and Joel and Charity and Kim and Mike. You know, it's not easy coming in front of the entire world and talking about your Alzheimer's, or your diabetes or your breast cancer, or your disability.

'''CLINTON''': But the fact that this is happening in a country as rich as ours is just a national disgrace.

And, yes, I did try in '93 and '94, and I like to say I have the scars to show for it, but I learned a lot about what we have to do. And having a plan, yes, that's part of it. But more important, we have to have a sense of national commitment that universal health care is an American value.

We have to quit being told the special interests, like the insurance companies and the drug companies, that, somehow, we can't do what most other developed countries do, which is cover everybody and provide decency and respect to every single person in this country with health care.


'''COOPER''': All right. I've got another question on health care.

Let's watch.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi, this is Lucia Ballie for a group of friends on the east side of L.A. And our question is: Does your health care plan cover undocumented workers?

'''[QUESTION]''': Thank you.

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd?

'''DODD''': First of all, I hope all of us get a chance to comment on this issue. This is a huge issue that deserves the attention and every candidate here ought to have the chance to talk about health care.

(CROSSTALK)

'''DODD''': First of all, the woman with the Alzheimer's issue -- stem cell research. Under a Dodd administration, stem cell research will be conducted so they can deal with diabetes.


Regarding the family that's talking about diabetes, 49 percent of our school districts have exclusive contracts with soft drink companies and junk food companies because we're not funding enough in our education system.


That's an obesity problem as well.

'''COOPER''': Would your plan cover undocumented workers?

'''DODD''': It would. People who live in this country -- children certainly would be covered. And I'm in support of the immigration policy here that requires them to contribute so that...

'''COOPER''': So that's a yes?

'''DODD''': If they're paying part of that thing, then they also get covered. Because, frankly, I don't want them contributing disease problems and health issues to the rest of the...

'''COOPER''': Let's try to answer the question.

'''COOPER''': Would your plan, Governor Richardson, cover undocumented workers?

'''RICHARDSON''': Yes, it would. It should cover everybody.


In this country, no matter who you are, whether you're a ditch- digger, you're a teacher, you're a CEO, you're a waiter, you're a maid, every American deserves the right to the best possible quality health care.


That would be part of my plan. But also, it is prevention. It's starting early with kids. It's having -- get rid of junk food in schools, as I did in New Mexico...


... a healthy breakfast for every child, mandatory phys ed, research into Alzheimer's, into cancer, into stem cell.

'''COOPER''': OK. Another question from a YouTube viewer.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi. My name is Chris Nolan and I'm a Democratic precinct committeeman from Mundelein, Illinois. And my question is for Hillary Clinton.

With Bush, Clinton, and Bush again serving as the last three presidents, how would electing you, a Clinton, constitute the type of change in Washington so many people in the heartland are yearning for, and what your campaign has been talking about?

I was also wondering if any of the other candidates had a problem with the same two families being in charge of the executive branch of government for 28 consecutive years, if Hillary Clinton were to potentially be elected and then re-elected.

'''[QUESTION]''': Good luck. And, whoever becomes the nominee, I'm pulling for you.

'''[QUESTION]''': Go Democrats!


'''COOPER''': The question is for Senator Clinton.

'''CLINTON''': Well, I think it is a problem that Bush was elected in 2000.


'''CLINTON''': I actually thought somebody else was elected in that election, but...


'''CLINTON''': Obviously, I am running on my own merits, but I am very proud of my husband's record as president of the United States.


'''CLINTON''': You know what is great about this is look at this stage and look at the diversity you have here in the Democratic Party. Any one of us would be a better president than our current president or the future Republican nominee.


'''CLINTON''': So I'm looking forward to making my case to the people of this country...

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''CLINTON''': ... and I hope they will judge me on my merits.

'''COOPER''': Thirty seconds, Senator Gravel. Do you have a problem with it?

'''GRAVEL''': Well, yes, I do, a serious problem. The Democratic Party used to stand for the ordinary working man. But the Clintons and the DLC sold out the Democratic Party to Wall Street.

Look at where all the money is being raised right now, for Hillary, Obama and Edwards. It's the hedge funds, it's Wall Street bankers, it's the people who brought you what you have today.

Please wake up. Just look at the New York Times of the 17th of July that analyzes where the money's coming from.

'''COOPER''': Time's up.

'''GRAVEL''': It comes from the bankers on Wall Street and of course hedge funds, which is code for bankers on Wall Street. And they're lock, stock and barrel in their pocket.

'''COOPER''': Since you went to Senator Obama, we'll let you respond, if you want.

'''OBAMA''': Look, I think every single question we've heard you see cynicism about the capacity to change this country. And the question for the American people, who desperately want change, is: Who's got a track record of bringing about change?

Who can unify the country, so that we're not just talking about Democrats and Republicans, but we're talking about Americans? And who can overcome the special interests in Washington so that we have a president of the United States who is fighting on behalf of ordinary people?

'''COOPER''': In our remaining...

'''OBAMA''': And that, I think, is going to be the kind of president that is going to be elected -- is going to be nominated by the Democrats, and I believe that I'm best qualified to fill that role.

'''COOPER''': In our remaining few minutes, the questions turn to two subjects -- God and guns. First question.

'''[QUESTION]''': Hi, I'm Zenne Abraham in Oakland, California. The cathedral behind me is the perfect backdrop for this question. This quarter reads &quot;United States of America.&quot; And when I turn it over, you find that it reads &quot;liberty, in God we trust.&quot; What do those words mean to you? Thank you.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden.

'''BIDEN''': Religion informs my values.

'''BIDEN''': My reason dictates outcomes. My religion taught me about abuse of power. That's why I moved to write the Violence Against Women Act. That's why I take the position I take on Darfur. It came about as a consequence of the reasoning that we're able to do it.

You know, look, I don't think they're inconsistent. I don't find anything inconsistent about my deep, religious beliefs and my ability to use reason. I think the coin's got it just right. I think I have it in perspective.

'''COOPER''': Here's a question from the other side of the coin.

'''[QUESTION]''': Good evening. My name is Stephen Marsh of Thousand Oaks, California, proud citizen of the United States of America that does not believe in God. However, the former President Bush said this statement was an oxymoron.

Now, I am worried about the amount of time given to evangelical concerns while secular voters are more or less getting a snubbed -- the faith and politics forum.

So my question is this: Am I wrong in fearing a Democratic administration that may be lip service to the extremely religious as much as the current one? And if so, why? Thank you for your time.

'''COOPER''': Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': As president of the United States, we will embrace and lift up all Americans, whatever their faith beliefs or whether they have no faith beliefs, as Stephen just spoke about. That's what America is.

Now, my faith is enormously important to me personally. It's gotten me through some hard times, as I'm sure that's true of a lot of the candidates who are on this stage.

But it is crucial that the American people know that as president it will not be my job -- and I believe it would be wrong -- for me to impose my personal faith beliefs on the American people or to decide any kind of decision, policy decision, that will affect America on the basis of my personal faith beliefs.


'''COOPER''': Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': I am proud of my Christian faith. And it informs what I do. And I don't think that people of any faith background should be prohibited from debating in the public square.

'''OBAMA''': But I am a strong believer in the separation of church and state, and I think that we've got to translate...


By the way, I support it not just for the state but also for the church, because that maintains our religious independence and that's why we have such a thriving religious life.

But what I also think is that we are under obligation in public life to translate our religious values into moral terms that all people can share, including those who are not believers. And that is how our democracy's functioning, will continue to function. That's what the founding fathers intended.

'''COOPER''': Another question regarding guns.


'''[QUESTION]''': Good evening, America. My name is Jered Townsend from Clio, Michigan.

To all the candidates, tell me your position on gun control, as myself and other Americans really want to know if our babies are safe.

This is my baby, purchased under the 1994 gun ban. Please tell me your views.

Thank you.

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson, you have one of the highest NRA ratings.

'''RICHARDSON''': The issue here, I believe, is instant background checks.

'''RICHARDSON''': Nobody who has a criminal background or is mentally ill should be able to get a weapon. That is the key, and that includes gun sales. That includes gun sales at gun shows.

The key is going to be also attacking poverty, bringing people together, dealing with those kids in the ghettos that are heavy users of gun violence and they are victims of gun violence, to make sure that this country attacks the core problems of poverty, having child care, bringing parents together.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden, are you going to be able to keep his baby safe?

'''BIDEN''': I'll tell you what, if that is his baby, he needs help.


I think he just made an admission against self-interest. I don't know that he is mentally qualified to own that gun. I'm being serious. Look, just like me, we go around talking about people who own guns. I am the guy who originally wrote the assault weapons ban, that became law, and then we got defeated and then Dianne Feinstein went to town on it and did a great job.

'''BIDEN''': Look, we should be working with law enforcement, right now, to make sure that we protect people against people who don't -- are not capable of knowing what to do with a gun because they're either mentally imbalanced and/or because they have a criminal record, and...

'''COOPER''': Time.

'''BIDEN''': Anyway...


'''COOPER''': We got one more question. Before...

'''BIDEN''': ... I hope he doesn't come looking for me.


Before we do -- we've got one more question. Before we get to that, we're going to play our last YouTube-style campaign video from the Obama campaign.

'''''[BEGIN VIDEO CLIP]'''''

:'''OBAMA''': We want an end to this war. And we want diplomacy and peace. Not only can we save the environment; we can create jobs and opportunity. We're tired of fear. We're tired of division. We want something new. We want to turn the page.
:
:The world as it is is not the world as it has to be.

'''''[END VIDEO CLIP]'''''

'''COOPER''': And this last &amp;ndash; this last question from a YouTube viewer will be asked to each of you.

'''JASON KOOP''': My name is Jason Koop, and I am from Colorado Springs, Colorado. And my question is for all of the candidates, and it is intended to lighten up the mood a little bit.

I would like for each of you to look at the candidate to your left and tell the audience one thing you like and one thing you dislike about that particular candidate. And remember, be honest.

'''COOPER''': Senator Gravel?

'''GRAVEL''': I turn to my left and I like Chris Dodd. I knew his dad, I served with his dad.  I do have a difference of opinion with respect to where the money's coming from.  I've advocated, people, follow the money if you want to find out what's going to happen after any one of these individuals are elected. Follow the money, because it's politics as usual is what you're seeing.

'''COOPER''': Senator Dodd?

'''DODD''': I like John Edwards. I love his wife Elizabeth and his family, and I think we've had enough of negative in politics. I have nothing negative to say about the gentleman.

'''COOPER''': You're not going to answer the question. All right. Senator Edwards?

'''EDWARDS''': I admire what Senator Clinton has done for America, what her husband did for America.  I'm not sure about that coat.

'''COOPER''': Senator Clinton?

'''CLINTON''': Yes, John, it's a good thing we're ending soon.  You know, I think that Chris Dodd has it absolutely right. I mean, I admire and like very much Barack, as I do with all of the candidates here. And I think that what you've seen tonight is how ready the Democrats are to lead.  We are ready to lead the change that America so desperately needs.

'''COOPER''': All right. I'll take that as you're not going to answer.  Senator Obama?

'''OBAMA''': I actually like Hillary's jacket. I don't know what's wrong with it. And I like the fact that Bill Richardson has devoted his life to public service, because that, I think, is the highest of callings.  I don't like the fact that he either likes the Yankees or the Red Sox, but doesn't apparently like the White Sox. And we're having a tough time this year.

'''COOPER''': Governor Richardson?

'''RICHARDSON''': You know, let me just say, I love all of the candidates here.  In fact, I think they would all do great in the White House as my vice president.  Let me say something about Joe Biden.

Joe Biden -- you know, the only negative thing about Joe. We disagree on Iraq very strongly, on Darfur. But this man has devoted his whole life to public service. He's been a distinguished chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He's had great contributions in civil rights, in issues relating to gun control, in Supreme Court nominees. He will make an excellent secretary of state for me.

'''COOPER''': Senator Biden?

'''BIDEN''': I don't like a damn thing about him. I -- no, I'm only kidding. Only kidding.  Dennis and I have been friends for 25 years. I think this is a ridiculous exercise.  Dennis, the thing I like best about you is your wife.

'''COOPER''': Congressman Kucinich, talk about Senator Gravel.

'''KUCINICH''': Wait a minute. He talked about my wife.

'''COOPER''': Well...

'''KUCINICH''': You notice what CNN did. They didn't put anybody to the left of me. Think about it.

'''COOPER''': I'm not sure it would be possible to find anybody.

'''KUCINICH''': And you know what? And you know -- and I'm glad I get a chance to debate you to my left, because there's no one more mainstream on the war and on health care and on trade than I am, Anderson.

Now, about Senator '''GRAVEL''': Didn't he show great courage during the Vietnam War, when he exposed what was going on with the Pentagon Papers. Really courageous American. I'm proud that he's up here.

Thank you, Senator Gravel.

'''COOPER''': All right. We'll leave it at that.

I want to thank all the candidates tonight. CNN and YouTube would also like to thank all our partners, the South Carolina Democratic Party and the Democratic National Committee, for sponsoring tonight's big debate.

We want to thank our host, The Citadel.

September 17th is the Republican debate. I want to encourage everyone to submit their questions via YouTube. You can start doing that right away. All you've got to do is go to YouTube.com, click on the link..

Thanks very much, everyone.

Good night.

[[Category:Democratic Presidential Debates]]</text>
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    <title>Author:Silvanus Phillips Thompson</title>
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 | firstname    = Silvanus Phillips
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 | description  = electrical engineer and author; professor of physics at the City and Guilds Technical College in Finsbury, England {{DNB contributor done|S. P. T.}}{{EB1911 contributor|S. P. T.}}{{DNB contributor 2ndSupp}}
 }}

==Works==
* ''Michael Faraday: his life and work'' (1898) {{ext scan link|1=http://books.google.com/books?id=Yj0DAAAAYAAJ}}
* (tr.) ''Treatise On Light'' by [[Author:Christiaan Huygens|Huygens]] (1912) {{HathiTrust link|009095188}}
* ''[[Calculus Made Easy]]'' (2nd edition 1914) {{small scan link|1=Calculus Made Easy.pdf}}
* Dynamo Electric Machinery

=== Articles in ''[[Popular Science Monthly]]'' ===
* {{PSM link|Education as a Hindrance to Manual Occupations|18|November 1880}}
* {{PSM link|Methods in Industrial Education|18|December 1880}}
* {{PSM link|Optical Illusions of Motion|18|February 1881}}

===Contributions to the [[DNB]]===
*{{DNB lkpl|Wheatstone, Charles}}
*{{DNB lkpl|Thomson, William (1824-1907)|year=12}}

===Contribution to [[EB1911]]===
*{{EB1911 Link|Compass}} (''in part'')

==Works about Thompson==
* {{cite journal|title='''THOMPSON, Silvanus Phillips'''|journal=Who's Who,|year=1907|volume= 59|pages=p. 1740|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=yEcuAAAAYAAJ&amp;pg=PA1740}}


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[[Category:English authors]]
[[Category:United Kingdom authors]]
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[[Category:PSM contributors]]</text>
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* Project link: [[Wikisource:WikiProject Popular Science Monthly]]
* Citing articles in [[w:Main Page|Wikipedia]]: use &lt;nowiki&gt;{{&lt;/nowiki&gt;[[w:Template:Cite PSM|Cite PSM]]&lt;nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;
* Linking to articles from Wikisource:  use {{tl|PSM link}}
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==Publishing information==
Suggest that we to expand the commentary about PSM more, especially around the publication details: publisher, location. May also be worth adding some concise publishing year information around the volumes. [[User:Billinghurst|billinghurst]] ([[User talk:Billinghurst|talk]]) 22:36, 27 December 2009 (UTC)

== Links should go to mainspace transcriptions, not index pages ==

This is an impressive collection. I notice the links on the main page go to index pages. (I see there is also a &quot;portal&quot; associated with this project which links directly to the volumes.)

I'm not sure why there's a &quot;portal&quot; as well as a main page, and maybe that should be addressed; but regardless, I don't think either of them should link directly to index pages when complete transcriptions exist. What's the best way to deal with this? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:36, 27 November 2019 (UTC)

== Maths ==

I love maths [[Special:Contributions/41.116.76.234|41.116.76.234]] 20:23, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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* Project link: [[Wikisource:WikiProject Popular Science Monthly]]
* Citing articles in [[w:Main Page|Wikipedia]]: use &lt;nowiki&gt;{{&lt;/nowiki&gt;[[w:Template:Cite PSM|Cite PSM]]&lt;nowiki&gt;}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;
* Linking to articles from Wikisource:  use {{tl|PSM link}}
 | proofreaders = See the [[Wikisource:WikiProject Popular Science Monthly|project page]].
}}

==Publishing information==
Suggest that we to expand the commentary about PSM more, especially around the publication details: publisher, location. May also be worth adding some concise publishing year information around the volumes. [[User:Billinghurst|billinghurst]] ([[User talk:Billinghurst|talk]]) 22:36, 27 December 2009 (UTC)

== Links should go to mainspace transcriptions, not index pages ==

This is an impressive collection. I notice the links on the main page go to index pages. (I see there is also a &quot;portal&quot; associated with this project which links directly to the volumes.)

I'm not sure why there's a &quot;portal&quot; as well as a main page, and maybe that should be addressed; but regardless, I don't think either of them should link directly to index pages when complete transcriptions exist. What's the best way to deal with this? -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:36, 27 November 2019 (UTC)</text>
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'''PARMENIDES OF ELEA''' (Velia) in Italy, Greek philosopher. According to Diogenes Laertius he was “in his prime” 504–500 {{asc|B.C.}}, and would thus seem to have been born about 539 Plato indeed (Parmenides, 127 B) makes Socrates see and hear Parmenides when the latter was about sixty-five years of age, in which case he cannot have been born before 519; but in the absence of evidence that any such meeting took place this may be regarded as one of Plato's anachronisms. However this may be, Parmenides was a contemporary, probably a younger contemporary, of Heraclitus, with whom the first succession of physicists ended, while Empedocles and Anaxagoras, with whom the second succession of physicists began, were very much his juniors. Belonging, it is said, to a rich and distinguished family, Parmenides attached himself, at any rate for a time, to the aristocratic society or brotherhood which Pythagoras had established at Croton; and accordingly one part of his system, the physical part, is apparently Pythagorean. To Xenophanes, the founder of Eleaticism - whom he must have known, even if he was never in any strict sense of the word his disciple - Parmenides was, perhaps, more deeply indebted, as the theological speculations of that thinker unquestionably suggested to him the theory of Being and Not-Being, of the One and the Many, by which he sought to reconcile Ionian “monism,” or rather “henism,” with Italiote dualism. Tradition relates that Parmenides framed laws for the Eleates, who each year took an oath to observe them.

Parmenides embodied his tenets in a short poem, called Nature, of which fragments, amounting in all to about 160 lines, have been preserved in the writings of Sextus Empiricus, Simplicius and others. It is traditionally divided into three parts—the “Proem,” “Truth” ({{Greek|τὰ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν}}), and “Opinion” ({{Greek|τὰ πρὸς δόξαν}}). In “Truth,” starting from the formula “the Ent (or existent) is, the Nonent (or non-existent) is not,” Parmenides attempted to distinguish between the unity or universal element of nature and its variety or particularity, insisting upon the reality of its unity, which is therefore the object of knowledge, and upon the unreality of its variety, which is therefore the object, not of knowledge, but of opinion. In “Opinion” he propounded a theory of the world of seeming and its development, pointing out however that, in accordance with the principles already laid down, these cosmological speculations do not pretend to anything more than probability. In spite of the contemptuous remarks of Cicero and Plutarch about Parmenides's versification. ''Nature'' is not without literary merit. The introduction, though rugged, is forcible and picturesque; and the rest of the poem is written in a simple and effective style suitable to the subject.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|''Proem''.—In the &quot; Proem &quot; the poet describes his journey from darkness to light. Borne in a whirling chariot, and attended by the daughters of the sun, he reaches a temple sacred to an unnamed goddess (variously identified by the commentators with Nature, Wisdom or Themis), by whom the rest of the poem is spoken. He must learn all things, she tells him, both truth, which is certain, and human opinions; for, though in human opinions there can be no&quot;true faith,&quot; they must be studied notwithstanding for what they are worth.}}

{{EB1911 Fine Print|''Truth''.—“Truth” begins with the declaration of Parmenides’s principle in opposition to the principles of his predecessors. There are three ways of research, and three ways only. Of these, one asserts the non-existence of the existent and the existence of the non-existent [i.e. Thales, Anaximander and Anaximenes suppose the single element which they respectively postulate to be transformed into the various sorts of matter which they discover in the world around them, thus assuming the non-existence of that which is elemental and the existence of that which is non-elemental]; another, pursued by &quot; restless &quot; persons, whose &quot; road returns upon itself,&quot; assumes that a thing &quot; is and is not,&quot; &quot; is the same and not the same &quot; [an obvious reference, as Bernays points out in the Rheinisches Museum, vii. 114 seq., to Heraclitus, the philosopher of ]. These are ways of error, because they confound existence and non-existence. In contrast to them the way of truth starts from the proposition that &quot; the Ent is, the Nonent is not.&quot;}}

{{EB1911 Fine Print|On the strength of the fundamental distinction between the Ent and the Nonent, the goddess next announces certain characteristics of the former. The Ent is uncreated, for it cannot be derived either from the Ent or from the Nonent; it is imperishable, for it cannot pass into the Nonent; it is whole, indivisible, continuous, for nothing exists to break its continuity in space; it is unchangeable [for nothing exists to break its continuity in time]; it is perfect, for there is nothing which it can want; it never was, nor will be, but only is; it is evenly extended in every direction, and therefore a sphere, exactly balanced; it is identical with thought [i.e. it is the object, and the sole object, of thought as opposed to sensation, sensation being concerned with variety and change].}}

{{EB1911 Fine Print|As then the Ent is one, invariable and immutable, all plurality, variety and mutation belong to the Nonent. Whence it follows that all things to which men attribute reality, generation and destruction, being and not-being, change of place, alteration of colour are no more than empty words.}}

{{EB1911 Fine Print|''Opinion''. - The investigation of the Ent [i.e. the existent unity,. extended throughout space and enduring throughout time, which reason discovers beneath the variety and the mutability of things] being now complete, it remains in &quot; Opinion &quot; to describe the plurality of things, not as they are, for they are not, but as they seem to be. In the phenomenal world then, there are, it has been thought [and Parmenides accepts the theory, which appears to be of Pythagorean origin], two primary elements - namely, fire, which is gentle, thin, homogeneous, and night, which is dark, thick, heavy. Of these elements [which, according to Aristotle, were, or rather were analogous to, the Ent and the Nonent respectively] all things consist, and from them they derive their several characteristics. The foundation for a cosmology having thus been laid in dualism, the poem went on to describe the generation of &quot; earth and sun, and moon and air that is common to all, and the milky way, and furthest Olympus, and the glowing stars &quot;; but the scanty fragments which have survived suffice only to show that Parmenides regarded the universe as a series of concentric rings or spheres composed of the two primary elements and of combinations of them, the whole system being directed by an unnamed goddess established at its centre. Next came a theory of animal development. This again was followed by a psychology, which made thought [as well as sensation, which was conceived to differ from thought only in respect of its object] depend upon the excess of the one or the other of the two constituent elements, fire and night. &quot; Such, opinion tells us, was the generation, such is the present existence, such will be the end, of those things to which men have given distinguishing names.&quot;}}

In the truism “the Ent is, the Nonent is not,” {{Greek|ὄν ἔστι, μὴ ὄν οὐκ ἔστι}}, Parmenides breaks with his predecessors, the physicists of the Ionian succession. Asking themselves—What is the material universe, they had replied respectively - It is water, It is µeraEv Ti, It is air, It s fire. Thus, while their question meant, or ought to have meant, What is the single element which underlies the apparent plurality of the material world? their answers, Parmenides conceived, by attributing to the selected element various and varying qualities, reintroduced the plurality which the question sought to eliminate. If we would discover that which is common to all things at all times, we must, he submitted, exclude the differences of things, whether simultaneous or successive. Hence, whereas his predecessors had confounded that which is universally existent with that which is not universally existent, he proposed to distinguish carefully between that which is universally existent and that which is not universally existent, between dv and /lien,. The fundamental truism is the epigrammatic assertion of this distinction.

In short, the single corporeal element of the Ionian physicists was, to borrow a phrase from Aristotle, a permanent aorta having 7r1cOrj which change; but they either neglected the iraOn or confounded them with the oboia. Parmenides sought to reduce the variety of nature to a single material element; but he strictly discriminated the inconstant 7retOri from the constant oboia, and, understanding by &quot; existence &quot; universal, invariable, immutable being, refused to attribute to the IraO'q anything more than the semblance of existence.

Having thus discriminated between the permanent unity of nature and its superficial plurality, Parmenides proceeded to the separate investigation of the Ent and the Nonent. The universality of the Ent, he conceived, necessarily carries with it certain characteristics. It is one; it is eternal; it is whole and continu- =ous, both in time and in space; it is immovable and immutable; it is limited, but limited only by itself; it is evenly extended in every direction, and therefore spherical. These propositions having been reached, apart from particular experience, by reflection upon the fundamental principle, we have in them, Parmenides conceived, a body of information resting upon a firm basis and entitled to be called &quot; truth.&quot; Further, the information thus obtained is the sum total of &quot; truth &quot;; for, as &quot; existence &quot; in the strict sense of the word cannot be attributed to anything besides the universal element, so nothing besides the universal element can properly be said to be&quot;known.&quot; If Parmenides's poem had had &quot; Being &quot; for its subject it would doubtless have ended at this point. Its subject is, however, &quot; Nature &quot;; and nature, besides its unity, has also the semblance, if no more than the semblance, of plurality. Hence the theory of the unity of nature is necessarily followed by a theory of its seeming plurality, that is to say, of the variety and mutation of things. The theory of plurality cannot indeed pretend to the certainty of the theory of unity, being of necessity untrustworthy, because it is the partial and inconstant representation of that which is partial and inconstant in nature. But, as the material world includes, together with a real unity, the semblance of plurality, so the theory of the material world includes, together with the certain theory of the former, a probable theory of the latter. &quot; Opinion &quot; is then no mere excrescence; it is the necessary sequel to &quot; Truth.&quot; Thus, whereas the Ionians, confounding the unity and the plurality of the universe, had neglected plurality, and the Pythagoreans, contenting themselves with the reduction of the variety of nature to a duality or a series of dualities, had neglected unity, Parmenides, taking a hint from Xenophanes, made the antagonistic doctrines supply one another's deficiencies; for, as Xenophanes in his theological system had recognized at once the unity of God and the plurality of things, so Parmenides in his system of nature recognized at once the rational unity of the Ent and the phenomenal plurality of the Nonent.

The foregoing statement of Parmenides's position differs from Zeller's account of it in two important particulars. First, whereas it has been assumed above that Xenophanes was theologian rather than philosopher, whence it would seem to follow that the philosophical doctrine of unity originated, not with him, but with Parmenides, Zeller, supposing Xenophanes to have taught, not merely the unity of God, but also the unity of Being, assigns to Parmenides no more than an exacter conception of the doctrine of the unity of Being, the justification of that doctrine, and the denial of the plurality and the mutability of things. This view of the relations of Xenophanes and Parmenides is not borne out by their writings; and, though ancient authorities may be quoted in its favour, it would seem that in this case as in others, they have fallen into the easy mistake of confounding successive phases of doctrine, &quot;construing the utterances of the master in accordance with the principles of his scholar - the vague by the more definite, the simpler by the more finished and elaborate theory &quot; (W. H. Thompson). Secondly, whereas it has been argued 'above that &quot; Opinion &quot; is necessarily included in the system, Zeller, supposing Parmenides to deny the Nonent even as a matter of opinion, regards that part of the poem which has opinion for its subject as no more than a revised and improved statement of the views of opponents, introduced in order that the reader, having before him the false doctrine as well as the true one, may be led the more certainly to embrace the latter. In the judgment of the present writer, Parmenides, while he denied the real existence of plurality, recognized its apparent existence, and consequently, however little value he might attach to opinion, was bound to take account of it: &quot; pour celui méme qui nie Fexistence reelle de la nature,&quot; says Renouvier, &quot; it reste encore a faire une histoire naturelle de l'apparence et de l'illusion.&quot; The teaching of Parmenides variously influenced both his immediate successors and subsequent thinkers. By his recognition of an apparent plurality supplementary to the real unity, he effected the transition from the &quot; monism &quot; or &quot; henism &quot; of the first physical succession to the &quot; pluralism &quot; of the second. While Empedocles and Democritus are careful to emphasize their dissent from &quot; Truth,&quot; it is obvious that &quot; Opinion &quot; is the basis of their cosmologies. The doctrine of the deceitfulness of &quot; the undiscerning eye and the echoing ear &quot; soon established itself, though the grounds upon which Empedocles, Anaxagoras and Democritus maintained it were not those which were alleged by Parmenides. Indirectly, through the dialectic of his pupil and friend Zeno and otherwise, the doctrine of the inadequacy of sensation led to the humanist movement, which for a time threatened to put an end to philosophical and scientific speculation. But the positive influence of Parmenides's teaching was not yet exhausted. To say that the Platonism of Plato's later years, the Platonism of the Parmenides, the Philebus and the Timaeus, is the philosophy of Parmenides enlarged and reconstituted, may perhaps seem paradoxical in the face of the severe criticism to which Eleaticism is subjected, not only in the Parmenides, but also in the Sophist. The criticism was, however, preparatory to a reconstruction. Thus may be explained the selection of an Eleatic stranger to be the chief speaker in the latter, and of Parmenides himself to take the lead in the former. In the Sophist criticism predominates over reconstruction, the Zenonian logic being turned against the Parmenides metaphysic in such a way as to show that both the one and the other need revision: see 241 D, 244 B seq., 257 B seq., 258 D. In particular, Plato taxes Parmenides with his inconsistency in attributing (as he certainly did) to the fundamental unity extension and sphericity, so that &quot;the worshipped dv is after all a pitiful j.) &quot; (W. H. Thompson). In the Parmenides reconstruction predominates over criticism - the letter of Eleaticism being here represented by Zeno, its spirit, as Plato conceived it, by Parmenides. Not the least important of the results obtained in this dialogue is the discovery that, whereas the doctrine of the &quot; one &quot; and the &quot; many &quot; is suicidal and barren so long as the &quot;solitary one&quot; and the &quot;indefinitely many&quot; are absolutely separated (137 C seq. and 163 B seq.), it becomes consistent and fruitful as soon as a &quot; definite plurality &quot; is interpolated between them (142 B seq., 157 B seq., 160 B seq.). In short, Parmenides was no idealist, but Plato recognized in him,! and rightly, the precursor of idealism.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|{{sc|Bibliography}}. - The fragments have been skilfully edited by H. Diels, in Parmenides Lehrgedicht, griechisch u. deutsch (Berlin, 1897), with commentary; in Poetarum philosophorum ,fragmenta, with brief Latin notes, critical and interpretative (Berlin, 1901); and in Die Fragmente d. Vorsokratiker (Berlin, 2nd ed., 1906), with German translation); and Diels' text is reproduced with a helpful Latin commentary in Ritter and Preller's Historia philosophiae graecae (8th ed., revised by E. Wellmann, Gotha, 1898). The philosophical system is expounded and discussed by E. Zeller, D. Philosophie d. Griechen (5th ed., Leipzig, 1892; Eng. trans., London, 1881); by T. Gomperz, Griechische Denker (Leipzig, 1896; Eng. trans., London, 1901); and by J. Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy (London, 1908). For the cosmology, see A. B. Krische, D. theologischen Lehren d. griechischen Denker (Göttingen, 1840). On the relations of Eleaticism and Platonism, see W. H. Thompson, &quot;On Plato's Sophist,&quot; in the Journal of Philology viii. 303 seq. For other texts, translations, commentaries and monographs see the excellent bibliography contained in the Grundriss d. Geschichte d. Philosophie of Uberweg and Heinze (10th ed., Berlin, 1909; Eng. Trans., London, 1880). ([[Author:Henry Jackson (1839-1921)|{{sc|H. Ja.}}]])}}


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'''PARMENIDES OF ELEA''' (Velia) in Italy, Greek philosopher. According to Diogenes Laertius he was “in his prime” 504–500 {{asc|B.C.}}, and would thus seem to have been born about 539 Plato indeed (Parmenides, 127 B) makes Socrates see and hear Parmenides when the latter was about sixty-five years of age, in which case he cannot have been born before 519; but in the absence of evidence that any such meeting took place this may be regarded as one of Plato's anachronisms. However this may be, Parmenides was a contemporary, probably a younger contemporary, of Heraclitus, with whom the first succession of physicists ended, while Empedocles and Anaxagoras, with whom the second succession of physicists began, were very much his juniors. Belonging, it is said, to a rich and distinguished family, Parmenides attached himself, at any rate for a time, to the aristocratic society or brotherhood which Pythagoras had established at Croton; and accordingly one part of his system, the physical part, is apparently Pythagorean. To Xenophanes, the founder of Eleaticism - whom he must have known, even if he was never in any strict sense of the word his disciple - Parmenides was, perhaps, more deeply indebted, as the theological speculations of that thinker unquestionably suggested to him the theory of Being and Not-Being, of the One and the Many, by which he sought to reconcile Ionian “monism,” or rather “henism,” with Italiote dualism. Tradition relates that Parmenides framed laws for the Eleates, who each year took an oath to observe them.

Parmenides embodied his tenets in a short poem, called Nature, of which fragments, amounting in all to about 160 lines, have been preserved in the writings of Sextus Empiricus, Simplicius and others. It is traditionally divided into three parts—the “Proem,” “Truth” ({{Greek|τὰ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν}}), and “Opinion” ({{Greek|τὰ πρὸς δόξαν}}). In “Truth,” starting from the formula “the Ent (or existent) is, the Nonent (or non-existent) is not,” Parmenides attempted to distinguish between the unity or universal element of nature and its variety or particularity, insisting upon the reality of its unity, which is therefore the object of knowledge, and upon the unreality of its variety, which is therefore the object, not of knowledge, but of opinion. In “Opinion” he propounded a theory of the world of seeming and its development, pointing out however that, in accordance with the principles already laid down, these cosmological speculations do not pretend to anything more than probability. In spite of the contemptuous remarks of Cicero and Plutarch about Parmenides's versification. ''Nature'' is not without literary merit. The introduction, though rugged, is forcible and picturesque; and the rest of the poem is written in a simple and effective style suitable to the subject.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|''Proem''.—In the &quot; Proem &quot; the poet describes his journey from darkness to light. Borne in a whirling chariot, and attended by the daughters of the sun, he reaches a temple sacred to an unnamed goddess (variously identified by the commentators with Nature, Wisdom or Themis), by whom the rest of the poem is spoken. He must learn all things, she tells him, both truth, which is certain, and human opinions; for, though in human opinions there can be no&quot;true faith,&quot; they must be studied notwithstanding for what they are worth.

''Truth''.—“Truth” begins with the declaration of Parmenides’s principle in opposition to the principles of his predecessors. There are three ways of research, and three ways only. Of these, one asserts the non-existence of the existent and the existence of the non-existent [''i.e.'' Thales, Anaximander and Anaximenes suppose the single element which they respectively postulate to be transformed into the various sorts of matter which they discover in the world around them, thus assuming the non-existence of that which is elemental and the existence of that which is non-elemental]; another, pursued by &quot; restless &quot; persons, whose &quot; road returns upon itself,&quot; assumes that a thing &quot; is and is not,&quot; &quot; is the same and not the same &quot; [an obvious reference, as Bernays points out in the Rheinisches Museum, vii. 114 seq., to Heraclitus, the philosopher of ]. These are ways of error, because they confound existence and non-existence. In contrast to them the way of truth starts from the proposition that &quot; the Ent is, the Nonent is not.&quot;

On the strength of the fundamental distinction between the Ent and the Nonent, the goddess next announces certain characteristics of the former. The Ent is uncreated, for it cannot be derived either from the Ent or from the Nonent; it is imperishable, for it cannot pass into the Nonent; it is whole, indivisible, continuous, for nothing exists to break its continuity in space; it is unchangeable [for nothing exists to break its continuity in time]; it is perfect, for there is nothing which it can want; it never was, nor will be, but only is; it is evenly extended in every direction, and therefore a sphere, exactly balanced; it is identical with thought [''i.e.'' it is the object, and the sole object, of thought as opposed to sensation, sensation being concerned with variety and change].

As then the Ent is one, invariable and immutable, all plurality, variety and mutation belong to the Nonent. Whence it follows that all things to which men attribute reality, generation and destruction, being and not-being, change of place, alteration of colour are no more than empty words.

''Opinion''.—The investigation of the Ent [''i.e.'' the existent unity,. extended throughout space and enduring throughout time, which reason discovers beneath the variety and the mutability of things] being now complete, it remains in &quot; Opinion &quot; to describe the plurality of things, not as they are, for they are not, but as they seem to be. In the phenomenal world then, there are, it has been thought [and Parmenides accepts the theory, which appears to be of Pythagorean origin], two primary elements—namely, fire, which is gentle, thin, homogeneous, and night, which is dark, thick, heavy. Of these elements [which, according to Aristotle, were, or rather were analogous to, the Ent and the Nonent respectively] all things consist, and from them they derive their several characteristics. The foundation for a cosmology having thus been laid in dualism, the poem went on to describe the generation of &quot; earth and sun, and moon and air that is common to all, and the milky way, and furthest Olympus, and the glowing stars &quot;; but the scanty fragments which have survived suffice only to show that Parmenides regarded the universe as a series of concentric rings or spheres composed of the two primary elements and of combinations of them, the whole system being directed by an unnamed goddess established at its centre. Next came a theory of animal development. This again was followed by a psychology, which made thought [as well as sensation, which was conceived to differ from thought only in respect of its object] depend upon the excess of the one or the other of the two constituent elements, fire and night. &quot; Such, opinion tells us, was the generation, such is the present existence, such will be the end, of those things to which men have given distinguishing names.&quot;}}

In the truism “the Ent is, the Nonent is not,” {{Greek|ὄν ἔστι, μὴ ὄν οὐκ ἔστι}}, Parmenides breaks with his predecessors, the physicists of the Ionian succession. Asking themselves—What is the material universe, they had replied respectively - It is water, It is µeraEv Ti, It is air, It s fire. Thus, while their question meant, or ought to have meant, What is the single element which underlies the apparent plurality of the material world? their answers, Parmenides conceived, by attributing to the selected element various and varying qualities, reintroduced the plurality which the question sought to eliminate. If we would discover that which is common to all things at all times, we must, he submitted, exclude the differences of things, whether simultaneous or successive. Hence, whereas his predecessors had confounded that which is universally existent with that which is not universally existent, he proposed to distinguish carefully between that which is universally existent and that which is not universally existent, between {{Greek|ὄν}} and {{Greek|μὴ ὄν}}. The fundamental truism is the epigrammatic assertion of this distinction.

In short, the single corporeal element of the Ionian physicists was, to borrow a phrase from Aristotle, a permanent {{Greek|οὐσία}} having {{Greek|πάθη}} which change; but they either neglected the {{Greek|πάθη}} or confounded them with the {{Greek|οὐσία}}. Parmenides sought to reduce the variety of nature “to a single material element; but he strictly discriminated the inconstant {{Greek|πάθη}} from the constant {{Greek|οὐσία}}, and, understanding by “existence” universal, invariable, immutable being; refused to attribute to the {{Greek|πάθη}} anything more than the semblance of existence.

Having thus discriminated between the permanent unity of nature and its superficial plurality, Parmenides proceeded to the separate investigation of the Ent and the Nonent. The universality of the Ent, he conceived, necessarily carries with it certain characteristics. It is one; it is eternal; it is whole and continuous, both in time and in space; it is immovable and immutable; it is limited, but limited only by itself; it is evenly extended in every direction, and therefore spherical. These propositions having been reached, apart from particular experience, by reflection upon the fundamental principle, we have in them, Parmenides conceived, a body of information resting upon a firm basis and entitled to be called &quot; truth.&quot; Further, the information thus obtained is the sum total of &quot; truth &quot;; for, as &quot; existence &quot; in the strict sense of the word cannot be attributed to anything besides the universal element, so nothing besides the universal element can properly be said to be “known.”

If Parmenides's poem had had &quot; Being &quot; for its subject it would doubtless have ended at this point. Its subject is, however, &quot; Nature &quot;; and nature, besides its unity, has also the semblance, if no more than the semblance, of plurality. Hence the theory of the unity of nature is necessarily followed by a theory of its seeming plurality, that is to say, of the variety and mutation of things. The theory of plurality cannot indeed pretend to the certainty of the theory of unity, being of necessity untrustworthy, because it is the partial and inconstant representation of that which is partial and inconstant in nature. But, as the material world includes, together with a real unity, the semblance of plurality, so the theory of the material world includes, together with the certain theory of the former, a probable theory of the latter. &quot; Opinion &quot; is then no mere excrescence; it is the necessary sequel to “Truth.”

Thus, whereas the Ionians, confounding the unity and the plurality of the universe, had neglected plurality, and the Pythagoreans, contenting themselves with the reduction of the variety of nature to a duality or a series of dualities, had neglected unity, Parmenides, taking a hint from Xenophanes, made the antagonistic doctrines supply one another's deficiencies; for, as Xenophanes in his theological system had recognized at once the unity of God and the plurality of things, so Parmenides in his system of nature recognized at once the rational unity of the Ent and the phenomenal plurality of the Nonent.

The foregoing statement of Parmenides's position differs from Zeller's account of it in two important particulars. First, whereas it has been assumed above that Xenophanes was theologian rather than philosopher, whence it would seem to follow that the philosophical doctrine of unity originated, not with him, but with Parmenides, Zeller, supposing Xenophanes to have taught, not merely the unity of God, but also the unity of Being, assigns to Parmenides no more than an exacter conception of the doctrine of the unity of Being, the justification of that doctrine, and the denial of the plurality and the mutability of things. This view of the relations of Xenophanes and Parmenides is not borne out by their writings; and, though ancient authorities may be quoted in its favour, it would seem that in this case as in others, they have fallen into the easy mistake of confounding successive phases of doctrine, &quot;construing the utterances of the master in accordance with the principles of his scholar—the vague by the more definite, the simpler by the more finished and elaborate theory &quot; (W. H. Thompson). Secondly, whereas it has been argued 'above that &quot;Opinion&quot; is necessarily included in the system, Zeller, supposing Parmenides to deny the Nonent even as a matter of opinion, regards that part of the poem which has opinion for its subject as no more than a revised and improved statement of the views of opponents, introduced in order that the reader, having before him the false doctrine as well as the true one, may be led the more certainly to embrace the latter. In the judgment of the present writer, Parmenides, while he denied the real existence of plurality, recognized its apparent existence, and consequently, however little value he might attach to opinion, was bound to take account of it: &quot; pour celui même qui nie l’existence réelle de la nature,&quot; says Renouvier, &quot; it reste encore a faire une histoire naturelle de l'apparence et de l'illusion.&quot;

The teaching of Parmenides variously influenced both his immediate successors and subsequent thinkers. By his recognition of an apparent plurality supplementary to the real unity, he effected the transition from the “monism” or &quot;henism&quot; of the first physical succession to the &quot;pluralism&quot; of the second. While Empedocles and Democritus are careful to emphasize their dissent from &quot; Truth,&quot; it is obvious that &quot; Opinion &quot; is the basis of their cosmologies. The doctrine of the deceitfulness of &quot; the undiscerning eye and the echoing ear &quot; soon established itself, though the grounds upon which Empedocles, Anaxagoras and Democritus maintained it were not those which were alleged by Parmenides. Indirectly, through the dialectic of his pupil and friend Zeno and otherwise, the doctrine of the inadequacy of sensation led to the humanist movement, which for a time threatened to put an end to philosophical and scientific speculation. But the positive influence of Parmenides's teaching was not yet exhausted. To say that the Platonism of Plato's later years, the Platonism of the Parmenides, the Philebus and the Timaeus, is the philosophy of Parmenides enlarged and reconstituted, may perhaps seem paradoxical in the face of the severe criticism to which Eleaticism is subjected, not only in the Parmenides, but also in the Sophist. The criticism was, however, preparatory to a reconstruction. Thus may be explained the selection of an Eleatic stranger to be the chief speaker in the latter, and of Parmenides himself to take the lead in the former. In the Sophist criticism predominates over reconstruction, the Zenonian logic being turned against the Parmenides metaphysic in such a way as to show that both the one and the other need revision: see 241 D, 244 B seq., 257 B seq., 258 D. In particular, Plato taxes Parmenides with his inconsistency in attributing (as he certainly did) to the fundamental unity extension and sphericity, so that “the worshipped {{Greek|ὄν}} is after all a pitiful {{Greek|μὴ ὄν}}” (W. H. Thompson). In the Parmenides reconstruction predominates over criticism—the letter of Eleaticism being here represented by Zeno, its spirit, as Plato conceived it, by Parmenides. Not the least important of the results obtained in this dialogue is the discovery that, whereas the doctrine of the &quot; one &quot; and the &quot; many &quot; is suicidal and barren so long as the &quot;solitary one&quot; and the &quot;indefinitely many&quot; are absolutely separated (137 C seq. and 163 B seq.), it becomes consistent and fruitful as soon as a &quot;definite plurality&quot; is interpolated between them (142 B seq., 157 B seq., 160 B seq.). In short, Parmenides was no idealist, but Plato recognized in him, and rightly, the precursor of idealism.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|{{sc|Bibliography}}.—The fragments have been skilfully edited by H. Diels, in ''Parmenides Lehrgedicht, griechisch u. deutsch'' (Berlin, 1897), with commentary; in Poetarum philosophorum ,fragmenta, with brief Latin notes, critical and interpretative (Berlin, 1901); and in Die Fragmente d. Vorsokratiker (Berlin, 2nd ed., 1906), with German translation); and Diels' text is reproduced with a helpful Latin commentary in Ritter and Preller's Historia philosophiae graecae (8th ed., revised by E. Wellmann, Gotha, 1898). The philosophical system is expounded and discussed by E. Zeller, D. Philosophie d. Griechen (5th ed., Leipzig, 1892; Eng. trans., London, 1881); by T. Gomperz, Griechische Denker (Leipzig, 1896; Eng. trans., London, 1901); and by J. Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy (London, 1908). For the cosmology, see A. B. Krische, D. theologischen Lehren d. griechischen Denker (Göttingen, 1840). On the relations of Eleaticism and Platonism, see W. H. Thompson, &quot;On Plato's Sophist,&quot; in the Journal of Philology viii. 303 seq. For other texts, translations, commentaries and monographs see the excellent bibliography contained in the Grundriss d. Geschichte d. Philosophie of Uberweg and Heinze (10th ed., Berlin, 1909; Eng. Trans., London, 1880). ([[Author:Henry Jackson (1839-1921)|{{sc|H. Ja.}}]])}}


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      <text bytes="10941" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chuntuk&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |PHILO OF BYZANTIUM|PHILODEMUS|413}}
{{EB1911 fine print/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;only in an Armenian version, consists of two books, the first of which appears to be in a Christian recension, but there is no reason for denying its Philonic origin.

{{sc|Editions}}.—Till recent days the best edition was that of Mangey (2 vols., London, 1742); the handiest the Holtze duodecimo (Leipzig, 1851) Both are still very useful, but for scholars they will be superseded by the enlarged and critical edition of Leopold Cohn and Paul Wendland (Berlin, 1896–1902). See also papers by Cohn in ''Hermes'', xxxviii. (1903) and xliii. (1908). There is an English translation of the old text by C.&amp;nbsp;D. Yonge (4 vols., London, 1854).

{{sc|Literature}}.—The best special studies of Philo will be found in Siegfried, ''Phito von Alex.'' (Jena, 1875); Drummond, ''Philo-Judaeus'' (London, 1888). For his place in philosophy, see Zeller, ''Phil. der Griechen'' (1881). For his relation to Palestinian speculation, B. Ritter, ''Philo und die Hatacha'' (Leipzig, 1879). An excellent general account will be found in Schürer, ''The Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ'' (Eng. trans., 1891), or in Dr Edersheim’s article on Philo in the ''Dictionary of Christian Biography''. For the question of the genuineness and historical value of the ''De vita contemplativa'', see L. Massebieau, in ''Revue de l’histoire des religions'', vol. xvi. (Paris, 1887), F.&amp;nbsp;C. Conybeare, ''Philo: About the Contemplative Life'' (Oxford, 1895); G. Fayot, ''Études sur les thérapeutes'' (Genève, 1880); P. E. Lucius, ''Die Therapeuten'' (Strassburg, 1880); P. Wendland, ''Die Therapeuten'' (Leipzig, 1896). Also F. Cumont, ''Philo, de aet. mundi'' (1891); J. Bernays in the ''Abhand. der k. Akad. der Wiss.'' (1876).{{EB1911 footer initials|name=Emil Schürer|initials=E. S.*|name2=Charles Bigg|initials2=C. Bi.}}
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&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;PHILO OF BYZANTIUM&quot; /&gt;'''PHILO OF BYZANTIUM,''' Greek writer on mechanics, flourished during the latter half of the 2nd century {{asc|B.C.}} (according to some, a century earlier). He was the author of a large work &lt;span title=&quot;Mēchanikē syntaxis&quot;&gt;{{Greek|Μηχανικὴ σύνταξις}}&lt;/span&gt;), of which the fourth and (in epitome) fifth books are extant, treating of missiles, the construction of fortresses, provisioning, attack and defence (ed. R. Schone, 1893, with German translation in H. Köchly’s ''Griechische Kriegsschriftsteller'', vol. i. 1853; E.&amp;nbsp;A. Rochas d’Aiglun, ''Poliorcétique des Grecs'', 1872). Another portion of the work, on pneumatic engines, has been preserved in the form of a Latin translation (''De ingeniis spiritualibus'') made from an Arabic version (ed. W Schmidt, with German translation, in the works of Heron of Alexandria, vol. i, in “Teubner Series,” 1899; with French translation by Rochas, ''La Science des philosophers {{...}} dans l’antiquité'', 1882).

{{EB1911 Fine Print|A little treatise ''On the Seven Wonders of the World'', wrongly attributed to Philo, probably belongs to the 6th century {{asc|A.D.}} It is printed in R. Hercher’s Aelian (1858).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;PHILO OF BYZANTIUM&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;PHILO OF LARISSA&quot; /&gt;'''PHILO OF LARISSA,''' Greek philosopher of the first half of the 1st century {{asc|B.C.}} During the Mithradatic wars he left Athens and took up his residence in Rome. He was a pupil of Clitomachus, whom he succeeded as head of the Third or New Academy. According to Sextus Empiricus, he was the founder of the Fourth Academy, but other writers refuse to admit the separate existence of more than three academies (see {{EB1911 article link|Academy, Greek}}). In Rome he lectured on rhetoric and philosophy, and collected around him many eminent pupils, amongst whom Cicero was the most famous and the most enthusiastic. None of his works is extant; our knowledge of his views is derived from Numenius, Sextus Empiricus and Cicero. In general, his philosophy was a reaction against the sceptic or agnostic position of the Middle and New Academy in favour of the dogmatism of Plato

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See Grysar, ''Die Akademiker Philo und Antiochus'' (1849); Hermann, ''De Philone Larissaeo'' (Göttingen, 1851 and 1855).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;PHILO OF LARISSA&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;PHILO, HERENNIUS&quot; /&gt;'''PHILO, HERENNIUS,''' of Byblus, Greek grammarian, was born, according to Suidas, in {{asc|A.D.}} 42. He lived into the reign of Hadrian, of which he wrote a history, now lost. He was the author of various works: ''On the Acquisition and Choice of Books''; ''On Cities and their Famous Men'', epitomized by the grammarian Aelius Serenus, and one of the chief authorities used by Hesychius and Stephanus of Byzantium; ''On Synonyms'', of which there is extant an epitome by Ammonius Grammaticus. But he is chiefly known for his translation of the Phoenician history of Sanchuniathon, who was said to have lived before the Trojan war Of this work considerable fragments have been preserved, chiefly by Eusebius in the ''Praeparatio evangelica'' (i. 9, 10; iv. 16). They present a euhemeristic ''réchauffé'' of Phoenician theology and mythology, which is represented as translated from the original Phoenician. Sanchuniathon is probably an imaginary personage, whose name is formed from that of the Phoenician god Sanchon.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|Editions of the fragments by J. C. Orelli (1826) and C. Muller, ''Frag. hist. graec.'' vol. iii. In 1836 F. Wagenfeld brought out what claimed to be a complete translation by Philo (from a MS. discovered in a convent in Portugal, now considered spurious). There are English translations by I.&amp;nbsp;P. Cory (1828) and Bishop R. Cumberland (1720).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;PHILO, HERENNIUS&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;PHILOCHORUS&quot; /&gt;'''PHILOCHORUS,''' of Athens, Greek historian during the 3rd century {{asc|B.C.}}, was a member of a priestly family. He was a seer and interpreter of signs, and a man of considerable influence. He was strongly anti-Macedonian in politics, and a bitter opponent of Demetrius Poliorcetes. When Antigonus Gonatas, the son of the latter, besieged and captured Athens (261), Philochorus was put to death for having supported Ptolemy Philadelphus, who had encouraged the Athenians in their resistance to Macedonia. His investigations into the usages and customs of his native Attica were embodied in an ''Atthis'', in seventeen books, a history of Athens from the earliest times to 262&amp;nbsp;{{asc|B.C.}} Considerable fragments are preserved in the lexicographers, scholiasts, Athenaeus, and elsewhere. The work was epitomized by the author himself, and later by Asinius Pollio of Tralles (perhaps a freedman of the famous Gaius Asinius Pollio). Philochorus also wrote on oracles, divination and sacrifices; the mythology and religious observances of the tetrapolis of Attica; the myths of [[Author:Sophocles|Sophocles]]; the lives of [[Author:Euripides|Euripides]] and Pythagoras; the foundation of Salamis. He compiled chronological lists of the archons and Olympiads, and made a collection of Attic inscriptions, the first of its kind in Greece.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|Fragments and life in C. W. Müller, ''Fragmenta historicorum graecorum'', vol. i (1841); A. Böckh, ''Gesammelte kleine Schriften'', vol. v. (1871), on the plan of the work; J. Strenge, ''Quaestiones phitochoreae'' (Göttingen, 1868); C. Wachsmuth, ''Einleitung in das Studium der alten Geschichte'' (1895).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;PHILOCHORUS&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;PHILOCTETES&quot; /&gt;'''PHILOCTETES,''' in Greek legend, son of Poeas king of the Malians of Mt Oeta, one of the suitors of Helen and a celebrated hero of the Trojan War. Homer merely states that he was distinguished for his prowess with the bow; that he was bitten by a snake on the journey to Troy and left behind in the island of Lemnos; and that he subsequently returned home in safety. These brief allusions were elaborated by the “cyclic” poets, and the adventures of Philoctetes formed the subject of tragedies by [[Author:Aeschylus|Aeschylus]], [[Author:Sophocles|Sophocles]] and [[Author:Euripides|Euripides]]. In the later form of the story Philoctetes was the friend and armour-bearer of Heracles, who presented him with his bow and poisoned arrows as a reward for kindling the fire on Mt Oeta, on which the hero immolated himself. Philoctetes remained at Lemnos till the tenth year of the war. An oracle having declared that Troy could not be taken without the arrows of Heracles, Odysseus and Diomedes (or Neoptolemus) were sent to fetch Philoctetes. On his arrival before Troy he was healed of his wound by Machaon, and slew Paris; shortly afterwards the City was taken. On his return to his own country, finding that a revolt had broken out against him, he again took ship and sailed for Italy, where he founded Petilia and Cremissa. He fell fighting on the side of a band of Rhodian colonists against some later immigrants from Pallene in Achaea. His tomb and sanctuary were shown at Macalla, on the coast of Bruttium.

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Of the Aeschylean and Euripidean tragedies only a few fragments remain; of the two by Sophocles, one is extant, the other, dealing with the fortunes of Philoctetes before Troy, is lost. Some light is thrown upon the lost plays by [[Author:Dio Chrysostom|Dio Chrysostom]], who in one of his discourses (52) describes his reading of the three tragedies, and in another (59) gives a prose version of the opening of the Philoctetes of Euripides. Philoctetes was also the subject of tragedies by [[Author:Achaeus of Eretria|Achaeus of Eretria]], [[Author:Euphorion of Chalcis|Euphorion of Chalcis]] and the Roman tragedian [[Author:Accius|Accius]]. According to F. Marx (''Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum'', 1904, p. 673–685), Philoctetes did not appear in the original legend of Troy. He is a form of the Lemnian Hephaestus, who alighted on the island when flung out of Olympus by Zeus. Like him, he is lame and an outcast for nine years; like him, he is brought back in time of need. His connexion with the fall of Troy indicates that the fire-god himself set fire to the city; in like manner no other than the fire-god was thought worthy to kindle the pyre of Heracles.

See [[Author:Homer|Homer]], ''[[The Iliad|Iliad]]'', ii. 718, ''[[The Odyssey|Odyssey]]'', iii. 190, viii. 219; Sophocles, ''[[Philoctetes (Sophocles)|Philoctetes]]'', and [[Author:Richard Claverhouse Jebb|Jebb’s]] ''Introduction''; Diod. Sic. iv. 38; [[Author:Philostratus|Philostratus]], ''Heroica'', 6; [[Author:Strabo|Strabo]] vi. 254; [[Author:Hyginus|Hyginus]], ''Fab.'' 36, 102.
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&lt;section end=&quot;PHILOCTETES&quot; /&gt;
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    <title>Author:Andrew Kennedy Hutchison Boyd</title>
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 | firstname    = Andrew Kennedy Hutchison
 | lastname     = Boyd
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 | description  = Scottish miscellaneous writer and cleric
 }}

==Works==
* ''The Recreations of a Country Parson'' (1861) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/recreationsofcou00boyd}}
* ''Leisure Hours in Town'' (1862) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/leisurehoursinto00boydiala}}
* ''The Every-Day Philosopher in Town and Country'' (1863)
* ''The Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson'' (1863) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/graverthoughtso00boyd}}
* ''Counsel and Comfort Spoken from a City Pulpit'' (1864)
* ''The Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson'' (1864)
* ''The Critical Essays of a Country Parson'' (1867)
* ''Lessons Of Middle Age, With Some Account of Various Cities and Men'' (1869)
* ''Present-day Thoughts, Memorials of St. Andrews Sundays'' (1874)
* ''Our Little Life: Essays Consolatory and Domestic, With Some Others'' (1882)
* ''East Coast Days; and Memories'' (1889)
* ''Twenty-five Years of St. Andrews, September 1865 to September, 1890'' (1892)
* ''St. Andrews and Elsewhere: Glimpses of Some Gone and of Things Left'' (1894)
* ''Occasional and Immemorial Days'' (1895) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/occasionalimmemo00boyd}}
* ''The Last Years of St. Andrews: September 1890 to September 1895'' (1896)

==Works about Boyd==
* {{Men of the Time link|Boyd, Andrew Kennedy Hutchison|p=56}}
* {{DNB link|year=01|Boyd, Andrew Kennedy Hutchison}}
* {{CNMT link|Boyd, Andrew Kennedy Hutchison|p=26}}
* {{Nuttall link|Boyd, Andrew Kennedy Hutchison|B}}
* {{SBDEL link|Boyd, Andrew Kennedy Hutchison}}
* {{EB1911 link|Boyd, Andrew Kennedy Hutchison}}

{{PD-old}}
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  <page>
    <title>Translation:Likutei Etzot</title>
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{{translation header
 | title    = Likutei Etzot
 | author   = Nachman of Breslov
 | section  =
 | previous =
 | next     =
 | portal = Breslov
 | shortcut =
 | year     = First edition by R' Nathan: 1826 (5586) - began writing; 5601 - first print; 5603 - completed, in Lemberg.&lt;br&gt;Second edition by R' Nachman Goldstein of Tcherin: 1874 (5634), Lemberg.
 | language = he
 | original =
 | notes    =
}}

Version notes and goals: There is the following Greenbaum translation, &quot;Advice,&quot; that is very powerfully written and with a beautiful English, however it is sometimes loose in translation and some numbers don't match the original and some Ot's are missing: https://www.sefaria.org/Likutei_Etzot  &lt;br&gt;
The following draft version attempts to be more accurate and literal, but it needs improvement:
https://breslovbooks.com/pdf/hebrew-likutay-eitzot.pdf
https://web.archive.org/web/20210804153231/https://breslovbooks.com/download-books.html

B&quot;H This translation should try to be both accurate, easy to read, and powerfully written.

==Introduction from the Second Edition==
&quot;Who is the man that desires life?&quot; (Ps. 34:13). Who will choose eternal life? Who truly cares about his soul? Who is for Hashem? (Ex. 32:26) Pay attention to this little book. It is small in size but rich in quality. &quot;Look.. behold, and be totally astounded, for a great work has been done in our days&quot; (Hab. 1:5), when paths and advices, wondrous and awesome, new and old, have been revealed, &quot;founded on bases of fine gold&quot; (Song 5:15), &quot;planted by flowing water&quot; (Ps. 1:3), gushing from &quot;the spring that comes from the House of Hashem&quot; (Joel 4), &quot;deep waters, the counsel in the heart of the Leader, drawn by the Discerning Man&quot; (Prov. 20:5). 

&quot;Come and see the works of Hashem&quot; (Ps. 46:9). Pay attention to these words, for they are words that stand at the peak of the world, &quot;words of the Living God&quot; (Eruvin 13b), King of the World. Words to revive all souls, from the smallest to the greatest, from the soul at the top of all levels to that at the very bottom. No holy word of advice is hidden from you that you will not find in this book. Nothing that your soul asks will not emanate from this little book. 

Prick up your ears and hear. Open your eyes and see. Understand and see the very truth. Turn away from crookedness of heart, from the paths of scoffing and falsehood. Keep far from vain sophistication. Take pity on your soul and direct your understanding and your thoughts to the truth alone. For if you stray from the truth, who will you be deceiving? Only yourself. 

Take this book; examine it. Do its words contain even a hint of dishonesty, God forbid?! Have its footsteps strayed from the path of righteousness and truth that our fathers of old walked? In Hashem I have trusted - I will not be ashamed of these words, not in this world nor in the Coming World. &quot;I will totally acknowledge Hashem with my mouth, and among the multitudes will I praise Him&quot; (Ps. 109:30), Who &quot;has stood by the right hand of one poor as myself&quot; (:31), and has given me the strength and the courage to gather such precious flowers, precious segulot, and eternal healings. Such a source of vitality, from &quot;the fountains of living water&quot; (Gen. 26:19), &quot;out of the wellsprings of salvation&quot; (Isa. 12:3). Everything that flows from them is founded on the words of our fathers and teachers, of blessed memory, in the Written Torah and the Oral Torah, in the Scriptures, the Babylonian Talmud, the Jerusalem Talmud, the Midrashim and the books of the Holy Zohar and the Arizal's writings. These are the sources for all the teachings set forth in this awesome volume. To dwell on their praises would be to detract from the many veils that conceal their depth. But anyone whoever honestly examines them will see for himself the rare glory of their greatness. 

The truth will testify for itself. Hashem, God of truth will give truth to Yaakob (Mic. 7:20); He will send His light and truth and shall ever lead us in the path of truth. He will incline our shoulders to serve Him all the days of our lives in truth, and to love peace and truth, until the throne of David will be set in kindness and he will sit upon it in truth, soon in our days, Amen.

==Cover Page==

==Table of Contents==

* 1 AEMET W'EMUNAH - Truth and Faith 
* 2 ANACHAH - Sighing 
* 3 Eating 
* 4 Hospitality 
* 5 Eretz Yisrael 
* 6 Berit 
* 7 Children 
* 8 Trust 
* 9 Shame 
* 10 Clothing 
* 11 Arrogance and Humility 
* 12 Knowledge 
* 13 Speech 
* 14 Hitbodedut 
* 15 Strengthening 
* 16 Divine Attainments 
* 17 Confession 
* 18 Memory 
* 19 Philosophy and Secular Wisdom 
* 20 Marriage 
* 21 Midnight 
* 22 Travel 
* 23 Fear of God 
* 24 Anger 
* 25 Honor 
* 26 Scoffing 
* 27 Money and Livelihood 
* 28 Thoughts 
* 29 Dispute and Discord 
* 30 Obstacles and Inhibitions 
* 31 Mikveh 
* 32 MOADEI HASHEM -- Shabbat 
**    33 Rosh Chodesh 
**    34 Three Festivals 
**    35 Nisan and Passover 
**    36 Omer and Shavuot 
**    37 Three Weeks 
**    38 Elul 
**    39 Rosh Hashana 
**    40 Yom Kippur 
**    41 Sukkot 
**    42 Chanukah 
**    43 Purim 
* 44 Music 
* 45 Patience 
* 46 Brazenness 
* 47 Advice 
* 48 Eyes 
* 49 Redeeming Prisoners 
* 50 Tzaddik 
* 51 Charity 
* 52 Tzitzit 
* 53 Sanctity 
* 54 Desire and Yearning 
* 55 Healing 
* 56 Happiness 
* 57 Peace 
* 58 Torah Learning 
* 59 Prayer 
* 60 Discipline 
* 61 Tefillin 
* 62 Fasting 
* 63 Repentance 
* 64 Completeness

=Alef=

==AEMET W'EMUNAH - Truth and Faith==

1. Redemption depends mainly on faith, because the root cause of Exile is none other than lack of faith. (Likutei Moharan 7:1)

2. Faith, prayer, miracles, and the Land of Israel are one thing; they are all interdependent (Ibid.).

3. There are people who cover over all the miracles with natural explanations. When these unbelievers are finished, who have no faith in miracles, and when faith abounds in the world – then Mashiach will come, for Redemption depends on faith, as mentioned (Ibid.).

4. The only way to get faith is by truth. (That is, faith can only be in something the intellect cannot discern, for where the intellect can discern something, faith does not apply. Now then, when the intellect cannot discern something – from what [basis] should he come to believe in the thing he should believe in?! Therefore the root of faith depends on truth: if a man wants to honesty look at the very truth – he will discern automatically that he needs to believe the holy faith in Hashem Yitbarakh and the True Tzaddikim and His Holy Torah, even though it's impossible to understand with his physical mind. For by gazing at the truth honestly he will discern from afar that the truth is just so; only, it's impossible to understand intellectually so one must simply strengthen himself in complete faith. Understand this well.) (2).

5. To come to the truth is impossible except by following the True Tzaddikim and carrying out their advice, without veering left or the right from their words. Then the truth will be etched in you and you will achieve genuine faith etc. as mentioned. Also you must keep well away from the advice of the wicked who raise every kind of question about the truth. All this you can get by the miswah of '''Tzitzit''' [the fringes, v. Tzitzit #1], which are a hedge against sexual misdeed which is the aspect of the advice of the wicked, and you will be able to purify yourself and observe the Covenant which is the aspect of the Tzaddikim's guidance (Ibid. 3-4). 

6. Praying vigorously and putting all your strength into the letters – will bring you to faith (9:1). 

7. The people that deny that miracles are possible and claim that everything that happens has a natural explanation, and who can actually witness a miracle and still glaze over it with a natural explanation – they are extremely damaging to religious faith, prayer, and the Land of Yisrael, and they prolong the exile (Ibid. 2). 

8. The less faith there is, the more the face of Hashem is concealed and the more fiercely His anger burns, God forbid. At such times the Tzaddikim shy away from accepting positions of authority and honor and the world is left without true leadership. But if people break their anger and show loving compassion instead, then (God's own) anger will be sweetened, and then the true Tzaddikim will again be willing to accept roles of leadership and honor and the world will be ready for the true leader who has the power to bring each person to his own complete fulfillment (18:2). 

9. Nobody should accept a position of leadership and authority unless he has attained the complete level of faith. Even someone who still has some trace of Amorite ways (superstition) such as &quot;a deer crossed my path,&quot; even if he believes in Hashem Yitbarakh he should not become a leader. Even if someone is convinced he loves the world and claims this as his motive for leadership, really he is pursuing prestige and attributing his motive to love. This can result in heresy and apostasy, God forbid. But Heaven takes pity and doesn't let these people take hold of authority (Ibid. 3). 

10. You need to take great care that your faith never gets weak, God forbid. For a person whose faith is weak is unable to accept honest criticism. Then peace is ruined, causing breakup and disputes, God forbid, and one comes to denial, idolatry, and false beliefs. For faith is the main high seal of holiness so one must guard it well since by guarding it all sanctity is preserved (22:1,2).

11. It is impossible to reach total faith except by coming to the True Tzaddikim of the Era, for they are the ones who instill the Yisraelite faith into the people of the era, for they are the encompassment of all sanctity (Ibid. 3).

12. Truth and faith align with '''anpin nehorin''' (a shining face), joy, and life - therefore you attain '''arikhut yamim''' (&quot;length of days&quot;). Conversely '''sheker''' (untruth and things that are detrimental to faith) shortens days, for deceit corresponds to death, '''anpin chashukhin''' (&quot;a dim face&quot;), and foreign devotions, God forbid (23:1).

13. Faith is (Gen. 49:1, Dan 10:14, et. al.), '''acharit ha-yamim''' (&quot;the last of days&quot;) for all the traits stand on her, for faith is the basis and root of all sanctity. And it has already been explained above (#4) that truth leads to faith. (Ibid. 3).

14. Even a person who attains a certain level of religious insight and understanding needs to fill that intellect with faith, for an intellect alone is not something to rely on. (Ibid. 6). 

15. Torah scholars with knowledge of the hidden Torah (talmidei chakhamim) who lack personal integrity, who teach &quot;fallen Torah&quot; – they cause the spread of heresy and lack of belief, and for those who fear Hashem to be despised and opposed. The remedy for this is to extend welcome and hospitality to true Talmidei Chakhamim, which will lead to faith and to breaking the heresy and contempt, and to overcome the opposers (28:1-3).

16. The root of charity's importance and completeness is faith, and all the blessings that come by doing charity – they are not complete except when there is faith, which is the source of all blessings. And the main way to faith is by keeping the holy Shabbat (31:2).

17. And all things depend on faith for their perfection, and without faith nothing is complete. Even the Torah which is the source of Godly knowledge only has perfection through faith, for faith is the foundation of the whole Torah, for the main thing is faith (Ibid.). 

18. Faith only lasts by guarding of the Covenant (31:3). 

19. Faith refreshes the intellect - which is the soul - during sleep. And sleep helps a person attain new insight and a new spirit from the light of God's &quot;face&quot; (35:3-5). 

20. Any flaw in people's faith, God forbid, is tantamount to idolatry. Because of this the rains are withheld (Taanit 8) and the world has no contentment or peace, and no one helps his neighbor, and everyone has to travel from place to place to make a living (40). 

21. Truth is the source of genuine wealth. Whoever blemishes the truth will come to poverty, and also be despised and disgraced. But whoever maintains the trait of truth will have abundant livelihood (47).

22. Falsehood damages the eyes — physically and spiritually (51).

23. When a person tells lies it stirs up impurities in the blood, causing melancholy. The resulting tears are very harmful to the eyes. One cannot speak lies unless his blood is impure; and he cannot speak truth unless he first purifies his blood (Ibid.). 

24. Falsehood is evil and corrupt. A person who is false tosses Hashem Yitbarakh's protective care from himself. But a person who is truthful will enjoy God's care and protection in all ways (Ibid.). 

25. There is only one truth but a whole multitude of lies. You can only say one truth about any given object — just what it is and nothing else. Silver is silver and only silver. Gold is gold and only gold. But lies can be multiplied without end. Silver can be called copper...or tin...or lead...or any other name you can think of. That is why the truth will come out in the end and all the current opposition to the true Tzaddikim will disappear. The basic cause of this opposition is the terrible spread of falsehood everywhere. Where the truth is acknowledged to be only one there is no place for opposition. Therefore the truth which is definitely one will stay and thrive forever, because the truth is HaShem's oneness. All lies, from which opposition comes, will be lost and it [truth] will stand forever, for &quot;the truth of HaShem is forever.&quot; (Ps. 117:2) (Ibid.). 

26. When you want to become merged with &quot;One&quot; and to connect &quot;after Creation&quot; with &quot;before the Creation&quot; where it is all one, all good, and all holy, as it was before Creation - guard yourself from deceit and speak truth. Be a man of real truth and through this you'll be incorporated into &quot;One,&quot; for truth is one as we have already stated (Ibid.). 

27. Faith opens the gates of holiness (57:8). 

28. It's only called &quot;faith&quot; when the one who believes does not know the reason why. Even so, for the believer himself the thing he believes in is perfectly clear and obvious to him — as if he sees with his own eyes what he believes in; that's how great is his total faith. (62:5).

29. To complete your faith you need to draw the distant people closer to Hashem Yitbarakh. This is achieved by fasting, and then by his eating the Holy One and His Divine Presence are united face to face (Ibid. 1,3,5).

30. When people lack absolute faith, many of them fall into misguided thinking of making the [physical] means obligatory between themselves and Hashem Yitbarakh. That is, they believe in Hashem Yitbarakh, but they believe also in the means and they think those means are obligatory. For example they put their faith in their means of livelihood, that it's the commerce, thinking that the commerce is the essential thing — as if God forbid without it Hashem Yitbarakh would have no other means of providing them with their sustenance. Or in the means of healing, they make the medicine the essential thing, as if God forbid without those medicines Hashem would have be unable to cause healing. Not so. For Hashem Yitbarakh is the means of all means and the cause of all causes, so you don't need any one means. When involved with these means we need to put our faith only in Hashem Yitbarakh, and not to make the means the main thing (Ibid. 6). 

31. The rule is everything we do: prayer, learning Torah, carrying out the commandments - everything is in order that the kingship of, and the faith in, His Blessedness be revealed (77). 

32. If you are very strong in your faith you will eventually reach understanding of what you believe in. The stronger your faith the greater your understanding will be. At the outset you have no option but to have faith because you cannot understand the matter rationally. Through faith you will come to understand it. Except that then there will be new, more exalted levels which are still hidden from you and beyond your ability to understand rationally. Here again you will have to make the effort to believe. You must always have faith in the levels that are hidden from you. In the end you will understand them also. And so the process goes on. The main thing is that your faith must be so strong that it spreads to all your limbs. This faith will bring you to true wisdom (91). 

33. One who always wants to be victorious is intolerant of truth. The truth may be staring him in the face, but because he is determined to win he rejects it. So if you want the real truth you must rid yourself of the urge to win. Then you will be able to see the truth if you really want it (122). 

34. Faith contains the power of growth; faith is the way to patience. That is, a person with perfect faith will grow and develop in serving His Blessedness no matter what he may have to go through, because no difficulty or obstacle will throw him off course. He will just have patience and endure whatever he's going through. For, all the obstacles and confusions in serving Hashem, in which he doesn't draw closer to those who fear Hashem, is all a result of being unhappy, lazy and heavy due to a lack of faith, because if he truly had as complete faith as he should, he would definitely run and hurry to follow them. Similarly, that he does not pray properly is also because of laziness and heaviness that comes from lack of faith. Because definitely if he had total faith, he would believe Hashem Yitbarakh stands over him, hears every word coming out of his mouth and listens to the voice of his prayer; he would definitely pray properly, with enthusiasm and aspiration. Just the main thing that confuses people to not pray is a lack of faith. Similarly, when people do not go and follow Tzaddikim and the pious, and do not serve Hashem in truth – it is all due to a lack of faith, which makes him lazy, sad and heavy. But when he has complete faith, nothing can hold him back. He just exercises patience and endures everything, and he grows and develops in serving Hashem no matter what (155). 

35. You get this faith and patience by the Land of Yisrael. Everyone needs to pray to Hashem Yitbarakh with longing and yearning for the Land of Yisrael, till he merits to get there. Even all the tzaddikim should have great longing for the Land of Yisrael. And this is a segulah (propitious method) to neutralize anger and sadness. For faith and patience which one merits in the Land of Yisrael are the opposite of anger and sadness (Ibid.).

36. The main thing that makes total faith is that he has to have such as strong faith that it's extremely pure and clear, so much so that it's like he actually sees with his eyes the thing that he believes in, as explained above, #28 (234).

37. Controversy and divisiveness can cause kosher people to start having the thoughts of evil people, thoughts of disbelief. To fix this: be silent and leave &quot;the battle to Hashem&quot;  (Ex. 17:16) (251). 

38. A man of truth, who carries out all the miswoth with all their fine details between him and his Creator, making no difference for him whether people are present or not - for in him is no trace of deceit, God forbid, to do some motion in His service for peoples' display - he draws to himself the power of all the forms of charity, and thereby neutralizes the thoughts of disbelief (Ibid.).

39. When a man is experiencing some kind of suffering, God forbid, it means the truth has become flawed. Therefore he must guard himself exceedingly, that he not be ensnared in error and falsehood because of the suffering (II 2:4).

40. By giving thanks to His Holy Name at all times for whatever one is experiencing - and especially when he gets out of some suffering, God forbid - and by the study of Halakhot (Torah law), truth will radiate in his speech, and will perfect all aspects of his speech. For the existence and the perfection of speech comes only through truth. Then he merits to pray in truth, which is the essence of perfect prayer, and he'll merit receiving the Torat Emet from a True Rabbi who will show him the way in his True Torah, and he will merit arranging real matches - that Hashem Yithbarakh should summon for him and for his children their true match. All this is attained through thanks and acknowledgment to His Blessed Name and by learning Halakhot, as mentioned. In this way one can draw down the blessing, the sanctity, and the joy of Shabbat into the secular weekdays. Then the simple Unity which underlies all the diverse phenomena of this world will be revealed: to believe and to know the truth, that all the different things in the world stem from the simple Unity, of the Blessed One. Knowing this is very precious on High; even in His Blessedness's view it is something wondrous, precious and important (Ibid.).

41. The main thing is Emunah (faith). So every person has to search himself, and strengthen his faith. For blemish of faith brings extraordinary afflictions, that neither treatments nor prayer nor ancestral merit can help. The sick person isn't even helped by the sound of his sighs and groans, for such sounds can sometimes help the sick person by arousing mercy for him. But on account of the fall of faith, these too do not help (II 5:1).

42. When a man is so fallen from faith, God forbid, that even the wordless screams are of no avail, then one has to cry out from the heart (alone), as in (Ps. 130:1) &quot;From the depths I call to you, Y-H!&quot; This causes deep counsels to be revealed. Then all of the aforementioned is repaired, which are the healing, prayer, ancestral merit, etc. (Ibid. 2).

43. Allowing the holy faith to decline, causes false doctrines and beliefs to gain strength. Conversely, raising and repairing the holy faith, causes the false beliefs to weaken and fall, and the idolaters turn away from their false beliefs toward the holy faith and they convert. Sometimes they become &quot;potential converts,&quot; meaning that even though they don't actually come and convert, they nevertheless recognize Hashem Yitbarakh in the place where they are, and they know and believe that there is a One, a  First, Yitbarakh. And sometimes they become actual converts, who come and convert. These converts can cause harm to Yisrael, and they bring pride and promiscuity into Yisrael. So for this there are many tikkunim (repairs) that are still needed (see there) [and see Tefilin #6, Joy #24] (Ibid. 4,5).

44. The main way to attain perfect faith is by following the True Tzaddik who has attained the level of Ruach haKodesh (&quot;holy spirit&quot; of prophecy), whereby the Medammeh (&quot;imagination;&quot; man's faculty for symbolic thought and fantasy) is refined and cleansed, which is the main thing that perfects the faith, as it allows him to believe in Hashem Yitbarakh and in the Renewal of the world, which is the foundation of everything. The whole world depends on this (see Tzaddik #98) (8:7,8).

45. Faith depends on a person's mouth. You must declare the faith with your mouth, as it's written (Ps. 89:1), &quot;I will declare Your faith with my mouth.&quot; So when someone falls from the faith, God forbid, the solution is to declare the faith with his mouth, saying out loud, &quot;I believe!&quot; and so forth. For this very act of declaring the faith, is itself a type of faith. Also it will bring you to perfect faith, for faith depends on your mouth, as mentioned (44).

46. Conversely, too, God forbid: One must be very careful to not utter any words of doubt or disbelief, God forbid, even as a joke. That is, in his heart he believes, but he just quotes somebody's words of disbelief and ridicules them. This too is very forbidden, because it damages your faith. For regarding Hashem Yitbarakh it's forbidden to say words of mockery, even as a jest (Ibid.).

47. You must take great care to not look at philosophical books at all, for they cause severe destruction and damage to the holy faith. We have explained this in many places, but we need to repeat this warning many times, so that you do not lose your eternal reward in an instant, God forbid (Ibid.).

48. It's better to believe some things that are foolish or untrue, in order to have faith in the truth as well, than to have disbelief in everything, God forbid. That is, one could so much deny the foolish and untrue things, that he mocks everything and denies the truth as well (Sichot haRan #103).

49. Perfect faith is only when you believe in Hashem Yitbarakh without any sophistication at all - without signs or miracles, without any philosophical reasoning - just a simple, pure and innocent faith, like the Yisraelite women and simple folk believe (Ibid. 33).

50. There are intellectuals who are versed even in the hidden Torah and who have no faith [in God]. These intellectuals are called Baalei Raathan [Ketubot 77b]. You must stay far from them and their area as far as you can get, for our sages obm warned us to literally stay far from Baalei Raathan, for the very breath of their mouths can be very destructive to kosher people and it cause them to fall into promiscuity, God forbid. For these intellectuals are themselves usually sexually immoral (Ibid. 106).

51. When you take such joy in Torah and miswoth that you dance for joy (raising your feet), it will elevate your faith (LM II 81).

52. When a person is in a state of &quot;constricted consciousness&quot; and weak in his faith, this is the time for difficult devotions such as fasting etc. But someone with total faith can serve Hashem Yitbarakh with all things, for &quot;The Holy One, Blessed is He, does not act like a despot over His creatures&quot; (Avodah Zarah 3a) (86).

53. Faith is counted as a righteous merit (Gen. 15:6) (Sichot haRan 34).

54. Faith brings children. Emunah אמונה is gematria Banim בנים (Ibid.).

55. Faith has an enormous power. Through faith and simplicity alone, with no sophistication whatsoever, you can reach the level of Ratzon (Desire) which is beyond even that of the Wisdom of Holiness (Chokhmah d'Kedushah). That is, your desire for Hashem Yitbarakh will be so extraordinarily strong with such a rapid yearning that you simply do not know what to do because of the great longing and you cry out with yearning (Ibid. 32).

56. There are cases where people are riddled with doubts about the holy faith because they were not conceived in holiness. And some people have made this worse by their own misdeeds, for there are transgressions that cause a person to have doubts. For all of this, one needs to feel shame and to have a &quot;broken heart,&quot; for whoever has doubts like this, God forbid, against the holy faith, ought to be very, very ashamed for causing this by his transgressions. But the shame and a &quot;broken heart&quot; will drive out and break the doubts. Also a great advice for attaining faith has already been described - declaring words of faith with his mouth, as mentioned (in #45) (Ibid.).

57. Whoever has faith lives life; but someone without faith, God forbid, has no life at all. There is nobody who doesn't go thorough many troubles - incidents and hardships - for (Job. 5:7) &quot;Man was born to struggle.&quot; But when he has faith then even when troubles and hardships come, God forbid, he can give himself comfort and vitality, that Hashem Yitbarakh loves him and means everything for his ultimate good, and that the hardships are for his benefit and atonement: for everything that Hashem does is for the best. But the sophisticated disbeliever, when some trouble comes he has no one to turn to and no way to give himself vitality and comfort. This is why he has no life at all, since he chooses to go without Hashem Yitbarakh and not under His watch, God save us. But with faith, life is always good (Ibid.).

58. Faith in the unity of God comes mainly through the True Tzaddikim, who are spike of the letter Daleth (ד), as it is brought in the holy Zohar, that the Tzaddik is the spike of the letter Daleth etc. [and without this spike Echad becomes Acher - &quot;one&quot; becomes &quot;other,&quot; God forbid] (Tikkunei Zohar #21 55b; LM 10:5).

==ANACHAH - Sighing==
1. The sighing and groaning that the &quot;Ish ha-Yisraeli&quot; does, is very precious, for it brings completion to anything that is lacking. But the sighing only brings completion to whatever is lacking if he is a follower of the Tzaddik who is the True Rav of the Era, for the Ruach Chayyim (Spirit of Life) is received from him, to bring completion to the lackings by means of sighing (Likutei Moharan 8; see Tzaddik #11).

2. A person may be praying properly or doing Hitbodedut (talking to God) - when meanwhile he falls from the level he is at. This is caused by some flaw in his faith. He should feel a &quot;broken heart&quot; and embarrassment - how could he fall from heaven to earth?! He should have pity on himself to the point that he sighs, and the sigh with bring him back to his level (108).

3. How precious when you sigh out of longing for something holy. The sigh you let out because you are far from holiness breaks the bonds of impurity and ties you with the bonds of holiness. But the opposite is true if you sigh for some craving, God forbid (109).

4. One sigh of regret for your sins or how little you've attained (in perceptions of Godliness) is worth more than many acts of self-deprivation and fasts (Ibid.). See more regarding sighing in Azut #2-3. Because sighing for something holy can actually break the bodily Azut (brazenness). Then the soul can approach the body and inform it something of her perceptions of God and so forth; see there.

==ACHILAH - Eating==
1. Eating in a kosher, proper way - when you eat deliberately and don't just gulp it down - this repairs your intellect and subdues folly. But when someone eats like a glutton and drunkard then the foolishness overwhelms the intellect and the light of the Tzaddik becomes dim for him, and he cannot receive from him the fear and the love (of God) (17:2,3).

2. Giving charity to True Tzaddikim and to poor people who are genuinely deserving, causes converts to be made and the blemish in eating to be repaired. Then your intellect is completed and you will be privileged to see the light of the Tzaddik, which will make you privileged to receive the fear and the love from him (Ibid.).

3. When a person attains perfect mastery of the Holy Tongue and guards the Holy Covenant, he has the power to arouse the sparks of all the Letters that exist throughout every thing. Then his eating and drinking and other enjoyments comes only from the sparking of the Letters, which makes his heart shine, causing his face to shine. Then he reaches where his face is so pure that other people are moved to Repentance just by seeing his face, for whoever looks at his face sees his own reflected there as if in a mirror, and sees how deep in the dark he is - to the point that without any rebuke or moral teaching he arouses the other to Repentance just by seeing his face (19:7-9).

4. When someone feels a kind of hunger that is an urgent craving, he should know there are forces that hate him. So he has to attack and break his beastly urge to eat, because this hunger is being caused by the beastly part of his nature; then he'll be safe from the forces that hate him (39).

5. Craving food brings strife on a person; people will insult and despise him. But a person who breaks the love of food attains peace - and then there will also be peace in the realms Above. Then a great contentment in the world will reveal itself and flourish (Ibid.).

6. Whoever is sunk in the love of food, it is certain that he is far from the truth, and it is certain that he's under the force of heavenly judgments. It's also a sign of coming poverty, and that he will be subject to disgrace and shame (47).

7. Whoever breaks the love of food, the Holy Blessed One will perform miracles through him (Ibid.).

8. There are people who sleep away all their days. Some have fallen in the category of sleep through cravings and bad deeds. And some are kosher, decent people, except that their downfall is from eating. Because sometimes when a person eats a food that isn't refined to the level of Man's food, it causes his mind to fall in a kind of sleep. For when you eat in a sanctified way, food that is pure, it lights up your face, meaning your intellect. But when someone's eating is not sanctified then the food brings evil upon his heart causing the loss of this face and intellect, and he falls into a kind of sleep. Even if everyone thinks he is serving Hashem and involved in Torah and prayer, nevertheless he is in the category of sleep, because all his service stays down below and Hashem Yitbarakh has no satisfaction from it. He needs to be awakened from his sleep - but it's impossible to awaken him unless he first has a bit of awakening by himself. The awakening from sleep so that people don't waste their days, God forbid, in sleep, is achieved by the True Tzaddik's story telling. Fortunate is whoever can come to a Tzaddik like this that can awaken him from his sleep, to not sleep away all his days, God forbid! (60:6)

9. The food for &quot;Ish ha-Yisraeli&quot; needs to first be refined of any impurity of the Sitra Achra, because food that has impurities can cause a person to make mistakes. The refinement of the food is by faith, which is attained by fasting; and then his eating causes the unification of the Holy Blessed One and his Divine Presence, face to face (62:1,2,5).

10. All cravings are aspects of Klipot (husks) and Motarot (excess; waste), because the body could survive without the cravings. When a person is hit by cravings, the holiness is being attacked by the Klipot. The chief cravings are the food and drink cravings, because all the other cravings derive from them. When they gain power they drag a person's speech into exile and then he is in the category of (Ps. 69:4) &quot;My throat is become dry&quot; and he is unable to say any words to Hashem Yitbarakh. The remedy for this is fasting; then he'll be able to speak. Through this, one can bring those who are far toward Hashem Yitbarakh, which is the main thing that makes the faith complete. Then, his eating is a very precious thing, as explained above, for his eating causes a superb unification as mentioned (Ibid. 3-5).

11. Eating greedily damages the honor of that which is holy. Then the &quot;brazen-faced&quot; [unabashed tyrants] gain strength, because the honor falls to heathen nations, the wicked, and the brazen-faced of the generation who gain all the respect and power, and then it's the category of &quot;hiding His face,&quot; the category of tragic decrees prevailing, God forbid. But when we break the craving of food then it's the &quot;lifting of His face&quot; upon us, the category of cancelling the severe decrees. Then the Holy Honor is made whole, and the brazen-faced have no power or authority (67:2,3).

12. You have to be very exact and eat no more than you need. Because when one eats more than his need, it does him great harm, for even the food that he needed joins together with that food and they do him severe damage (257).

13. When a person eats too much he is like a beast. Because what defines a Man is eating just what he needs - so eating more than that is really what a beast does. And overeating can cause fever (Kadachat, Lev. 26:16), God forbid. Also if what the Man eats contains some food that is insufficiently pure to be Man's food this can also cause that sickness, God forbid (263).

14. Greed for food is one of the three cravings that damage and destroy the heart's reverence. But proper celebration of Sukkot gives you an awareness (Daat) that repairs the greed for food; then you can attain reverence and prayer (II 1:4,5).

15. Sometimes the food someone eats brings him a bad dream, in the category of (Ber. 55b) &quot;a dream sent by a demon,&quot; God forbid, which could cause a nocturnal emission, God forbid. To correct this just be happy; bolster yourself to be constantly happy (5:10).

16. Whoever is privileged to follow a True Rabbi who is able to properly illumine the Awareness of the Holy (haDaat haKadosh) for the Yisraelite people, and he himself is a successful person (Ish Chayyil) and not the opposite, a &quot;Shlimazelnik&quot; (unfortunate; loser) - this makes him able to receive an extraordinary revelation of the Divine Will when he eats. Meaning, the Divine Will lights up for him while eating, and he has such a powerful yearning and longing for Hashem Yitbarakh that it's infinite beyond comprehension. He has no idea what he wants; he has just a simple consuming desire toward His Blessedness (Ibid.).

17. Bodily nourishment, meaning the urge for food and drink, can weaken a person's spiritual nourishment, damaging his Reverence, which is the category of &quot;a good smell&quot; (Reyach Tob), which is the essence of spiritual nourishment (II 8:1).

18. By accepting rebuke from the True Tzaddik, who is able to properly rebuke Yisrael (as explained there), we make the spiritual nourishment gain strength over the physical nourishment (Ibid.).

19. A main purpose of eating is for the Berurim (clarifying, refining and extraction): in order to refine the food transforming it into fine speech, which are the blessings that are said over it, and the prayer, the learning, and serving Hashem Yitbarakh by the power of the food. Everyone needs to have these intentions when eating, and then the food becomes the aspect of the Incense and he attains happiness, and this becomes a crown of lovingkindness and goodness for King Shelomoh, of which it says (Song 3:11), &quot;Go out and see ... the crown ...&quot; - and this makes his livelihood come easily (16).

20. Every Yisrael, even the greatest Tzaddik, has to go through some suffering every day. The deeper his consciousness (Daat), the greater his pain. But eating in sanctity and with the fear of Heaven can help to sweeten this pain so it doesn't become overpowering, God forbid (77).

21. Eating with sanctity and fear of Heaven brings your mouth to the status of Qomat Adam (the image of God). Then you'll be privileged that the Shekhina could speak out of your throat. But whoever does not eat in sanctity, his mouth is in the animal realm; behold, he's just like an animal, God forbid (Ibid.).

22. When you are eating - it is one of the main times when the fear of Heaven comes and approaches you. Therefore you should take great care to eat in sanctity and draw upon yourself the Reverence that's approaching you then. Then you'll attain all the aforementioned (in #20-21, ibid.).

23. Take great care to never eat a fruit before it has fully ripened on the tree, for it could kill a person's life. It is also forbidden to pick a fruit before it's ripe, just as it's forbidden to chop down a fruit tree before its time (88).

24. By properly making the blessing over fruit with intense concentration and with fear of Heaven, you can avoid the dangers of unripe fruit. In fact, you need to be very careful with all the blessings of the enjoyments (food, drink, fragrances etc.) but especially with the blessings over fruit, because many lost items are actually present in the fruit of the tree, deep mysteries [such as the transmigration of souls are involved here]. These lost objects need to be refined and elevated (see there, Ibid.).

25. Cooking unripe fruit in order to make it fit for eating still doesn't help if the fruit did not ripen on the tree. But if unripe fruit is left for a time after it is picked until it ripens by itself, this does help and the fruit may be eaten (Ibid.).

26. Be careful to not gulp down your food hurriedly like a glutton. It was Esau who said (Gen. 25:30), &quot;Let me gulp some [of this red pottage].&quot; Be in the habit of eating at a moderate pace, calmly and with the same table manners you would show if an important guest were present. You should always eat like this, even when you are eating alone (see above, #1). Fortunate is whoever achieves this! (Chayei Moharan 515)

==hakhnasat AORCHIM - HOSPITALITY==
1. Welcoming true Talmidei Chakhamim (Torah scholars that are also expert in the Hidden Torah) into your home brings you to acquire faith and to break the prevalent Kefirot (heresy and lack of belief). This elevates and repairs the &quot;fallen Torah&quot; of the unscrupulous talmidei chakhamim, who are in the category of &quot;Jewish demons&quot; (see Zohar III:253a); they are the source of all the hostility towards those who fear Hashem. So this leads to defeat of the opposition (Likutei Moharan 28).

2. Offering hospitality to a Talmid Chakham repairs your prayers. Because everyone has offered some bad prayers, and they come back and confuse him when he stands up to pray a proper prayer. Welcoming and hosting the Talmid Chakham is a tikkun for this (209).

==AERETZ YISRAEL - the Land of Yisrael==
1. The root of faith, which corresponds to prayer and miracles, is none other place than the Land of Yisrael. That is the main place from where prayers ascend [to Heaven]; your prayers can achieve whatever is needed, and can accomplish true miracles and wonders in the world. (Likutei Moharan 7:1).

2. When the Land of Yisrael, which corresponds to faith and prayer, is abused, then we descend into exile. The main concern is prayer descending into exile: then it is impossible to pray and to do miracles in the world (Ibid.)

3. Whoever wants to really be an &quot;Ish Yisraeli,&quot; meaning someone who keeps going from one level to the next, can only achieve this through the Land of Yisrael's holiness. Because every step that you need to ascend in holiness can only be accomplished through the Land of Yisrael. Likewise every ascension in prayer is only through the Land of Yisrael (20; Chayei Moharan 15).

4. In the merit of the Torah that we bring forth, we merit the Land of Yisrael. Also, by being present with the Tzaddik while he is drawing forth Torah and then teaches it in public - then we also have a portion in the Torah that the Tzaddik draws, and this also makes us merit getting into Eretz Yisrael (Ibid. 4,6).

5. You can only get to Eretz Yisrael through hardships. The root of the hardships stems from the wicked detractors that publicize a bad image of the Land. But drawing the Torah as mentioned, subdues the detractors and hardships. The more complete the Torah that you merit to draw forth in greater tikkun, the more you merit subduing the detractors and getting into Eretz Yisrael (Ibid. 6,10).

6. When a person has attained the aspect of Eretz Yisrael, he is called &quot;Gibbor Takkif&quot; (a man of strength and valor, Sifra d'Tzniuta, Gen. 10:8, Ruth 2:1). For before he's attained the aspect of Eretz Yisrael (1 Kings 20:11), &quot;He that girds [his sword to fight] shall not boast as he that ungirds it [having won the battle].&quot; But after, when he has won the battle, he's called Ish Milchamah (Man of War, I Sam. 16:18) (Ibid. 10).

7. By giving charity to the Land of Yisrael you become included in the air of the Land of Yisrael, which is holy breath that has no taint of sin (Shabbat 119b), and this banishes the forces of severity, darkness etc. from the world. This also guards you against foreign thoughts during prayer and makes your mind and thoughts clear and pure, which is a type of Tikkun Habrit (37:4; 44).

8. Eretz Yisrael is a Segula (has a mystical power) for having children and for relief from divisiveness and strife. Also, the sanctity of the Land of Yisrael will inform people who is the True Rabbi of the Era. Truth will spread throughout the world, and everyone will return to Hashem Yitbarakh, even the nations of the world, to serve Him (Zeph. 3:9) &quot;with one consent&quot; (48).

9. Praying vigorously is the way to get to Eretz Yisrael; another way is the miswah of Sukkah. Because Sukkah, vigorous prayer, and Eretz Yisrael are all one thing; they are all interdependent (Ibid.).

10. The only way to see the downfall of the wicked is by the aspect of Eretz Yisrael (55:1).

11. Praying in the proper way (as explained in Prayer #51-56) causes sparks of the Patriarchs' merits to flash forth. This allows us to feel the sanctity of Eretz Yisrael even today during the Exile, even when it's under the hand of the Sitra Achra (the forces of the Other Side) and her sanctity is hard to see. Nevertheless even in this bitter Exile these sparks of the Patriarchs' merits reveals and draws to us her sanctity. The revelation of her sanctity lets us see the downfall of the wicked. Not only will we be delivered from their evil - we will see them suffer the very evil they sought to inflict upon us.
All this is accomplished by evoking the favorable side [of Heaven, causing the Tzaddikim to escape] when we look for merits in the wicked ones. This also allows the Tzaddikim, the Osei Tob (doers of good), to see and to attain P'nei Hashem (the &quot;face&quot; of God) (Ibid. 2,3,8,9,11,12).

12. The miswah of separating Challah is also bound up with the inherting Eretz Yisrael, because it allows us to draw the light of the Patriarchs, which lets us reveal the sanctity of the Eretz Yisrael and attain all the aforementioned (Ibid. 8).

13. Whoever travels to Eretz Yisrael truly for the sake of Heaven, to find or to get closer to Hashem Yitbarakh - Eretz Yisrael will definitely benefit him a great deal. For just by entering E&quot;Y he is &quot;eaten by her&quot; (Num. 13:32) and transformed by her sacred character. Therefore, even &quot;whoever walks four cubits in E&quot;Y will assuredly inherit the Coming World.&quot; But whoever's motive is not at all for serving Hashem, to rid himself of his evil - then even dwelling in E&quot;Y will be of no use, for she spews him out, a la (Lev. 18:28) &quot;as it vomited out the nation that was before you&quot; (129).

14. The sanctity of E&quot;Y will bring you to faith and thereby to Arikhut Appayim (&quot;long breath;&quot; patience), meaning you'll break the force of anger, sadness, lethargy, and heaviness. You'll just make yourself very quick in serving Hashem, and you'll let no detractors or obstacles hinder you, because you're Erekh Appayim, patient, to endure anything (and see Aemuna #34) (155).

15. You need to pray of Hashem Yitbarakh, to have the desire and yearning for Eretz Yisrael until you merit to get there; and also that all the tzaddikim should have yearning for Eretz Yisrael. This is a Segula to cancel out anger and sadness, as mentioned (Ibid.).

16. When Hashem Yitbarakh pays back a person measure for measure it is really a great kindness, so that the person can understand from it and examine his deeds. The essential place where this happens [most directly and precisely] is Eretz Yisrael (187).

17. Eretz Yisrael is the supreme holiness comprising all the holinesses. There, we can free ourselves of the naturalistic viewpoint and come to know and believe that everything is by Heavenly supervision alone, which is the summation of holiness. This can make us like the Blessed One - dividing between light and darkness. Then we can tell stories of True Tzaddikim, having the ability to discern the difference between stories of True Tzaddikim and the opposite of them. Then the stories of True Tzaddikim can purify our Mach'shava (thoughts and thinking) and sweeten the evil decrees, saving us from all suffering (234).

18. Where you should get the right Moach (consciousness, &quot;vibe&quot;) and the Chokhmah (wisdom) is only from Eretz Yisrael. Even those Yisrael that are outside the Land, they receive or they suckle all their Moach and Chokhmah from E&quot;Y. Now, every Yisrael has a portion in E&quot;Y so he suckles or receives his Chokhmah from E&quot;Y according to his portion there. But when someone blemishes the honor of Hashem Yitbarakh, God forbid, it causes the Mochin of E&quot;Y to fall onto the Mochin of the foreign lands, which causes controversy and strife, for the Mochin of the foreign lands are the aspect of controversy (II 71).

19. The Mochin of E&quot;Y have the quality of &quot;Noam,&quot; the quality of Ne'imut haTorah, the pleasantness of the Torah, the quality of peace. Charity, particularly charity for the Land of Israel, makes a vessel to receive the influx of this Noam; and then one can repair even the Mochin of the foreign lands. But when God forbid the Mochin of the foreign lands are severely damaged by people dishonoring His Blessedness then they can't be repaired - on the contrary, these foreign land Mochin even damage the Mochin of E&quot;Y which are the quality of peace, and then there's strife even in E&quot;Y. This is what's going on with the divisions today in E&quot;Y being as deep as in the foreign lands (Ibid.).

20. The graves of the True Tzaddikim have the the exact same holiness as the E&quot;Y, as it is written (Ps. 37:29), &quot;Tzaddikim inherit the Land.&quot; Now, E&quot;Y is a great remedy for abuse of the Berit. Therefore one must make an effort to come to their gravesites, for their gravesites are holy as mentioned, and this is a huge repair for damage to the Berit (109).

=Beit=
==BERIT - Covenant, Its Damage and Repair==
1. By '''Shmirat haBrit''' (guarding the purity of the Abrahamic Covenant) you'll gain the ability to pray (in its twofold aspect including both praise of God and asking one's needs, like a double edged sword) (2:2).

2. The basic drive of the '''Yetzer haRa''' (Evil Inclination) is for sexual promiscuity, this being the fundamental source of defilement (Zohar III:15b). So you should know the main test of any man in this world is for this craving. Fortunate is whoever wins this war! (Ibid. 6) 

3. Whoever has an awareness of himself that he has wasted &quot;the drops of his brain&quot; (meaning he wasted seed) needs to have mercy on himself and not let any of the controversy and divisiveness between the tzaddikim enter his heart; he should just believe in all of them. The only reason why any questions and crookedness of heart fall on his mind about the tzaddikim on account of the controversy between them is because he has wasted the drops of his brain - for had he not damaged his brain it wouldn't disturb him it all; the controversy is just for him (see Tzaddik #8) (5:4).

4. The counsel of the True Tzaddikim and their students are the aspect of '''Tikkun haBrit''' (purity), whereas the advices of their smooth-talking opposers inciting and repelling people away from the Point of Truth are the aspect of '''Pegam haBrit''' (damage to purity), because the advice that someone gets from a person are like drops of intellect. Therefore whoever has damaged his Berit needs to be extremely careful to guard himself from the influence of these enemies of the truth - otherwise he could lose his eternal reward in an instant, God forbid (7:3).

5. Wanton desire is mainly affected by what one sees, and the miswah of Tzitzit are a protection against this; it saves you from the abovementioned evil counsel and makes you able to receive the true advices of the True Tzaddikim. So you need to be extremely careful to do the miswah of Tzitzit. Also have the intention when you're doing their wrapping and blessing that you should attain Shmirat haBrit (guarding the Berit's purity) and True good advice. This will lead you to faith and Eretz Yisrael and will draw the Redemption closer, so you can attain prayer and miracles and wonders in the world; as well as livelihood, for livelihood primarily depends on Tikkun haBrit - and this will bring you to understand any part of Torah you're studying, and all the wisdoms will be revealed to you like a set table (Ibid. 1,4,5).

6. Pride and promiscuity go hand in hand. So by being Shomer haBrit a person can rid himself of pride and find the light that will guide him back to God (11:3).

7. A main cause of bitter struggle in order to make a livelihood, and why the man toils so much, is because of Pegam haBrit. For whoever is Shomer his Berit, even though he does work and commerce it's like the Mishkan construction, consisting of Thirty-Nine Lights. But he that is Pogem the Berit is pursued by poverty and he takes the yoke of bitter struggle on himself, like the thirty-nine 39 lashes (Deut. 25:2-3), God forbid. (Ibid.).

8. Shmirat haBrit has two aspects: One is that of the man whose marital relations is during the weekdays, and this is also called Shmirat haBrit, since his marital relations are permitted according to Torah - provided that he guards himself from transgression, God forbid. This is the aspect of &quot;the lower union,&quot; which can bring one to attain Halakhah in the Torah, the aspect of '''Razin''', secrets. 
But there is someone whose relations are only on Shabbat, and this is the aspect of &quot;the upper union,&quot; and through this he attains also the aspect of Kabbalah and Razin d'Razin. However, even one whose marital relations are only on Shabbat also needs to be very careful that his marital relations be in sanctity and that he keeps them on the level of Shmirat haBrit - how much more so do those on the lower level whose marital relations are also during the secular days definitely need to be extra careful to not blemish their Berit, God forbid; but in any case they should just not transgress the Torah, God forbid.
When Shmirat haBrit in observed on both of these levels then the Honor of Hashem Yitbarakh is complete and we attain all the abovementioned aspects, such that we arrive at deepest understandings in the Torah (Ibid. 5-7).

9. Talking with others about about self discipline and the fear of Heaven, inspiring them in searching for God, is a remedy for Keri (nocturnal emission) (14:13).

10. The sexual urge is the comprehensive evil that encompasses all the different kinds of evil of the seventy nations. For every nation and language has a hold on a certain evil, meaning some bad characteristic or some bad desire that is particular to that nation; they're mired in that urge and that's where they're under the grip [of evil]. But the sexual lust is the comprehensive vice where the evilest urges of all the evils of all the nations joins together. All these evils burn together to make a fire, and that's the blazing furnace that makes a person burn with sexual lust.

But Hashem Yitbarakh has separated us from the nations and elevated us over every tongue, so we need to  keep apart from all of their wickedness, meaning from all those urges that are not appropriate for us - particularly the urge for sexual degeneracy which is the comprehensive evil of all the nations as mentioned. For this is the essential difference and delineation between us and the nations - that we keep away from promiscuity; it is the very main thing that makes Yisrael holy. For a man has the power to divert his mind from this urge and to break it - and this essence of our holiness (19:3).

11. The key to breaking all the cravings, especially promiscuous desires which are the main thing that needs to be broken, is by '''Shleimut Lashon haKodesh''' (perfection and mastery of the holy tongue, Hebrew). This means an abundance of holy speech: torah, prayer, and having chats with your Maker. Even though you speak with your Creator in Yiddish which is what we speak in this country, it's still counted as Lashon haKodesh, because in fact when you speak (your own words) with your Maker you need to specifically talk in your own language (as explained in elsewhere, Hitbodedut #13). The point is to guard your tongue, sanctifying it with holy words - which is an aspect of Shleimut Lashon haKodesh - and to guard your tongue so as to speak no evil words, which blemish the holy tongue. Then this sanctity of speech we've described will subdue the comprehensive evil as mentioned (Ibid.).

12. Tikkun haBrit and Shleimut Lashon haKodesh are interdependent: the more you speak holy words in the category of Lashon haKodesh, the more you attain Shmirat haBrit; and the more the Tikkun haBrit, the more Shleimut Lashon haKodesh. The same is true in reverse if someone blemishes, God forbid (Ibid.).

13. The sexual lust which is the comprehensive evil is embodied by the Serpent that seduced Eve and infected her with impurity that is [referred to in various of our holy literature as] &quot;the temptest spirit,&quot; &quot;the spirit of madness,&quot; &quot;the foolish woman&quot; (Prov. 14). It is the way of the Serpent to beguile the '''Ruach haKodesh''' (holy spirit of prophecy), which is Lashon haKodesh, corresponding to Shmirat Habrit, and to infect her with impurity. This is the aspect of (Gen. 4:7), &quot;for the Petach (opening), misdeed crouches&quot; - that this misdeed which is the Serpent, lies in wait to be nourished from a person through Pegam haBrit. For main object of the Yezter haRa is to make a person fail by this lust (Ibid.).

14. You need to speak a great deal of holy words, which are the aspect of Shleimut Lashon haKodesh, as (David haMelekh said, Ps. 39:4), &quot;My heart waxed hot within me... then I spoke with my tongue&quot; - using Lashon haKodesh to cool off your passion. This saves you from the '''Ruach Searah''' (tempest spirit) &quot;cooling&quot; you by a nocturnal emission, God forbid (Ibid. 5).

15. All the bad treatment and humiliation that happens to a person is due to Pegam haBrit. And conversely by Tikkun haBrit he is treated with respect (Ibid. 3).

16. Shleimut Lashon haKodesh, which is Tikkun haBrit, can give you the ability interpret dreams as did Yosef (Ibid. 4).

17. The essence of Shleimut Lashon haKodesh, which is the essence of Tikkun haBrit, which encompasses the repair of all the cravings and character traits - you can only receive from the mouth the True Tzaddikim. That's why you have to travel to the Tzaddik and hear from his mouth specifically. A book of moral teachings or hearing from another who heard from him is not enough, because the very root of '''Shleimut haDibbur''' (mastery and perfection of speech), which is the aspect of Shleimut Lashon haKodesh, which is the essence of its repair, you can only receive from his holy mouth specifically. Because the source of the '''Yir'ah''' (fear of Heaven), which is the key Shleimut Lashon haKodesh, which is Tikkun haBrit, which is comprised of all the Tikkunim, is there (Ibid. 20:1).

18. Because of Pegam haBrit a sword is let loose in the world, as in (Lev. 26:25), &quot;the sword that executes the vengeance of the Berit&quot; (Leviticus 26:25) (20:10).

19. Calling out to God in a loud voice is a Tikkun haBrit and bestows a revelation of the ''Daat'' (awareness and knowledge of Heaven), because at the outset when the Berit was pagum, the Daat was pagum (Ibid.).

20. For this reason we say the Haggadah in a loud voice, for the Haggadah is a Tikkun haBrit, and this is what brought the Redemption, because the Galut Matzrayim was over blemishing the Berit, as is brought (in the kabbalistic books). Also, the wine of the four cups (of the Seder) is Tikkun haDaat which is Tikkun haBrit (Ibid.)

21. '''Tikkun haBrit Kodesh''' (to try to a tzaddik in the aspect of Abraham) saves you from the &quot;face&quot; of Sitra Achra, which is the lust for money which is a foreign devotion, which is sadness, melancholy, darkness, &quot;the dark face,&quot; death - and binds you to Godliness and you attain (Ps. 16:11) &quot;satiety of happiness with (Hashem's) face,&quot; for the light of the face of the Living King dawns and shines on you (23:2)

22. By Tikkun haBrit you will be able to perceive the source of all the blessings and money, where at its root the abundance is entirely a pure and clear light, making the love of money just go away (Ibid. 5).

23. By Tikkun haBrit you'll perceive '''he'arat panim''' (revelation of the &quot;face&quot; of God and His ways), '''hadrat panim''' (the splendor of God's &quot;face&quot;) [see the Idra Rabba, where the thirteen attributes of the Beard correspond to the thirteen attributes of mercy (Ex. 34:6-7)], meaning your mind gets purified by the Torah and you're able to entirely explain and teach it according to the thirteen principles of Torah exegesis, which are the very aspect of hadrat panim. This leads to the voice of your (joyous) shouting becoming so pure that just by the sound of your wordless cry the Holy Blessed One saves you at your time of trouble. Through this you attain peace, and you can even draw the whole world to the service of His Blessedness (27:1-6).

24. The more negative commandment prohibitions a person has transgressed, God forbid, the more he taints the Shekhinah with '''Dam Niddah''' (lit. banishment blood, menstrual blood) and sunders apart the Holy Blessed One and the Shekhinah. To repair all his transgressions in detail would be an extremely vast and difficult thing for the person, and it's impossible to repair them because there are many details and particulars in each prohibition. Therefore he needs to make the '''Tikkun haKlali''' (the General Remedy, the Comprehensive Repair) which is Tikkun haBrit (Restoration of the Covenant) and thereby all the prohibitions he transgressed will be anyway get repaired. Even in places so narrow and fine that a repair cannot get there - by Tikkun haKlali he disperses repairs even there (29:3-4)

25. By Tikkun haKlali which is Tikkun haBrit the '''Mochin''' (&quot;brains,&quot; state of awareness) are elevated, because Tikkun haDaat (repair of awareness and knowledge) is mainly according to the Tikkun haBrit. The main way that Yisrael can get close to their Heavenly Father is by Shmirat haBrit (guarding the Berit's purity) (Ibid. 4).

26. Through Tikkun haBrit one receives livelihood without toil, in the aspect of Manna (Ibid. 5).

27. All the while a person has not achieved Tikkun haKlali, it's forbidden for him to speak. He doesn't know how to use speech and he's unable to reveal hidden Torah. Whoever speaks at such a time transgresses (Lev. 19:16), &quot;Do not go talebearing among your people&quot; and his (Prov. 11:13) &quot;revealing secret is going talebearing.&quot; But with Tikkun haKlali he may feel free to speak; he can open his mouth and speech will shine with Torah (Ibid. 6).

28. Pegam haBrit can cause epilepsy (choli nofel), God forbid; but Tikkun haBrit brings healing from epilepsy (cholaat ha-nefilah) (Ibid. 7).

29. When someone has not yet achieved Tikkun haKlali he needs to avoid drinking wine, because it strengthens in him the blood that's the source of the transgressions, God forbid. It can also harm his
livelihood and he could become impoverished. But whoever achieves Tikkun haKlali, then on the contrary his drinking raises high his Mochin (consciousness) and makes Tikkun haKlali even more complete (Ibid. 8).

30. The main thing that keeps faith enduring is Shmirat haBrit (31:3).

31. All the conduct (i.e. the laws and the behavior of) the Galgalim (heavenly orbs, the aspect of charity) and all the conduct on earth - all the blessings and all the devolutions (what passes down from level to level) - all depends of Shmirat haBrit (Ibid. 2,3).

32. Any trials a person has during travel are because of Pegam haBrit. But by Shmirat haBrit he won't suffer when traveling (Ibid. 4).

33. By Shmirat haBrit one achieves freedom (Ibid. 5).

34. There are two aspects of the Berit (the aspect of Abraham and of his servant Eliezer; master and servant; upper and lower firmament; Tzaddik and scholar). The one level is the guarding of the sanctity of the Covenant; this is the Upper Berit. The second level (the Lower Berit) is keeping [the laws of what is] forbidden and permissible. Therefore one needs to learn the laws of [what is] forbidden and permissible in order to also attain this second aspect. When Shmirat haBrit is achieved on both these levels then (M&quot;K 17a) &quot;he is like the Angel of Hashem Tzeva'ot,&quot; attaining perfect faith and conducting all the blessings and influxes as stated above. He is filled with love and good yearning and longing for Hashem Yitbarakh, so he is able to form the letters of the Torah for goodness. Then the letters of the Torah themselves ask of him that he speak them with his mouth, so that he forms them for goodness. This makes it that his eating and dining is in the category of the '''Lechem haPanim (the Showbread)'''. Then his table atones like the altar, and then all the stars and constellations and all the nations which are under their influence all toil for his livelihood (Ibid. 5,6,9).

35. The main test of a person is the sexual urge, which is the sum total of the lusts of all the seventy nations. When a person is in this trial, constituting a kind of &quot;exile&quot; - each person in whatever way he's facing it, then he needs to cry out a great deal of shouts to Hashem Yitbarakh just like a birthing woman who cries out due to the bitter pain of the birthpangs, &quot;cry after cry amounting to at least seventy&quot; (Zohar III:249b). This is how he needs to call out out so many cries to Hashem Yitbarakh, so much that Hashem Yitbarakh has pity on him and he merits to overcome and break this craving. Then he'll merit to give birth to '''Mochin (&quot;brains,&quot; a level of consciousness)''', and then the secrets of the Torah will be opened to him; ''d'tamirin m'galyan leih'' (what was hidden will be revealed to him). And every person, the more he withstands this test and breaks this craving, the more revelation in Torah and devotions he merits - even getting to (see) the &quot;the seventy faces of the Torah&quot; (36:1-2).

36. The remedy for sexual fantasies is to say (the twelve words) '''Shema' Yisrael H' Elokeinu H' Echad''', and '''Barukh Shem Kevod Malkhuto Leolam Wa'ed.''' Then his Neshama-spirit will be joined with the twelve (Ps. 122:4) &quot;Tribes of Y-h,&quot; and he separates his Neshama from that of the '''Erev Rav''' (the mixed multitude, Ex. 12:38) who are the children of &quot;the harlot woman&quot; (Prov. 6:26) who is the ''shifcha bisha'' (the wicked maidservant, T. Zohar 15a); for that's the source of this urge which is the fusion of all the evil character traits (Ibid. 3).

37. When a person merely has a stray thought or fantasy it will be effective enough for him to say these two verses we mentioned. But if he's someone who God forbid has thoughts of this all-encompassing evil lust all the time and he finds himself unable to rid himself of it - then when he's &quot;accepting the yoke of heaven&quot; (that is, when saying the Shema') he needs to also bring himself to shed tears. Meaning to motivate himself to literally weep and shed tears as he's saying  &quot;Shema ...&quot; and &quot;Blessed is the Name of His glorious Kingdom for ever and ever&quot; (Ibid. 4).

38. When someone is me'Takken Ot Berit Kodesh (achieving high purity), then his Mochin (state of awareness) is complete, so he's able to understand what the Tzaddik says. The better a person's Tikkun, the better his religious perception. For this is a fundamental principle, that it is impossible for any person to perceive and retain what the Tzaddik says unless he is properly me'Takken Ot Berit Kodesh beforehand. But Pegam haBrit (damage to purity) damages his Daat and Moach to the extent that he's entirely unable to grasp and comprehend the Tzaddik's utterances; he could even stumble by them if he follows after the crookedness within his heart and the foolish and nonsense doubts and questions that arise in his mind. (Ibid 5).

39. Sexual temptation can literally make a person go out of his mind. This is why the medical authorities have written that castration is a cure for madness (Ibid. 6).

40. Once one breaks his sexual desire, he can easily break all his desires. This is why (the tikkun for sexual impurity) is called '''Tikkun haKlali''' the comprehensive tikkun. The further a person is from sexual desire, the closer he comes to the radiance of Torah. The opposite is also true; God save us. This explains why, before a person can receive a new revelation of Torah, he is first tested in the crucible of this passion. If he stands up to the test, breaking &quot;the husk that precedes the fruit,&quot; he attains the fruit namely revelation of the Torah and the aforementioned things (Ibid. 1,2).

41.	When your marital relations are in holiness and you break your craving soul (''nefesh ha'mit'awweh'') — i.e. the beastly soul (''nefesh ha'bahamiyyut'') — so that (Nedarim 20b) &quot;it seems like you're being forced by a demon (to act vigorously and quickly)&quot; — thereby you will have viable children. Because the reason children die, God forbid, has to do with the ''nefesh ha'bahamiyyut'' (39).&lt;br&gt;

42.	Also your marital relations should be mainly on Shabbat evening, so you shall have living and viable children (Ibid.).

43.	Be careful not to listen to the words of someone who is wicked and also intelligent, because hearing his words incites wanton desire. For his speech is speech laden with poison, entering in the body of the listener (43).

44.	One who abuses the Berit has the aspect of bitter waters — polluted waters, impure seed. Then he's unable to pray, as in (Ps. 35:10), &quot;All my bones declare...&quot; (and &quot;Good tidings plump the bones,&quot; Prov. 15:30) meaning he can't taste sweetness in the words he prays. Then a dog comes down and eats his offering, his prayer (T. Zohar #3). This is the aspect of bitterness, corresponding to (Prov. 5:4) &quot;a two-edged sword,&quot; the aspect of Gehennom (which &quot;has two daughters that shout, 'Give! Give!'” (ibid. 30:15)).

But when one guards the Covenant in purity his prayers are in the category of sweet waters — the &quot;waters of purity&quot;, the &quot;seed of holiness;&quot; then his words are sweet and beneficial, and when they go out of his lips and are heard by his ears they insert their sweetness into his bones, and then his prayer is in the category of, &quot;All my bones declare ...&quot; Then a lion comes down and consumes his offering (50).

45.	Now know this - the Azei Panim (brazen-faced; unabashed tyrants or opposers) of the generation are the dogs, and they rise up and make opposition to an Ish ha-Yisraeli who has not yet repaired his Berit perfectly (Ibid.).

46.	Whoever has been Pogem his Berit should be be wary of dogs and the sword (that is, weapons and battle) (Ibid.).

47. By subduing the '''Klipa''' (husk, impure spiritual forces) of Amalek, which is Pegam haBrit, attaining Tikkun haBrit, (Moshe) merited the double bounty which corresponds to '''Lechem Mishneh''' for Shabbat (the double bread given for Shabbat, Ex. 16:5), namely ''Mishneh Torah'' (Prov. 8:30 - ''yom yom'' is double). Through this, (a person doing the same) attains new Torah insights on Sabbath, &quot;two for one,&quot; and Shabbat bestows on the rest of the worlds, dispatching its illuminations to all the levels, healing with spiritual healing and bodily healing, rousing the world to repentance out of love. And then all the devout people of the generation are healed and they become admired in the eyes of people. Through this, each one receives new Torah insights that the Tzaddik bestows on ''yom Shabbath'' (58: 4,5,7-9).

48. '''Hevel ha-yofi''' (the vanity of beauty, Prov. 31:30) leads men, when they don't guard against the beauty of women, to perform '''chen shel sheker'' (deceitful charms; false graces; putting on airs). For there are various forms of deceitful charm that a person does while standing, eating, talking with people and so forth. Whatever thing he does has another special &quot;charm&quot; for it. And all these kinds of chen shel sheker come by not being cautious of female beauty (60:3).

49.	''Hevel ha-yofi'' brings men to poverty (Ibid.).

50. Wantonness can cause breaks in breathing, which is the Neshama, which is the root of a person's vitality. This allows the bodily fluids to dry, which results in damage to the brain and the mind, because mental life depends on the fluids and fats in the body. This is why all forms of madness are caused fundamentally by sexual desire, as is known. Even other people that are not actually insane but who are very mentally feeble or confused, it's all because of wantonness, as it dries out the fluids and fats in the body, spoiling the intellect as mentioned (Ibid.).

51. '''Yir'ah''' (awe), namely the fear of heaven, fear of your rav, and fear of father and mother, saves you from the beauty of women and deceitful charms, and allows you to attain wealth (see Fear) (Ibid. 3,4).

52. Whoever marries a woman for money is a fool and an idiot (Kiddushin 72). He damages and ruins his mind and intellect. His children will turn out to be immoral (69).

53. Anonymous giving is a Tikkun for nocturnal emission, God forbid (83).

54. Pegam haBrit stems from sadness and melancholy. Conversely joy leads to Shmirat haBrit (see Simchah)(169).

55. Sexual desire is one of the three lusts that destroy and undermine fear (of God) in the heart. But by properly observing Chag Shavuot, we draw '''Daat''' (knowledge and awareness) into the heart to repair this lust. Thereby we attain fear, prophetic inspiration, and prayer [and medicine becomes unnecessary for we are healed as well by bread and water, and we are healed of illnesses when they're unknown and before they progress] etc. (see Festival, and Reverence) (Likutei Moharan II, 1:4,5,8-11).

56. A person's sexual desire is according to the milk he nursed as an infant. So great care should be taken that the baby nurse from a pious woman. For if the baby nurses from an immodest woman then the sex drive will be stronger than needed in him, God forbid. Conversely when he's nursed from a pious woman he won't have such passion in him except the little that's needed for the mitzvot of the Torah (Ibid. 4).

57. Today publicity and fame go to unworthy leaders and ''mefursamei shel sheker'' (who act like the Tzaddik and conduct themselves with prestige). The arrogance of the false leaders causes sexual immorality to become rife, leading to waste of seed, God forbid, as in (Lev. 15:3) &quot;''heChTiM besaro''/ his flesh is stopped up (from his emission, it is his impurity)&quot; - this is the ''ChoTaM'', the seal and stamp, of the Sitra Achra. The only way to escape this is by the power of the Guardians of the era, who are the Tzaddikim and his pious followers who are called '''Maginnei Eretz''', Guardians of the Land. They wage a fierce battle in this matter, but they transform ''heChTiM besaro'' to the ''ChoTaM diKedushah'', the Seal of Holiness, which is the aspect of Tefillin, which are the '''hitnotzetzut haMochin''' (the dawning and shining of the &quot;brains&quot; and state of awareness of H&quot;Y). For the main repair of the Moach goes according to breaking this lust, meaning when fantasies attack people very strongly and could result in an impure emission, God forbid, which is the aspect of ''heChTiM besaro'', but they strengthen themselves well and drive away those fantasies and draw on themselves holy thoughts - by this they transform ''heChTiM besaro&quot; to the aspect of Tefillin which are the ChoTaM diKedushah, which is the hitnotzetzut haMochin.

So from these Maginnei Eretz every person needs to receive power to defeat the fantasies and reverse them to Mochin diKedushah as mentioned. And this, everyone needs to know, that the more the fantasies attack him, when he defeats them and flees from them and breaks them, by this he does an enormous Tikkun and raises the Kedushah from the Klipa, and draws the aspect of the Tefillin's sanctity, which are the hitnotzetzut Mochin, to know and to make known His Blessed Power in the world. And the more and the greater it attacks him, the more the tikkun of the Tefillin is accomplished, when he matches the powers of their campaign to break them. And it's only for this reason that those bad and foreign fantasies and ideas are sent upon him - in order that they be turned opposite and that from them specifically be made the Tikkun of the Tefillin as mentioned (Ibid. 6,7).

58. By breaking sexual fantasies we attain Tikkun haMochin as mentioned. This results in &quot;a dream brought by an angel,&quot; and then is he called ADaM (Man, for he's on the level of &quot;in our likeness [DeMuteinu]&quot; - Gen 1:26). Conversely when the Mochin are not pure then the dream is brought by a demon, God forbid, and then he's &quot;like a beast&quot; (''ka'b'hemot niDMu'', Ps. 49:13) (Ibid. 9).

59. The food a person eats also influences his dreams. So sometimes the dream is damaged toward &quot;a dream brought by a demon,&quot; God forbid, due to the food he ate, and it could cause him an impure emission, God forbid. The remedy for this is to be happy; to strengthen oneself in being always happy (Ibid. 10).

60. There are times when, God forbid, an impure emission results from unfit rabbis and judges perverting the '''mishpat''' (justice). The remedy for this is ''Kishur haMerkabah'', &quot;Assembling the Chariot&quot; - a reference to what the early Sages instituted, to say before going to sleep, &quot;(In the name of H' God of Yisrael:) To my right, Mikhael&quot; etc.; this is Kishur haMerkabah. This is a Segulah for being saved from that defilement that is caused by perversion of the mishpat by the unfit judges (Ibid. 11, 12).

61. A person's Moach (mind) and Daat (knowledge, awareness) are the shield against sexual desire. For there are three Mochin in a person, and each one is a barrier deployed against this impulse. Where
this impulse derives its strength from is &quot;the spirit of folly.&quot; Therefore, every person needs to know and remember this, that every time these fantasies want to overpower him, God forbid, he should run away immediately from this spirit of folly unto divine knowledge and spread out the partitions of the mind against this lust just like a physical divider [because the true divine knowledge shields against this lust just like a physical divider]. Understand this. For it is not something than cannot really be explained; each individual just needs to see for himself how to escape from and divert his mind from this &quot;spirit of folly&quot; and pull himself to (his) spiritual powers (ha-Daat) which are the partitions against them (8:2).

62. Anger and cruelty damage the Daat, leading to immoral desire, God forbid. Then prayer falls into the aspect of Din, severe judgment, and the Sitra Achra, forces of evil, nourish from it. Then we need a super powerful person to pray prayer in the category of Din and thereby everything is repaired (There^)

=Mem=
==Mikveh==
1. Mikveh immersion saves you from all afflictions, God forbid, and purifies you from all impurities and from all sins. For the mikveh draws down unto you the very highest consciousness and kindness (daat w'chesed 'elyon m'od).  (Likutei Moharan 56)

2. Immersing in a mikveh makes your livelihood come easy, causes dispute and anger to be annulled, and lets you attain abundant peace, goodness and consciousness, and to attain healing, life, and length of days, and to inspire people towards Hashem Yitbarakh (Ibid.). 

3. Mikveh is not harmful at all. A doctor that says that a mikveh is harmful is not a doctor at all, for when the water is not too cold, then, on the contrary, immersing in a mikveh is very good for bodily health, for it opens the sweat pores, as the expert doctors know (Ibid. 123, and see Travel #8 [below] regarding mikveh).


==Mo`adei Hashem - Elul==

'''1. The ''kavanot''/themes/meditations''' of ''Elul'' are a remedy for blemish of the Covenant. And through this one shall find his mate, and she will not be against him; she will only lean toward his will. And for the main ''kavanah'' of ''Elul, ''see ''Likutei Moharan ''6.

'''2. The month '''of ''Elul ''is the time fit for attaining knowledge, i.e. that one should attain to know and understand what one did now know before; and through this one makes new garments for his soul, and is saved from all the afflictions (see Da`at/''Knowledge'').

'''3. ''Elul'' '''is capable of circumcising the foreskin of his heart, until he pays attention and thoroughly feels the pain of his sins in truth, until also all the hearts of all the drops that were drawn from him to any place that they were drawn, etc., should also feel, and a great noise should be made amongst them and they shall return in ''teshuvah'', all of them (see ''Teshuvah/''Return).

'''4. The main [time] '''of repentance is the month of ''Elul'', for they are days of favor, since Moshe went up to receive the latter tablets and opened a paved road to go on. And the main way to repentance that Moshe made is to know that the Lord, blessed-be-He, is everywhere, and to find the Lord, blessed-be-He, everywhere, in all the declines in the world and in all the advances in the world, for sometimes through a man’s going up, for instance if he becomes wealthy, then he forgets the Lord, blessed-be-He. Also even in the service of the Lord we have found that there is one that went up to a great level, then denied at the root, may the Merciful One save us. Therefore one must ask of the Lord, blessed-be-He, that He should draw him close in an approach that will not harm him. And likewise in all the declines in the world, God forbid, even in the lowest level, also there one must tie himself to the Lord, blessed-be-He, for his Kingship rules over everything (see 27 in ''Hitchazkut''/Strengthening'' ''and elsewhere).
...

==Mo`adei Hashem - Chanukkah==
1. Through the mitzvah of Ner Chanukkah he recognizes Kavod Hashem Yithbarakh (H&quot;Y glory or presence), and His Kavod is elevated and aggrandized in the world, and those who were distant are awaked to return to Hashem Yithbarakh, and they attain Awe and Shalom Bayith and prayer, and strife and slander are nullified, and universal peace is drawn to all the worlds. (LM #14)

 א. עַל־יְדֵי מִצְוַת נֵר חֲנֻכָּה מַכִּיר כְּבוֹד הַשֵּׁם יִתְבָּרַךְ וְנִתְעַלֶּה וְנִתְגַּדֵּל כְּבוֹדוֹ בָּעוֹלָם, וּמְעוֹרְרִין הָרְחוֹקִים לָשׁוּב לַשֵּׁם יִתְבָּרַךְ וְזוֹכִין לְיִרְאָה וְלִשְׁלוֹם בַּיִת וְלִתְפִלָּה, וְנִתְבַּטֵּל הַמַּחֲלוֹקוֹת וְלָשׁוֹן הָרָע, וְנִמְשָׁךְ שָׁלוֹם הַכְּלָלִי בְּכָל הָעוֹלָמוֹת (יד)

2. Through the mitzvah of lighting Ner Chanukkah one draws on himself the Holy Consciousness which is the aspect of ''shemen ha'tov''/ the oil of the Good [Ps. 133:2], which is the aspect of remembrance, namely to constantly remember ''`alma d'atei''/ the Coming World, in general and in particular. [See Memory #4] (LM #54)

 ב. עַל־יְדֵי מִצְוַת הַדְלָקַת נֵר חֲנֻכָּה מַמְשִׁיכִין עַל עַצְמוֹ הַדַּעַת הַקָּדוֹשׁ שֶׁהִיא בְּחִינַת שֶׁמֶן הַטּוֹב, שֶׁהִיא בְּחִינַת זִכָּרוֹן, דְּהַיְנוּ לִזְכֹּר תָּמִיד בְּעָלְמָא דְּאָתֵי בִּכְלָל וּבִפְרָט [עַיֵּן זִכָּרוֹן אוֹת ד] (נד)

3.

ג. יְמֵי חֲנֻכָּה הֵם יְמֵי הוֹדָאָה וְהַלֵּל, שֶׁזֶּה עִקַּר שַׁעֲשׁוּעַ עוֹלָם הַבָּא, וְעַל־יְדֵי זֶה זוֹכִין שֶׁיָּאִיר הָאֱמֶת, דְּהַיְנוּ לְהִתְפַּלֵּל בֶּאֱמֶת וְלִלְמֹד תּוֹרָה בֶּאֱמֶת מִפִּי רַב אֲמִתִּי, וְלַעֲשׂוֹת שִׁדּוּכִים אֲמִתִּיִּים שֶׁכָּל זֶה הֵם שְׁלשָׁה קַוֵּי הָאֱמֶת, וְהֵם מְאִירִין לְכָל חֶלְקֵי הַדִּבּוּר וּמַשְׁלִימִין הַדִּבּוּר. וְעַל־יְדֵי זֶה זוֹכִין לְהַמְשִׁיךְ הַקְּדֻשָּׁה וְהַשִּׂמְחָה שֶׁל שַׁבָּת לְשֵׁשֶׁת יְמֵי הַחֹל, שֶׁעַל־יְדֵי זֶה נִתְגַּלֶּה אַחְדוּת הַפָּשׁוּט יִתְבָּרַךְ. וְכָל אֵלּוּ הַתִּקּוּנִים נִמְשָׁכִין עַל־יְדֵי הַדְלָקַת נֵר חֲנֻכָּה וְעַל־יְדֵי הַלֵּל וְהוֹדָאָה שֶׁל חֲנֻכָּה. אַשְׁרֵי הַזּוֹכֶה לְחֲנֻכָּה כָּזֶה, לְהַמְשִׁיךְ בּוֹ כָּל תִּקּוּנִים הַנּוֹרָאִים הָאֵלּוּ (ח&quot;ב. ב)

ד. כְּפִי מַה שֶּׁזּוֹכֶה כָּל אֶחָד לִפְעֹל בְּיוֹם כִּפּוּר בַּקָּשַׁת &quot;סְלַח נָא&quot; וְכוּ' כְּמוֹ כֵן הוּא זוֹכֶה לִקְדֻשַּׁת חֲנֻכָּה, כִּי קְדֻשַּׁת חֲנֻכָּה נִמְשָׁךְ עַל־יְדֵי הַסְּלִיחָה שֶׁל יוֹם הַכִּפּוּרִים, כִּי חֲנֻכָּה הוּא בְּחִינַת חֲנֻכַּת הַבֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, שֶׁעַל־יְדֵי מִצְוַת חֲנֻכָּה אָנוּ מַמְשִׁיכִין עַל עַצְמֵנוּ קְדֻשַּׁת הַבֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, שֶׁזֶּה זוֹכִין עַל־יְדֵי הַסְּלִיחָה עַל הָעֲווֹנוֹת שֶׁפּוֹעֲלִין בְּיוֹם הַכִּפּוּרִים, כַּמְבֹאָר בִּפְנִים. וְעִקַּר קְדֻשַּׁת הַבֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ שֶׁמַּמְשִׁיכִין בַּחֲנֻכָּה הוּא לִזְכּוֹת לַדַּעַת הַקָּדוֹשׁ לֵידַע וּלְהוֹדִיעַ, כִּי ה' הוּא הָאֱלֹֹקִים וְלִזְכּוֹת לָצֵאת עַל־יְדֵי זֶה מֵעֲווֹנוֹת, שֶׁזֶּהוּ עִקַּר הָרַחֲמָנוּת עַל יִשְׂרָאֵל [וְעַיֵּן תּוֹכָחָה וְצַדִּיק], וּלְהַמְשִׁיךְ הֶאָרַת הַדַּעַת הַקָּדוֹשׁ לְבָנִים וְתַלְמִידִים לְדוֹרוֹת לָנֶצַח, וְלִזְכּוֹת עַל־יְדֵי זֶה לְהַשָּׂגַת הַמַּקִּיפִין הַקְּדוֹשִׁים שֶׁהֵם עִקַּר שַׁעֲשׁוּעַ עוֹלָם הַבָּא, שֶׁהֵם נִמְשָׁכִין עַל־יְדֵי הַדְלָקַת הַשֶּׁמֶן הַקָּדוֹשׁ שֶׁל נֵר חֲנֻכָּה, וְלִזְכּוֹת עַל־יְדֵי זֶה לְפַרְנָסָה קְדוֹשָׁה הַנִּמְשֶׁכֶת מֵרָצוֹן הָעֶלְיוֹן, שֶׁיְּכוֹלִין לִזְכּוֹת עַל יָדָהּ בִּשְׁעַת הָאֲכִילָה לְהֶאָרַת הָרָצוֹן הַמֻּפְלָג, שֶׁיִּכְסֹף וְיִשְׁתּוֹקֵק לַשֵּׁם יִתְבָּרַךְ בְּרָצוֹן מֻפְלָג בְּלִי שִׁעוּר. וּמֵאֵלָיו יָבִין הָאָדָם שֶׁחֲנֻכָּה כָּזֶה אִי אֶפְשָׁר לִזְכּוֹת כִּי אִם עַל־יְדֵי הִתְקָרְבוּת לְרַב וּמַנְהִיג שֶׁהוּא רַחֲמָן אֲמִתִּי [עַיֵּן צַדִּיק אוֹת צ&quot;ו] אַשְׁרֵי הַזּוֹכֶה לִמְצֹא אוֹתוֹ (ז. יא) 

=Shin=
==Simchah/Happiness==
1. Seeing the Tzaddik's face makes you happy and quick (Likutei Moharan 4).

2. You need to do the miswoth in such joy that you don't want any reward of the Coming World for it, just that the Holy One, blessed be He, should bring you another miswah in reward for that miswah - because you benefited from the mitzvah itself. By this, one can know what is decreed upon the world, and whether it is now before the passing of the decree or after, and upon just whom is passed the judgement, God forbid; and he'll know how to pray for the world. For after a decree the Tzaddikim must clothe their prayers in stories. All this they attain by doing wiswoth in extreme joy from the miswah itself (5).

3. The way to attain this joy is by praying hard, with great fear and in love etc., as it says in the prayer [to love and fear Your name etc.] (Ibid.).

4. Dancing and clapping your hands can sweeten severe decrees (10).

...

29. You must bolster yourself to be happy by any means, and to try and search out in yourself any good points in order to get happy, as explained regarding the verse &quot;Azammera l'Elohai B'odi&quot; (I will sing to my God while I yet live; have my being) [I will sever my judgements by finding bits of points good in me] (Ps. 104:33 — and see Hitchazqut/Strengthening #26). In any case you should be happy in this — being privileged to be of the seed of Yisrael, &quot;that He did not make him an idolater.&quot; This happiness is definitely a wondrous, infinite happiness without a doubt, since it's something Hashem Yitbarakh did, Himself (and see elsewhere regarding this). So say it often, with your mouth and in your heart with great joy, &quot;Blessed is our God, Who has created us for His glory, and separated us from those who err&quot; etc. This should make you happy all your days, no matter what you go through. And at times you need to cheer yourself up by means of nonsense activities and words of jest. Because people experience so many troubles - ailments of the body or money - therefore they are usually unable to cheer themselves up except by means of nonsense things, acting a bit like a drunkard (clowning around) in order to get happy, as the whole life of the body and the soul depends on this. This also makes a superb unification up above, by this Bedicha Daateh (joking; to jostle and clear the mind) — that is, happiness.

30. It is a big mitzvah to always be happy! You need to bolster yourself with all your strength to drive away the sadness and the melancholy, to be only happy always. This is healing for all kinds of sicknesses, because all kinds of ailments are due to sadness and &quot;black bile,&quot; so you have to make yourself happy by any kinds of strategies. Usually this requires nonsense activities, items, or words, as mentioned above.

...
=Tau=
==TALMUD TORAH - Learning Torah==
1. Learning [the Tzaddik's] Torah (&quot;ha-Torah&quot; – the hidden Torah, &quot;Torat Hashem&quot;), gets all our prayers and requests to be received, causing the Chen (favor, grace, charm) and the Chashivut (standing, importance) of Yisrael to rise to the top, in the eyes of all the entities and creatures, wherever it's needed – both the physical and spiritual entities (1:1). 

2. By studying this Torah vigorously, you give strength to the '''Malkhut d'Kedusha''' (&quot;the Holy Kingship;&quot; the powers of good) to be dominant (over the ''Malkhut d'Sitra Achra'', the forces of &quot;the Other Side;&quot; evil), and you strengthen the '''Yetzer haTov''' (the good inclination within a person) over the '''Yetzer haRa''' (the evil inclination) (Ibid.).

3. Being engaged in this Torah will bring you to understand the hints from all the different things in the world – to attach and to get close to Hashem Yitbarakh through them. So that even in the darkest and dimmest of places where it might seem impossible to be close to Hashem Yitbarakh – there too haSekhel haEmet (the Intellect of the Truth) will light your way, to find H&quot;Y even there - and even get close to H&quot;Y from that place specifically (Ibid.). 

4. &quot;A person doesn't commit a transgression unless a spirit of insanity gets in him&quot; (Sotah 3a). Therefore the sins and the damage a person has done, is actually just how insane he is. This is why all kinds of crazy and nonsense can be found in most people. The remedy is to study Torah intensively, because the Torah is entirely the names of the Holy One, Blessed Is He - so it has the power to crush the Yetzer haRa and banish the madness and the spirit of insanity that have clung to a person because of his sins (Ibid.). 

5. Being engaged in this Torah also saves you from the sneaky tricks of the Yetzer haRa. Usually instead of trying to persuade a person to do a blatant sin right away, it disguises itself as mitzvot and so forth. But being engaged in the Torah allows you to develop True Intellect and to escape from all that (Ibid.). 

6. Torah and prayer give strength to one another and illumine each other (2:6). 

7. By studying Gemara at night, a &quot;string of lovingkindness&quot; [חוט של חסד - see LM II:8 and the relation to the Future Song of 72] is drawn to you, and you can free yourself from thoughts and motives that are not for the Torah's own sake. This leads you to the proper state and channeling of the sound of music – so that you can't be harmed by hearing the sound of the Sitra Achra's music, which could do severe damage your service of Hashem Yitbarakh. And you'll be able to raise up the Neginah diKedusha (holy music), so that people can cleave to H&quot;Y by songs and music. This sets up and raises high the Malkhut di'Kedusha (&quot;the holy Kingship;&quot; the forces of holiness), and can make such a person worthy of a position of authority and having command over whatever he wants. He can even attain a kind of prophecy (3).

8. By learning the Poskim (decided halakhic codes) you separate and clarify the good from the evil and banish and nullify the evil from within the four elements that constitute all the human character traits - which is man's essential '''Tikkun''' (repair; thing to fix; the proper state). This leads to the thing that he's praying for to achieve completion and to emerge from potential to actual so that his request is fulfilled; and he's able to cast down to the earth those who argue against him and oppose him (8:6,7). 
    
9. The way to clarify what's the '''Psak Halakha''' (the decided law) is by prayer (Ibid.).
 
10. By saying out loud your Torah learning - this speech illumines and shows you where Teshuva is needed, so you can get to make actual teshuvah that's substantive and proportional (to the damage, ''teshuvat ha-mishkal''). And in an ongoing process by each and every teshuvah, you advance from one level to the next; so you can even get out from the lowest levels and reach the deepest understandings of the Torah (11:1). 

11. But attaining this kind of illuminating speech is impossible unless you break your arrogance and pride, so that your learning isn't for the sake of prestige – to make a show of it or to quarrel, God forbid, or to attain rabbinic office and authority. Prerequisite for this is Shmirat haBrit (Ibid. 2,3).

12. When people study Torah with improper intentions - the main (problem) being if they learn the Oral Torah: the Gemara and the legal codes with not the right intentions - a mouth is made for them (forces and people) to say untrue things about the True Tzaddikim. This is why there is opposition to the True Tzaddikim from &quot;Torah scholars,&quot; as explained there in LM #12 (12:1). 

13. Before learning, you need to know that when you sit down to learn, the Tzaddik who is in Gan Eden will be listening to your voice. So you need to bind yourself to the '''Tanna''' (Mishnaic teacher) or Tzaddik who originated and revealed this Torah teaching that you're learning. This constitutes a &quot;kissing&quot; – a type of bond between the two spirits, a cause for great joy to the Tanna. This will bring you to Teshuvah and renewing your days that have passed in darkness. All this happens when you learn Torah for its own sake, in order to perform the mitzvah of learning Torah — which is equal to all the other commandments put together — bringing you to fulfill the Torah. But when someone just learns not for the sake of Torah – to called a &quot;Torah scholar&quot; or so forth, then (ref) &quot;a carcass is better than him.&quot; He definitely can't connect with the spirit of the Tanna and therefore can't see the truth, and he turns into an enemy and critic of the True Tzaddikim, as mentioned above. The exile of the Shechinah is just this – this that the Oral Torah is in exile in the mouth of such Torah scholars (Ibid.). 

14. When the kosher Torah scholar learns the words of a Tanna, he thereby restores the soul of the Tanna to his (the Tanna's) body (Ibid.). 

15. It is a good practice to study legal rulings in conjunction with the Be'er HaGolah (the commentary which gives the Talmudic source of each ruling), in order to mention the name of the Tanna or legal authority who originated the ruling in question, in order to attach your spirit with his spirit and achieve all the aforementioned (Ibid.). 

16. Engaging in Torah in holiness and purity arouses the sinners of Yisrael and converts to return to God. But it is only possible to achieve this when one is absolutely humble and lowly (14:3-5). 

17. Whenever a person learns Torah – and this applies especially to a Talmid Chakham – he must aim to send light to the root of the Neshamot. Then he'll be able to cause the wicked and the proselytes to turn back and make Teshuvah - even those who are far from Him; and he'll we worth of having a son who is also a Talmid Chakham. But when a person doesn't learn in this manner, his son will not be a Talmid Chakham (Ibid. 3,4). 

18. By '''Hitbodedut''', meaning, having a private experience (a time and conversation with God), judging and evaluating yourself regarding everything you do, you attain fear of God, which is the means to understand the Revealed Torah and attain true humility. Thereby you'll attain prayer in self-sacrifice - nullifying your very being and material existence during prayer - and this allows you to perceive Hidden Torah, which is the Hidden Light that will be revealed in the future. Fortunate is he that attains this (15)!

19. The secrets of the Torah can only be attained by someone who (Eruvin 22a), &quot;blackens his face like a raven,&quot; becoming like a raven to its young, to the extent of nullifying all his physical existence as if he's not even in the world (Ibid.).

20. The secret aspects of Torah are called '''Koshesh''', Holy. &quot;And no common man shall eat the holy&quot; (Lev. 22:13) - so only His '''Kedoshim''' - (truly) Saintly ones - and those whom (He/he) has called shall eat of it (Ibid.).

21. When Torah is drawn into the world, Hashem Yitbarakh's '''hashgachah''' (supervision, care, providence, tending) is drawn over us. And the closer a person is to the Torah, the more complete is Hashem Yitbarakh's hashgachah over him (13:4).

22. There are times when bittul Torah (neglecting Torah) is its fulfillment. Because someone who wants to be constantly engaged in Torah and in serving Hashem cannot be glued to Hashem Yitbarakh and His Torah continuously without a break. He's just forced to take some recess, for sometimes he has to go out and engage in worldly matters, so that the disturbances and distractions of the Sitra Achra can't rise up and destroy his mind completely, God forbid, so he has to desist sometimes. But when Mashiach comes then no one will need to interrupt from his devotions (16).

23. One who wants to receive new Torah insights must first draw to himself words hot as flaming coals. He must first pour out his words talking to Hashem Yitbarakh, warming up Hashem Yitbarakh's love toward him. Then the Lev Elyon (Supernal &quot;Heart&quot;) opens and hot speech flows out - and this speech draws forth Torah insights from that place as well (20:2). 

24. When he prays before giving a Torah lecture he needs to pray in Tachanunim (beseeching) - begging of Hakadosh Barukh Hu free grace and not because of his own right or merit. Just he should stand before Hashem Yitbarakh like a poor who has nothing, and speak Tachanunim. He also needs to bind himself with the Neshamot of his audience - and then his prayer is Tefillat Rabbim (prayer of the community) which is never spurned (Berakhot 8a) so it will surely be accepted. Then everybody who is present there will have a share in the Torah he reveals (see Tzaddik #32) (Ibid.). 

25. Through the merit of this Torah that is revealed you can be privileged to enter the Land of Yisrael (Ibid. 6).

26. When a person learns Torah - and discerns no new aspect in it - this is because the '''Mochin (&quot;brains,&quot; state of consciousness)''' are hidden from him, in the aspect of pregnancy. Then it is beautiful (i.e. appropriate) for the person to cry out, both in prayer and in Torah, and thereby he will bring the Mochin to fruition (21:7,8). 

27. Whenever someone learns Torah without gaining any new original insights - even though HK&quot;BH still delights in it, nevertheless he should not teach it publicly. But whoever Hashem has gifted with the understanding of some sort of original idea, according to his capacity - it's only proper that he reveal and introduce this understanding (that was previously '''Segulah, supernatural''', and '''Makif, hovering''', for him) to the Am Segulah (Yisrael, who were given the Torah by the Supernatural) and share his own goodness (TUBO) with the others (Ibid. 8,9).

28. Through Torah and prayer one attains joy. And from joy one attains '''Azut di'Kedushah (holy boldness)''', and from Azut di'Kedushah he merits following True Tzaddikim, and through them he attains perfect faith. And from faith he has the aspect of &quot;hands&quot; to receive '''Mussar (rebuke, also tradition or ethical teachings)''' from True Rebukers. Through this we are saved from expulsion and controversy, and peace in the world is increased, and peace is made between Yisrael and their Heavenly Father. Then he repairs the seal of holiness, in the aspect of a &quot;seal within a seal&quot; (22:9). 

29. You need to keep far away from listening to Torah lessons from '''Talmidei Chakhamim (scholars who are learned in both halakhah and hidden Torah)''' that are unscrupulous, for they are the aspect of &quot;Jewish demons&quot; (v. Zohar III:253) who receive their Torah from the demons who are in possession of fallen Torah. This is why they seem to always give amazing lectures that are well received by the masses, and all their speech is by way of allegory, rhetoric and explanations that amaze. But there is nothing to be gained from them, because the torahs of these &quot;Talmidei Chakhamim&quot; have no power to direct men on the path of good. Just the opposite - their torahs lead people into severe disbelief and heresy, and they end up vilifying and shaming the '''Yir'ei Hashem (God Fearing)''', and all the opposition (to the Yir'ei Hashem) originates from them (28:1).

30. The remedy for this is to extend hospitality to True Talmidei Chakhamim within your house. This will bring you to faith, '''Chesed''' (Divine benevolence; human kindness and charity), and nullifying yourself before Hashem Yitbarakh, as in (Ps. 22:7), &quot;But I am a worm and not a man.&quot; Through this, you defeat the opposers, and break the disbelief and heresy they cause - and you'll be able to elevate and refine the good that is in their Torah (Ibid. 3-5).

31. You can only attain true Torah through '''Azut di'Kedushah''' (holy boldness) - being &quot;bold as a leopard&quot; (Avot 5:24) in serving Hashem, paying no attention whatsoever to those who hinder you and try to ridicule you and so forth. According to a person's Azut is the Torah he will attain. For whoever has Azut diKedushah will gain true new Torah insights from the side of Kedushah. Conversely whoever has Azut of the Sitra Achra, who is brazen-faced in mirror opposition to the kosher and devout people of the generation etc. &lt;rtl&gt;(עז פנים כנגד כשרי הדור וכו')&lt;/rtl&gt; doesn’t attain  true Torah insights - only from the Sitra Achra attaining Torah. And according to the Torah a person receives in accord with his Azut as mentioned, the prayer he attains is such (30:8).
 
32. '''Shleimut haAdam''' (reaching the complete state of Man) - is to be both a Tzaddik and a Torah scholar. For if he's not learned our Sages obm said (Avot 2:6) &quot;''W'lo am-ha'aretz chasid''/ An ignoramus can't be pious&quot; ('''chasid''' also means a follower of the Tzaddik). On the other hand, to be learned by itself is for sure nothing, because one can be learned and completely wicked, God forbid, and (Yoma 72b on Deut. 44:4) &quot;when a person is unworthy the Torah becomes the '''Sam''' (drug) of death for him.&quot; Therefore, a person needs to be both learned in Torah and pious in good deeds - and then, he is (Chagigah 15b) like (Mal. 2:7) ''mal'akh H' Tzevaot''/ the angel, of the Lord of Hosts&quot; and he forms the letters (''Ot'') of Torah for goodness, and brings life and all goodness to the world. 

But whoever errs and thinks the main thing is to just be learned, he is like Acher (R' Elisha ben Abuya, the notorious scholar-turned-disbeliever of the Talmud) who (Chagiga 14b) &quot;uprooted the saplings&quot; (31).

33. Now, even when a perfect Tzaddik - being both a Tzaddik and '''Lamdan''' (Torah scholar) - when he occasionally falls from his level, as it's a known thing that it's impossible to constantly remain on the same level: Then when he's falling from his level, if he wants to hold on to the level of Lamdan that he still has - it's not good. He just needs to bolster himself in the the fear of Heaven and with the good points that are still in him (Ibid.).
 
34. By the Torah and the Tzaddikim you attain Shalom (peace, wholeness) - that there's Shalom among Yisrael, and Shalom for each person in his traits. Meaning, he's not divided in his traits [t.n. cf. schizophrenia lit. &quot;split mind&quot;] or by his experiences - they make no difference to him. Whether in good (times) or in bad, he always finds Hashem Yitbarakh there (33:2).

 
35. '''Chokhmot chitzoniyyot''' (&quot;external wisdoms&quot;; secular arts and sciences) are stupid and dark in relation to ''Chokhmot ha-Torah''. By fasting and  charity to Eretz Yisrael you can attain ''Chokhmot ha-Torah'', which are a form of ''hit'alut ha-nefesh'', elevation of the soul, the category of ''Chesed'' [72, Nanach] lovingkindness, light, and life, causing the '''Dinim''' (harsh judgements and decrees) to be sweetened and nullified (see Tzedakah #15,16) (35:1).

36. The judgements can only be sweetened, and the world can only exist, by &quot;the breath of little children (learning Torah) of Beit Rabban&quot; (Shabbat 119b). So every person needs to very much pray for and seek out a kosher, upright, God-fearing teacher — praying to Hashem Yitbarakh a great deal for this — so that the teacher shouldn't corrupt the holy breath of the children (37:4).

37. Through the Torah a person studies in times of hardship, in poverty and pressure, a thread of kindness (''chut shel Chesed'' (=72), Chagiga 12b) is extended to him, and he drives out the masters of judgement and all the all the Sitra Achra. By this, he rectifies speech and elevates it to its source, to the point that he's able to lay out his speech beautifully before Hashem Yitbarakh, speaking with the warmth in his heart (Ps. 39.4), words of truth that are in his heart (Ibid. 15:2) (38:4).
 
38. When a person sharpens his Sekhel by studying Torah, his Mochin are sharpened, and haKarah (recognition) is added for him, to recognize the greatness of Hashem Yitbarakh. Then he's utterly ashamed of his mistakes, which is the essence of Teshuvah, and he attains the light of Tefillin, which are the aspect of the Or haPanim (Light of the Face), the aspect of the Etz haChayim (the Tree of Life). (Ibid. 5).

39. Damaged faith leads to neglect of Torah, resulting in exile, wandering and journeys. (40).
    
40. Even in learning Torah there has to be an aspect of contentment. Because sometimes a person gets confused by wanting to learn too much, for he sees there's a lot to learn and he wants to learn the entire Torah &quot;standing on one foot&quot; and due to this he gets very frustrated;  he can even neglect it and not learn at all because of this. So he needs to have an aspect of contentment even in Torah, for (Avot 2:16) &quot;it's is your duty to finish the work [but neither are you at liberty to neglect it]&quot; as our Sages said (54:3).
 
L

41. New Torah insights bring the creation of new heavens and earth, and thereby all the influxes and blessings come to the world. However, there are new Torah teachings that come by way of the '''Medammeh''', imagination, which constantly tries to dwell on those who study Torah law. This is why those novelties appear attractive and credible (in Yiddish ''glaykh'', straight, right, reasonable) — because they come from the power of the Medammeh, which likens (medammeh) one thing to another. Now, even though there is good in them, since they're words of Torah - alas, the bad in them is more than the good. And Torah insights like these can bring famine in the world, God forbid, therefore they harm a person's livelihood; so we should pray to Hashem Yitbarakh to be saved from them. The remedy for it is: To guard oneself well from '''Lashon Hara''' (negative speech about others), from both speaking it or accepting (believing) it. And also to maintain oneself happy at all times, because the main cause of this disruption by the Medammeh and the source of all the lusts, is from being of sad spirits. And they way to subdue that is by being being happy (see Simcha #13) (Ibid. 6).

42. Through engagement in Torah we attain vitality and length of days. Because by Torah engagement we call the ''Chai haChayim'', the Life Source of All Life, Blessed-be-He, and draw from Him life and length of days. And we need to engage in Torah with the mouth specifically, saying the Divrei Torah out loud; this way we call the Blessed One and draw from Him vitality and length of days (56:3). 

43. A person who engages in the Torah can admonish even people that are very far from God, even without knowing what they need, and even without them being present. Even so, by his Torah learning and engagement, those who are far can hear the Torah’s proclamation. For the Torah proclaims, cries out, and admonishes constantly, declaring, &quot;Until when, fools, will you love folly?&quot; etc. (Zohar III: 36, 58, 126). Only, they don’t hear the voice of the Torah's proclamation due to the multiplied concealment resulting from multitude sins, God forbid. For nowadays God is hidden from us due to our many sins, in a &quot;concealment within concealment&quot; as in (Deut. 31:18) &quot;''Wanochi hasteir astir''/ I will hide (even) the hiding.&quot; But by engaging in Torah we uncover the concealments, so much that even those who are utterly far (from God) hear the voice of the Torah's proclamation and admonishment and all return to Hashem (Ibid.). 

44. And even people who are farthest from Hashem Yitbarakh, who have become &quot;abandoned and estranged&quot;  from the Omnipresent One - including even those who had been at some time near Hashem Yitbarakh but who have already forgotten it, as well others who even now remember Hashem Yitbarakh but alas they haven't the strength to overcome their Yetzer - Nevertheless! by the enormous power of learning Torah earnestly, it can cause all of them to hear the Torah's own voice of proclamation and admonishment as mentioned and to all come back to Hashem (Ibid.).

45. When a person learns Torah he needs to see to it that from all his studies learning Torah that he receives and derives from them ''Mishpatei Emet'', true justice and decisions, namely ''hangagot yesharot'', proper conduct and behavior, both for himself and for others who conduct themselves according to his advice, each person according to his level, according to whatever greater or lesser rule and authority he has over him. He  attains this by ''emunat chakhamim'', faith in the Sages, by which he's able to receive and derive from all his studies learning Torah ''Mispatei Emet'' and ''hanagot yesharot'', to know how to behave in every thing, both he and those who rely on him (61:1).

46. At present there are many (kosher holy) books, and there are still many such books to come. The world has need of them all, and it's forbidden to ridicule any of them, since their whole foundation and structure is according to the holy Torah, both the Written and the Oral. Only the books that go according to the Greek philosophies which are their speculations and secular philosophies and sciences, one must keep ultimate distance from them, no matter who composed them. But books that go according to the holy Torah that we have received from Har Sinai, the Written and the Oral, they are all extremely dear, and the world needs all of them, and whoever ridicules any one of them, God forbid, is sentenced to boiling excrement, and doesn't merit to derive and receive ''hanhagot yesharot'', proper course of action, from his learning, and never attains perfect counsel, so his mind is always divided - until he makes complete Teshuvah on this and repairs this, so that all the holy books that go according the foundations of the holy Torah gain a renewed importance in his eyes. Thereby all the harsh decrees in the world are sweetened, and whatever decree may be in the world, everything will be sweetened by the holy Torah, whose completion and perfection is by the abundance of books on the Oral Torah, when people believe in them (Ibid. 5).

47. Likewise, whoever is able to innovate his own Torah insights and his intention is for the sake of Heaven, he needs to have faith in himself as well. He should believe that God has great delight from his innovations. He should not back off from them; rather he should hasten to develop new ideas all the time and write them down, until holy books are composed of them. Thereby all the judgements in the world will be sweetened, as mentioned (Ibid.).

48. Through studying the '''Poskim''' (the halakhic deciders' rulings, which represent the settlement of dispute between the Sages), one nullifies strife at its root (in holiness). This nullifies dispute that is below, eliminating the dispute of the '''Yetzer haRa''' (evil inclination) in his heart (''libo''), which are the doubts, disbelief and things that interfere with faith that arise in his heart, which make his heart divided from Hashem Yitbarakh making him unable to pray properly. For the root of the obstacles to prayer making him unable to pray with the proper devotion - it is solely due to imperfect faith. Because really if the person knew and believed whole-heartedly that (Isa. 6:3) &quot;all the Earth is filled with His Glory&quot; and the Holy Blessed One stands over him when he's praying and He hears, listens, and pays attention to his each and every word of prayer - he would definitely pray most fervently, taking great care to say his every utterance with concentration. It is only because the person isn't very strong in this, he therefore isn't so motivated and isn't so careful. All this stems from dispute by the Yetzer haRa in his heart; so the remedy is to learn the Poskim, as thereby he's connected with the peace that's in holiness, so the Yetzer haRa in his heart is nullified and then his heart is no longer divided and conflicted from Hashem Yitbarakh, so then he can serve Hashem &quot;with all his heart&quot; (''levavo'', Deut. 6:5) - with both Yetzers - and the gates of the intellect are opened for him, so that he &quot;knows how to answer the heresies&quot; (var. of Avot 2:14) that are in his heart and he's able to truly pray &quot;with all his heart&quot; (62:2).

49. When a person toils in Torah until he succeeds in knowing and understanding it, through this he heals his soul, he elevates it to its root, he sweetens all the judgements, and he plants a &quot;tree of life&quot; on high that has the power to heal. He also sustains and renews all the worlds and reveals God's Glory in the world. For the ultimate purpose of all man's devotions is only in order to magnify God's Glory, Blessed is His Name (74:1,9,17,18). 

50. Someone who labors in Torah but is unable to understand (and so stammers the words), this is also extremely good. Because each and every word rises on high, and the Holy Blessed One delights in it, (plants it on the banks of &quot;that Nachal,&quot; brook) - and these words become (great trees called) &quot;willows of the brook&quot; (Ibid. 3,15; Zohar III:85b).

51. Without engaging in the Torah it's impossible to live. At times a person is passionate for Hashem but it's so excessive he could burn up entirely due to such excess passion, God forbid. But being engaged in Torah  cools the flame of passion so it's in proper measure and he can endure. The same goes for the opposite when God forbid sometimes a person burns for worldly lusts so much that the enormous heat burning for these cravings could engulf his whole body, God forbid - but when he learns Torah it protects him and saves him, putting out the fire burning in him and thus he can live. The Torah is therefore the source of all life (78). 

52. (Complete) '''Teshuvah''' (repentance, return) depends primarily on Torah. That is, when a person (goes through the process to first) learn Torah and then continue and exert himself until he's able to be ''mevin davar mi-tokh davar'' (understand one thing from another) and gain new insights in it for the sake of Heaven, this is complete Teshuvah. Then he brings back and connects to their root and their place, all the letters and combinations that pertain to him in all the worlds, bringing all of them back from all the places they were banished and scattered, making him a brand new person. Then his Daat (spiritual awareness and mind) is settled - so he's able to arouse such '''Rachamim''' (goodness, compassion) from His Blessedness that Hashem Yitbarakh Himself prays for him. That is, Hashem Yitbarakh by His simple Rachamim (of Z&quot;A) arouses His abundant Rachamim (of Atika Setima, Zohar III:137b); then he'll have abundant, complete salvation, Amen (105)!

53. When you learn some Torah it is a good thing to explain it in the language you understand. This is a benefit to the world (118). 

54. No matter what a person is learning he should find himself in it: he should derive a personal lesson from what he is learning and recognize his own insignificance and lowliness. This is a sign that he wants to perform the will of God (121).
 
55. When someone unworthy teaches Torah he may be attacked by sexual craving, God forbid. For it is a grave sin for one who is unworthy to teach Torah even to one other person; all the more so a group (134). 

56. When studying a Torah concept originally introduced by a Tanna or a Tzaddik, you should picture in front of you his appearance just like the Tzaddik or the Tanna is standing before you. This saves you from forgetfulness (of the teaching, and you also attain a resemblance of the teacher) (192). 

57. Feels the sweetness in the Torah saved you from  becoming a widower (199). 

58. One who wants to innovate substantive new Torah insights, needs to weep beforehand, to prevent the Sitra Achra and the Klipot from feeding off of these inventions (262). 

    59 There are those who say Torah which is very broad below but extremely narrow above. They are broad below because these people expound and enlarge it at great length. But above they are very narrow — because up above in holiness, nothing remains except some mere spark. On the other hand, there is the opposite - the Torah discourses of the True Tzaddikim seem very short and narrow below, but above they are very, very broad and large. Fortunate are they. The same applies to arousal… (See Prayer #75) (279). 
    60 Even a simple person, if he sits himself with a book and examines the letters of the Torah carefully, he can perceive novelties and wonders, as long as one doesn’t put this up for a test (281).

==Travel==
...

8. When traveling you need to take great care about mikveh immersion, for mikveh is a Segula for being saved from murderers.

...

==Tzaddik==

38.  You need to search for the absolute greatest Rebbe.  Because for the abovementioned [to attain perceptions of Hashem Yithbarakh's Divinity] you need the very greatest Rebbe who can illumine - even in you - perceptions of His Blessed Godliness. And the lesser the person, the more he needs the very greatest Rebbe, to be such a wondrous coach, who can enclothe a lofty consciousness like this, namely perceptions of Him, Yithbarakh Shemo, for a person as minor and as far as he.  For the weaker the patient, the more he needs the greatest healer.  So make no mistake and say, &quot;It's enough if I just follow with a kosher simple leader that has a presumptive status of fearing Hashem and has some status.  Why do I need to seek out big things and keep looking for the absolute greatest Tzaddik specifically?  If I could first just be like this kosher leader! [like many followers say about that one].  Do not make the mistake and say this! Just the opposite - every person in accord with how he knows his soul is so low and so utterly far from Hashem Yithbarakh, accordingly he needs to follow specifically the True Rebbe of the utmost highest level.  For the smaller he is, the more he needs the True Rebbe that is greatest of all as mentioned. (L&quot;M 30:1-2.)

 לח. צָרִיךְ לְבַקֵּשׁ אַחַר הָרַבִּי הַגָּדוֹל בְּיוֹתֵר, כִּי צְרִיכִין לָזֶה רַבִּי גָּדוֹל מְאֹד, שֶׁיּוּכַל לְהָאִיר גַּם בְּךָ הַשָּׂגוֹת אֱלֹקוּתוֹ יִתְבָּרַךְ. וְכָל מַה שֶּׁהוּא קָטָן בְּיוֹתֵר הוּא צָרִיךְ רַבִּי גָּדוֹל בְּיוֹתֵר שֶׁיִּהְיֶה אָמָּן נִפְלָא כָּזֶה, שֶׁיּוּכַל לְהַלְבִּישׁ שֵׂכֶל עֶלְיוֹן כָּזֶה, דְּהַיְנוּ הַשָּׂגָתוֹ יִתְבָּרַךְ שְׁמוֹ, לְקָטָן וּמְרֻחָק כְּמוֹתוֹ, כִּי כָּל מַה שֶּׁהַחוֹלֶה נֶחֱלָשׁ בְּיוֹתֵר, הוּא צָרִיךְ רוֹפֵא גָּדוֹל בְּיוֹתֵר. עַל־כֵּן אַל תִּטְעֶה לוֹמַר: דַּי לִּי אִם אֶהְיֶה מְקֹרָב אֵצֶל אִישׁ כָּשֵׁר פָּשׁוּט הַמֻּחְזָק בְּיִרְאַת הַשֵּׁם וְנִכְבָּד קְצָת, וְלָמָּה לִי לְבַקֵּשׁ גְּדוֹלוֹת וְלַחֲזֹר אַחַר הַצַּדִּיק הַגָּדוֹל דַּיְקָא, הַלְוַאי שֶׁאֶהְיֶה מִתְּחִלָּה כְּמוֹ אִישׁ כָּשֵׁר הַזֶּה [כְּמוֹ שֶׁטּוֹעִין בָּזֶה כַּמָּה אֲנָשִׁים]. אַל תִּטְעֶה לוֹמַר כֵּן כִּי אַדְּרַבָּא כָּל אֶחָד כְּפִי מַה שֶּׁיּוֹדֵעַ בְּנַפְשׁוֹ גֹּדֶל פְּחִיתוּתוֹ וְגֹדֶל רִחוּקוֹ שֶׁנִּתְרַחֵק מְאֹד מֵהַשֵּׁם יִתְבָּרַךְ, כְּמוֹ כֵן הוּא צָרִיךְ דַּיְקָא לְהִתְקָרֵב לְהָרַבִּי הָאֱמֶת הַגָּדוֹל בְּמַעֲלָה מְאֹד מְאֹד, כִּי כָּל מַה שֶּׁהוּא קָטָן בְּיוֹתֵר הוּא צָרִיךְ רַבִּי אֲמִתִּי גָּדוֹל בְּיוֹתֵר כַּנַּ&quot;ל (שָׁם)

==Notes==
{{reflist}}
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[[category:Breslov]]</text>
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    <title>Author:Edward Lucas White</title>
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      <text bytes="3505" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Edward Lucas
 | lastname     = White
 | last_initial = Wh
 | description  = American author and poet. He published a number of historical novels, but he is best remembered for fantasy horror stories such as ''The House Of Nightmare'' and ''Lukundoo'' that were based on his own nightmares. Pen names: ''Edward L. White, E. L. White''
 }}

==Works==
===Novels===
* ''[[El Supremo]]: A Romance of the Great Dictator of Paraguay'' (1916) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/elsupermorom00whitrich}}
* ''[[The Unwilling Vestal]]: A Tale of Rome Under the Caesars'' (1918) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/unwillingvestal01firgoog}}
* ''[[Andivius Hedulio]]: Adventures of a Roman Nobleman in the Days of the Empire'' (1921) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/andiviushedulio00whitgoog}}

===Short Story Collections===
* ''[[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories]]'' (1919) {{small scan link|The Song of the Sirens.djvu}} 
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/The Song of the Sirens|The Song of the Sirens]]
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/Iarbas|Iarbas]]
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/The Right Man|The Right Man]]
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/Dodona|Dodona]]
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/The Elephant's Ear|The Elephant's Ear]]
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/The Fasces|The Fasces]]
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/The Swimmers|The Swimmers]]
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/The Skewbald Panther|The Skewbald Panther]] • (1907)
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/Disvola|Disvola]]
** [[The Song of the Sirens and Other Stories/The Flambeau Bracket|The Flambeau Bracket]]
* Lukundoo and Other Stories (1927)
** Lukundoo • (written in 1907 and first published in 1925 in ''[[Weird Tales]]'')
** Floki's Blade
** The Picture Puzzle • (1909)
** The Snout • (1909)
** Alfandega 49A
** The Message on the Slate • (1906)
** Amina • (1907)
** The Pig-Skin Belt • (1907) 
** The House of the Nightmare (1906)
** Sorcery Island

===Other===
* ''[[Narrative Lyrics]]'' (1908) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/narrativelyrics00whit}}

===Short works from magazines===
* [[The House of the Nightmare]] (1906 Sept, ''Smith's Magazine'')
* &quot;[[The Little Faded Flag]]&quot; (1908, ''Atlantic Monthly'')
* &quot;[[The Greenhorn and the Ambassador]]&quot; (ss) (1909 Oct,  ''Smith's Magazine'')  
* &quot;[[A Stranded Soul]]&quot; (ss) (1910 April,''The Idler'') 
* &quot;[[The Open Door]]&quot; (ss) (1913 Nov 3, ''The Living Age'') (Reprinted from ''Cornhill Magazine'')  
* &quot;[[If You Can ... Lose]]&quot; (ss) (1917 Nov 1, ''The Living Age'')     
* &quot;[[Pink Tulips]]&quot; (1922, ''Windsor Magazine'')
* &quot;[[Sister Mary's Trip to Europe]]&quot; (1908 July, ''Munsey's'')
* &quot;[[Snapdragon and Ghosts]]&quot; (1922-23, Windsor Magazine)
* &quot;[[Lukundoo]]&quot; (1925 December, ''Weird Tales'') {{ssl|Weird Tales_Volume 6 Number 5 (1925-11).djvu}}
;Poems
* &quot;[[The Last Bowstrings]]&quot; (1891, ''Atlantic Monthly'')
* &quot;[[Benaiah]]&quot; (1892, ''Atlantic Monthly'')
* &quot;[[An Attic Poet]]&quot; (1892, ''Atlantic Monthly'')
* &quot;[[Unappreciated Promptness]]&quot; (1898, ''Atlantic Monthly'')

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[[Category:Horror authors]]
[[Category:Pulp writers]]
[[Category:Novelists]]
[[Category:Short story authors]]
[[Category:Historians as authors]]
[[Category:Essayists]]
[[Category:Autobiographers]]</text>
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{{hanging indent inherit|1|-1}}&quot;A knowledge of the commonplace, at least, of Oriental literature, philosophy, and religion is as necessary to the general reader of the present day as an acquaintance with the Latin and Greek classics was a generation or so ago. Immense strides have been made within the present century in these branches of learning; Sanskrit has been brought within the range of accurate philology, and its invaluable ancient literature thoroughly investigated; the language and sacred books of the Zoroastrians have been laid bare; Egyptian, Assyrian, and other records of the remote past have been deciphered, and a group of scholars speak of still more recondite Accadian and Hittite monuments; but the results of all the scholarship that has been devoted to these subjects have been almost inaccessible to the public because they were contained for the most part in learned or expensive works, or scattered throughout the numbers of scientific periodicals. Messrs. {{sc|Trübner &amp; Co.}}, in a spirit 
of enterprise which does them infinite credit, have determined to supply the constantly-increasing want, and to give in a popular, or, at least, a comprehensive form, all this mass of knowledge to the world.&quot;—''Times.''
{{div end}}

{{Rule|15em}}


&lt;center&gt;
Second Edition, post 8vo, pp. xxxii.—748, with Map, cloth, price 21s.

{{x-larger|'''THE INDIAN EMPIRE:'''&lt;br&gt;
'''ITS PEOPLE, HISTORY, AND PRODUCTS.'''}}

By the {{Sc|Hon. Sir}} [[Author:William Wilson Hunter|W. W. HUNTER]], K.C.S.I., C.S.I., CLE., LL.D.,

Member of the Viceroy's Legislative Council,&lt;br&gt;
Director-General of Statistics to the Government of India.

Being a Revised Edition, brought up to date, and incorporating the general&lt;br&gt;
results of the Census of 1881.
&lt;/center&gt;

{{hanging indent inherit|1|-1}}{{fine|&quot;It forms a volume of more than 700 pages, and is a marvellous combination of literary condensation and research. It gives a complete account of the Indian Empire, its history, peoples, and products, and forms the worthy outcome of seventeen years of labour with exceptional opportunities for rendering that labour fruitful. Nothing could be more lucid than Sir William Hunter's expositions of the economic and political condition of India at the present time, or more interesting than his scholarly history of the India of the past.&quot;—''[[The Times]].''}}{{div end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{running header|left=68|center=''Guardian Spirits of Wells and Lochs.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;resolved to remove the &quot;Kettle Stone&quot; from its position, and so become possessor of the Spirit's gold. He accordingly set out with a few companions, all provided with picks and spades, to displace the stone. After a good deal of hard labour the stone was moved from its site, but no kettle-full of gold was found.

An old woman met the lads on their way to their homes, and when she learnt what they had been doing she assured them they would all die within a few weeks, and that a terrible death would befall the ringleader.


{{center|{{small-caps|Tobar-na-glas a Coille}}, ''i.e.'', {{small-caps|The Well in the Grey Wood.}}}}

This well lies near the old military road, near the top of the hill that divides the glen of Corgarff from Glengairn. In a small knoll near it lived a spiteful Spirit that went by the name of Duine-glase-beg, ''i.e.'', the Little Grey Man. He was guardian of the well and watched over its water with great care. Each one on taking a draught of water from it had to drop into it a pin or other piece of metal. If this was not done, and if at any time afterwards the same person attempted to draw water from it, the Spirit resisted, annoyed, and hunted the unfortunate till death by thirst came. My informant has seen the bottom of the well strewed with pins. Last autumn (1891), I gathered several pins from it.


{{center|{{small-caps|The Bride's Well}}.}}

This well was at one time the favourite resort of all brides for miles around. On the evening before the marriage the bride, accompanied by her maidens, went &quot;atween the sun an the sky&quot; to it. The maidens bathed her feet and the upper part of her body with water drawn from it. This bathing ensured a family. The bride put into the well a few crumbs of bread and cheese, to keep her children from ever being in want.
&lt;br /&gt;
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{{running header|center=''Guardian Spirits of Wells and Lochs.''|right=69}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center|{{small-caps|Tobar Vacher}}.}}

This is a fine well, dedicated to St. Machar, near the present farm of Corriehoul, Corgarff, Strathdon. A Roman Catholic chapel was at one time near it, and the present graveyard occupies the site of the chapel. This well was renowned for the cures it wrought in more than one kind of disease. To secure a cure the ailing one had to leave a silver coin in it. Once there was a famine in the district, and not a few were dying of hunger. The priest's house stood not far from the well. One day, during the famine, his housekeeper came to him and told him that their stock of food was exhausted, and that there was no more to be got in the district. The priest left the house, went to the well, and cried to St. Machar for help. On his return he told the servant to go to the well the next morning at sunrise, walk three times round it, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, without looking into it, and draw from it a draught of water for him. She carried out the request. On stooping down to draw the water she saw three fine salmon swimming in the well. They were caught, and served the two as food till supply came to the faminestricken district from other quarters.


{{center|{{small-caps|Ben Newe Well}}.}}

There is a big rugged rock on the top of Ben Newe in Strathdon, Aberdeenshire, On the north side of this rock, under a projection, there is a small circular-shaped hollow which always contains water. Everyone that goes to the top of the hill must put some small object into it, and then take a draught of water off it. Unless this is done the traveller will not reach in life the foot of the hill. I climbed the hill in June of 1890, and saw in the well several pins, a small bone, a pill-box, a piece of a flower, and a few other objects.
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      <text bytes="1887" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{running header|left=72|center=''Guardian Spirits of Wells and Lochs.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;trade was that of making baskets, sculls, etc. One night he had to cross the river just a little above the linn. In doing so he lost his footing, was carried into the gorge of the linn, and drowned in sight of his wife. Search was made at once for the body, but in vain. Next day the pool below the linn, as well as the river further down, was searched, but the body was not found. That evening the widow took her late husband's plaid and went to the pool below the linn, &quot;atween the sun and the sky&quot;. She folded the plaid in a particular way, knelt down on the bank of the pool, and prayed to the Spirit of the pool to give up the body of her drowned husband. She then threw the plaid into the pool, uttering the words, &quot;Take that and give me back my dead.&quot; Next morning the dead body, wrapped in the plaid, was found lying on the bank of the pool. Tradition has it that the widow soon afterwards bore a son, and that that son was the progenitor of the Farquharson Clan.


The river Spey is spoken of as &quot;she&quot;, and bears the character of being &quot;bloodthirsty&quot;. The common belief is that &quot;she&quot; must have at least one victim yearly.

The rhyme about the rivers Dee and Don and their victims is:

{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm}}Bloodthirsty Dee,
Each year needs three;
But bonny Don,
She needs none.&quot;}}}}

The Roumanians believe that in the vicinity of deep pools of water, more especially whirlpools, there resides the ''baleur'' or ''wodna muz''—the cruel waterman who lies in wait for human victims. (''The Land beyond the Forest'', by [[Author:Emily Gerard|E. Gerard]], vol. ii, p. 9.)

Mr. [[Author:Augustus Frederick Oldfield|A. Oldfield]], in his account of ''The Aborigines of Australia'', says that the natives believe that every deep muddy pool is inhabited by a Spirit called In-gnas, whose&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1894" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{running header|left=72|center=''Guardian Spirits of Wells and Lochs.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;trade was that of making baskets, sculls, etc. One night he had to cross the river just a little above the linn. In doing so he lost his footing, was carried into the gorge of the linn, and drowned in sight of his wife. Search was made at once for the body, but in vain. Next day the pool below the linn, as well as the river further down, was searched, but the body was not found. That evening the widow took her late husband's plaid and went to the pool below the linn, &quot;atween the sun and the sky&quot;. She folded the plaid in a particular way, knelt down on the bank of the pool, and prayed to the Spirit of the pool to give up the body of her drowned husband. She then threw the plaid into the pool, uttering the words, &quot;Take that and give me back my dead.&quot; Next morning the dead body, wrapped in the plaid, was found lying on the bank of the pool. Tradition has it that the widow soon afterwards bore a son, and that that son was the progenitor of the Farquharson Clan.


The river Spey is spoken of as &quot;she&quot;, and bears the character of being &quot;bloodthirsty&quot;. The common belief is that &quot;she&quot; must have at least one victim yearly.

The rhyme about the rivers Dee and Don and their victims is:

{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm}}Bloodthirsty Dee,
Each year needs three;
But bonny Don,
She needs none.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

The Roumanians believe that in the vicinity of deep pools of water, more especially whirlpools, there resides the ''baleur'' or ''wodna muz''—the cruel waterman who lies in wait for human victims. (''The Land beyond the Forest'', by [[Author:Emily Gerard|E. Gerard]], vol. ii, p. 9.)

Mr. [[Author:Augustus Frederick Oldfield|A. Oldfield]], in his account of ''The Aborigines of Australia'', says that the natives believe that every deep muddy pool is inhabited by a Spirit called In-gnas, whose&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rule|8em}}


{{center|THE BUCK'S LEAP.

''To the Editor of'' {{small-caps|Folk-lore}}.}}

{{small-caps|Sir}},—Certain farms in the west of Shropshire stand on the site of an old deer-park, and are bounded in part by the old park fence. The ditch is inside the fence, yet the obligation of keeping the fence in repair rests with the owner of the land within it, that is to say, of the former deer-park; not, as usual, with the owner of the land next to which the fence is placed. It is locally believed that the ownership of the deer-park carries with it the right to cut timber for the repair of the fence for a space of five yards from the outside of the boundary, which is called ''the right of the buck's leap'', and has, it is said, been exercised within the memory of man.

Further. Between Wrottesley Park in Staffordshire and the adjacent Manor of Pattingham lies a belt of grassy land, a sort of green lane, leading to nowhere in particular, and called the ''Deerleap''. The park, in which red deer were kept till the reign of Charles II, was emparked by royal licence granted to Sir Hugh de Wrottesley during the siege of Calais by Edward III. But the name of the ''Deerleap'' is far older than this, as it occurs twice in a record of the boundaries of Wrottesley in the first year of William Rufus (1088), first as &quot;Deerspring&quot;, then as &quot;Deer length&quot;, thus: &quot;Hæc terra Wroteslea habet duas hidas. Hiis terminis circumcincta est. Sprynewall in Smeleheth, of Smeleheth in Dersprynge, of dersprynth in Caldewell,&quot; etc. &quot;Et notra ubi ista prepositio 'of' dicitur, nichill aliud significatur nisi 'fro',' as, fro' Spryne-wall to {{hyphenated word start|Smele|Smeleheth}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/437</title>
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{{running header|center=''Correspondence.''|right=429}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center|THE FLAT-FOOT QUESTION.

''To the Editor of'' {{small-caps|Folk-Lore.}}}}

{{small-caps|Sir}},—Allow me to say, in regard to the concluding remarks of Professor [[Author:John Rhys|John Rhys]] in the June number, that some of my words had not been correctly reported—especially those on the Flat-foot Question. On receiving the March number, I at once wrote, as you remember, to express regret at this fact.

I will not take up space by setting right three or four errors of reporting, which do not concern the present subject. What I said on December 9th, before the Society, was this:—

&quot;As to the instep, I can speak from personal experience. Almost every German in this country—that is what I have often heard—finds that an English shoemaker makes his boots not high enough in the instep. It is a usual complaint of Germans in England. I don't know but it may be that ''some northern Germanic tribe'' had perhaps slightly flatter feet than Germans in general.&quot;

This, it will be seen, is very different from what I was made to say in the report. I did ''not'' assert that there was a difference, in this respect, between northern and southern Germans. In using the words, &quot;may be that ''some'' northern Germanic tribe had perhaps slightly flatter feet than Germans in general,&quot; and guarding even this by, &quot;I don't know,&quot; I carefully avoided any such general statement as has been attributed to me.

I had in my mind the idea that possibly some northern Teutonic tribe (either German or Scandinavian), which was mainly a seafaring one, had developed slightly flatter feet, though I would not say for a certainty that such must be the result of that exclusive occupation. Still, that is a point which might be investigated.

Historically, it is well known that the Germans, from the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/438</title>
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{{running header|left=430|center=''Correspondence.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;time of the Teutonic and Kimbrian invasion into Gaul and Italy, had no lack of athletic springiness and nimbleness of foot. Their performances were the wonder of the Romans, who were astounded to see Teutoboch, or Teutobod, jump over six horses. The dangerous sword- and spear-dances of the Germans, performed by their youth in a state of nakedness; the extraordinary swiftness of their foot warriors (''velocitas peditum''), which Tacitus also mentions; and their manifold gymnastic exercises during the Middle Ages—not to speak of our present ''Turn-Vereine'' in North and South—forbid the notion of flat-footedness being a Teutonic characteristic at all.

Professor John Rhys, on his part, says:—&quot;Nobody now regards the bulk of the South Germans as of the same race as the tall, light-haired people of North Germany, or the Teutonic element of a somewhat similar type in this country.&quot; This sweeping assertion wants a great deal of modification. Compared with the North, the South of Germany shows, no doubt, a greater percentage of men of middle height, with brown hair and dark eyes. The explanation is to be found partly in some remnants of Rhaetian, Keltic, and Roman population, which became blended with their German conquerors; partly in later invasions and wars, which also left their mark.

Yet, take even a country like Bavaria—the largest, next to German Austria, in the southof our Fatherland. There, the statistics drawn up in all the schools, in accordance with Professor Virchow's suggestion, show that in Bavaria there are 66 per cent. of grey or blue eyes, and only 34 of brown ones; 54 per cent. of fair hair, 41 of brown, and only 5 per cent. of black, hair; 85 per cent. of white-skinned and only 15 per cent. of somewhat brownish-skinned, people. In these statistics, I need not say, the Jews are also included, who in Germany are more numerous than in any other European country, Russia excepted.

Again, in the coloured maps I have before me—and the communication of which, when they came out some years&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/440</title>
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{{running header|left=432|center=''Correspondence.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Low-German stem, and speak the Flemish language, which they themselves call ''Neder-duitsch'' (Low-German)—a tongue closely kindred to, and well-nigh identical with, Dutch.

Now, is it right, in speaking of the origin of the Belgians of old, simply to pass by the striking and decisive passage in Cæsar? Or did Professor Rhys not know it? The omission seems to me all the more strange as he acknowledges &quot;the truth of the tradition reported by Cæsar, that Belgic tribes had made themselves a home in the south of the island&quot;—that is, of Britain—long before Jutes, Frisians, Angles, and Saxons conquered this country. In Ireland, again, as early as the first part of the second century, Ptolemaios mentions a Belgian and an undoubtedly German tribe in the neighbourhood of Dublin.

I mention this with all due respect to a distinguished Keltic scholar, whose papers on &quot;Manx Folk-lore and Superstitions&quot; I have heard and read with much interest. But being accustomed—I may say without fear of contradiction—to investigate all such matters without undue bias, I avow I cannot understand why, in this case, the things which are Cæsar's were not rendered unto Cæsar.

{{right|{{small-caps|[[Author:Karl Blind|Karl Blind]]}}.}}

''June'' 19.

{{dhr|8}}

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    <title>Folk-Lore/Volume 3/Correspondence (September)</title>
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      <minor />
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      <text bytes="404" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = 
 | section    = Correspondence (September)
 | previous   = [[../Review (September)|Review (September)]]
 | next       = [[../Notes and News (September)|Notes and News (September)]]
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu&quot; from=435 to=440 /&gt;

{{smallrefs}}

[[Category:Letters pages]]
[[Category:Shropshire]]</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Author:Edward Eggleston</title>
    <ns>102</ns>
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      <text bytes="4811" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Edward
 | lastname     = Eggleston
 | last_initial = Eg
 | description  = American historian and novelist
 }}

==Works==
===Novels===
* ''The Hoosier School-Master: a novel'' (1871) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/hoosierschoolmas00egglrich}}
* ''The End of the World. A Love Story'' (1872) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/endofworldlovest00eggluoft}}
* ''The Mystery of Metropolisville'' (1873) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/metropolisville00egglrich}}
* ''The Circuit Rider: A Tale of the Heroic Age'' (1874) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/circuitridertale00egglrich}}
* ''Roxy'' (1878) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/roxybyedward00egglrich}}
* ''The Hoosier School-boy'' (1883) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/hoosierschoolboy00eggliala}}
* ''The Graysons; a story of Illinois'' (1887) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/graysonsstory00egglrich}}
* ''The Faith Doctor; a story of New York'' (1891) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/faithdoctorstory00eggluoft}}

===Stories===
* ''Mr. Blake's Walking Stick: A Christmas Story for Boys and Girls'' (1872) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/mrblakeswalkings00egglrich}}
* ''The Schoolmaster's Stories, for Boys and Girls'' (1874)
* ''Queer Stories for Boys and Girls'' (1884)
* ''Duffels'' (1893) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/duffelsedward00egglrich}}
* ''Stories of American life and adventure, third reader grade'' (1895)
* ''Stories of great Americans for little Americans; second reader grade'' (1895)

===Historical works===
* ''Tecumseh and the Shawnee prophet. including sketches of George Rogers Clark, Simon Kenton, William Henry Harrison, Cornstalk, Blackhoof, Bluejacket, the Shawnee Logan, and others famous in the frontier wars of Tecumseh̕s time'' (1878), co-authored with [[Author:Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye|Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye]]
* ''Pocahontas, including an account of the early settlement of Virginia and of the adventures of Captain John Smith'' (1879), co-authored with [[Author:Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye|Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye]]
* ''Brant and Red Jacket: including an account of the early wars of the six nations and the border warfare of the revolution'' (1879), co-authored with [[Author:Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye|Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye]]
* ''The aborigines and the colonists'' (1883)
* ''Montezuma and the conquest of Mexico'' (1880), co-authored with [[Author:Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye|Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye]]
* ''Blaine vs. Cleveland : a letter from Edward Eggleston'' (1884)
* ''A history of the United States and its people: for the use of schools'' (1888)
* ''A first book in American history'' (1889)
* ''The household history of the United States and its people, for young Americans'' (1891)
* ''The story of Columbus'' (1892), co-authored with [[Author:Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye|Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye]]
* ''The story of Washington'' (n.d.), co-authored with [[Author:Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye|Elizabeth Eggleston Seelye]]
* ''The beginners of a nation; a history of the source and rise of the earliest English settlements in America, with special reference to the life and character of the people'' (1896)
* ''The transit of civilization from England to America in the seventeenth century'' (1900)
* ''The new century history of the United States'' (1904), co-authored with [[Author:George Cary Eggleston|George Cary Eggleston]]

===Religious works===
* ''The infant class: hints on primary religious instruction'' (1870), co-authored with Sara Jane Timanus
* ''[[Christ in art]]: or, the Gospel Life of Jesus. '' (1874), illustrated by [[w:Alexandre Bida|Alexandre Bida]]
* ''Christ in literature : being a treasury of choice readings, in prose and verse, from writers of all ages, illustrative of the acts and words of Jesus Christ'' (1875)
* ''Life studies in the story of Jesus'' (1900), co-authored with [[Author:Louisa T. Cragin|Louisa T. Cragin]], illustrated by [[Author:Alexandre Bida|Alexandre Bida]]

===Other===
* ''A New Dictionary of Americanisms : being a glossary of words supposed to be peculiar to the United States and the dominion of Canada'' (1902), by [[Author:Sylva Clapin|Sylva Clapin]], with article reprints from Eggleston as well as [[Author:Brander Matthews|Brander Matthews]], [[Author:Edward Burnett Tylor|Edward Burnett Tylor]], and [[Author:William Hickman Smith Aubrey|William Hickman Smith Aubrey]]
* [[The Writings of Carl Schurz/From Edward Eggleston, February 22d, 1881|Letter to Carl Schurz]] (February 22, 1881)

==Works about Eggleston==
* {{SBDEL link|Eggleston, Edward}}
* {{EB1911 link|Eggleston, Edward}}

{{PD-old}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:United States authors]]
[[Category:Historians as authors]]</text>
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    <title>Commercial Trust Company of New Jersey v. Miller/Opinion of the Court</title>
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{{CaseCaption   
| court = United States Supreme Court 
| volume = 262 
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| page = 51 
| party1 = Commercial Trust Company of New Jersey  
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| casename = Commercial Trust Company of New Jersey v. Miller 
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| argued =  April 10, 1923. 
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}}
&lt;div class='courtopinion'&gt;


This is a suit under the Trading with the Enemy Act of October 6, 1917, and the amendment of November 4, 1918, 40 Stat. 411, 1020 (Comp. St. Ann. Supp. 1919, § 3115 1/2 a et seq.). It was commenced by Francis P. Garvan as Alien Property Custodian. He ceasing to be such, Thomas W. Miller was appointed his successor, and substituted as petitioner.

Section 7 of the act provides that, 'if the President shall so require, any money or other property &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; held for the benefit of an enemy,' without license 'which the President after investigation shall determine &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; is so held, shall be conveyed, transported, assigned, delivered, or paid over to the alien property custodian.'

The act has received exposition in Central Trust Co. v. Garvan, [[254 U.S. 554]], 41 Sup. Ct. 214, 65 L. Ed. 403, and Stoehr v. Wallace, [[255 U.S. 239]], 41 Sup. Ct. 293, 65 L. Ed. 604, and what it authorizes, and the conditions of the exercise of its authorization determined.

Whatever problems the act presents those cases resolve. They decide that the President's power may, under section 5 &lt;ref name=&quot;ref1&quot;/&gt; of the act (Comp. St. 1918, Comp. St. Ann. Supp. 1919, § 3115 1/2 c), be delegated to and be exercised by the Custodian, and that the determination of the Custodian is conclusive whether right or wrong. And it may be exercised by forcible seizure of the property or by suit and, if by suit, the suit is purely possessory and must be yielded to; the right of any claimant being postponed to subsequent assertion. And it was decided that the Custodian acquires by suit 'nothing but the preliminary custody, such as would have been gained by seizure. It attaches the property to make sure that it is forthcoming if finally condemned and does no more.' In other words, and in comprehensive description, the act may be denominated an exercise of governmental power in the emergency of war and its procedure is accommodated to and made adequate to its purpose, but securing as well, the assertion of opposing or countervailing rights 'by a suit in equity unembarrassed by the President's executive determination,' and if the claimant 'prevails' the property 'is to be forthwith returned to him.' These are the determining generalities, and the Circuit Court of Appeals applying them, affirmed the decree of the District Court, adjudging, ordering and decreeing that the Commercial Trust Company of New Jersey 'do forthwith convey, transfer, assign, deliver and pay to Thomas W. Miller, as Alien Property Custodian, all of the money and other property held by it under a certain trust agreement entered into on January 30, 1913,' between the company and Frederick Wesche and Helene J. von Schierholz. A list of the moneys and other property was attached to the decree.

It was recited in the trust agreement that the property which consisted of bonds, was held 'for the joint account of said Frederick Wesche and Helene J. von Schierholz, and to collect the interest to become due and payable on said bonds' for their joint account, and to deliver the bonds from time to time as requested, to either 'or to the survivor of them, it being understood that the said bonds and the said interest money to be collected thereon are to be held and collected and delivered or paid over to either the said Frederick Wesche or to the said Helene J. von Schierholz, or to the survivor of them.'

In addition to the above, the following may be quoted from the opinion of the Circuit Court of Appeals:

'The Trust Company, in compliance with the provisions of the      act, made a report in December, 1917, that it held stocks,      bonds, mortgages, securities and money, of the value of about      $600,000, in trust, as to both principal and interest, for      the joint account of Frederick Wesche, of Paris, France, and      Helene J. vo  Schierholz, of Plaue, Germany, to be delivered      and paid to either upon his or her sole demand, or to the      survivor.

'Upon investigation the Alien Property Custodian determined      that Wesche was a neutral and von Schierholz an alien enemy      not holding a license from the President, and demanded      surrender of the securities. Because the neutral had power upon his sole order to withdraw the whole      property, the Trust Company thought the Alien Property      Custodian had no right to it and accordingly declined to      yield possession. Because the alien enemy had like power upon      her sole order to withdraw the whole property and acquire its      possession, the Alien Property Custodian thought he had a      right to it and accordingly demanded it. The question is,      Which was right?'

The court answered the Custodian by virtue of his power under the act and the efficacy of its exercise. This appeal disputes the answer, and the contention is that the power was not exercised as required because the Custodian had not made an investigation which justified in any way 'any determination that the property was ''all'' (italics counsel's) enemy property, or seizure of ''all'' (italics counsel's) the property as such.' In support of the contention, it is urged, that no investigation was made of any interest in the property other than that of Mrs. Schierholz-none of Wesche, or none determined beyond what was shown by the report of and letter of the Commercial Trust Company. And there is also a contention that Wesche was not an enemy, and that he was given no opportunity of review, and the act, as to him, was 'unconstitutional and without due process of law' and that, consequently, surrender of the property by appellant (Trust Company) under such circumstances to the Custodian, would have afforded it no defense to the claim of Wesche for such part of the property as belonged to him. The appellant accordingly did not transfer or deliver the property as so demanded, and still retains it under supersedeas bond.

The contentions are precluded by the cases which we have cited. As there decided, the act was of peremptory quality and effect. The suit was tantamount to physical seizure-gave preliminary custody such as seizure gives, and was intended to be not 'less immediately effective than a taking with a strong hand.' It is manifest, therefore, that the defenses upon which the contentions are based were not available to either claimant of the property. And besides, under the act, it is to be remembered, the Custodian succeeds to all the rights in the property to which the enemy is entitled as completely as if by conveyance, transfer or assignment, and the Trust Company in the present case held the bonds for the joint account of Wesche and Mrs. Schierholz to be paid over to either of them. She had the power, therefore, to demand the bonds and receive them and to this power the Custodian determined he succeeded, and, therefore, exercised. What interest Wesche had or has does not require decision, nor can the Trust Company urge it, the act requiring submission to the determination of the Custodian.

The case, therefore, has no complexity and we do not think it is necessary to trace through the elaborate argument of counsel by which he attempts to sustain the contention of the Trust Company. Its foundation is, as said by the Circuit Court of Appeals, that the Trust Company 'claims the right to have property interests judicially determined by a court of equity before a right to the possession of the property can be asserted by the Alien Property Custodian.' The claim is precluded, we have seen, by Central Union Trust Co. v. Garvan, and Stoehr v. Wallace, Supra. Those cases decide, as we have also seen, that the suit is as of peremptory character as 'seizure in pais' and is the dictate and provision for the emergency of war, not to be defeated or delayed by defenses; its only condition, therefore, being the determination by the Alien Property Custodian that it was enemy property. It was recognized that there is impl cation in the act that mistakes may be made, but it, the act, assumes 'that the transfer will take place whether right or wrong.' In other words, it is the view of the opinions that the act provides for an exercise of government, but also provides, as we have said, redress for mistakes in its exercise by the claimant of the property filing a claim under section 9 (Comp. St. 1918, Comp. St. Ann. Supp. 1919, § 3115 1/2 e), which, if not yielded to, may be enforced by suit.

The next contention of the Trust Company is that, the act being a provision for the emergency of war, is ceased with the cessation of war, ceased with the joint resolution of Congress declaring the state of war between Germany and the United States at an end, and its approval by the President, July 2, 1921 (42 Stat. 105), and the proclamation of peace by the President August 25, 1921. The contention, however, encounters in opposition the view that the power which declared the necessity is the power to declare its cessation, and what the cessation requires. The power is legislative. A court cannot estimate the effects of a great war and pronounce their termination at a particular moment of time, and that its consequences are so far swallowed up that legislation addressed to its emergency had ceased to have purpose or operation with the cessation of the conflicts in the field. Many problems would yet remain for consideration and solution, and such was the judgment of Congress, for it reserved from its legislation the Trading with the Enemy Act and amendments thereto, and provided that all property subject to that act shall be retained by the United States 'until such time as the Imperial German government &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; shall have &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; made suitable provision for the satisfaction of all claims.' Section 5. See Kahn v. Anderson, [[255 U.S. 1]], 41 Sup. Ct. 224, 65 L. Ed. 469, and Vincenti v. United States (C. C. A.) 272 Fed. 114, and [[256 U.S. 700]], 41 Sup. Ct. 538, 65 L. Ed. 1178.

Affirmed. 

==Notes==

{{smallrefs|refs=
&lt;ref name=&quot;ref1&quot;&gt;By section 5 the President is in terms authorized to exercise 'any' of his powers 'through such officer or officers as he shall direct.' By section 6 (section 3115 1/2 cc) he is authorized to appoint and 'prescribe the duties of' the officer to be known as the Alien Property Custodian.&lt;/ref&gt;}}

&lt;/div&gt;

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  <page>
    <title>Page:Harvard Law Review Volume 2.djvu/28</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506941</id>
      <parentid>9941682</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:10:24Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2674" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;&lt;small&gt;{{rh|10|''HARVARD LAW REVIEW''.}}&lt;/small&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;certain that the judges in the time of James I. did not proceed upon this rule of pleading. To their minds the word “warrant,” or, at least, a word equally importing an express undertaking, was as essential in a warranty as the words of promise were in the Roman ''stipulatio''. The modern doctrine of implied warranty, as stated by Mr. Baron Parke in Barr ''v.'' Gibson,&lt;ref&gt;3 M. &amp; W. 390.&lt;/ref&gt; “But the bargain and sale of a chattel, as being of a particular description, does imply a contract that the article sold is of that description,” would have sounded as strangely in the ears of the early lawyers as their archaic doctrine sounds in ours. The warranty of title stood anciently upon the same footing as the warranty of quality.&lt;ref&gt;Co. Lit., 102 2; Springwell ''v.'' Allen (1649) Al. 91, 2 East, 448, n. (a.), s. c.&lt;/ref&gt; But in Lord Holt’s time an affirmation was equivalent to a warranty,&lt;ref&gt;Crosse ''v.'' Gardner, 3 Mod. 261; 1 Show. 65, s. c.; Medina ''v.'' Stoughton, 1 Ld. Ray. 593, 1 Salk. 210, s. c.&lt;/ref&gt; and to-day a warranty of title is commonly implied from the mere fact of selling.&lt;ref&gt;Eichholtz ''v.'' Bannister, 17 C. B. {{asc|N. S.}} 708; Benj. Sale (3 ed.), 620–631.&lt;/ref&gt;

However much the actions against a surgeon or carpenter for misfeasance, those against a bailee for negligent custody, and, above all, those against a vendor for a false warranty, may have contributed, indirectly, to the introduction of special assumpsit, there is yet a fourth class of cases which seem to have been more intimately connected with the development of the modern parol contract than any of those yet considered. These cases were, also, like the actions for a false warranty, actions on the case for deceit. That their significance may be fully appreciated, however, it will be well to give first a short account of the successive attempts to maintain an action for the simple breach of a naked parol promise, ''i. e.'', for a pure nonfeasance.

The earliest of these attempts was in 1400, when an action was brought against a carpenter for a breach of his undertaking to build a house. The court was unanimous against the plaintiff, since he counted on a promise, and showed no specialty.&lt;ref&gt;Y. B. 2 H. IV. 3, pl. 9.&lt;/ref&gt; In the same reign there was a similar case with the same result.&lt;ref&gt;Y. B. 11 H. IV. 33, pl. 60. See, also, 7 H. VI. 1, pl. 3.&lt;/ref&gt; The harmony of judicial opinion was somewhat interrupted fifteen years later in a case against a millwright on a breach of promise to build a mill within a certain time. Martin, J., like his {{hws|prede|predecessors}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Author:George Rapall Noyes</title>
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 | firstname    = George Rapall
 | lastname     = Noyes
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 | description  = Professor Emeritus of Slavic Languages at the University of California
 }}

==Works==
===Translations===
* [[The Building of Skadar]] (1913, with [[Author:Leonard Bacon|Leonard Bacon]])
* [[Pan Tadeusz]] (1917)
* [[Poet Lore/Volume 31/Number 4/Dobromila Rettig|Dobromila Rettig]], a play by [[Author:Alois Jirásek|Alois Jirásek]] (1920, with Bernice Heřman and [[Author:Dorothea Prall Radin|Dorothea Prall Radin]])
* [[Poet Lore/Volume 34/Number 1/Raduz and Mahulena|Raduz and Mahulena]], a play by [[Author:Julius Zeyer|Julius Zeyer]] (1923, with [[Author:Zdenka Buben|Zdenka Buben]] and [[Author:Dorothea Prall Radin|Dorothea Prall Radin]])
* [[Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3/The Lantern|The Lantern]], play by [[Author:Alois Jirásek|Alois Jirásek]], in ''[[Poet Lore]]'', [[Poet Lore/Volume 36|vol. 36]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3|autumn number]] (1925) (with [[Author:Zdenka Buben|Zdenka Buben]] and [[Author:Dorothea Prall Radin|Dorothea Prall Radin]])


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 | lastname     = Noyes
 | last_initial = No
 | description  = Professor Emeritus of Slavic Languages at the University of California
 }}

==Works==
===Translations===
* [[The Building of Skadar]] (1913, with [[Author:Leonard Bacon|Leonard Bacon]])
* [[Pan Tadeusz]] (1917)
* [[Poet Lore/Volume 31/Number 4/Dobromila Rettig|Dobromila Rettig]], a play by [[Author:Alois Jirásek|Alois Jirásek]] (1920, with Bernice Heřman and [[Author:Dorothea Prall Radin|Dorothea Prall Radin]])
* [[Poet Lore/Volume 34/Number 1/Raduz and Mahulena|Raduz and Mahulena]], a play by [[Author:Julius Zeyer|Julius Zeyer]] (1923, with [[Author:Zdenka Buben|Zdenka Buben]] and [[Author:Dorothea Prall Radin|Dorothea Prall Radin]])
* [[Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3/The Lantern|The Lantern]], play by [[Author:Alois Jirásek|Alois Jirásek]], in ''[[Poet Lore]]'', [[Poet Lore/Volume 36|vol. 36]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3|autumn number]] (1925) (with [[Author:Zdenka Buben|Zdenka Buben]] and [[Author:Dorothea Prall Radin|Dorothea Prall Radin]])


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    <title>Portal:Mystery</title>
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      <text bytes="9030" xml:space="preserve">{{portal header
 | title      = Mystery
 | class      = P
 | subclass1  = N
 | shortcut   = 
 | reviewed   = yes
 | wikipedia  = Mystery fiction
 | commonscat = Crime fiction
 | notes      = [Mystery fiction] is often used as a synonym for detective fiction or crime fiction—in other words a novel or short story in which a detective (either professional or amateur) investigates and solves a crime mystery. The term &quot;mystery fiction&quot; may sometimes be limited to the subset of detective stories in which the emphasis is on the puzzle/suspense element and its logical solution, as a contrast to hardboiled detective stories, which focus on action and gritty realism.{{wikipediaref|Mystery fiction}}
}}
[[File:Postcards and magnifying glass.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Photograph of a magnifying glass resting on a pile of mixed postcards.|Mystery]]

==Works==
* [[The Woman in White]], 1860 by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]], one of the first mystery novels.
* [[Uncle Silas]], 1865 by [[Author:Sheridan Le Fanu|Sheridan Le Fanu]], an early example of a locked room mystery.
* [[The Moonstone]], 1868 by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]], considered to be the first Detective ''novel'' in the English language (Poe's ''The Murders in the Rue Morgue'', as a short story, being the first piece of Detective fiction in the English language).
* [[The Room in the Dragon Volant]], 1872 by [[Author:Sheridan Le Fanu|Sheridan Le Fanu]]
* [[The Mystery of Cloomber]], 1889 by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[Captain Black]], 1893 by [[Author:Charles Edward Carryl|Charles Edward Carryl]]
* [[The Mysterious Mummy]], 1903 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Mystery of the Yellow Room]] aka ''Le mystère de la chambre jaune'', 1907 by [[Author:Gaston Leroux|Gaston Leroux]], another early example of a locked room mystery.
* [[Trent's Last Case]] aka ''The Woman in Black'', 1913 by [[Author:Edmund Clerihew Bentley|Edmund Clerihew Bentley]], the first major send-up of the Detective genre.
* [[The Yellow Claw]], 1915 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[Lure of Souls]], 1918 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Mysterious Affair at Styles]], 1920 by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]
* [[Bat Wing]], 1921 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Secret Adversary]], 1922 by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]

==Supernatural mystery==
* [[The King in Yellow]], 1895 by [[Author:Robert W. Chambers|Robert W. Chambers]]

==Transcriptions projects==
* {{scan|Arsène Lupin|Leblanc Arsene Lupin (Doubleday, 1909).djvu}} by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]] 
* {{scan|Bat Wing|Bat Wing 1921.djvu}} by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]] 
* {{scan|The Moonstone|The Moonstone.djvu}} by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]]
* {{scan|The Mysterious Affair at Styles|Christie - The Mysterious Affair at Styles.djvu}} by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]
* {{scan|The Mystery of the Yellow Room|Mystery of the Yellow Room (Grosset Dunlap 1908).djvu}} by [[Author:Gaston Leroux|Gaston Leroux]]
* {{scan|The Woman in White|The Woman in White.djvu}} by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]] {{smaller|(source file to be fixed)}}
* {{scan|The Return of Sherlock Holmes|The Return of Sherlock Holmes, edition published in 1905 by McClure, Phillips &amp; Co., New York..djvu}} by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]] &lt;small&gt;(to be proofread)&lt;/small&gt;
* {{scan|Trent's Last Case|Bentley- Trent's Last Case (Nelson, nd).djvu}} by [[Author:Edmund Clerihew Bentley|E. C. Bentley]] 
* {{scan|The Grey Room|Phillpotts - The Grey Room (Macmillan, 1921).djvu}} by [[Author:Eden Phillpotts|Eden Phillpotts]]
* {{scan|Tutt and Mr. Tutt|Train - Tutt and Mr Tutt (Scribner, 1922).djvu}} by [[Author:Arthur Train|Arthur Train]] 
* {{scan|Call Mr. Fortune|Bailey - Call Mr Fortune (Dutton, 1921).djvu}} by [[Author:H. C. Bailey|H. C. Bailey]]
*{{scan|Fire-Tongue|Sax Rohmer - Fire Tongue.djvu}} by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]

==Series characters==
Listed alphabetically by character name.
=== Leblanc's ''Arsène Lupin'' series ===
* [[The Extraordinary Adventures of Arsene Lupin, Gentleman Burglar]], 1910 by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]]
* [[The Crystal Stopper]], 1912 by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]]

=== Poe's ''C. Auguste Dupin'' series ===
''The Murders in the Rue Morgue'' is regarded as the first English-language Detective story.
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Murders in the Rue Morgue|The Murders in the Rue Morgue]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1841)
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Mystery of Marie Roget|The Mystery of Marie Rogêt]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1842)
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Purloined Letter|The Purloined Letter]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1844)

=== Chesterton's ''Father Brown'' series ===
* [[The Innocence of Father Brown]], 1911 by [[Author:Gilbert Keith Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]]
* [[The Wisdom of Father Brown]], 1914 by [[Author:Gilbert Keith Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]]

=== Doyle's ''Sherlock Holmes'' series ===
[[File:Sherlock holmes pipe hat.jpg|thumb|right|Phototgraph of a collection of items related to Sherlock Holmes resting on a table in front of a fireplace: a Meerschaum pipe, a deerstalker hat, a bowler hat and a magnifying glass.|alt=Sherlock Holmes]]
:See also the ''[[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle/Sherlock Holmes|Sherlock Holmes collection]]'' under [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
Novels are listed in bold.

* '''[[A Study in Scarlet]]''', 1887 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* '''[[The Sign of Four]]''', 1890 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes]], 1891-92 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[A Scandal in Bohemia]]
** [[The Red-headed League]]
** [[A Case of Identity]]
** [[The Boscombe Valley Mystery]]
** [[The Five Orange Pips]]
** [[The Man with the Twisted Lip]]
** [[The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Speckled Band]]
** [[The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb]]
** [[The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor]]
** [[The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet]]
** [[The Adventure of the Copper Beeches]]
* [[The Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes]], 1893 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[Silver Blaze]]
** [[The Adventure of the Cardboard Box|The Cardboard Box]]
** [[The Yellow Face]]
** [[The Stock-broker's Clerk]]
** [[The 'Gloria Scott']]
** [[The Musgrave Ritual]]
** [[The Reigate Puzzle]]
** [[The Crooked Man]]
** [[The Resident Patient]]
** [[The Greek Interpreter]]
** [[The Naval Treaty]]
** [[The Adventure of the Final Problem]]
* '''[[The Hound of the Baskervilles]]''', 1902 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[The Return of Sherlock Holmes]], 1905 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Empty House]]
** [[The Adventure of the Norwood Builder]]
** [[The Adventure of the Dancing Men]]
** [[The Adventure of the Solitary Cyclist]]
** [[The Adventure of the Priory School]]
** [[The Adventure of Black Peter]]
** [[The Adventure of Charles Augustus Milverton]]
** [[The Adventure of the Six Napoleons]]
** [[The Adventure of the Three Students]]
** [[The Adventure of the Golden Pince-Nez]]
** [[The Adventure of the Missing Three-Quarter]]
** [[The Adventure of the Abbey Grange]]
** [[The Adventure of the Second Stain]]
* '''[[The Valley of Fear]]''', 1915 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[His Last Bow]], 1917 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[The Adventure of Wisteria Lodge]]
** [[The Adventure of the Cardboard Box]]
** [[The Adventure of the Red Circle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Bruce-Partington Plans]]
** [[The Adventure of the Dying Detective]]
** [[The Disappearance of Lady Frances Carfax]]
** [[The Adventure of the Devil's Foot]]
** [[His Last Bow.- The War Service of Sherlock Holmes]]
* [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes]], 1927 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
*: '''NOTE:''' ''The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes'' is not entirely in the public domain in the United States.
** [[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]
** [[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]
** [[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]
** [[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]
** [[The Adventure of the Three Garridebs]]
** [[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]]
** The Adventure of the Three Gables (1926)
** The Adventure of the Blanched Soldier (1926)
** The Adventure of the Lion's Mane (1926)
** The Adventure of the Retired Colourman (1926)
** The Adventure of the Veiled Lodger (1927)
** The Adventure of Shoscombe Old Place (1927)

[[Category:Mystery| ]]</text>
      <sha1>7uo3h96lzhjxl0cavrdk9o5xcj0gglo</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508043</id>
      <parentid>12508042</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:46:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Chesterton's Father Brown series */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="9138" xml:space="preserve">{{portal header
 | title      = Mystery
 | class      = P
 | subclass1  = N
 | shortcut   = 
 | reviewed   = yes
 | wikipedia  = Mystery fiction
 | commonscat = Crime fiction
 | notes      = [Mystery fiction] is often used as a synonym for detective fiction or crime fiction—in other words a novel or short story in which a detective (either professional or amateur) investigates and solves a crime mystery. The term &quot;mystery fiction&quot; may sometimes be limited to the subset of detective stories in which the emphasis is on the puzzle/suspense element and its logical solution, as a contrast to hardboiled detective stories, which focus on action and gritty realism.{{wikipediaref|Mystery fiction}}
}}
[[File:Postcards and magnifying glass.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Photograph of a magnifying glass resting on a pile of mixed postcards.|Mystery]]

==Works==
* [[The Woman in White]], 1860 by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]], one of the first mystery novels.
* [[Uncle Silas]], 1865 by [[Author:Sheridan Le Fanu|Sheridan Le Fanu]], an early example of a locked room mystery.
* [[The Moonstone]], 1868 by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]], considered to be the first Detective ''novel'' in the English language (Poe's ''The Murders in the Rue Morgue'', as a short story, being the first piece of Detective fiction in the English language).
* [[The Room in the Dragon Volant]], 1872 by [[Author:Sheridan Le Fanu|Sheridan Le Fanu]]
* [[The Mystery of Cloomber]], 1889 by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[Captain Black]], 1893 by [[Author:Charles Edward Carryl|Charles Edward Carryl]]
* [[The Mysterious Mummy]], 1903 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Mystery of the Yellow Room]] aka ''Le mystère de la chambre jaune'', 1907 by [[Author:Gaston Leroux|Gaston Leroux]], another early example of a locked room mystery.
* [[Trent's Last Case]] aka ''The Woman in Black'', 1913 by [[Author:Edmund Clerihew Bentley|Edmund Clerihew Bentley]], the first major send-up of the Detective genre.
* [[The Yellow Claw]], 1915 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[Lure of Souls]], 1918 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Mysterious Affair at Styles]], 1920 by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]
* [[Bat Wing]], 1921 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Secret Adversary]], 1922 by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]

==Supernatural mystery==
* [[The King in Yellow]], 1895 by [[Author:Robert W. Chambers|Robert W. Chambers]]

==Transcriptions projects==
* {{scan|Arsène Lupin|Leblanc Arsene Lupin (Doubleday, 1909).djvu}} by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]] 
* {{scan|Bat Wing|Bat Wing 1921.djvu}} by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]] 
* {{scan|The Moonstone|The Moonstone.djvu}} by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]]
* {{scan|The Mysterious Affair at Styles|Christie - The Mysterious Affair at Styles.djvu}} by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]
* {{scan|The Mystery of the Yellow Room|Mystery of the Yellow Room (Grosset Dunlap 1908).djvu}} by [[Author:Gaston Leroux|Gaston Leroux]]
* {{scan|The Woman in White|The Woman in White.djvu}} by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]] {{smaller|(source file to be fixed)}}
* {{scan|The Return of Sherlock Holmes|The Return of Sherlock Holmes, edition published in 1905 by McClure, Phillips &amp; Co., New York..djvu}} by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]] &lt;small&gt;(to be proofread)&lt;/small&gt;
* {{scan|Trent's Last Case|Bentley- Trent's Last Case (Nelson, nd).djvu}} by [[Author:Edmund Clerihew Bentley|E. C. Bentley]] 
* {{scan|The Grey Room|Phillpotts - The Grey Room (Macmillan, 1921).djvu}} by [[Author:Eden Phillpotts|Eden Phillpotts]]
* {{scan|Tutt and Mr. Tutt|Train - Tutt and Mr Tutt (Scribner, 1922).djvu}} by [[Author:Arthur Train|Arthur Train]] 
* {{scan|Call Mr. Fortune|Bailey - Call Mr Fortune (Dutton, 1921).djvu}} by [[Author:H. C. Bailey|H. C. Bailey]]
*{{scan|Fire-Tongue|Sax Rohmer - Fire Tongue.djvu}} by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]

==Series characters==
Listed alphabetically by character name.
=== Leblanc's ''Arsène Lupin'' series ===
* [[The Extraordinary Adventures of Arsene Lupin, Gentleman Burglar]], 1910 by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]]
* [[The Crystal Stopper]], 1912 by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]]

=== Poe's ''C. Auguste Dupin'' series ===
''The Murders in the Rue Morgue'' is regarded as the first English-language Detective story.
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Murders in the Rue Morgue|The Murders in the Rue Morgue]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1841)
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Mystery of Marie Roget|The Mystery of Marie Rogêt]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1842)
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Purloined Letter|The Purloined Letter]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1844)

=== Chesterton's ''Father Brown'' series ===
* [[The Innocence of Father Brown]], 1911 by [[Author:Gilbert Keith Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]]
* [[The Wisdom of Father Brown]], 1914 by [[Author:Gilbert Keith Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]]
* [[The Incredulity of Father Brown]], 1926 by [[Author:Gilbert Keith Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]]

=== Doyle's ''Sherlock Holmes'' series ===
[[File:Sherlock holmes pipe hat.jpg|thumb|right|Phototgraph of a collection of items related to Sherlock Holmes resting on a table in front of a fireplace: a Meerschaum pipe, a deerstalker hat, a bowler hat and a magnifying glass.|alt=Sherlock Holmes]]
:See also the ''[[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle/Sherlock Holmes|Sherlock Holmes collection]]'' under [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
Novels are listed in bold.

* '''[[A Study in Scarlet]]''', 1887 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* '''[[The Sign of Four]]''', 1890 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes]], 1891-92 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[A Scandal in Bohemia]]
** [[The Red-headed League]]
** [[A Case of Identity]]
** [[The Boscombe Valley Mystery]]
** [[The Five Orange Pips]]
** [[The Man with the Twisted Lip]]
** [[The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Speckled Band]]
** [[The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb]]
** [[The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor]]
** [[The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet]]
** [[The Adventure of the Copper Beeches]]
* [[The Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes]], 1893 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[Silver Blaze]]
** [[The Adventure of the Cardboard Box|The Cardboard Box]]
** [[The Yellow Face]]
** [[The Stock-broker's Clerk]]
** [[The 'Gloria Scott']]
** [[The Musgrave Ritual]]
** [[The Reigate Puzzle]]
** [[The Crooked Man]]
** [[The Resident Patient]]
** [[The Greek Interpreter]]
** [[The Naval Treaty]]
** [[The Adventure of the Final Problem]]
* '''[[The Hound of the Baskervilles]]''', 1902 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[The Return of Sherlock Holmes]], 1905 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Empty House]]
** [[The Adventure of the Norwood Builder]]
** [[The Adventure of the Dancing Men]]
** [[The Adventure of the Solitary Cyclist]]
** [[The Adventure of the Priory School]]
** [[The Adventure of Black Peter]]
** [[The Adventure of Charles Augustus Milverton]]
** [[The Adventure of the Six Napoleons]]
** [[The Adventure of the Three Students]]
** [[The Adventure of the Golden Pince-Nez]]
** [[The Adventure of the Missing Three-Quarter]]
** [[The Adventure of the Abbey Grange]]
** [[The Adventure of the Second Stain]]
* '''[[The Valley of Fear]]''', 1915 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[His Last Bow]], 1917 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[The Adventure of Wisteria Lodge]]
** [[The Adventure of the Cardboard Box]]
** [[The Adventure of the Red Circle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Bruce-Partington Plans]]
** [[The Adventure of the Dying Detective]]
** [[The Disappearance of Lady Frances Carfax]]
** [[The Adventure of the Devil's Foot]]
** [[His Last Bow.- The War Service of Sherlock Holmes]]
* [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes]], 1927 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
*: '''NOTE:''' ''The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes'' is not entirely in the public domain in the United States.
** [[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]
** [[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]
** [[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]
** [[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]
** [[The Adventure of the Three Garridebs]]
** [[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]]
** The Adventure of the Three Gables (1926)
** The Adventure of the Blanched Soldier (1926)
** The Adventure of the Lion's Mane (1926)
** The Adventure of the Retired Colourman (1926)
** The Adventure of the Veiled Lodger (1927)
** The Adventure of Shoscombe Old Place (1927)

[[Category:Mystery| ]]</text>
      <sha1>rbwjjb8m4hoa3a62qzl29vbulwjej1w</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508044</id>
      <parentid>12508043</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:46:54Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Typo</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="9137" xml:space="preserve">{{portal header
 | title      = Mystery
 | class      = P
 | subclass1  = N
 | shortcut   = 
 | reviewed   = yes
 | wikipedia  = Mystery fiction
 | commonscat = Crime fiction
 | notes      = [Mystery fiction] is often used as a synonym for detective fiction or crime fiction—in other words a novel or short story in which a detective (either professional or amateur) investigates and solves a crime mystery. The term &quot;mystery fiction&quot; may sometimes be limited to the subset of detective stories in which the emphasis is on the puzzle/suspense element and its logical solution, as a contrast to hardboiled detective stories, which focus on action and gritty realism.{{wikipediaref|Mystery fiction}}
}}
[[File:Postcards and magnifying glass.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Photograph of a magnifying glass resting on a pile of mixed postcards.|Mystery]]

==Works==
* [[The Woman in White]], 1860 by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]], one of the first mystery novels.
* [[Uncle Silas]], 1865 by [[Author:Sheridan Le Fanu|Sheridan Le Fanu]], an early example of a locked room mystery.
* [[The Moonstone]], 1868 by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]], considered to be the first Detective ''novel'' in the English language (Poe's ''The Murders in the Rue Morgue'', as a short story, being the first piece of Detective fiction in the English language).
* [[The Room in the Dragon Volant]], 1872 by [[Author:Sheridan Le Fanu|Sheridan Le Fanu]]
* [[The Mystery of Cloomber]], 1889 by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[Captain Black]], 1893 by [[Author:Charles Edward Carryl|Charles Edward Carryl]]
* [[The Mysterious Mummy]], 1903 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Mystery of the Yellow Room]] aka ''Le mystère de la chambre jaune'', 1907 by [[Author:Gaston Leroux|Gaston Leroux]], another early example of a locked room mystery.
* [[Trent's Last Case]] aka ''The Woman in Black'', 1913 by [[Author:Edmund Clerihew Bentley|Edmund Clerihew Bentley]], the first major send-up of the Detective genre.
* [[The Yellow Claw]], 1915 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[Lure of Souls]], 1918 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Mysterious Affair at Styles]], 1920 by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]
* [[Bat Wing]], 1921 by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]
* [[The Secret Adversary]], 1922 by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]

==Supernatural mystery==
* [[The King in Yellow]], 1895 by [[Author:Robert W. Chambers|Robert W. Chambers]]

==Transcriptions projects==
* {{scan|Arsène Lupin|Leblanc Arsene Lupin (Doubleday, 1909).djvu}} by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]] 
* {{scan|Bat Wing|Bat Wing 1921.djvu}} by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]] 
* {{scan|The Moonstone|The Moonstone.djvu}} by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]]
* {{scan|The Mysterious Affair at Styles|Christie - The Mysterious Affair at Styles.djvu}} by [[Author:Agatha Christie|Agatha Christie]]
* {{scan|The Mystery of the Yellow Room|Mystery of the Yellow Room (Grosset Dunlap 1908).djvu}} by [[Author:Gaston Leroux|Gaston Leroux]]
* {{scan|The Woman in White|The Woman in White.djvu}} by [[Author:William Wilkie Collins|William Wilkie Collins]] {{smaller|(source file to be fixed)}}
* {{scan|The Return of Sherlock Holmes|The Return of Sherlock Holmes, edition published in 1905 by McClure, Phillips &amp; Co., New York..djvu}} by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]] &lt;small&gt;(to be proofread)&lt;/small&gt;
* {{scan|Trent's Last Case|Bentley- Trent's Last Case (Nelson, nd).djvu}} by [[Author:Edmund Clerihew Bentley|E. C. Bentley]] 
* {{scan|The Grey Room|Phillpotts - The Grey Room (Macmillan, 1921).djvu}} by [[Author:Eden Phillpotts|Eden Phillpotts]]
* {{scan|Tutt and Mr. Tutt|Train - Tutt and Mr Tutt (Scribner, 1922).djvu}} by [[Author:Arthur Train|Arthur Train]] 
* {{scan|Call Mr. Fortune|Bailey - Call Mr Fortune (Dutton, 1921).djvu}} by [[Author:H. C. Bailey|H. C. Bailey]]
*{{scan|Fire-Tongue|Sax Rohmer - Fire Tongue.djvu}} by [[Author:Sax Rohmer|Sax Rohmer]]

==Series characters==
Listed alphabetically by character name.
=== Leblanc's ''Arsène Lupin'' series ===
* [[The Extraordinary Adventures of Arsene Lupin, Gentleman Burglar]], 1910 by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]]
* [[The Crystal Stopper]], 1912 by [[Author:Maurice Leblanc|Maurice Leblanc]]

=== Poe's ''C. Auguste Dupin'' series ===
''The Murders in the Rue Morgue'' is regarded as the first English-language Detective story.
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Murders in the Rue Morgue|The Murders in the Rue Morgue]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1841)
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Mystery of Marie Roget|The Mystery of Marie Rogêt]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1842)
* &quot;[[Tales (Poe)/The Purloined Letter|The Purloined Letter]],&quot; in ''[[Tales (Poe)|Tales]]'', 1846 by [[Author:Edgar Allan Poe|Edgar Allan Poe]] (original: 1844)

=== Chesterton's ''Father Brown'' series ===
* [[The Innocence of Father Brown]], 1911 by [[Author:Gilbert Keith Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]]
* [[The Wisdom of Father Brown]], 1914 by [[Author:Gilbert Keith Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]]
* [[The Incredulity of Father Brown]], 1926 by [[Author:Gilbert Keith Chesterton|Gilbert Keith Chesterton]]

=== Doyle's ''Sherlock Holmes'' series ===
[[File:Sherlock holmes pipe hat.jpg|thumb|right|Photograph of a collection of items related to Sherlock Holmes resting on a table in front of a fireplace: a Meerschaum pipe, a deerstalker hat, a bowler hat and a magnifying glass.|alt=Sherlock Holmes]]
:See also the ''[[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle/Sherlock Holmes|Sherlock Holmes collection]]'' under [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
Novels are listed in bold.

* '''[[A Study in Scarlet]]''', 1887 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* '''[[The Sign of Four]]''', 1890 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes]], 1891-92 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[A Scandal in Bohemia]]
** [[The Red-headed League]]
** [[A Case of Identity]]
** [[The Boscombe Valley Mystery]]
** [[The Five Orange Pips]]
** [[The Man with the Twisted Lip]]
** [[The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Speckled Band]]
** [[The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb]]
** [[The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor]]
** [[The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet]]
** [[The Adventure of the Copper Beeches]]
* [[The Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes]], 1893 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[Silver Blaze]]
** [[The Adventure of the Cardboard Box|The Cardboard Box]]
** [[The Yellow Face]]
** [[The Stock-broker's Clerk]]
** [[The 'Gloria Scott']]
** [[The Musgrave Ritual]]
** [[The Reigate Puzzle]]
** [[The Crooked Man]]
** [[The Resident Patient]]
** [[The Greek Interpreter]]
** [[The Naval Treaty]]
** [[The Adventure of the Final Problem]]
* '''[[The Hound of the Baskervilles]]''', 1902 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[The Return of Sherlock Holmes]], 1905 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Empty House]]
** [[The Adventure of the Norwood Builder]]
** [[The Adventure of the Dancing Men]]
** [[The Adventure of the Solitary Cyclist]]
** [[The Adventure of the Priory School]]
** [[The Adventure of Black Peter]]
** [[The Adventure of Charles Augustus Milverton]]
** [[The Adventure of the Six Napoleons]]
** [[The Adventure of the Three Students]]
** [[The Adventure of the Golden Pince-Nez]]
** [[The Adventure of the Missing Three-Quarter]]
** [[The Adventure of the Abbey Grange]]
** [[The Adventure of the Second Stain]]
* '''[[The Valley of Fear]]''', 1915 novel by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
* [[His Last Bow]], 1917 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
** [[The Adventure of Wisteria Lodge]]
** [[The Adventure of the Cardboard Box]]
** [[The Adventure of the Red Circle]]
** [[The Adventure of the Bruce-Partington Plans]]
** [[The Adventure of the Dying Detective]]
** [[The Disappearance of Lady Frances Carfax]]
** [[The Adventure of the Devil's Foot]]
** [[His Last Bow.- The War Service of Sherlock Holmes]]
* [[The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes]], 1927 collection by [[Author:Arthur Conan Doyle|Arthur Conan Doyle]]
*: '''NOTE:''' ''The Casebook of Sherlock Holmes'' is not entirely in the public domain in the United States.
** [[The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone]]
** [[The Problem of Thor Bridge]]
** [[The Adventure of the Creeping Man]]
** [[The Adventure of the Sussex Vampire]]
** [[The Adventure of the Three Garridebs]]
** [[The Adventure of the Illustrious Client]]
** The Adventure of the Three Gables (1926)
** The Adventure of the Blanched Soldier (1926)
** The Adventure of the Lion's Mane (1926)
** The Adventure of the Retired Colourman (1926)
** The Adventure of the Veiled Lodger (1927)
** The Adventure of Shoscombe Old Place (1927)

[[Category:Mystery| ]]</text>
      <sha1>catiwjycxeedlpddkjvh7dgajd4mve2</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Folk-Lore Journal Volume 1 1883.djvu/58</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1267514</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507910</id>
      <parentid>8351922</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:55:29Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Problematic */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1537" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|50|{{asc|FOLK-TALE ANALYSIS.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Luzel, Contes publiées dans Mélusine [14]. 

Luzel, Contes publiées dans la Revue Celtique [6]. 

Luzel, Veillées Bretonne. Paris, 1879 [6]. 

Luzel, Légendes chrétiennes de la Basse-Bretagne. 2 vols. Paris, 1882 [72]. 

[A full bibliography of Breton popular literature may be found in the Revue Celtique, Vol. v.] 

''New Zealand.'' 

Grey's Polynesian Mythology. London, 1851. 

Shortland's Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders. London, 1854. 

Schirren's Der Wandersagen der Neuseeländer und der Maui Mythos. Riga, 1856. 

''New Guinea''. 

Gill's Myths and Songs of the South Pacific. 1876. 

''Egyptian.'' 

Maspéro, Contes Egyptiens. Paris, 1882 [c. 10]. 

Revoil, Contes Berbères. Paris, 1882. 

Koelle's African Native Literature. London, 1854, Cf. Grimm, iii. pp. 362 et ff. who translates or abstracts 16 of the tales. 

Callaway's Nursery Tales, &amp;c. of the Zulus. 2 vols. London, 1868. 

Bleek's Reynard the Fox in South Africa. London, 1864 [42]. 

Bleek's A Brief Account of Bushman folk-lore (second report concerning Bushman researches, &amp;c.) Cape Town, 1875. 

South African Folk-Lore Journal. Vols. i. ii. Cape Town, 1879-1880 [24]. 

Dahle's Specimens of Malagasy Folk-lore. 

Theal's Kaffir Folk-lore. London ( 1882) [20]. 

''American.''

Matthews's Ethnography, &amp;c. of the Hidatsa Indians. Washington, 1877. 

Rink's Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo. Edinburgh, 1875 [c. 50 tales]. 

Brett's Legends, &amp;c., of British Guiana. (1879).
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ksmp3kgck8vs9doov5wvomnizju4oac</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Folk-Lore Journal Volume 1 1883.djvu/87</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1267528</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507913</id>
      <parentid>12364804</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:58:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="3451" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|PUBLICATIONS IN ENGLISH.}}|79}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|'''[[Archaeologia|Archaeologia]]:''' or, miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity, published by the Society of Antiquaries of London. London, 18{{gap|1em}}-1882. 4to. Vols. i. to xlvii.}}

{{left margin|2em|{{smaller block/s}}The following articles relate to folk-lore, the full references being given under the authors' names as printed in italics:— 
{{plainlist|
* ''Barrington'' (''Hon. Daines''). Patriarchal manners and customs.
* ''Douce'' (''Francis''). Ceremony of the feast of fools.—Ancient marriage customs. 
* ''Pegge'' (''Samuel''). Bull running at Tutbury.—Cock-fighting.—History of St. George.
* ''Pettingal'' (''John''). Gule of August.
* ''Wright'' (''Thomas''). Legend of Wayland Smith.}}
{{smaller block/e}}}}

{{hi|'''Asiatic Researches:''' or, transactions of the Society instituted in Bengal for inquiring into the history, the antiquities, the arts and sciences, and literature of Asia. Calcutta, 1788-1836. Vols. i. to XX. 4to.}}

{{left margin|2em|{{smaller block|The following articles relate to folk-lore, the full references being given under the authors' names as printed in italics:— 
{{plainlist|* ''Brown'' (''A.'') Ceremonies observed at the coronation of a Hindu raja. 
* ''Carey'' (''Rev. W.'') Funeral ceremonies of a Burman priest.
* ''Colebrooke'' (''H. T.'') Religious ceremonies of the Hindus.—Duties of a Hindu widow. 
* ''Hodgson'' (''B. H.'') Manners and customs of the Bhotiahs. 
* ''Joinville'' ({{gap|2em}}). Religion and manners of the people of Ceylon. 
* ''Jones'' (''Sir William''). Gods of Greece, Italy, and India. 
* ''Paterson'' (''J. D.'') Origin of Hindu religion. 
* ''Pearse'' (''Colonel''). On two Hindu festivals and the Indian sphinx. 
* ''Shore'' (''Sir John''). Extraordinary facts, customs, and practices of the Hindus. 
* ''Wilford'' (''Major F.'') Sacred Isle of the West.—Names of the Cabirian deities. 
* ''Wilson'' (''H. H.'') Religious sects of the Hindus.}}
}}}}

{{hi|'''Asiatic (Royal) Society of Great Britain and Ireland,''' transactions of. London 1827, 1830, 1835. 3 vols. 4to.}}

{{left margin|2em|{{smaller block|The following articles relate to folk-lore, the full references being given under authors' names as printed in italics:— 

{{plainlist|* ''Mackenzie'' (''Colonel Colin''). Marriage ceremonies of the Hindus and Mahommedans in Southern India. 
* ''Morrison'' (''J. R.'') Charms, talismans, and felicitous appendages used by the Chinese.}}
}}}}

{{hi|'''Atkinson (James).''' Customs and manners of the women of Persia and their domestic superstitions, translated from the original Persian manuscript. London (Oriental Translation Fund), 1832, 8vo. pp. xviii. 93.}}

{{left margin|2em|{{smaller block|{{sc|Contents:}} Introduction. Cap. i. Of those laws which are deemed imperative, ii. Of rules concerning the bath. iii. Concerning prayers and fast days. iv. Of singing and instrumental music, v. Of the nuptial night, vi. Of pregnancy and child birth, vii. Of the conduct of the wife to her husband, mother-in-law, and other relations, viii. Of charms and the means of destroying the effects of witchcraft, with divers other ordinances, ix. Of guests and visitors and the lucky periods of their coming and departure. X. Of male and female gossips and intimates, xi. Of the composition of Semnú for presents, xii. Of fruits and flowers as symbols of feeling and passion.}}}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Folk-Lore Journal Volume 1 1883.djvu/90</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="3663" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|82|{{asc|BIBLIOGRAPHY OF FOLK-LORE}}|}}
{{hanging indent/m}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the pre-incarial, incarial, and other monuments of Peruvian nations. London, 1860. 8vo. pp. 279.{{hanging indent/e}}
{{left margin|2em|{{smaller block|[A few important notes in the text, but not arranged under chapters devoted to folk-lore.]}}}}
{{hi|'''[[Author:James Bonwick|Bonwick (James)]].''' Daily life and origin of the Tasmanians. London, 1870. 8vo. pp. viii. 304.}}
{{left margin|2em|{{smaller block|{{sc|Contents:}} Intellect of the Tasmanians—Character—Food—Dress and ornament—Amusements—Arts and manufactures—Women and children—Government and number—Diseases—Burial—Physical appearance—Language—Superstitions—Origin of the Tasmanians.}}}}
{{hi|'''[[Border Magazine]],''' Edinburgh. July to December, 1863. 6 parts, 8vo.}}
{{left margin|2em|{{smaller block|The following articles relate to folk-lore, the full references being given under the names as printed in italics. 
{{plainlist|* ''Gordon'' of Greenlaw: a Galloway legend.
* ''Gray'' (The) Man of Bellister: a Northumbrian legend. 
* ''Hardy'' (''James''). Wart and wen cures. 
* ''Haye'' (''A. O.'') Tales of Berwickshire. 
* ''Leighton'' (''A.'') Mysterious legends of Edinburgh. 
* ''Tate'' (''George''). Northumberland legends.}}
}}}}
{{hi|'''[[Author:A. Brown|Brown (A.)]]''' Ceremonies observed at the coronation of a Hindu raja. ''Asiatic Researches'', vol xiii. (1820), pp. 311-316.}}
{{hi|'''[[Author:William Brown|Brown (William)]].''' New Zealand and its aborigines: being an account of the aborigines, trade, and resources of the colony{{...|5}} London, 1845. 8vo. pp. viii. 320.}}
{{left margin|2em|{{smaller block|Cap. i. Manners and customs, ii. Marriage customs—Domestic customs—Superstition—Witchcraft, &amp;c.

[These first two chapters contain notes on aboriginal folk-lore, the rest of the book deals with other subjects.]}}}}

{{hi|'''[[Author:Peter Buchan|Buchan (Peter)]].''' Ancient ballads and songs of the North of Scotland hitherto unpublished: with explanatory notes. Edinburgh, 1828. 2 vols. 8vo. pp. XX. 319; iv. 852.}}
{{left margin/s|2em}}{{smaller block/s}}{{sc|Contains 145 Ballads:}}—Vol. I. Sir Patrick Spens—Young Akin—Young Waters—The Gowans sae gay—The twa magicians—Childe owlet—The bent sae brown—Leesome Brand —Clerk Tamas —The Queen of Scotland—The Earl of Mar's daughter—Death of Lord Warriston—Earl Crawford—Rose the red and white Lillie—Burd Isbel and Sir Patrick—Charlie M'Pherson—Charles Graeme—The courteous knight—Sweet Willie and fair Maisry—Young Prince James—Brown Robyn's confession—The three brothers—The maid and fairy—Young Hunting—Blancheflour aud Jellyflorice—Lady Isabel—Gight's lady—The drowned lovers—Earl Richard's daughter—Willie and Lady Maisry—Clerk Sandy—Willie and fair burd Anne—The enchanted ring—Broom o' the Cowdenknowes—Proud Maitland—Lord Darlington—Blue flowers and yellow—Jean o' Bethelnie's love for Sir G. Gordon—The holy nunnery—The new-slain knight—The white fisher—Lord Dingwall—James Herries—Barbara Blair—Thomas o' Yonderdale—The knight's ghost—The trooper and fair maid—Lord Ingram and Childe Vyet—Castle Ha's daughter—Willie's drowned in Gamery—Lang Johnny Moir—Cuttie's wedding—Miss Gordon of Gight—The man to the green, Joe—Auld Scour Abeen—The wee bridalie—The little man—The poor auld maidens—The Guise of Tyrie—The fause lover—Our John is dowing—Bonny Saint John—Robyn's tesment—Richard's Mary—The cunning clerk—The clerks of Oxenford.
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/29</title>
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      <parentid>8188324</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2063" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''The President's Address.''|21}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;kings and parliaments cannot make new words. I think folk-lorists will look upon it as an axiom that kings could not inaugurate such a ceremony as that at Alnwick, which must have had some more powerful creator than the worst of English kings; and they will bear in mind that, on the coast of Ireland, is another water ceremony, where the victim is not a prospective freeman of a municipal corporation. Our point is, then, that survivals want accounting for, and, whatever may ultimately prove their proper place in the history of our race, no society is better able to account for them than this, no science better able to cope with the questions at issue than folk-lore; and I cannot help expressing an earnest hope that we shall now be able to attract to our standard men whose interest in folk-lore does not lie outside institutions—that we shall be able, by our methods and by our aims, to show that we occupy a place among the learned societies occupied by no other body, and which sadly needs being adequately filled. 

In India there is a society specially established for the study of institutions, and it has been called by the honored name of Sir Henry Maine; in England the Folk-lore Society nominally occupies the ground. But if it does not soon actually occupy it by paying attention to these subjects, some other organisation will step in to do its work. 

What, then, it appears to me we have now to do is to steadily look our position in the face—ascertain our requirements, and organise to meet every emergency. Our study embraces all that is traditional in its origin—folk- tales, hero-tales, legends, superstitions, usages, customs, and institutions. Every branch must be assisted ; every student seeking our aid must be welcomed and assisted; every member must consider what folk-lore has become under the auspices of this society, and must be a specialist only to enable him to contribute to the general stock of knowledge. 

According to my bias, as I frankly term it, I believe the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/30</title>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="1923" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh|22|''The President's Address.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;traditional element of our national life which penetrates beneath the mighty stream of Christ's religion, which touches prehistoric times through the early notices of our savage ancestors, which is comparable to savage practices at present the property only of savage peoples, is made up of myth, usage, belief, and institutions; and it is only by getting fast hold of this mosaic that we can adequately interpret the story of our race which it has to tell. 

I have left myself but little time to consider our work during the past session, and yet there is much to consider. We have had papers before us on— 

1. ''Descriptive Folk-lore:''

&quot;Folk-lore of Malagasy Birds,&quot; by the Rev. [[Author:James Sibree|James Sibree]]. 

&quot;Notes on Manx Folk-lore,&quot; two papers, by Professor Rhys. 

&quot;Guardian Spirits of Wells and Lochs,&quot; by Rev. [[Author:Walter Gregor|Walter Gregor]]. 

&quot;Notes on South African Folk-lore,&quot; by Rev. [[Author:James MacDonald|James MacDonald]]. 

&quot;Relic of Samaritan Folk-lore,&quot; by Dr. Lowy. 

2. ''Contributive Folk-lore:''

&quot;Recent Theories about King Arthur,&quot; and the &quot;Lai of Eliduc,&quot; two papers, by  [[Author:Alfred Nutt|Alfred Nutt]]. 

&quot;Childe Rowland,&quot; by  [[Author:Joseph Jacobs|Joseph Jacobs]]. 

&quot;Notes on English Folk-drama,&quot; by  [[Author:T. Fairman Ordish|T. Fairman Ordish]]. 

It will be seen that the section of what I have termed Descriptive Folk-lore is the fullest in point of results; and I am glad it is so. Mr. Sibree has always been a generous contributor to our archives from a land which is particularly interesting, and the minute details he was able to throw upon Malagasy totemism is a really important contribution to knowledge, as I think it takes the Malagasy peoples out of the category of the non-totem races. Of Professor Rhys's Manx researches it would be impertinent for me to say anything beyond putting on record my&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/31</title>
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      <parentid>8188347</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2146" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''The Presidents Address.''|23}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;opinion of their value, both intrinsically and as models for all inquirers. Mr. Walter Gregor again sends us up a contribution of great value from his own home. 

In the Contributive section we have two masterly papers by Mr. Nutt, and one by Mr. Jacobs; and the latter must pardon my congratulating him on his attainment, on this occasion, of true folk-lore methods. Mr. Ordish's paper is, I believe, his first study presented to the Society, and it opened up a subject which has been quite neglected by us, and which is capable of yielding splendid results, for the dramatic influences of primitive usage are very great. 

A word or two more in conclusion. No doubt my scheme of work is ambitious—perhaps, indeed, too ambitious to realise. But I am not the one to shrink from a task, however gigantic, if the possibility of good results looms in the distance. And, moreover, the existence of such a scheme as a working-plan is of great value, because it not only supplies us, as it were, with the necessary pigeon-holes wherein to place all contributions received, but it suggests, and perhaps forms, a habit of research among workers in one common direction. I therefore put forward an urgent appeal to the Society to help me in having these things done. I am willing to do all that lies in me to do, and I ask you, by virtue of the office you have elected me to, to bid me organise bands of willing workers—men and women—who will set about collecting the fragments yet to be discovered, and will read through books, and copy out each item found therein, sending all their discoveries up to a central bureau, and doing it all persistently and faithfully as workers in a common scientific cause. If I have your mandate to-night to attempt such an organisation as I can, in my mental vision, see before me; if I can succeed in imparting to any of you the great necessity there is for our Society to still lead the way as first among folk-lore societies; if I can put into the feeble words at my limited command some indications of the importance of deliberate work by us all in collective&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/32</title>
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      <text bytes="2099" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|24|''The President's Address.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;organisation, I will undertake to say that all who help in this good work will never regret it; that as our monument gradually rises from the ground-work into something like perfection, hours and hours of pleasurable toil will have replaced many a moment which would have been occupied less profitably, and if I know anything of the ups and downs of life, many a moment of trouble and regret. Give me, then, I pray you, the mandate I ask at your hands; signalise my personally weak presidency by making it scientifically strong. 

Ladies and gentlemen, in the land of Eutopia—as in that London which Mr. Morris has dreamed about in his beautiful dreams—all things are done for love. We folk-lorists do things for love of folk-lore, and we find each other thinking good things of each other, and saying what capital people we all are. But outside the charmed band exists a hard and cruel world, who pretend to say that they cannot live upon love, even upon the love that folk-lore produces for the human species. That outside world demands money—money for postages, for travelling, for printing, and for that awfully portentous item, &quot;miscellaneous.&quot; Therefore, it behoves folk-lorists—or, at least, the Folk-lore Society collectively—to possess a banker, a treasurer, and a cash balance. I believe if we do good work we shall soon possess the inestimable blessing of a good cash balance. It is hopeless to expect that a cash balance and a satisfied treasurer will precede good work—it is putting the cart before the horse. The Council, as you have heard in the Report, is attempting much, and I am happy to say that two volunteers already, without any suggestion but their own desires, have asked me to give them some work to do, and they must pardon me if I mention their names—Miss Dendy and Miss Richardson. A suggestion I have to make is that the Council should place some of its accumulation of work into the hands of small committees of members, not on the Council, perhaps presided over by a member of the Council; and I would&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/33</title>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="1064" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''The President's Address.''|25}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;especially suggest a committee of ladies. But whether or not this particular method be the best to adopt—and perhaps we may presently have an expression of opinion on the subject—I can assure the two volunteers, and those who may hereafter offer their aid, that they shall not long remain idle. 


I have wearied you, I fear, with overmuch detail—overmuch straining at points which, to some, may be so obvious as not to need even a passing mention in a presidential address, and an over-ambitious scheme of requirements. My justification will, I hope, be found in the new progress which the Society will make this coming year; and if you will withhold your censures, I am willing to defer receiving any acknowledgments until, at the expiration of my year's term of office, my successor will sit in judgment and tell you whether my view of the case was appropriate to the present position of the Folk-lore Society. 

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:G. Laurence Gomme|G. Laurence Gomme]].}}}}

{{dhr|4}}

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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/137</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507642</id>
      <parentid>8188203</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1836" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Report on Folk-tale Research.''|129}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;in his day, though the dragon-cult probably then existed as well as the city named from the dragon. But even if we admit this, and further call to mind Alexander's expedition and the intercourse between East and West that followed it—all between the date of Herodotus and that of Pausanias—yet so different is the form of the legend from any known Indian variant, and so curious are the details which link it to Ophitea, that it would require M. Cosquin's powerful spectacles to induce us to see the mint-mark of the Buddhist workshop upon it. I conclude, therefore, that whether or not the story issued in all its forms from a single factory, there were versions known in Europe—at least there was one version—independent of the literary current through which the apologue is generally traced; 
and before the inquiries on the subject are closed some consideration must be given to the spread of this traditional version and to its possible influence on the literary versions. 

The chief feature of Dr. Murko's essay on the ''History of the Seven Wise Masters among the Slavs'' is his full account of a newly discovered Bohemian version and of the various Russian texts. 

The edition of Basile's work, of which the first volume has appeared during the past year, is a careful and beautiful reprint, with foot-notes explaining the most difficult words in dialect, of the editions of 1634-6, which were printed from his own manuscripts. Some historical notes are added; and an Introduction is prefixed, containing a biography, accompanied by illustrative documents, and a discussion of ''The Tale of Tales'' as a literary work, and of its relation to comparative storiology. 

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:E. Sidney Hartland|E. Sidney Hartland]].}}}}

{{dhr|2}}

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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/138</title>
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      <text bytes="1566" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|''FOLK-LORE SOCIETY.''

{{rule|5em}}

FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE&lt;br /&gt;COUNCIL. 

{{sc|January 13th, 1892.}}}}

{{rule|5em}}

{{di|O}}WING to the great amount of work which fell upon the members of the Council in connection with the International Folk-lore Congress of 1891, the Council were unable to give their usual detailed attention to all branches of the Society's work. They feel, however, that the members of the Society will not disapprove of this when they consider with what great success the Congress was conducted; and that the Congress has done more than anything else in England to draw public attention to the aims of the Society and the attention of scholars to the good work done, and to be done, by the Society. 

So important an event in the history of Folk-lore indeed does the Congress appear to be, that the Council, immediately after its termination, considered that the time had arrived for a new departure, and that, in order to allow the Society fuller scope, its executive must, to some extent at any rate, be reorganised. With this object in view, the Council are considering the best means of securing in London a permanent habitation, of forming a library, and, if possible, a museum of folk-lore objects, and of constituting in each of the counties or districts of the United Kingdom some form of local organisation. These objects must be recognised by all as important for the collection of materials of folk-lore, and every effort will be made to secure their being carried out at no great distance of time. One&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/204</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <parentid>8188252</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2185" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|196|''Divination among the Malagasy.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the time of Flacourt, and this term is the Arabic ''anbia'', 'prophet'. 

&quot;The word ''sikìdy'' (probably from the Arabic ''sichr'', 'charm, incantation') has been generally translated 'divination', but it has a somewhat wider sense, as it includes both the investigation of what is secret, and the art of finding out the remedy for it, if it proves to be of such a nature that a remedy is required; but the second depends on the first. There are three kinds of ''sikìdy'' which are employed almost exclusively in finding out what is secret: while the other kinds have more to do with remedying the evils. The first class, however, forms the ''sikìdy par excellence'', manipulated according to a rather intricate system; the second class depends upon it, and seems to be of a somewhat more arbitrary character.&quot; 

Before proceeding further, a word or two must be said as to the Malagasy notions of ''vìntana'' or fate, as the practice of the ''sikìdy'' largely depends on these beliefs. The word ''vìntana'' Mr. Dahle believes to be an obsolete collateral form of the Malagasy word ''kìntana'', &quot;a star&quot; (Malayan ''bintang''), and, in its restricted meaning, denotes the destiny of a man as depending on the times as declared by the stars at the time of birth, and also the fitness (or the reverse) of certain times for certain actions (''e.g''., for a burial). The first of these was the ''vìntana'' proper; the second was more accurately styled ''San-àndro'' (literally, &quot;the hours of the day&quot;, from the Arabic ''sda'', &quot;hour&quot;, but also used in a wider sense of &quot;any moment&quot;. As might be inferred from its name (if the above explanation of it be correct), the ''vìntana'' in its turn rests upon astrology. The different days of the month, and the months throughout the year, are each supposed to be connected with different constellations. In previous articles in the ''Antanànarìvo Annual'' Mr. Dahle had shown that the native names of the months are all Arabic in origin, and are not, as might have been supposed, the Arabic names for the months, but the names of the twelve Signs of the Zodiac; while the names&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>q9vrmpgg23mln4oob1g35w5iy65luzn</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/207</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1269954</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507662</id>
      <parentid>8188255</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:37:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
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      <text bytes="1901" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Divination among the Malagasy.''|199}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;II.—{{sc|The Sixteen Figures of the Sikidy.}} Having finished his invocation, the diviner began to work the ''sikìdy'' (lit. &quot;to raise it up&quot;), taking beans or ''fàno'' seeds, and arranging them on a mat on the floor according to rules to be presently explained. These beans or seeds must be represented by dots. They were as follows:— 

''Hova Names.''

''Sàkalàva.''

''Arabs of E. Africa.''

{{table missing}}
1.  Jamà (or Zomà) Asombòla Asombòla 

2.  Alàhizàny Alizàha Alahòty 

3.  Asòralàhy Asòralàhy Alasàdy 

4.  Votsìra ({{=}} Vontsìra) Karìja Tabàta horòjy 

5.  Taraiky Taraiky Asàratàny 

6.  Sàka Alakaosy Tàbadahìla 

7. Asòravàvy Adabàra Afaoro 

8.  Alikìsy Alikìsy Alijàdy 

9.  Aditsimà (Aditsimay) Alatsimay Alizaoza 

10.  Kìzo Alakaràbo Alakaràbo 

11.  Adikasàjy Bétsivòngo Adizòny 

12.  Vànda mitsàngana ({{=}} Mikarìja) Adàlo Alàhamàly 

13.  Vànda miòndrika ({{=}} Mòlahidy) Alahòtsy Alakaosy 

14.  Alokòla Alikòla Adàlo (?) 

15.  Alaimòra Alìhimòra Alìhimòra 

16. Adibijàdy Alabiàvo Bihiàva 

The names in the first row are those in use in the interior; the order seems immaterial, but that here followed seems most systematic, commencing with the fullest form ({{symbol missing}}), and taking away one bean (or dot) for each figure until only four ({{symbol missing}}) are left, and then adding one again to each, by which proceeding we get the first eight figures. The next eight are formed by placing twos and ones in various combinations. The theory of the whole is evidently that not more than eight beans can be used in any figure, and that all of the figures must contain four in length (or height), while there may be two or one in breadth. The names in the second and third columns were obtained from an Arab trader, and are, several of&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/208</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1269955</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507668</id>
      <parentid>8188256</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:40:45Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2150" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|200|''Divination among the Malagasy.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;them at least, easily recognisable as the Arabic names for several of the months, but for many centuries naturalised among the Malagasy; and these, as already mentioned, are the Arabic names for the Signs of the Zodiac, while others seem to be those of the Moon-stations, Mr. Dahle has minutely examined the list of Hova names, some of which are Malagasy, but obscure in meaning, while most of them appear to be of Arabic origin, and several are also evidently derived from astrology; among others, the constellations Virgo, Aries, Aquarius, Sagittarius, Pisces, and Capricornus seem to be denoted. 

III.—{{The Sixteen Columns of the Sikidy}} (literally, &quot;The Sixteen Mothers of Sikìdy&quot;). To the sixteen figures, or various combinations of the beans or seeds by ones and twos in the ''sikìdy'', correspond the sixteen columns (called by Mr. Dahle &quot;rubrics&quot;), places, or rows, in which they are arranged in working the oracle; one figure being placed in each column, not, however, that all the figures must necessarily occur. The same figure may occur more than once, and some of the sixteen figures may not occur at all in the sixteen columns, as that is purely a matter of chance. If the columns are arranged in the manner usual in the practice of ''sikìdy'', we get the combination of squares given on the next page. 

It will be seen at a glance, however, that we have got more than sixteen names here, although the rows or columns are really not more than twelve, corresponding probably to the twelve Signs of the Zodiac. If a skilful diviner is asked for ''Ny sikìdy 16 rèny'', he will only enumerate the names given in the first (top) row (''Talé—Vòhitra''), the four to the right of it (''Zatòvo—Fàhavàlo''), and the eight below (''Tràno—Fàhasìvy''), giving us the sixteen complete. The others seem to be considered as accessory and of secondary importance. Some of them are simply repetitions, with this difference, that they refer to things in ''another'' person's house, not in that of the inquirer for whom the ''sikìdy'' operation in question is undertaken&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>i96cvvizyjxc0xuhppm71k770l3kzsl</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507669</id>
      <parentid>12507668</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:40:54Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2153" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|200|''Divination among the Malagasy.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;them at least, easily recognisable as the Arabic names for several of the months, but for many centuries naturalised among the Malagasy; and these, as already mentioned, are the Arabic names for the Signs of the Zodiac, while others seem to be those of the Moon-stations, Mr. Dahle has minutely examined the list of Hova names, some of which are Malagasy, but obscure in meaning, while most of them appear to be of Arabic origin, and several are also evidently derived from astrology; among others, the constellations Virgo, Aries, Aquarius, Sagittarius, Pisces, and Capricornus seem to be denoted. 

III.—{{sc|The Sixteen Columns of the Sikidy}} (literally, &quot;The Sixteen Mothers of Sikìdy&quot;). To the sixteen figures, or various combinations of the beans or seeds by ones and twos in the ''sikìdy'', correspond the sixteen columns (called by Mr. Dahle &quot;rubrics&quot;), places, or rows, in which they are arranged in working the oracle; one figure being placed in each column, not, however, that all the figures must necessarily occur. The same figure may occur more than once, and some of the sixteen figures may not occur at all in the sixteen columns, as that is purely a matter of chance. If the columns are arranged in the manner usual in the practice of ''sikìdy'', we get the combination of squares given on the next page. 

It will be seen at a glance, however, that we have got more than sixteen names here, although the rows or columns are really not more than twelve, corresponding probably to the twelve Signs of the Zodiac. If a skilful diviner is asked for ''Ny sikìdy 16 rèny'', he will only enumerate the names given in the first (top) row (''Talé—Vòhitra''), the four to the right of it (''Zatòvo—Fàhavàlo''), and the eight below (''Tràno—Fàhasìvy''), giving us the sixteen complete. The others seem to be considered as accessory and of secondary importance. Some of them are simply repetitions, with this difference, that they refer to things in ''another'' person's house, not in that of the inquirer for whom the ''sikìdy'' operation in question is undertaken&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/209</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1269956</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507728</id>
      <parentid>8188257</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T01:56:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Problematic */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1033" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Divination among the Malagasy.''|201}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Others are placed to the left side of the lower square, and others at the six corners. 

Mr. Dahle proceeds to investigate each of the thirty-four words shown in the diagram; and points out that while the majority of them are Malagasy, about four or five are evidently Arabic. The Malagasy words are those in ordinary everyday use, as those for wealth, relations, village, youth, woman, enemy, house, road, inquirer, God, 

{{image missing}}
{{c|{{sm|Arrangement of Columns in the Sikídy Divination.''}}}}

diviner, wild-cat, dog, sheep, goat, fowl, much bloodshed, etc. Of the four or five derived from the Arabic, the first word, ''Talé'', apparently meaning &quot;investigator&quot; or &quot;explorer&quot;, always represents in the ''sikídy'' the person or thing concerning whom (or which) the inquiry is made. 

In reading or examining the columns, the first four (''Talé—Vòhitra'') and the eight below (''Tràno—Fàhasìvy'') are read from above downwards. The eight to the right&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>fjzlv2d8khsx1qsa47wngkvoqul1qlw</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/210</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1269957</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507731</id>
      <parentid>8188259</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:00:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2089" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|202|''Divination among the Malagasy.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;(''Zatòvo—Firìariàvana'') are read from right to left. The four to the left (''Kororòsy—Tsìnin' ny vélona'') are read from left to right, while the names at the corners are read diagonally. 

IV.—''The Erecting of the Sikidy}} (''i.e.'', the placing of the figures in the columns). So far, we have only seen the machinery, so to speak, with which the divination is worked; now let us try to understand how the diviner proceeded in order to gain the information desired in the great variety of inquiries made of him. In the diagram here given, all the columns are filled with figures, just as a veritable ''mpisikìdy'' would do, except that dots are used instead of beans or seeds. The rules for &quot;erecting the ''sikìdy''&quot; will now be given. 

1. The first four columns (''Talé—Vòhitra'') are filled with figures in the following manner. From the heap of beans before him the ''mpisikìdy'' takes a handful at random, and from this handful he takes out two and two until he has either two or one left. If two are left, he puts two beans, if one, one bean, into the first or upper square of ''Talé''. In the same manner he fills the remaining three, ''Harèna, Fàhatèlo'', and ''Vòhitra'', square by square, from above down- 
wards. 

2. When these four columns—one of which represents the person or thing regarding whom or which the ''sikìdy'' is made—are filled in the manner described, the remaining eight are filled by a combination of these first four, or of others that have already been filled by a combination of these. This is done in such a manner that two figures are chosen and compared square by square from above downwards. If this combination gives an ''odd'' number (''i.e.'', if one of the two combined squares has one bean, and the other two), only one bean is put in the corresponding square of the new figure to be formed; but if it gives an ''even'' number (''i.e.'', if the two combined squares both contain one bean, or both two beans), two beans are put into the new figure.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>euqk01n3sy5role24ttzwqf95lib16s</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507733</id>
      <parentid>12507731</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:00:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2089" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|202|''Divination among the Malagasy.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;(''Zatòvo—Firìariàvana'') are read from right to left. The four to the left (''Kororòsy—Tsìnin' ny vélona'') are read from left to right, while the names at the corners are read diagonally. 

IV.—''The Erecting of the Sikidy'' (''i.e.'', the placing of the figures in the columns). So far, we have only seen the machinery, so to speak, with which the divination is worked; now let us try to understand how the diviner proceeded in order to gain the information desired in the great variety of inquiries made of him. In the diagram here given, all the columns are filled with figures, just as a veritable ''mpisikìdy'' would do, except that dots are used instead of beans or seeds. The rules for &quot;erecting the ''sikìdy''&quot; will now be given. 

1. The first four columns (''Talé—Vòhitra'') are filled with figures in the following manner. From the heap of beans before him the ''mpisikìdy'' takes a handful at random, and from this handful he takes out two and two until he has either two or one left. If two are left, he puts two beans, if one, one bean, into the first or upper square of ''Talé''. In the same manner he fills the remaining three, ''Harèna, Fàhatèlo'', and ''Vòhitra'', square by square, from above down- 
wards. 

2. When these four columns—one of which represents the person or thing regarding whom or which the ''sikìdy'' is made—are filled in the manner described, the remaining eight are filled by a combination of these first four, or of others that have already been filled by a combination of these. This is done in such a manner that two figures are chosen and compared square by square from above downwards. If this combination gives an ''odd'' number (''i.e.'', if one of the two combined squares has one bean, and the other two), only one bean is put in the corresponding square of the new figure to be formed; but if it gives an ''even'' number (''i.e.'', if the two combined squares both contain one bean, or both two beans), two beans are put into the new figure.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/211</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1269958</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507743</id>
      <parentid>8188260</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:07:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2134" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Divination among the Malagasy.''|203}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;3. These combinations are subjected to the following rules: 

{{left margin|3em|{{plainlist|* (''a'') ''Talé'' and ''Harèna'' (''i.e.'', a combination of the two in the manner described) form ''Làlana.''
* (''b'') ''Fàhatèlo and ''Vòhitra'' form ''Asòrotàny.''
* (''c'') ''Làlana'' and ''Asòrotàny'' form ''Mpànontàny.''
* (''d'') ''Zatòvo'' and ''Marìna'' form ''Nìa.''
* (''e'') ''Vèhivàvy'' and ''Fàhavàlo'' form ''Fàhasìvy.''
* (''f'') ''Nìa'' and ''Fàhasìvy'' form ''Màsina.''
* (''g'') ''Màsina'' and ''Mpànontàny'' form ''Andrìamànitra.''
* (''h'') ''Andrìamànitra'' and ''Talé'' form ''Tràno.''}}}}

A glance at the diagram here given will show that all the eight figures below have actually been formed according to these rules. If we, for instance, compare ''Talé'' and ''Harèna'', from which ''Làlana'' is to be formed, we get dissimilar numbers all the way, as all the pairs of squares have one and two, and consequently ''Làlana'' gets only one bean in all its squares. Exactly the same procedure—''mutatis mutandis''—takes place in the filling in of the remaining seven columns below. 

V.—{{sc|The Working of the Sikidy.}}—When the ''sikìdy'' is &quot;erected&quot; or arranged in the manner just described, the question arises: What is to be done with it? How to work it so as to get an answer to your questions, a medicine for your sickness, or a charm against the evils of which you may be apprehensive, etc.? 

Let it be remarked at the outset, that the ''sikìdy'' properly deals with ''questions'' put to it. To answer these is its proper function. But if you ask what is the root of an evil, or the means of removing or averting it, etc., the answer will of course point out to you the cure of your evils, as well, and so far, appear as ''ars medica''. There are, however, kinds of ''sikìdy'' in which no question is put, but the remedy for the evil is prescribed at once. But as these are rather different from the ordinary ''sikìdy''-process, they will be noticed in a separate section. What concerns us now is,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/212</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1269959</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507745</id>
      <parentid>8188261</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:10:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2220" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|204|''Divination among the Malagasy.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the ''ordinary sikìdy'', the business of which is to give answers to our questions. 

The first thing to be done, after having &quot;erected the ''sikìdy,''&quot; is to see what figure we have got in the column named ''Andrìamànitra'' (God); for, out of the sixteen figures, only half of them (Nos. 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 12, 13, 14) are considered to &quot;agree&quot; with ''Andrìamàntra''. These are called the &quot;Nobles&quot; or &quot;Kings&quot; of the ''sikìdy'', whereas the remaining eight are called its &quot;Slaves&quot;. If any of these latter figures happen to get into the said column, the ''sikìdy'' becomes invalid, and the whole has to be broken up and commenced anew; for the ''sikìdy'' has not done proper honour to God in putting a slave in His column, and cannot be expected to tell the truth in His name. 

This point, however, being successfully arranged, the next business is to choose one of the ''four'' first columns 
(''Talé—Vòhitra'') to represent the question, or, rather, the person or thing it refers to. As ''Talé'' is to represent everything that cannot be put under the headings &quot;property&quot;, &quot;relations&quot;, or &quot; village&quot;, the choice cannot be very puzzling; but this being settled, the proceedings branch out into the following parts, which Mr. Dahle terms: ({{sc|a}}) The ''Sikìdy'' of Identical Figures; ({{sc|b}}) The ''Sikìdy'' of Different Figures; and ({{sc|c}}) The ''Sikìdy'' of Combined Figures. 

A.—''The Sikìdy of Identical Figures.''—Having settled which of the four first columns is to represent the question, the next thing is to examine which of the sixteen figures happens to be in the column representing it. This being found, we go on examining all the other figures except the others of the first four (for these have nothing to do with the answer), that is to say, those on the right side, those on the left, and those on the two corners to the left. 

If we, thus examining them, find that any of them is like the one representing the inquiry, this may or may not settle the question, or, in other words, give us the answer. This depends on the nature (name) of the column in which it is found. This Mr. Dahle illustrates thus: &quot;If I expect&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/213</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1269960</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507751</id>
      <parentid>8188262</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:16:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Problematic */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2131" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Divination among the Malagasy.''|205}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;a ship, and am going to inquire about its coming by means of the ''sikìdy'', the column ''Harèna'' (or property) will of course represent it. If in this column I find, for instance, the figure ''Jamà'' ({{symbol missing}}), and on further examination find the same figure in the column ''Tràno'' (house), this gives me no answer, as there is no natural connection between the two conceptions. If, on the contrary, I find the same figure in the column called ''Làlana'' (road), then of course I know that the ship is at any rate ''on the way''. I have then got an answer to the chief question; but there may still be good reasons for a sharp look-out, for there may be difficulties in its way. Suppose that I also find the same figure in the column named ''Fàhavàlo'' (enemy), my mind will immediately be filled with gloomy apprehensions of ''pirates!'' Not a bit more cheerful will be my prospects if I find the same figure under ''Ra bé mandriaka'' (much bloodshed). But what a consolation, on the other hand, if the same figure reappears in the column ''Nìa'' (food); for then I must certainly be a blockhead if I do not understand that, although the ship may have a long voyage, there is no scarcity of food on board; and so on. It is easy enough to see that a man with much practice and a good deal of imagination could produce much 'information' in this manner; and I suppose that in a good many cases the ''mpisikìdy'' were able to find an answer already in this first act of their proceedings, even if the means of finding it might seem scanty enough to ordinary mortals.&quot; 

But there is much more still that may be done; for, besides the answers available from the fact of the identity of the figure representing the question with one or more of those in the other columns, it is of great importance to find out whether any two or more of the other figures are alike, and in how many columns the same figure occurs in a ''sikìdy''. The detailed particulars given by Mr. Dahle on this point may be put for the sake of brevity into a tabular form:
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/214</title>
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      <text bytes="2836" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|206|''Divination among the Malagasy.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{table missing}}
''Columns with same Figures.'' ''Native Word for Combination.'' ''Meaning.'' 

1. ''Fàhasìvy'' and ''Màsina'' {{=}} ''Tsi-ròngatra'' {{=}} does not move or agitate.

2. {{ditto|''Fàhasìvy''|„}} {{ditto|and|„}} ''Nìa'' {{=}} ''Màti-ròa'' {{=}} two deaths; that is, two will die, but two locusts may be thrown away as a ''fàditra'' or ''piaculum''. 

3. ''Fàhatèlo'' {{ditto|and|„}} ''Harèna'' {{=}} ''Vahòaka'' {{=}} a crowd of people.

4. ''Tràno'' {{ditto|and|„}} ''Mpànontàny'' {{=}} ''Tsìndrilàsy'' {{=}} enemy approaching.

5. {{ditto|''Tràno''|„}} {{ditto|and|„}} ''Làlana'' {{=}} ''Sàmpona'' {{=}} hindrances expected.

6. ''Andro'' {{ditto|and|„}} ''Asòrotàny'' {{=}} ''Làhi-àntitra'' {{=}} old man; that is, the sick will recover, and reach old age. 

7. ''Fàhasìvy'' {{ditto|and|„}} ''Asòrotàny'' {{=}} ''Ravòakòny'' {{=}} a mouthful thrown out (?). 

8. ''Vòhitra'' {{ditto|and|„}} ''Fàhatèlo'' {{=}} ''Fotòan-tsi-mihàtra'' {{=}} the fixed time will not be kept. 

9. ''Làlana'' {{ditto|and|„}} ''Nìa'' {{=}} ''Fèhi-tsi-ròso'' {{=}} the troops will not advance. 


The following five possibilities refer to somewhat different cases, thus: 

{{smaller block|10. If the figure ''Alokòla'' ({{symbol missing}}) occurs three times in different columns, three stones are to be thrown away as a ''fàditra'' to avert evil. 

11. If ''Vànda mitsàngana'' ({{symbol missing}}) occurs three times, the feathers of a white hen are to be a ''fàditra.''

12. If ''Alaimòra'' ({{symbol missing}}) occurs twice, it means that the son of a mighty man is likely to be a mighty man too. 

13. If ''Sàka'' ({{symbol missing}}) occurs in ''Tràno'', and ''Vontsìra'' ({{symbol missing}}) in ''Talé'', or ''Alaimòra'' ({{symbol missing}}) in ''Tràno'', and ''Adibijàdy'' ({{symbol missing}}) in ''Talé'', the case will follow the analogy of the one preceding it; ''e.g.,'' if my child, who was formerly ill, was cured, this one will be cured; if it died, this one will die too. 

14. If a ''sikìdy'' happens to contain eight ''Vontsìra'' ({{symbol missing}}) they are called &quot;the eight healthy men&quot;, and are considered an excellent remedy against disease, as will be shown later on.}}

It is evident that many of these &quot;meanings&quot; can be construed into answers to questions, although the general tendency of many of them seems to be rather to point out the ''fàditra'' to be used against the evil. But it might happen that the figures were all unlike one another, at any rate that those which were like the one in the column representing the question were so incongruous with it that even the most inventive imagination and the greatest acuteness, sharpened by long practice, would prove unequal&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/233</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1958" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Divination among the Malagasy.''|225}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''tion to Evils and the Foretelling of Evils.''—The following rules were given to Mr. Dahle by his native &quot;professor&quot;: 

{{left margin|3em|{{hi|1. ''Sunday'' was the proper day for everything white: white-haired people, white stones, etc.}}
{{hi|2. ''Monday:'' the day for everything ''green'' and blackish: grass, forests, greenish birds, people with blackish skin, etc.}}
{{hi|3. ''Tuesday:'' the day of people who have many ''scars'', and are marked from small-pox.}}
{{hi|4. ''Wednesday:'' the day of ''women'' and everything female.}}
{{hi|5. ''Thursday:'' the day of ''slaves''.}}
{{hi|6. ''Friday:'' the day of nobles and everything ''red'' (red or scarlet clothes, etc.), characteristic of the higher nobility.}}
{{hi|7. ''Saturday:'' the day of young people and everything ''young.''}}}}

So if a man suffering from some evil came to a diviner on a Sunday, he would be told that his complaint had been caused by some white stone; or by drinking milk, in which there were some ghosts; or that he had been bewitched by some white-haired woman; or, at any rate, that he was in danger of some such mishap, and had better look out carefully. If he came on Thursday, his trouble was almost sure to be attributed to some slave, or he was warned to beware of his slaves, lest they should murder or bewitch him. And so on, for the other days, according to the nature of the day. 

4. ''Foretelling of the Tàsik’ àndro, i.e.'', the day on which one may be in special danger of getting ill through the influence of the ''vìntana.''—This division of the ''san-àndro'' was a peculiar compound of ''vìntana'' and ''sikìdy'' subjected to certain rules, by which, beginning with Tuesday, different columns in the ''sikìdy'' point to the different days of the week; ''e.g.'', if a combination of the two columns ''Tràno'' and ''Làlana'' in the ''sikìdy'' erected gives a figure which is like&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 3, 1892.djvu/286</title>
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      <text bytes="2211" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|''FOLK-LORE BIBLIOGRAPHY.''}}

{{rule|10em}}

BOOKS. 

{{asc|1892, UNLESS OTHERWISE STATED.}}

[''English books published in London, French books in Paris,&lt;br /&gt;unless otherwise mentioned.'']

'''FOLK-LORE IN GENERAL.'''}}

{{sc|Bulliot (J. B.)}} et {{sc|Thiollier (F.).}} La mission et le culte de St. Martin d'après les légendes et les monuments populaires dans le pays Eduen. 8vo. vi, 482 pp. Map and 200 illustrations. 

{{sc|Bygone Lincolnshire.}} Edited by Wm. Andrews. 2 vols. 8vo. x, 247, 256 pp. Hull: Brown and Son. 1891. 

{{symbol missing}} Folk-lore articles: ''[[Author:Mabel Peacock|Mabel Peacock]],'' Havelok the Dane. ''Rev. [[Author:W. H. Jones|W. H. Jones]]'', A Curious Legend. ''[[Author:T. B. Trowsdale|T. B. Trowsdale]]'', Quaint Land Tenures and Customs of the Manor. ''Rev. [[Author:W. P. Swaby|W. P. Swaby]]'', Superstitious Beliefs and Customs of Lincolnshire. ''Rev. [[Author:J. C. Walter|J. C. Walter]]'', The Legend of Byard's Leap. ''[[Author:t. B. Trowsdale|T. B. Trowsdale]]'', The Witches of Belvoir. 

{{sc|Congrès}} international des traditions populaires. Première session (Paris, 1889). Compte rendu des séances. 8vo. 168 pp. 1891. 

{{sc|Coulabin (H.).}} Dictionnaire des locutions populaires du bon pays de Rennes en Bretagne. 16mo. xvi, 378 pp. Rennes. 

{{sc|Delphin (G.).}} Recueil de textes pour l'étude de l'Arabe parlé. 8vo. vi, 367 pp. 1S91. (Very favourably reviewed by M. R. Basset (''R. T. P.'', vii, 3) as a most valuable contribution to the study of Arab folk-lore, as well as to the study of spoken Arabic.) 

{{sc|Gomme (G. L.).}} Ethnology in Folk-lore. 12mo. 200 pp. K. Paul and Co. 

{{sc|Gummere}} (Fr.). Germanic Origins: a Study in Primitive Culture. 8vo. viii, 490 pp. D. Nutt. 

''Contents:'' Land and People—Men and Women—The Home—Husband and Wife—The Family—Trade and Commerce—The Warrior—Social Order—Government and Law—The Funeral—The Worship of the Dead—The Worship of Nature—The Worship of Gods—Form and Ceremony. 

{{sc|Korth (L.).}} Volkstümliches aus der Erftniederung. 8vo. Bonn, 1891. 

{{hi|{{sc|Luciani (T.).}} Tradizioni popolari Albonesi. Sm. 4to. iv, 103 pp. Capodistria.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2216" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center|{{larger|''FOLK-LORE BIBLIOGRAPHY.''}}

{{rule|10em}}

BOOKS. 

{{asc|1892, UNLESS OTHERWISE STATED.}}

[''English books published in London, French books in Paris,&lt;br /&gt;unless otherwise mentioned.'']

'''FOLK-LORE IN GENERAL.'''}}

{{sc|Bulliot (J. B.)}} et {{sc|Thiollier (F.).}} La mission et le culte de St. Martin d'après les légendes et les monuments populaires dans le pays Eduen. 8vo. vi, 482 pp. Map and 200 illustrations. 

{{sc|Bygone Lincolnshire.}} Edited by Wm. Andrews. 2 vols. 8vo. x, 247, 256 pp. Hull: Brown and Son. 1891. 

{{symbol missing}} Folk-lore articles: ''[[Author:Mabel Peacock|Mabel Peacock]],'' Havelok the Dane. ''Rev. [[Author:W. H. Jones|W. H. Jones]]'', A Curious Legend. ''[[Author:T. B. Trowsdale|T. B. Trowsdale]]'', Quaint Land Tenures and Customs of the Manor. ''Rev. [[Author:W. P. Swaby|W. P. Swaby]]'', Superstitious Beliefs and Customs of Lincolnshire. ''Rev. [[Author:J. C. Walter|J. C. Walter]]'', The Legend of Byard's Leap. ''[[Author:t. B. Trowsdale|T. B. Trowsdale]]'', The Witches of Belvoir. 

{{sc|Congrès}} international des traditions populaires. Première session (Paris, 1889). Compte rendu des séances. 8vo. 168 pp. 1891. 

{{sc|Coulabin (H.).}} Dictionnaire des locutions populaires du bon pays de Rennes en Bretagne. 16mo. xvi, 378 pp. Rennes. 

{{sc|Delphin (G.).}} Recueil de textes pour l'étude de l'Arabe parlé. 8vo. vi, 367 pp. 1S91. (Very favourably reviewed by M. R. Basset (''R. T. P.'', vii, 3) as a most valuable contribution to the study of Arab folk-lore, as well as to the study of spoken Arabic.) 

{{sc|Gomme (G. L.).}} Ethnology in Folk-lore. 12mo. 200 pp. K. Paul and Co. 

{{sc|Gummere}} (Fr.). Germanic Origins: a Study in Primitive Culture. 8vo. viii, 490 pp. D. Nutt. 

''Contents:'' Land and People—Men and Women—The Home—Husband and Wife—The Family—Trade and Commerce—The Warrior—Social Order—Government and Law—The Funeral—The Worship of the Dead—The Worship of Nature—The Worship of Gods—Form and Ceremony. 

{{sc|Korth (L.).}} Volkstümliches aus der Erftniederung. 8vo. Bonn, 1891. 

{{hi|{{sc|Luciani (T.).}} Tradizioni popolari Albonesi. Sm. 4to. iv, 103 pp. Capodistria.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/14</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277040</id>
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      <parentid>8184979</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1578" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|2|''Minutes of Meetings.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Rev. J. K. Macgregor, and Miss Skeffington Thompson, were also announced. 

On the motion of the Chairman, seconded by the President (Mr. W. Crooke), it was resolved: 

(1) &quot;That the Folk-Lore Society, on its reassembling, desires to place on record the feelings of deep regret with which it has received the announcement of the death of Sir [[Author:Herbert H. Risley|Herbert H. Risley]], K.C.S.I. Sir Herbert was a gifted representative of the high type of Anglo-Indian official who makes it part of his duty to enquire into the beliefs, customs, and social institutions of the races among whom he is placed. In his case the results are exhibited in his ''People of India,'' and allied publications of permanent value to Anthropology.&quot; 

and, (2), &quot;That a copy of this resolution be sent to Lady Risley, together with an assurance of the sympathy of the Society with her and the family in their bereavement.&quot; 

The President read a paper entitled &quot;The Veneration of the Cow in India,&quot; and in the discussion which followed the Chairman, Dr. Gaster, Mr. T. C. Hodson, Dr. Daiches, and Dr. Barnett took part. 

The meeting concluded with a hearty vote of thanks to the President for his paper. 


{{rule|10em}}


{{c|'''WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 20th, 1911.'''

{{sc|The President (Mr. W. Crooke) in the Chair.}}

{{sc|The}} minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Secretary read an extract from a letter addressed by Lady Risley to the President, expressing her gratitude for the resolution of condolence with her and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <id>12506583</id>
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      <text bytes="1580" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|2|''Minutes of Meetings.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Rev. J. K. Macgregor, and Miss Skeffington Thompson, were also announced. 

On the motion of the Chairman, seconded by the President (Mr. W. Crooke), it was resolved: 

(1) &quot;That the Folk-Lore Society, on its reassembling, desires to place on record the feelings of deep regret with which it has received the announcement of the death of Sir [[Author:Herbert H. Risley|Herbert H. Risley]], K.C.S.I. Sir Herbert was a gifted representative of the high type of Anglo-Indian official who makes it part of his duty to enquire into the beliefs, customs, and social institutions of the races among whom he is placed. In his case the results are exhibited in his ''People of India,'' and allied publications of permanent value to Anthropology.&quot; 

and, (2), &quot;That a copy of this resolution be sent to Lady Risley, together with an assurance of the sympathy of the Society with her and the family in their bereavement.&quot; 

The President read a paper entitled &quot;The Veneration of the Cow in India,&quot; and in the discussion which followed the Chairman, Dr. Gaster, Mr. T. C. Hodson, Dr. Daiches, and Dr. Barnett took part. 

The meeting concluded with a hearty vote of thanks to the President for his paper. 


{{rule|10em}}


{{c|'''WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 20th, 1911.'''

{{sc|The President (Mr. W. Crooke) in the Chair.}}}}

{{sc|The}} minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Secretary read an extract from a letter addressed by Lady Risley to the President, expressing her gratitude for the resolution of condolence with her and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/15</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277041</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506580</id>
      <parentid>8184989</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1462" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Minutes of Meetings.''|3}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;her family in their bereavement passed at the last Meeting. 

The election of Mr. Chapman Cohen as a member of the Society was announced. 

The resignations of Mr. C. H. Bompas, Miss Crookshank, and Mrs. Hulst, were also announced. 

The Secretary laid on the table a book entitled ''Costumes, Traditions, and Songs of Savoy,'' by Miss [[Author:Estella Canziani|Estella Canziani]], which had been presented to the Society by the author. 

Miss E. Canziani exhibited, and presented to the Society, a pipe with a bowl carved in the shape of a man's head and a long cherrywood stem, brought by her from Savoy. 

The Chairman referred to the death of Mr. W. G. Aston, who, although not a member of the Society, had made several contributions to its Transactions, and to the great value of his writings on Shintoism; and it was resolved that a letter be written sympathizing with his family in their bereavement. 

Mr. [[Author:A. R. Wright|A. R. Wright]] read a paper entitled &quot;Telling the Rosary from Far East to West,&quot; which was copiously illustrated by lantern slides and an exhibition of rosaries from different parts of the world. 

Mr. [[Author:T. C. Hodson|T. C. Hodson]] read a paper on &quot;Meithei Literature.&quot; 

At the conclusion of the meeting hearty votes of thanks were passed to Miss E. Canziani for her gifts to the Society, and to Mr. A. R. Wright and Mr. Hodson for their papers.

{{dhr|3}}

{{rule|10em}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/119</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2283" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|97}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;forty devils pass him from one to another, smelling of him as though he were some fragrant flower.&lt;ref&gt;Bishop Sîrvantzdiantz gives a note in ''Manana'' calling attention to a parallel passage in ''Gulliver's Travels.''&lt;/ref&gt;

Then they ask their mother,—&quot;What has your cousin come for?&quot; and she tells them,—&quot;He has come to get the Water-melon of Immortality to take to his mother who is ill. You must go and bring it to him.&quot; Then the forty devils cry,—&quot;Wallah! We can't do that. It is beyond our power.&quot; But there was a lame devil among these forty, and this one said to the young man,—&quot;Cousin, take a pitcher, take a comb, take a razor, and you and I will go after it together.&quot; Then they go off together. They go until they reach the place where the Water-melon of Immortality grows. 

Then the lame devil says,—&quot;Cousin, come here.&quot; He goes there, and the devil cuts off a Water-melon from the stalk, and loads it upon the horse, and says,—&quot;Now, you go along, and I will follow directly.&quot; The devil sets his sound foot in the path, but, try as he may, he cannot drag his lame foot through the hedge. The other fifty devils awake, and they are upon him in no time. The lame devil cries,—&quot;Cousin, throw down the pitcher.&quot; He throws it down, and land and rock turn to water. By the time they cross the water and are almost upon him again, he cries,—&quot;Cousin, throw down the comb!&quot; He throws it down, and it becomes a thicket. By the time they have cut their way through the thicket, and are upon him again, he cries,—&quot;Cousin, throw down the razor!&quot; He throws it down, and it becomes thousands of bits of glass. By the time they were able to pick their way across it, the other forty devils arrive, and extricate the lame one. The young man takes the Water-melon on his horse and starts home with it. 

He stops at the ''konak'' [large mansion] of the old woman. The old woman asks,—&quot;Have you brought it?&quot; &quot;Yes, wallah, I have,&quot; he replies. While the man is asleep that night, the old woman rises, and taking the Water-melon of Immortality puts another in its place. In the morning, the young man takes the Water-melon to his mother. She eats it, and exclaims,—&quot;There; my soul can rest now. I won't die just yet!&quot; 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2393" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;Collectanea. loi 

The young man goes a-hunting. The mother rises and says to 
the gobhn, — &quot;Goblin, may the hght of your sun be cut off! I 
tell you to show my son a road with no returning, that he may go, 
and not come back.&quot; The goblin says, — &quot; Wallah, your son is a 
strong man ! Wherever we send him he comes back. I don't 
know where else to send him.&quot; &quot; Then I'll tell my son to kill 
you,&quot; cries the mother angrily. 

In the evening the son comes, and the mother says, — &quot; Come, 
lay your head upon my lap and go to sleep, my son.&quot; The son 
goes to sleep on his mother's knees. The son has three marked 
hairs in his head. The mother twists them around her hand, 
and pulls them out. The son dies. Then the mother says ta 
the goblin, — &quot; Come draw your sword and cut off his head.&quot; &quot; I 
won't come,&quot; said the goblin. &quot; My hand will not cut off that 
lad's head.&quot; Then the mother rises and takes the sword, and 
cuts the lad to pieces. She casts the little finger under the wall. 
She stuffs the bits into a haircloth sack, and sets it aside. The 
lion-cubs wake up. They come and take the sack, and carry it 
to the house of the old woman. The old woman fits the bones 
together, and also the pieces of flesh, sets the head on the body, 
and only the little finger is lacking. The lion-cubs return and 
find the little finger also, and carry it to the old woman, and she 
fastens it in its place. Then she pours lion's milk over the young 
man. He becomes whole, like one new born. She gives him 
the Water-melon of Immortality to smell, and he sneezes. She 
pours the Water of Life over him, and he comes to life and arises. 
He asks the old woman, — &quot;What happened to me, little 
mother ? &quot; She replies, — &quot; Why, my son, your mother killed 
you.&quot; &quot;Then how did I come to life?&quot; he asks. 

Then the old woman says, — &quot; When you brought the lion's 
milk, I kept it, and I gave you some other milk to take to your 
mother. I did the same with the Water-melon of Immortality,, 
and the Water of Life. Your mother had killed you, and stuffed 
you into a haircloth sack. The lion-cubs brought the sack. I 
fitted your fiesh and bones together. I poured the Milk of 
Immortality over you, and you became whole. I gave you the 
Water-melon of Immortality to smell, and you sneezed ; I poured 
the Water of Life over you, and you came to life, and arose.&quot;
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/124</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="985" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|102|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Well, mother,&quot; the young man replied, &quot;You have done this kindness unto God. I cannot repay you. May God reward you.&quot; He goes and brings a load of gold, and a load of silver, and gives them to the old woman. &quot;Now stay, and pray for me,&quot; he says, &quot;while I go after my food.&quot; 

The young man takes his lion-cubs, and goes to find his mother. The young man calls the lions by name. The lions spring upon the mother. One seizes her by one foot, the other by the other, and she is torn in two. They toss her into the sky, and she falls to earth. There remains the goblin. The goblin throws himself down off the wall. The lion-cubs reach him, and seize him, toss him up to the sky, catch him, and tear him into a thousand bits. 

The young man, his wives, and his lions remain and live a happy life. They attained unto their desires. 

May God grant us our desires. 

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:J. S. Wingate|J. S. Wingate]].}}}}

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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/125</title>
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      <text bytes="1617" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|''CORRESPONDENCE.''}}}}

{{c|{{sc|Lord Avebury on Marriage, Totemism, and Religion:&lt;br /&gt;A Reply to Mr. Lang.}}

(Vol. xxii., pp. 402-25.)}}

It is a pleasure, and I may say an honour, to have a discussion with Mr. Lang. In the first place he is always courteous, and even generous; in the second he has carefully studied his subject; and in the third he is obviously anxious, not to confute an opponent, but to arrive at the truth. 

His article, &quot;Lord Avebury on Marriage, Totemism, and Religion,&quot; is no exception. 

''Marriage.''—The first question to which Mr. Lang refers is that of Marriage. He believes that &quot;Man began with individual families,&quot; whereas I have suggested that he commenced under what, for want of a better term, I have called &quot;Communal Marriage.&quot; Hearne tells us that among the Hudson Bay Indians &quot;it has ever been the custom {{...}} for the men to wrestle for any woman to whom they are attached; and, of course, the strongest party always carries off the prize.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;[[Author:S. Hearne|S. Hearne]], ''A Journey from the Prince of Wales's Fort etc.'' (1795), p. 104.&lt;/ref&gt;

Richardson confirms this as regards the Copper Indians. He &quot;more than once saw a stronger man assert his right to take the wife of a weaker countryman. Anyone may challenge another to wrestle, and, if he overcomes, may carry off the wife as a prize.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Richardson, ''Boat Journey'', vol. ii., p. 24.&lt;/ref&gt;

In these cases a man is living with a woman: another man, No. 2, knocks down No. 1, and carries off the woman. Is this a marriage ceremony? Next day another man. No. 3, even stronger&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/126</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277084</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506541</id>
      <parentid>9960859</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      <text bytes="2441" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|104|''Correspondence.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;than No. 2, may come along, and the same tragedy may be repeated. Can the result be called a true marriage? Surely not. Mr. Lang refers to the case of the Gorilla, where each male lives for a time with a female in solitary state.&lt;ref&gt;He points out an important omission in a quotation from Mr. Darwin which I much regret. My copyist is generally very correct, and unfortunately I omitted to notice the error. It does not, indeed, affect my argument, but makes my difference from Mr. Darwin greater than would otherwise appear. I cannot, of course, put my opinion against Darwin's, but I am disposed to think that, if he had had before him the evidence which has since accumulated, he might have modified his views.&lt;/ref&gt; I feel great difficulty in understanding how under a solitary life any progress could be made; and have suggested the habits of the social Quadrumana, which live in often large troops, comprising several males, as probably more nearly resembling those of our ancestors. 

I cannot, however, ask the Editor to find room for the evidence which I have brought forward in ''The Origin of Civilisation'' and in ''Marriage, Totemism, and Religion''. 

''Origin of Marriage.''—If, then, there was a time when the institution of marriage did not exist, how did it originate? 

I have suggested that, if a man captured a woman from another tribe, he acquired a recognised right of possession. But, says Mr. Lang, how could this apply to marriage within the tribe? &quot;When men took to capturing women within their own tribe, the tribe would be broken up by internal blood-feuds. A tribe which practised, as a rule, capture of brides within the tribe would be weakened by internal dispeace.&quot; Mr. Lang has referred to one or two cases in which I have overlooked passages of his. In this case he does not notice that, as long ago as 1866, I anticipated and answered, or attempted to answer, this objection. I referred&lt;ref&gt;''The Origin of Civilisation etc.'', pp. 130 ''et seq''.&lt;/ref&gt; to the numerous cases of what I called &quot;expiation for marriage,&quot; in which the prior rights of the tribe were admitted and redeemed, before the marriage was recognised. When such arrangements were amicably made, the final ceremony was very generally a mock marriage by capture. 

This symbol of marriage by capture is very widely distributed. It occurs in many Indian tribes, in the Malay Peninsula, among&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/236</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2277" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;2 1 4 Collectanea. 

Leochain, who was slain in 1024. The King of Cashel (over-king, 
therefore, of North Munster) was forbidden to pass a night at 
Latteragh in northern Tipperary at the beginning of harvest ; to 
encamp for nine consecutive nights at the river Suir ; to hold a 
border meeting at Gowran ; and to listen to the groans of women 
(in a raid) in southern Tipperary. The King of Connacht was not 
to go in a speckled cloak, — the prose adds &quot; on a piebald horse,&quot; 
— to the heath of Luchaid in Clare. On the other hand, the ruler 
of Cashel brought good luck by plundering cattle in Connacht 
while the cuckoo sings ; burning north Leinster ; passing over 
Sliabh Cua, — &quot;on a Tuesday,&quot; says the prose, — to pacify south 
Munster; crossing Magh Ailbhe with a light grey host; and rest- 
ing six weeks (of Lent) every year at Cashel. It was most unlucky 
for him to wait for a feast at Killarney Lake for a full week from a 
Monday. At the present day some families still have their own 
tabus, lucky and lucky deeds and days, dreams, and omens, which 
sometimes even run counter to beliefs generally received, — e.g. that 
the Friday falling on the thirteenth of any month, or to dream of a 
wild cat or other wild animal, is lucky. 

Witch hare.^^ — Anthony Bruodin {Brteodinus or Prodinus), a 
Franciscan of Quin Abbey, tells in Corolla Oecodetniaz Minorities 
(Prague, 1664, p. 73) how his uncle {patruus), Florence of 
Moynaeo (Moynoe on Lough Derg) went out at the dawn of the 
first of May with his eldest son Bonaventura, (who died in Spain 
in 1643), and with their hounds to hunt hares. At last the 
servants saw one sucking a cow. The hounds chased it, biting 
it as it escaped, into a cottage, where an old woman was found 
torn behind. 

Glasgeivnagh co7v.^^ — Vague legends are told of her living at 
Treanahow, Shallee, and Ballygannon. 

Ghosts or fairy men. — Mary (Mescal) Doyle, of Newmarket-on- 
Fergus, tells how she saw two ghostly men in black walking on a 
road near that village. 

Stolen bride. — A legend of a stolen bride at Querin on the 
Shannon is told in Lady Wilde's Ancient Legends etc. of Ireland 
(1887), vol. i., p. 49- • 

^^ Addendum to vol. xxii. p. 449. 
^* Addendum to p. 89 supra.
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/237</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2286" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|215}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;In concluding this survey of the traditional beliefs (other than folk-tales) of County Clare, I am quite prepared to learn that I have failed to secure much that is well known to residents in the county. Even my mistakes and omissions, if they lead the people of Clare to abandon their apathy and to correct and supply the deficiencies of my notes, will have helped on the cause of Irish folklore study, and much that is on the point of being forgotten may be rescued for scientific workers on that most important and fascinating subject.&lt;ref&gt;''Additional Erratum'', vol. xii., p. 54. ''For'' Terry Island ''read'' Torry Island.&lt;/ref&gt;

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Thomas J. Westropp|Thos. J. Westropp]].}}}}

{{smallrefs}}


{{rule|10em}}


{{c|{{sc|Customs at Death on the Lower Congo.}}}}

{{sc|The}} following notes are additions to those already published in ''Folk-Lore''&lt;ref&gt;Vol. xix., pp. 415-6, 421-3, 428-31; vol. XX., pp. 52, 55-6, 58-61, 465, 475.&lt;/ref&gt; concerning burial, mourning, and other customs and beliefs connected with death on the Lower Congo. 

''Burial fees.''—The fee for digging a grave is a fowl for each person. If a visitor dies in a town, his people have to pay a pig for the right of burial. If the corpse is taken away, a pig must be paid to the people of every town through which it is carried. This has the effect of reducing the risks of catching infectious diseases, as the bearers, to avoid such heavy fees, will take a body to its native town by wide detours instead of over the usual paths. The body is, however, allowed to pass free if it is that of a man killed by a wild animal, or of a woman dead in childbirth. 

''Purification.''—Those who dig a grave must go straight to running water and wash themselves all over. Those who touch a corpse must wash their hands and arms. Those who have dug a grave or touched a corpse cross their outstretched arms until they have washed. With this sign that they are unclean, no one will want to salute them or to shake hands. 

''Chiefs' funerals; property put in graves.''—When a chief died in French Congo in November, 1908, his coffin, made by a native carpenter of my acquaintance, measured 12 ft. by 3 ft. 6 in., and &lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
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      <parentid>12506780</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      <text bytes="2329" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|215}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;In concluding this survey of the traditional beliefs (other than folk-tales) of County Clare, I am quite prepared to learn that I have failed to secure much that is well known to residents in the county. Even my mistakes and omissions, if they lead the people of Clare to abandon their apathy and to correct and supply the deficiencies of my notes, will have helped on the cause of Irish folklore study, and much that is on the point of being forgotten may be rescued for scientific workers on that most important and fascinating subject.&lt;ref&gt;''Additional Erratum'', vol. xii., p. 54. ''For'' Terry Island ''read'' Torry Island.&lt;/ref&gt;

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Thomas J. Westropp|Thos. J. Westropp]].}}}}

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&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|Customs at Death on the Lower Congo.}}}}

{{sc|The}} following notes are additions to those already published in ''Folk-Lore''&lt;ref&gt;Vol. xix., pp. 415-6, 421-3, 428-31; vol. XX., pp. 52, 55-6, 58-61, 465, 475.&lt;/ref&gt; concerning burial, mourning, and other customs and beliefs connected with death on the Lower Congo. 

''Burial fees.''—The fee for digging a grave is a fowl for each person. If a visitor dies in a town, his people have to pay a pig for the right of burial. If the corpse is taken away, a pig must be paid to the people of every town through which it is carried. This has the effect of reducing the risks of catching infectious diseases, as the bearers, to avoid such heavy fees, will take a body to its native town by wide detours instead of over the usual paths. The body is, however, allowed to pass free if it is that of a man killed by a wild animal, or of a woman dead in childbirth. 

''Purification.''—Those who dig a grave must go straight to running water and wash themselves all over. Those who touch a corpse must wash their hands and arms. Those who have dug a grave or touched a corpse cross their outstretched arms until they have washed. With this sign that they are unclean, no one will want to salute them or to shake hands. 

''Chiefs' funerals; property put in graves.''—When a chief died in French Congo in November, 1908, his coffin, made by a native carpenter of my acquaintance, measured 12 ft. by 3 ft. 6 in., and &lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/238</title>
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      <text bytes="2412" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|216|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;was 4 ft. deep. As he had no heirs all his goods and property, except enough to pay his funeral expenses, were heaped upon the body. A native brickmaker and bricklayer had an order for 3000 bricks to build a vault and floor the grave. The flooring is intended to avert the sinking of the body into the earth, which is thought to have happened when the earth sinks on a grave. 

Makitu, chief of the district around Wathen, died and was buried in 1898. His coffin rested on three pieces of ivory cut from a tusk which he had saved for years for this purpose. One loaded gun was buried with him, so that, when he arrived in the &quot;spirit forest,&quot; he could shoot the spirit of the ''ndoki'' (witch) who had brought him to his death. They intended to bury two women and one man alive in his grave, but this was prevented by missionaries; it is still uncertain, nevertheless, whether one woman, who was missed about the time of the funeral, was not actually buried with the corpse. As regards ivory put in a grave, it is the native belief that only the ''evuvu'', or shell, is left of it. If any person removed the ivory and succeeded in selling it, he would be alleged to be a witch, since he was able to convert the ''evuvu'' into real ivory. Similarly, if a person took a plate or a bottle from a grave and was able to use it, this would be regarded as an undeniable proof that he was a witch. Such a thief would in the old days have been killed, and his or her blood poured on the grave to appease the robbed and wrathful spirit. 

''Compensation to family for deaths.''—A man living at Nkondo, a village near Wathen, was very ill, near to death in fact, and did not desire to leave his property (trade goods, guns, gunpowder, etc.) to his relatives. So he made up his mind to burn down the house containing the goods. He waited for an opportunity, and one night, when five persons,—three adults and two children,—were sleeping in the house, he locked the door, set fire to the structure, and rolled himself in his blankets to await death. Only one man escaped. The family of the two children demanded, and received, compensation for their death from the suicide's family. 

''Sacrifices on graves.''—In olden times slaves were killed, and their blood poured on the grave of their master. In the early days of the Congo Free State, an officer arrived and stopped for&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/239</title>
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      <text bytes="2428" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|217}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the night at a town called Z{{bar|3}}, near Kimpese, and saw the funeral of the late chief of the town, at which a native band played. The officer wanted the band's ivory trumpets, and attempted to take them by force. The people resisted, and tied him up. Some desired to kill him and pour his blood over the new grave, but, fortunately for him, others would not agree to this. As a compromise, they shaved off his hair, eyebrows, and beard, and let him go. He never knew how narrowly he had escaped sacrifice on a native chief's grave. 

''Future life and abode.''—The sun was the place of punishment for bad people. When natives want to punish a child they put it out in the strong sun, and men and women were often tied in the scorching sunshine as a penalty for wrong-doing. The moon was supposed to be the place where good people talked (''moka'') with God. They believed that after death there was a ''mavambu ma njila'', or dividing of the roads, one road leading to the sun, and the other to the moon. The bad people always went the former road, and the good people the latter one. When they see a halo round the sun, they say the ''mbaji a nkanu'', or judgment court, is being held there, and the punishment is being confirmed (''sikidiszva''). When a circle is seen round the moon, the ''mbaji a nkanu'' is being held there, and the reward is being confirmed to the good, so that the family which buries a relative about that time is very happy.&lt;ref&gt;Vol. xx., p. 59.&lt;/ref&gt; There is a native proverb that indicates that punishment in the sun does not kill:—&quot;The bad are tormented like a locust on burning grass. It wants to die but cannot die; it wants to be saved, but cannot be saved.&quot; This figure of speech is taken from seeing the locusts, when the bush is burning, jumping from stem to stem of the grass in the smoke. 

It will be observed that the sun and moon theory as to the places of punishment and reward is opposed to their belief concerning the great spirit town in the forest so fully described in a previous paper. I am inclined to think that the sun and moon theory may be a corruption of the old Roman Catholic teaching on purgatory etc., and that the spirit town in the forest&lt;ref&gt;Vol. xx., p. 55.&lt;/ref&gt; is the original native belief. Sometimes a curious mixture of both ideas will be found. For example, if there is, as often happens, no halo round either&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/240</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <parentid>8185052</parentid>
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      <comment>/* Problematic */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2436" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|218|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;sun or moon for weeks, the persons buried during that period are looked on as neither very bad nor very good, and, therefore, to have gone, not to the sun or moon, but to the spirit town in the great forest. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:J. H. Weeks|J. H. Weeks]].}}}}


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&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|Folklore Scraps from Greece and Asia Minor.}}}}

''Beetle belief.''—In the island of Melos a small black beetle is much feared. It is about half an inch long, and its bite is said to be deadly, killing almost instantaneously. In the course of the excavations of the British School in the spring of 1911, two were met with, causing on each occasion great excitement. After pickaxes and shovels had done their worst, there remained, unfortunately, so little of the creature that it was impossible to examine a specimen. 

''&quot;Forty&quot; as place-name.''—In many parts of Greece, (and I believe that the same is true of Turkey), the place-name &quot;Saranda&quot; (Forty) is to be met with. &quot;Forty whats?&quot; you ask, and are told,—&quot;The name is just Forty.&quot; Now, in Greek and Turkish folk-tales {{greek missing}} (''dhraki'')—(not 'dragons,' by the way, but 'ogres'; I have noticed that some European folklorists have been misled by Hahn's translation ''Drache''),—''devs'', and robbers live in gangs of forty, and the castle of the forty ''devs'', robbers, or {{greek missing}}, is a very common feature of many of the tales. When travelling through the Cnidian peninsula with Mr. Dawkins in January, 1911, we came to a large, round tomb built of squared stones about two and a half hours' journey east of Knidos. On enquiry we learned that the place was called ''Saranda''. It occurred to me that here was a possible explanation of the name. The tomb was the castle of the forty robbers or ''devs''. The suspicion is partially confirmed by a reference I found subsequently in ''Traditions populaires de l'Asie Mineure, par'' [[Author:E. Henry Carnoy|E. Henry Carnoy]] ''et'' [[Author:Jean Nicolaides|Jean Nicolaides]], (''Les Litératures Populaires de toutes les Nations'', vol. xxviii., p. 357), where tradition definitely states that the &quot;Caves of the Forty&quot; near Judje Su in Cappadocia are so called for the reason which I suggest is the explanation of the frequent occurrence elsewhere of ''Saranda'' as a place name.
{{nop}}&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/265</title>
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      <text bytes="2282" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Reviews.''|243}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;{{hi|{{sc|Sex and Society.}} Studies in the Social Psychology of Sex. By {{sc|[[Author:William I. Thomas|William I. Thomas]]}}. Chicago, Illinois: Univ. of Chicago Press, ''n.d.'' 8vo, pp. vii + 325.}}

{{sc|This}} book is a collection of papers dealing successively with the organic differences of the sexes; sex in relation to primitive social control; social feeling, primitive industry, and primitive morality; the psychology of exogamy; modesty and clothing; the adventitious character of woman; the mind of woman and the lower races. These essays supply good summaries of a wide literature, but they add little novel information on these well-worn topics. Exogamy he regards as &quot;one expression of the more restless and energetic character of the male{{...|4}} Familiarity with women within the group and unfamiliarity with women without the group is the explanation of exogamy on the side of interest; and the system of exogamy is a result of exchanging familiar women for others.&quot; 


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&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{hi|{{sc|Aristotle's Researches in Natural Science.}} By {{sc|[[Author:T. E. Lones|T. E. Lones]]}}. West, Newman &amp; Co., 191 2. 8vo, pp. viii-t-274. Ill.}}

{{sc|There}} is a thirteenth-century legend that, when Alexander the Great reached Jerusalem, his teacher Aristotle discovered the hiding-place of the books of Solomon, and learned from them all the wisdom of the Wisest Man. Such was Aristotle's repute before the Revival of Learning and the subsequent unjust contempt for the Greek Sage. Certain of his writings have now been examined afresh by Dr. Lones, who in this volume has carried out a careful and valuable piece of work which, though not primarily addressed to folklorists, will have its uses to them from a twofold aspect. On the one side, it is a summary of Aristotle's writings on natural science, which for many centuries greatly influenced scholars and the Church, and through them popular belief. On the other side, the writings contain much that is evidently not the result of personal investigations, but a record of what was told him by hunters and fishermen, and hence often ancient folklore. For example, Aristotle's belief in&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/266</title>
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    <id>1277195</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507476</id>
      <parentid>8185078</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2446" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|244|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;an underground connection between the Caspian and Black Sea dates back the present-day belief of that locality; the importance attached to symmetrical astragali for divination and games is signified by the disproportionate attention paid by Aristotle to those bones in numerous animals; and many popular beliefs appear, such as that the drinking of certain waters by animals affected their colours or those of their offspring, that bleeding at particular points gave relief in diseases of such organs as the liver and spleen, that the nautilus spread its sail to 'catch a favouring gale,' and so on. 


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&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{hi|{{sc|The Religion of the Ancient Celts.}} By {{sc|[[Author:J. A. MacCulloch|J. A. MacCulloch]]}}. Edinburgh: T. &amp; T. Clark, 1911. 8vo, pp. xv + 99.}}

{{sc|The}} time had arrived when a book such as Mr. MacCulloch's ''Religion of the Ancient Celts'' had become, in a sense, inevitable. The large collection of folklore made, (to speak only of comparatively recent work), in Scotland by [[Author:J. G. Campbell|J. G. Campbell]], Henderson, and indirectly by [[Author:Alexander Carmichael|Alex. Carmichael]] in his collection of Gaelic charms and poems, in Ireland by Curtin, Wood-Martin, and Lady Wilde, and in Wales by Sir [[Author:John Rhŷs|John Rhŷs]]; the similar work of Le Braz, Sébillot, and Luzel in Brittany; and the studies made by Alex. Bertrand, S. Reinach, Dottin, and Gaidoz in the religion of the ancient Gauls in France, awaited co-ordination for the general reader. Probably the work of bringing together and arranging a portion of this accumulated material could not have fallen into better hands than Mr. MacCulloch's. His articles in Hastings' ''Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics'' had carried him over a large part of the field, and his industry and sense of proportion have enabled him to compile out of the mass of material a useful and comprehensive book. It may be doubted whether we shall eventually be satisfied with any co-ordination which takes so much racial identity for granted as the throwing together of material from so many different sources implies; we shall certainly not eventually be satisfied with any survey which places in juxtaposition rites and customs derived from peoples in such various stages of cultural development as, for instance, the Gaul of&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/267</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <parentid>8185079</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2471" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Reviews.''|245}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Caesar's time and the Breton of to-day; or, again, of the Ireland or Wales of the beginning of the Christian era, and the ancient Gaul of the same period. The retentiveness of the 'Celt,' using the word in the vague general sense in which it is employed by our author, is, indeed, remarkable; but even the Celt has gone through modifications by his contact with other races, the near approach of classical and oriental influences in Southern Gaul in the early centuries of our era, especially, having profoundly modified the prevalent beliefs; and it cannot be too often emphasised that to adopt a dictum of any Roman writer, even of so acute an observer as Caesar, on the religious beliefs of Gaul, and to apply it to the 'Celt' of early Ireland or Wales, is dangerous in the extreme. Even as applying to the district to which it directly refers, caution is necessary, for we are dealing with the verdict of foreigners, by whom the language, habits, and ideas of the people among whom they came as conquerors or travellers were only partially understood. It is only in the meantime, and with deductions, that any such general treatment and illustration of the religion of one country by the beliefs and customs of another can apply; but for the moment it is useful to have a survey of this kind, so long as we bear in mind that the illustrations are taken from peoples in different stages of civilization. Our sources for a knowledge of 'Celtic' beliefs are, indeed, various; mere hints from monuments, writings, and folk-beliefs have to be built up into a sort of system. As the author says, &quot;We try to rebuild Celtic paganism and to guess at its inner spirit, though we are working in the twilight on a heap of fragments. No Celt has left us a record of his faith and practice, and the unwritten poems of the Druids died with them. Yet from these fragments we see the Celt as the seeker after God, linking himself by strong ties to the unseen, and eager to conquer the unknown by religious rite or magic art. For the things of the spirit have never appealed in vain to the Celtic soul, and long ago classical observers were struck with the religiosity of the Celts&quot; (p. 2). 

We are glad to find that the author of this book makes a healthy protest from time to time against the present tendency to dub many of the beliefs and practices of the Celtic peoples, even some of the institutions most closely bound up with their life and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/268</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507481</id>
      <parentid>8185080</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      <text bytes="2447" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|246|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;social system, as pre-Celtic, or pre-Aryan. So long as our knowledge of what is and what is not Celtic is so slight as it is at present, such determinations must necessarily be of the nature of guess-work; they endeavour to decide off-hand, and without sufficient data, what the Celts held and what they did not. When we find stone-worship, tree-worship, totemism, the matriarchal system, and even a system so bound up with the whole social life of the Gaulish, the Irish, and the Welsh 'Celt' as the druidical system, relegated by different writers to the pre-Celtic races, we begin to wonder what is left for the Celt, among whom we find all these customs in full swing, to have developed as his own share in his own religion. Coming of an imaginative race, the chances are that he evolved some ideas for himself; though that he may have also incorporated others from the peoples he found existing in the countries to which he came as a settler, no one would without fuller knowledge venture to dispute. But the theory may carry us too far. The author's protest on p. 224-5 seems to us timely; and still more so when he comes (pp. 294-302) to discuss the Druids, and endeavour to reclaim them for the Celtic system. With all respect to the earlier races, about which we know almost nothing, it is difficult to see why a class associated with the religious practices of Gaul, Ireland, and Wales from the dawn of their history should not have grown up and been elaborated by themselves. It is the more likely that this was so, from the fact that we find the Druids occupying a different position and assuming different functions in early Ireland and in Gaul, their position among the more highly developed race being that of priest and teacher, while among the Irish Gaels it was rather that of medicine-man and wizard. Mr. MacCulloch has, however, fallen a victim to the modern cult of agricultural gods, and the sacrifice of animals and human beings to ensure fertility. We do not intend to dispute the point. There are signs that such a belief existed through a long period of Celtic primitive worship. But, when he proceeds further to discredit altogether the so-called 'solar theory,' and the suggestion that the great mythological figures of Celtic romance may have derived attributes from natural objects, and especially from the sun, we cannot follow him. The author is very severe on the ascription to&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/270</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277199</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507484</id>
      <parentid>8185082</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2288" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|248|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;given up. A single obscure dictum of Caesar is not sufficient to establish a permanent theory which is not supported by native warrant or tradition. The Irish kings and septs certainly traced their descent from the god or local deity worshipped by their tribe, or from some more universal divinity; but that they believed in an 'underworld from which they came and to which they went at death,' there is, I believe, nothing in the ancient literature to prove. If such a doctrine is given at all, it should be with extreme caution, as a hypothesis, not as a statement of fact. It is a pity to perpetuate a doubtful theory in a popular book. 

We sum up a few suggestions that occur to us. In his chapter on ''geasa'' or tabus, the author omits the tabus belonging to King Conchobhar, which are much the most instructive for his purpose. They will be found in the ''Book of Leinster'', fac. pp. 106, 33-197b, 16. On p. 232, he gives the reply of the Celts of Thrace to Alexander the Great (Strabo, Bk. vii, ch. iii, 8) as a hint of a belief in a final cataclysm. But it had no reference to the end of natural things, and was simply an expression, familiar to the Celt of Ireland as of Thrace, of courage and fearlessness. The only sign known to me of an ancient belief in a final catastrophe is in the use once in the ''Book of Armagh'' of the word ''erdathe'', which seems to be a native word applied to the day of doom; but, if such a pagan belief existed, it speedily became absorbed into the universal mediæval Christian doctrine of Doomsday. 

The examples given on p. 223 of unnatural unions are largely metaphorical of the union of different qualities, and cannot be taken as proving any state of society in which these conditions were generally practised; some of the practices referred to may, however, be surmised from other sources of information. 

To his examples of tree-worship, the author should add the very explicit and interesting example from the poem on Finn's sword in ''Duanaire Finn'' (Irish Texts Society, vol. vii) speaking of &quot;Eitheor of the smooth brown face&quot; who was called &quot;Son of Hazel,&quot; because &quot;this was the hazel that he worshipped&quot; (pp. 36, 137).
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Eleanor Hull|Eleanor Hull]].}}}}


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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/271</title>
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      <text bytes="2365" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Reviews.''|249}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|{{sc|The Making of London}}. By {{sc|Sir [[Author:Laurence Gomme|Laurence Gomme]]}}. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912. Cr. 8vo, pp. 256. Ill.}}

{{sc|When}} one takes up a book by Sir Laurence Gomme one is never in any doubt as to whether it is going to be interesting or not. Interesting it is quite certain to be, interesting and stimulating, full of apt illustrations drawn from his encyclopædic knowledge and shedding new light, often from quite unexpected angles, on the subject of which he is treating. The book under review is no exception; indeed, it is so full of topics of interest to antiquarians and folklorists that it is hard to give any adequate account of it within the limits of a review. Briefly, we are invited to consider how London developed and how her history explains the position which she occupies, and the privileges which she possesses or has possessed. That palæolithic man occupied the site where she stands we know from that classic implement which was found &quot;opposite to Black Mary's, near Grayes Inn Lane,&quot; and from a number of other discoveries. That neolithic man was there we may assume, though we have no certain indications of any form of habitation attributable to him. With the bronze-using Celts who settled at the junction of the Fleet with the Thames, we begin to see the first traces of the future city in the pile-dwellings erected in that locality. London was &quot;not only a defensive stronghold of the Celts, but, as the centre of a religious cult, possessed the full life of the Celtic tribesmen&quot; (p. 49). Then came the Romans, and Celtic London was replaced by Roman London, which &quot;must always be considered from the point of view of its position as a city of the Roman empire, not as a city of Britain&quot; (p. 56). The city was dependent for its institutions and its greatness on Rome, and &quot;its position has to be measured by these facts, and not by its geographical position in Britain.&quot; As a Roman city it had its ''territorium'', and over that area London citizenship has always possessed special rights. What is the next chapter in her history? What happened during that most obscure epoch of history which opens with the departure of the Roman Legions? Did she become a &quot;waste Chester&quot; like other Roman cities, or did she preserve some form of life, and, if so, what?
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/272</title>
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    <revision>
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      <parentid>8185084</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2393" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|250|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Sir L. Gomme has no doubt on this point. When London ceased to be a Roman city she did not continue as the capital city of a state; if she was anything she was a petty state herself (p. 77). As a small state, so to speak, and on Roman lines, she lived on during the period of the Saxon invasion and occupation. Yet she was able to keep the Danes from entering and occupying her walls, and to make them settle down without those defences. This was not done by Anglo-Saxon organisation, &quot;and the only possible source for such an organization must have been the old Roman system kept up through these years of neglect&quot; (p. 104). Roman London rose with such rapidity that historians have been at a loss to account for her progress. English London emerged so slowly from the mists of the Saxon period that historians have thought that the city for a time had ceased to exist. Sir Laurence explains the first difficulty by pointing out that London, like Winnipeg or Chicago, made extraordinary leaps and bounds of progress when she got the chance in Roman days, and that in later days she was left alone until the moment arrived when Aelfred's genius, recognising the supreme strategical value of her position, brought London into a position of national importance which she has ever since occupied. &quot;Anglo-Saxon kings had ignored London, and London had carried on her existence in a sort of constitutional independence—an independence not granted to her as a matter of state policy, but created by her as a means of existence. Alfred broke into that independence by bringing London into definite relationship with English national life&quot; (p. 95). Hence Stubbs' view that London sprang into life as a collection of communities is not correct. London herself, the city, according to this thesis preserved her own constitution, her own organization, and this was founded on and descended from the Roman organization when it was an empire city. But where, all this time, were the Anglo-Saxons? Their advance, by way of settlement, commenced at some distance from the city and in the lands surrounding it, and spread inwards, gradually approaching the walls of the city. Of this form of occupation Sir Laurence has much to say, and draws a most interesting picture of Park Lane,—of all places in the world!—when it was made up of acre-strips of cultivation, and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/326</title>
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      <text bytes="2162" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|304|''The Veneration of the Cow in India.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;its Brahmanical form the legend was localised at Gokarn, a sacred place on the western coast, where Siva, at the prayer of the Earth goddess, rose through the ear of a cow whose form she had assumed.&lt;ref&gt;''[[Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency]]'', vol. xv. , pt. ii., pp. 288-9 ''n'' 2.&lt;/ref&gt;

Thirdly, the cow was associated with the new cultus. The bull became the attendant of Siva, lord of fertility, the favourite object of Brahman worship, whose sacred marriage with the Earth goddess is periodically celebrated. On the same principle the Brahmans recognised and adopted the worship of Krishna, who in one of his many forms was a god of cattle, and devotion and tendance of the cow is a prominent part of his cultus.&lt;ref&gt;J. Kennedy, &quot;The Child Krishna, Christianity, and the Gujars,&quot; ''[[The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society]]'', Oct. 1907, pp. 951 ''et seq.''&lt;/ref&gt; The cow was introduced into the family ritual conducted under Brahman superintendence. Thus the sacred marriage of the bull and cow is performed as a mimetic fertility charm at marriage, and at the death rites to strengthen the puny soul for its journey to the world of spirits. 

Lastly, the Muhammadan raids and the slaughter of the cow at the Idu-'l-azha festival must have tended to increase the devotion towards the animal. The Muhammadan chronicles tell many stories of deliberate cow slaughter in the lust of conquest, with a view to enforce the submission of the Hindus, or in revenge for their resistance.&lt;ref&gt;Sir. H. Elliot, ''History of India'', vol. i., pp. 193, 298.&lt;/ref&gt; Even as late as 18 13, it is alleged by the Hindus of Benares that the Muhammadans, in the course of a fanatical riot, slew a cow and her calf and poured their blood upon the sacred stone pillar, the Lāt Bhairon, which up to that date had withstood all attempts to destroy it. Now in horror at the outrage it trembled and fell to pieces.&lt;ref&gt;H. H. Wilson, ''History of India from 1805 to 1835'', vol. i., p. 472 ''n''.&lt;/ref&gt;

To sum up the suggestions which I have ventured to advance in this paper:—We find the cow domesticated and&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2137" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''The Veneration of the Cow in India.''|305}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;regarded as taboo or &quot;sacred,&quot; not necessarily a totem, from that very early period when the Indo-Aryans and their kinsmen the Iranians still formed one united community. At this stage of culture the kinship of man with the animal world, and particularly with the domesticated cattle of the tribe, was fully recognised; and, as is not uncommon with tribes in the pastoral or agricultural stage of culture, the kinsmen by the periodical sacrifice and ritualistic eating of the flesh of the sacred animal sought to gain communion with the divine. In later days, when the foreigner, an eater of beef, entered the land and became to some extent Hinduized, it became unnecessary for him to abandon his usual food, because its consumption had now acquired a local ritualistic sanction. We have seen that traces of this communal sacrifice may still be traced among the Kafirs, and particularly among the Todas, and that the rite is still performed in effigy by certain castes or tribes. Gradually, for reasons which are at present obscure, a feeling of humanitarianism spread through northern India, which resulted in the restriction of blood sacrifices and the sacramental eating of the victim. But the use of beef was not immediately discontinued among the imperfectly Hinduized foreigners, and still holds its ground among the menial and forest tribes. If this view be accepted, it supplies an interesting parallel to the theory of Professor Ridgeway,&lt;ref&gt;''The Early Age of Greece,'' vol. i., p. 524.&lt;/ref&gt; that the flesh-roasting and flesh-eating AchǢans were a foreign tribe which migrated from northern Europe into Greece. The association of Buddhism with the Kshatriya or warrior group helps to furnish an explanation of the comparative indifference of the new faith towards the Brahman cult of the cow. With the rise of the neo-Brahmanism the protection and veneration of the cow were revived and extended. The cult of Mother Earth now adopted into orthodox beliefs, the ascetic missionary organisation, the introduction of the worship, of Siva with the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/328</title>
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      <text bytes="879" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|306|''The Veneration of the Cow in India.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;bull as his attendant, the rise of the cult of Krishna, the adoption of the animal into the domestic ritual conducted under Brahman supervision,—these were all developments of the same movement, which ended in the adoption of the sanctity of the cow as one of the chief bonds of connection between the many rival sects, each provided with its own body of dogma and ritual, which now form the amorphous mass of beliefs constituting Hinduism as we observe it at the present day. 

In the death struggle which orthodox Hinduism is now waging against the intrusive Western culture, the beliefs we have been considering will doubtless play a prominent part. But this is a matter for the statesman, not for the student of comparative religion. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:W. Crooke|W. Crooke]].}}}}

{{dhr|5}}

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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/329</title>
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      <text bytes="1757" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|THE SOCIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF&lt;br /&gt;MYTH.&lt;ref&gt;I am indebted to Miss [[Author:C. S. Burne|C. S. Burne]], Miss [[Author:Jane Harrison|Jane Harrison]], and Mr. [[Author:H. M. Chadwick|H. M. Chadwick]] for suggestions which have led me to add to, or modify, this paper since it was read before the ''Folk-Lore Society.''&lt;/ref&gt;

{{x-smaller|BY [[Author:W. H. R. Rivers|W. H. R. RIVERS]].}}

(''Read at Meeting, June'' 19''th'', 1912.)}}

{{sc|To}} those engaged in the attempt to trace out the history of social institutions among people of rude culture, the myths and traditions of the people themselves form a natural and attractive field of inquiry. At the present time, however, there is the widest divergence of opinion as to the value of this kind of knowledge. By some workers such narratives are used as evidence without hesitation, while by others they are put wholly on one side as the pure fruit of imagination, having no relevance where facts are concerned. 

A striking example of this divergence of treatment is to be found in the utilisation of Arunta narratives by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen&lt;ref&gt;''The Native Tribes of Central Australia,'' pp. 207, 209, and ''The Northern Tribes of Central Australia'', p. 320.&lt;/ref&gt; and Dr. Frazer,&lt;ref&gt;''Totemism and Exogamy,'' vol. i., p. 238.&lt;/ref&gt; and their scant rejection by Mr. [[Author:Andrew Lang|Andrew Lang]]&lt;ref&gt;''Man'', vol. x. (1910), p. 119.&lt;/ref&gt; as traditions &quot;dictated by the logic of fancy,&quot; and therefore, it is assumed, of no value as evidence. It does not seem to have occurred to these workers,&lt;ref&gt;Except in so far as Messrs. Spencer and Gillen lay stress on the divergence of tradition from present customs.&lt;/ref&gt; nor, so far as I am aware, has it occurred to others,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/330</title>
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      <text bytes="2049" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|308|''The Sociological Significance of Myth.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to inquire whether it is possible to lay down any general principles which may enable us to assign its proper value to such evidence. It is the purpose of this paper to formulate one such principle and inquire to what conclusions it may lead us. 

I must first say something about the sense in which I propose to use the term 'myth.' At the present time this word is used with many different meanings. By some it is limited to narratives which give an account of the doings of gods or of those who possess in some measure divine characters; to others a narrative is only a myth if it stands in a definite relation to ritual and serves to explain and justify this ritual; by others the term is used more widely, but is limited to narratives which give an account of or explain natural as opposed to social phenomena. 

In the present state of our knowledge the chief justification of classifications and definitions lies in their usefulness, and a classification which may be useful from one point of view may not necessarily be so from another. I approach the subject of myth in this paper in its relation to the history of culture, and from this point of view, if from no other, the limitations implied by the usages I have mentioned are neither helpful nor necessary. 

The general class of which myths form one group are narratives which give a concrete account of events. By thus laying stress on the concrete nature of &quot;narratives&quot; I intend to exclude the abstract accounts of events given by science. 

From the point of view of the history of culture the first grouping of narratives depends on whether they are or are not historical, whether they are records of events which have actually happened or the work of the human imagination. We can be confident that even those narratives of peoples of rude culture which come nearest to history contain imaginative elements, but this only makes it the task of the student to distinguish the two elements from one another.
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/361</title>
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      <parentid>8185167</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2295" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|339}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the nearest village (Cherrington) gave one as follows:—&quot;Once there lived a tailor who worked on Sundays. One Sunday he met a strange man, who asked him to make a suit of clothes, and the tailor whipped out his tape to measure. &quot;Do you know who I am?&quot; asked the stranger. &quot;Yes, you're the Devil!&quot; said the tailor; and then he was frightened and ran home. When he met his wife he fell down dead. They buried him at the Devil's Churchyard, and the stones were tombstones.&quot; The other version was told to my informant, a woman about 60, by her mother, a farmer's wife, as a warning against breaking the Sabbath:—&quot;There was once a man who used to go nutting on Sundays. As he was going down Half-Mile Lane, that leads to the Devil's Churchyard, he stretched out his hand to a fine bunch of nuts, saying,—&quot;Here goes one!&quot; Then to another, saying,—&quot;Here goes two!&quot; And a ''black hand'' was stretched out from the other side of the hedge, and it grabbed the man, with &quot;Here goes three!&quot; in a terrible voice. So he died, and was buried at the Devil's Churchyard, for the black hand belonged to the Devil.&quot; The Devil's Churchyard is held to be a most uncanny spot; you are supposed to see men without heads there, (so one of my jobbing gardeners confessed), and dogs, and unknown horrors. A man who works on the roads told me that once he and a friend were poaching round there after midnight, and were terribly scared by &quot;a noise like bagpipes.&quot; 

''Menhirs.''—Two menhirs, &quot;Cob Stone&quot; and &quot;Picked Stone,&quot; were destroyed on or near Minchinhampton Common, about seventy years ago. 

Still standing is the curious &quot;Ragged Jonathan&quot; or &quot;Holey Stone,&quot; about 5 ft. high, pitted all over with small regular cup-like depressions. It has been used at some time as a milestone; but one old inhabitant says he thinks it came from the Devil's Churchyard, while another says that children used to be lifted over it to cure whooping-cough. I have also been told that the holes in the stone were made by Oliver Cromwell's guns. 

Much more famous than &quot;Ragged Jonathan&quot; is a perforated menhir about a mile to the east of Minchinhampton. It was formerly surrounded by the Common arable fields, to one of which it gave the name of &quot;Longstone Field.&quot; Once, when they were&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/362</title>
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      <text bytes="2418" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|340|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ploughing there with oxen, they yoked a good many together, and tried to pull the Longstone out of the ground, but &quot;something&quot; held it firm. (A similar story was told me by a countryman on the Wiltshire Downs, of the fine dolmen known as &quot;The Devil's Den,&quot; near Marlborough. The chains with which the horses and oxen pulled at the dolmen always flew in pieces.) Further, &quot;when the Longstone hears the clock strike twelve, it runs round the field,&quot; as almost every child in the place will tell you.&lt;ref&gt;A similar story is told of the Rollright Stones; see [Sir] [[Author:A. J. Evans|A. J. Evans]], &quot;The Rollright Stones and their Folk-lore,&quot; ''Folk-Lore,'' vol. vi., pp. 24 ''et seq''.&lt;/ref&gt; Within living memory, children with whooping-cough and rickets used to be put through one of the holes in the stone. Traditions of bloodshed also cling round the Longstone; some say that it marks the burial place of a Danish chief killed in a battle at &quot;Woeful Danes' Bottom,&quot; about half a mile distant, where &quot;the blood ran as high as the wheels of a cart,&quot; and the victory was won by women who gave the Danes poisoned pancakes to eat.&lt;ref&gt;There are other traditions of Danes near Bisley, and near Sapperton is a road called &quot;Daneway&quot; or &quot;Denaway,&quot;—the latter form probably preserving the O.E. genitive plural.&lt;/ref&gt; At the battle of &quot;Woeful Danes' Bottom,&quot; which is much talked about, &quot;the soldiers shot through the holes of the Longstone&quot;; and all the tumuli or &quot;tumps&quot; in the neighbourhood are held to be &quot;the soldiers' graves.&quot; Three or four years ago, a farmer found a quantity of bones in a mound hard by. An underground passage, popularly supposed to go from a house called &quot;The Lammas&quot; (on or adjoining the site of a priory) to Minchinhampton Church, also &quot;ran with blood&quot; at the time of the battle!

&quot;Woeful Danes' Bottom&quot; is a place for ghosts. Men on horseback come through the gate at night. A woman told me how she was followed one night, along the road leading to the Bottom, by a ghostly dog. &quot;I could see right through him, through his ribs.&quot; In all this atmosphere of bloodshed and ghostliness the Longstone too is shrouded. 

In Avening parish, about half a mile south of the Longstone, is &quot;Tinglestone,&quot; a menhir crowning a long barrow; Mr. Frost of Avening tells me that it too &quot;runs round the field when it hears the clock strike twelve.&quot; &quot;Crackstone&quot; Farm, also&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/363</title>
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      <text bytes="2331" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|341}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;near &quot;Woeful Danes' Bottom,&quot; suggests another vanished menhir.&lt;ref&gt;For Bambury Stone, Bredon, see second section of paper.&lt;/ref&gt;

''Tumuli and Buried Treasure.''—On the opposite side of the road to the Longstone, in what was also once part of the Common field, is Gatcombe Tump, a long barrow, of which the following story is told. I got it from a middle-aged woman who keeps a small shop; her mother, from whom she heard it, knew the heroine of the story, &quot;There was an old woman in Minchinhampton who used to charm ailments; she was called Molly Dreamer, because her dreams came true. She dreamed that she would find a pot of gold in Gatcombe Tump, and she and her husband dug there many times. Once she actually had her hand on the pot, and was saying,—&quot;Come up! Labour in vain!&quot; when a spirit rose up and frightened her. At another time a spirit appeared to her husband there, and asked him to name five parish churches, [apparently as a condition of getting the gold], but he could remember only four.&quot; One old inhabitant, who lived as a child at a farm quite near, lays the scene of Molly's search at the Longstone itself, and adds that, just as she was lifting a stone that hid the treasure, there came a flash of lightning on to it, and Molly was never the same again. Some say, however, that she did find the gold. It is a fact that there have been finds in the near vicinity of the Longstone and the barrow,—of ornaments, flint chips, and arrow-heads. 

In Bisley parish (&quot;Bisley, God help us!&quot;) there is, or was recently, a barrow called &quot;Money Tump.&quot; There is also a legend of hidden treasure in Pan's Wood, Slad, near Stroud. People have tried to look for it, but have always been hindered by something happening,—accident or death,—or else the searchers have been scared away by mysterious noises.&lt;ref&gt;So Miss M. Warman, formerly of Slad parish.&lt;/ref&gt; Cottagers at the foot of Bredon Hill, near Tewkesbury, assured me in 1906 that there is treasure hidden near or under the Bambury Stone, which goes down to the Avon to drink when it hears the clock strike twelve. 

Until three or four years ago, there was an ancient lime-tree, called &quot;The Round Tree,&quot; standing on a knoll at Hyde, in Minchinhampton parish. The trunk seemed to have forced its way&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/374</title>
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      <text bytes="2068" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;352 Collectanea. 

Saant's daay, maister? Them cattle 'anna touched a bent all 
daay.&quot; 

If a woman's petticoat hang below her dress they say &quot;Your 
father likes you better than your mother ! &quot; 

Ella M. Leather. 

HuntingdonsJure. 

A farmer's wife from Offord Cluny has given me the following 
information about local customs : — 

The great day of the village year is Feast Sunday, the last 
Sunday in June, &quot;when all friends meet,&quot; and girls in service 
take a holiday. Scarce a house in the village but has been ' done 
up,' papered, or painted to be ready for the Feast. Plum 
puddings are made, and fillets of pork prepared. About two 
weeks beforehand part of the hind leg is put in salt water; these 
' fillets ' are stuffed and boiled, and &quot; everyone reckons to have 
new potatoes and green peas for the Feast. Things are very 
backward if they can't have them ready by Feast Sunday.&quot; And 
it is the only Sunday in the year when the bake-house is opened, 
so that anyone who wants to can have their dinner cooked there. 
Then on Feast Monday stalls are set up down the village street, 
and there is dancing in the evening. An old man used to bring 
his fiddle to the booth. &quot; It is always called a Feast in the 
villages, and a Fair in the towns where there is a market.&quot; On 
Feast Tuesday the Sunday School children have their treat. 

At Offord Darcy they have their Feast on St. Peter's (the 
following week to that of Offord Cluny), and the stalls are taken 
over and set up in that village. 

Hiring takes place at the Michaelmas Fair in St. Neot's, called 
the &quot; Stattis Fair.&quot; They are hired at &quot; the Stattis,&quot; a statue on 
the market hill.^ Servants go and stand there, and the farmers' 
wives and all the men, and they are hired for a year. 

On Valentine's Day buns are given to the children by the 
squire's wife (now a widow), and the children must be careful to 
say ' Thank you ' properly. 

Buns with a cross on them are given on Good Friday by the 
clergyman. 

^•' ' Statute ' is a general term for a statutory Fair.
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/375</title>
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      <parentid>8185182</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2271" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|353}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;On May Day they carried garlands round, and asked people if they would like to see the garland. Money was collected, which was spent on a tea. The garland was hung up in the paddock where the tea was, and in the evening they danced round it and threw balls through it, and had games. On the same day the men had their club feast and 'sharing out.' The Club did not walk in procession. 

Eggs are always sold by the score. 

&quot;At Hinchinbrook Castle a monkey took Oliver Cromwell when he was a baby&quot; and carried him on to the battlements. Nobody knew till &quot;they heard the monkey laugh.&quot; Then they &quot;got out all the feather beds from the Castle; but, however, the monkey didn't drop him, but carried the baby and laid him back in his bed again.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' T. Carlyle, ''Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches'' (1875), vol. i., p. 30; W. H. B. Saunders, ''Legends etc. of Huntingdonshire'', pp. 238-9; and N. and Q., 7th S., vol. vii., p. 26, for similar tale of Christian, the tyrant of Sweden.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:D. H. Moutray Read|D. H. Moutray Read]].}}}}


{{c|''Kent.''}}

When, about 1897, a man of my acquaintance, living near Dartford, was ill of ague, one of the old women visiting him suggested that he should swallow a live spider, which would cause the ''ague egg'' to be vomited.&lt;ref&gt;'''Cf. [[Notes and Queries|N. and Q.]]'', 1st S., vol. ii., p. 259 (''S. Ireland''); ''[[County Folk-Lore]]'', vol. i. (''Suffolk''), p. 15. According to Douce's Ms. Notes (quoted in Brand, ''[[Popular Antiquities]]'', vol. iii. (1855), p. 298, &quot;It is usual with many persons about Exeter, who are affected with agues, to visit at dead of night the nearest cross-road five different times, and there bury a new-laid egg {{...}} and they are persuaded that with the egg they shall bury the ague.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:F. Weeks|F. Weeks]].}}}}

Throughout Lent the shops at Gravesend sell 'pudding-pies' (tartlets containing custard sprinkled with currants), and some people call the first Sunday in Lent &quot;Pudding-pie Sunday.&quot; But I have been told that the pudding-pies should be eaten on the Sunday nearest the middle of Lent, ''i.e.'' Mothering Sunday. 

At Fair-time (October 29th) there used to be sold at Gravesend,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/376</title>
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      <text bytes="2046" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|354|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;as well as round gingerbread 'fair-cakes' decorated each with an almond, gingerbread cakes in the shape of a human being, but these are now no longer made. 

&quot;Don't turn the loaf upside down, or you'll drown the sailors,&quot; was told me by a Gravesender born at Devonport. 

A robin flying in at one window and out of another is a sign of death.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' vol. xxi., p. 90 (''Argyllshire''), p. 223 (''Bucks''); Henderson, ''Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Northern Counties etc.'', p. 50.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:E. M. Cobham|E. M. Cobham]].}}
Gravesend. 


The following notes are derived from my maid, L. Symons, who comes from Sevenoaks:— 

On Fridays Kentish people will not turn feather beds. They say it brings them bad luck all through the next week. They just shake them up well, and the same on Sundays. 

If any of the family are ill they watch the candle burning, and if it runs down the side and goes round three times they call that a winding-sheet, and say it is a sign of death in the family. 

If a rook flies over the front of the house and makes a noise they think that it is a sure sign of death. 

They will not pass anyone on the staircase; they would rather go back again. They fancy it is very unlucky. 

New boots put on the table they say will cause a row. 

If two bells ring at the same time in the house, they say someone is going to leave before the year is out. 

At Easter time they won't go out unless they have something new in the way of clothes. If it is only a pair of new gloves they are quite contented. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Estella Canziani|Estella Canziani]].}}}}


{{c|''Northumberland.''}}

My nephew met a woman carrying a baby in the lane by the church at Humshaugh. Without saying a word to him she put a parcel into his hand and walked off as quickly as she could. The parcel contained a piece of cake and three pennies. My nephew was the only person in the lane at the time. The baby had just been christened, and our cook (an old Northumberland woman)&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>41tq07quyt7haf5wf0umk1wvdstryn2</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506984</id>
      <parentid>12506983</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:26:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2048" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|354|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;as well as round gingerbread 'fair-cakes' decorated each with an almond, gingerbread cakes in the shape of a human being, but these are now no longer made. 

&quot;Don't turn the loaf upside down, or you'll drown the sailors,&quot; was told me by a Gravesender born at Devonport. 

A robin flying in at one window and out of another is a sign of death.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' vol. xxi., p. 90 (''Argyllshire''), p. 223 (''Bucks''); Henderson, ''Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Northern Counties etc.'', p. 50.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:E. M. Cobham|E. M. Cobham]].}}}}
Gravesend. 


The following notes are derived from my maid, L. Symons, who comes from Sevenoaks:— 

On Fridays Kentish people will not turn feather beds. They say it brings them bad luck all through the next week. They just shake them up well, and the same on Sundays. 

If any of the family are ill they watch the candle burning, and if it runs down the side and goes round three times they call that a winding-sheet, and say it is a sign of death in the family. 

If a rook flies over the front of the house and makes a noise they think that it is a sure sign of death. 

They will not pass anyone on the staircase; they would rather go back again. They fancy it is very unlucky. 

New boots put on the table they say will cause a row. 

If two bells ring at the same time in the house, they say someone is going to leave before the year is out. 

At Easter time they won't go out unless they have something new in the way of clothes. If it is only a pair of new gloves they are quite contented. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Estella Canziani|Estella Canziani]].}}}}


{{c|''Northumberland.''}}

My nephew met a woman carrying a baby in the lane by the church at Humshaugh. Without saying a word to him she put a parcel into his hand and walked off as quickly as she could. The parcel contained a piece of cake and three pennies. My nephew was the only person in the lane at the time. The baby had just been christened, and our cook (an old Northumberland woman)&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6qa8xcdowna3as25zjwqx0ja9uz6ro4</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/377</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277305</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506986</id>
      <parentid>8185184</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:28:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2350" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|355}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;said that they always did this at a christening, but that it ought to have been threepence in silver, not in copper; it had to be given to the first person the christening party saw—man, woman, or child.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf. County Folk-Lore'', vol. iv. (''Northumberland''), p. 91, according to which bread and cheese, or spice-cake, cheese, and salt are handed to the first person met on the road to church. Cf. also Brand, ''Popular Antiquities'', vol. ii. (1854), p. 81.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:E. B. Pitman|E. B. Pitman]].}}}}


An instance of a name taboo occurred a few years ago at my home in Beadnell. There, and very generally upon the Northumberland coast, the name of Graham is tabooed. This is the more strange as Graham is, of course, a common Border name. So far as I could find out, however, the prejudice against it does not extend beyond the coast, nor, in fact, beyond the fishermen. It was first brought to my notice when my father (Alfred Allhusen, Beadnell Tower) was having the house repaired and re-papered. One of the workmen, from Newcastle, was named Graham. The fishermen, who made friends with all the other men,—taking them across to the Fame Islands and out in their boats on Sundays,—refused to have anything to do with this man, and made themselves so obnoxious to him that he had to return to Newcastle. I then began to make enquiries. I was told that once, in the winter, a stranger had come to the village, asking for Mr. Graham of Lughall. He went into a cottage where the women were baiting the hooks for the haddock lines. This means the baiting of five to seven thousand hooks—a whole day's work. Upon hearing the name of Graham, they directed the man to the house, but at once unbaited, and then re-baited, all the lines. The baker at Seahouses, who supplies the fishermen out here, is called Graham, but is, or then was, referred to by all the men as &quot;Tom Puff&quot;; no one would call him by his proper name, Tom Graham. I spoke about this to one of the old men,—a great friend of mine in whose boat I had often been out to haul his crabpots. He said that he knew well that the men would not get fish if they met a Graham, nor if they heard the name, unless they could at once touch cold iron. He himself did not know the origin of it, nor did he believe in it. &quot;But,&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>e9fkxhln55dwr7hz0zp1riwjnntighx</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/378</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277306</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506998</id>
      <parentid>8185185</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:34:08Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2395" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh|356|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;he said, &quot;there was a queer thing happened. My daughter married Jack Graham of North Sunderland. I had been fishing that season with an Eyemouth boat. I hadn't been into Seahouses for six weeks. But I had heard that Jack had broken his leg and been kept a-bed. Well, one day, as we were going to Shields, I passed a Sunderland boat. I leant over and shouted as we passed her,—&quot;Did ye hear how Jack Graharn was?&quot; And no sooner had I said the words than there was a crash, and the mast went over the side! &quot;By God! will ye not believe us ''now''?&quot; said the skipper.&quot; The prejudice is well known, and a local antiquarian suggested to me that Graham might be connected with the Grim Dykes, ''i.e.'' with the Devil. But the fishermen are not afraid to talk of the Devil, or swear by him. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:E. L. Allhusen|E. L. Allhusen]].}}&lt;ref&gt;2&lt;/ref&gt;}}


{{c|''Nottinghamshire.''}}

Elder wood is not burnt. &quot;It is wicked wood, and won't burn,&quot; they say. I told our gardener at Basford to burn an old tree which had been blown down, but he refused, giving as his reason that it was &quot;wicked wood.&quot; He did not know why elder wood was &quot;wicked.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' vol. xx., p. 343 (''Worcestershire''); vol. vii., p. 380 (''Staffordshire''); ''[[Notes and Queries|N. and Q.]]'', 1st S., vol. vii., p. 177 (no locality named); ''[[County Folk-Lore]]'', vol. i. (''Gloucester''), p. 54.&lt;/ref&gt;

Game feathers were always thrown away in our house, and when I wanted them to be kept our cook said they were of no use, and, indeed, did a great deal of harm if used. &quot;You would not be able to die if there were game feathers in your pillow,&quot; she said.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' Henderson, ''Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Northern Counties etc.'', p. 60; ''County Folk-Lore'', vol. i. (''Suffolk''), p. 136; W. Gregor, ''Notes on the Folk-Lore of the N.-E. of Scotland'', p. 206; ''Folk-Lore Record,'' vol. i., p. 59 (''West Sussex''); ''N. and Q.'', 1st S., vol. v., pp. 341, 412 (''Sussex and Surrey''); Brand, ''Popular Antiquities'', vol. ii. (1854), p. 230 (''Cumberland, Derbyshire, Wales, Sligo, Mayo'').&lt;/ref&gt;
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:E. B. Pitman|E. B. Pitman]].}}}}


{{c|''Oxfordshire.''}}

If a kettle takes long to boil it has a stone in it. 

It is good luck to drop a letter before you post it. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:D. H. Moutray Read|D. H. Moutray Read]].}}}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/379</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277307</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507003</id>
      <parentid>8185186</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:37:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1846" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|357}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The following items were told to me by my servant, D. J., whose native village is Maidensgrove:— 

Love letters should not be destroyed, but the love letters of the man and the woman should be used to boil the kettle the first morning after marriage. The couple will then live happily ever after. 

A bumble bee buzzing about a room is a sure sign that strangers are coming.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' vol. xx., p. 344 (''Worcestershire'').&lt;/ref&gt;

D. J.'s sister, when a child, was told that, if she placed a little frog on her tongue and let it jump down her throat it &quot;would be good for her.&quot; She did so, and the frog jumped down her throat. D. J. does not know whether &quot;it did her good.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''Cf. County Folk-Lore'', vol. v. (''Lincolnshire''), p. 107.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:E. Wright|E. Wright]].}}}}


{{c|''Worcestershire.''}}

''How the Hedgehog ran the Devil to Death.''—The following variant of a well-known folk-tale was obtained from the Rev. T. H. Philpott, of Hedge End, Botley, who learned it from his mother in Worcestershire:— 

&quot;A hedgehog made a wager with the Devil to run him a race, the hedgehog to have the choice of time and place. He chose to run up and down a ditch at night. When the time came the hedgehog rolled himself up at one end of the ditch, and got a friend to roll himself up at the other; then he started the Devil off. At the other end of the ditch, the friend said to the Devil,—&quot;Now we go off again.&quot; Each hedgehog kept repeating this formula at his own end of the ditch, while the Devil ran up and down between them, until they ran him to death. This story would be introduced by the remark, &quot;Now we go off again, as the Hedgehog said to the Devil.{{&quot; &quot;}}
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Ella M. Leather|Ella M. Leather]].}}}}

{{block center|{{smallrefs}}}}


{{rule|10em}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/424</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277332</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507005</id>
      <parentid>8185206</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:38:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2377" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|400|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;into the official religion. Mohammed recognized the Evil Eye. The reality of witchcraft is a dogma. Miracles are magic. Mohammedan doctors have exercised themselves in distinguishing between the saint's miraculous act and the sorcerer's prodigy; and they have declared that the sole difference is in the morality of the aim pursued. A miracle is legitimate witchcraft, and witchcraft is forbidden miracle. The Prophet himself recommended the employment of magical incantations: he only forbade those that have a polytheistic character. He himself employed rites in their essence magical, and uttered incantations. The ceremonies at the Kaaba, which he consecrated and perpetuated, are in effect magical. It is only witchcraft,—anti-social magic,—that is forbidden in Islam. 

But, besides religion and witchcraft, there is another group of facts observable in Morocco, which are neither permitted nor forbidden, though not usually viewed with a favourable eye by orthodoxy. They belong to folklore, and include such celebrations as the Carnival and the Midsummer fires. They represent, in fact, ancient magical practices that once had a religious force, but in course of time have been disintegrated, so to say, from religion. The ideas, the myths, the beliefs connected with these practices have for the most part disappeared, and can only be reconstructed from the rites that remain. Some of them seem to coincide with festivals and solemnities, which have been taken up into Islam, but are themselves probably survivals of pre-existing pagan Arab customs. 

These theories will be recognized as in general correspondence with those of the English and French schools, to which the author acknowledges his indebtedness, repeatedly citing Prof. Frazer, Mr. Marett, Messrs. Hubert and Mauss, and other anthropological and sociological investigators. The rest of the book may without unfairness be described as an application of the theories to the various practices and beliefs found in Morocco. The careful and detailed account of the phenomena it comprises is of the utmost interest to students of folklore, and will long remain an authoritative exposition of custom and superstition in a society hardly as yet disturbed by modern conditions and scientific discovery. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:E. Sidney Hartland|E. Sidney Hartland]].}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/425</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277333</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506817</id>
      <parentid>8185207</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:57:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      <text bytes="2459" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Reviews.''|401}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|{{sc|The Suk: their Language and Folklore.}} By {{sc|[[Author:Mervyn W. H. Beech|Mervyn W. H. Beech]]}}. With Intro, by Sir [[Author:Charles Eliot|Charles Eliot]]. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 191 1. 8vo, pp. xxiv+ 152. Maps and ill.}}

{{sc|In}} this volume we have to welcome a useful addition to the shelf of recent books which throw a flood of light on the tribes of East and Equatorial Africa. The Suk occupy a tract from Lake Baringo to the north-west, separated from Lake Rudolph by the Turkana, and, as Sir Charles Eliot suggests in the Introduction, are probably a mixed tribe in course of formation round a nucleus of fugitives driven into the hills by raids. The bulk of the volume is occupied by a vocabulary and grammar, but the author has fortunately added to these, in the first forty-five pages, what ethnographical material he was able to gather during a residence of little more than a year,—in which time, of course, even an investigator with no other occupation could not prepare an exhaustive account of the beliefs and organization of a people. Little information is given about the many totemic and exogamous clans (''e.g''. elephant, rain, and bull-frog), but a thorough investigation is promised at a future date. The men have an age classification, the duration of each age being, roughly, fifteen years (a generation), and all circumcised in that period are counted as of that age. Names exist for ages up to those older than 120 (when the cycle recommences), though probably none survive 75, and the last four ages are used only in tales etc. (p. 6). Women are not circumcised at regular times, and are counted as of the age of the men they marry. There is no word for chief, and the old man at the head of a village family is called ''ki-ruwok-in'' (adviser). The only houses are unsubstantial shelters made by the women, and hence not used by unmarried men (p. 7). To stand upright in the doorway or inside is unlucky, and will bring cattle thieves (p. 8). An ox with one horn pointing forward and one backward (''kamar'') is a necessary possession for every warrior, and cow's urine is used to purify hands and calabashes (pp. 8-9). There are sex taboos (pp. 10, 17), and before drinking honey wine libations to the spirits of the dead are poured on either side of the threshold. There is a vague and benevolent Supreme Being and creator, to whom prayers are offered, but who &quot;has nothing&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/426</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277334</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506818</id>
      <parentid>8185208</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:59:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2306" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|402|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;to do with men after death&quot; (pp. 19-20). Men's spirits pass at death into snakes, and die finally with these new bodies. There is belief in the evil eye, grass has magical properties (pp. 20, 25), and pot-making is a secret trade, for women only, with its special rites and taboos. Several pages are devoted to a valuable account of the customary punishments for witchcraft and crime amongst the Suk and their immediate neighbours. The dances are distinctive, but the riddles are not very characteristic, and the dozen folk-tales given are abbreviated versions and, as Mr. Beech remarks, &quot;not very good.&quot; The illustrations are interesting, but some are not sufficiently clear. The author has accomplished much in little time and under many difficulties, and folklorists will be grateful for his decision to publish at once his valuable results, even though he felt that his enquiries were still incomplete. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:A. R. Wright|A. R. Wright]].}}}}


{{rule|10em}}


&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{hi|{{sc|The Land of Uz.}} By {{sc|Abdullah Mansûr}} (G. Wyman Bury). Macmillan, 191 1. 8vo, pp. xxvii + 354. Ill.}}

{{sc|This}} is not a volume of folklore, but a very interesting book of travel written by a man who allowed little to escape observation and who took note, among other things, of customs such as ordeal by heat, the value of iron as a protection against ghouls, how to get the better of jinns, and such like. There is nothing in itself very new in any of these things; their chief interest lies in the fact of their having been noted in a country so little known as &quot;The Land of Uz.&quot; 

The author's relation with this country grew out of the demarcation of the boundary between the Aden Hinterland and the possessions of Turkey. The country traversed proved to be, not the desert which had been expected, but &quot;mountainous districts, containing more or less fertile valleys, and at least as well populated as were the highlands of Scotland in the middle of the 18th century&quot; (p. ix). It is a country which has so far escaped the attention of the tourist, and which has therefore not lost its characteristic interest. 

There is a great deal of information, especially about the life of&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/427</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277335</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506626</id>
      <parentid>8185209</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:48:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2283" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Reviews.''|403}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;the women, which, without being directly folklore, is valuable to the folklore student. It is to be wished that the herb mentioned in the following note might be more exactly identified. It seems that, as usual among Arabs, the only plants which receive much attention are scented herbs. &quot;Three species in particular are grown, one worn by tribesmen generally, on festive occasions, one used at weddings, and a third the ''shukr shahed'' (or herb of witness) to place beneath the head of a corpse as it lies on its side with its face towards Mecca in the recess of its last tenement.&quot; 

The author affects an easy, not to say familiar, style, but that he has a real literary power is visible in certain passages, and in some very charming verses which breathe the true spirit of the East. Indeed this is one of those very rare volumes written by one who really knows the country of which he writes, and as such especially valuable to those who are also students of oriental lands, as well as really informing and directing to those who stay at home. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Hans H. Spoer|Hans H. Spoer]].}}}}


{{rule|10em}}


&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{hi|{{sc|Materinskaya Filiaciya v Vostochnoy i Centralnoy Azii.}} [Mother-right in Eastern and Central Asia]. Vȳp. 1. Materinskaya Filiaciya u Kitaycev, Koreycev i Yaponcev [Mother-right in China, Korea, and Japan]. Vȳp. 2. Materinskaya Filiaciya u Tibetcev, Mongolov, Myaoczȳ, Lolo i Tai [Mother-right among the Tibetans, Mongols, Miaotzu, Lolos, and Tai]. By {{sc|[[Author:Nicholas Matsokin|Nicholas Matsokin]]}}. Vladivostock, 1910-11. 8vo, pp. 40, iv + 147.}}

{{sc|In}} these two volumes the author, a student of the Oriental Institute in Vladivostock, adduces the evidence and arguments in favour of mother-right and matriarchate among some peoples and tribes of Eastern and Central Asia. He regards them as proving that among the several peoples and tribes in question there existed matrilineal organizations, and that some of the latter had passed through a matriarchate stage. Mr. Matsokin offers evidence that totemism existed among the Tibetans, Mongols, and some tribes in China, and at the same time he brings facts in&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/463</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277352</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506667</id>
      <parentid>8185226</parentid>
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      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="1694" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Modern Russian Popular Songs.''|439}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm}}When I had a father living 
As other good people have, 
He wouldn't allow me to work for others, 
Even for a thousand roubles.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

Torn away from her native village the young girl gets bitterly homesick:— 

{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm}}All the rivers and all the lakes 
I have filled up with my tears, 
I'm sick and tired of this life 
Wandering about amongst strangers.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

When the young girl marries, her life is often spoiled by the father-in-law and mother-in-law, whose obduracy and cruelty are constantly complained of in the songs; the misery of the married woman is also one of the main topics of old poetry. The young woman is often made to suffer at the hands of all the members of her husband's family. So it is that in one ''chastushka'' the married woman warns young girls against marriage:— 

{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm}}Girls, don't go and marry, 
You will find it a very hard lot, 
They will not even let you 
Walk freely about the room.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

One finds a very rich collection of satirical and humorous ''chastushki'' touching on very different subjects, but in these also it is the lovers that are the most frequently the butt of the satire or of the humour:— 

{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm}}My pretty little Jimmy 
Has a bristly beard. 
Fetch me please the harrow. 
And give his beard a combing.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

Many songs ridicule dandiness and lavishness. It is particularly the factory worker who has come home to the village on a holiday who is made a laughing-stock of in these songs:—
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/471</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="2550" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|447}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Monday games, coupled with the obvious references to trees or bushes, is more significant when one remembers that the supposed connection between human reproduction and the plant world is not forgotten in Gloucestershire. One day in 1908, while a young lady at Eastington was digging up plants in a garden, I overheard a group of rough lads trying to put her out of countenance by sly allusions to &quot;parsley bed&quot; (laughter) and &quot;tree of life&quot; (more laughter). Perhaps in this connection one may add that at Randwick a rosemary bush will not flourish except in a garden where the woman is master of the house. 

''Low Sunday.''—Randwick, formerly a hamlet in the parish of Standish, is a village lying under a hill-camp. Local tradition says that the custom of electing and ducking&lt;ref&gt;On drenching people as a rain-charm, see [[Author:J. G. Fraser|J. G. Fraser]], ''[[The Golden Bough]]'' (2nd ed.), vol. i., pp. 94 ''et seq.'', vol. ii., pp. 121 ''et seq.''&lt;/ref&gt; a &quot;mayor&quot; originated at the building of the church, some six or seven hundred years ago, in this way. At the supper given to the workmen, the &quot;hod&quot; man ate and drank to such an excess that he became noticeable to the other workmen, who there and then took him to the pool and washed him in its waters.&lt;ref&gt;[[Author:E. P. Fennemore|E. P. Fennemore]], ''A History of Randwick,'' pp. 53-60. I owe all the other Randwick details to Miss Fennemore, whose family has been at Randwick for generations. Notes on the Wap, by the late Mr. C. A. Witchell of Stroud, an eye-witness, do not contain any details unrecorded by Miss Fennemore.&lt;/ref&gt; Festivities began on the eve of Low Sunday, when the mayor was cried round the principal parts of the village. Three names were always submitted, and this was the form used:—&quot;Oize [''sic''] and another Oize. This is to give notice to all gentlemen freeholders, belonging to the parish of Randwick; and if anyone should know any cause why {{longdash}} {{longdash}} of {{longdash}} shouldn't stand mayor for this year ensuing, they must appear at the High Cross on Monday next, in the forenoon, or otherwise hold their peace. God save the Queen.&quot; On Wap Sunday the village was always crowded with visitors. Several people laid in stores of cider to sell at the Wap, and hung out a green bough by way of a sign. Many also made &quot;wiput&quot; or whitepot, a kind of pudding or porridge peculiar to the occasion. It was a standing joke that fleas were supposed to be put into the &quot;wiput&quot; (cf. ''Folk-Lore'', vol. viii.,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/490</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507007</id>
      <parentid>8185255</parentid>
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      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2467" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|466|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;saying,—&quot;Here is a child that Guru-sidaba has sent to you.&quot; The father takes it, and hands it to his wife, who wraps it in her cloth and nurses it as if it were a baby. This lime is kept very carefully in some secret place. The offering to Lamjasara lathokpa is left until the morning, and then thrown away. 

Should an outbreak of sickness cause people to think that some ''Suren'' has not been appeased, enquiries are made, and, if the offending parents can be found, they are compelled to carry out the ceremony. If the enquiries lead to nothing, the ceremonies are performed by public subscription among the members of the ''Sagei'' (''i.e.'' those who can trace their descent back to a common ancestor). From a note supplied to me by the Rev. W. Pettigrew, who has been many years working among the Tangkhuls (a clan of some 26,000 souls inhabiting the hills between the valley of Manipur and the Chindwin), we learn that the bodies of children dying in infancy are buried promiscuously in shallow graves, and they are not represented in the annual ceremony in honour of those who have died during the year. Their spirits are supposed not to become honey bees, like those of other folk, but house flies, and to live on the refuse of other spirits' plates in Kazai-ram, the abode of the dead. A piece of a shrub called ''mangrahai'', (a species of cock sorrel,) is placed in the hand of the infant before burial, in order that the little one may suck it and appease its hunger on the way to Kazai-ram. Among the Kabuis, a tribe inhabiting the hills to the west of the Manipur valley, the bodies of such infants are buried behind the house, without ceremony, other burials taking place in front. The village is unclean for five days, during which no one may go out. Among the Shans in the Upper Chindwin valley, if the youngest child of a family dies while still an infant, it is buried without any ceremony. After death the corpse must not be laid down, but must be carried in the arms of some relative. A week later the mother squeezes some of her milk on to the place where the child used to sleep, and some milk and boiled rice is sent to the ''phongyis'' (priests) in place of the usual funeral feast.&lt;ref&gt;Should a woman die before childbirth, the Shans, like the people of Andro, remove the fœtus and bury it separately, lest the spirit should trouble that of the mother in a future state.&lt;/ref&gt; Among the Lusheis,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/491</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277381</id>
    <revision>
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      <parentid>8185256</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2477" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|467}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;a first-born child dying within a year of its birth is termed ''hlamzuih'' (''hlam'', afterbirth, and ''zuih'', to follow), and is buried without any ceremony under the house. The spirits of such children cannot be shot at by Pupawla, the dreaded archer whose house is at the junction of the seven roads to Mi-thi-khua, the dead men's village, whence he shoots with his pellet bow at all poor souls hurrying by. In Maram, a Naga village to the north of the Manipur valley, the corpse of a child dying within ten days of its birth is buried at the foot of the centre post of the house, instead of outside. The Kolhen, another small tribe living near the Manipur valley, also fix ten days as the unlucky period, and children dying within it are buried under the eaves of the house. Among the Route, children dying within a year of birth are buried without ceremony to the east of the village, whereas the regular cemetery is to the west. It will be seen that, though all these clans treat such deaths as abnormal, and bury the bodies of such children in a manner different to those of persons dying in the ordinary way, it is only amo.ng the Manipuris, the people of Andro, the Shans, and the Ronte that the difference in procedure denotes a fear of the spirit of the dead child. All the other clans, while observing no ceremony, bury the body either in or near the house, as if to encourage the return of the spirit. The absence of ceremony may be due to a belief that the spirit which sojourned so short a time has hardly acquired a distinct personality, which would account for the omission of all reference to such spirits at the Tangkhul annual ceremony in honour of the dead. 

We will next consider the cases in which women die in childbirth or soon after. Among the Kabui a death occurring within two months of the birth is classed as &quot;unlucky.&quot; Among the people of Andro a death occurring before the removal of the afterbirth is counted as an unnatural death. In Phayeng, a village closely allied to Andro, deaths occurring on the day of the birth are unnatural. In other clans the periods are less clearly defined, but in all clans such deaths are considered unlucky, and there is a general belief that it is possible, so to speak, to catch the disease from the corpse, and therefore, in nearly every clan, the funeral has to be carried out by very old men and women. Other precautions are taken to remove the &quot;infection.&quot; Among&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/492</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2317" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|468|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Kabul, all the woman's clothing and all cloths which she may have woven, even if they are in possession of others, are thrown away, the body is taken out of the house through the back door, and the back portion of the house is pulled down. The husband is not allowed to eat the flesh of any animal that has died, nor any vegetables unless he cooks them himself, until the annual festival which marks the close of the year. The village itself is closed for five days, and no one may go out; if any enter, they cannot leave till the fifth day is completed. In some villages, no thread may be dyed red or black for five years; in others, the prohibition is only for the current year. In Marām the whole house is demolished. Among the Tangkhuls, Mr. Pettigrew notes that the body must be buried by very old men and women, and that young folks are even prohibited from eating any of the meat either in the funeral feast or at the annual ceremony in honour of the dead, for fear that they themselves should die in the same way, or become barren or impotent. In most clans some purifying ceremonies have to be observed either by the whole village or by the family of the deceased. In Andro, the whole ''Sagei'' is unclean until the following ceremony has been performed on a day selected by the ''Maiba''. The whole ''Sagei'' having assembled, two fowls are produced and laid on the ground, with their legs tied, so that they cannot move away. Each member of the ''Sagei'' then takes a mouthful of water, and, stepping over one fowl, blows the water over the other. After each has done this three times, all receive a little ginger, ''haimang'' (a jungle fruit), salt, and pepper, after which they are clean. The ''Maiba'' receives a black dog, a goat, and a fowl. None of the ''Sagei'' may eat the flesh of these animals. The corpse is burnt in the ordinary manner, but at Phayeng the corpse is taken to a special place outside the village, where it is burnt with some paddy, vegetables, and the body of a goat that is killed beside the funeral pile. Among the Manipuris a very elaborate ceremony has to be performed to remove the evil influence from the husband. The various articles having been arranged in the yard of the house, as shown in the following diagram,—
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/493</title>
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      <text bytes="1481" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|469}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{image missing}}

{{smaller block|{{hi|''A.'' A tree or post on which is hung a packet of all sorts of eatables wrapped up in leaves.}}
{{hi|''B.'' A branch of the ''Nongleisang'' tree planted in the ground.}}
{{hi|''C.'' Basket of paddy.}}
{{hi|''D.'' Basket of rice.}}
{{hi|''S.'' ''Seng-gam'', two upright reeds supporting a third from which depends a black cloth containing twenty ''pice'' (copper coins), the whole being covered by a white cloth.}}
{{hi|''E.'' A winnowing fan, on F, a mat.}}
{{hi|''G.'' Three cloths laid on the ground, and on them a bunch of plantains, covered by three more cloths; said to represent the corpse.}}
{{hi|''H—H.'' Pan and betel nut.}}
{{hi|''K—K.'' Twelve ''kegam'', cups full of rice with a lime on the top of each.}}
{{hi|''L—L.'' Twelve ''chapu'', earthen pots full of rice with a lime on the top of each.}}
{{hi|''M.'' A pot of water.}}
{{hi|''N.'' ''Maiba's'' seat.}}
{{hi|''O.'' ''Lei-hul'', flowers offered to Senamahi, household god.}}}}


the sister of the husband brings some flowers and a little rice. Five discs of local salt are hung up along the front of the verandah, and after the ceremony these are thrown away outside the village, where cows are likely to eat them; this is to remove bad luck, and prevent the recurrence of such a catastrophe. The ''Maiba'' now takes his seat behind the water pot, in which, while muttering charms, he moistens a bunch of leaves. The floor of&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/494</title>
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    <revision>
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      <parentid>12101798</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2439" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|470|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the house is smeared with fresh cow-dung, and the hearth is cleaned and sprinkled with water by the ''Maiba'', who enters with three other men. He takes a little earth from the hearth, and places it in a leaf held by one of his companions. They then all four walk around the hearth thrice, and then go out. The old earth is thrown away, and some fresh is obtained and put into the place on the hearth whence the old earth was taken. After this the husband is seated in the yard in front of the ''Maiba'', and is sprinkled by him with the holy water, and then the husband's sister presents the ''Maiba'' with rice and vegetables and some money. All the articles laid out are removed to the ''Maiba's'' house, except the bag of ''pice'', which is left hanging from the ''Seng-gam''. The ''Maiba'' walks off towards his house, holding his hands behind his back, and the husband takes the black cloth with the ''pice'' inside it and, running after the ''Maiba'', places it in his hands, saying,—&quot;You have forgotten something.&quot; The ''Maiba'' must go straight on without looking round, and thus all the ill-luck is removed. 

Among the Shans of the Upper Chindwin valley, the woman's corpse is buried in the usual way, but the husband has to go through a purification ceremony. Immediately after the burial he changes into ragged clothes beside the grave, and feigns madness. The villagers pelt him with stones, and he flies from them to the river and plunges in. On emerging he dresses in new clothes, and returns cleansed. The house also has to be purified. In these cases also we find indications of two prevailing ideas. In the two last cases the house and the husband are specially purified, the corpse being disposed of in the ordinary way. At Andro, the evil influence spreads to the whole of the ''Sagei'', but it appears to be independent of the corpse. In the other class of cases the evil influence seems to be specially attached to the body and clothing of the deceased, and in some cases to the house also. The Kabuis seem to hold both theories, as the prohibition placed on the husband eating certain articles is evidently meant to counteract the malign influence to which he is supposed to be particularly subject, and the closing of the village for five days, and the tabu placed on dyeing thread, show that the whole community is also considered in danger, while the &quot;infection&quot; clings&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/495</title>
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      <text bytes="1608" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|471}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;to the clothing of the deceased, and is communicable even by cloths which she has woven long before. 

All the clans to which I have referred, except the Shans, are very closely connected, and one would have expected to have found greater uniformity in their ideas. As yet I have no explanation to offer of the cause of the differences pointed out, but perhaps some reader may be able to suggest one. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:J. Shakespear|J. Shakespear]].}}}}


{{rule|10em}}


&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|Armenian Riddles.}}}}

{{sc|At}} social gatherings amongst Armenians, proverbs and riddles are sometimes repeated for the entertainment of the company, and the following are translations, with answers, of favourite riddles used for such a purpose: 

&lt;poem&gt;1. I tie it; it goes a-roaming; 
I loose it; it stays a-homing. (''A shoe.'') 

2. A dark house; a snug sleep. (''The grave.'') 

3. There's a deep, deep well; 
All there is betwixt heaven and hell 
Falls therein. (''The ear.'') 

4. The more I hew it, the longer it grows;
The more I smooth it, the thicker it grows. (''A well.'') 

5. I grasp it; I cast it; 
It dieth a year; then again doth appear. (''Wheat sowing.'') 

6. Unstrung pearls; unwound thread; 
The Lord threads them; man unthreads them. (''A pomegranate.'') 

7. Flint above; no rock is it; 
Grass it eats; no sheep is it;
Eggs it lays; no fowl is it. (''A turtle.'') 

8. A snow-white field I own; 
With my hand it is sown; 
With my lips it is mown. (''A letter.'')&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/500</title>
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      <text bytes="2335" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;476 Collectanea. 

and trouble you nae mair, but bury the penny deep, an' dinna let 
on where you put it.&quot; 

An old woman told me that her grandmother, who was bent 
double with rheumatic pains, was visited by a still more ancient 
crone, a &quot; poor traveller looking for her bit &quot; \i.e. a beggar]. 
&quot;You are ill afflicted, poor crathur,&quot; said she, &quot;but there's 
cures to be got, an' if you'll be said by me you'll get frogs' 
spawn out o' the dykes, an' ye'U put it in a crock, an' a slate on 
the top of it, an' bury it in the garden. At the end o' three 
months lift the crock, an' rub the pains wi' what ye'U find in it.&quot; 
&quot;What did she find in it?&quot; &quot;The finest water. Miss. I heerd 
my grandmother sayin' that they persevered rubbing wi' the water 
till the bent old woman was as souple as you or me. Aye, it's 
allowed that the frogs' spawn is a gran' cure for the pains.&quot; '&quot; 

Stye chartn. — The Donegal man who gave me the wart charms 
added, — &quot;Did you ever have a stye on your eye, Miss? The 
nine pins can cure it. Just point a pin at your sore eye nine times. 
You needna be touching with the pin, — but do as I bid you, — 
point nine times, an' then throw the pin into the graveyard.&quot; &quot;^ 

Toothache charms. — The following gruesome charm horrified an 
English tourist who was lingering in a country churchyard during 
a funeral. Amongst the mourners was a young man with a swollen 
cheek and looking extremely dejected. Presently the supposed 
mourner took up a skull lying upon a heap of dry mould and 
crumbled bones thrown up in digging the grave. He raised the 
skull to his lips, and with his own teeth extracted from it a tooth. 
He then threw the skull carelessly away, and wrapped the tooth 
in paper and put it into his pocket. Many eyes were fixed upon 
the young man, but no face expressed the least surprise. 

&quot;Can you tell me why he did that?&quot; asked the Englishman of 
an old man who had stood next him during the ceremony. 

&quot; Surely, sir. Thon poor boy was very bad wi' the toothache, 
an' it's allowed to be a cure if you draw a tooth from a skull wi' 
yer ain teeth. He'll sew thon tooth in his clothes, an' wear it as 
long as he lives.&quot; 

° Cf. Black, op. cit., p. 63. 

^ Cf. Black, op. cit., p. 173, (Donegal, a goosel)erry ihorn being pointed at 
the stye nine times).
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/501</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277391</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506796</id>
      <parentid>8185268</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:42:12Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2251" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Collectanea.''|477}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Will this dreadful cure do him any good?&quot; 

&quot;Like enough, sir,&quot; said the old man, showing where a tooth was sewed in the lining of his waistcoat. &quot;It's five year since I pulled that ane the same way, an' never a touch o' the toothache had I since.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' Black, ''op. cit.'', p. 98 (Scotland and North Hants); W. Gregor, ''Notes on the Folk-Lore of the North-East of Scotland'', p. 48.&lt;/ref&gt;

Next day the same tourist passed a tidy housemaid on the staircase in his hotel, and in greeting her remarked that she wore a pretty ring. &quot;It was bestowed on me, sir,&quot; she replied, but without the blush that would have accompanied the confession of a sweetheart's gift, and added,—&quot;I wear it for the toothache, sir.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Cf. Black, ''op. cit''., p. 173 (Donegal).&lt;/ref&gt; To wear a ring that has been presented is a charm against toothache, and certainly a pleasanter cure than to swallow nine hairs pulled out of a black cat's tail,—the charm most strongly recommended in some parts of Donegal. 

&quot;Go to the schoolmaster, and ask him to cure you. He will give you a paper carefully folded up, directing you not to read what is written therein, and saying that, if you disobey, the cure will not do you any good.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Cf. Black, ''op. cit.'', p. 171.&lt;/ref&gt;

Another cure for this most common of earthly ills is not to shave on Sunday. Shave instead upon Saturday, and you will never again have toothache. &quot;Is that a certain cure?&quot; I asked my informant. &quot;It is, Miss M'Clintock. My son James did it, an' he never had a taste o' the toothache after he stopped shaving on the Sabbath.&quot; 

''Whooping-cough charms.''—One of the charms most highly recommended by wise women is to procure a lock of hair from the head of a posthumous child. Some years ago every child in my neighbourhood was coughing terribly. &quot;How is Sandy to-day?&quot; I asked. &quot;Bad enough, miss. But he'll be better to-morrow, for we ha' got a wee lock o' hair frae Donnel Teague.&quot; &quot;A lock of hair! What will you do with that?&quot; &quot;The weans 'll wear it, miss, an' they'll soon be better.&quot; Much puzzled, I persisted,—&quot;But why Donnel Teague's hair more than any other man's hair?&quot; &quot;Becase Donnel's a boy that never seen his father, an' it's allowed&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/502</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277392</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506804</id>
      <parentid>8185269</parentid>
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      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="1972" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|478|''Collectanea.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;that the hair o' a body that never seen his father is gude to cure the chincough.&quot; 

&quot;Get a lock of hair frae the head o' a wean that never saw its father, an' there'll be a cure.&quot; &quot;What a strange cure! Must the child swallow the lock of hair?&quot; &quot;God bless your innocent wit, dear. Surely no! The cure is to keep the hair weel rolled up, an' hidden in the house.&quot; 

In some districts the child is passed nine times under a donkey.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf''. Black, ''op. cit.'', 118.&lt;/ref&gt;

In the neighbourhood of Letterkenny, the mother takes the sick child out on a summer evening &quot;where the beetle wheels his droning flight,&quot; in the hope that the beetle will fly against her and be caught. Neither mother nor child must seek for him, as the charm is useless unless the insect is caught by accident. The beetle is carried home and corked up in a bottle, and with his life the whooping-cough in the house will expire.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' Black, ''op. cit.'', p. 61.&lt;/ref&gt;

Another cure is to send the child out to meet a piebald horse. If he meets one, he must stop the rider, saying,—&quot;You man on the piebald horse, gie me a cure for the chincough.&quot; To which the rider must reply,—&quot;A kiss from my lips; a penny from my purse; a kepper [slice of bread and butter] from my hand.&quot; One of these three things is chosen, and the child is expected to return home cured.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' Black, ''op. cit.'', p. 153.&lt;/ref&gt;

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Letitia M'Clintock|Letitia M'Clintock]].}}&lt;ref&gt;[The passages in ''Folk-Medicine'' (1883) cited in notes 1-6, 8, and 11 appear to be based by Black mainly on the second of two articles on &quot;Fairy Superstitions in Donegal&quot; appearing in the ''University Magazine'' for July and August, 1879. This article is signed by Miss M'Clintock, and it is interesting to compare the particulars given in 1879 with those supplied independently in 1912.—{{sc|Ed}}.]&lt;/ref&gt;}}

Dunmore, Carrigans, Londonderry.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}
{{dhr|3}}
{{rule|10em}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/503</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1726" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{larger|''CORRESPONDENCE.''}}}}

{{rule|10em}}

{{dhr}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sc|Library of Folk-Lore Society: Regulations for Use.}}

(''Supra'', p. 224.)}}

I am directed by the Council to communicate, for the information of members, the regulations for the use of the Library which have been adopted: 

1. Any member of the Society may at any time borrow any number not exceeding ten books or pamphlets from the Library on applying either in person or by post to the Hon. Librarian (Mr. R. W. Chambers, University College, Gower Street, W.C), the expenses of postage or carriage (if any) being borne and paid by the borrower. 

2. Each borrower shall sign a receipt in the form prescribed for every book or pamphlet borrowed by him or her, and such receipt shall be cancelled on the book or pamphlet being returned to the Library, and when cancelled shall be given or sent to the borrower. 

3. Each borrower shall be responsible to the Society for all books and pamphlets borrowed by him or her until the same are returned to the Library. 

4. In case any book or pamphlet which has been borrowed is required by any other member of the Society, the borrower shall return the same to the Library within 14 days of being requested by the Hon. Librarian so to do. 

5. The Library shall be closed from the 1st to the 15th April in every year for the purpose of stocktaking; and all books and pamphlets which have been borrowed by members must accordingly be returned to the Library not later than the 31st March. 

6. The Reference Library of University College is open to members of the Society for consultation between the hours of 9 and 5. {{float right|{{sc|[[Author:F. A. Milne|F. A. Milne]]}}, ''Secretary.''}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/504</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277394</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506810</id>
      <parentid>8185271</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2609" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|480|''Correspondence.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sc|The Oak and the Thunder-God.}}}}

In the third edition of his ''[[The Golden Bough|Golden Bough]]'', chap, xx., Dr. Frazer has inserted an interesting discussion of the relation of the worship of the Oak to that of the Aryan god of the sky, thunder, and lightning: a subject which has also been treated at length by Mr. [[Author:A. B. Cook|A. B. Cook]] in ''Folk-Lore'', vols. xv. and xvi., and in the ''[[Classical Review]]'', vols. xvii. and xviii. It is now certain that the oak is of all trees the one most held in reverence by Aryan peoples, and also certain that almost all these peoples identified the Oak-god with the Sky-god who sends the lightning. The difficulty is to explain the connection or identification, and to determine whether tree or lightning came first in religious importance. Dr. Frazer's explanation at the end of his chapter is somewhat fanciful; but he was not, when he offered it, acquainted with the fact I propose as a solution. He has privately informed me that he thinks my explanation may prove to be the right one. I came upon it quite by accident. 

As the years 1910 and 1912 have been prolific of thunderstorms, I have for some time been amusing myself in the country by examining the effects of lightning on various species of tree. I was met by some rather puzzling facts; in particular, I could find no beech that had been struck, and I was told that beeches are immune. Wishing to know the truth of this, I consulted books on forestry, and at last, by the kindness of Mr. H. T. Gadney, I was supplied with the fourth volume of a great work on this subject, by Dr. Schlich, of which the fourth volume was contributed by Prof. Hess of Giessen. In this fourth volume I found what I wanted, and more; for the evidence of sixteen years' recorded investigation in the large forest of Lippe-Detmold, where the percentage of each species in the forest was known, shows not only that the beech is rarely struck, but that the oak is far more often a victim than any other tree.&lt;ref&gt;[The popular belief that beech is never struck by lightning is mentioned in ''Notes and Queries'', 1st S., vol. vi. (1852), p. 129, and 3rd S., vol. v. (1864), p. 97, and in 1st S., vol. x. (1854), p. 513, is given, second-hand, a statement from ''[[The Mechanics' Magazine]]'', (April 10th, 1847, p. 359, verified), that the beech is obnoxious to lightning, but the oak amongst the trees which attract it most. The preference of lightning for the oak is mentioned in 5th S., vol. ii.&lt;/ref&gt; On p. 662 will be found a table in which it appears&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506813</id>
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      <text bytes="2619" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|480|''Correspondence.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sc|The Oak and the Thunder-God.}}}}

In the third edition of his ''[[The Golden Bough|Golden Bough]]'', chap, xx., Dr. Frazer has inserted an interesting discussion of the relation of the worship of the Oak to that of the Aryan god of the sky, thunder, and lightning: a subject which has also been treated at length by Mr. [[Author:A. B. Cook|A. B. Cook]] in ''Folk-Lore'', vols. xv. and xvi., and in the ''[[Classical Review]]'', vols. xvii. and xviii. It is now certain that the oak is of all trees the one most held in reverence by Aryan peoples, and also certain that almost all these peoples identified the Oak-god with the Sky-god who sends the lightning. The difficulty is to explain the connection or identification, and to determine whether tree or lightning came first in religious importance. Dr. Frazer's explanation at the end of his chapter is somewhat fanciful; but he was not, when he offered it, acquainted with the fact I propose as a solution. He has privately informed me that he thinks my explanation may prove to be the right one. I came upon it quite by accident. 

As the years 1910 and 1912 have been prolific of thunderstorms, I have for some time been amusing myself in the country by examining the effects of lightning on various species of tree. I was met by some rather puzzling facts; in particular, I could find no beech that had been struck, and I was told that beeches are immune. Wishing to know the truth of this, I consulted books on forestry, and at last, by the kindness of Mr. H. T. Gadney, I was supplied with the fourth volume of a great work on this subject, by Dr. Schlich, of which the fourth volume was contributed by Prof. Hess of Giessen. In this fourth volume I found what I wanted, and more; for the evidence of sixteen years' recorded investigation in the large forest of Lippe-Detmold, where the percentage of each species in the forest was known, shows not only that the beech is rarely struck, but that the oak is far more often a victim than any other tree.&lt;ref name=p504&gt;[The popular belief that beech is never struck by lightning is mentioned in ''Notes and Queries'', 1st S., vol. vi. (1852), p. 129, and 3rd S., vol. v. (1864), p. 97, and in 1st S., vol. x. (1854), p. 513, is given, second-hand, a statement from ''[[The Mechanics' Magazine]]'', (April 10th, 1847, p. 359, verified), that the beech is obnoxious to lightning, but the oak amongst the trees which attract it most. The preference of lightning for the oak is mentioned in 5th S., vol. ii.&lt;/ref&gt; On p. 662 will be found a table in which it appears&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/505</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277395</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506815</id>
      <parentid>8185272</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:54:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
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      <text bytes="2436" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Correspondence.''|481}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;that, if the danger to a beech is taken as 1, that to a spruce fir is 6, to a Scotch fir 37, and ''to an oak 60.'' The reason for this is not quite clear, but attempts have been made to explain it which do not now concern us. The fact is sufficient, and the fact is supported by evidence both from France and from Bavaria. 

Thus we may safely infer that in ancient times more oaks were struck than other trees, and I may add from my own experience that, when struck, oaks are more conspicuous, turning brown quickly and soon dying outright: they are also more liable to be smashed into fragments. Now, if we remember that an object struck by lightning was an object of awe and reverence in ancient Greece and Italy, and presumably elsewhere, we have the solution of the connection of the oak with the thunder-god; and, further, it seems now probable that the worship of the Sky-god was prior to that of the Oak; Dr. Frazer had decided this question in the opposite way, but admits that the evidence I have adduced must modify his conviction. How the Sky-god was thought of as affecting the stricken oak I will leave it to others to conjecture. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:W. Warde Fowler|W. Warde Fowler]].}}}}
&lt;ref follow=p504&gt;(1874), p. 426, and in 8th S., vol. v. (1894), p. 236, is quoted, from an unnamed source, &quot;In the forests of Lippe, from 1879 to 18S5, and in 1890, there were 159 oaks, 59 pines, 21 beeches, and 21 other kinds of trees struck.&quot;—{{sc|Ed.}}]&lt;/ref&gt;


{{rule|10em}}


&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|Carmarthenshire Jaundice Cure.}}}}

When I was a boy in West Carmarthenshire there was one cure for jaundice which was universally recognised as infallible. The remedy was a very simple one. The patient came to the house of the &quot;jaundice curer&quot; for treatment. Three small pieces of any cheese were cut on a plate, and each piece divided in the middle into two tiny slices. The 'doctor' in the presence of the patient took an ordinary pen and ink, and, selecting one piece of cheese, wrote on it the word 'pater.' This piece was then covered by its fellow, and handed to the patient, who ate it. Then the doctor proceeded to write on a second piece of cheese the word 'filius,' covered it, and gave it to the patient. Finally he took the third portion and wrote 'Spiritus Amen' on it, and the patient ate it. &lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>oiplawhebcc2zc91ul3zpn9yf7wekv4</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506816</id>
      <parentid>12506815</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:54:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2436" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Correspondence.''|481}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;that, if the danger to a beech is taken as 1, that to a spruce fir is 6, to a Scotch fir 37, and ''to an oak 60.'' The reason for this is not quite clear, but attempts have been made to explain it which do not now concern us. The fact is sufficient, and the fact is supported by evidence both from France and from Bavaria. 

Thus we may safely infer that in ancient times more oaks were struck than other trees, and I may add from my own experience that, when struck, oaks are more conspicuous, turning brown quickly and soon dying outright: they are also more liable to be smashed into fragments. Now, if we remember that an object struck by lightning was an object of awe and reverence in ancient Greece and Italy, and presumably elsewhere, we have the solution of the connection of the oak with the thunder-god; and, further, it seems now probable that the worship of the Sky-god was prior to that of the Oak; Dr. Frazer had decided this question in the opposite way, but admits that the evidence I have adduced must modify his conviction. How the Sky-god was thought of as affecting the stricken oak I will leave it to others to conjecture. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:W. Warde Fowler|W. Warde Fowler]].}}}}
&lt;ref follow=p504&gt;(1874), p. 426, and in 8th S., vol. v. (1894), p. 236, is quoted, from an unnamed source, &quot;In the forests of Lippe, from 1879 to 18S5, and in 1890, there were 159 oaks, 59 pines, 21 beeches, and 21 other kinds of trees struck.&quot;—{{sc|Ed.}}]&lt;/ref&gt;


{{rule|10em}}


&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|Carmarthenshire Jaundice Cure.}}}}

When I was a boy in West Carmarthenshire there was one cure for jaundice which was universally recognised as infallible. The remedy was a very simple one. The patient came to the house of the &quot;jaundice curer&quot; for treatment. Three small pieces of any cheese were cut on a plate, and each piece divided in the middle into two tiny slices. The 'doctor' in the presence of the patient took an ordinary pen and ink, and, selecting one piece of cheese, wrote on it the word 'pater.' This piece was then covered by its fellow, and handed to the patient, who ate it. Then the doctor proceeded to write on a second piece of cheese the word 'filius,' covered it, and gave it to the patient. Finally he took the third portion and wrote 'Spiritus Amen' on it, and the patient ate it. &lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/506</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277396</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506571</id>
      <parentid>8185273</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:34:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2235" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|482|''Correspondence.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;This is all. Everything ''must'' be done in the presence of the patient and his friends, but on no account are they to see or know what was written. This is a secret known only to the curer and one deputy. He is not at liberty to tell the secret words to more than one, or the power is gone for ever. Half a crown was the fee understood as necessary to successful cure, but the doctor was not allowed to ask for a fee. Sometimes, however, I have known a patient to give ten shillings. The above I can vouch for as absolutely correct, for I was a deputy 'doctor' myself once upon a time. My father was the deputy of a very old respectable dame in our neighbourhood, and she was very popular and much sought after. On her death my father held the secret, and one can hardly credit the number of patients who came to him. He made me his deputy, and, as he was not enthusiastic about the 'work,' he used to let me do it. 

The most remarkable thing is that not only had we cures, but I only remember one case of failure. Generally the patients were better immediately. I remember one day a carriage arrived at our cottage door, and a gentleman farmer,—a J. P.,—brought his daughter to be treated, after being under medical treatment for a long time. He was desperate, evidently. She brought her own cheese, and I did the rest. I think I received five shillings for it, and they went away. Next morning he came back and swore at me like anything. He said I had the devil in me, for his daughter had been quite cured. 

The cures puzzle me still, but, now that I have told others the secret, it has of course lost all its virtue, and it would be unfair to experiment with it on any of the present generation. 

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Thomas Lewis|Thomas Lewis]].}}}}


{{rule|10em}}


&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|Cotswold Place-Lore and Customs.}}

(''Supra'', pp. 332-42.)}}

May I be allowed space for a few observations on Miss Partridge's excellent paper in the last number of ''Folk-Lore''? She says,—&quot;There was a healing well on the lower slope of Kingsdown, Bristol, in the Barton, outside the old city walls&quot; (p. 335).&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/525</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277415</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506573</id>
      <parentid>8185295</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:36:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
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      <text bytes="2354" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''In Memoriam: Alexander Carmichael.''|501}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;hard bull hide. When they come to a house, they ascend the wall and run round sunwise, the man in the hide shaking the horns and hoofs, and the other men striking the hide with sticks and making a terrific din. After descending and reciting verses at the door, the party is treated to the best in the house. It is evident that the rite is heathen and ancient, although its symbolism is obscure. 

''Consecration of the seed.''—Seed is prepared with much care at certain seasons of the year, seldom deviated from. Rye is threshed to allow ''gaoth bhog nan Duldachd'', the soft wind of November and December, to winnow the seed; oats to allow ''gaoth fhuar nam Faoileach'', the cold winds of January and February, to winnow it; and bere in ''gaoth gheur nam Mart'', the sharp winds of March and April. Three days before sowing the seed is sprinkled with clear cold water, in the name of Father, Son, and Spirit, the person sprinkling walking sunwise the meanwhile. 

Such are a few of the results of personal observation noted by Dr. Carmichael, and in no other book than ''Carmina Gadelica'' do we realise so forcibly the linking together in folk-custom of pagan and Christian traditions in our own islands. 

Dr. Carmichael contributed many papers to Scottish Gaelic and antiquarian societies, and published in his ''Deirdre'' a North British version of that exquisite story. He aided Dr. W. F. Skene substantially in the third volume of ''Celtic Scotland'' by a study of the native system of land tenure, and the methods of apportioning the stock and tilling the land. He wandered through the Western Isles with Campbell of Islay, and assisted in the collection of Highland tales. He was chieftain or president of various Gaelic societies, and his influence has been very great over the younger generation of Celtic students and writers. His own family carry on his work, and his spirit is still alive and active in his daughter (Mrs. Watson), editor of ''[[The Celtic Review]]''. 

It was Dr. Carmichael's intention to publish two more volumes of West Highland poems, for which he had collected material, but failing health prevented the completion of this task. We trust that this valuable material will not be laid aside unused. 

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Eleanor Hull|Eleanor Hull]].}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/526</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
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      <text bytes="1787" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{larger|''REVIEWS.''}}}}

{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|{{sc|Methode der Ethnologie.}} Von {{sc|F. Graebner.}} (Kulturgeschichtliche Bibliothek. 1. Reihe: Ethnologische Bibliothek. 1.) Heidelberg: Carl Winter's Universtätsbuchhandlung, 1911. 8vo, pp. xviii+192.}}

{{sc|Ethnology}} is a science which has so many aspects that it has appealed to a large number of men of diverse interests and aptitudes, comparatively few of whom can be said to have been trained to observe, record, or generalise. The consequence has been that the data available for the student are of very unequal value, since the workers in the field have too frequently been biassed, their lack of training has caused them to overlook many essential facts, and too frequently there has been deliberate suppression of data. These blunders of omission and commission are often apparent when the writers endeavour to summarise their observations or to theorise thereon. Even the student at home has not always followed a rigorous scientific method, with the natural consequence that ethnology has not been able to take her rightful place among her sister sciences. 

With a view to improving this state of affairs, Dr. F. Graebner has written a small book on the methods of ethnology which deserves to be studied by all investigators and writers on ethnology. He emphasises the close connection of ethnological to historical method; quite a different method is necessary to account for a special social organisation from that needed to examine the nature of radioactivity or the formation of chemical compounds. The main difference is that the appreciation of the individual facts prohibits a general application of induction, relegating to it a secondary function. Dr. Graebner deals with the criticism of&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/527</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506577</id>
      <parentid>8185297</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:39:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2506" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Reviews.''|503}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;authorities and sources, and with that of direct evidence, including authenticity, statement of place and time, material, technique, form, and style. He makes pertinent remarks on the criticism of records. Once the value of the evidence is established it has to be interpreted, and he points out the numerous pitfalls that beset the path of the unwary, here, as everywhere, illustrating his statements by exposing the delinquencies of former writers,—though in doing so he sometimes overstates his case, and thereby creates a wrong impression. Interpretation is at present the best-cultivated department of ethnology, but along with it goes combination, which establishes a causal connection between individual phenomena and so elucidates origins. The surest basis of combination is critically-examined tradition or history, especially when there is chronological order, but this is not always available, and in that case great care must be exercised in framing hypotheses as to relative primitiveness. Graebner instances Father-right and Mother-right, and states that there is no reason why they should not be two different trends, the transitions being secondary combinations due to the contact of the two systems. He discusses the theories of ethnological evolution, and refers to the doctrine of elemental ideas which is based on the present psychical similarity of the diverse branches of mankind when acted upon by similar natural environment, leading to parallelism or convergence. The problem is to find a criterion of the different possible relations of similar phenomena to each other, and to discover the characters by which one can detect whether several parallel phenomena are ethnologically related or of independent origin. Graebner discusses these two points of view, and indicates that two main criteria are available to prove ethnological connections:—that of form, ''i.e.'' correspondence of qualities not inherent to the nature of the object, and that of quantitative correspondence. To secure objective and unprejudiced criteria is only a part of the work; next comes the application of them. There are no definite rules to be followed, it being largely a matter of self-criticism and sensitiveness; it is best to build on the sure foundation of a single area, advancing cautiously step by step. The reconstruction is largely effected by a sort of process of subtraction. Determine and subtract the latest and next latest cultural movements and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/528</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277418</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506579</id>
      <parentid>8185298</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:41:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2352" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|504|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;changes, and you get to older, more original, and often spatially larger predecessors and complexes. The starting point should always be the present cultural entity or one determinable by authorities, but you cannot tell whether fusion or interaction has taken place within this particular entity without studying its neighbouring or allied entities. A quarter of the work is taken up with an exposition of the principles involved in the discrimination of culture areas and culture strata, each stratum forming what he terms a culture complex. The application of these principles can be seen worked out in detail in Graebner's suggestive memoir, ''Die Melanesische Bogenkultur und ihre Verwandten'' (''Anthropos'', iv., 1909); many of his conclusions have been criticised, as is to be expected in a more or less pioneer research, but the aim he has in view will not be so much neglected in the future as it has been in the past. Folklorists will find many valuable suggestions of method in this book, and it can be strongly recommended to their notice. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:A. C. Haddon|A. C. Haddon]].}}}}


{{rule|10em}}


&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{hi|{{sc|Christmas in Ritual and Tradition Christian and Pagan.}} By {{sc|[[Author:Clement A. Miles|Clement A. Miles]]}}. T. Fisher Unwin, 1912. 8vo, pp. 400. 4 col. pl. + 17 ill.}}

{{sc|Mr. Miles}} had a happy thought when he decided to map out the field of Christmas rites and ceremonies with the aid of materials collected from all the odd corners of European literature. Those members of the Folk-Lore Society who have of late been directing their attention to the compilation of calendar customs will be able to appreciate the care and skill with which he has performed his task. A wider public likewise will find pleasure in the book. Its outer form is comely. The coloured plates and other illustrations are appropriate and well reproduced. Most important of all, the style of writing is not only lucid, but has charm and distinction; whilst good taste, such as is especially needed where old-world superstitions have to be disentangled from associated practices of live religion, is never for a moment absent. Here, however, it will be more to the purpose to note that, while due regard is had&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>g4m4jfngavsdurjnz3stgxnmjq32nnm</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/548</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277438</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506672</id>
      <parentid>8185319</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:53:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2186" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|524|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;There is very little I would like to say as to the statements regarding those tribes with which I am acquainted. The polished stones found in Kiwai, of which Mr. Murray has obtained no information among the natives, are axes or adzes brought in former times from the islands in Torres Straits in exchange for canoes. They were fastened to wooden handles, and could be used either as axes for cutting wood or, by twisting the stone in the handle, as adzes for hollowing out a canoe. Mr. Murray says that even in the old days there was apparently no ceremonial connected with the drinking of ''gamada'' (''Piper methysticum'', the ''kava'' of the South Sea) among the tribes behind Mawata. This holds good as to the drinking of ''gamada'' (or ''gamoda'') on ordinary occasions. But the use of the beverage is in addition intimately connected with some of the ceremonies of the natives, particularly those referring to their agriculture. Thus they sprinkle ''gamoda'' in the direction of their gardens when invoking certain mythical beings to help them in their work, and they think it absolutely necessary for securing success in that respect. That is one reason why they yield so reluctantly to the inducements of the Government and Mission who want them to give up the use of ''gamoda''; as one native put it:—&quot;We fright (fear) Jesus Christ, one thing we fright our kaikai (food) too.&quot; 

Sir William Macgregor, in his Introduction, says that Mr. Murray &quot;has had opportunities of seeing into the heart of things in New Guinea in a way that no previous writer on that country could ever lay claim to,&quot; and it is refreshing to read a book dealing with ethnology, the writer of which, in spite of his vast information, contents himself with bringing forward and explaining facts without entering upon more or less premature theories as to the ultimate ethnical questions connected with the tribes he is describing. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:G. Landtman|G. Landtman]].}}}}


{{rule|10em}}


{{c|''Books for Review should be addressed to''&lt;br /&gt;{{sc|The Editor of}} ''Folk-Lore,''&lt;br /&gt;{{sc|c/o David Nutt,&lt;br /&gt;17 Grape St., New Oxford St., London, W.C.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>1m0l52x2fzjes05rzxjr6ukdnt6p30g</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506673</id>
      <parentid>12506672</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:53:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2188" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|524|''Reviews.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;There is very little I would like to say as to the statements regarding those tribes with which I am acquainted. The polished stones found in Kiwai, of which Mr. Murray has obtained no information among the natives, are axes or adzes brought in former times from the islands in Torres Straits in exchange for canoes. They were fastened to wooden handles, and could be used either as axes for cutting wood or, by twisting the stone in the handle, as adzes for hollowing out a canoe. Mr. Murray says that even in the old days there was apparently no ceremonial connected with the drinking of ''gamada'' (''Piper methysticum'', the ''kava'' of the South Sea) among the tribes behind Mawata. This holds good as to the drinking of ''gamada'' (or ''gamoda'') on ordinary occasions. But the use of the beverage is in addition intimately connected with some of the ceremonies of the natives, particularly those referring to their agriculture. Thus they sprinkle ''gamoda'' in the direction of their gardens when invoking certain mythical beings to help them in their work, and they think it absolutely necessary for securing success in that respect. That is one reason why they yield so reluctantly to the inducements of the Government and Mission who want them to give up the use of ''gamoda''; as one native put it:—&quot;We fright (fear) Jesus Christ, one thing we fright our kaikai (food) too.&quot; 

Sir William Macgregor, in his Introduction, says that Mr. Murray &quot;has had opportunities of seeing into the heart of things in New Guinea in a way that no previous writer on that country could ever lay claim to,&quot; and it is refreshing to read a book dealing with ethnology, the writer of which, in spite of his vast information, contents himself with bringing forward and explaining facts without entering upon more or less premature theories as to the ultimate ethnical questions connected with the tribes he is describing. 
{{right|{{sc|[[Author:G. Landtman|G. Landtman]].}}}}


{{rule|10em}}


{{c|''Books for Review should be addressed to''&lt;br /&gt;{{sc|The Editor of}} ''Folk-Lore,''&lt;br /&gt;{{sc|c/o David Nutt,&lt;br /&gt;17 Grape St., New Oxford St., London, W.C.}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/549</title>
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      <text bytes="2728" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|INDEX.}}}}

{{rule|5em}}

Aargau: folk-songs, 128-32 

Aberdeen: bonfires, Oct. 31, 419-20 

Aberdeenshire: [see also Aberdeen); amulet, 64 

Accidents: amulet against, Japan, 187 

Accumulative rhymes: Aargau, 129 

&quot;Adder's glass,&quot; 47 

Adultery: punishment, Muppans, 37-42 

Afghanistan, ''see'' Kafirs 

Africa: [see also Amazulu ; Ashanti 
Bantu ; Bushmen ; Congo Beige 
Damara ; Eg\'pt ; Ethiopia 
Herero ; Hottentots ; Kaffirs 
Kamba ; Kamerun ; Kavirondb 
Kikuyu ; Loango ; Masai 
Morocco ; Nigeria ; Slave Coast 
Thonga ; Togo ; Transvaal 
Uganda ; Unyoro ; Yoruba) 
categories, 144 ; central, milk 
tabooed, 285 ; marriage, 105 ; 
thunderstones, 73 

Age classification : Suk, 401 

Agnation or Father-right : Congo, 
503, 513-4 

Agni, deity, India, 292 

Agricultural folklore : [see also 
Corn ; Corn spirits, vegetation 
souls, and the like ; Firstfruits ; 
Harvest ; Millet ; Planting ; 
Ploughing ; Sowing) ; a. gods, 
Celts, 246-7 ; destroying-imple- 
ment punished, Phrygia, 275 ; fire 
to preserve wheat. New Year, 
Herefordshire, 386 

Ague : amulets against, 235-6, 
Leicestershire, 497 ; charm 
against, Japan, 195-6 ; cures 
for, 492, 496, Kent, 353 ; trans- 
ferred to another, 236 

Albanians : Albanian and Monte- 
negrin Folklore, by Miss E. 
Durham, 224-9 ; folk-tales, 488- 

9 

All Father beliefs, see Deity 

All Hallows Eve, see Hallowe'en 
AUhusen, E. L. : Scraps of 

English Folklore, 355-6 
All Saints' Day : Feasts, Glos., 443, 

453 

Alpes Maritimes, see Mentone 

Alston : gooding, 455 

Altars : Clare, 91-2 ; India, 123 

Alvechurch : procession, 449-50 

Amaterasu, deity, Japan, 187 

Amazulu : Samuelson's Some 
Zulu Customs and ' Folklore 
noticed, 271 

America, see North America ; 
South America 

Ammonites, 45-6, 49-60 

Amulets and talismans, 6, 17-8, 
45-6, 48-9, 56, 59, 64-5, 71, 146, 
187-9, 192, 194-6, 231-6, 349-50. 
408, 476-8, 492, 495, 497 

Ancestors : Australia, 163 ; giants, 
Manipur, 178 ; gods of, Mup- 
pans, 38 ; invoked, not con- 
sulted, Muppans, 38 ; offerings 
to, Muppans, 35, 41 ; spirits of, 
Congo, 512 ; worshipped, Ba- 
ganda, 135, Japan, 161 

Ancient Hunters and their Modern 
Representatives, by W. J. SoUas, 
reviewed, 121 

Andamans : no Supreme Being, 
III 

Andrew Lang : Folklorist and 
Critic, by R. R. Marett, A. van 
Gennep, W. H. R. Rivers, and 
W. Schmidt, 363-75 

Andro : customs after death, 464, 
467-S, 470 

Angelica ; in amulets, 234 

Animals : {see also Ant-eater; 
Badger ; Bear ; Beaver ; 
Birds ; Bison ; Buffalo ; Cat ; 
Cattle ; Deer ; Dog ; Donkey ; 
Dragon ; Earthworm ; Ele- 
phant ; Fish ; Fox ; Goat ; 
Hare ; Hedgehog ; Horse ; 
Iguana ; Insects ; Leopard ; 
Lion ; Lynx ; Mole iJMonkey ;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/571</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277461</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506790</id>
      <parentid>8185346</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:35:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2998" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Index.''|547}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of culture, 30; racial affinities, 141 

Melos: beetle belief, 218; healing well, 219 

Members dead, 1, 7, 145, 273 

Members elected, 1, 3, 4, 7, 145, 147, 273 

Members knighted, 9, 15 

Members, List of, i-xvii 

Members resigned, 1-4, 7, 145 

Memphis: Isis-Hathor, 276 

Menhirs: Glos., 339-40 

Mentone: cave interments, 28 

Metals in folklore, ''see'' Silver 

Metempsychosis, ''see'' Transmigration beliefs 

Meteorites, 123 

''Methode der Ethnologie,'' by F. Graebner, reviewed, 502-4 

Michaelmas: circuiting burial ground, Gaels, 500; hiring fair, Hunts, 352 

Middlesex, ''see'' Hampstead 

Mid-Lent Sunday, ''see'' Mothering Sunday 

Mikirs: prejudice against cows, 284 

Milk: tabooed, Africa and Asia, 283, 2S5-90; thunderbolts associated with, 123 

Milky Way: origin of, Bushmen, 260 

Millet: in funeral customs, Muppans, 42; as offering, Muppans, 42-3 

Milne, F. A.: elected secretary, 6; notices by, 224, 479 

Miltown: dolmens, 93 

Min, god, Egypt, 71 

Minchinhampton: calendar customs, 197, 201-2, 443-6, 450-1, 455-6; camp, 336-7; church removal, 337, 484-5; common lands, 337-8; cromlech, 338; first-foot, 443; folk-medicine, 339; folk-tale, 341; Guy, 418; hidden treasure, 341-2; menhirs, 339-40; town removal, 337; well, 335 

Mirdita: communal justice, 225 

Mirrors, see Looking glass 

Mirzapur: fire custom, New Year, 425-6 

Mists: charm against, Japan, 190 

Mobangi river, ''see Congo Cannibals''

Mock mayor: Glos., 447-9 

Modern Folklore to Explain Structures of Forgotten Origin, by T. E. Lones, 485-6 

Modern Greek Folk-Tales and Ancient Greek Mythology, by W. R. Halliday, 486-9 

Modern Russian Popular Songs, by M. Trophimoff, 427-42 

Mohammedanism: its civilisation, 396-7; magic adopted into, 399-400 

Mohave-Apache: account of, 172; &quot;dreamers,&quot; 172-4 

Moirang: in folk-tale, 178 

Mole: as amulet, 231 

Moluccas: myths, 141 

Monday: (''see also'' Easter Monday); in unlucky deed, Ireland, 214

Mongolia: marriage, 105; Mongol objects to portraiture, 270 

Monkey: Colobus M. Clan, Baganda, 134; as totem, India, 498 

Monmouthshire, ''see'' Newport 

Monsembe: Weeks' ''Among Congo Cannibals'' reviewed, 509-14 

Mont Saint-Michel: folk-tales, 393 

Montenegro: bridal customs, 228; fire put out symbolically, 224-5; mourning custom, 225 

Monuments, ''see'' Churchyard 

Moon: abode of good, Congo, 217; lunar mythology, Austronesia, 141-2, 520-1; ''new'', customs at, Barra, 499, Quebec etc., 345; omens from, Manipur, 184; not pointed at, Japan, 195; rites to, Bushmen, 260 

Moravia: folk-tale, 489 

Morayshire, ''see'' Burghead 

Morocco: Carnival, 397 400; Midsummer fires, 400; Moslem civilisation, 397 

Morris-dancing, 385, 410-1 

Morrison, Miss S.: Dooinney-Oie, the Night-Man: a Manx Folk-Tale, 342-5 

Mortars, stone: tabooed, India, 498 

Moses, death of: Palestine, 514 

Mosquito: amulet against, Japan, 194 

Moss: as amulet, 234 

Moth: omen from, Borneo, 408; soul as, Celts, 125
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/590</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1277480</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506559</id>
      <parentid>8185366</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:25:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2338" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh|vi|''Members.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;1878. Howard, David, Esq., Devon House, Buckhurst Hill, Essex. 

1900. Howell, G. O., Esq., 210 Eglinton Road, Plumstead, Kent. 

1901. Howitt, Miss Mary E. B., Eastwood, Lucknow, Victoria, Australia. 

1904. Hughes, G. H., Esq., Turf Club, Cairo. 

1898. Hull, Miss Eleanor, 14 Stanley Gardens, Netting Hill, W. 

1900. im Thurn, Sir E. F., C.B., LL.D., K.C.M.G., 39 Lexham Gardens, W. 


1899. Janvier, T. A., Esq., Century Club, 7 West 43rd Street, New York, U.S.A. 

1891. Jevons, F. B., Esq., M.A., Litt.D., Hatfield Hall, Durham. 

1911. Johnston, R. F., Esq., Wei-hai-wei, China. 

1895. Jones, Captain Bryan J., Chanbuttia V.P., India. 


1907. Kabraji, Mrs. J. K., Alibag, via Bombay. 

1902. Kalisch, A., Esq., 29 Tavistock Square, W.C. 

c. 190S. Kelly, Paul, Esq., 20 Cheapside, E.C. 

1894. Kennedy, Miss L., Fairacre, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. 

1907. Kennett, The Rev. Professor R. H., The College, Ely. 

1890. [[Author:W. Ker|Ker, W.]], Esq., 1 Windsor Terrace, West, Glasgow. 

1897. Ker, Professor W. P., M.A., 95 Gower Street, W.C. 

1911. Kingsford, H. S., Esq., 60 Clapton Common, N.E. 

1886. Kirby, W. F., Esq., F.L.S., F.E.S., Hilden, 46 Sutton Court Road, Chiswick, W. 

1910. Knowles, G. G., Esq., 21 Dukesthorpe Rd., Sydenham, S.E. 


1911. Lake, H. Coote, Esq., Heage House, Crouch Hill, N. 

1878. Lang, A., Esq., ALA., LL.D., etc., 1 Marloes Road, Kensington, W. (''Vice-President''). 

1905. Leather, Mrs. F. H., Castle House, Weobley, R.S.O. 

1908. Lewis, The Rev. Thomas, Baptist Mission House, 19 Furnival Street, E.C. 

1885. Lockhart, The Hon. J. S. Stewart, Government House, Wei-hai-wei. 

1909. Lones, T. E., Esq., LL.D., Dudley House, Upper Highway, King's Langley, Herts. 

1901. Lovett, E., Esq., 41 Outram Road, Croydon. 

1901. Lucas, Harry, Esq., Hilver, St. Agnes Road, Moseley, Birmingham. 


1889. MacCormick, The Rev. F., F.S.A. Scot., M.R.A.S., Wrockwardine Wood Rectory, Wellington, Salop. 

1909. Macdonald, The Hon. Mrs. G., Ostaig, Broadford, Isle of Skye. 

1912. Mace, Alfred, Esq., 7 Andrégatan, Helsingfors, Finland. 

1882. Maclagan, R. Craig, Esq.. M.D., 5 Coates Crescent, Edinburgh. 

1895. Major, A. F., Esq., Bifrost, 30 The Waldrons, Croydon. 

1896. Manning, P., Esq., M.A., F.S.A., 6 St. Aldate's, Oxford (Beechfield, Watford).
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:28:56Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2374" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Members.''|vii}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;1898. March, H. Colley, Esq., M.D., Portesham, Dorchester. 

1900. Marett, R. R., Esq., M.A., Exeter College, Oxford. 

1880. Marston, E., Esq., St. Dunstan's House, Fetter Lane, E.G. 

1892. Masson, Sir D. P., Managing Director, The Punjab Bank, Lahore, per H. S. King &amp; Co., Cornhill, E.C. 

1905. Matthew, The Rev. H. C, St. Matthew's Manse, Stawell, Victoria, Australia. 

1889. Matthews, Miss E., Raymead, Park Road, Watford. 

1902. Maxwell, W. G., Esq., Attorney General, Kedeh, Malay Peninsula. 

1905. Maylam, P., Esq., 32 Watling Street, Canterbury. 

1912. Meek, Miss AL, 75 Victoria Avenue, Newport, Mon. 

1911. Mercer, The Rev. Prof. S. A. B., 2735 Park Avenue, Chicago, Ill., U.S.A. 

1892. Merrick, W. P., Esq., Elvetham, Shepperton. 

1891. Milne, F. A., Esq., M..A., 11 Old Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. (''Secretary''). 

1902. Milroy, Mrs. M. E., The Oast House, Farnham, Surrey. 

1909. Mitchell, W., Esq., 14 Forbesfield Road, Aberdeen. 

1890. Mond, Mrs. Frida, 20 Avenue Road, Regent's Park, N.W. 

1904. Montague, Mrs. Amy, Penton, Crediton, N. Devon. 

1889. Morison, Theodore, Esq., Ashleigh, St. George's Road, Weybridge. 

1910. Musson, Miss A. J., Fair View West, Rainhill, Lanes. 

1899. Myers, C. S., Esq., M..A., M.D., Galewood Tower, Great Shelford, Cambridgeshire. 

c. 1897. Myres, J. L., Esq., M.A., F.S.A., New College, Oxford. 


c 1885. Nesfield, J. P., Esq., Stratton House, 2 Madley Road, Ealing. 

1912. Nevill, The Lady Dorothy, 45 Charles Street, Mayfair, W. 

1911. Nutt, Mrs. A., 57 Long Acre, W.C. 


1902. O'Brien, Major A. J., Deputy Commissioner, Muzaffargarh, Punjab, India, c/o H. S. King &amp; Co., 65 Cornhill, E.C. 

1892. Olrik, Dr. Axel, 174 Gl. Kongevej, Copenhagen, Denmark. 

c. 1910. O'May, J., Esq., Kuala Kansar, viâ Taiping, Perak, Fed. Malay States. 

1886. Ordish, T. Fairman, Esq., F.S.A., 2 Melrose Villa, Ballards Lane, Finchley, N. 

1890. Owen, Miss Mary A., 306 North Ninth Street, St. Joseph's, Missouri, U.S.A. (''Hon. Member''). 


1909. Parrot, F. Hayward, Esq., Walton House, Aylesbury. 

1911. Partington, Mrs. Edge, The Kiln House, Greywell, Odiham. 

1911. Partridge, Miss J. B., Wellfield, Minchinhampton, Glos. 

1892. Paton, W. R., Esq., Ph.D., Ker Anna, Pirros Guirce, Côtes-du-Nord, France (per Messrs. Burnett &amp; Reid, 12 Golden Square, Aberdeen).
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/592</title>
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      <text bytes="2339" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|viii|''Members.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;1878. Peacock, E., Esq., F.S.A., Wickentree House, Kirton-in-Lindsey, Lincolnshire. 

1910. Pendlebury, C, Esq., Arlington House, Brandenburg Road, Gunnersbury, W. 

1899. Percy, Lord Algernon, Guy's Cliff, Warwick. 

1907. Peter, Thurstan, Esq., Redruth. 

1910. Petty, S. L., Esq., Dykelands, Ulverston, Lanes. 

1894. Phipson, Miss, 10k Hyde Park Mansions, N.W. 

1889. Pineau, M. Léon, Rue Dolly, Chamalieres, Clermont Ferrand, Pay de Dôme, France. 

1906. Pitman, Miss E. B., Hunishaugh Vicarage, Northumberland. 

1898. Pitts, J. Linwood, Esq., M.J.I., F.S.A., Curator, Guille-Allès Library, Guernsey. 

1912. Pochin, Miss, The Manor House, Wigston, Leicester. 

1889. Pocklington-Coltman, Mrs., Hagnaby Priory, Spilsby, Lincolnshire. 

1905. Postel, Prof. Paul, Lemberg, Austria. 

c. 1879. Power, D'Arcy, Esq., M.A., M.B., F.S.A., 10{{sc|a}} Chandos Street, Cavendish Square, W. 

1906. Pritchard, L. J., Esq., Menai Lodge, Chiswick, W. 


1906. Raleigh, Miss K. A., 8 Park Road, Uxbridge. 

1909. Ramanathan, P., Esq., B.A., Manônmani Velas, Chintadinpeh, Madras, S.C. 

1888. Reade, John, Esq., 340 Leval Avenue, Montreal, Canada. 

1892. Reynolds, Llywarch, Esq., B.A., Old Church Place, Merthyr-Tydfil. 

1888. Rhys, Professor the Rt. Hon. Sir John, P.C, M.A., LL.D., F.B.A., F.S.A., Jesus College, Oxford (''Vice-President''). 

1906. Richards, F. J., Esq., LC.S., United Service Club, Bangalore, c/o Messrs. Binney &amp; Co., Madras. 

1911. Richardson, Miss Ethel, B.A., Wyss Wood, Welcomes Road, Kenley, Surrey. 

1900. Rivers, W. H. R., Esq., M.D., F.R.S., St. John's College, Cambridge. 

1911. Róheim, G., Esq., 35 Hermina-ut, Budapest, Hungary. 

1903. Rorie, D., Esq., ALD., C.AL, 1 St. Devenick Terrace, Cults, Aberdeenshire. 

1909. Roscoe, Rev. John, Ovington Rectory, Watton, Norfolk. 

1901. Rose, H. A., Esq., Ludihaud, Punjab, India, c/o Grindlay &amp; Co., 54 Parliament Street, S.W. 

1910. Rose, H. J., Esq., 6 Valmont Apartments, 2111 Park Avenue, Montreal, Canada. 

1907. Rounthwaite, Mrs. M. L., Fermain, Holly Rd., Wanstead. 

c. 1891. Rouse, W. H. D., Esq., Litt.D., Perse School House, Glebe Road, Cambridge (''Vice-President''). 

1907. Row, C. Seshagiri, Esq., Kotipalli, Madras Presidency, India. 

1904. Rutherford, Miss Barbara, 196 Ashley Gardens, S.W.
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/600</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2199" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh|xvi|''Members.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;1898 Salford Public Library, Manchester. 

1908 San Francisco Public Library, per G. E. Stechert &amp; Co., 2 Star Yard, Carey St., W.C. 

1907 Seattle Public Library, Seattle, Washington, U.S.A., per B. F. Stevens &amp; Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, S.W. 

1899 Sheffield Free Public Library, Surrey Street, Sheffield, per S. Smith, Esq. 

1898 Signet Library, Edinburgh, per John Minto, Esq., Librarian. 

1905 Sion College Library, Victoria Embankment, E.C., per C. H. Limbrick, Esq., Sub-Librarian. 

1879 Stockholm, Royal Library of, per W. H. Dawson &amp; Sons, St. Dunstan's House, Fetter Lane, E.C. 

1903 Sunderland Public Library, Borough Road, Sunderland, per B. R. Hill, Esq. 

1894 Surgeon General Office Library, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., per Kegan Paul &amp; Co., 43 Gerrard Street, W. 

1891 Swansea Public Library, per S. E. Thompson, Esq., Librarian. 

1908 Swarthmore College Library, per E. G. Allen &amp; Son, 14 Grape St., Shaftesbury Avenue, W.C. 

1881 Sydney Free Public Library, per Truslove &amp; Hanson, 153 Oxford St., W. 


1895. Tate Library, University College, Liverpool, care of J. Sampson, Esq. 

1883. Taylor Institution, Oxford, per Parker &amp; Co., Broad Street, Oxford. 

1906. Texas, University of, Austin, Texas, U.S.A., per G. E. Stechert &amp; Co., 2 Star Yard, Carey St., W.C. 

1898. Toronto Public Library, per C. D. Cazenove &amp; Son, 26 Henrietta St., Covent Garden, W.C. 

1899. Toronto University Library, per C. D. Cazenove &amp; Son, 26 Henrietta St., Covent Garden, W.C. 

1879. Torquay Natural History Society, per S. Boase, Esq. 


1899. Upsala University Library, per C. J. Lundström, Upsala, Sweden. 


1896. Van Stockum, W. P., &amp; Son, 36 Buitenhof, The Hague, Holland. 

1899. Vassar College Library, Poughkeepsie, New York, U.S.A., per H. Sotheran &amp; Co., 140 Strand, W.C. 

1907. Victoria Public Library, Melbourne, per Agent-General for Victoria, Melbourne Place, Strand, W.C. 

1909. Vienna Imperial Court Library, per Asher &amp; Co., 13 Bedford St., W.C. 

1901. Vienna Imperial University Library, per Asher &amp; Co., 13 Bedford St., W.C. 


1910. Washington Public Library, D.C., Washington, U.S.A., per G. F. Bowerman, Esq., Secretary.
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    <title>Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 23, 1912.djvu/601</title>
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      <text bytes="819" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;LA2-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Members.''|xvii}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;1910. Washington University Library, St. Louis, per G. E. Stechert &amp; Co., 2 Star Yard, Carey St., W.C. 

1890. Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A., per E. G. Allen &amp; Son, 14 Grape St., Shaftesbury Avenue, W.C. 

1898. Weimar Grand Ducal Library, per Dr. P. von Bojanowsky. 

1907. Wesleyan University, Library of, Middletown, Connecticut, U.S.A., per W. J. James, Esq., Librarian. 

1898. Wisconsin State Historical Society, per H. Sotheran &amp; Co., 140 Strand, W.C. 

1908. Woolwich Free Library, William St., Woolwich, per E. B. Baker, Esq., Librarian. 

1885. Worcester Free Public Library, Mass., U.S.A., per Kegan Paul &amp; Co., 43 Gerrard St., W. 


1905. Yale University Library, New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A., per G. E. Stechert &amp; Co., 2 Star Yard, Carey St., W.C.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Twenty years before the mast - Charles Erskine, 1896.djvu/6</title>
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{{xxx-larger block|&lt;p style=&quot;border-bottom:none; font-family:serif&quot;&gt;TWENTY YEARS BEFORE  THE MAST&lt;/p&gt;}}


WITH THE MORE THRILLING SCENES AND INCIDENTS &lt;/br&gt;
WHILE CIRCUMNAVIGATING THE GLOBE UNDER &lt;/br&gt;
THE COMMAND OF THE LATE ADMIRAL &lt;/br&gt;
CHARLES WILKES 1838-1842&lt;/br&gt;


{{Sc|by}}&lt;/br&gt;
&lt;big&gt;CHARLES ERSKINE&lt;/big&gt;&lt;/br&gt;


''With Numerous Illustrations''&lt;/br&gt;


&lt;big&gt;PHILADELPHIA:&lt;/br&gt;
George W. Jacobs &amp; Co. &lt;/br&gt;
103 South Fifteenth St. &lt;/br&gt;
1896&lt;/big&gt; 
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{xxx-larger block|{{p|style=border-bottom:none; font-family:serif|text=TWENTY YEARS BEFORE  THE MAST}}}}


WITH THE MORE THRILLING SCENES AND INCIDENTS &lt;/br&gt;
WHILE CIRCUMNAVIGATING THE GLOBE UNDER &lt;/br&gt;
THE COMMAND OF THE LATE ADMIRAL &lt;/br&gt;
CHARLES WILKES 1838-1842&lt;/br&gt;


{{Sc|by}}&lt;/br&gt;
&lt;big&gt;CHARLES ERSKINE&lt;/big&gt;&lt;/br&gt;


''With Numerous Illustrations''&lt;/br&gt;


&lt;big&gt;PHILADELPHIA:&lt;/br&gt;
George W. Jacobs &amp; Co. &lt;/br&gt;
103 South Fifteenth St. &lt;/br&gt;
1896&lt;/big&gt; 
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <id>12506782</id>
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{{xxx-larger block|{{p|border-bottom:none; font-family:serif|text=TWENTY YEARS BEFORE  THE MAST}}}}


WITH THE MORE THRILLING SCENES AND INCIDENTS &lt;/br&gt;
WHILE CIRCUMNAVIGATING THE GLOBE UNDER &lt;/br&gt;
THE COMMAND OF THE LATE ADMIRAL &lt;/br&gt;
CHARLES WILKES 1838-1842&lt;/br&gt;


{{Sc|by}}&lt;/br&gt;
&lt;big&gt;CHARLES ERSKINE&lt;/big&gt;&lt;/br&gt;


''With Numerous Illustrations''&lt;/br&gt;


&lt;big&gt;PHILADELPHIA:&lt;/br&gt;
George W. Jacobs &amp; Co. &lt;/br&gt;
103 South Fifteenth St. &lt;/br&gt;
1896&lt;/big&gt; 
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    <title>Page:Twenty years before the mast - Charles Erskine, 1896.djvu/7</title>
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      <text bytes="204" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Kaidor&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center|{{smaller|Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1890,}} &lt;/br&gt;
{{Sc|By Charles Erskine,}} &lt;/br&gt;
{{smaller|In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Twenty years before the mast - Charles Erskine, 1896.djvu/15</title>
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      <text bytes="2036" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Kaidor&quot; /&gt;{{rh|x|LIST OF ILLUSTRATION.}}
{{rule}}
{{block center/s}}
{{TOC begin}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1|||{{x-smaller|PAGE}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||{{SIC|One of Paddy Connell’s Five Wives|There is no such illustration in the book}}|149}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Cannibal Chief Vendovi,|152}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Fiji Chief Tui Levuka,|154}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Fiji Major Drummer,|159}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Fiji Drummer,|{{SIC|187|146}}}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Queen Emma, One of Tanoa's Wives,|191}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Kingsmill Idol,|199}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||The Seaman's Bethel, Honolulu,|206}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Camp on Pendulum Peak,|223}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Hawaiian Temples and Gods,|226}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Flat-headed Squaw and Child,|234}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Celebration of the Fourth of July,|237}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Loss of the Peacock,|241}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||The Vincennes on the Bar|246}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Eating Poe,|247}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Hawaiian Idol,|250}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||The House Where I was Born,|303}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||End-off|311}}
{{TOC row 1-2||{{rule|6em}}}}
{{TOC row 1-2||{{Center|&lt;big&gt;FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS.&lt;/big&gt;}}|}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1|||{{c|{{x-smaller|BETWEEN&lt;br /&gt;PAGES.}}}}}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Mr. Charles Erskine|''Frontispiece.''}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Charlie Erskine,|6—7}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Map of the World|16—17}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Tahiti, the Gem of the Pacific|70—71}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Maleitoa, the Christian Chief|86—87}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Emma, Daughter of Maleitoa|88—89}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Natives Hailing the Re appearance of the Pleiades|90—91}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Corrobory Dance|100—101}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||The Vincennes in Disappointment Bay|106—107}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Fiji Club Dance|144—145}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Massacre of Lieutenant Underwood and Midshipman Wilkes Henry|174—175}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Tanoa, King of the Fiji Islands|186—187}}
{{TOC row 1-out-1||Missionary Preaching to Natives|212—213}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}
&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Twenty years before the mast - Charles Erskine, 1896.djvu/334</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506755</id>
      <parentid>6462746</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1655" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Kaidor&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader||''Twenty Years Before the Mast''.|307}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|yard|foreyard}} the foot rope parted, and I fell into the fore-rigging, which broke my fall, and thence onto the wharf,  where I was taken up unconscious. Orders were at once  given to carry me to Gritney Hospital. While on my  way there I regained my consciousness, and, as soon as  I understood the situation, told my friends to about-ship  and leave me at John Gannoes’, in New Orleans. After  arriving there I lay on my beam-ends for over two  months, during which time I had also a severe attack of  cholera. The weather was very hot and the epidemic  raged frightfully. After remaining quiet several weeks  I felt improved, and gained considerable strength.  While convalescing, I received the following lines:

{{Center|{{Sc|Dear Charlie.}}}}

{{block center/s}}&lt;poem style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;He kissed me and then he said farewell 
{{gap}}While the tears rolled down his cheeks,
It seemed to me like his funeral knell 
{{gap}}And robbed my love of all its sweets.

{{gap}}{{gap}}Oh! Charlie, dear Charlie, return to thy home,
{{gap}}{{gap}}Thy Jennie is weeping, is weeping and lone.

O’er the ocean he’s gone his fortune to seek,
{{gap}}Oh! may he his fortune acquire;
Then hie to his home, where fond love shall complete 
{{gap}}His Jennie’s most ardent desire.

{{gap}}{{gap}}Oh! Charlie, dear Charlie, etc.

But if for dear Charlie no fortune is there,
{{gap}}If strangers are heartless and cold.
Oh, may he return to his Jennie and share 
{{gap}}That love which is dearer than gold.

{{gap}}{{gap}}Oh! Charlie, dear Charlie, etc.
{{gap}}
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="382" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center block|[[File:Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1, p251a.jpg|center|300px|ON THE SUMMIT OF MOUNT VICE-PRESIDENT]]
{{x-smaller block|''Photo, Byron Harmon''}}}}
{{center|{{smaller block|ON THE SUMMIT OF MOUNT VICE-PRESIDENT}}}}


[[File:Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1, p251b.jpg|center|300px|ON THE SUMMIT OF MOUNT BURGESS]]
{{center|{{smaller block|ON THE SUMMIT OF MOUNT BURGESS}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1.djvu/272</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1363940</id>
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      <id>12508118</id>
      <parentid>12267863</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Sp1nd01</username>
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      <text bytes="151" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1, p272.jpg|center|400px|LAUGHING FALL CAMP]]
{{c|{{smaller block|LAUGHING FALL CAMP&lt;br /&gt;{{sc|Yoho Valley Trip}}}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1.djvu/256</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1363945</id>
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      <id>12508111</id>
      <parentid>8122507</parentid>
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      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="328" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1, p256a.jpg|center|400px|GUIDES IN CHARGE OF CLIMBING—YOHO CAMP]]
{{center|GUIDES IN CHARGE OF CLIMBING—YOHO CAMP}} 


[[File:Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1, p256b.jpg|center|400px|A WELL EARNED REST—MOUNT VICE-PRESIDENT]]
{{center|A WELL EARNED REST— MOUNT VICE-PRESIDENT}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 01.djvu/91</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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        <id>522506</id>
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      <minor />
      <comment>middot decimals (as printed)</comment>
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      <text bytes="9160" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Jasonanaggie&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|60|ABERRATION||  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Aberration&quot; /&gt;glasses of high refractive index, and achromatic systems from
such crown glasses, with flint glasses of lower refractive index,
are called the “new achromats,” and were employed by P.
Rudolph in the first “anastigmats” (photographic objectives).

Instead of making ''d''{{Greek|φ}} vanish, a certain value can be assigned to it which will produce, by the addition of the two lenses, any
desired chromatic deviation, ''e.g.'' sufficient to eliminate one
present in other parts of the system. If the lenses I. and II. be
cemented and have the same refractive index for one colour,
then its effect for that one colour is that of a lens of one piece;
by such decomposition of a lens it can be made chromatic or
achromatic at will, without altering its spherical effect. If its
chromatic effect (''d''{{Greek|φ/φ}}) be greater than that of the same lens, this being made of the more dispersive of the two glasses employed,
it is termed “hyper-chromatic.”

For two thin lenses separated by a distance D the condition for achromatism is ''D'' = (''v''&lt;sub&gt;1&lt;/sub&gt;''f''&lt;sub&gt;1&lt;/sub&gt;+''v''&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt;''f''&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt;); if ''v''&lt;sub&gt;1&lt;/sub&gt;=''v''&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt; (''e.g.'' if the lenses be made of the same glass), this reduces to ''D''= {{EB1911 tfrac|1|2}} (''f''&lt;sub&gt;1&lt;/sub&gt;+''f''&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt;), known as the “condition for oculars.”

If a constant of reproduction, for instance the focal length, be made equal for two colours, then it is not the same for other colours, if two different glasses are employed.  For example, the condition for achromatism (4) for two thin lenses in contact is fulfilled in only one part of the spectrum, since ''dn''&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt;/''dn''&lt;sub&gt;1&lt;/sub&gt; varies within the spectrum.  This fact was first ascertained by J. Fraunhofer, who defined the colours by means of the dark lines in the solar spectrum; and showed that the ratio of the dispersion of two glasses varied about 20% from the red to the violet (the variation for glass and water is about 50%).  If, therefore, for two colours, ''a'' and ''b'', ''f&lt;sub&gt;a&lt;/sub&gt;'' = ''f&lt;sub&gt;b&lt;/sub&gt;'' = ''f'', then for a third colour, ''c'', the focal length is different, viz. if ''c'' lie between ''a'' and ''b'', then ''f&lt;sub&gt;c&lt;/sub&gt;'' &lt;big&gt;&lt;&lt;/big&gt;''f'', and ''vice versa''; these algebraic results follow from the fact that towards the red the dispersion of the positive crown glass preponderates, towards the violet that of the negative flint.  These chromatic errors of systems, which are achromatic for two colours, are called the “secondary spectrum,” and depend upon the aperture and focal length in the same manner as the primary chromatic errors do.

In fig. 11, taken from M. von Rohr’s ''Theorie und Geschichte des photographischen Objectivs'', the abscissae are focal lengths,
and the ordinates wave-lengths; of the latter the Fraunhofer
lines used are—
{|{{ts|ma|lh12|ac}}
|A′ || C ||D || Green Hg. ||F ||G′ ||&amp;emsp;Violet Hg.
|-{{Ts|ar}}
|&amp;emsp;767.7&amp;emsp; ||656·3|| 589·3 ||{{ts|ac}}|546·1 || 486·2 ||454·1  ||&amp;emsp;405·1 {{Greek|μμ}},
|}
{{Img float |file=ABERR6rev.png |width=215px |cap={{sc|Fig.}} 11.—Secondary Spectrum of the combination O. 1726, O. 108. Optical correction ''f''&lt;sub&gt;c&lt;/sub&gt; = ''f&lt;sub&gt;ν&lt;/sub&gt;'' = 100mm.  The ordinates give the wave-length in {{Greek|μμ}}. The abscissae give ''f''&lt;sub&gt;{{Greek|λ}}&lt;/sub&gt; - ''f''&lt;sub&gt;c&lt;/sub&gt; in 0.01mm commencing at ''f''&lt;sub&gt;c&lt;/sub&gt; ''f&lt;sub&gt;ν&lt;/sub&gt;''.&lt;br&gt;   {{Fs|92%|(From M. v. Rohr, ''op. cit.'')}}|style=font-size:92%; line-height:125% |capalign=left}}

and the focal lengths are made equal for the lines C and F. In the neighbourhood of 550 {{Greek|μμ}} the tangent to the curve is parallel to the axis of wave-lengths; and the focal length varies least over a fairly large range of colour, therefore in this neighbourhood the colour union is at 
its best. Moreover, this region of the spectrum is that which appears brightest to the human eye, and consequently this curve of the secondary spectrum, obtained by making ''f''&lt;sub&gt;c&lt;/sub&gt; =''f&lt;sub&gt;v&lt;/sub&gt;'', is, according to the experiments of Sir G. G. Stokes (''Proc.  Roy. Soc''., 1878), the most suitable for visual instruments (“optical achromatism”).  In a similar manner, for systems used in photography, the vertex of the colour curve must be placed in the position of the maximum sensibility of the plates; this is generally supposed to be at G′; and to accomplish this the F and violet mercury lines are united.  This artifice is specially adopted in objectives for astronomical photography (“pure actinic achromatism”).  For ordinary photography, however, there is this disadvantage: the image on the focussing-screen and the correct adjustment of the photographic sensitive plate are not in register; in astronomical photography this difference is constant, but in other kinds it depends on the distance of the objects.  On this account the lines D and G′ are united for ordinary photographic objectives; the optical as well as the actinic image is chromatically inferior, but both lie in the same place; and consequently the best correction lies in F (this is known as the “actinic correction” or “freedom from chemical focus”).

Should there be in two lenses in contact the same focal lengths for three colours ''a'', ''b'', and ''c'', ''i.e.'' ''f&lt;sub&gt;a&lt;/sub&gt;'' = ''f&lt;sub&gt;b&lt;/sub&gt;'' = ''f&lt;sub&gt;c&lt;/sub&gt;'' = ''f'', then the relative partial dispersion (''n&lt;sub&gt;c&lt;/sub&gt;''−''n&lt;sub&gt;b&lt;/sub&gt;'') (''n&lt;sub&gt;a&lt;/sub&gt;''−''n&lt;sub&gt;b&lt;/sub&gt;'') must be equal for the two kinds of glass employed.  This follows by considering equation (4) for the two pairs of colours ''ac'' and ''bc''. Until recently no glasses were known with a proportional degree of absorption; but R. Blair (''Trans.  Edin.  Soc''., 1791, 3, p.&amp;nbsp;3), P. Barlow, and F. S. Archer overcame the difficulty by constructing fluid lenses between glass walls.  Fraunhofer prepared glasses which reduced the secondary spectrum; but permanent success was only assured on the introduction of the Jena glasses by E. Abbe and O. Schott.  In using glasses not having proportional dispersion, the deviation of a third colour can be eliminated by two lenses, if an interval be allowed between them; or by three lenses in contact, which may not all consist of the old glasses.  In uniting three colours an “achromatism of a higher order” is derived; there is yet a residual “tertiary spectrum,” but it can always be neglected.

The Gaussian theory is only an approximation; monochromatic or spherical aberrations still occur, which will be different for different colours; and should they be compensated for one colour, the image of another colour would prove disturbing.  The most important is the chromatic difference of aberration of the axis point, which is still present to disturb the image, after par-axial rays of different colours are united by an appropriate combination of glasses.  If a collective system be corrected for the axis point for a definite wave-length, then, on account of the greater dispersion in the negative components—the flint glasses,—over-correction will arise for the shorter wavelengths (this being the error of the negative components), and under-correction for the longer wave-lengths (the error of crown glass lenses preponderating in the red).  This error was treated by Jean le Rond d’Alembert, and, in special detail, by C.&amp;nbsp;F. Gauss.  It increases rapidly with the aperture, and is more important with medium apertures than the secondary spectrum of par-axial rays; consequently, spherical aberration must be eliminated for two colours, and if this be impossible, then it must be eliminated for those particular wave-lengths which are most effectual for the instrument in question (a graphical representation of this error is given in M. von Rohr, ''Theorie und Geschichte des photographischen Objectivs'').

The condition for the reproduction of a surface element in the place of a sharply reproduced point—the constant of the sine relationship must also be fulfilled with large apertures for several colours. E. Abbe succeeded in computing microscope objectives free from error of the axis point and satisfying the sine condition for several colours, which therefore, according to his definition, were “aplanatic for several colours”; such systems he termed “apochromatic”.  While, however, the magnification of the individual zones is the same, it is not the same for red as for blue; and there is a chromatic difference of magnification. This is produced in the same amount, but in the opposite sense, by the oculars, which ate used with these objectives (“compensating oculars”), so that it is eliminated in the image of the whole microscope.  The best telescope objectives, and photographic objectives intended for three-colour work, are also apochromatic, even if they do not possess quite the same quality of correction as microscope objectives do.  The chromatic differences of other errors of reproduction have seldom practical importances.
{{nop}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Aberration&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Author:John Henry Gurney Jr.</title>
    <ns>102</ns>
    <id>1458259</id>
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      <comment>Zool 1877, p341</comment>
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      <text bytes="10908" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = John Henry
 | lastname     = Gurney
 | last_initial = Gu
 | description  = British ornithologist, son of [[Author:John Henry Gurney|John Henry Gurney]] Sr. (1819–1890)
 }}

== Works ==
* ''Rambles of a naturalist in Egypt &amp; other countries,'' (1876) {{ext scan link|1=http://archive.org/details/cu31924001235203}}
* '[[The House Sparrow/The House Sparrow: by an Ornithologist|The House Sparrow: by an Ornithologist]],' in: {{Aut|Gurney, J.H., Colonel C. Russell and Elliott Coues}} - ''[[The House Sparrow]]'' (1885)
* ''[[On the Misdeeds of the House-Sparrow (Passer domesticus)]]'', 1887
* {{cite journal | last = Gurney | first = J.H. | author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask = 0
| date = 1898
| title = The Economy of the Cuckoo (Cuculus canorus)
| journal = Transactions fo the Norfolk and Norwich Naturalists' Society
| volume = 6
| number = 4
| pp = 365–384
}} {{ext scan link|http://norfolknaturalists.org.uk/wp/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/Transactions-1897-98-transactionsofno6189norf_page_411-522.pdf}}
*  ''The Gannet: a Bird with a History.'' London : Witherby &amp; Co. (1913) {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/gannetbirdwithhi00gurn}}
*  ''Early annals of ornithology'', (1921) {{ext scan link|1=http://archive.org/details/cu31924005489558}}

=== Contributions to ''[[The Zoologist]]'' ===
* {{cite journal 
| last=Gurney Jr. |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr.
| title= [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Occasional Notes#181|Varieties of the Sky Lark]]
| date=1877
| journal=The Zoologist
| volume=[[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)|3rd series, vol 1]]
| issue=[[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 4|issue 4, April]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp=181
}}
* {{cite journal 
| last=Gurney Jr. |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
| title= [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Occasional Notes#181|Woodcocks frequenting the Sea-shore]]
| date=1877
| journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue=issue 4, April—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp=181
}}
* {{cite journal 
| last=Gurney Jr. |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 5/Occasional Notes#230|Cuckoo in Reddish Brown Plumage in Spring]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 5|issue 5, May]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 230
}}
* {{cite journal 
| last=Gurney Jr. |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
| title= [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 6/On the Claim of the Pine Grosbeak to be Regarded as a British Bird, Gurney|On the Claim of the Pine Grosbeak to be Regarded as a British Bird]]
| date=1877
| journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue=[[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 6|issue 6, June]]
| pp=242–250
}}
* {{cite journal 
| last=Gurney Jr. |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
| title= [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 6/Occasional Notes#259|Birds Impaled by the Wind on Weather Vanes]]
| date=1877
| journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue=issue 6, June—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp=259–260
}}
* {{cite journal 
| last=Gurney Jr. |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
| title= [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 6/Occasional Notes#259|Kite at Northrepps, Norfolk]]
| date=1877
| journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue=issue 6, June—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp=259–260
}}
* {{cite journal 
| last=Gurney Jr. |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
| title= [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 7/Occasional Notes#298|Singular Variety of the Hedgesparrow]]
| date=1877
| journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 7|issue 7, July]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp=298–299
}}
* {{cite journal 
| last=Gurney Jr. |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
| title= [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8/Occasional Notes#341|The Collared Duck, ''Fuligula collaris'']]
| date=1877
| journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 8|issue 8, August]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp=341–342
}}

* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
| title=Hooded Crow in Norfolk in August
| date=1877
| journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue=[[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 10|issue 10, October]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp=443–444
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
|title=Purple Gallinule at Hickling Broad
|date=1877
|journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
|issue=issue 10, October—section 'Notes and Queries'
|pp=447–448
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
|title=Partridge coming in Collision with a Train
|date=1877
|journal=The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
|issue=issue 10, October—section 'Notes and Queries'
|pp=448
}}

* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask = 2
|title=Ornithological Record from Norfolk for 1896
|date=1897
|journal=The Zoologist
|volume=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)|4th series, vol 1]]
|issue=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 669|issue 669, March]]
|pp=121–138
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
|title=Cuckoos Sucking Eggs
|date=1897
|journal=The Zoologist
|volume=4th series, vol 1
|issue=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 678|issue 678, December]]
|pp=568–570
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. | author-mask = 2
|title=Ornithological notes from Norfolk for 1897
|date=1898
|journal=The Zoologist
|volume=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 2 (1898)|4th series, vol 2]]
|issue=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 2 (1898)/Issue 681|issue 681, March]]
|pp=106–115
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask=2
|title=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 3 (1899)/Issue 693/Ornithological Record from Norfolk for 1898, Gurney|Ornithological Record from Norfolk for 1898]]
|date=1899
|journal=The Zoologist
|volume=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 3 (1899)|4th series, vol 3]]
|issue=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 3 (1899)/Issue 693|issue 693, March]]
|pp=113–128
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask=2
|title=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 4 (1900)/Issue 705/Ornithological Record from Norfolk for 1899, Gurney|Ornithological Record from Norfolk for 1899]]
|date=1900
|journal=The Zoologist
|volume=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 4 (1900)|4th series, vol 4]]
|issue=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 4 (1900)/Issue 705|issue 705, March]]
|pp=96–115
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask=2
|title=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 4 (1900)/Issue 710/A Short History of the Bearded Titmouse, Gurney 1900|A Short History of the Bearded Titmouse]]
|date=1900
|journal=The Zoologist
| series = 4
| volume = 4
|issue=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 4 (1900)/Issue 710|issue 710, August]]
|pp=358–374
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask=2
| title = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 5 (1901)/Issue 718/Ornithological Notes from Norfolk for 1900, Gurney|Ornithological Notes from Norfolk for 1900]]
| date = 1901
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 5 (1901)|4th series, vol 5]]
| issue = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 5 (1901)/Issue 718|issue 718]], April
| pp = 121–140
}}

* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask=2
| title = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 729/Ornithological Notes for 1901 from Norfolk and the North of Suffolk|Ornithological Notes for 1901 from Norfolk and the North of Suffolk]]
| date = 1902
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)|4th series, vol 6]]
| issue = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 727|issue 729]], March
| pp = 81–100
}}
:: and see correction in issue 731, May, p. 198.

* 'Ornithological Report for Norfolk (1905),' in: ''The Zoologist'', April. 1906. (reprint: {{ext scan link|https://archive.org/details/ornithologicalre00gurn}})

==== Short notes ====
* 'Red-footed Falcon in Essex,' in: 4th series, vol. 5, issue 725 (November, 1901), p. [[Page:The Zoologist, 4th series, vol 5 (1901).djvu/454|426]]/7 (in section 'Notes and Queries')
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask=2
|title=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 728/Notes and Queries#68|Tengmalm's Owl in Northamptonshire]]
|date=1902
|journal=The Zoologist
|volume=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)|4th series, vol 6]]
|issue=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 728|issue 728, February]]—section 'Notes and Queries'
|pp=68
}}
* {{cite journal |last=Gurney |first=J.H. |author-link=:s:en:Author:John Henry Gurney Jr. |author-mask=2
|title=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 730/Notes and Queries#150|Allen's Gallinule near Yarmouth]]
|date=1902
|journal=The Zoologist
|volume=4th series, vol 6
|issue=[[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 6 (1902)/Issue 730|issue 730, April]]—section 'Notes and Queries'
|pp=68
}}

== About J.H. Gurney ==
* announcement and short abstract of Gurney 1913 (''The Gannet'') by A.L.T. in: [https://www.nature.com/articles/093113a0 ''Nature'' 1914, nr. 93, p. 113/4]
* review of Gurney 1913 in [https://www.britishbirds.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/article_files/V07/V07_N07/V07_N07_P207_212_RV036.pdf ''British Birds'' by F.C.R.J. (vol. 7, p. 207f)]
* review of Gurney 1913 in [[:s:en:Page:Condor16(3).djvu/52|''Condor'' (1914, vol. 16, p. 150)]] by J. Grinnell; see also short notice in [[:s:en:Page:Condor16(6).djvu/19|''Condor'' (1914, vol. 16, p. 261)]]
* review of Gurney 1913 in [https://academic.oup.com/auk/article-abstract/31/1/107/5272797?redirectedFrom=fulltext ''The Auk'' (1914, vol. 31, p. 107/8)]


{{PD/US|1922}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:Ornithologists as authors]]
[[Category:English authors]]</text>
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      <comment>re-added to [[Wikidata:Q444144]] ([[Wikipedia:Kidnapped]] etc.; replacing [[Kidnapped (Stevenson)]] (moved to [[Wikidata:Q2349094]] ([[Wikipedia:Kidnapped (novel)]] etc.; replacing [[Kidnapped (Stevenson, 1895)]])); unmerging [[Wikidata:Q108867387]] ([[pl:Porwany za młodu]]))</comment>
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      <text bytes="301" xml:space="preserve">{{disambiguation}}
*&quot;[[Kidnapped (Stevenson)|Kidnapped, being memoirs of the adventures of David Balfour in the year 1751]]&quot; (1886), a novel by [[Author:Robert Louis Stevenson|Robert Louis Stevenson]].
*&quot;[[Kidnapped (Kipling)|Kidnapped]]&quot; (1887), a story by [[Author:Rudyard Kipling|Rudyard Kipling]].</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 18.djvu/30</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506874</id>
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      <text bytes="11483" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading| |MEDAL||13}}{{EB1911 fine print/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;largest number of clasps to any one medal is four. Certain non-combatants
received the medal without a clasp.

18. ''Baltic'', 1854–55.—Awarded by Queen Victoria, 1856. Obverse: Head of Queen Victoria as in First China Medal. Reverse: Britannia seated and holding a trident in her right hand. In the background forts. Above, BALTIC. In exergue, 1854–1855. Ribbon: Yellow, with pale blue borders (Plate I.). Clasps: Nil.

This award, notified by Admiralty Order, June 5, 1856, was granted “to the officers and crews of Her Majesty’s ships, as well as to such officers and Men of Her Majesty’s Army as were employed in the operations in the Baltic in the years 1854 and 1855.” The medal is, of course, practically a naval one, but two officers and ninety-nine men of the Royal Engineers were employed in the expedition, especially at Bomarsund, and received it.

19. ''Turkish Crimea Medal''.—Awarded by the Sultan, 1856. Obverse: A trophy composed of a field piece, a mortar, and an anchor, the field piece standing on the Russian Imperial Standard, and having a map of the Crimea spread over the wheel and breech. Behind are the Turkish, British, French and Sardinian flags. The flag of the nation to which the recipient belonged is in the front with that of Turkey, the flags of the other two nationalities behind. In exergue, “Crimea 1855,” “La Crimée 1855,” or “La Crimea 1855,” according as to whether the medal was intended for British, French or Sardinian recipients. Reverse: The Sultan’s cypher, below, in Turkish, “Crimea,” and the year of the Hegira, 1271. Ribbon: Crimson watered, with bright green edges (Plate I.). Clasps: Nil.

This medal was distributed to all of the Allied Forces, both naval and military, which shared in the operations in the Black Sea and the Crimea. As the ship that conveyed a majority of the English medals was sunk, the remainder were issued indiscriminately, and a large number of the British received medals which were originally intended either for the French or Sardinians.&lt;ref&gt;In addition to this award the French emperor sent five hundred of the French “Military Medal,” to be distributed amongst specially selected non-commissioned officers and men of the army and Royal Marines, and petty officers and seamen of the Royal Navy. Only two of these medals were given to officers, viz. the duke of Cambridge and Sir William Codrington, the latter being presented by Pélissier with his own medal. The king of Sardinia also distributed 450 medals to the British forces, of which 50 were given to the Royal Navy and Royal Marines, and 243 to officers and 157 to non-commissioned officers and privates of the army.&lt;/ref&gt;

20. ''Arctic'', 1818–1855 (First Arctic).—Awarded by Queen Victoria, 1857. Obverse: Head of Queen Victoria, wearing a tiara. Legend, VICTORIA REGINA. Reverse: A ship blocked in the ice, icebergs to right and left, and in foreground a sledging party. Above, FOR ARCTIC DISCOVERIES. In exergue, 1818–1855. Ribbon: White (Plate II.). Clasps: Nil.

This award was first notified in an Admiralty Notice dated, January 30, 1857. It was given to the crews of Her Majesty’s ships employed in Arctic exploration, and also “to the officers of the French Navy, and to such volunteers as accompanied those expeditions”; also to those engaged in expeditions “equipped by the government and citizens of the United States”: also to the “commanders and crews of the several expeditions which originated in the zeal and humanity of Her Majesty’s subjects”: and finally to those who served “in the several land expeditions, whether equipped by Her Majesty’s government, by the Hudson’s Bay Company, or from private resources.” The medal is worn on the left breast and takes rank as a war medal. It is octagonal in shape, 1·3 in., and has affixed to the upper edge a five-pointed star to which is attached a ring for suspension. The head of the queen, which is the work of L.&amp;nbsp;C. Wyon, has never been reproduced on any other medal.

21. ''Indian Mutiny'', 1857–58.—Awarded by the Government of India, 1858. Obverse: Head of Queen Victoria as on First China Medal. Reverse: Britannia standing facing left with a lion on her right side; her right arm is extended holding out a wreath; on her left arm is the Union shield, and in her left hand a wreath. Above, INDIA. In exergue, 1857–1858. Ribbon: White, with two red stripes, forming five {{EB1911 tfrac|4}}-inch stripes (Plate I.). Clasps: DELHI (May 30 to Sep. 14, 1857); DEFENCE OF LUCKNOW (June 29
to Sep. 25, 1857); RELIEF OF LUCKNOW (Nov., 1857); LUCKNOW (March 2 to 21, 1858); CENTRAL INDIA (Jan. to June 1858).

The grant of this award was first notified in a despatch from the Court of Directors to the Government which stated that “the Queen has been graciously pleased to command that a Medal shall be granted to the troops in the Service of Her Majesty, and of the East India Company, who have been, or may be, employed in the suppression of the Mutiny in India.” This is the last medal given by the Honourable East India Company. The medal without clasp was awarded to all, including civilians, who had taken part in operations against the mutineers or rebels, and with the clasps enumerated above to those who shared in the operations specified. Some two or three artillery men are known to have received the medal with the clasps “Delhi,” “Relief of Lucknow,” “Lucknow” and “Central India.” The medal with three clasps, viz. “Delhi,” “Relief of Lucknow” and “Lucknow” was given only to the 9th Lancers and the Bengal Horse Artillery, and of course various officers who served on the staff, as, for example, Field Marshals Earl Roberts and Sir Henry Norman. With regard to the Royal Navy and Royal Marines, the “Shannon’s” brigade, under Captain Peel, received the medal with one, or both, of the clasps “Relief of Lucknow,” “Lucknow,” the “Pearl’s” brigade, under Captain Sotheby received the medal without clasp. This is the last medal that had on it the beautiful head of Queen Victoria which was first used for the China Medal of 1842, and of which W. Wyon, R.A., was the artist.

22. ''Abyssinia'', 1867–68.—Awarded by Queen Victoria, 1868. Obverse: Bust of Queen Victoria, with diadem and veil; around an indented border, between the nine points of which are the letters A.B.Y.S.S.I.N.I.A. Reverse: Within a beaded circle the name of recipient, his corps, regiment or ship, the whole surrounded with a wreath of laurel. Ribbon: Red, with broad white borders &lt;ins&gt;(&lt;/ins&gt;Plate I.). Clasps: Nil.

The sanction of this award is to be found in a letter from Sir J. S. Pakington, secretary of state for war, to H.R.H. the duke of Cambridge, field-marshal commanding-in-chief, which notifies the queen’s pleasure “that a medal be granted to all Her Majesty’s Forces and Indian Forces, Naval and Military, employed in the operations in Abyssinia, which resulted in the capture of Magdala.” In all 20,000 medals were struck. The medal is smaller than the usual, 1{{EB1911 tfrac|4}}in. in diameter, and it is surmounted by an Imperial Crown, and a large silver ring for suspension. It is altogether an unusual type of medal, and in the use of an indented border it follows a very old precedent, that of a medal commemorating the victory of Valens over Procopius, {{asc|A. D.}} 365. (See ''Les Médaillons de l’empire romain'', by W. Froehner, Paris, 1878). The artists responsible for this medal are Joseph S. Wyon and Alfred B. Wyon, and this bust of the queen is reproduced on only one other medal, the New Zealand.

23. ''New Zealand'', 1845–47, 1860–66.—Awarded by Queen Victoria, 1869. Obverse: Bust of Queen Victoria as on Abyssinia medal, but larger. Legend: VICTORIA D:G:BRITT: REG:F:D: Reverse: Dated, within a wreath of laurel, according to the period in which the recipient served. Above, NEW ZEALAND; below, VIRTUTIS HONOR. Ribbon: Blue, with a broad red stripe down centre (Plate I.). Clasps: Nil.

The grant of this award to the Army was notified in an Army Order, dated March 1, 1869, and its extension to the Royal Navy and Royal Marines by an Admiralty Order, dated June 3, 1869. Owing to incompleteness in the returns many medals were issued undated. The dates on the reverse, in those issued dated, varied considerably; for the First Maori War, the medal was issued to the Army with one, and to the Navy with five different dates; for the Second Maori War, the medal was issued to the Army with twenty-one, and to the Navy with five different dates. No medal was dated 1862, though many of the Army medals bore date of a period covering that year, although no naval medals did.

24. ''West Africa'', 1873–1900.—Awarded (originally as the “Ashantee” medal) by Queen Victoria in 1874, with the exception of the last issue, with clasp “1900,” which was awarded by H.M. King Edward VII. Obverse: Head of Queen Victoria, with diadem, and veil behind, by L.&amp;nbsp;C. Wyon. Legend: VICTORIA REGINA. Reverse: British soldiers fighting savages in thick bush, by Sir E.&amp;nbsp;J. Poynter. Ribbon: Yellow, with black borders, and two narrow black stripes (Plate II.). Clasps: COOMASSIE, 1887–8, 1891–2, 1892, 1893–94; WITU, 1890;&lt;ref name=admiralty&gt;Were awarded by the Admiralty to certain local forces which co-operated with the Naval Brigades.&lt;/ref&gt; LIWONDI, 1893;&lt;ref name=gambia/&gt; WITU, August 1893;&lt;ref name=admiralty/&gt; JUBA RIVER, 1893;&lt;ref name=admiralty/&gt; LAKE NYASSA, 1893;&lt;ref name=gambia&gt;These clasps were all naval awards, but two companies of the West India Regiment took part in the operations for which the clasp “Gambia, 1894,” was awarded.&lt;/ref&gt; GAMBIA, 1894;&lt;ref name=gambia/&gt; BENIN RIVER, 1894;&lt;ref name=admiralty/&gt; BRASS RIVER, 1895;&lt;ref name=admiralty/&gt; MWELE, 1895;&lt;ref name=admiralty/&gt; &lt;ref&gt;“Mwele, 1895,” is not strictly speaking a clasp, as it is engraved on the edge of the medal. Recipients already in possession of the medal were entitled to have the action and date engraved thereon. It corresponds, however, to a clasp in that it commemorates a particular service, and so has been included.&lt;/ref&gt; NIGER, 1897; BENIN, 1897;&lt;ref name=admiralty/&gt; SIERRA LEONE, 1898–99; 1896–98, 1897–98, 1898, 1899, 1900.

This medal was first awarded by Army Order 43, dated June 1, 1874, to “all of Her Majesty’s Forces who have been employed on the Gold Coast during the operations against the King of Ashantee,” and in addition a clasp, “Coomassie,” “in the case of those who were present at Amoaful and the actions between that place and Coomassie (including the capture of the capital), and of those who, during the five days of those actions, were engaged on the north of the Prah in maintaining and protecting the communications of the main army.” In all, with and without the clasp, 11,000 medals were issued for the Ashantee campaign to both Services. Over eighteen years later this same medal was re-issued as a “general service” medal, the award being for operations in Central Africa, and on the East and West Coasts, during the period 1887–92, which were covered by the dated clasps “1887–8,” “1891–2,” and “1892.” As such the issue was continued for operations down to the year 1900, although the official title “West&lt;noinclude&gt;{{EB1911 fine print/e}}
{{rule}}{{smallrefs|90%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>A Dictionary of Music and Musicians/Circassienne, La</title>
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      <text bytes="346" xml:space="preserve">{{DMM
 | volume      = 1
 | contributor = George Grove
 | previous    = Cipriani, Lorenzo
 | next        = Cis
 | wikipedia   = La circassienne
 | score       = 
 | type        = work
 | notes       = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;A Dictionary of Music and Musicians vol 1.djvu&quot; from=371 to=371 fromsection=&quot;Circassienne, La&quot; tosection=&quot;Circassienne, La&quot; /&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 19.djvu/335</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <comment>a quick proof</comment>
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      <text bytes="9087" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|320|NEAL, D.|NEANDER, JOACHIM|  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Neagh, Lough&quot; /&gt;streams, the river Bann alone carries off its waters, flowing
northward. The principal feeders are the Main on the north,
the Crumlin (whose waters have petrifying powers) on the east,
the Bann and Blackwater on the south, and the Ballinderry and
Moyola on the west. Antrim and Toome, at the N.E. and N.W.
respectively, are the only towns immediately on the shores.
The islands are few and near the shores; namely, Skady Tower
on the north, Ram's Island (with a ruined round tower) on the
east, Ready and Coney Islands on the southwest. The lough
abounds in fish, including gillaroo trout, char and pullen or
fresh-water herring. A tradition that the lough rose suddenly
from a fountain, inundating a populous district, and that remains
of buildings may be seen below the waters, finds place in Thomas
Moore's ballad ''Let Erin remember''.

&lt;section end=&quot;Neagh, Lough&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''NEAL, DANIEL''' (1678–1743), English historian, born in
London on the 14th of December 1678, was educated at the
Merchant Taylors' School, and at the universities of Utrecht
and Leiden. In 1704 he became assistant minister, and in 1706
sole minister, of an independent congregation worshipping in
Aldersgate Street, and afterwards in Jewin Street, London,
where he remained almost until his death on the 4th of April
1743. He married Elizabeth Lardner (d. 1748), by whom he had
one son, Nathanael, and two daughters. In 1720 Neal published
his History of New England, which obtained for its author the
honorary degree of M.A. from Harvard college. He
also undertook to assist Dr John Evans in writing a history of
Nonconformity. Evans, however, died in 1730, and, making
use of his papers for the period before 1640, Neal wrote the
whole of the work himself. This History of the Puritans deals
with the time between the Reformation and 1689; the first
volume appearing in 1732, and the fourth and last in 1738.
The first volume was attacked in 1733 for unfairness and inaccuracy
by Isaac Maddox, afterwards bishop of St Asaph and
of Worcester, to whom Neal replied in a pamphlet, A Review of
the principal facts objected to in the first volume of the History of
the Puritans; and the remaining volumes by Zachary Grey
(1688–1766), to whom the author made no reply.

The History of the Puritans was edited, in five volumes, by Dr Joshua Toulmin (1740–1815), who added a life of Neal in 1797. This was reprinted in 1822, and an edition in two volumes was published in New York in 1844.

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''NEAL, DAVID DALHOFF''' (1838–{{gap}}), American artist, was
born at Lowell, Massachusetts, on the 20th of October 1838.
He was a pupil of the Royal Academy, Munich, under Max.
E. Ainmiller, whose daughter he subsequently married. Later
he entered the studio of Piloty, with whom he remained from
1869 to 1876. His picture, “The First Meeting of Mary Stuart
and Rizzio,” won for him the great medal of the Royal Bavarian
Academy of Art. Besides portraits his canvases include “James
Watt,” a large historical composition shown at the Royal
Academy, 1874, “Chapel of the Kings at Westminster” (collection
of F. Cutting, Boston) and “Cromwell visiting Milton”
(Hurlbut collection, Cleveland, Ohio).

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''NEALE, EDWARD VANSITTART''' (1810–1892), English
co-operator and Christian Socialist, was born at Bath on the
2nd of April 1810, the son of a Buckinghamshire clergyman.
After receiving his earlier education at home he went to Oriel
College, Oxford. In 1837 he was called to the bar at Lincoln's
Inn. He became a member of the Christian Socialists in 1850
and also joined the council of the Society for Promoting Working
Men's Associations. His wealth enabled him to carry out
experiments in co-operation on a larger scale than had been
previously attempted. He founded the first co-operative store
in London, and advanced the capital for two builders' associations,
both of which failed. In 1851, though strongly opposed by other
members of the promoting “Council,” he started on his own
initiative the Central Co-operative Agency, similar in many
respects to the Co-operative Wholesale Society of a later day.
The failure of this scheme, together with that of the operatives
cause in the engineering lock-out of 1852 is said to have cost him
£40,000. It is certain that until in later life he inherited the
estate of Bisham Abbey in Berkshire he was, comparatively
speaking, a poor man. He was closely associated with the
movement which resulted in the Industrial and Provident
Societies Act of 1876, and the passing of the Consolidation Act of
1862 was almost entirely due to his efforts. Besides publishing
pamphlets on co-operation he served on the executive committee
which afterwards developed into the Central Co-operative
Board, and took an active part in the formation of the North of
England Co-operative Wholesale Society in 1863. One of the
founders of the Cobden mills in 1866, and the Agricultural and
Horticultural Association in 1867, he also promoted the annual
co-operative congress, afterwards becoming general secretary
of the Central Board. He was also a director of the Co-operative
Insurance Company and a member of the Co-operative Newspaper
Society for many years. He visited America in 1875 with
a deputation whose object was to open up a direct trade between
the farmers of the western states and the English co-operative
stores. After resigning the post of secretary to the congress
board in 1891, he became a member of the Oxford University
branch of the Christian Social Union. He died on the 16th of
September 1892.

&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;[[Author:John Mason Neale|'''NEALE, JOHN MASON''']] (1818–1866), English divine and
scholar, was born in London on the 24th of January 1818, and was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge. Here he was affected by the Oxford movement, and helped to found the Camden (afterwards the Ecclesiological) Society. Though he took orders in 1841, ill-health prevented his settling in England till 1846, when he became warden of Sackville College, an almshouse at East Grinstead, an appointment which he held till his death on the 6th of August 1866.

Neale was strongly high-church in his sympathies, and had to endure a good deal of opposition, including a, fourteen years inhibition by his bishop. In 1855 he founded a nursing sisterhood
named St Margaret's. He occupies a high place as a hymnologist,
but principally as a translator of ancient and medieval
hymns, the best known being probably “Brief life is here 'our
portion,” “To thee, O dear, dear country,” and “Jerusalem,
the golden,” which are included in the poem of Bernard of
Cluny, ''De Contemptu Mundi'', translated by him in full. He also
published An Introduction to the ''History of the Holy Eastern''
''Church'' (1850, 2 vols.); ''History of the so-called Jansenist Church of Holland'' (1858); ''Essays on Liturgiology and Church History'' (1863); and many other works.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See ''Life'' by his daughter, Mrs Charles Towle (1907); the Memoir by his friend, R. F. Littledale; and the ''Letters of John Mason Neale'' (1910), selected and edited by his daughter. For a complete list of Neale's works see article in Diet. of Nat. Biog. xl.&amp;nbsp;145.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''NEAMTZU''' (Neamlu), a town in Rumania, situated among the lower slopes of the Carpathian Mountains, and on the left
bank of the river Neamtzu, an affluent of the Moldova. Pop.
(1960) 8578, about half being Jews. Neamtzu gives its name
to the Department of which Piatra is the capital. Lying 15 m.
S. by E. of Falticheni, the nearest railway station, it has little
trade. Near it is the ruined fortress of Neamtzu, constructed
early in the 13th century by the Teutonic knights of Andrew II.,
king of Hungary, in order to repel the incursions of the
Cumanians. An hour's drive to the west of the town is the
monastery of Neamtzu, founded in the 14th century, and containing
two churches and many ancient and interesting relics.
Before the secularization of the monastic lands in 1864, it was one
of the richest and most important of the Rumanian monasteries.
Baltzatesti, 10 m. W. by S. of Neamtzu, is locally famous for its
mineral springs and baths.

&lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;'''NEANDER, JOACHIM''' (1650–1680), German hymn writer, was born at Bremen. The family name, originally Neumann, had, according to the prevailing fashion a century earlier, been Graecized as Neander. After studying at Heidelberg and Frankfort, where he formed friendships with Friedrich Spanheim (1632–1701) and Philipp Jakob Spener (1635–1705), he settled at Dusseldorf as rector of the Latin school in Connexion with the Reformed Church. In 1676 he incurred church censure for abstaining and inducing others to abstain from joining
in the celebration of the communion. It was during the term of&lt;section end=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The organisation of the Royal Naval Artillery Volunteers explained.djvu/21</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1593749</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506312</id>
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      <text bytes="1693" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Kathleen.wright5&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Royal Naval Artillery Volunteers.''|17}}{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{RL sidenote|The officers of the corps}}officered has been one of the most frequent subjects of discussion among those who have associated themselves with the movement from the commencement, and who have been provisionally enrolled, with the sanction of the Admiralty, in anticipation of the passing of the Act of Parliament of last year.

A desire has been expressed that no officers should be appointed to the corps, but that the Volunteers should serve only under direct naval command. Practically, the desire, so strongly felt, has been fulfilled in the arrangements which have actually been made.

Whenever called upon to serve afloat, or when embarked for the purpose of training, the Volunteers will be under the command of the officer, commanding the ship, in which they may be. When embarked for their first cruise in the autumn of the present year, the arrangements were, of necessity, experimental and provisional. There was a natural desire on the part of the officer commanding the 'Foam' to meet the wishes of the Volunteers themselves in every possible way, consistent with the efficient performance of the service, and the carrying on of the drills and exercises required. The same considerate spirit will doubtless prevail on all future occasions; but the Volunteers, who make themselves acquainted with the regulations, will clearly perceive that, whenever they embark, they place themselves under direct naval authority; and that, when afloat, their own officers are never to assume any naval command or authority whatever, unless ordered to do so by their superior naval officers.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The organisation of the Royal Naval Artillery Volunteers explained.djvu/29</title>
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    <id>1593765</id>
    <revision>
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      <parentid>8443280</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1807" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Beeswaxcandle&quot; /&gt;{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger|REGULATIONS}}

FOR THE 

{{xx-larger|&quot;ROYAL NAVAL ARTILLERY VOLUNTEERS.&quot;}}


{{rule|10em}}


CONSTITUTION AND ESTABLISHMENT.}}

{{RL sidenote|Authority}}1. {{sc|The}} &quot;Royal Naval Artillery Volunteers &quot; are raised under the &quot;Royal Naval Artillery Volunteer Act of 1873.&quot;

They are subject to the provisions of that Act, and to all regulations made with regard to them by the authority of the Admiralty.

{{RL sidenote|Liability for actual service}}2. By Royal Proclamation, the Royal Naval Artillery Volunteers may be assembled for actual service; and whenever so assembled, they will be liable to serve on board any of Her Majesty's ships or vessels employed in the defence of the coasts of the United Kingdom, or in any of the tenders or boats attached to such vessels.

They will also be liable to perform all the ordinary duties of the vessel in which they may be embarked, in the same manner as those duties are performed by the regular crews of Her Majesty's ships, except those duties that can only be performed by practical seamen.

They will not be required to go aloft, or to attend the fires in the stoke-hole.

They will accommodate themselves to the berthing and messing arrangements usual for the Seamen of the Royal Navy.

{{RL sidenote|Corps, definition of.}}3. A Corps is a body of persons who combine, under common rules, to form a part of the Naval Artillery Volunteer force.

The members of a Corps are either enrolled or honorary.

{{RL sidenote|Enrolled Members.}}Enrolled members are persons of every grade, whose names are duly entered for service in the muster-rolls of a Corps.

{{RL sidenote|Honorary members}}Honorary members are persons who contribute to the Honorary funds of a Corps, but are not enrolled for service.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The organisation of the Royal Naval Artillery Volunteers explained.djvu/30</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1593766</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506311</id>
      <parentid>8443281</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:19:10Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="3517" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Kathleen.wright5&quot; /&gt;{{c|26}}{{sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{left sidenote|Formation}}4. The Naval Artillery Volunteer Force, for administrative purposes, will be formed into Brigades, and each Brigade will consist of four or more Batteries of from 60 to 80 men.

{{left sidenote|How to be named.}}5. Each Brigade will be designated by a local name, in addition to its number in the Force.

Each Battery will be designated by its number in the Brigade.

Every Corps will bear a local name only.

{{left sidenote|Commanding Officers}}6. Each Brigade will be commanded by a Lieutenant Commanding.

Each Battery will be commanded by a Sub-Lieutenant.

Every Corps will have a Commanding Officer, who will of necessity be the Senior Officer belonging to the Corps, no matter what his rank may be, and who will be responsible, under the &quot;Naval Artillery Volunteer Act, 1873,&quot; for the management of the internal affairs of the Corps.

{{left sidenote|Establishment}}7. The following table contains the authorised establishment for Brigades and the Batteries composing them:—

{| align=&quot;center&quot; {{ts|bt3|bb3|bc}}
|colspan=3 {{ts|bb}}|{{gap}}
|{{ts|ac|bl|br|bb}}|Battery
|{{ts|ac|bb}}|Brigade&lt;br /&gt;of four&lt;br /&gt;batteries
|{{ts|bb|bl|br|ac}}|Brigade&lt;br /&gt;of six&lt;br /&gt;batteries
|{{ts|ac|bb}}|Brigade&lt;br /&gt;of eight&lt;br /&gt;batteries
|-
|colspan=3|Lieutenant-commander
|{{ts|bl|ac|br}}|…
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|{{ts|ar|bl|br}}|1
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|-
|colspan=3|Sub-lieutenant
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|1
|{{ts|ar}}|4
|{{ts|ar|bl|br}}|6
|{{ts|ar}}|8
|-
|colspan=3|Chief petty officer
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|1
|{{ts|ar}}|4
|{{ts|ar|bl|br}}|6
|{{ts|ar}}|8
|-
|colspan=3|First-class petty officer
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|2
|{{ts|ar}}|8
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|12
|{{ts|ar}}|16
|-
|colspan=3|Second-class petty officer
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|2
|{{ts|ar}}|8
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|12
|{{ts|ar}}|16
|-
|colspan=3|Buglers
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|2
|{{ts|ar}}|8
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|12
|{{ts|ar}}|16
|-
|colspan=2 rowspan=2 {{ts|it1}}|Leading gunners and gunners&lt;br /&gt;(equivalent to leading seamen and able seamen)
|{{ts|ar}} rowspan=2|{{brace2|2|l}}
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|71&lt;br /&gt;{{rule|2em}}
|{{ts|ar}}|275&lt;br /&gt;{{rule|2em}}
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|421&lt;br /&gt;{{rule|2em}}
|{{ts|ar}}|563&lt;br /&gt;{{rule|2em}}
|-
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|51
|{{ts|ar}}|195
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|301
|{{ts|ar}}|403
|-
|rowspan=5|Staff {{brace2|5|l}}
|Lieutenant-instructor
|
|{{ts|bl|br|ac}}|…
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|1
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|-
|First-class petty officer instructor
|
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|1
|{{ts|ar}}|4
|{{ts|ar|bl|br}}|6
|{{ts|ar}}|8
|-
|Surgeon
|
|{{ts|bl|br|ac}}|… 
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|1
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|-
|Bugle-major
|
|{{ts|bl|br|ac}}|…
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|1
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|-
|Armourer
|
|{{ts|bl|br|ac}}|…
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|1
|{{ts|ar}}|1
|-
|colspan=2 rowspan=2 {{ts|pl5|vmi}}|Total enrolled
|{{ts|ar}} rowspan=2|{{brace2|2|l}}
|{{ts|bl|br|bt|ar}}|80&lt;br /&gt;{{rule|2em}}
|{{ts|ar|bt}}|320&lt;br /&gt;{{rule|2em}}
|{{ts|ar|bl|br|bt}}|480&lt;br /&gt;{{rule|2em}}
|{{ts|ar|bt}}|640&lt;br /&gt;{{rule|2em}}
|-
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|60
|{{ts|ar}}|240
|{{ts|bl|br|ar}}|360
|{{ts|ar}}|480
|}

In this table, two numbers divided by a line signify the maximum and minimum strength—thus {{sfrac|80|60}} means not more than 80 and not less than 60.


{{c|FORMATION OF CORPS.}}

{{left sidenote|Course to be pursued for the formation of a new corps}}&lt;!--continuation of sidenote brought back from next page for transclusion reasons--&gt;8. Persons wishing to form a Corps to form part of a Brigade of Royal Naval Artillery Volunteers should place&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Mexico, Aztec, Spanish and Republican, Vol 1.djvu/16</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1607154</id>
    <revision>
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      <parentid>7888348</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:20:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2954" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Kathleen.wright5&quot; /&gt;{{rh|4|{{sp|{{smaller|PREFACE.}}}}| }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sp|II. DESCRIPTIVE.}}}}

&lt;div {{ts|width:430px;|sm90|lh12|mc}}&gt;
&lt;poem&gt;
{{Multicol}}
Humboldt, Essai Politique sur la 
{{gap|1em}}Nouvelle Espagne. 
Poinsett's Notes on Mexico. 
Bullock's Mexico. 
Lieut. Hardy's Journey in Mexico. 
Ward's Mexico in 1827. 
Folsom's Mexico in 1842. 
Mühlenpfordt—Die Republik 
{{gap|1em}}Mejico.
Mejico en 1842, por Luis Manuel
{{gap|1em}}de Rivero.
Mexico as it Was and as it Is, 1844. 
Ensayo sobre el verdadero estado
{{gap|1em}}de la cuestion social y politica
{{gap|1em}}que se agita en la Republica
{{gap|1em}}Mejicana, por Otero, 1842.
Madame Calderon de la Barca's 
{{gap|1em}}Life in Mexico. 
Kennedy's Texas. 
Emory, Abert, Cooke and Johns-
{{gap|1em}}ton—Journals in New Mexico
{{gap|1em}}and California—1848.
Frémont's Expeditions, 1842-'3-'4. 
Frémont's California, 1848. 
T. Butler King's Report on Cali-
{{gap|1em}}fornia, 1850.
W. Carey Jones's do. do. 1850.
Executive documents in relation
{{gap|1em}}to California, 1850.
Forbes's California. 
Bryant's{{gap|1em}}do.
Kendall's Santa Fé Expedition.
Wilkes's Exploring Expedition.
Wise—Los Gringos.
Ruxton's Travels in Mexico, &amp;c.
Norman's Rambles in Yucatan.
{{gap|1em}}&quot;{{gap|3em}}&quot;{{gap|1em}}in Mexico.
Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies.
Dr. Wislizenius's Memoir on New
{{gap|1em}}Mexico.
Stephens's Central America. 
{{gap|1em}}&quot;{{gap|1em}}Yucatan.
Gama—Piedras Antiguas de Me-
{{gap|1em}}jico.
El Museo Mejicano.
{{Multicol-break}}
Isidro R. Gondra's Notes on Mexi-
{{gap|1em}}can Antiquities, in the 3rd vol. 
{{gap|1em}}(with plates) of the Mexican
{{gap|1em}}translation of Prescott. 
Nebel—Voyage Arquéologique et
{{gap|1em}}Pittoresque en Mexique.
Memoir of the Mexican Minister
{{gap|1em}}of Foreign and Domestic Af-
{{gap|1em}}fairs on the condition of the
{{gap|1em}}country in{{gap}}1846.
Idem in{{gap}}1849.
Memoir of the Mexican Minister
{{gap|1em}}of War, 1844.
Idem in 1846. 
Idem in 1849. 
Memoir of the Mexican Minister 
{{gap|1em}}of Finance on the condition of
{{gap|1em}}the Treasury, 1841.
Idem in 1846.
Idem in 1848. 
Idem in 1849. 
Memoir on the Agriculture and
{{gap|1em}}Manufactures of Mexico, by Don
{{gap|1em}}Lucas Alaman, 1843.
Memoir on the Liquidation of the 
{{gap|1em}}National Debt, by Alaman, 1845.
Noticias Estadisticas del Estado
{{gap|1em}}de Chihuahua, 1834.
Noticias Estadisticas sobre el De-
{{gap|1em}}partamento de Queretaro, 1845.
Nos. 1, 2, 3, Boletin del Instituto
{{gap|1em}}Nacional de Geografia y Esta-
{{gap|1em}}distica, 1839-1849.
Collecion de documentos relativos
{{gap|1em}}al departamento de Californias,
{{gap|1em}}1846.
El Observador Judicial de Mejico.
Semanario de la Industria Meji-
{{gap|1em}}cana.
El Mosaico Mejicano. 
Journal des Economistes.
Lyell's Geology. 
Lerdo—Consideraciones sobre la
{{gap|1em}}condicion social y politica de
{{gap|1em}}la Republica Mejicana en 1847.
{{Multicol-end}}
&lt;/poem&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Repertory of Practice of United Nations Organs - Article 73 Supplement No 3 Volume 3.pdf/3</title>
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|-{{ts|vbm}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;|{{hii|2.4|1.2}}7. Recommendations concerning foreign immigrants and foreign economic interests&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|671-688
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}a. General&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|671-672
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}b. Territories under Portuguese administration&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|673-685
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}c. Southern Rhodesia&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|686-688
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|2.4|1.2}}8. Requests to international institutions and specialised agencies&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|689-711
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}a. Withholding of assistance to Portugal and South Africa&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|689-697
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}b. Assistance to Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|698-707
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}c. Assistance to Refugees &lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|708-711
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|5.1|1.2}}i. General&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|708
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|4.9|1.2}}ii. From Aden and the Aden Protectorates&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|709
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|4.8|1.2}}iii. From territories under Portuguese administration&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|710
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|4.8|1.2}}iv. From Southern Rhodesia&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|711
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|2.4|1.2}}9. Recommendations concerning and United Nations participation in processes to ascertain the freely expressed wishes of the people of Non-Self-Governing Territories regarding their future political status&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|712-766
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}a. Aden&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|712-730
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}b. Cook Islands&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|731-751
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}c. Equatorial Guinea (Fernando Poo and Rio Muni)&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|752-758
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}d. Sabah (North Borneo) and Sarawak&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|759-762
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}e. West New Guinea (West Irian)&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|763-766
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|2.4|1.2}}10. Decisions taken in cases where sovereignty was in dispute, including those where the question of the compatibility of the principles of self-determination and territorial integrity arose&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|767-876
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}a. Falkland Islands (Malvinas)&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|767-786
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}b. Gibraltar&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|787-822
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}c. Ifni and Spanish Sahara&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|823-840
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}d. West New Guinea (West Irian)&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|841-876
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|2.4|1.2}}11. Recommendations relating to racial discrimination&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|877-881
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|2.4|1.2}}12. The establishment of scholarship programmes&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|882-898
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}a. General programme&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|882-886
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|3.4|1.2}}b. Special training programmes for territories under Portuguese administration . .&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|887-898
|-{{ts|vbm}
|{{hii|2.4|1.2}}13. Recommendations concerning the dissemination of information on the United Nations and on the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial 
Countries and Peoples&lt;/div&gt;
|width=&quot;25px&quot; {{ts|ar}}|899-904
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Mexico, Aztec, Spanish and Republican, Vol 1.djvu/337</title>
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      <text bytes="3850" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;William Maury Morris II&quot; /&gt;{{rh| |{{smaller|HE RESTORES PEDRAZA AND BECOMES PRESIDENT. }}|319 }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The country was opposed to him. He was wise enough to perceive that his usurped power was lost; and prudently entered into a pacific convention with Santa Anna at Zavaleta in December, 1832. The successful insurgent immediately despatched a vessel for the banished Pedraza, and brought him back to the capital to serve out the remaining three months of his unexpired administration!

The object of Santa Anna in restoring Pedraza was not to sustain any one of the old parties which had now become strangely mingled and confused by the factions or ambitions of all the leaders. His main design was to secure the services and influence of the centralists, as far as they were yet available, in controling his election to the presidency upon which he had fixed his heart. On the 16th of May, 1833, he reached the goal of his ambition.&lt;ref&gt;The following letter from Santa Anna to a distinguished foreigner, will afford the reader a specimen of his personal modesty and political humility. The individual to whom it was written, was afterwards expelled by Santa Anna from the republic during his presidency, after having been invited by him to the country:

{{right|&quot;{{sc|Vera Cruz}}, October 31th, 1831.}}

&quot;{{sc|My Esteemed Friend}}:—I have the pleasure to answer your favor of the 5th ultimo, by which I perceive that my letter of the 9th of April last, came to hand. I have received the prospectus of the &quot;Foreign College&quot; you contemplate to establish, which not only meets with my entire approbation, but, considering your talents and uncommon acquirements, I congratulate you on employing them in a manner so generally useful, and personally honorable. I thank you cordially for the news and observations you have had the kindness to communicate to me, and both make me desire the continuation of your esteemed epistles. ''Retired as I am, on my farm, and there exclusively devoted to the cultivation and improvement of my small estate, I cannot reply, as I desire, to the news with which you have favored me.'' But, even in that retirement, and though separated from the arena of politics, I could never view with indifference any discredit thrown on my country, nor any thing which might, in the smallest degree, possess that tendency. We enjoy at present peace and tranquillity, and I do not know of any other question of public interest now in agitation, than the approaching elections of President and Vice President. When that period shall arrive, should I obtain a majority of suffrages, I am ''ready to accept'' the honor, and to sacrifice, for the benefit of the nation my repose and the charms of private life. ''My fixed system is to be called'' (ser llamado), resembling in this a ''modest maid'' (modesta doncella), ''who rather expects to he desired, than to show herself to be desiring''. I think that my position justifies me in this respect. Nevertheless, as what is written in a foreign country has much influence at home, especially among us, in your city I think it proper to ''make a great step on this subject''; and by fixing the true aspect, in which such or such services should be regarded, as respects the various candidates, one could undoubtedly contribute ''to fix here public opinion, which is at present extremely wavering and uncertain.'' Of course, this is the peculiar province of the friends of Mexico; and as well by this title, as on account of the acquirements and instruction you possess, ''I know of no one better qualified than yourself to execute such a benevolent'' ''undertaking.'' *   *   *   *   *

&quot;I hope you will favor me from time to time with information, which will always give satisfaction to your ''true friend'' and servant, who kisses your hand.&quot;
{{right|{{sc|&quot;Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna.&quot;}}}}&lt;/ref&gt;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <parentid>7890485</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:21:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2678" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;William Maury Morris II&quot; /&gt;{{rh|16|{{smaller|NORTH BOUNDARY — PRESENT STATES AND TERRITORIES.}}| }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;terminated by the treaty negotiated at the town of Guadalupe, by Mr. Trist, on the 2d of February, 1848; and, by this compact, the limit between our respective territories was greatly changed from that which had been fixed by the treaty with Spain in 1819. According to the convention of Mr. Trist, the boundary between the republics commences in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del Norte, or opposite the mouth of its deepest branch, if it should have more than one branch emptying directly into the sea; from thence it passes up the middle of that river, following the deepest channel, when it has more than one, to the point where it strikes the southern boundary of New Mexico, thence, westerly, along the whole southern boundary of New Mexico, which runs north of the town of El Paso, to its western termination;—thence northward, along the western line of New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of the river Gila, or, if it does not intersect any branch of that river, then to the point on the said line nearest to such branch, and then in a direct line to the same;—thence down the middle of the said branch and of said river, until it empties into the Rio Colorado;—thence across the Rio Colorado, following the division line between Upper and Lower California, to the Pacific Ocean.

It will be perceived by inspecting the map that this new boundary cuts off a large portion of northern Mexico, and gives us the valuable territories of New Mexico and Upper California, together with an undisputed right to the enjoyment of Texas, which had previously been united to the North American confederacy by international contract, after the independence of Texas had been recognized by foreign nations and maintained by its own people.

The states of the Mexican Republic and its territories are, consequently, under the existing constitution, the following:

{{block center/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
&lt;div {{ts|width:430px|lh12}}&gt;
{{c|{{sc|States.}}}}
{{Multicol}}
1. Coahuila.
2. Tamaulipas.

3. Vera Cruz.
4. Tabasco.
5. Yucatan.
6. Chiapas.
7. Oajaca.
{{Multicol-break}}
8. Puebla.
9. Mexico, with the 
{{gap|1}}Federal District.
10. Michoacan.
11. Jalisco.
12. Sonora.
13. Sinaloa.
14. Chihuahua.
{{Multicol-break}}
15. Durango.
16. New Leon.

17. Zacatecas.
18. San Luis Potosi.
19. Guanajuato.
20. Queretaro.
21. Guerrero.
{{Multicol-end}}
{{sc|Territories.}}
{{Multicol}}
1. Lower California. 
{{Multicol-break}}
2. Colima. 
{{Multicol-break}}
3. Tlascala. 
{{Multicol-end}}
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{block center/e}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506318</id>
      <parentid>12506317</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:21:49Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2684" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;William Maury Morris II&quot; /&gt;{{rh|16|{{smaller|NORTH BOUNDARY — PRESENT STATES AND TERRITORIES.}}| }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;terminated by the treaty negotiated at the town of Guadalupe, by Mr. Trist, on the 2d of February, 1848; and, by this compact, the limit between our respective territories was greatly changed from that which had been fixed by the treaty with Spain in 1819. According to the convention of Mr. Trist, the boundary between the republics commences in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del Norte, or opposite the mouth of its deepest branch, if it should have more than one branch emptying directly into the sea; from thence it passes up the middle of that river, following the deepest channel, when it has more than one, to the point where it strikes the southern boundary of New Mexico, thence, westerly, along the whole southern boundary of New Mexico, which runs north of the town of El Paso, to its western termination;—thence northward, along the western line of New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of the river Gila, or, if it does not intersect any branch of that river, then to the point on the said line nearest to such branch, and then in a direct line to the same;—thence down the middle of the said branch and of said river, until it empties into the Rio Colorado;—thence across the Rio Colorado, following the division line between Upper and Lower California, to the Pacific Ocean.

It will be perceived by inspecting the map that this new boundary cuts off a large portion of northern Mexico, and gives us the valuable territories of New Mexico and Upper California, together with an undisputed right to the enjoyment of Texas, which had previously been united to the North American confederacy by international contract, after the independence of Texas had been recognized by foreign nations and maintained by its own people.

The states of the Mexican Republic and its territories are, consequently, under the existing constitution, the following:

{{block center/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
&lt;div {{ts|width:430px|lh12}}&gt;
{{c|{{sc|States.}}}}
{{Multicol}}
1. Coahuila.
2. Tamaulipas.

3. Vera Cruz.
4. Tabasco.
5. Yucatan.
6. Chiapas.
7. Oajaca.
{{Multicol-break}}
8. Puebla.
9. Mexico, with the 
{{gap|1}}Federal District.
10. Michoacan.
11. Jalisco.
12. Sonora.
13. Sinaloa.
14. Chihuahua.
{{Multicol-break}}
15. Durango.
16. New Leon.

17. Zacatecas.
18. San Luis Potosi.
19. Guanajuato.
20. Queretaro.
21. Guerrero.
{{Multicol-end}}
{{c|{{sc|Territories.}}}}
{{Multicol}}
1. Lower California. 
{{Multicol-break}}
2. Colima. 
{{Multicol-break}}
3. Tlascala. 
{{Multicol-end}}
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{block center/e}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Mexico, Aztec, Spanish and Republican, Vol 2.djvu/74</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1637439</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506320</id>
      <parentid>7891619</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:24:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
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      <text bytes="2525" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;William Maury Morris II&quot; /&gt;{{rh|54|{{smaller|MODE OF CULTIVATION.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The ''diseases'' which sometimes affect or destroy this vegetable in Mexico, as well the animals that assail it, may be summed up as follows:

1. ''La requitte'', a wasting blight which affects the maize where it is sown upon poor soil and is subjected to damp, cold weather soon after planting.

2. ''El carbon''—a vegetable fungus growth, resembling carbon or coal, which appears in the ears and destroys them. This abortion in the fruit is believed to be produced by an insect.

3. ''El hanjo''—a species of ''uredo'', which forms itself in the ear and ruins it. The disease is generally known as ''los Cuervos''.

The animals and birds that attack corn are: 

1. A sort of mole—''talpa''—which undermines the fields and destroy the young plants.

2. The ''larvæ of melolontha'', which not only seize the roots, but often destroy the stalks and ears.

3. Flocks of pilfering birds, with which the corn-fields are covered, if they are not carefully watched during the approach of harvest. Neither day nor night are the ears safe from the attacks of these pilferers; and, in order to protect the crop, watchmen are placed on high stages, overlooking the acres, whence the traveller constantly hears their shouts, during the day, or the crack of the warning whips, during the night.

Maize may be planted in Mexico at different periods of the year, especially in those districts in which, for nine months, there is always sufficient moisture. In the ''tierra caliente'', the ''rancheros'', cultivate, in this grain, the best spots lying near their dwellings. In the cooler districts they have two kinds of culture—one by irrigation, and another upon a dry soil. The latter mode is subdivided, by the Mexicans, into three kinds—the ''humido, aventureso, and temporal''.

In the first mode of cultivation the ''Maiz tardio'', is sown, and it is usually found to be the most productive. A seeding made in a soil capable of preserving the winter's moisture and the humidity of the first spring rains, is called ''siembra de aventureso''. In the ''temporal'', a quickly ripening species of corn is planted—such as the ''maiz cuarentino''—which may be cultivated either before or during the rainy season, from May to November.

It is rare that the common Mexican ''ranchero'' is sufficiently provident to select the soil for his corn crop, with due care; and accordingly we find that maize is often planted in the midst of fields abounding in stiff ungenial clay.
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Mexico, Aztec, Spanish and Republican, Vol 2.djvu/170</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1637746</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506319</id>
      <parentid>7890064</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:22:49Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
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      <text bytes="2345" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;William Maury Morris II&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Dhr|3em}}
{{c|{{x-larger|{{sp|CHAPTER XII.}}}}}}

{{c|{{larger|CONSTITUTIONS AND LAWS.}}}}

{{Dhr}}
{{rule|12em}}
{{Dhr}}

&lt;div {{ts|aj|sm90|lh12}}&gt;
{{hi|VARIOUS CHANGES OF THE MEXICAN CONSTITUTION. — PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF THE NATIONAL AND STATE GOVERNMENTS. — CONSTITUTION OF 1847. — LEGISLATIVE AND JUDICIARY — NATIONAL AND STATE. — JUDICIARY — ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE — CIVIL AND CRIMINAL PROCESS — MAL-ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. — PRISONS — CRIME — ACCORDADA. — CONDITION OF PRISONS. — STATISTICS OF CRIME IN THE CAPITAL — GARROTTE. — MEXICAN OPINIONS.}}&lt;/div&gt;

{{sc|Since}} the downfall of Iturbide the body politic of Mexico has passed through many stages of revolutionary and factious disease. Four constitutions have been formed and adopted by the people or their temporary rulers independently of the Bases de Tacubaya, under which Santa Anna ruled despotically until the month of June, 1843. These are the Federal Constitution of 1824; the Bases y Leyes Constitutionales, or, Central Constitution of 1836; the Bases Organicas de la Republica Mejicana of 1843, and the restored Federal Constitution, with amendments by an ''acta de reformas'', in 1847. Five great organic changes, in twenty-six years, have thus continually swayed the people between Federation and Centralism; and we may hope that, after all these vital alterations, besides all the minor military ''pronunciamientos'' or ''gritos'', which, in the intervals have vexed the public tranquillity, the country has, at length settled down firmly upon the reliable basis of a great but balanced confederacy.

The Constitution of 1847 creates a Federal Republic; and, with the exception of the intolerant articles in regard to religion upon which we have commented in the preceding chapter, it is a document worthy of freemen who desire to avoid consolidation and are anxious to preserve the distinct, responsible activity of their states. This instrument, after indicating the subdivision of the whole territory into the states heretofore enumerated in Chapter 1st, deposes the national legislative power in a Congress formed of a house of representatives and a senate, the representatives being chosen every two years by the citizens of the states, in the ratio of one for every fifty thousand souls or for any fraction beyond twenty-five&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Author:William Russell Flint</title>
    <ns>102</ns>
    <id>1672771</id>
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        <id>2427564</id>
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      <text bytes="256" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = William Russell
 | lastname     = Flint
 | last_initial = Fl
 | description  = Scottish artist and illustrator
 }}

==Works==
* (illus.) ''[[Ruddigore]]'' (1912)
* {{WD version|Q113257571|}}


{{PD/US|1969}}
{{authority control}}</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>A Dictionary of Music and Musicians/Mercy, Louis</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>1684362</id>
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      <id>12506371</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:09:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>AtticTapestry</username>
        <id>974317</id>
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      <minor />
      <comment>Link to WP article</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="352" xml:space="preserve">{{DMM
 | volume      = 2
 | contributor = William H. Husk
 | previous    = Mercure de France
 | next        = Méric, Madame
 | wikipedia   = Luigi Merci
 | score       = 
 | type        = composer
 | notes       = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;A Dictionary of Music and Musicians vol 2.djvu&quot; from=325 to=325 fromsection=&quot;Mercy, Louis&quot; tosection=&quot;Mercy, Louis&quot; /&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>A Dictionary of Music and Musicians/Mingotti, Regina</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>1687058</id>
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      <id>12506417</id>
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      <text bytes="350" xml:space="preserve">{{DMM
 | volume      = 2
 | contributor = Julian Marshall
 | previous    = Minacciando
 | next        = Minim
 | wikipedia   = Regina Mingotti
 | score       = 
 | type        = biography
 | notes       = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;A Dictionary of Music and Musicians vol 2.djvu&quot; from=343 to=344 fromsection=&quot;Mingotti, Regina&quot; tosection=&quot;Mingotti, Regina&quot; /&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 01.djvu/157</title>
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      <text bytes="9571" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|126|ACCUMULATOR||  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;of timber or wood upon any lands or tenements.  The act was extended to heritable property in Scotland by the Entail Amendment Act 1848, but does not apply to property in Ireland. The act was further amended by the Accumulations Act 1892, which forbids accumulations for the purpose of the purchase of land for any longer period than during the minority of any person or persons who, if of full age, would be entitled to receive the income. (See also {{EB1911 article link|Trust|Trust and Trustees}} and {{EB1911 article link|Perpetuity}}.)

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''ACCUMULATOR,''' the term applied to a number of devices whose function is to store energy in one form or another, as, for example, the hydraulic accumulator of Lord Armstrong (see {{EB1911 article link|Hydraulics}}, sec.  179).  In the present article the term is restricted to its use in electro-technology, in which it describes a special type of battery.  The ordinary voltaic cell is made by bringing together certain chemicals, whose reaction maintains the electric currents taken from the cell.  When exhausted, such cells can be restored by replacing the spent materials, by a fresh “charge” of the original substances.  But in some cases it is not necessary to get rid of the spent materials, because they can be brought back to their original state by forcing a reverse current through the cell.  The reverse current reverses the chemical action and re-establishes the original conditions, thus enabling the cell to repeat its electrical work.  Cells which can thus be “re-charged” by the action of a reverse current are called accumulators because they “accumulate” the chemical work of an electric current.  An accumulator is also known as a “reversible battery,” “storage battery” or “secondary battery.” The last name dates from the early days of electrolysis.  When a liquid like sulphuric acid was electrolysed for a moment with the aid of platinum electrodes, it was found that the electrodes could themselves produce a current when detached from the primary battery.  Such a current was attributed to an “electric polarization” of the electrodes, and was regarded as having a secondary nature, the implication being that the phenomenon was almost equivalent to a storage of electricity. It is now known that the platinum electrodes stored, not electricity, but the products of electro-chemical decomposition.  Hence if the two names, secondary and storage cells, are used, they are liable to be misunderstood unless the interpretation now put on them be kept in mind. “Reversible battery” is an excellent name for accumulators. 

Sir W. R. Grove first used “polarization” effects in his gas battery, but R. L. G. Planté (1834–1889) laid the foundation of modern methods.  That he was clear as to the function of an accumulator is obvious from his declaration that the lead-sulphuric acid cell could retain its charge for a long time, and had the power d’emmagasiner ainsi le travail chimique de la pile voltaique: a phrase whose accuracy could not be excelled. Planté began his work on electrolytic polarization in 1859, his object being to investigate the conditions under which its maximum effects can be produced.  He found that the greatest storage and the most useful electric effects were obtained by using lead plates in dilute sulphuric acid.  After some “forming” operations described below, he obtained a cell having a high electromotive force, a low resistance, a large capacity and almost perfect freedom from polarization. 

The practical value of the lead-peroxide-sulphuric-acid cell arises largely from the fact that not only are the active materials (lead and lead peroxide, PbO&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt;) insoluble in the dilute acid, but that the sulphate of lead formed from them in the course of discharge is also insoluble. Consequently, it remains fixed in the place where it is formed; and on the passage of the charging current, the original PbO&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt; and lead are reproduced in the places they originally occupied.  Thus there is no material change in the distribution of masses of active material.  Lastly, the active materials are in a porous, spongy condition, so that the acid is within reach of all parts of them. 
{{EB1911 fine print/s}}
&lt;table style=&quot;float: right;&quot;&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;&amp;nbsp;[[File:EB1911 Accumulator - Fig 1.png|220px]]&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td {{ts|ac}}&gt;{{sc|Fig.}} 1.&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/table&gt;
Planté carefully studied the changes which occur in the formation, charge and discharge of the cell. In forming, he placed two sheets of lead in sulphuric acid, separating them by narrow strips of caoutchouc (fig. 1). When a charging current is sent through the cell, the hydrogen liberated at one plate escapes, a small quantity possibly being spent in {{EB1911 Shoulder HeadingFine|Planté’s cell.}}}}reducing the surface film of oxide generally found on lead.  Some of the oxygen is always fixed on the other (positive) plate, forming a surface film of peroxide.  After a few minutes the current is reversed so that the first plate is peroxidized, and the peroxide previously formed on the second plate is reduced to metallic lead in a spongy state.  By repeated reversals, the surface of each plate is alternately peroxidized and reduced to metallic lead. In successive oxidations, the action penetrates farther into the plate, furnishing each time a larger quantity of spongy PbO&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt; on one plate and of spongy lead on the other. It follows that the duration of the successive charging currents also increases. At the beginning. a few minutes suffice; at the end, many hours are required.
After the first six or eight cycles, Planté allowed a period of repose before reversing.  He claimed that the PbO&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt; formed by reversal after repose was more strongly adherent, and also more crystalline than if no repose were allowed.  The following figures show the relative amounts of oxygen absorbed by a given plate in successive charges (between one charge and the next the plate stood in repose for the time stated, then was reduced, and again charged as {{nowrap|anode):—}}

{|{{ts|ba|wa|ma|bc|max-width:420px}} cellpadding=1
|-{{ts|ac}}
| {{ts|ba}}|Separate Periods&lt;br/&gt;of Repose. || {{ts|ba}}|Charge. || {{ts|ba}}|Relative Amount of&lt;br&gt;Peroxide formed.
|-
|{{ts|ac}}| . . ||{{ts|bl|br}}|{{em|3}}First || {{em|5}}1·0
|-
|{{ts|ac}}| 18 hours ||{{ts|bl|br}}| {{em|3}}Second || {{em|5}}1·57
|-
|{{ts|ac}}| &amp;thinsp;2 days ||{{ts|bl|br}}|{{em|3}}Third || {{em|5}}1·71
|-
|{{ts|ac}}| &amp;thinsp;4 {{ditto|days}} ||{{ts|bl|br}}|{{em|3}}Fourth || {{em|5}}2·14
|-
|{{ts|ac}}| &amp;thinsp;2 {{ditto|days}} ||{{ts|bl|br}}|{{em|3}}Fifth || {{em|5}}2·43
|}

and so on for many days (Gladstone and Tribe, Chemistry of Secondary Batteries). Seeing that each plate is in turn oxidized and then reduced, it is evident that the spongy lead will increase at the same rate on the other plate of the cell.  The process of “forming” thus briefly described was not continued indefinitely, but only till a fair proportion of the thickness of the plates was converted into the spongy material, PbO&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt; and Pb respectively.  After this, reversal was not permitted, the cell being put into use and always charged in a given direction.  If the process of forming by reversal be continued, the positive plate is ultimately all converted into PbO, and falls to pieces. 
&lt;table style=&quot;float: right;&quot;&gt;&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td&gt;&amp;nbsp;[[File:EB1911 Accumulator - Fig 2. Tudor positive plate.png|255px]]&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;
&lt;tr&gt;&lt;td {{ts|ac}}&gt;{{sc|Fig.}} 2.—Tudor positive plate.&lt;/td&gt;&lt;/tr&gt;&lt;/table&gt;
Planté made excellent cells by this method, yet three objections were urged against them.  They required too much time to “form”; the spongy masses (PbO&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt; more especially) fell off for want of mechanical support, and the separating strips of caoutchouc were not likely to have a long life. The first advance was made by C. A. Faure (1881), who greatly shortened the time required for “forming” by giving the plates a preliminary coating of red lead, whereby the slow process of biting into the metal was avoided. At the first charging, the red lead on the + electrode is changed to PbO&lt;sub&gt;2&lt;/sub&gt;, while that on the − electrode is reduced to spongy lead. Thus one continuous operation, lasting perhaps sixty hours, takes the place of many reversals, which, with periods of repose, last as much as three months. Faure used felt as a separating membrane, but its use was soon abolished by methods of construction due to E. Volckmar, J. S. Sellon, J. W. Swan and others.  These inventors put the paste not on to plates of lead, but into the holes of a grid, which, when carefully designed, affords good mechanical support to the spongy masses, and does away with the necessity for felt, &amp;c. They are more satisfactory, however, as supporters or spongy lead than of the peroxide, since at the point of contact in the latter case the acid gives rise to a local action, which slowly destroys the grid.  Disintegration follows sooner or later, though the best makers are able to defer the failure for a fairly long time. Efforts have been made by A. Tribe, D. G. Fitzgerald and others to dispense with a supporting grid for the positive plate, but these attempts have not yet been successful enough to enable them to compete with the other forms. 
{{EB1911 fine print/e}}
For many years the battle between the “Planté” type and &lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="6046" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |ACCUMULATOR||127}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Faure or “pasted” type has been one in which the issue was doubtful, but the general tendency is towards a mixed type at the present time. There are many good cells, the value of all resting on the care exercised during the manufacture and also in the choice of pure materials. Increasing emphasis is laid on the purity of the water used to replace that lost by evaporation, distilled water generally being specified. The following descriptions will give a good idea of modern practice.
{{clear}}
&lt;div style=&quot;float:right;&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;[[File:EB1911 Accumulator - Fig 3. Tudor negative plate.png|250px]]&lt;br&gt;{{em|3}}{{Fs|92%|{{sc|Fig.}} 3.—Tudor negative plate.}}&lt;/div&gt;
The “chloride cell” has a Planté positive with a pasted negative. For the positive a lead casting is made, about 0·4 inch thick pierced by a number of circular holes about half an inch in diameter. Into each of these holes is thrust a roll or rosette of lead ribbon, which has been cut to the right breadth (equal to the thickness of the {{EB1911 Shoulder HeadingSmall|Chloride cell.}}plate), then ribbed or gimped, and finally coiled into a rosette. The rosettes have sufficient spring to fix themselves in the holes of the lead plate, but are keyed in position by a hydraulic press. The plates are then “formed” by passing a current for a long time. In a later pattern a kind of discontinuous longitudinal rib is put in the ribbon, and increases the capacity and life by strengthening the mass 
without interfering with the diffusion of acid. The negative plate was formerly obtained by reducing pastilles of lead chloride, but by a later mode of construction it is made by casting a grid with thin vertical ribs, connected horizontally by small bars of triangular section. The bars on the two faces are “staggered,” that is, those on one face are not opposite those on the other. The grid is pasted with a lead oxide paste and afterwards reduced; this is known as the “exide” negative. 
{{clear}}
{{center|[[File:EB1911 Accumulator - Figs 4, 5, 6.png]]&lt;br /&gt;{{em|2.5}}{{Fs|92%|{{sc|Fig.}} 4.{{em|13}}{{sc|Fig.}} 5.{{em|13}}{{sc|Fig.}} 6}}}}

The larger sizes of negative plate are of a “box” type, formed by riveting together two grids and filling the intervening space with paste. A feature of the “chloride” cells is the use of separators made of thin sheets of specially prepared wood. These prevent short circuits arising from scales of active material or from the formation of “trees” of lead which sometimes grow across in certain forms of battery. 

The Tudor cell has positives formed of lead plates cast in one piece with a large surface of thin vertical ribs, intersected at intervals by horizontal ribs to give the plates strength to withstand buckling in both directions (fig. 2). The thickness of the plates is about 0·4 inch, and the developed surface is about eight times that of a smooth plate of the same {{EB1911 Shoulder HeadingSmall|Tudor cell.}}size. A thoroughly adherent and homogeneous coating of peroxide of lead is formed on this large surface by an improved Planté process. The negative plate (fig. 3) is composed of two grids riveted together to form a shallow box; the outer surfaces are smooth sheets pierced with many small holes. The space between them is intersected by ribs and pasted (before riveting). 

{{center|[[File:EB1911 Accumulator - Fig 7.png|350px]]&lt;br /&gt;{{Fs|92%|{{sc|Fig.}} 7.}}}}

Many of the E.P.S. cells, made by the Electrical Power Storage Company, are of the Faure or pasted type, but the Planté formation is used for the positives of two kinds of cell. The paste for the positive plates is a mixture of red lead with sulphuric acid; for the negative plates, litharge is substituted for red lead. Figs. 4 and {{EB1911 Shoulder HeadingSmall|E.P.S. cell.}}5 roughly represent the grids employed for the negative and positive plates respectively of a type used for lighting. Fig. 6 is the cross section of the casting used for the Planté positive of the larger cells for rapid discharge. Finer indentations on the side expose a large surface. Fig. 7 shows a complete cell. 

&lt;div style=&quot;float:right;&quot;&gt; [[File:EB1911 Accumulator - Fig 8. - Hart Accumulator.png|190px]]&lt;br&gt;{{center| {{Fs|92%|{{sc|Fig.}} 8.—Hart Accumulator.}}}}&lt;/div&gt;
The Hart cell, as used for lighting, is a combination of the Planté and Faure (pasted) types. The plates hang by side lugs on glass slats, and are separated by three rows of glass tubes {{nowrap|{{EB1911 tfrac|3|8}} inch}} diameter (fig. 8). The tubes rest in grooved teak wood blocks placed at the bottom of the glass boxes. The blocks also serve as base for a skeleton framework of the {{EB1911 Shoulder HeadingSmall|Hart cell.}}same material which surrounds and supports the section. Of course the wood has to be specially treated to withstand the acid. A special non-corrosive terminal is used. A coned bolt draws the lug ends of adjacent cells together, fitting in a corresponding tapered hole in the lugs, and thus increasing the contact area. The positive and negative tapers being different, a cell cannot be connected up in the wrong way. 

In America, in addition to some of the cells already described, there are types which are not found in England. Two may be described. The Gould cell is of the Planté type. A special effort is made to reduce local and other deleterious action by starting with perfectly homogeneous plates. They are {{EB1911 Shoulder HeadingSmall|Gould cell.}}formed from sheet lead blanks by suitable machines, which gradually raise the surface into a series of ribs and grooves. The sides and middle of the blank are left untouched and amply suffice to distribute the current over the surface of the plate. The grooves are very fine, and when the active material is formed in them by electro-chemical action, they hold it very securely. 

The Hatch cell has its positive enclosed in an envelope. A very shallow porous tray (made of kaolin and silica) is filled with&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Current Strategies for Engineering Controls in Nanomaterial Production and Downstream Handling Processes.pdf/5</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1753979</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506341</id>
      <parentid>11305789</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:40:51Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="3656" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Kathleen.wright5&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{xx-larger|'''Executive Summary'''}}

The focus of this document is to identify and describe strategies for the engineering control of worker exposure during the production or use of engineered nanomaterials. Engineered nanomaterials are materials that are intentionally produced and have at least one primary dimension less than 100 nanometers (nm). Nanomaterials may have properties different from those of larger particles of the same material, making them unique and desirable for specific product applications. The consumer products market currently has more than 1,000 nanomaterial-containing products including makeup, sunscreen, food storage products, appliances, clothing, electronics, computers, sporting goods, and coatings. As more nanomaterials are introduced into the workplace and nano-enabled products enter the market, it is essential that producers and users of engineered nanomaterials ensure a safe and healthy work environment.

The toxicity of nanoparticles may be affected by different physicochemical properties, including size, shape, chemistry, surface properties, agglomeration, biopersistence, solubility, and charge, as well as effects from attached functional groups and crystalline structure. The greater surface-area-to-mass ratio of nanoparticles makes them generally more reactive than their macro-sized counterparts. These properties are the same ones that make nanomaterials unique and valuable in manufacturing many products. Though human health effects from exposure have not been reported, a number of laboratory animal studies have been conducted. Pulmonary inflammation has been observed in animals exposed to nano-sized TiO2 and carbon nanotubes (CNTs). Other studies have shown that nanoparticles can translocate to the circulatory system and to the brain causing oxidative stress. Of concern is the finding that certain types of CNTs have shown toxicological response similar to asbestos in mice. These animal study results are examples, and further toxicological studies need to be conducted to establish the potential health effects to humans from acute and chronic exposure to nanomaterials.

Currently, there are no established regulatory occupational exposure limits (OELs) for nanomaterials in the United States; however, other countries have established standards for some nanomaterials, and some companies have supplied OELs for their products. In 2011, NIOSH issued a recommended exposure limit (REL) for ultrafine (nano) titanium dioxide and a draft REL for carbon nanotubes and carbon nanofibers. Because of the lack of regulatory standards and formal recommendations for many nanomaterials in the United States, it is difficult to determine or even estimate a safe exposure level. Many of the basic methods of producing nanomaterials occur in an enclosure or reactor, which may be operated under positive pressure. Exposure can occur due to leakage from the reactor or when a worker’s activities involve direct manipulation of nanomaterials. Batchtype processes involved in the production of nanomaterials include operating reactors, mixing, drying, and thermal treatment. Exposure-causing activities at production plants and laboratories employing nanomaterials include harvesting (e.g., scraping materials out of reactors), bagging, packaging, and reactor cleaning. Downstream activities that may release nanomaterials include bag dumping, manual transfer between processes, mixing or compounding, powder sifting, and machining of parts that contain nanomaterials.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{rh/2|iv|Current Strategies for Engineering Controls in '''Nanomaterial Production and Downstream Handling Processes'''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Current Strategies for Engineering Controls in Nanomaterial Production and Downstream Handling Processes.pdf/95</title>
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{{block center|
[[File:Niosh Logo.jpg|200px]]&lt;br /&gt;
'''''Delivering on the Nation’s promise:&lt;br /&gt;safety and health at work for all people&lt;br /&gt;through research and prevention''''

To receive NIOSH documents or more information about occupational safety and health topics, contact NIOSH:

'''1–800–CDC–INFO''' (1–800–232–4636)&lt;br /&gt;
TTY: 1–888–232–6348&lt;br /&gt;
E-mail: cdcinfo@cdc.gov

or visit the NIOSH Web site at '''http://www.cdc.gov/niosh.'''

For a monthly update on news at NIOSH, subscribe to '''NIOSH eNews'' by visiting '''www.cdc.gov/niosh/eNews.'''

'''DHHS (NIOSH) Publication No. 2014–102'''

{{smaller|SAFER • HEALTHER • PEOPLE{{sup|TM}}}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{block center|
[[File:Niosh Logo.jpg|200px]]&lt;br /&gt;
'''''Delivering on the Nation’s promise:&lt;br /&gt;safety and health at work for all people&lt;br /&gt;through research and prevention'''''

To receive NIOSH documents or more information about occupational safety and health topics, contact NIOSH:

'''1–800–CDC–INFO''' (1–800–232–4636)&lt;br /&gt;
TTY: 1–888–232–6348&lt;br /&gt;
E-mail: cdcinfo@cdc.gov

or visit the NIOSH Web site at '''http://www.cdc.gov/niosh.'''

For a monthly update on news at NIOSH, subscribe to '''NIOSH eNews'' by visiting '''www.cdc.gov/niosh/eNews.'''

'''DHHS (NIOSH) Publication No. 2014–102'''

{{smaller|SAFER • HEALTHER • PEOPLE{{sup|TM}}}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 01.djvu/111</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="6466" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Bob Burkhardt&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''AGRICULTURE'''}}|75|{{c|'''AGUINALDO'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Agriculture&quot; /&gt;
{|cellpadding=&quot;1&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; rules=&quot;cols&quot; style=&quot;font-size: smaller; margin:auto; border-top:double 2px; border-bottom:1px solid;&quot;
|+RICE
|- style=&quot;text-align:center; border-bottom:1px solid;&quot;
|State
|Acreage
|Production
|Total farmvalue
|- style=&quot;text-align:center;&quot;
|
|Acres&lt;ref&gt;Figures in full (000 not omitted).&lt;/ref&gt;
|Bushels&lt;ref name=omitted&gt;(000 omitted).&lt;/ref&gt;
|Dollars&lt;ref name=omitted /&gt;
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|North Carolina
|400
|10
|28
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|{{nowrap|South Carolina}}
|3,700
|90
|270
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Georgia
|1,200
|29
|80
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Florida
|2,000
|42
|110
|-
|&amp;ensp;
|
|
|
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Missouri
|600
|23
|55
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Alabama
|600
|16
|43
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Mississippi
|3,300
|96
|182
|-
|&amp;ensp;
|
|
|
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Louisiana
|560,000
|19,712
|53,420
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Texas
|218,000
|6,998
|19,594
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Arkansas
|158,000
|6,162
|14,789
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|California
|142,000
|7,881
|21,042
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;padding-right:1em;&quot;|{{nowrap|United States}}
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|{{nowrap|1,089,800}}
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|41,059
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|109,613
|}

Statistics of other products not included in the tables above are as follows: peanuts, 1,251,400 acres, production 33,263,000 bushels, value $79,839,000; beans, 1,018,000 acres, production 11,488,000 bushels, value $49,181,000; sweet potatoes, 1,029,000 acres, production 103,579,000 bushels, value $138,085,000; hops, 23,900 acres, production 29,346,000 pounds, value $22,656,000. The total value of thirteen crops in all the States in 1919 was $12,421,342,000. The total value of live stock on the farms in 1920 amounted to $8,566,313,000.
&lt;section end=&quot;Agriculture&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agriculture, Department of&quot; /&gt;'''AGRICULTURE, DEPARTMENT OF,''' an executive department of the United States Government, established by Congress in 1889; originally a bureau. It disseminates throughout the United States, by daily, monthly, and annual reports, the latest and most valuable agricultural information and introduces and distributes new and desirable seeds, plants, etc. It includes the Weather Bureau, Bureau of Animal Industry, a herbarium, a museum, a laboratory, propagating gardens, a library, and other useful adjuncts. There are now 60 experimental stations established in every State. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agriculture, Department of&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agrigentum&quot; /&gt;'''AGRIGENTUM''' ({{Collier's key|ag-rē-jen′tum}}) , the modern Girgenti, a town on the S. coast of Sicily, founded by a colony from Gela in 582 {{sm|B. C.}}, and in the earlier ages one of the most important places in the island. After being at first free, it was utterly demolished by the Carthaginians in 405 {{sm|B. C.}} In the course of the Punic Wars it was compelled to submit to the Romans. From 827 to 1080 {{sm|A. D.}} it was in the possession of the Saracens, from whom it was conquered by Count Roger Guiscard. The modern Girgenti still shows numerous and splendid ruins. Empedocles was born here. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agrigentum&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agrippa II., Herod&quot; /&gt;'''AGRIPPA II., HEROD,''' tetrarch of Abilene, Galilee, Iturea, and Trachonitis, born in 27 {{sm|A. D.}} During his reign he enlarged Cæsarea Philippi and named it Neronias, in honor of Nero. He remained faithful to the Romans, and tried to dissuade the Jews from rebelling. After the fall of Jerusalem he retired to Rome, where he died in 100 {{sm|A. D.}} Before him the Apostle Paul made his memorable defense (Acts xxvi). 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agrippa II., Herod&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguas Calientes&quot; /&gt;'''AGUAS CALIENTES''' ({{Collier's key|ag′waz kal-yān′taz}}), a town of Mexico, capital of a central State of the same name, with an area of 2,900 square miles and a population of about 125,000, stands on a plain 6,000 feet above the sea-level, 270 miles N. W. of the City of Mexico. The environs abound in hot springs, from which the town takes its name. Pop. about 50,000. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Aguas Calientes&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Ague&quot; /&gt;'''AGUE,''' an intermittent fever, in whatever stage of its progress or whatever its type. Marsh miasma, or the effluvia arising from stagnant water, or marshy ground, when acted upon by heat, are the most frequent causes of this fever. One peculiarity of this fever is its great susceptibility of a renewal from very slight causes, as from the prevalence of an easterly wind, even without the repetition of the original exciting cause. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Ague&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguilar, Grace&quot; /&gt;'''AGUILAR, GRACE''' ({{Collier's key|ä-gē-lär′}}), an English novelist; born at Hackney, June 2, 1816; was the daughter of Jewish parents of Spanish origin. Her first books were in defense of the Jewish religion: “The Spirit of Judaism” (1842); “The Jewish Faith,” etc. She is best known by her domestic and sentimental novels, “Home Influence” (1847); “The Vale of Cedars” (1850), and “The Days of Bruce” (1852). She died in Frankfort-on-the-Main, Sept. 16, 1847. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Aguilar, Grace&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguinaldo, Emilio&quot; /&gt;'''AGUINALDO, EMILIO,''' a leader of the insurgents in the Philippines insurrection of 1896, and their chief in the Spanish-American War of 1898. A Chinese mestizo (of Chinese and Tagalog parentage), he was born in Imus, in the province of Cavité, in Luzon, in 1870. His father was a planter and he received his early education at Catholic colleges, and studied medicine. In 1888 he had some trouble with the authorities and went to Hong Kong. On the outbreak of the rebellion against Spanish authority, in 1896, Aguinaldo became a commanding figure with the insurgents. He was at the head of the diplomatic party, which succeeded in making terms with the Spanish Government, the latter paying a large sum to the Philippine leaders to lay down their arms. Aguinaldo {{hws|quar|quarreled}}&lt;section end=&quot;Aguinaldo, Emilio&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="6471" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Bob Burkhardt&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''AGRICULTURE'''}}|75|{{c|'''AGUINALDO'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Agriculture&quot; /&gt;
{|cellpadding=&quot;1&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; rules=&quot;cols&quot; style=&quot;font-size: smaller; margin:auto; border-top:double 2px; border-bottom:1px solid;&quot;
|+RICE
|- style=&quot;text-align:center; border-bottom:1px solid;&quot;
|State
|Acreage
|Production
|Total farmvalue
|- style=&quot;text-align:center;&quot;
|
|Acres&lt;ref&gt;Figures in full (000 not omitted).&lt;/ref&gt;
|Bushels&lt;ref name=omitted&gt;(000 omitted).&lt;/ref&gt;
|Dollars&lt;ref name=omitted /&gt;
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|North Carolina
|400
|10
|28
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|{{nowrap|South Carolina}}
|3,700
|90
|270
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Georgia
|1,200
|29
|80
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Florida
|2,000
|42
|110
|-
|&amp;ensp;
|
|
|
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Missouri
|600
|23
|55
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Alabama
|600
|16
|43
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Mississippi
|3,300
|96
|182
|-
|&amp;ensp;
|
|
|
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Louisiana
|560,000
|19,712
|53,420
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Texas
|218,000
|6,998
|19,594
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Arkansas
|158,000
|6,162
|14,789
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|California
|142,000
|7,881
|21,042
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;padding-right:1em;&quot;|{{nowrap|United States}}
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|{{nowrap|1,089,800}}
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|41,059
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|109,613
|}

Statistics of other products not included in the tables above are as follows: peanuts, 1,251,400 acres, production 33,263,000 bushels, value $79,839,000; beans, 1,018,000 acres, production 11,488,000 bushels, value $49,181,000; sweet potatoes, 1,029,000 acres, production 103,579,000 bushels, value $138,085,000; hops, 23,900 acres, production 29,346,000 pounds, value $22,656,000. The total value of thirteen crops in all the States in 1919 was $12,421,342,000. The total value of live stock on the farms in 1920 amounted to $8,566,313,000.
&lt;section end=&quot;Agriculture&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agriculture, Department of&quot; /&gt;'''AGRICULTURE, DEPARTMENT OF,''' an executive department of the United States Government, established by Congress in 1889; originally a bureau. It disseminates throughout the United States, by daily, monthly, and annual reports, the latest and most valuable agricultural information and introduces and distributes new and desirable seeds, plants, etc. It includes the Weather Bureau, Bureau of Animal Industry, a herbarium, a museum, a laboratory, propagating gardens, a library, and other useful adjuncts. There are now 60 experimental stations established in every State. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agriculture, Department of&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agrigentum&quot; /&gt;'''AGRIGENTUM''' ({{Collier's key|ag-rē-jen′tum}}) , the modern Girgenti, a town on the S. coast of Sicily, founded by a colony from Gela in 582 {{asc|B. C.}}, and in the earlier ages one of the most important places in the island. After being at first free, it was utterly demolished by the Carthaginians in 405 {{asc|B. C.}} In the course of the Punic Wars it was compelled to submit to the Romans. From 827 to 1080 {{asc|A. D.}} it was in the possession of the Saracens, from whom it was conquered by Count Roger Guiscard. The modern Girgenti still shows numerous and splendid ruins. Empedocles was born here. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agrigentum&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agrippa II., Herod&quot; /&gt;'''AGRIPPA II., HEROD,''' tetrarch of Abilene, Galilee, Iturea, and Trachonitis, born in 27 {{asc|A. D.}} During his reign he enlarged Cæsarea Philippi and named it Neronias, in honor of Nero. He remained faithful to the Romans, and tried to dissuade the Jews from rebelling. After the fall of Jerusalem he retired to Rome, where he died in 100 {{asc|A. D.}} Before him the Apostle Paul made his memorable defense (Acts xxvi). 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agrippa II., Herod&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguas Calientes&quot; /&gt;'''AGUAS CALIENTES''' ({{Collier's key|ag′waz kal-yān′taz}}), a town of Mexico, capital of a central State of the same name, with an area of 2,900 square miles and a population of about 125,000, stands on a plain 6,000 feet above the sea-level, 270 miles N. W. of the City of Mexico. The environs abound in hot springs, from which the town takes its name. Pop. about 50,000. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Aguas Calientes&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Ague&quot; /&gt;'''AGUE,''' an intermittent fever, in whatever stage of its progress or whatever its type. Marsh miasma, or the effluvia arising from stagnant water, or marshy ground, when acted upon by heat, are the most frequent causes of this fever. One peculiarity of this fever is its great susceptibility of a renewal from very slight causes, as from the prevalence of an easterly wind, even without the repetition of the original exciting cause. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Ague&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguilar, Grace&quot; /&gt;'''AGUILAR, GRACE''' ({{Collier's key|ä-gē-lär′}}), an English novelist; born at Hackney, June 2, 1816; was the daughter of Jewish parents of Spanish origin. Her first books were in defense of the Jewish religion: “The Spirit of Judaism” (1842); “The Jewish Faith,” etc. She is best known by her domestic and sentimental novels, “Home Influence” (1847); “The Vale of Cedars” (1850), and “The Days of Bruce” (1852). She died in Frankfort-on-the-Main, Sept. 16, 1847. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Aguilar, Grace&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguinaldo, Emilio&quot; /&gt;'''AGUINALDO, EMILIO,''' a leader of the insurgents in the Philippines insurrection of 1896, and their chief in the Spanish-American War of 1898. A Chinese mestizo (of Chinese and Tagalog parentage), he was born in Imus, in the province of Cavité, in Luzon, in 1870. His father was a planter and he received his early education at Catholic colleges, and studied medicine. In 1888 he had some trouble with the authorities and went to Hong Kong. On the outbreak of the rebellion against Spanish authority, in 1896, Aguinaldo became a commanding figure with the insurgents. He was at the head of the diplomatic party, which succeeded in making terms with the Spanish Government, the latter paying a large sum to the Philippine leaders to lay down their arms. Aguinaldo {{hws|quar|quarreled}}&lt;section end=&quot;Aguinaldo, Emilio&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="6489" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Bob Burkhardt&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''AGRICULTURE'''}}|75|{{c|'''AGUINALDO'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Agriculture&quot; /&gt;
{|cellpadding=&quot;1&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; rules=&quot;cols&quot; style=&quot;font-size: smaller; margin:auto; border-top:double 2px; border-bottom:1px solid;&quot;
|+RICE
|- style=&quot;text-align:center; border-bottom:1px solid;&quot;
|State
|Acreage
|Production
|Total farmvalue
|- style=&quot;text-align:center;&quot;
|
|Acres&lt;ref&gt;Figures in full (000 not omitted).&lt;/ref&gt;
|Bushels&lt;ref name=omitted&gt;(000 omitted).&lt;/ref&gt;
|Dollars&lt;ref name=omitted /&gt;
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|North Carolina
|400
|10
|28
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|{{nowrap|South Carolina}}
|3,700
|90
|270
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Georgia
|1,200
|29
|80
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Florida
|2,000
|42
|110
|-
|&amp;ensp;
|
|
|
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Missouri
|600
|23
|55
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Alabama
|600
|16
|43
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Mississippi
|3,300
|96
|182
|-
|&amp;ensp;
|
|
|
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Louisiana
|560,000
|19,712
|53,420
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Texas
|218,000
|6,998
|19,594
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|Arkansas
|158,000
|6,162
|14,789
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;text-align:left;&quot;|California
|142,000
|7,881
|21,042
|- style=&quot;text-align:right;&quot;
|style=&quot;padding-left:1em; padding-right:1em;&quot;|{{nowrap|United States}}
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|{{nowrap|1,089,800}}
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|41,059
|style=&quot;border-top:1px solid;&quot;|109,613
|}

Statistics of other products not included in the tables above are as follows: peanuts, 1,251,400 acres, production 33,263,000 bushels, value $79,839,000; beans, 1,018,000 acres, production 11,488,000 bushels, value $49,181,000; sweet potatoes, 1,029,000 acres, production 103,579,000 bushels, value $138,085,000; hops, 23,900 acres, production 29,346,000 pounds, value $22,656,000. The total value of thirteen crops in all the States in 1919 was $12,421,342,000. The total value of live stock on the farms in 1920 amounted to $8,566,313,000.
&lt;section end=&quot;Agriculture&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agriculture, Department of&quot; /&gt;'''AGRICULTURE, DEPARTMENT OF,''' an executive department of the United States Government, established by Congress in 1889; originally a bureau. It disseminates throughout the United States, by daily, monthly, and annual reports, the latest and most valuable agricultural information and introduces and distributes new and desirable seeds, plants, etc. It includes the Weather Bureau, Bureau of Animal Industry, a herbarium, a museum, a laboratory, propagating gardens, a library, and other useful adjuncts. There are now 60 experimental stations established in every State. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agriculture, Department of&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agrigentum&quot; /&gt;'''AGRIGENTUM''' ({{Collier's key|ag-rē-jen′tum}}) , the modern Girgenti, a town on the S. coast of Sicily, founded by a colony from Gela in 582 {{asc|B. C.}}, and in the earlier ages one of the most important places in the island. After being at first free, it was utterly demolished by the Carthaginians in 405 {{asc|B. C.}} In the course of the Punic Wars it was compelled to submit to the Romans. From 827 to 1080 {{asc|A. D.}} it was in the possession of the Saracens, from whom it was conquered by Count Roger Guiscard. The modern Girgenti still shows numerous and splendid ruins. Empedocles was born here. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agrigentum&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Agrippa II., Herod&quot; /&gt;'''AGRIPPA II., HEROD,''' tetrarch of Abilene, Galilee, Iturea, and Trachonitis, born in 27 {{asc|A. D.}} During his reign he enlarged Cæsarea Philippi and named it Neronias, in honor of Nero. He remained faithful to the Romans, and tried to dissuade the Jews from rebelling. After the fall of Jerusalem he retired to Rome, where he died in 100 {{asc|A. D.}} Before him the Apostle Paul made his memorable defense (Acts xxvi). 
&lt;section end=&quot;Agrippa II., Herod&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguas Calientes&quot; /&gt;'''AGUAS CALIENTES''' ({{Collier's key|ag′waz kal-yān′taz}}), a town of Mexico, capital of a central State of the same name, with an area of 2,900 square miles and a population of about 125,000, stands on a plain 6,000 feet above the sea-level, 270 miles N. W. of the City of Mexico. The environs abound in hot springs, from which the town takes its name. Pop. about 50,000. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Aguas Calientes&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Ague&quot; /&gt;'''AGUE,''' an intermittent fever, in whatever stage of its progress or whatever its type. Marsh miasma, or the effluvia arising from stagnant water, or marshy ground, when acted upon by heat, are the most frequent causes of this fever. One peculiarity of this fever is its great susceptibility of a renewal from very slight causes, as from the prevalence of an easterly wind, even without the repetition of the original exciting cause. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Ague&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguilar, Grace&quot; /&gt;'''AGUILAR, GRACE''' ({{Collier's key|ä-gē-lär′}}), an English novelist; born at Hackney, June 2, 1816; was the daughter of Jewish parents of Spanish origin. Her first books were in defense of the Jewish religion: “The Spirit of Judaism” (1842); “The Jewish Faith,” etc. She is best known by her domestic and sentimental novels, “Home Influence” (1847); “The Vale of Cedars” (1850), and “The Days of Bruce” (1852). She died in Frankfort-on-the-Main, Sept. 16, 1847. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Aguilar, Grace&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Aguinaldo, Emilio&quot; /&gt;'''AGUINALDO, EMILIO,''' a leader of the insurgents in the Philippines insurrection of 1896, and their chief in the Spanish-American War of 1898. A Chinese mestizo (of Chinese and Tagalog parentage), he was born in Imus, in the province of Cavité, in Luzon, in 1870. His father was a planter and he received his early education at Catholic colleges, and studied medicine. In 1888 he had some trouble with the authorities and went to Hong Kong. On the outbreak of the rebellion against Spanish authority, in 1896, Aguinaldo became a commanding figure with the insurgents. He was at the head of the diplomatic party, which succeeded in making terms with the Spanish Government, the latter paying a large sum to the Philippine leaders to lay down their arms. Aguinaldo {{hws|quar|quarreled}}&lt;section end=&quot;Aguinaldo, Emilio&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 01.djvu/131</title>
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      <text bytes="5425" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''ALBANO'''}}|91|{{c|'''ALBANY'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Albano&quot; /&gt;'''ALBANO''' ({{Collier's key|al-bä′nō}}), a town of Italy, 18 miles S. S. E. of Rome, on the declivity of the lava-walls which encompass Lake Albano, and opposite the site of Alba Longa. There are numerous remains of ancient buildings, including an aqueduct. A valuable wine is made here. Pop. about 10,000.

The {{sc|Alban Lake}}, or {{sc|Lago di Castello}}, is formed in the basin of an extinct volcano, and has a circumference of 6 miles, with a depth of 530 feet. Its surface is 961 feet above the sea-level. While the Romans were at war with Veii (390 {{asc|B. C.}}), this lake rose to an extraordinary height in the heat of summer, and diviners declared that the conquest of Veii depended upon letting off the waters of the lake. Hereupon the Romans opened a tunnel through the lava-walls which still remains and still fulfills its ancient office, is a mile in length, with a height of 7 feet, and a width of 4 feet. On the eastern bank of the lake rises Monte Cavo, the ancient Mount Albanus, 3,000 feet high. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Albano&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Alban's, St.&quot; /&gt;
'''ALBAN'S, ST.,''' a small and ancient borough of England, Hertfordshire, 20 miles N. N. W. of London, by the London and Northwestern railway. It is the ancient Roman Verulamium. The abbey church was built in 796, in honor of St. Alban, by the King Offa. Of this first abbey there remains but a gateway. The present abbey is an object worthy the attention of the antiquarian and the student of architecture. It is built in the form of a cross, running 547 feet from east to west, and having a breadth of 206 feet, at the intersection of the transept. Every style of architecture, from the time of the Romans to that of Henry VII., may be traced in it. Near the town of St. Alban's, two battles were fought between the houses of York and Lancaster. In the first, May 22, 1455, Richard, Duke of York, obtained a victory over Henry VI. In the second, Feb. 2, 1461, Margaret of Anjou defeated the army of the Yorkists, commanded by Warwick. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Alban's, St.&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Albany (Alabama)&quot; /&gt;
'''ALBANY,''' a city of Alabama, formerly known as New Decatur. It is about 80 miles N. of Birmingham. It is on the Tennessee river and on the Louisville and Nashville railroad. The town has grown rapidly in recent years and is now an important industrial center. There are extensive iron manufactures. It has also manufactories of cottonseed oil, lumber, railroad repair shops, and tanneries. Pop. (1910) 6,119; (1920) 7,652. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Albany (Alabama)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Albany (Georgia)&quot; /&gt;
'''ALBANY,''' a city of Georgia, the county-seat of Dougherty co. It is on the Central of Georgia, the Atlantic Coast
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
Line, the Seaboard Air Line, the Georgia Southwestern and Gulf, the Georgia Northern, and the Albany and Northern railroads. It is also on the Flint river, which is navigable at that point. It is both an agricultural and an industrial community. The chief interests are cotton, cottonseed oil, bricks fertilizers, and lumber. The city has an excellent street system and water supply furnished by artesian wells. There is a public library, Federal building, and a monument to Confederate soldiers. Pop. (1910) 8,190; (1920) 11,555. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Albany (Georgia)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Albany (New York)&quot; /&gt;
'''ALBANY,''' the capital of the State of New York and the county-seat of Albany co. It is situated on the west bank of the Hudson river, about 145 miles N. of New York City. It is at the head of the navigation of the Hudson river and is the terminus of the Erie and Champlain barge canals. Six railroads radiate from it to every part of the country. It is the terminus of the Boston and Albany railroad and the division terminus of the main lines of the West Shore, the New York Central, and the Delaware and Hudson railroads. The city has direct steamboat communication by day and night lines with New York and Hudson river points, while the Erie and Champlain canals give water communication with the interior of the State and the west and north. The excellent shipping facilities of the city have made it an important commercial center. It is the second largest express and third largest mail transfer in the United States. Albany is a distributing point for the large oil companies, mail-order houses, machinery companies, and other corporations which do a national business. 

Albany is an attractive city both in site and as a result of careful city planning, which, in recent years, has transformed certain portions. There is an extensive park system with parks conveniently located to meet the needs of the various sections of the city. Among these are Washington Park, 90 acres, and Lincoln Park, 78 acres. The city maintains free public baths and other recreational features. The water and sewer systems are of the latest approved design. There are excellent hospitals, including three large general hospitals, and a number of special hospitals. 

Albany is well equipped with public school facilities. There were in 1920, 23 grammar school buildings and a high school building costing $1,000,000. There are housed in these buildings over 12,000 people. In addition to the public schools there are many well-equipped private and parochial schools. In the city are&lt;section end=&quot;Albany (New York)&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 01.djvu/147</title>
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      <text bytes="5552" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''ALESSANDRIA'''}}|105|{{c|'''ALEXANDER'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Aleppo&quot; /&gt;which the Italians called Aleppo. It was conquered by the Saracens in 636; was the seat of a Seljuk sultanate in the 11th and 12th centuries; was plundered by Timur in 1402; in the 15th century became the great emporium of trade between Europe and Asia; was taken by the Turks in 1517; and was nearly destroyed by an earthquake in 1822, when it lost two-thirds of its 250,000 inhabitants. The present inhabitants are Turks, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews. In spite of the earthquakes and insurrections, which devastated the city, there is now a great trade there. The chief exports are apples, dyestuffs, cotton, tobacco, wheat, nuts, oil, etc. Pop. about 250,000. It was occupied by British forces in 1918. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Aleppo&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Alessandria&quot; /&gt;
'''ALESSANDRIA,''' city and capital of the province of Alessandria, Italy; on the river Tanaro. It was built in 1168 for protection against Emperor Frederick I. Its original name, Cæsarea, was changed to Alessandria in honor of Pope Alexander III. It was taken by Sforza, Duke of Milan, in 1522, by Prince Eugene in 1707, and ceded to Savoy in 1713 by the Peace of Utrecht. By the armistice of Alessandria, after the battle of Marengo (1800), all of north Italy as far as the Mincio was ceded to France. It was taken by the Austrians in 1821, and became the headquarters of the Piedmontese in the insurrection of 1848-1849. The richly decorated cathedral was rebuilt in 1823. Pop. about 72,500. The province has an area of 1,980 square miles. Pop. about 900,000. A considerable trade is conducted in linen, silk, and woolen stuffs, hats, and artificial flowers. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Alessandria&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Aleutian Islands&quot; /&gt;
'''ALEUTIAN''' ({{Collier's key|a-lū′shi-an}}) '''ISLANDS,''' or '''CATHERINE ARCHIPELAGO,''' a group of about 150 islands, extending W. from Alaska peninsula for a distance of 1,650 miles; belongs to Alaska Territory. The principal islands are Umnak and Unalaska. The inhabitants are nearly all Aleuts, a people allied to the Eskimos. These islands were discovered by Bering in 1728. Pop. about 3,000. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Aleutian Islands&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Alewife&quot; /&gt;
'''ALEWIFE,''' a North American fish (''clupea pseudoharengus'') belonging to the same family as the herring and the shad, and closely allied to them. It is caught in seines with the shad, in large quantities, at many places along the Atlantic coast from North Carolina to Nova Scotia, notably in Chesapeake Bay and the harbor of St. John, N. B. The name is given also to other related species and to fish of other families, as the round pompano of the Bermudas and the allice-shad of England. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Alewife&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Alexander (ancient)&quot; /&gt;
'''ALEXANDER,''' a name of various ancient writers, philosophers, etc. (1) {{sc|Alexander}} of Ægæ; a peripatetic philosopher of the 1st century {{asc|A. D.}}; tutor of Nero. (2) {{sc|Alexander}} the Ætolian; a Greek poet who lived at Alexandria about 285-247 {{asc|B. C.}} (3) {{sc|Alexander}} of Aphrodisias, surnamed Exegetes; lived about 200 {{asc|A. D.}}; a learned commentator on the works of Aristotle. (4) {{sc|Alexander Cornelius}}, surnamed Polyhistor, of the 1st century {{asc|B. C.}} The surname Polyhistor was given him on account of his prodigious learning, (5) A Greek rhetorician and poet, surnamed Lychnus; lived about {{asc|B. C.}}, wrote astronomical and geographical poems. (6) {{sc|Alexander Numenius}}; a Greek rhetorician and teacher of elocution, of the 2d century A. D, two of whose works are historically known. (7) A Greek rhetorician of the 2d century {{asc|A. D.}}, surnamed Peloplaton, who vanquished Herodes Atticus in a rhetorical contest. (8) {{sc|Alexander Philalethes}}; a physician of the 1st century {{asc|B. C.}} who succeeded Zeuxis as president of the famous Herophilean school of medicine. (9) {{sc|Saint Alexander}} (died 326 {{asc|A. D.}}); the Patriarch of Alexandria from 312 {{asc|A. D.}}; an opponent of Arius; member of the Council of Nice (325 {{asc|A. D.}}); commemorated in the calendar Feb. 26. (10) {{sc|Alexander}} of Tralles; an eminent physician of Lydia, of the 6th century {{asc|A. D.}}; author of two extant Greek works. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Alexander (ancient)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Alexander (popes)&quot; /&gt;
'''ALEXANDER,''' the name of eight Popes (1) Alexander I., a bishop of Rome about 109 {{asc|A. D.}}, not then having the title of Pope, but now reckoned in the list. He is supposed to have died a martyr's death. 

2. {{sc|Alexander}} II., Anselmo Baggio, a native of Milan; he lived for some time at the court of Henry III., and in 1056 or 1057 became Bishop of Lucca. In 1059 he became papal legate at Milan, and, on Oct. 1, 1061, through the zeal of Hildebrand, he was raised to the papal throne. 

3. {{sc|Alexander}} III. (died in 1181), Rolando Ranuci; Pope 1159-1181. His career is historically important because of his vigorous prosecution, in opposition to Frederick Barbarossa, of the policies begun by Hildebrand. Three anti-Popes, Victor IV., Pascal III. and Calixtus III., had been confirmed in succession by the emperor. Alexander succeeded, and after the decisive victory at Legnano compelled Frederick's submission. The papal struggle was carried on in England by Thomas à Becket, ending in a victory for Alexander. Important changes were made by Alexander III., increasing ecclesiastical powers and privileges.
{{nop}}&lt;section begin=&quot;Alexander (popes)&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1991" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|BOOK IX.}}

{{asc|OKINAGA-TARASHI-HIME NO MIKOTO.}}

{{larger|(''JINGŌ''&lt;ref&gt;Divine merit or success.&lt;/ref&gt; ''KŌGU''.)}}}}

{{sc|Okinaga-tarashi-hime no Mikoto}} was the great-grandchild of the Emperor Waka-Yamato-neko-hiko Ohohihi&lt;ref&gt;Kaikwa Tennō.&lt;/ref&gt; and the daughter of Prince Okinaga&lt;ref&gt;Name of a place in Ohomi. This is hardly consistent with the statement at the end of this reign that Oki-naga (long life) was a posthumous name given her, apparently owing to the great age to which she attained.&lt;/ref&gt; no Sukune. Her mother's name was Katsuraki no Taka-nuka-hime. She was made Empress in the second year of the Emperor Naka-tsu-hiko. Whilst still young, she was intelligent and shrewd, and her countenance was of such blooming beauty that the Prince her father wondered at it.

In his 9th year, Spring, the 2nd month, the Emperor Naka-tsu-hiko died in the palace of Kashihi in Tsukushi. At this time the Empress was grieved that the Emperor would not follow the Divine instructions, and had consequently died {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 2.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}a premature death. She thought she would find out what God had sent the curse, so that she might possess herself of the land of treasures. She therefore commanded her Ministers and functionaries to purge offences&lt;ref&gt;The ceremony of purification (harahi) is referred to.
{{nop}}
Motowori observes on the parallel passage of the &quot;Kojiki&quot; that tsumi, offence, includes kegare, pollutions, ashiki waza, ill-deeds, and wazawahi, calamities. The offences for which the ceremony of purification was required are enumerated in the &quot;Kojiki&quot; as flaying alive, flaying backwards, breaking down the divisions between rice-fields, filling up irrigating channels, committing nuisances, incest, and bestiality. The Oho-harahi, or Great Purification Ritual, gives a similar but more detailed description. See Ch. K., p. 230.&lt;/ref&gt; and to rectify {{hws|transgres|transgressions}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2717" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|225}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|sions|transgressions}}, also to construct a Palace of worship&lt;ref&gt;Lit. religious abstinence. See above, {{nsl2|p. 176|../Book VI#176}}.&lt;/ref&gt; in the village of Wayamada.

3rd month, 1st day. The Empress, having selected a lucky day,&lt;ref&gt;&quot;Lucky day&quot; is probably a Chinese trait.&lt;/ref&gt; entered the Palace of worship, and discharged in person the office of priest.&lt;ref&gt;Kannushi.&lt;/ref&gt; She commanded Takechi no Sukune to play on the lute,&lt;ref&gt;The Japanese or Adzuma koto, described as an instrument five or six feet long, with six strings.&lt;/ref&gt; and the Nakatomi, Igatsu no Omi, was designated as Saniha.&lt;ref&gt;Saniha is explained as the official who examines the utterances prompted by the Deity. The literal meaning is &quot;pure court,&quot; from the place in which he stood during the ceremony. See Ch. K., p. 229.&lt;/ref&gt; Then placing one thousand pieces of cloth, high pieces of cloth, on the top and bottom of the lute, she prayed, saying:—&quot;Who is the God who on a former day instructed the Emperor? I pray that I may know his name.&quot; After seven days and seven nights there came an answer, saying:—&quot;I am the Deity who dwells in the Shrine of split-bell Isuzu in the district of hundred-transmit Watarahi in the province of divine-wind Ise,&lt;ref&gt;The epithets split-bell, hundred-transmit and divine-wind are makura-kotoba or pillow-words, which have no meaning to us. Split-bell is put before Isuzu because suzu means bell (Fr. grêlot). Wataru, &quot;to cross over,&quot; suggests the phrase momo-tsutahe (hundred-transmit). See Ch. K., p. 247.&lt;/ref&gt; and my name is Tsuki-sakaki idzu no mi-tama ama-zakaru Muka-tsu hime&lt;ref&gt;The awful spirit of the planted Cleyera, the lady of sky-distant Mukatsu. Mukatsu, as appears from {{nsl2|p. 221|../Book VIII#221}}, is Corea. The Deity who dwells at Ise is the Sun-Goddess. But she chooses (apparently) to represent herself as a Corean Deity. Sakaki (Cleyera Japonica) is the sacred tree of Shintō.&lt;/ref&gt; no Mikoto.

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 3.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}Again she inquired:—&quot;Other than this Deity, are there any Deities present?&quot; The answer was:—&quot;I am the Deity who comes forth on the ears of the flag-like Eulalia,&lt;ref&gt;A tall grass, like pampas grass, hence the epithet flag-like.&lt;/ref&gt; and my dwelling is in the district of Aha in Ada-fushi in Oda.&quot; She inquired:—&quot;Are there others?&quot; There was an answer, saying:—&quot;There is the Deity who rules in Heaven, who rules in the Void, the gem-casket-entering-prince, the awful Koto-shiro-nushi.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Koto-shiro-nushi, thing-know-master. Thing-know is a Chinese idiom for &quot;to rule,&quot; and it is the same word which is rendered rule just above.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/257</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2355" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|226|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;She inquired:—&quot;Are there others?&quot; There was an answer, saying:—&quot;It is not known whether there are others or not.&quot; Hereupon the Saniha&lt;ref&gt;See above, {{nsl2|p. 225|#cite_note-9}}.&lt;/ref&gt; said:—&quot;There is no answer now, but they will speak again afterwards.&quot; So there was an answer, saying:—&quot;There are the Gods who have settled to the bottom of the water of the Little Strait of Tachibana&lt;ref&gt;Little Strait is in the original Wodo: the Bungo Channel.&lt;/ref&gt; in the Land of Hiuga, and who are produced and dwell there like fresh water plants. Their names are Uha-tsutsu no wo, Naka-tsutsu no wo, and Soko-tsutsu no wo.&lt;ref&gt;See Ch. K., p. 41, also above, {{nsl2|p. 27|../Book I#27}}.&lt;/ref&gt;

She inquired:—&quot;Are there others?&quot; There was an answer, saying:—&quot;Whether there are or not is unknown.&quot; And nothing more was ever said as to the existence of other Gods.

Now that the Divine words&lt;ref&gt;The term &quot;divine words&quot; probably means the proper names and titles of the Deities.&lt;/ref&gt; had been obtained, the Gods were worshipped in accordance with their instructions. Thereafter, Kamo no Wake, the ancestor of the Kibi no Omi, was sent to attack the Kumaso. Before many days had elapsed they freely submitted.

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 4.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}Moreover, there was in the village of Notorita a man named Hashiro Kuma-washi.&lt;ref&gt;Feather-white bear-eagle.&lt;/ref&gt; He was a fellow of powerful frame, and had wings on his body, so that he could fly, and with them soar aloft. Therefore he would not obey the Imperial commands, but habitually plundered the people.

17th day. The Empress desired to attack Kuma-washi. So from the Palace of Kashihi she returned to the Palace of Matsunowo. At this time a whirlwind suddenly arose, and her august hat was blown off by the wind. Therefore the men of the time called that place Mikasa.&lt;ref&gt;August hat.&lt;/ref&gt;

20th day. She arrived at the Moor of Sosoki, where she took up arms and smote Hashiro Kuma-washi, and destroyed him. Then she addressed her courtiers, saying:—&quot;My mind is at peace now that we have taken Kuma-washi.&quot; Therefore the name of that place was called Yasu.&lt;ref&gt;Peaceful.&lt;/ref&gt;

25th day. Going on from thence, she arrived at the district of Yamato,&lt;ref&gt;In Chikugo.&lt;/ref&gt; where she put to death a Tsuchi-gumo named&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/258</title>
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      <text bytes="2385" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|227}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Tabura-tsu-hime. Now Tabura-tsu-hime's elder brother Natsuha had raised an army and advanced against the Empress, but on hearing that his younger sister had been already put to death, he took to flight.

Summer, 4th month, 3rd day. Proceeding northwards, she arrived at the district of Matsura in the Land of Hizen, and partook of food on the bank of the river Wogawa,&lt;ref&gt;Little river.&lt;/ref&gt; in the village of Tamashima. Here the Empress bent a needle, and made of it a hook. She took grains of rice and used them as bait. Pulling out the threads of her garment, she made of them a line. Then mounting upon a stone in the middle of the {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 5.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}river, and casting the hook, she prayed, saying:—&quot;We are proceeding westward, where we desire to gain possession of the Land of Treasure. If we are to succeed, let the fish of the river bite the hook.&quot; Accordingly, raising up her fishing-rod, she caught a trout. Then the Empress said:—&quot;It is a strange thing.&quot; Wherefore the men of the day called that place the Land of Medzura. The present name Matsura&lt;ref&gt;Medzurashiki means &quot;strange.&quot; Matsura is really Matsu-ura, fir-bay.&lt;/ref&gt; is a corruption of this. For this reason, whenever the 1st decade of the 4th month comes round, the women of that land take hooks, which they cast into the river and catch trout—a custom which has not ceased unto this day. The men may angle for fish, but they cannot catch any.

This having been done, the Empress knew that there was virtue in the teaching of the Gods, and she made sacrifice anew to the Gods of Heaven and Earth. As it was her purpose in person to chastise the West, she set apart a sacred rice-field, and tilled it. Then, in order to divert water from the Naka-gaha with which to irrigate it, she dug a channel as far as the Hill of Todoroki. But a great rock stood in the way, and she was unable to pierce a channel through it. Then the Empress sent for Takechi no Sukune, and offering a sword and a mirror made him pray to the Gods of Heaven and Earth, and ask them to allow the channel to be completed. Straightway there came thunder and lightning, and stamped that rock asunder, so that the water passed through. Therefore the men of the time called that channel the Channel of Sakuta.&lt;ref&gt;Sundered field.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/259</title>
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      <text bytes="2407" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|228|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The Empress returned to the Bay of Kashihi, and loosing her hair, looked over the sea, saying:—&quot;I, having received the instructions of the Gods of Heaven and Earth, and trusting in the Spirits of the Imperial ancestors, floating across the deep blue sea, intend in person to chastise the West. Therefore do {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 6.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}I now lave my head in the water of the sea. If I am to be successful, let my hair part spontaneously into two.&quot; Accordingly she entered the sea and bathed, and her hair parted of its own accord. The Empress bound it up parted into bunches.&lt;ref&gt;In manly fashion.&lt;/ref&gt;

Then she addressed her ministers, saying:—&quot;To make war and move troops is a matter of the greatest concern to a country. Peace and danger, success and failure must depend on it. If I now entrusted to you, my ministers, the duties of the expedition we are about to undertake, the blame, in case of ill-success, would rest with you. This would be very grievous to me. Therefore, although I am a woman, and a feeble woman too, I will for a while borrow the outward appearance of a man, and force myself to adopt manly counsels. Above, I shall receive support from the Spirits of the Gods of Heaven and Earth, while below I shall avail myself of the assistance of you, my ministers. Brandishing our weapons, we shall cross the towering billows: preparing an array of ships, we shall take possession of the Land of Treasure. If the enterprise succeeds, all of you, my ministers, will have the credit, while if it is unsuccessful, I alone shall be to blame. Such have been my intentions, do ye deliberate together regarding them.&quot; The ministers all said:—&quot;The object of the measure which the Empress has devised for the Empire is to tranquillize the ancestral shrines and the Gods of the Earth and Grain, and also to protect her servants from blame. With heads bowed to the ground we receive thy commands.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;This speech is copied from a Chinese book.&lt;/ref&gt;

Autumn, 9th month, 10th day. The various provinces were ordered to collect ships and to practise the use of weapons. But an army could not be assembled. The Empress said:—&quot;This is surely the will of a God.&quot; So she erected the Shrine of Oho-miwa, and offered there a sword and a spear. Then the troops assembled freely. Hereupon a fisherman of Ahe, by&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2418" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|229}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 7.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}name Womaro, was sent out into the Western Sea, to spy if there was any land there. He came back and said:—&quot;There is no land to be seen.&quot; Again a fisherman of Shika, named Nagusa, was sent to look. After several days he returned, and said:—&quot;To the north-west, there is a mountain girt with clouds and extending crosswise. This is perhaps a country.&quot; Hereupon a lucky day was fixed upon by divination. There was yet an interval before they should set out. Then the Empress in person, grasping her battle-axe, commanded the three divisions of her army, saying:—&quot;If the drums are beaten out of time, and the signal-flags are waved confusedly, order cannot be preserved among the troops: if greedy of wealth, and eager for much, you cherish self and have regard for your own interests, you will surely be taken prisoners by the enemy. Despise not the enemy, though his numbers may be few; shrink not from him, though his numbers may be many. Spare not the violent, slay not the submissive. There will surely be rewards for those who ultimately conquer in battle, and of course punishments for those who turn their backs and flee.&quot;

After this a God gave instructions, saying:—&quot;A gentle spirit will attach itself to the Empress's person, and keep watch over her life: a rough spirit will form the vanguard, and be a {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 8.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}guide to the squadron.&quot; So when she had received the divine instructions she did worship, and for this purpose appointed Otarimi,&lt;ref&gt;Otarimi is the na, or personal name; Yosami the uji, or name of the House; Ahiko is the Kabane, or title.&lt;/ref&gt; Yosami no Ahiko to be the Director of the ceremonies in honour of the God.

The time had now come for the Empress's delivery. So she took a stone which she inserted in her loins, and prayed, saying:—&quot;Let my delivery be in this land on the day that I return after our enterprise is at an end.&quot; That stone is now on the road-side in the district of Ito.&lt;ref&gt;Tradition pointed out ''two'' white egg-shaped stones a little over a foot long as those used on this occasion. They were afterwards stolen.&lt;/ref&gt;

After this the rough spirit was told to act as vanguard of the forces, and the gentle spirit requested to act as guardian of the Royal vessel.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/261</title>
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      <text bytes="2540" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|230|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Winter, 10th month, 3rd day. Sail was set from the harbour of Wani.&lt;ref&gt;In Tsushima.&lt;/ref&gt; Then the Wind-God made a breeze to spring up, and the Sea-God&lt;ref&gt;The words used here for Wind-God and Sea-God are purely Chinese. &quot;Æolus&quot; and &quot;Neptune&quot; would be just as appropriate in a Saga.&lt;/ref&gt; uplifted the billows. The great fishes of the ocean, every one, came to the surface and encompassed the {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 9.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}ships. Presently a great wind blew from a favourable quarter on the ships under sail, and following the waves, without the labour of the oar or helm, they arrived at Silla. The tide-wave following the ships reached far up into the interior of the country. Hereupon the King of Silla feared and trembled, and knew not what to do, so he assembled all his people and said to them:—&quot;Since the State of Silla was founded, it has never yet been heard that the water of the sea has encroached upon the land. Is it possible that the term of existence granted to it by Heaven has expired, and that our country is to become a part of the ocean?&quot; Scarce had he spoken when a warlike fleet overspread the sea. Their banners were resplendent in the sunlight. The drums and fifes raised up their voices, and the mountains and rivers all thrilled to the sound. The King of Silla beholding this from afar felt that his country was about to be destroyed by this extraordinary force, and was terrified out of his senses. But presently coming to himself, he said:—&quot;I have heard that in the East there is a divine country named Nippon, and also that there is there a wise sovereign called the Tennō. This divine force must belong to that country. How {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 10.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}could we resist them by force of arms?&quot; So he took a white flag, and of his own accord rendered submission, tying his hands behind his back with a white rope. He sealed up the maps and registers, and going down before the Royal vessel bowed his head to the ground, and said:—&quot;Henceforward, as long as Heaven and Earth endure, we will obediently act as thy forage-providers. Not allowing the helms of our ships to become dry, every spring and every autumn we will send tribute of horse-combs and whips. And, without thinking the sea-distance a trouble, we will pay annual dues of male and female slaves.&quot; He confirmed this by repeated oaths, saying:—&quot;When the sun no longer rises in the East, but comes forth&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2523" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|231}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;in the West; when the River Arinare&lt;ref&gt;Supposed to be the Am-nok-kang.&lt;/ref&gt; turns its course backward, and when the river pebbles ascend and become stars—if before this we fail to pay homage every spring and every autumn, or neglect to send tribute of combs and whips, may the Gods of Heaven and Earth both together punish us.&quot;

Then someone said:—&quot;Let us put to death the King of Silla.&quot; Hereupon the Empress said:—&quot;When I first received the Divine instructions, promising to bestow on me the Land of Gold and Silver, I gave orders to the three divisions of the army, saying:—'Slay not the submissive.' Now that we have taken the Land of Treasure, and its people have freely offered submission, it would be unlucky to slay them.&quot; So she loosed the cords with which he was bound, and made him her forage-provider.

Ultimately she proceeded to the interior of that country, placed seals on the magazines of precious treasure, and took possession of the books of maps and registers.&lt;ref&gt;The Cadastral records.&lt;/ref&gt; The spear on which the Empress leant&lt;ref&gt;As a staff.&lt;/ref&gt; was planted at the gate of the King of Silla as a memorial to after ages. Therefore that spear even now remains planted at the King of Silla's gate.

Now Phasa Mikeun,&lt;ref&gt;The traditional kana rendering is Hasa Mukin. Phasa was the 6th King of Silia. He reigned from {{asc|A.D.}} 80 to {{asc|A.D.}} 112. Mikeun or Mukin is not clear. The last syllable corresponds with the last syllable of ni-să-keun ({{lang|zh|尼師今}}), an old Silla word for king, mentioned in the Introduction to the &quot;Tongkam.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt; King of Silla, gave as a hostage Mi-cheul-kwi-chi Pha-chin Kan-ki,&lt;ref&gt;The traditional kana has Mi-shi-ko-chi Ha-tori Kamu-ki. Pha-chin was the fourth official rank in Silla (see &quot;Tongkam,&quot; I. 31), and Kanki is said by the Shiki to be a title. A Silla Prince named Misǎheun (in Japanese Mishikin) was sent as hostage to Japan {{asc|A.D.}} 402. It is clear from what follows ({{asc|A.D.}} 205) that this is the same person.&lt;/ref&gt; and with gold and silver, bright colours, figured gauzes and silks, he loaded eighty vessels, which he made to follow after the Imperial forces. This was the origin of the King of Silla always sending eighty ships of tribute.

Hereupon the kings of the two countries of Koryö and Pèkché&lt;ref name=&quot;p231&quot;&gt;The original name of this country is Kokuryö. It did not become officially known as Koryö until {{asc|A.D.}} 936, but the contracted form was in use&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2794" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|232|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 12.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}hearing that Silla had rendered up its maps and registers,&lt;ref&gt;i.e. the territory described in them.&lt;/ref&gt; and made submission, secretly caused the warlike power (of the Empress) to be spied out. Finding then that they could not be victorious, they came of themselves without the camp, and bowing their heads to the ground, and sighing, said:—&quot;Henceforth for ever, these lands shall be styled thy western frontier provinces, and will not cease to offer tribute.&quot; Accordingly interior Governments were instituted. This is what is termed the three Han.&lt;ref&gt;Corea at one time was divided into three kingdoms, called Ma-han, Sin-han, and Pyön-han, corresponding respectively to Pèkché, Silla, and Koryö. But there is some doubt on the subject.
{{nop}}
The three Han are rendered in the kana gloss mitsu no Kara-kuni. But although Kara is sometimes used loosely for all Corea, and even to include China, I doubt much whether there ever was such a phrase as the three Karas. It looks like a mere literal translation of Samham.
{{nop}}
For an estimate of the historical value of this narrative of the conquest of Corea, I would refer the reader to my paper on Early Japanese History in the &quot;T.A.S.J.,&quot; XVI. Pt. I.&lt;/ref&gt;

The Empress returned from Silla.

12th month, 14th day. She gave birth to the Emperor Homuda in Tsukushi. Therefore the men of that time called the place where he was born Umi.&lt;ref&gt;Birth.&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref follow=&quot;p231&quot;&gt;long before, and there are examples of it in Chinese literature as early as {{asc|A.D.}} 500 (Parker, &quot;Race Struggles in Corea,&quot; &quot;T.A.S.J.,&quot; XVIII., Pt. II.). The capital was Phyöngyang, at least at one time.
{{nop}}
The Japanese name for this kingdom was Koma, a word of doubtful derivation. I think it possible that it means bear (in Corean kom), and that the Koma of Corea and the Kuma of Japan were the same race—like the Saxons of Germany and the Saxons of England. Parker, in the article just referred to (p. 216), suggests that Koma was really a part of Pèkché, and not Koryö. The town of Koma or Kuma was certainly in Pèkché territory, and was for a while the capital. But I cannot think that the Japanese could have been mistaken on this point. They were far too well acquainted with Corean matters, and with them Koryö and Koma are the same thing. It is probable nevertheless that Koma or Kumanari was at some time the seat of the race of that name, as Kumamoto in Japan was of the Japanese Kuma. It is now Ung-chhön (bear-river), near the mouth of the R. Nak-tong, and a convenient port for crossing over to Japan.
{{nop}}
Pèkché, known to the Japanese as Kudara, was the S.-W. kingdom of Corea.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2308" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|233}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{quote/s}}
{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 13.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}One version says:—&quot;When the Emperor Tarashi-nakatsu-hiko dwelt in the palace of Kashihi in Tsukushi, there were Deities who spake by the mouth of Uchi-saru-taka, Kuni-saru-taka, and Matsu-ya-tane, ancestors of the Agata-nushi of Saha, and admonished the Emperor, saying:—'If the august descendant wishes to gain the Land of Treasure, we will presently bestow it on him.' So on a later day, a lute was brought and given to the Empress. And the Empress played upon the lute, in accordance with the word of the Gods. Hereupon the Gods spake by the mouth of the Empress, and admonished the Emperor, saying:—'The land which the august descendant wishes for is, as it were, a stag's horn, and not a real country. But if the august descendant now makes due offering to us of the ship in which he sails, and of the water-field&lt;ref&gt;Rice-field.&lt;/ref&gt; called Ohota given him as tribute by Homutate, the Atahe of Anato, we will bestow on the august descendant a dazzling land, a land of plenteous treasures, fair to look upon as a beautiful woman.' Then the Emperor answered the Gods, saying:—'Gods though ye may be, why these deceiving words? Where is there any country? Moreover, when the ship in which We sail has been offered to you Deities, in what ship shall We sail? Nor do I know what Gods ye are. I pray you, let me know your names.' Then the Gods gave their names, saying:—'Uha-tsutsu no wo, Naka-tsutsu no wo, Soko-tsutsu no wo.' Such were the names of the three Gods given by them. And again one said:—'I am Mukahitsu-no wo, Kiki-so-ofu-itsuno mitama, Hayasa-nobori no Mikoto.' Then the Emperor spake to the Empress, and said:—'What ill-sounding things they say! Is it a woman? What is meant by Hayasa-nobori?'&lt;ref&gt;Speed-ascend.&lt;/ref&gt; Then the {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 14.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}Gods addressed the Emperor, saying:—'O King, since thou art thus unbelieving, thou shalt not possess that country. But the child which is now in the Empress's womb, he will doubtless take possession of it.' On that night the Emperor took suddenly ill, and died. Afterwards the Empress performed worship in accordance with the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{quote/e}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2355" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|234|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}
{{quote/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;directions of the Gods.&lt;ref&gt;i.e. offering the ship and lands.&lt;/ref&gt; Then the Empress, clad in male attire, went on the expedition against Silla, and the Gods guided her. Accordingly the wave which followed the ship reached far into the interior of the Land of Silla. Hereupon the Silla Prince Urusohorichiu&lt;ref&gt;This transliteration follows the traditional Japanese pronunciation. The Corean would be U-ryu-cho-pu-ri-chi-u. It may be suspected that the final u {{lang|zh|于}} is a mistake for {{lang|zh|干}} kan, a frequent element of Corean titles, perhaps = khan, kami? See Parker's &quot;Race Struggles in Corea,&quot; p. 220.&lt;/ref&gt; came to meet the Empress, and kneeling down, took hold of the Royal vessel. Bowing his head to the ground, he said:—'Henceforward thy servant will act as an interior Government for the child of the Gods who dwells in Japan, and will not cease to furnish tribute.' &quot;

One version says:—&quot;She took prisoner the Prince of Silla, and going to the sea-side, plucked out his knee-caps&lt;ref&gt;A Chinese punishment.&lt;/ref&gt;, and causing him to crawl on the rocks, suddenly slew him, and buried him in the sand. Accordingly she stationed there one man as Governor of Silla, and departed. Afterwards, the wife of the Prince of Silla, not knowing where the body of her husband was buried, all by herself conceived the thought of deluding the Governor. So, enticing him, she said:—'If thou wilt let me know the place where the Prince's body is buried, I will surely reward thee liberally, and will become thy wife.' Hereupon the Governor believed these deluding words, and secretly made known to her the place where the body was buried. Then the Prince's wife and the people of the country, having consulted together, slew the Governor, and having disinterred the Prince's body, buried it in another place. Then they took the Governor's body, and buried it in the earth under the Prince's tomb, and taking up the coffin, deposited it on the top of the Governor's body, saying:—'This is as it ought necessarily to be, according to the order of things exalted and things base.' Hereupon the Empress,&lt;ref&gt;The original has Tennō a word which, strictly speaking, is either masculine or feminine, but which is not usually applied to this Empress.&lt;/ref&gt; when she heard of this, was&lt;noinclude&gt;{{quote/e}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3002" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|235}}
{{quote/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;mightily incensed, and raised a large army, with which it {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 15.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}was her intent utterly to destroy Silla. So, with war-ships filling the sea, she proceeded thither. At this time the people of Silla were all afraid, and knew not what to do. Having assembled, they consulted together, and slew the Prince's wife by way of apology for their crime.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Tongkam,&quot; Vol. III. p. 21, has the following under the date {{asc|A.D.}} 249, Summer, 4th month:—&quot;The Was invaded Silla, and killed Uro. Before this the Was had sent Kalyako as Ambassador to Silla. The King made Uro entertain him. Uro said, jesting:—&quot;Sooner or later we shall make your King our salt-slave, and your Queen our cook-wench.&quot; When the King of Wa heard this, he sent his General Uto-chiu to invade Silla. The King went out and dwelt at Yuchhon. Uro said:—&quot;To-day's attack is owing to the words of thy servant. I pray thee let me deal with it.&quot; So he went eventually to the Wa army, and said:—&quot;My words on a former day were a jest, and nothing more. Who would have thought that war should be waged, and that things should come to this extremity?&quot; The men of Wa took him, and made a pile of firewood, on which they burnt him to death, and then went away. Afterwards an Ambassador came from Wa. Uro's wife begged leave from the King to entertain him on her own score. Accordingly she made the Ambassador drunk, seized him, and burnt him. The Was, enraged at this, besieged Keumsyöng,{{ref|*}} but had to retire unsuccessful.&quot;
{{nop}}
Notwithstanding the difference of date—{{asc|A.D.}} 200 and {{asc|A.D.}} 249—and other discrepancies, I believe these two narratives relate to the same events. The Prince Urusohorichiu of the Japanese account is the Uro of the Corean history. The word which I have translated Prince is {{lang|zh|王}}, which might also be rendered King. But there is no King of this name in Corean history, and, as appears from a Corean authority quoted in the &quot;Ishōnihonden,&quot; XIV. 11, Syök Uro was the son of King Nahè of Silla. The &quot;Tongkam&quot; relates several other events of his life, among others his appointment as Sö-pul-han (or Sö-pul-ya), whence probably the sohori of the name given him in the Japanese narrative.
{{nop}}
Kalyako is no doubt the same person as the Katsuraki no Sotsu-hiko mentioned below as having been sent on a mission to Silla. Kal is written {{lang|zh|葛}}, which is katsura in Japanese.
{{nop}}
In &quot;Early Japanese History&quot; I have given reasons for thinking that, for this period, Corean history is much more in accordance with facts than that of Japan.
{{rule}}
{{c|{{note|*}} The Silla capital.}}&lt;/ref&gt;
{{quote/e}}

Hereupon the three Gods who accompanied the expedition, viz. Uha-tsutsu no wo, Naka-tsutsu no wo, and Soko-tsutsu no wo, admonished the Empress, saying:—&quot;Let our rough spirits be worshipped at the village of Yamada in Anato.&quot; Now&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2670" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|236|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Homutate, the ancestor of the Atahe of Anato, and Tamomi no Sukune, ancestor of the Muraji of Tsumori, represented to the Empress, saying:—&quot;Surely thou wilt set apart unto the Gods the lands where they desire to dwell.&quot; So Homutate was appointed master of the worship of the rough spirits, and a shrine was erected in the village of Yamada in Anato.

Now in Spring, the second month of the year following the expedition against Silla, the Empress removed with her ministers and functionaries to the palace of Toyora in Anato, where she took up the Emperor's remains, and proceeded towards the capital by the sea-route. Now Prince Kakosaka and Prince Oshikuma, hearing of the Emperor's decease, as well as of the Empress's expedition to the West, and of the recent birth of an Imperial Prince, plotted secretly, saying:—&quot;The Empress has now a child, and all the ministers obey her. They will certainly consult together and establish an infant sovereign. But shall we, the elders, obey our younger brother?&quot; So, pretending that it was in order to build a misasagi for the Emperor, they went to Harima, and raised a misasagi at Akashi.&lt;ref&gt;Two or three miles to the east of Maiko, on the bluff above the village of West Tarumi, there is a very large double mound, which local tradition has associated with the name of Chiuai Tennō. It is surrounded by the usual circles of clay cylinders, known in the neighbourhood as &quot;Chiuai no sen-tsubo,&quot; i.e. &quot;the thousand jars of Chiuai.&quot;
{{nop}}
There is a smaller mound of circular shape close to the other, also surrounded by a circle of clay cylinders. This is no doubt the tomb of a wife, son, or minister of the personage buried in the main tumulus. The &quot;Nihongi&quot; tradition does not account for it.
{{nop}}
The stones were to build the megalithic chamber.&lt;/ref&gt; Accordingly they joined boats together in a string across to the island of Ahaji, and so transported the {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 16.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}stones of that island to build it. Now they made every man take a weapon, and so they awaited the Empress. Hereupon Kurami-wake, the ancestor of the Kimi of Inugami, and Isachi no Sukune, ancestor of the Kishi,&lt;ref&gt;Kishi ({{lang|zh|吉師}}) is obviously the same as the Silla fourteenth official grade kilsă ({{lang|zh|吉士}}). See &quot;Tongkam,&quot; I. 31. Ason, so frequently met with in later times, is also a Corean official grade. Has sukune anything to do with the Silla word for king, isăkeun?
{{nop}}
The &quot;Kojiki&quot; has &quot;Kishi of Naniha&quot; in this passage, no doubt rightly. Ch. K., p. 235.&lt;/ref&gt; together joined {{hws|them|themselves}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2464" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|237}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|selves|themselves}} unto Prince Kakosaka, who made them his generals, and directed them to raise troops from the Eastern Land. Then Prince Kakosaka and Prince Oshikuma went forth together to the moor of Toga, and made a &quot;hunt-prayer,&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Ukehi-gari, a kind of divination.&lt;/ref&gt; saying:—&quot;If our project is to be successful, then surely let us take some good game.&quot; The two Princes sat each in his shelter, when a wild-boar&lt;ref&gt;Lit. a red pig, so called from its flesh being red. The domestic pig is the white pig.&lt;/ref&gt; sprang out suddenly, and climbing on to the shelter, bit Prince Kakosaka and killed him. The soldiers every one shuddered with fear. Then Prince Oshikuma addressed Kurami-wake, saying:—&quot;This is a very ominous thing. We ought not to await the enemy here.&quot; So he withdrew his troops, and retreating again, encamped at Sumiyoshi.&lt;ref&gt;Near Kōbe.&lt;/ref&gt; At this time, the Empress heard that Prince Oshikuma had raised an army, and was awaiting her. She commanded Takechi no Sukune to take in his bosom the Imperial Prince, and going out across by way of the south-sea provinces,&lt;ref&gt;Now called Shikoku.&lt;/ref&gt; to anchor in the harbour of Kiï, while the Empress's ship made straight for Naniha. At this time the Empress's ship swerved towards the midst of the sea, and was unable to proceed. She returned again to the harbour of Muko,&lt;ref&gt;Now Hiōge.&lt;/ref&gt; where she made divination as to this.

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 17.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}Hereupon Ama-terasu no Oho-kami admonished her, saying:—&quot;My rough spirit may not approach the Imperial residence. Let him dwell in the land of Hirota in Mikokoro.&quot; So Ha-yama-hime, daughter of Yamashiro-neko, was appointed to worship him. Moreover, Waka-hiru-me no Mikoto admonished the Empress, saying:—&quot;I wish to dwell in the land of Nagawo in Ikuta.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Just behind the foreign settlement of Kōbe.&lt;/ref&gt; So Una-gami no Isachi was appointed to worship her. Again, Koto-shiro-nushi no Mikoto admonished her, saying:—&quot;Worship me in the land of Nakata in Mi-kokoro.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Mikokoro here and above may mean &quot;after my august heart.&quot; &lt;/ref&gt; So Naga-hime, younger sister of Ha-yama-hime, was appointed to worship him. Again the three Gods, Uha-tsutsu no wo, Naka-tsutsu no wo, and Soko-tsutsu no wo, admonished her, saying:—&quot;Let our gentle spirits dwell at Nagawo&lt;ref&gt;Sumiyoshi, near Kōbe.&lt;/ref&gt; in {{hws|Nuna|Nuna-kura}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2384" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|238|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|kura|Nuna-kura}} in Ohotsu, so that they may look upon the ships passing back and forward.&quot; Hereupon these Gods were enshrined in {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 18.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}accordance with their instructions, and the Empress was enabled to cross the sea in peace.

Prince Oshikuma, again withdrawing his troops, retreated as far as Uji, where he encamped. The Empress proceeded southwards to the land of Kiï, and met the Prince Imperial at Hitaka. Having consulted with her Ministers, she at length desired to attack Prince Oshikuma, and removed to the Palace of Shinu. It so happened that at this time the day was dark like night. Many days passed in this manner, and the men of that time said:—&quot;This is the Eternal Night.&quot; The Empress inquired of Toyomimi, the ancestor of the Atahe of Ki, saying:—&quot;Wherefore is this omen?&quot; Then there was an old man who said:—&quot;I have heard by tradition that this kind of omen is called Atsunahi no tsumi.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;The calamity of there being no sun.&lt;/ref&gt; She inquired:—&quot;What does it mean?&quot; He answered and said:—&quot;The priests&lt;ref&gt;Hafuri.&lt;/ref&gt; of the two shrines have been buried together.&quot; Therefore she made strict investigation in the village. There was a man who said:—&quot;The priest of Shinu and the priest of Amano were good friends. The priest of Shinu fell ill, and died. The priest of Amano wept and wailed, saying:—'We have been friends together since our birth. Why in our death should there not be the same grave for both?' So he lay down beside the corpse and died of himself, so that they were buried together. This is perhaps the reason.&quot; So they opened the tomb, and on examination found that it was true. Therefore they again changed their coffins and interred them separately, upon which the sunlight shone forth, and there was a difference between day and night.

3rd month, 5th day. The Empress commanded Takechi no Sukune and Take-furu-kuma, ancestor of the Omi of Wani, to lead an army of several tens of thousands of men to attack {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 19.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}Prince Oshikuma. Hereupon, Takechi no Sukune and his colleague, having taken picked men, went out by way of Yamashiro as far as Uji, where they encamped north of the river. Prince Oshikuma came out from his camp, and offered&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1974" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|239}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;battle. Now there was a man called Kuma&lt;ref&gt;The reader will have noticed how frequently Kuma, bear, occurs in proper names. It is, I think, the race Kuma (in Corean, Koma) to which they should be referred.&lt;/ref&gt; no Kori, who formed the vanguard of Prince Oshikuma's army.

{{quote/s}}
One version says:—&quot;Ancestor of the Obito of Katsurano no ki.&quot; Another says:—&quot;The remote ancestor of the Kishi of Tako.&quot;
{{quote/e}}

Accordingly, in order to encourage his men, he sang with a loud voice, saying:—

{{bc|{{fine block|&lt;poem&gt;Beyond the river
Is the rough pine-clad plain—
To that pine-clad plain
Let us cross over,
With bows of ''tsuki'',
And store of sounding arrows.
My dear fellow!
My dear fellows!
My cousin too!
My cousins!
Come! let us join battle
With Uchi no Aso!&lt;ref&gt;Aso is the same as Ason or 'Asomi, probably derived from Ason ({{lang|zh|阿飡}}), the 6th Silla official rank. This is the first mention of this title. The reference is to Takechi (Take-uchi) no Sukune. Uchi has a pillow-word (tamaki haru) prefixed, which is quite untranslatable. Cf. Ch. K., p. 283.&lt;/ref&gt;
(Within a tile
Is there any sand?)&lt;ref&gt;These two lines are, of course, utterly irrelevant. They are brought in for the sake of a play of words, with which it is not worth while troubling the reader.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 20.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}Come! let us join battle!&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

Then Takechi no Sukune, giving command to the three divisions of the army, made them all bind up their hair mallet-wise. Accordingly he made an order, saying:—&quot;Let every one of you have spare bow-strings concealed in your top-knots, and gird on wooden swords.&quot; Having done so, in accordance with the commands of the Empress, he deluded Prince Oshikuma, saying:—&quot;I am not greedy to possess the Empire. Only, while cherishing the infant Prince, we will obey my Lord the Prince. Why should I contend with thee in battle?&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2141" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|240|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;I pray thee let us both cut our bow-strings, fling away our weapons, and be in harmony together. Then mayest thou, my Lord the Prince, mount to the Heavenly office, and sit at peace, making high thy pillow, and wielding at thy will the ten thousand appliances.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;i.e. all the machinery of Government.&lt;/ref&gt;

So he openly gave orders to his army that they should all cut their bow-strings, and ungirding their swords, fling them into the river-water. Prince Oshikuma believed these deluding words, and ordered all his troops to ungird their weapons and fling them into the water of the river, and also to cut their bow-strings. Upon this, Takechi no Sukune commanded the three divisions of his army to produce their spare bow-strings, and to string their bows again, and, girt with their real swords, to advance across the river. Prince Oshikuma, seeing that he had been deceived, spake to Kurami-wake and Isachi no Sukune, saying:—&quot;We have been deceived, and have now no spare weapons. How shall we be able to fight?&quot; So he withdrew his forces and gradually retreated. Then Takechi no Sukune sent forth his choice troops and pursued him, and having come up to him just at Afusaka, put him to the rout. Therefore that place was called Afusaka.&lt;ref&gt;Pronounced Ôsaka, i.e. the hill of meeting. The pass on the road from Kiôto to Ôtsu. A railway tunnel now goes under it.&lt;/ref&gt; The army took to flight, and ran as far as Kurusu in Sasanami. Many were slain. {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 21.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}Hereupon the blood overflowed into Kurusu. Therefore in horror of this, until this day, the fruit of Kurusu&lt;ref&gt;Kurusu means chestnut-village.&lt;/ref&gt; is not offered to the Imperial Palace. Prince Oshikuma, not knowing whither to betake himself in his flight, called to him Isachi no Sukune and made a song, saying:—

{{bc|{{fine block|&lt;poem&gt;Come! my child,
Isachi Sukune!
Rather than receive a severe wound
From the mallet&lt;ref&gt;Kabu-tsuchi. See {{nsl2|p. 123|../Book III#123}}.&lt;/ref&gt;
Of Uchi no Aso,
Like unto the grebe
Let us make a plunge!&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/272</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507140</id>
      <parentid>8226205</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2256" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|241}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;So they sank together in the crossing-place of Seta, and died. Then Takechi no Sukune made a song, saying:—

{{bc|{{fine block|&lt;poem&gt;The birds that dived,
At the ferry of Seta,
By the sea of Afumi.&lt;ref&gt;Now called Lake Biwa, in the province of Afumi or Ômi.&lt;/ref&gt;
Since with my eyes I cannot see them,
Can they be still alive?&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

Hereupon they searched for their dead bodies, and were unable to find them. But several days after, they came out on the river-bank at Uji.&lt;ref&gt;Uji is some miles further down the river issuing from Lake Biwa than Seta. Seta is just where it leaves the lake.&lt;/ref&gt; Then Takechi no Sukune again made a song, saying:—

{{bc|{{fine block|&lt;poem&gt;In the sea of Afumi,
At the ferry of Seta,
The birds that dived—
Passing Tanakami,&lt;ref&gt;The name of the upper part of the Uji River.&lt;/ref&gt;
Have been caught at Uji.&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

Winter, 10th month, 3rd day. The ministers honoured the Empress with the title of Grand Empress. This year was the year Midzunoto I (60th) of the Cycle. It was reckoned the first year of her administration of the Government.

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 22.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{asc|A.D.}} 202.&amp;nbsp;}}2nd year, Winter, 11th month, 8th day. The Emperor was buried in the misasagi of Nagano, in the province of Kahachi.

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{asc|A.D.}} 203.&amp;nbsp;}}3rd year, Spring, 1st month, 3rd day. The Imperial Prince Homuda-wake was appointed Prince Imperial. Accordingly, the capital was made at Ihare. It was called the Palace of Wakazakura.

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{asc|A.D.}} 205.&amp;nbsp;}}5th year, Spring, 3rd month, 7th day. The King of Silla sent O-nyé-să-pöl, Mo-ma-ri Cheul-chi and Pu-ra-mo-chi with tribute. It was their desire to get back Mi-cheul Hö-chi pöl-han, who had formerly come as a hostage. With this object they tampered with Hö-chi pöl-han and caused him to use deceit, telling him to make petition and say:—&quot;The envoys O-nyé-să-pöl, Mo-ma-ri Cheul-chi, and the other have informed me that my king, on account of my long failure to return, has wholly confiscated my wife and family and made&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/273</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1779851</id>
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      <text bytes="2916" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|242|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;them slaves. I pray thee, let me return for a while to my own country and learn whether this be true or false.&quot; The Emperor forthwith gave him leave to go, and accordingly sent him away, accompanied by Katsuraki no Sotsuhiko. They {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 23.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}reached Tsushima together, and stayed for the night at the harbour of Sabi no umi. Then the Silla envoys Mo-ma-ri Cheul-chi and the others secretly provided a separate ship and sailors, on board of which they put Mi-cheul Han-ki and made him escape to Silla. They also made a straw figure which they put in Mi-cheul Hö-chi's berth, and making it appear like a sick man, they informed Sotsuhiko, saying:—&quot;Mi-cheul Hö-chi has taken suddenly ill, and is on the point of death.&quot; Sotsuhiko sent men to nurse him, and so discovered the deception. Having seized the three Silla envoys, he placed them in a cage which he burnt with fire and so killed them. Then he proceeded to Silla, where he touched at the harbour of Tatara. He took the Castle of Chhora, and returned. The captives taken on this occasion were the first ancestors of the Han&lt;ref&gt;The Chinese character is {{lang|zh|漢}}, i.e. the Chinese Han dynasty. The interlinear kana has ayabito, which also means Chinese. Possibly they were descendants of Chinese emigrants to Corea.&lt;/ref&gt; {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 24.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}people of the four villages of Kuhabara, Sabi, Takamiya, and Oshinomi.&lt;ref name=&quot;p242&quot;&gt;Under the date {{asc|A.D.}} 418, Autumn, the &quot;Tongkam&quot; (Vol. IV. 18) has the following:—
{{nop}}
&quot;Pak Ché-syang of Silla went to Wa and died there. The king's younger brother Misăheun came from Wa. Before this Pok-ho (another brother of the King, who had been sent as hostage to Kokuryö) had returned. The King addressed Ché-syang, saying:—'My love for my two younger brothers is like my left and right arms. Now I have got only one arm. What does it avail?' Ché-syang said:—'Though my abilities are those of a broken down horse, I have devoted myself to my country's service. What reason could I have for declining? Kokuryö, however, is a great country, and the king also is wise. Thy servant was able to make him understand with one word. But in dealing with the Was it will be meet to use stratagem to deceive them, and not by mouth and tongue to reason with them. I will pretend that I have committed a crime and absconded. After I have gone I pray thee arrest thy servant's family.' So he swore upon his life not to see again his wife and children, and went to Nyul-pho. The cable was already loosed when his wife came after him, lamenting loudly. Ché-syang said:—'I have already taken my life in my hands, and am leaving for a certain death.'
{{nop}}
At length he went to the Wa country, where he gave out that he was a &lt;/ref&gt;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/274</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:16:34Z</timestamp>
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        <id>2831151</id>
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      <text bytes="3328" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|243}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{asc|A.D.}} 213.&amp;nbsp;}}13th year, Spring, 2nd month, 8th day. Takechi no Sukune&lt;ref follow=&quot;p242&quot;&gt;rebel. The Lord of Wa doubted this. Before this time men of Pèkché had gone to the Wa country, and made a false report, saying:—'Silla and Kokuryö are about to plot together to attack Wa.' The Lord at length sent troops to guard the frontier. And when Kokuryö, having invaded Silla, slew those guards also, the Lord of Wa believed that the story told by the Pèkché men was true. But when he heard that the King of Silla had imprisoned the family of Misăheun and Ché-syang, he thought that Ché-syang was really a rebel. Hereupon he sent forth an army in order to attack Silla, and made Ché-syang and Misăheun guides. Coming to an island in the sea, all the generals consulted secretly how they should destroy Silla and return with Ché-syang and Misăheun's wives and children. Ché-syang, knowing this, sailed with Misăheun every day in a boat, under the pretence of making pleasure excursions. The Was had no suspicion. Ché-syang advised Misăheun to return secretly to his country. Misăheun said:—'How could I have the heart to abandon thee, my lord, and return alone?' Ché-syang said:—'Supposing that I succeed in saving my Prince's life, and thus gratify the feelings of the Great King, it will be enough{{SIC|,|.}} Why should I be so fond of living?' Misăheun wept, and taking his leave, made his escape back to his country. Ché-syang alone slept in the boat. He got up towards evening and waited until Misăheun was far on his way. The Was, when they found that Misăheun had disappeared, bound Ché-syang, and pursued Misăheun, but mist and darkness coming on, they could not overtake him. The Lord of Wa was enraged. He flung Ché-syang into prison, and questioned him, saying:—'Why didst thou secretly send away Misăheun?' Ché-syang said:—'As a subject of Kélin (Silla), I simply wished to carry out the desires of my Lord.' The Lord of Wa was wroth, and said:—'As thou hast now become a vassal of mine, if thou callest thyself a vassal of Kélin, thou shalt surely be subjected to the five punishments. But if thou callest thyself a vassal of the Wa country, I will certainly reward thee liberally.' Ché-syang said:—'I had rather be a puppy-dog of Kélin, than a vassal of the Wa country. I had rather be flogged in Kélin than have dignities and revenues in the Wa country.' The Lord of Wa was wroth. He flayed Ché-syang's feet, cut sedge, and made him walk on it (perhaps on the stubble left after the sedge was cut). Then he asked him, saying:—'Of what country art thou the vassal?' He said:—'The vassal of Kélin.' He also made him stand on hot iron, and asked him:—'Of what country art thou the vassal?' He said:—'The vassal of Kélin.' The Lord of Wa, seeing that he could not bend him, put him to death by burning.
{{nop}}
The King, hearing of this at the island of Mokto, was much grieved, and conferred on Ché-syang the posthumous title of Great Ason. He also bestowed rewards on his family, and made Misăheun marry his second daughter; and afterwards Ché-syang's wife, taking with her her three daughters, went up to a mountain whence she had a view of the Wa country,&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/275</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1779853</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507542</id>
      <parentid>6621493</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:28:50Z</timestamp>
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        <id>2831151</id>
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      <text bytes="2430" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|244|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;ref follow=&quot;p242&quot;&gt;and having wailed bitterly, she died. She was made the Goddess' mother of this mountain, and there is now a shrine there.&quot;
{{nop}}
This, no doubt, relates to the same events as the above passage in the &quot;Nihongi.&quot; Ché-syang is Mo-ma-ri and Misăheun is Mi-cheul Hö-chi.
{{nop}}
The Corean names present much difficulty. I have given the Corean pronunciation of the Chinese characters with which they are written, but there is much room for doubt whether the Japanese pronunciation would not sometimes be better. The text cannot be relied on.
{{nop}}
The interlinear kana gives as the names of the three envoys, Ureshi-hotsu, Momari Shichi, and Furamochi, and of the hostage, Mishi Kochi hotsu-kan. Here shichi is probably for {{lang|zh|舎知}} (sya-chi), the 13th official rank in Silla.
{{nop}}
A Chinese authority quoted by Parker, in &quot;Race Struggles in Corea,&quot; gives one or two examples of Kilin (Kélin or Silla), words which show that 1000 years ago the language was the same as modern Corean. But I cannot recognize anything of the modern language in the Corean names of the &quot;Nihongi.&quot; Later, all proper names in Corea are of Chinese derivation. Many of the Corean words in the &quot;Nihongi&quot; are names of offices, all of which are replaced in modern Corean by words of Chinese derivation.&lt;/ref&gt;was commanded to go with the Prince Imperial and worship the Great God of Kebi in Tsunoga.&lt;ref&gt;Now Tsuruga in Echizen. See Ch. K., p. 237.&lt;/ref&gt;

17th day. The Prince Imperial returned from Tsunoga. On this day the Grand Empress gave a banquet to the Prince Imperial in the Great Hall. The Grand Empress raising her cup wished long life to the Prince Imperial. Accordingly she made a song, saying:—

{{bc|{{fine block|&lt;poem&gt;This august liquor
Is not my august liquor:
This prince of liquors&lt;ref&gt;In the original &quot;Kushi no Kami.&quot; The interpretation given above is Motowori's. This line might also mean &quot;the wondrous deity&quot; or the &quot;God of liquor or sake.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
He that dwells in the Eternal land
Firm as a rock—
The august God Sukuna,
With words of plenteous blessing,
Blessing all around—
With words of divine blessing
{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 25.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}Blessing again and again—
Hath sent as an offering to thee.
::Drink of it deeply.
::Sa! Sa!&lt;ref&gt;An interjection of encouragement or incitement.&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Nihongi by Aston.djvu/276</title>
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      <text bytes="2210" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sc|Jingō}}.|245}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Takechi no Sukune, on behalf of the Prince Imperial, made an answering song, saying:—

{{bc|{{fine block|&lt;poem&gt;The man who brewed&lt;ref&gt;The Japanese word for brew is kamu, which also means to chew. Was chewing ever a part of the process of making strong drink in Japan as it is in some of the South Sea islands at the present time? The last line of this poem is of very doubtful interpretation.&lt;/ref&gt;
This august liquor,
Setting up on the mortar
His drum,
Singing all the while,
He must have brewed it.
This august liquor
Is exquisitely more and more delightful.
::Sa! Sa!&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{asc|A.D.}} 239.&amp;nbsp;}}39th year. This year was the year Tsuchinoto Hitsuji (56th) of the Cycle.

{{quote/s}}
The History of Wei says:—&quot;In the reign of the Emperor Ming Ti, in the third year of the period King-ch'u ({{asc|A.D.}} 239) the Queen of Wa sent the high officer Nan-teu-mi and others to the province, where they begged permission to proceed to the Emperor and offer tribute. The T'ai-sheu,&lt;ref&gt;T'ai-sheu means governor. Thé-pang (in Chinese Tai-fang) was at one time a district of the Chinese province of Lolang in Corea. A map of China under the Tsin dynasty, however, makes Thé-pang a separate district further to the north. But the Governor of Thé-pang mentioned in the Wei history under the name of {{lang|zh|劉夏}} and the Governor of Lolang called by the &quot;Tong-kam&quot; {{lang|zh|劉茂}} are probably the same person.
{{nop}}
Another authority makes Thé-pang identical with Namwön in Chöllato.&lt;/ref&gt; Tăng-hia, sent an officer to escort them to the capital.&quot;
{{quote/e}}

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{asc|A.D.}} 240.&amp;nbsp;}}40th year.

{{quote/s}}
The History of Wei says:—&quot;In the first year of Chêng-Shih, Kien Chung-kiao, Wéi T'i-hi and others proceeded to the Wa country charged with an Imperial rescript and a seal and ribbon.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;These officials, as we learn from other sources, were sent by the Chinese authorities of Sakpang in Corea, not far from the present Treaty Port of Wönsan. See &quot;Early Japanese History,&quot; p. 58; &quot;Ishōnihonden,&quot; I. 11; &quot;Tongkam,&quot; III. 17.&lt;/ref&gt;
{{quote/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2662" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|246|{{sc|Nihongi}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{asc|A.D.}} 243.&amp;nbsp;}}43rd year.

{{quote/s}}
The Ruler&lt;ref&gt;{{lang|zh|王}}.&lt;/ref&gt; of Wa again sent high officers as envoys with tribute, named I Shing-ché, Yih-Ye-yoh,&lt;ref&gt;It is doubtful whether these six syllables represent the names of one, two, or three men. I cannot guess what Japanese names are meant. The &quot;Ishōnihonden&quot; gives some of the characters differently.
{{nop}}
The &quot;Shukai&quot; edition rejects these extracts from Chinese History. They were doubtless added at a later date.&lt;/ref&gt; and others—eight persons in all.
{{quote/e}}

{{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{asc|A.D.}} 246.&amp;nbsp;}}46th year, Spring, 3rd month, 1st day. Shima no Sukune was sent to the Land of Thak-syun.&lt;ref&gt;The Chinese characters are {{lang|zh|卓淳}}, of which the traditional kana rendering is Toku-shiu. The &quot;Shukai&quot; editor says it was part of Imna (or Mimana). Its destruction by Silla is recorded below—5th year of Kimmei Tennō.&lt;/ref&gt; Hereupon Malkeum Kanki,&lt;ref&gt;The Japanese traditional rendering is Makin Kănki.&lt;/ref&gt; King of Thak-syun, informed Shima no Sukune, saying:—&quot;In the course of the year Kinoye Ne,&lt;ref&gt;{{asc|A.D.}} 244.&lt;/ref&gt; three men of Pèkché named Kutyö, Mi-chyu-nyu, and Moko&lt;ref&gt;The Japanese kana gloss has Kutei, Mitsuru, and Mako.&lt;/ref&gt; came to my country and said:—'The King of Pèkché, hearing that in the Eastern quarter there is an honourable country, has sent thy servants to this honourable country's court. Therefore we beg of thee a passage so that we may go to that Land. If thou wilt be good enough to instruct thy servants and cause us to pass along the roads, our King will certainly show profound kindness to my Lord the King.'&lt;ref&gt;This is quite inconsistent with the story of Pèkché offering homage to the Empress in the early part of her reign.&lt;/ref&gt; I then said to Kutyö and his {{MarginNote|margin=right|margin-width=65|text={{color|green|(IX. 26.)&amp;nbsp;}}}}fellows:—'I have always heard that there is an honourable country in the East, but I have had no communication with it, and do not know the way. There is nothing but far seas and towering billows, so that in a large ship, one can hardly communicate. Even if there were a regular crossing-place, how could you arrive there?' Hereupon Kutyö and the others said:—'Well, then, for the present we cannot communicate. Our best plan will be to go back again, and prepare a ship with which to communicate later.' They also said:—'If envoys should come from the honourable country, thou oughtest surely to inform our country.' Thus they went back. Hereupon&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 28.djvu/751</title>
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        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
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      <comment>typo fixes, see also hi-res scan: archive.org/details/encyclopaediabri28chisrich/page/731</comment>
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      <text bytes="11356" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mudbringer&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |WINNIPEG||731}}
{{EB1911 fine print/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;Winkelried and his deed. This is a long ballad of 67 four-line stanzas, part of which (including the Winkelried section) is found in the additions made between 1531 and 1545 to Etterlin’s chronicle by H. Berlinger of Basel, and the whole in Werner Steiner's chronicle (written 1532). It is agreed on all sides that the last stanza, attributing the authorship to Halbsuter of Lucerne, &quot;as he came back from the battle,&quot; is a very late addition. Many authorities regard it as made up of three distinct songs (one of which refers to the battle and Winkelried), possibly put together by the younger Halbsuter (citizen of Lucerne in 1435, died between 1470 and 1480), though others contend that the Sempach-Winkelried section bears clear traces of having been composed after the Reformation began, that is, about 1520 or 1530. Some recent discoveries have proved that certain statements in the song usually regarded as anachronisms are quite accurate; but no nearer approach has been made towards fixing its exact date, or that of any of the three bits into which it has been cut up. In this song the story appears in its full-blown shape, the name of Winckelriet being given.

3. ''Lists of those who fell at Sempach''.—We find in the &quot;Anniversary Book&quot; of Emmetten in Unterwalden (drawn up in 1560) the name of &quot;der Winkelriedt&quot; at the head of the Nidwalden men, and in a book by Horolanus, a pastor at Lucerne (about 1563), that of &quot;Erni Winckelried&quot; occurs some way down the list of Unterwalden men.

4. ''Pictures and Drawings''.—In the MS. of the chronicle of Diebold Schilling of Bern (''c''. 1480) there is in the picture of the battle of Sempach a warrior pierced with spears falling to the ground, which may possibly be meant for Winkelried; while in that of Diebold Schilling of Lucerne (1511), though in the text no allusion is made to any such incident, there is a similar picture of a man who has accomplished Winkelried's feat, but he is dressed in the colours of Lucerne. Then there is an engraving in Stumpf's chronicle (1548), and, finally, the celebrated one by Hans Rudolf Manuel (1551), which follows the chronicle of 1476 rather than the ballad.

The story seems to have been first questioned about 1850 by Moritz von Stürler of Bern, but the public discussion of the subject originated with a lecture by O. Lorenz on ''Leopold III. und die Schweizer Bünde'', which he delivered in Vienna on March 21, 1860. This began the lively paper war humorously called &quot;the second war of Sempach,&quot; in which the Swiss (with but rare exceptions) maintained the historical character of the feat against various foreigners—Austrians and others.

Most of the arguments against the genuineness of the story have been already more or less directly indicated, (1) There is the total silence of all the old Swiss and Austrian chroniclers until 1538, with the solitary exception of the Zurich chronicle of 1476 (and this while they nearly all describe the battle in more or less detail). The tale, as told in the 1476 chronicle, is clearly an interpolation, for it comes immediately after a distinct statement that &quot;God had helped the Confederates, and that with great labour they had defeated the knights and Duke Leopold,&quot; while the passage immediately following joins on to the former quite naturally if we strike out the episode of the “true man,” who is not even called Winkelried. (2) The date of the ballad is extremely uncertain, but cannot be placed earlier than at least 60 or 70 years after the battle, possibly 130 or 140, so that its claims to be regarded as embodying an oral contemporary tradition are of the slightest. (3) Similar feats have been frequently recorded, but in each case they are supported by authentic evidence which is lacking in this case. Five cases at least are known: a follower of the count of Hapsburg, in a skirmish with the Bernese in 1271; Stülinger of Ratisbon (Regensburg) in 1332, in the war of the count of Kyburg against the men of Bern and Solothurn; Conrad Royt of Lucerne, at Nancy in 1477; Henri Wolleben, at Frastanz in 1499, in the course of the Swabian War; and a man at the battle of Kappel in 1531 (4) It is argued that the course of the battle was such that there was little or no chance of such an act being performed, or, if performed, of having turned the day. This argument rests on the careful critical narrative of the fight constructed by Herr Kleissner and Herr Hartmann from the contemporary accounts which have come down to us, in which the pride of the knights, their heavy armour, the heat of the July sun, the panic which befell a sudden part of the Austrian army, added to the valour of the Swiss fully explain the complete rout. Herr Hartmann, too, points out that, even if the knights (on foot) had been ranged in serried ranks, there must have been sufficient space left between them to allow them to move their arms, and therefore that no man, however gigantic he might have been, could have seized hold of more than half a dozen spears at once.

Herr K. Bürkli (''Der wahre Winkelried'',—''die Taktik der alten Urschweizer'', Zürich, 1886) has put forth a theory of the battle which is, he allows, opposed to all modern accounts, but entirely agrees, he strongly maintains, with the contemporary authorities. According to this the fight was not a pitched battle but a surprise, the Austrians not having had time to form up into ranks. Assuming this, and rejecting the evidence of the 1476 chronicle as an interpolation and full of mistakes, and that of the song as not proved to have been in existence before 1531, Herr Bürkli comes to the startling conclusion that the phalanx formation of the Austrians, as well as the name and act of Winkelried, have been transferred to Sempach from the fight of Bicocca, near Milan (April 27, 1522), where a real leader of the Swiss mercenaries in the pay of France, Arnold Winkelried, really met his death in very much the way that his namesake perished according to the story. Herr Bürkli confines his criticism to the first struggle, in which alone mention is made of the driving back of the Swiss, pointing out also that the chronicle of 1476 and other later accounts attribute to the Austrians the manner of attack and the long spears which were the special characteristics of Swiss warriors, and that if Winkelried were a knight (as is asserted by Tschudi) he would have been clad in a coat of mail, or at least had a breastplate, neither of which could have been pierced by hostile lances.

Whatever may be thought of this daring theory, it seems clear that, while there is some doubt as to whether such an act as Winkelried’s was possible at Sempach, taking into account the known details of the battle, there can be none as to the utter lack of any early and trustworthy evidence in support of his having performed that act in that battle. It is quite conceivable that such evidence may later come to light; for the present it is wanting.

{{sc|Authorities}}.—See in particular Theodor von Liebenau’s ''Die Schlacht bei Sempach''—''Gedenkbuch zur fünften Säcularfeier'' (1886), published at the expense of the government of Lucerne. This contains every mention or description of the battle or of anything relating to it, published or unpublished, in prose or in verse, composed within 300 years after the battle, and is a most marvellous and invaluable collection of original materials, in which all the evidence for Winkelried's deed has been brought together in a handy shape. Besides the works mentioned in the text, and the life of Winkelried by W Oechsli in vol. liii. of the ''Allgemeine deutsche Biographie'', the following are the most noteworthy publications relating to this controversy. In support of Winkelried's act: G. v . Wyss, ''Über eine Zürcher-Chronik aus dem 15ten Jahrhundert'' (Zürich, 1862); A. Daguet, “La Question de Winkelried,” in the ''Musée Neuchâtelois'' for December 1853; G. H. Ochsenbein, &quot;Die Winkelriedfrage,&quot; in the ''Sonntagsblatt'' of the ''Bund'' newspaper for January and February 1879; A. Bernoulli, ''Winkelrieds That bei Sempach'' (Basel, 1886); W. Oechsli, ''Zur Sempacher Schlachtfeier'' (Zürich, 1886); E. Secretan, ''Sempach et Winkelried'' (Lausanne, 1886), and the summary in K. Dändliker’s larger ''Geschichte der Schweiz'', i. 550-559 (3rd ed., Zürich, 1893). Against Winkelried's claims we have the remarkable study of O. Kleissner, ''Die Quellen zur Sempacher Schlacht und die Winkelriedsage'' (Göttingen, 1873); O. Hartmann, ''Die Schlacht bei Sempach'' (Frauenfeld, 1886); and the concise summary of the evidence given by M. v. Stürler (the first to suspect the story) in the ''Anzeiger für Schweiz. Geschichte'' (1881), 392-394. {{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|William Augustus Brevoort Coolidge|W. A. B. C.}}}}
{{EB1911 fine print/e}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Winnipeg (city)&quot; /&gt;'''WINNIPEG,''' the capital of Manitoba, and chief city of Western Canada. It is situated at the junction of the Assiniboine and Red rivers in the middle of a wide plain. The river valley, being of exceptional richness, early attracted the traders, and so in the beginning of the 19th century gained the attention of Lord Selkirk, a benevolent Scottish nobleman who sent out in 1811–1815 several hundreds of Highland settlers. On the site at the junction of the two rivers where Verandreye, the first white explorer to visit the Red river, had three-quarters of a century before this time erected Fort Rouge, and where some ten years earlier in the century the Nor’-Westers of Montreal had erected Fort Gibraltar, the Hudson’s Bay Company, which at the time Lord Selkirk and his friends controlled, erected Fort Douglas, bearing the family name of the colonizer. After bloodshed between the rival fur companies, and their union in 1821, Fort Garry was erected, as a trading post and settlers' depot, and with somewhat elaborate structure, with stone walls, bastions and portholes. Fort Garry (2) was erected at a considerable cost in 1835. A short distance north of this fort, about the year 1860, the first house on the plain was erected, and to the hamlet rising there was given the name of the lake 45 m. north, Winnipeg (Cree, ''Win'', murky, ''nipiy'', water). The name referred to the contrast between its water and that of the transparent lakes to the east. For ten years the hamlet grew—though very slowly, it being more than four hundred miles from St Paul, the nearest town in Minnesota, to the south. The fur-traders did not seek to increase its size. When the transfer of Rupert’s Land took place to Canada in 1870, the governor of Assiniboia had his residence at Fort Garry, and here was the centre of government for the settlers over the area surrounding Fort Garry. Its acquisition by Canada and the influx of settlers from Eastern Canada led to the greater importance of Winnipeg, as the new town was now generally called. The establishment of Dominion government agencies, the formation of a local government, the machinery required for the government of the province, the influx of a small army of surveyors who mapped out and surveyed wide districts of the country, and the taking up of&lt;section end=&quot;Winnipeg (city)&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 24.djvu/400</title>
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      <comment>diereses in Göttingen</comment>
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      <text bytes="10658" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|382|SCHÜCKING|SCHULTZ|  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 fine print/s}}
Like Mozart, whose influence over him was always considerable,
he wrote nearly all the finest of his compositions in the last ten years
of his life. His early symphonies, his early quartets, even his early
masses, are too much affected by a traditional style to establish an
enduring reputation. It is unfair to call them imitative, but at the
time when he wrote them he was saturated with Mozart, and early
Beethoven, and he spoke what was in his mind with a boy’s frankness.
The Andante of the Tragic Symphony (No. 4) strikes a more
distinctive note, but the fifth is but a charming adaptation of a past
idiom, and the sixth, on which Schubert himself placed little value,
shows hardly any appreciable advance. It is a very different
matter when we come to the later works. The piano quintet in
A major (1819) may here be taken as the turning-point; then come
the Unfinished Symphony, which is pure Schubert in every bar; the
three quartets in A minor, D minor, and G major, full of romantic
colour; the delightful piano trios; the great string quintet; and the
C major symphony which, though diffuse, contains many passages
of surprising beauty. Every one of them is a masterpiece, and a
masterpiece such as Schubert alone could have written. The days
of brilliant promise were over and were succeeded by the days of
full and mature achievement.

His larger operas are marred both by their inordinate length and
by their want of dramatic power. The slighter comedies are pretty
and tuneful, but, except as curiosities, are not likely to be revived.
We may, however, deplore the fate which has deprived the stage
of the Rosamunde music. It is in Schubert’s best vein; the
entractes, the Romance, and the ballets are alike excellent, and it is
much to be hoped that a poet will some day arise and fit the music
to a new play.

Of his pianoforte compositions, the sonatas, as might be expected,
are the least enduring, though there is not one of them which does
not contain some first-rate work. On the other hand his smaller
pieces, in which the lyric character is more apparent, are throughout
interesting to play and extremely pleasant to hear. He developed
a special pianoforte technique of his own not always “orthodox,”
but always characteristic. A special word should be added on his
fondness for piano duets, a form which before his time had been
rarely attempted. Of these he wrote a great many—fantasias,
marches, polonaises, variations—all bright and melodious with
sound texture and a remarkable command of rhythm.

His concerted pieces for the voice are often extremely difficult,
but they are of a rare beauty which would well repay the labour of
rehearsal. The 23rd psalm (for female voices) is exquisite; so are
the ''Gesang der Geister'', the ''Nachthalle'', the
''Nachtgesang im Walde''
(for male voices and horns), and that “dewdrop of celestial melody”
which Novello has published with English words under the title of
“Where Thou Reignest.” Among all Schubert’s mature works
there are none more undeservedly neglected than these.

Of the songs it is impossible, within the present limits, to give
even a sketch. They number over 600, excluding scenes and
operatic pieces, and they contain masterpieces from the beginning
of his career to the end. ''Gretchen am Spinnrade'' was written when
he was seventeen, ''Erlkönig'' when he was eighteen; then there
follows a continuous stream which never checks or runs dry, and
which broadens as it flows to the ''Müllerlieder'', the Scott songs, the
&lt;span style=&quot;border-bottom: 1px dashed red;&quot; title=&quot;amended from 'Shakesperian'&quot;&gt;Shakespearean&lt;/span&gt; songs, the ''Winterreise'', and the ''Schwanengesang''. He
is said to have been undiscriminating in his choice of words. Schumann
declared that “he could set a handbill to music,” and there
is no doubt that he was inspired by any lyric which contained,
though even in imperfect expression, the germ of a poetic idea.
But his finest songs are almost all to fine poems. He set over 70
of Goethe’s, over 60 of Schiller’s; among the others are the names
of Shakespeare and Scott, of Schlegel and Rückert, of Novalis and
Wilhelm Müller—a list more than sufficient to compensate for the
triviality of occasional pieces or the inferior workmanship of personal
friends. It was a tragedy that he only lived for a few weeks after
the appearance of the ''Buch der Lieder''. We may conjecture what
the world would have gained if he had found the full complement of
his art in Heine.

In his earlier songs he is more affected by the external and pictorial
aspect of the poem; in the later ones he penetrates to the centre
and seizes the poetic conception from within. But in both alike he
shows a gift of absolute melody which, even apart from its meaning,
would be inestimable. Neither Handel nor Mozart—his two great
predecessors in lyric tune—have surpassed or even approached him
in fertility and variety of resource. The songs in ''Acis'' are wonderful ;
so are those in ''Zauberflöte'', but they are not so wonderful as
''Litaney'',
and “Who is Sylvia?” and the ''Ständchen''. To Schubert we owe
the introduction into music of a particular quality of romance, a
particular “addition of strangeness to beauty”; and so long as
the art remains his place among its supreme masters is undoubtedly
assured.
{{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|William Henry Hadow|W. H. H.}}}}
{{EB1911 fine print/e}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''SCHÜCKING, LEVIN''' (1814–1883), German novelist, was born
on the estate of Klemenswerth, near Meppen, in Westphalia, on
the 6th of September 1814. After studying law at Munich,
Heidelberg and Göttingen, he wished to enter the government
judicial service, but, confronted by serious difficulties, abandoned
the legal career, and settling at Münster in 1837, devoted himself
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
to literary work. In 1841 he removed to Schloss Meersburg
on the Lake of Constance, joined in 1843 the editorial staff of
the ''Allgemeine Zeitung'' in Augsburg, and in 1845 that of the
''Kölnische Zeitung'' in Cologne. In 1852 he retired to his estate,
Sassenberg near Münster, and died at Pyrmont on the 31st
of August 1883. Among his numerous romances, which are
distinguished by good taste and patriotic feeling, largely reflecting
the sound, sturdy character of the Westphalians, must
be especially mentioned: ''Ein Schloss am Meer'' (1843); ''Ein''
''Sohn des Volkes'' (1849); ''Ein Staatsgeheimnis'' (1854);
''Verschlungene Wege'' (1867); ''Die Herberge der Gerechtigkeit'' (1879).
Schücking wrote a number of short stories: ''Aus den Tagen der''
''grossen Kaiserin'' (1858) and ''Neue Novellen'' (1877). In {{EB1911 lkpl|Droste-Hülshoff, Annette Elisabeth, Freiin von|''Annette''
''von Droste-Hülshoff''}} (''q.v.'') (1862) he gives a sketch of this poet
and acknowledges his indebtedness to her beneficial influence
upon his mind. There appeared posthumously, ''Lebenserinnerungen''
(1886) and ''Briefe von Annette von Droste-Hülshoff und''
''Levin Schücking'' (1893). His wife, Luise (1815–1855), daughter
of the General Freiherr von Gall, in the Hessian service,
published some novels and romances of considerable merit.
Among the latter may be mentioned ''Gegen den Strom'' (1851)
and ''Der neue Kreuzritter'' (1853).

{{EB1911 Fine Print|Schücking’s ''Gesammelte Erzählungen und Novellen'' appeared in
6 vols. (1859–1866); ''Ausgewählte Romane'' (12 vols., 1864; 2nd
series, also 12 vols., 1874–1876).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''SCHULTENS,''' the name of three Dutch Orientalists. The
first and most important, {{small-caps|Albert Schultens}} (1686–1750),
was born at Groningen. He studied for the church at Groningen
and Leiden, applying himself specially to Hebrew and the
cognate tongues. His dissertation on ''The Use of Arabic in the''
''Interpretation of Scripture'' appeared in 1706. After a visit to
Reland in Utrecht he returned to Groningen (1708); then,
having taken his degree in theology (1709), he again went to
Leiden, and devoted himself to the study of the MS. collections
there till in 1711 he became pastor at Wassenaer. Disliking
parochial work, in 1713 he took the Hebrew chair at Franeker,
which he held till 1729, when he was transferred to Leiden as
rector of the ''collegium theologicum'', or seminary for poor students.
From 1732 till his death (at Leiden on the 26th of January 1750)
he was professor of Oriental languages at Leiden. Schultens
was the chief Arabic teacher of his time, and in some sense a
restorer of Arabic studies, but he differed from J.&amp;nbsp;J. Reiske and
A.&amp;nbsp;I. De Sacy in mainly regarding Arabic as a handmaid to
Hebrew. He vindicated the value of comparative study of the
Semitic tongues against those who, like Gousset, regarded
Hebrew as a sacred tongue with which comparative philology
has nothing to do. His principal works were ''Origines Hebraeae''
(2 vols., 1724, 1738), a second edition of which, with the ''De''
''defectibus linguae Hebraeae'' (1731), appeared in 1761; ''Job''
(1737); ''Proverbs'' (1748); ''Vetus et regia via hebraezandi'' (1738);
''Monumenta vetustiora Arabum'' (1740), &amp;c.

His son, {{small-caps|John James Schultens}} (1716–1778), became professor
at Herborn in 1742, and afterwards succeeded to his father’s
chair. He was in turn succeeded by his son, {{small-caps|Henry Albert
Schultens}} (1749–1793), who, however, left comparatively
little behind him, having succumbed to excessive work while
preparing an edition of Meidani, of which only a part appeared
posthumously (1795).

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''SCHULTZ, HERMANN''' (1836–{{gap}}), German Protestant
theologian, was born at Lüchow in Hanover on the 30th of
December 1836. He studied at Göttingen and Erlangen,
became professor at Basel in 1864, and eventually (1876)
''professor ordinarius'' at Göttingen. Here he has also held the
appointments of chief university preacher, councillor to the
consistory (from 1881) and abbot of Bursfelde (1890). Professor
Schultz’s theological standpoint was that of a moderate liberal.
“It is thought by many that he has succeeded in discovering
the ''via media'' between the positions of Biblical scholars
like Delitzsch on the one hand and Stade on the other” (Prof.
J.&amp;nbsp;A. Paterson). He is well known to British and American
students as the author of an excellent work on ''Old Testament''
''Theology'' (2 vols., 1869, 5th ed., 1896; Eng. trans., 2nd ed., 1895).&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 25.djvu/62</title>
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      <comment>a quick proof</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="9368" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading| |SIEDLCE|SIEMENS|47}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;population in 1906 was 907,700. The inhabitants consist of 
Little Russians (40%), Poles (43%), Jews (15{{EB1911 tfrac|2}}%) and Germans 
(1{{EB1911 tfrac|2}}%). The government is divided into nine districts, the chief 
towns of which are the capital Siedlce, Biala, Konstantinow, 
Garwolin, Lukow, Radzyn, Sokolow, Wegrow, Wlodawa, The 
main occupation is agriculture, the principal crops being rye, 
wheat, oats, barley and potatoes. The area under forests 
amounts to 19·6% of the total. Live-stock breeding is second 
in importance to agriculture. Manufactures and trade are in- 
significant. 

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''SIEDLCE,''' a town of Russia, capital of the government of 
the same name, 56 m. E.S.E. of the city of Warsaw, on the Brest-
Litovsk
railway. It is a Roman Catholic episcopal see. The 
Oginskis, to whom it belonged, have embellished it with a palace 
and gardens; but it is nothing more than a large village. Pop. 
23,714 (1897), two-thirds Jews. 

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''SIEGBURG,''' a town of Germany, in the Prussian Rhine 
Province, on the river Sieg, 16 m. by rail S.E. of Cologne by the 
railway to Giessen. Pop. (1905) 14,878. It has a royal shell 
factory, calico-printing mills, lignite mines, stone quarries and 
pottery and tobacco factories. The parish church, dating from 
the 13th century, possesses several richly decorated reliquaries 
of the 12th to 15th centuries. The buildings of the Benedictine 
abbey, founded in 1066, are now used as a prison. The town, 
which was founded in the nth century, attained the height of 
its prosperity in the 15th and 16th centuries owing to its pottery 
wares. Siegburg pitchers (''Siegburger Krüge'') were widely famed. 
Their shape was often fantastic and they are now eagerly sought 
by collectors. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See R. Heinekamp, ''Siegburgs Vergangenheit und Gegenwart'' 
(Siegburg, 1897) ; and Renard, ''Die Kunstdenkmäler des Siegkreises'' (Düsseldorf, 1907).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Siege&quot; /&gt;'''SIEGE''' (O. Fr. ''sege'', ''siege'', mod. ''siège'', seat, ultimately from
''sedere'', to sit, cf. Class. Lat. ''obsidium'', a siege), the “sitting down”
of an army or military force before a fortified place for the purpose 
of taking it, either by direct military operations or by starving
it into submission (see {{EB1911 article link|Fortification and Siegecraft}}). A
special form of coin is known as a “siege-piece.” These are
coins that were struck during a siege of a town when the ordinary
mints were closed or their issues were not available. Such coins
were commonly of special shape to distinguish them from the 
normal coinage, and were naturally of rough workmanship. 
A common shape for the siege pieces which were issued during
the Great Rebellion was the lozenge. A noteworthy example is
a shilling siege-piece struck at Newark in 1645 (see {{EB1911 article link|Token Money}}).

&lt;section end=&quot;Siege&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Siegen&quot; /&gt;'''SIEGEN,''' a town of Germany, in the Prussian province of 
Westphalia, situated 63 m. E. of Cologne by rail, on the Sieg, 
a tributary entering the Rhine opposite Bonn. Pop. (1905) 
25,201. The town contains two palaces of the former princes 
of Nassau-Siegen, a technical and a mining school. The surrounding
district, to which it gives its name, abounds in iron-mines,
and iron founding and smelting are the most important 
branches of industry in and near the town. Large tanneries 
and leather works, and factories for cloth, paper and machinery, 
are among the other industrial establishments. 

Siegen was the capital of an early principality belonging to the 
house of Nassau; and from 1606 onwards it gave name to the 
junior branch of Nassau-Siegen. Napoleon incorporated Siegen 
in the grand-duchy of Berg in 1806; and in 1815 the congress of 
Vienna assigned it to Prussia, under whose rule it has nearly 
quintupled its population. Rubens is said to have been born here 
in 1577. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See Cuno, ''Geschichte der Stadt Siegen'' (Dillenburg, 1873).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;Siegen&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''SIEMENS, ERNST WERNER VON''' (1816–1892), German 
electrician, was born on the 13th of December 1816 at Lenthe 
in Hanover. After attending the gymnasium at Lübeck, he 
entered the Prussian army as a volunteer, and for three years was 
a pupil in the Military Academy at Berlin. In 1838 he received 
a commission as lieutenant in the artillery, and six years later 
he was appointed to the responsible post of superintendent of the 
artillery workshops. In 1848 he had the task of protecting the 
port of Kiel against the Danish fleet, and as commandant of 
Friedrichsort built the fortifications for the defence of Eckernforde
harbour. In the same year he was entrusted with the 
laying of the first telegraph line in Germany, that between 
Berlin and Frankfort-on-Main, and with that work his military 
career came to an end. Thenceforward he devoted his energies 
to furthering the interests of the newly founded firm of Siemens 
and Halske, which under his guidance became one of the most 
important electrical undertakings in the world, with branches 
in different countries that gave it an international influence; in 
the London house he was associated with Sir William Siemens, 
one of his younger brothers. Although he had a decided predilection
for pure research, his scientific work was naturally 
determined to a large extent by the demands of his business, and, 
as he said when he was admitted to the Berlin Academy of 
Sciences in 1874, the filling up of scientific voids presented itself 
to him as a technical necessity. Considering that his entrance 
into commercial life was almost synchronous with the introduction
of electric telegraphy into Germany, it is not surprising that 
many of his inventions and discoveries relate to telegraphic 
apparatus. In 1847, when he was a member of the committee 
appointed to consider the adoption of the electric telegraph 
by the government, he suggested the use of gutta-percha as 
a material for insulating metallic conductors. Then he investigated
the electrostatic charges of telegraph conductors and 
their laws, and established methods for testing underground 
and submarine cables and for locating faults in their insulation;
further, he carried out observations and experiments on 
electrostatic induction and the retardation it produced in the 
speed of the current. He also devised apparatus for duplex and 
diplex telegraphy, and automatic recorders. In a somewhat less 
specialized sphere, he was an early advocate of the desirability of 
establishing some easily reproducible basis for the measurement 
of electrical resistance, and suggested that the unit should be 
taken as the resistance of a column of pure mercury one metre 
high and one square millimetre in cross-section, at a temperature 
of 0° C. Another task to which he devoted much time was the 
construction of a selenium photometer, depending on the property 
possessed by that substance of changing its electrical resistance 
according to the intensity of the light falling upon it. He also 
claimed to have been, in 1866, the discoverer of the principle of 
self-excitation in dynamo-electric machines, in which the residual 
magnetism of the iron of the electro-magnets is utilized for 
excitation, without the aid of permanent steel magnets or of a 
separate exciting current. In another branch of science he wrote 
several papers on meteorological subjects, discussing among other 
things the causation of the winds and the forces which produce, 
maintain and retard the motions of the air. In 1886 he devoted 
half a million marks to the foundation of the Physikalisch-Technische
Reichsanstalt at Charlottenburg, and in 1888 he 
was ennobled. He died at Berlin on the 6th of December 1892. 
His scientific memoirs and addresses were collected and published
in an English translation in 1892, and three years later a 
second volume appeared, containing his technical papers. 

&lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;'''SIEMENS, SIR WILLIAM''' [{{sc|Karl Wilhelm}}] (1823–1883), British inventor, engineer and natural philosopher, was born at Lenthe in Hanover on the 4th of April 1823. After being educated in the polytechnic school of Magdeburg and the university of Göttingen, he visited England at the age of nineteen, in the hope of introducing a process in electroplating invented by himself and his brother Werner. The invention was adopted by Messrs Elkington, and Siemens returned to Germany to enter as a pupil the engineering works of Count Stolberg at Magdeburg. In 1844 he was again in England with another invention, the “chronometric” or differential governor for steam engines. Finding that British patent laws afforded the inventor a protection which was then wanting in Germany, he thenceforth made England his home; but it was not till 1859 that he formally became a naturalized British subject. After some years spent in active invention and experiment at mechanical works near Birmingham, he went into practice as an engineer in 1851. He laboured mainly in two distinct fields, the applications of heat and the applications of electricity, and was characterized &lt;section end=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 23.djvu/226</title>
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      <text bytes="9113" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |REUSCH, H. H.|REUSS|209}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;but continued to give lectures as usual in the Old Catholic Faculty of Theology in the university of Bonn, and to write on theological subjects. He was made rector of that university in 1873. In 1874 and 1875 he was the official reporter of the memorable Reunion Conferences held at Bonn in those years and attended by many distinguished theologians of the Oriental and Anglican communions.

Reusch was a profound scholar, an untiring worker and a
man of lovable character. Among his voluminous works were
contributions to the ''Revue Internationale de théologie'', a review
started at Bern at the instance of the Old Catholic Congress at
Lucerne. He wrote also works on the Old Testament; a
pamphlet on ''Die Deutschen Bischöfe und der Aberglaube''; and
another on the falsifications to be found in the treatise of
Aquinas against the Greeks; as well as essays on the history of
the Jesuit Order, and a book of prayers. But his fame will
mainly rest on the works which he and Dollinger published
jointly. These consisted of a work on the Autobiography of
Cardinal Bellarmine, the ''Geschichte der Moralstreitigen in der''
''Römisch-Katholischen Kirche seit dem XVI. Jahrhundert'', and
the ''Erörterungen über Leben and Schriften des hl. Lignori.''
During the last few years of his life he was smitten with paralysis.
He died on the 3rd of March 1900, leaving behind him in manuscript
a collection of letters to Bunsen about Roman cardinals
and prelates, which has since been published. {{EB1911 footer initials|John James Lias|J. J. L. *}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''REUSCH, HANS HENRIK''' (1852–{{gap}}), Norwegian geologist,
was born at Bergen on the 5th of September 1852. He was
educated at Christiania, Leipzig and Heidelberg, and graduated
Ph.D. at Christiania in 1883. He joined the Geological Survey
of Norway in 1875, and became Director in 1888. He is distinguished
for his researches on the crystalline schists and the
Palaeozoic rocks of Norway. He discovered Silurian fossils
in the highly altered rocks of the Bergen region; and in 1891
he called attention to a palaeozoic conglomerate of glacial origin
in the Varanger Fiord, a view confirmed by Mr A. Strahan
in 1896, who found glacial striae on the rocks beneath the
ancient boulder-bed. Reusch has likewise thrown light on
the later geological periods, on the Pleistocene glacial phenomena
and on the sculpturing of the scenery of Norway. Among
his separate publications are ''Silur fossiler og pressede Konglomerater''
(1882); ''Det nordlige Norges Geologi'' (1891).

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''REUSS, AUGUST EMANUEL VON''' (1811–1873), Austrian
geologist and palaeontologist, the son of Franz Ambrosius
Reuss (1761–1830), was born at Bilin in Bohemia on the 8th
of Tuly 1811. He was educated for the medical profession,
graduating in 1834 at the [[Portal:Charles University in Prague|university of Prague]], and afterwards
practising for fifteen years at Bilin. His leisure was devoted to
mineralogy and geology, and the results of his researches were
published in ''Geognostische Skizzen aus Böhmen'' (1840–44) and
''Die Versteinerungen der Böhmischen Kreideformation'' (1845–46).
In 1849 he gave up his medical practice, and became professor
of mineralogy at the university of Prague. There he established
a fine mineralogical collection, and he became the first
lecturer on geology. In 1863 he was appointed professor of
mineralogy in the university of Vienna. He investigated
the Cretaceous fauna of Gosau, and studied the Crustacea,
including entomostraca, the corals, bryozoa, and especially
the foraminifera of various geological formations and countries.
He died at Vienna on the 26th of November 1873.

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''REUSS, ÉDOUARD GUILLAUME EUGÉNE''' (1804–1891),
Protestant theologian, was born at Strassburg on the 18th of
July 1804. He studied philology in his native town (1819–22),
theology at Göttingen under J. G. Eichhorn; and Oriental
languages at Halle under Wilhelm Gesenius, and afterwards at
Paris under Silvestre de Sacy (1827–28). In 1828 he became
''Privatdozent'' at Strassburg. From 1829 to 1834 he taught
Biblical criticism and Oriental languages at the Strassburg
Theological School; he then became assistant, and afterwards,
in 1836, regular professor of theology at that university. The
sympathies of Reuss were German rather than French, and
after the annexation of Alsace to Germany he remained at
Strassburg, and retained his professorship till, in 1888, he retired on a pension. Amongst his earliest works were: ''De libris''
''veteris Testamenti apoerypliis plebi non negandis'' (1829), ''Ideen''
''zur Einleitung in das Evangelium Johannis'' (1840) and ''Die''
''Johanneische Theologie'' (1847). In 1852 he published his
''Histoire de la théologie chrétienne an siècle apostolique'', which was
followed in 1863 by ''L’Histoire du canon des saintes écritures dans''
''l’église chrétienne''. In 1874 he began to publish his translation
of the Bible, ''La Bible'', ''nouvelle traduction avec commentaire''. It
was the criticism and exegesis of the New Testament which
formed the subject of Reuss's earlier labours-in 1842, indeed,
he had published in German a history of the books of the New
Testament, ''Geschichte der heiligen Schriften N. Test.''; and though
his own views were liberal, he opposed the results of the Tübingen
school. After a time he turned his attention also to Old Testament
criticism, for which he was especially fitted by his sound
knowledge of Hebrew. In 1881 he published in German his
Geschichte der heili gen S chriften A. Test., a veritable encyclopedia
of the history of Israel from its earliest beginning till the taking
of Jerusalem by Titus; He died at Strassburg on the 15th of
April 1891.

Reuss belonged to the more modern section of the Liberal
party in the Lutheran Church. His critical position was to some extent that of K. H. Graf and J. Wellhausen, allowing for the circumstances that he was in a sense their forerunner, and was actually for a time Graf's teacher. Indeed, he was really the originator of the new movement, but hesitated to publish the results of his studies. For many years Reuss edited with A. H. Cunitz (b. 1812) the ''Beiträge zu den theologischen'' ''Wissenschaften''. With A. H. Cunitz and J. W. Baum (1809–1878), and after their death alone, he edited the monumental edition of Calvin's works (38 vols., 1863 ff.). His critical edition of the Old Testament appeared a year after his death. His son, {{sc|Ernest Rudolf}} (b. 1841), was in 1873 appointed city librarian at Strassburg.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See the article in Herzog-Hauck, ''Realencyklopädie'', and cf. Otto Pfleiderer, ''Development of Theology in Germany since Kant'' (1890).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''REUSS,''' the name of two small principalities of the German empire, called Reuss, elder line, or Reuss-Greiz, and Reuss, younger line, or Reuss-Schleiz-Gera. With a joint area of 441 sq. m. they form part of the complex of Thuringian states, and consist, roughly speaking, of two main blocks of territory, separated by the Neustadt district of the duchy of Saxe-Weimar. The more southerly, which is much the larger of the two portions, belongs to the bleak, mountainous region of the Frankenwald and the Vogtland, while the northern portion is hilly, but fertile. The chief rivers are the Weisse Elster and the Saale. About 35% of the total surface is occupied by forests, while about 40% is under tillage and about 19% under meadow and pasture. Wheat, rye and barley are the principal crops grown, and the breeding of cattle is an important industry. 

''Reuss-Greiz'', with an area of 122 sq. m., belongs to the larger of the two divisions mentioned above, and consists of three large and several small parcels of land. On the whole, the soil is not favourable for agriculture, but the rearing of cattle is carried on with much success. About 63% of the inhabitants maintain themselves by industrial pursuits, the chief products of which are the making of woollen fabrics at Greiz, the capital, and of stockings at Zeulenroda. Other industries are machine building, printing and the making of paper and porcelain. In 1905 the population of the principality was 70,603. The constitution of Reuss-Greiz dates from 1867, and provides for a representative chamber of twelve members, of whom three are appointed by the prince, while two are chosen by the landed proprietors, three by the towns and four by the rural districts. The revenue and expenditure amount to about £76,000 a year, and there is no public debt. The reigning prince is Henry XXIV. (b. 1878), but as he is incapable of discharging his duties, these are now undertaken by a regent.

''Reuss-Schleiz-Gera'', with an area of 319 sq. m., includes part of the southern and the whole of the northern of the two main divisions mentioned above; it touches Bavaria on the south
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    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 06.djvu/228</title>
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      <text bytes="5715" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''MEMPHIS'''}}|186|{{c|'''MENDELSSOHN'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Memphis (Egypt)&quot; /&gt;ruins. The Arabian traveler, Abd-al-latif, visited it in the 12th century. The ruins were discovered and excavated by Mariette, between 1850 and 1854. The position of Memphis was such as to command the whole inland trade of Egypt, ascending or descending the Nile; it was the chief seat of learning and religion in Egypt. It ceased to be the metropolis of Egypt on the foundation of Alexandria, 332 {{asc|B. C.}} It soon after fell into such obscurity and decay, that, till lately, even its site was disputed.
&lt;section end=&quot;Memphis (Egypt)&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Memphis (Tennessee)&quot; /&gt;'''MEMPHIS''', a city and county-seat of Shelby co., Tenn.; on the Mississippi river and many important railroads. It contains a custom house, cotton exchange, merchants' exchange, the Cossitt Public Library, University School, Christian Brothers' College, the Memphis Hospital Medical College, St, Mary's School, Memphis Institute, Leath High School, Higbee School, the Le Moyne School, and the Hannibal Medical College. There are electric street railroads, gas and electric lights, waterworks, a steel railroad bridge across the Mississippi, built at a cost of $3,000,000, and opened in 1892, several ferries. National, State, and savings banks, and many daily, weekly, and other periodicals. The city is one of the largest trade centers for cotton in the United States. The total value of the receipts of cotton in 1919 was $77,509,347, and the value of the export of cotton and cotton-seed products was $42,000,000. It has also large manufacturing interests, including cotton-seed oil, flour, grist, and planing mills, foundries and machine shops, carriage and wagon works, brick and tile plants, tobacco factories, etc. The assessed value of real estate in 1919 was $96,921,590, of personal property $13,195,297. The tax rate was $17.50 per $1,000. The cost of maintaining the government was $4,211,617. There were 22,261 pupils in the public schools, and the expenditures for education were $738,960. In 1862 a naval battle was fought here, resulting in victory for the Union vessels, and the city was occupied by the National authorities till the close of the war. Pop. (1910) 131,105; (1920) 162,351.
&lt;section end=&quot;Memphis (Tennessee)&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Menahem&quot; /&gt;'''MENAHEM''' ({{Collier's key|men′-}}), the 16th King of Israel, previously general of the army of Zachariah. He reigned in Samaria 10 years, 771-760 {{asc|B. C.}}, and was a tyrannical and cruel idolater.
&lt;section end=&quot;Menahem&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Menam&quot; /&gt;'''MENAM''' ({{Collier's key|mā-näm′}}), the chief river of Siam, rising in the Laos country, and flowing generally S. to enter the Gulf of Siam below Bangkok; length, about 900 miles.
&lt;section end=&quot;Menam&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Menander&quot; /&gt;'''MENANDER''' ({{Collier's key|-nan′dur}}), one of the most celebrated of the Greek comic poets; born in Athens in 342 {{asc|B. C.}} He composed 108 comedies; but there are only a few fragments remaining of them. Menander was the disciple of Theophrastus, and, like him, excelled in the delineation of character. He was also the friend of Epicurus, whose philosophy he adopted. He is said to have drowned himself 291 {{asc|B. C.}} on account of the success of his rival Philemon.
&lt;section end=&quot;Menander&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Menasha&quot; /&gt;'''MENASHA''', a city of Winnebago co., Wis., 14 miles N. E. of Oshkosh, on Lake Winnebago, Chicago and Northwestern and other railroads. Is much frequented by visitors in summer. Has woolen mills, foundry, paper, woodenware, blinds, and cigar factories. City governed by mayor and council. Pop. (1910) 6,081; (1920) 7,214.
&lt;section end=&quot;Menasha&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Mencius&quot; /&gt;'''MENCIUS''' ({{Collier's key|men′shi-us}}). Latinized from '''MENGTSE''' ({{Collier's key|meng-tse′}}), a Chinese philosopher; born in Tsow-hien, in 372 {{asc|B. C.}} He was a follower of Confucius, whose influence he revived. Twenty-nine years he spent in traveling about China preaching, but with small success; his last 15 years were passed with his disciples in retirement. His sayings are contained in the last of the Chinese &quot;Four Books.&quot; He died about 289 {{asc|B. C.}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Mencius&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Mendeleef, Dmitri Ivanovitch&quot; /&gt;'''MENDELEEF, DMITRI IVANOVITCH''' ({{Collier's key|men-del-ē′ef}}), a Russian chemist; born in Tobolsk, Siberia, Feb. 7, 1834. He studied at St. Petersburg, and, after having taught at Simferopol, Odessa, and St. Petersburg, became Professor of Chemistry in the University of St. Petersburg in 1866. He enriched every section of chemical science, but is especially distinguished for his contributions to physical chemistry and chemical philosophy. He died in 1907.
&lt;section end=&quot;Mendeleef, Dmitri Ivanovitch&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Mendelism&quot; /&gt;'''MENDELISM''', a theory of heredity discovered and announced in 1865 by Gregor Mendel. His conclusions were the result of experimentation with plants, and the theory relates, in general, to the effects caused by successive crossing of hybrids. The general conclusion is that when two characters are mutually exclusive, one of them is always &quot;dominant&quot; over the other, which is said to be &quot;recessive.&quot;
&lt;section end=&quot;Mendelism&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Mendelssohn, Moses&quot; /&gt;'''MENDELSSOHN, MOSES''' ({{Collier's key|men′dels-zōn}}), a German-Jewish philosopher; born in Dessau, Germany, Sept. 6, 1729. He was bred to merchandise, but devoted himself to literature, in which he acquired a distinguished reputation. In 1742 he settled at Berlin, In 1755, he published his first piece, entitled &quot;Pope a
&lt;section end=&quot;Mendelssohn, Moses&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 23.djvu/474</title>
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      <comment>typo fixes; transliterate Greek (when hovering over)</comment>
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      <text bytes="9211" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|452|ROEMER, F. A.|ROGATION DAYS|  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;(1782–1865), was also a politician of some note in his day.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|Among P. L. Roederer's writings may be mentioned ''Louis XII.''
(1820); ''François I.'' (1825); ''Comédies historiques'' (1827–30);
''L'Esprit de la révolution de 1789'' (1831); ''La Première et la deuxième''
''année du consulat de Bonaparte'' (1802); ''Chronique des cinquante''
''jours'', an account of the events of the 10th of August 1792; and
''Mémoire pour servir a l'histoire de la société polie en France'' (1835).}}

See his ''Œuvres'', edited by his son (Paris, 1853 seq.); Sainte-Beuve, ''Causeries du lundi'', vol. viii.; M. Mignet, ''Notices historiques''
(Paris, 1853).

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''ROEMER, FRIEDRICH ADOLPH''' (1809–1869), German geologist, was born at Hildesheim, in Prussia, on the 14th of
April 1809. His father was a lawyer and councillor of the
high court of justice. In 1845 he became professor, of
mineralogy and geology at Clausthal, and in 1862 director
of the School of Mines. He first described the Cretaceous and
Jurassic strata of Germany in elaborate works entitled ''Die''
''Versteinerungen des Norddeutschen Oolithen-gebirges'' (1836–39),
''Die Versteinerungen des Norddeutschen Kreidegebirges'' (1840–1841)
and ''Die Versteinerungen des Harzgebirges'' (1843). He
died at Clausthal on the 25th of November 1869.

His brother, {{sc|Carl Ferdinand von Roemer}} (1818–1891),
who had been educated for the legal profession at Göttingen,
also became interested in geology, and abandoning law in
1840, studied science at the university of Berlin, where he
graduated Ph.D. in 1842. Two years later he published his
first work, ''Das Rheinische Übergangsgebirge'' (1844), in which
he dealt with the older rocks and fossils. In 1845 he paid a
visit to America, and devoted a year and a half to a careful
study of the geology of Texas and other Southern states.
He published at Bonn in 1849 a general work entitled Texas,
while the results of his investigations of the Cretaceous rocks
and fossils were published three years later in a treatise, ''Die''
''Kreidebildungen von Texas und ihre organischen Einschlüsse''
(1852), which included also a general account of the geology,
and gained for him the title “Father of the geology of Texas.”
Subsequently he published at Breslau ''Die Silurische Fauna des''
''westlichen Tennessee'' (1860). During the preparation of these
works he was from 1847 to 1855 “privat-docent” at Bonn,
and was then appointed professor of geology, palaeontology
and mineralogy in the university of Breslau, a post which he
held with signal success as a teacher until his death. As a
palaeontologist he made important contributions to our
knowledge especially of the invertebrata of the Devonian
and older rocks. He assisted H.&amp;nbsp;G. Bronn with the third
edition of the ''Lethaea geognastica'' (1851–56), and subsequently
he laboured on an enlarged and revised edition, of
which he published one section, ''Lethaea palaeozoica'' (1876–1883).
In 1862 he was called on to superintend the preparation
of a geological map of Upper Silesia, and the results of
his researches were embodied in his ''Geologie von Oberschlesien''
(3 vols., 1870). As a mineralogist he was likewise well known,
more particularly by his practical teachings and by the collection
he formed in the Museum at Breslau. He died at Breslau
on the 14th of December 1891.

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''ROEMER, OLE''' (Latinized {{sc|Olaus}}) (1644–1710), Danish astronomer,
was born at Aarhuus in Jutland on the 25th of September
1644. He became in 1662 the pupil and amanuensis of Erasmus
Bartholinus at Copenhagen, and assisted J. Picard in 1671 to
determine the geographical position of Tycho Brahe’s observatory
(Uraniborg on the island of Hveen). In 1672 he accompanied
Picard to Paris, where he remained nine years, occupied.
with observations at the new royal observatory and hydraulic
works at Versailles and Marly. On the 22nd of November
1675 he read a paper before the Academy on the successive
propagation of light as revealed by a certain inequality in the
motion of the first of Jupiter’s satellites. A scientific mission
to England in 1679 made him acquainted with Newton, Halley
and Flamsteed. In 1681, on the summons of Christian V.,
king of Denmark, he returned to Copenhagen as royal mathematician
and professor of astronomy in the university; and
from 1688 he discharged, besides, many important administrative functions, including those of mayor (1705), chief of
police and privy councillor. He died at Copenhagen on the
23rd of September 1710
Roemer will always be remembered as the discoverer of the
finite velocity of light. He showed besides wonderful ingenuity
in the improvement of astronomical apparatus. The
first transit instrument worthy the name was in 1690 erected
in his house. In the same year he set up in the university
observatory an instrument with altitude and azimuth circles
(for observing equal altitudes on both sides of the meridian)
and an equatorial telescope. In 1704 he built, at his own cost,
the so-called “Tusculan”  observatory at Vridlösemagle, a
few miles west of Copenhagen, and equipped it with a meridian
circle (the transit instrument and vertical circle combined) and
a transit moving in the prime vertical. Roemer-thus effectively
realized nearly all our modern instruments of precision, and
accumulated with them a large mass of observations, all of
which unfortunately perished in the great conflagration of the
21st of October 1728, except the three nights’ work discussed
by J. G. Galle (''O. Roemeri triduum observations astronomic arum''
''a. 1706 institutarum'', Berlin, 1845).

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See E. Philipsen, ''Nordisk Universitets Tidskrift'', v. 11 (1860);
P. Horrebow, ''Basis Astronomiae'' (Copenhagen, 1735); J. B. J.
Delambre, ''Hist. de l’astr. moderne'', ii. 632; J. F. Montucla, ''Hist.''
''des mathématiques'', ii. 487, 579; R. Grant, ''Hist. of Phys.'' ''Astronomy'', p. 461; R. Wolf, ''Gesch. der Astronomie'', pp. 452, 489, 576; J. F. Weidler, ''Historia Astronomie'', p. 538; W. Doberck, ''Nature'', xvii. 105; C. Huygens, (''Œuvres complètes'', t. viii. pp. 30–58; L. Ambronn, ''Handbuch der astr.'' ''Instrumentenkunde'', ii. 552, 966; T. J. J. See, ''Pop. Astronomy'', No. 105, May 1903.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''ROERMOND,''' a town in the province of Limburg, Holland,
on the right bank of the Maas at the confluence of the Roer,
and a junction station 28 m. by rail N.N.E. of Maastricht.
Pop. (1900) 12,348. The old fortifications have been dismantled
and partly converted into fine promenades. At this
point the Maas is crossed by a bridge erected in 1866–67, and
the Roer by one dating from 1771, replacing an older structure,
and connecting Roermond with the suburb of St Jacob.
Roermond is the seat of a Roman Catholic episcopal see. The
finest building in the town is the Romanesque minster church
of the first quarter of the 13th century. In the middle of the
nave is the tomb of Gerhard&amp;nbsp;III., count of Gelderland, and his
wife Margaret of Brabant. It was formerly the church of a
Cistercian nunnery, and in modern times has been elaborately
restored. The cathedral of St Christopher is also of note; on
the top of the tower (246 ft.) is a copper. statue of the saint, and
the interior is adorned with paintings by Rubens, Jacob de
Wit (1695–1754) and others. The Reformed church was once
the chapel of the monastery of the Minorites. There is also
a Redemptorist chapel. The old bishop's palace is now the
courthouse, and the old Jesuits' monastery with its fine gardens
a higher-burgher school. Woollen, cotton, silk and mixed
stuffs, paper, flour and beer are manufactured at Roermond.
Close to Roermond on the west is the village of Horn, once
the seat of a lordship of the same name, which is first mentioned
in a document of 1166. The lordship of Horn was a fief of
the counts of Loon, and after 1361 of the bishop of Liége; but
in 1450 it was raised to a countship by the Emperor Frederick II.
On the extinction of the house of Horn in 1540, the countship
passed to the famous Philip of Montmorency, who, with the
count of Egmont, was executed in Brussels in 1568 by order of
the duke of Alva. In the beginning of the next century the
count ship was forcibly retained by the see of Liége, and was
incorporated in the French department of the Lower Maas at
the end of the 18th century. The ancient castle is in an excellent
state of preservation and is sometimes used for the
assembly of the states.

&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''ROGATION DAYS''' (Lat. ''rogatio'', from ''rogare'', to beseech; the equivalent of Gr. &lt;span title=litaneía&gt;{{Greek|λιτανεία}}&lt;/span&gt;, litany), in the Calendar of the Christian Church, the Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday before Ascension Day, so called because long associated with the chanting of litanies in procession (''rogationes''). The week in which they occur is sometimes called Rogation Week. In 511&lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>pt34ysvttiq4yw5v0wapdi6ios99zs5</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 25.djvu/904</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1818403</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507601</id>
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        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>a quick proof</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="9578" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|880|STEPHANITE|STEPHEN (MARTYR)|  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;of the officials. By the power of working out broad and general 
principles in detail and idealizing the routine work of adminis- 
tration he may fairly be placed among the great administrators 
by whom (far more than by statesmen and politicians) the Prus- 
sian state has been built up, and he was singularly fortunate in 
that his life fell at a time when by perfecting the administration 
of the newly founded imperial post he took no small part in 
strengthening the national idea and binding together the German 
nation. In 1897 blood-poisoning, arising from a wound in the 
foot, made amputation of the leg necessary, and he died from the 
effects of the operation, on the 8th of April 1897. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See E. Knickeberg, ''H. v. Stephan'' (Berlin, 1897).}}{{EB1911 footer initials|James Wycliffe Headlam|J. W. He.}} 

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Stephanite&quot; /&gt;'''STEPHANITE''', a mineral consisting of silver sulphantimonite,
Ag&lt;sub&gt;5&lt;/sub&gt;SbS&lt;sub&gt;4&lt;/sub&gt;; containing 68·5% of silver, and sometimes of importance
as an ore of this metal. Under the name ''Schwarzerz''
it was mentioned by G. Agricola in 1546, and it has been
variously known as “black silver ore” (Ger. ''Schwarzgültigerz''),
brittle silver-ore (''Sprödglanzerz''), &amp;c. The name
stephanite was proposed by W. Haidinger in 1845 in honour of
the archduke Stephan of Austria; French authors use F. S.
Beudant’s name ''psaturose'' (from the Greek {{Greek|ψαθυρός}}, fragile).
It frequently occurs as well-formed crystals, which are orthorhombic
and occasionally show signs of hemimorphism:
they have the form of six-sided prisms or flat tables terminated
by large basal planes and often modified at the edges by numerous
pyramid-planes. Twinning on the prism-planes is of frequent
occurrence, giving rise to pseudo-hexagonal groups like those of
aragonite. The colour is iron-black, and the lustre metallic
and brilliant; on exposure to light, however,  the crystals soon
become dull. The mineral has a hardness of 2{{EB1911 tfrac|2}} and is very
brittle; the specific gravity is 6·3. Stephanite occurs with
other ores of silver in metalliferous veins. Localities which
have yielded good crystallized specimens are Freiberg and
Gersdorf near Rosswein in Saxony, Chañarcillo in Chile, and
exceptionally Cornwall. In the Comstock lode in Nevada
massive stephanite and argentite are important ores of silver.
{{EB1911 footer initials|Leonard James Spencer|L. J. S.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;Stephanite&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''STEPHANUS BYZANTINUS''' (Stephen of Byzantium), the 
author of a geographical dictionary entitled 'Εθνικά, of which, 
apart from some fragments, we possess only the meagre epitome 
of one Hermolaus. This work was first edited under the title 
Περὶ πόλεων (Aldus, Venice, 1502); the best modern editions 
are by W. Dindorf and others (4 vols., Leipzig, 1825), A. Westermann
(Leipzig, 1839), and A. Meineke (vol. i., Berlin, 1849). 
Hermolaus dedicates his epitome to Justinian; whether the first 
or second emperor of that name is meant is disputed, but it 
seems probable that Stephanus flourished in the earlier part of 
the 6th century, under Justinian I. The chief fragments remaining
of the original work (which certainly contained lengthy 
quotations from classical authors and many interesting topographical
and historical details) are preserved by Constantine 
Porphyrogennetos, De administrando imperio, ch. 23 (the 
article {{Greek|Ἰβηρίαι δύο}}) and De thematibus, ii. 10 (an account of 
Sicily) ; the latter includes a passage from the comic poet Alexis 
on the Seven Largest Islands. Another respectable fragment, 
from the article {{Greek|Δύμη}} to the end of {{Greek|Δ}}, exists in a MS. of the 
Seguerian library. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See the editions of Westermann, Dindorf and Meineke, above 
noticed; the article “Stephanus Byzant.,” in Smith’s ''Dictionary'' 
''of Ancient Biography'', vol. iii.; E. H. Bunbury, History of Ancient 
Geography, i. 102, 135, 169; ii. 669-671 (London, 1883); Riese, 
De Stephani Byzant. auctoribus (Kiel, 1873) ; J. Geffcken, De Stephano Byzantio (Göttingen, 1886); Spuridon Kontogones, {{Greek|Διορθωτικὰ εὶς τὰ Ἐθνικά}} (Erlangen, 1890) ; Paul Sakolowski, Fragmenta d. S. von B. ; E. Stemplinger, Studien zu d. {{Greek|Ἐθνικά}}.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''STEPHEN''', the “proto-martyr” (as he is called in certain 
MSS. of Acts xxii. 20), in some senses the greatest figure in 
primitive Christianity prior to Paul’s conversion, was one of 
“the Seven” (xxi. 8, nowhere called “deacons”) set over the 
“daily ministration” towards the needy members of the 
Jerusalem community. But, like Philip and perhaps others of 
his colleagues (vi. 3), he had higher gifts than his office would 
suggest. We read that he was “full of faith and of the holy 
Spirit”; and as his spiritual power seems to have shown itself in 
mighty deeds as well as words (vi. 5, 8), he became a marked 
man in Jerusalem. Himself a Jew of Greek culture, he naturally 
tried to win over his fellow Hellenists (vi.&amp;nbsp;9). 

It is here that Stephen’s advance upon the Apostolic teaching becomes apparent. His special “wisdom” lay in greater insight into the merely relative nature and value of the externals of Israel’s religion, and particularly those connected with the Temple. His fellow Hellenists were as a body eager to disprove the feeling of the native &quot;Hebrews&quot; that they were only half Jews; accordingly reaching which minimized the value of the sacred &quot;customs which Moses had delivered&quot; (vi. 14)—by making salvation turn immediately upon faith in Jesus as Messiah—would cause deep resentment in such circles, in spite of their more liberal attitude to things non-Jewish. They may have met Stephen’s appeal for faith in Jesus as Messiah by saying that full fellowship with God was theirs by observance of the Mosaic customs, centring in the Temple, which in Jerusalem overshadowed men’s thoughts touching the Divine presence. To this he would reply by warning them in Jesus' own words, supported by those of the prophets, that the heart is the true seat of the Shekinah; and that if they refused God manifest in His Messiah, the final embodiment of Divine righteousness, no holy “customs”—no, not the Temple itself — could save them from the displeasure of the living God. Nay, God might have to make good Messiah’s words as to His person being more essential to fellowship with God than the Temple itself (cf. Matt. xii. 6), which might even be destroyed, as it had been in the past, without loss to true religion. In all this he was but reasserting the prophetic rather than the scribal view of the Mosaic Law and its institutions, viz. that the inner spirit, that which could be written on the heart, was the only thing really essential. But they could not rise to this conception and treated his words as “blasphemous against Moses and against God,” and roused “the people and the elders and the scribes” against him. 

He was seized and brought before the Sanhedrin on the charge of speaking “against the Temple and the Law” (vi. 11–14). His defence against this twofold charge took the form of a survey of Israel’s religious past, with a view to show: (1) that “the God of Glory” had covenant relations with their fore-fathers before they had either Holy Place (Land or Temple) or Law (vii. 1–17); (2) that the first form of visible meeting place between God and His people was far other than that for which absolute sanctity was now claimed. Nay, the form of “the tabernacle of testimony in the wilderness” (no Holy Land) had more divine sanction&lt;ref&gt;The solemn language in v. 44 suggests that to Stephen, as to the writer to the Hebrews (and perhaps Hellenists generally), the Biblical Sanctuary, as corresponding to the heavenly archetype, was more sacred than the Temple of Herod, which owed what sanctity it had to the older features it still preserved. &lt;/ref&gt; than any later Temple (44–47) ; (3) that, after all, the presence of &quot;the Most High&quot; was in no way bound up with any structure of human hands, as Isaiah witnessed (48–50). The moral of all this was plain: Israel’s forms of fellowship with the Most High had all along been relative and subject to change. Particularly was this so with the external forms of cultus then represented by the Temple. Hence there was no “blasphemy” in suggesting that in the Messianic age yet another change might come about, and that observance of Temple services could prove little as to acceptance with God. But there is another and more actual line of pleading. This is found in the elaborate section dealing with the person and work of Moses, the great lawgiver (17–38)—a section full of extra-biblical touches—followed by one on Israel’s hardness of heart towards him and the “living oracles” he mediated, together with its result, the Exile (39–43). Pure and original Mosaism, embodied in Moses and his ministry to Israel, is represented as something which in its full spiritual intention had been frustrated by Israel’s stiff neckedness (39, 42 seq.). The figure of Moses is made to stand forth in ideal outlines, the thinly-veiled Christian application shining through. “This is that Moses who said unto the children of Israel, ‘A prophet &lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{smallrefs|90%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>bf7d09uxuj5e78q8k0d8ccb2a28oq8x</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507651</id>
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        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>transliterate Greek (when hovering over); add missing italics to publications etc.</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="9858" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|880|STEPHANITE|STEPHEN (MARTYR)|  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;of the officials. By the power of working out broad and general 
principles in detail and idealizing the routine work of adminis- 
tration he may fairly be placed among the great administrators 
by whom (far more than by statesmen and politicians) the Prus- 
sian state has been built up, and he was singularly fortunate in 
that his life fell at a time when by perfecting the administration 
of the newly founded imperial post he took no small part in 
strengthening the national idea and binding together the German 
nation. In 1897 blood-poisoning, arising from a wound in the 
foot, made amputation of the leg necessary, and he died from the 
effects of the operation, on the 8th of April 1897. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See E. Knickeberg, ''H. v. Stephan'' (Berlin, 1897).{{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|James Wycliffe Headlam|J. W. He.}}}}}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Stephanite&quot; /&gt;'''STEPHANITE,''' a mineral consisting of silver sulphantimonite,
Ag&lt;sub&gt;5&lt;/sub&gt;SbS&lt;sub&gt;4&lt;/sub&gt;; containing 68·5% of silver, and sometimes of importance
as an ore of this metal. Under the name ''Schwarzerz''
it was mentioned by G. Agricola in 1546, and it has been
variously known as “black silver ore” (Ger. ''Schwarzgültigerz''),
brittle silver-ore (''Sprödglanzerz''), &amp;c. The name
stephanite was proposed by W. Haidinger in 1845 in honour of
the archduke Stephan of Austria; French authors use F.&amp;nbsp;S.
Beudant’s name ''psaturose'' (from the Greek &lt;span title=psathyrós&gt;{{Greek|ψαθυρός}}&lt;/span&gt;, fragile).
It frequently occurs as well-formed crystals, which are orthorhombic
and occasionally show signs of hemimorphism:
they have the form of six-sided prisms or flat tables terminated
by large basal planes and often modified at the edges by numerous
pyramid-planes. Twinning on the prism-planes is of frequent
occurrence, giving rise to pseudo-hexagonal groups like those of
aragonite. The colour is iron-black, and the lustre metallic
and brilliant; on exposure to light, however,  the crystals soon
become dull. The mineral has a hardness of 2{{EB1911 tfrac|2}} and is very
brittle; the specific gravity is 6·3. Stephanite occurs with
other ores of silver in metalliferous veins. Localities which
have yielded good crystallized specimens are Freiberg and
Gersdorf near Rosswein in Saxony, Chañarcillo in Chile, and
exceptionally Cornwall. In the Comstock lode in Nevada
massive stephanite and argentite are important ores of silver.
{{EB1911 footer initials|Leonard James Spencer|L. J. S.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;Stephanite&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''STEPHANUS BYZANTINUS''' (Stephen of Byzantium), the 
author of a geographical dictionary entitled 'Εθνικά, of which, 
apart from some fragments, we possess only the meagre epitome 
of one Hermolaus. This work was first edited under the title 
&lt;span title=&quot;Perì póleōn&quot;&gt;{{Greek|Περὶ πόλεων}}&lt;/span&gt; (Aldus, Venice, 1502); the best modern editions 
are by W. Dindorf and others (4 vols., Leipzig, 1825), A. Westermann
(Leipzig, 1839), and A. Meineke (vol. i., Berlin, 1849). 
Hermolaus dedicates his epitome to Justinian; whether the first 
or second emperor of that name is meant is disputed, but it 
seems probable that Stephanus flourished in the earlier part of 
the 6th century, under Justinian&amp;nbsp;I. The chief fragments remaining
of the original work (which certainly contained lengthy 
quotations from classical authors and many interesting topographical
and historical details) are preserved by Constantine 
Porphyrogennetos, ''De administrando imperio'', ch. 23 (the 
article &lt;span title=&quot;Ibēríai dýo&quot;&gt;{{Greek|Ἰβηρίαι δύο}}&lt;/span&gt;) and ''De thematibus'', ii. 10 (an account of 
Sicily) ; the latter includes a passage from the comic poet Alexis 
on the Seven Largest Islands. Another respectable fragment, 
from the article &lt;span title=Dýmē&gt;{{Greek|Δύμη}}&lt;/span&gt; to the end of {{Greek|Δ}}, exists in a MS. of the 
Seguerian library. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See the editions of Westermann, Dindorf and Meineke, above 
noticed; the article “Stephanus Byzant.,” in Smith’s ''Dictionary'' 
''of Ancient Biography'', vol. iii.; E.&amp;nbsp;H. Bunbury, ''History of Ancient''
''Geography'', i. 102, 135, 169; ii. 669–671 (London, 1883); Riese, 
De Stephani Byzant. auctoribus (Kiel, 1873) ; J. Geffcken, De Stephano Byzantio (Göttingen, 1886); Spuridon Kontogones, &lt;span title{{=}}&quot;Diorthōtika eis ta Ethnika&quot;&gt;{{Greek|Διορθωτικὰ εὶς τὰ Ἐθνικά}}&lt;/span&gt; (Erlangen, 1890) ; Paul Sakolowski, Fragmenta d. S. von B. ; E. Stemplinger, Studien zu d. &lt;span title{{=}}Ethniká&gt;{{Greek|Ἐθνικά}}&lt;/span&gt;.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''STEPHEN,''' the “proto-martyr” (as he is called in certain 
MSS. of Acts xxii. 20), in some senses the greatest figure in 
primitive Christianity prior to Paul’s conversion, was one of 
“the Seven” (xxi. 8, nowhere called “deacons”) set over the 
“daily ministration” towards the needy members of the 
Jerusalem community. But, like Philip and perhaps others of 
his colleagues (vi. 3), he had higher gifts than his office would 
suggest. We read that he was “full of faith and of the holy 
Spirit”; and as his spiritual power seems to have shown itself in 
mighty deeds as well as words (vi. 5, 8), he became a marked 
man in Jerusalem. Himself a Jew of Greek culture, he naturally 
tried to win over his fellow Hellenists (vi.&amp;nbsp;9). 

It is here that Stephen’s advance upon the Apostolic teaching becomes apparent. His special “wisdom” lay in greater insight into the merely relative nature and value of the externals of Israel’s religion, and particularly those connected with the Temple. His fellow Hellenists were as a body eager to disprove the feeling of the native “Hebrews” that they were only half Jews; accordingly reaching which minimized the value of the sacred “customs which Moses had delivered” (vi. 14)—by making salvation turn immediately upon faith in Jesus as Messiah—would cause deep resentment in such circles, in spite of their more liberal attitude to things non-Jewish. They may have met Stephen’s appeal for faith in Jesus as Messiah by saying that full fellowship with God was theirs by observance of the Mosaic customs, centring in the Temple, which in Jerusalem overshadowed men’s thoughts touching the Divine presence. To this he would reply by warning them in Jesus’ own words, supported by those of the prophets, that the heart is the true seat of the Shekinah; and that if they refused God manifest in His Messiah, the final embodiment of Divine righteousness, no holy “customs”—no, not the Temple itself — could save them from the displeasure of the living God. Nay, God might have to make good Messiah’s words as to His person being more essential to fellowship with God than the Temple itself (cf. Matt. xii. 6), which might even be destroyed, as it had been in the past, without loss to true religion. In all this he was but reasserting the prophetic rather than the scribal view of the Mosaic Law and its institutions, viz. that the inner spirit, that which could be written on the heart, was the only thing really essential. But they could not rise to this conception and treated his words as “blasphemous against Moses and against God,” and roused “the people and the elders and the scribes” against him. 

He was seized and brought before the Sanhedrin on the charge of speaking “against the Temple and the Law” (vi. 11–14). His defence against this twofold charge took the form of a survey of Israel’s religious past, with a view to show: (1) that “the God of Glory” had covenant relations with their fore-fathers before they had either Holy Place (Land or Temple) or Law (vii. 1–17); (2) that the first form of visible meeting place between God and His people was far other than that for which absolute sanctity was now claimed. Nay, the form of “the tabernacle of testimony in the wilderness” (no Holy Land) had more divine sanction&lt;ref&gt;The solemn language in v. 44 suggests that to Stephen, as to the writer to the Hebrews (and perhaps Hellenists generally), the Biblical Sanctuary, as corresponding to the heavenly archetype, was more sacred than the Temple of Herod, which owed what sanctity it had to the older features it still preserved. &lt;/ref&gt; than any later Temple (44–47) ; (3) that, after all, the presence of “the Most High” was in no way bound up with any structure of human hands, as Isaiah witnessed (48–50). The moral of all this was plain: Israel’s forms of fellowship with the Most High had all along been relative and subject to change. Particularly was this so with the external forms of cultus then represented by the Temple. Hence there was no “blasphemy” in suggesting that in the Messianic age yet another change might come about, and that observance of Temple services could prove little as to acceptance with God. But there is another and more actual line of pleading. This is found in the elaborate section dealing with the person and work of Moses, the great lawgiver (17–38)—a section full of extra-biblical touches—followed by one on Israel’s hardness of heart towards him and the “living oracles” he mediated, together with its result, the Exile (39–43). Pure and original Mosaism, embodied in Moses and his ministry to Israel, is represented as something which in its full spiritual intention had been frustrated by Israel’s stiff neckedness (39, 42 seq.). The figure of Moses is made to stand forth in ideal outlines, the thinly-veiled Christian application shining through. “This is that Moses who said unto the children of Israel, ‘A prophet &lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{smallrefs|90%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="5442" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{rh|LIGHT]|{{x-larger|MOTOR VEHICLES}}|{{x-larger|915}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
this direction until 1824, from which date a number of these
vehicles were constructed and used with considerable success,
taking the form of stage coaches propelled by steam, and
weighing some 3 or 4 tons unloaded. Some of these ran regular
passenger services, notably between Cheltenham and Gloucester,
attaining average speeds of ro to 14&amp;nbsp;m. per hour; but great
opposition was met with owing to the narrow prejudice of those
whose interests related to horse-haulage, and every obstruction
was offered in the shape of prohibitive tolls and legislative
enactments. The result was that steam carriages were driven
off the roads in favour of railways, although the select committee
of the House of Commons appointed in 1831 to inquire into the
subject reported completely in favour of their adoption (as did
also that of 1873). In 1861 the first Locomotives on Highways
Act was passed, but the crushing blow came in 1865, when the
legislature prescribed (1) that the number of persons required
to drive the locomotive should be increased to three; (2) that a
man should precede with a red flag; (3) that the maximum limit
of speed should be reduced to 4&amp;nbsp;m. per hour; and (4) that they
should be forbidden ever to blow off steam, &amp;c. These restrictions
were confirmed rather than relieved by the 1878 act.
Although these acts were created to deal with heavy traction,
the famous 1881 appeal in the court of queen’s bench placed
every type of self-propelled vehicle, from a traction engine down
to Bateman’s steam tricycle, under their narrow limitations.
This resulted in the development of the heavy traction engine,
and light motor vehicles were little more heard of in Great
Britain. There were a few exceptions, however, notably the
steam vehicles of Rickett (1860), Carrett (1861), Tangye (1862),
Yarrow (1862), Holt (1866), Todd (1870), Perkins (1870),
Mackenzie (1875) and Blackburn (1878), and some electrical
carriages made by Elwell (1884), Ward (1886) and Volk (1888).
An important departure was that of Butler, who constructed in
1885 what is believed to be the first vehicle (a tricycle) propelled
by an internal combustion engine in England (fig.&amp;nbsp;2); he used
the vapour of benzoline exploded electrically. Later, Roots
successfully employed heavy oil, as did Knight. The chief
prohibitory clauses of the acts were repealed in 1896, when the
development of the internal-combustion engine had opened up
entirely new prospects and suggested new possibilities.
{{center|[[File:EB1911 - Motor Vehicles - Fig 1. Trevethick's Steam Carriage, 1802.png|340px]]&lt;br&gt;
{{Fs|92%|{{sc|Fig}}. 1.—Trevethick’s Steam Carriage of 1802: side view and plan.}}}}

Gottlieb Daimler’s invention in 1885 of the internal-combustion
motor using petroleum spirit was the first step towards the
production of the modern self-propelled road vehicle, the next
step being the recognition in 1887 of the advantages of Daimler’s
system by M. Levassor and his application of that system to
the propulsion of a carriage. In the nine years that immediately
followed French manufacturers spent large sums of money in
experimenting with and developing the motor-car, and by 1896,
when the Enabling Act was passed, there were a few practical
vehicles in England but, perhaps, fewer probable buyers.
British makers, starting as they did in the wake of the French
manufacturers, were able to profit by the experience gained by
the latter, and thus to avoid many otherwise inevitable mistakes;
they may not be able to claim to have originated many
of the fundamental details of the modern motor-car, but their
experience was gained at a comparatively small cost.
{{center|[[File:EB1911 - Motor Vehicles - Fig 2. Butler's Motor Tricycle of 1885.png|360px]]&lt;br&gt;
{{Fs|92%|
{{sc|Fig}}. 2.—Butler’s Motor Tricycle of 1885.}}}}

Gottlieb Daimler’s engine marked a great advance in the
production of a source of motive power, for its efficiency was
large as compared with its total weight, whilst the simplicity
of its fuel system brought it within the scope of the person of
average mechanical instincts and intelligence, for, even in its
early days, the internal-combustion motor did not demand that
its user should possess an intimate knowledge of engineering.
Daimler fitted one of his motors to a bicycle in 1885, and afterwards
applied the system to the propulsion of boats, one or more
of which were running on the river Seine in connexion with the
Paris Exhibition of 1887. It was this fact that brought the
invention to the notice of M. Levassor, of the firm of Panhard &amp;
Levassor, makers of wood-working machinery, who saw the
possibilities of its application to the propulsion of a road carriage.
MM. Panhard &amp; Levassor secured the French patents from
Daimler, and M. Levassor devised the transmission system which,
as far as its general scheme is concerned, is unaltered to-day,
despite many efforts on the part of skilful inventors and designers
to secure something better. M. Levassor placed the engine in
front, the axis of the crank-shaft being parallel with the side
members of the frame of the vehicle. The drive was taken
through a clutch to a set of reduction gears and thence to a
differential gear on a counter shaft from which the road wheels
were driven by chains. With all the modifications of details,
the combination of clutch, gear-box and transmission remains&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 18.djvu/948</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12508267</id>
      <parentid>10024362</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:02:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="5315" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{x-larger|916}}|{{x-larger|MOTOR VEHICLES}}|[LIGHT}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
unaltered, so that to France, in the person of M. Levassor, must
be given the honour of having led in the development of the
motor-car.

Progress in the improvement of design was slow until the year
1894, when a great impetus was given to the French industry
by the organization, by the Petit Journal, of a trial run of motor
vehicles from Paris to Rouen. The measure of success attained.
by the cars caused considerable surprise, and in the year 1895
a race was organized from Paris to Bordeaux and back, a
distance of 744&amp;nbsp;m., when the winning vehicle covered the journey
at a mean speed of 15&amp;nbsp;m. per hour. From that date onward,
until 1908, racing played an important part in the development
of the motor-car; in fact, it is not going too far to say that,
up to 1904, it played a vitally important part therein. The
effect was a rapid development in speed, efficiency and reliability,
and others besides the sportsman and the individual seeking for
new sensations were attracted towards the new vehicle. Racing
was not indulged in in England or Scotland, the authorities
having no power to close the roads for the purpose.
radical changes in previously-existing designs. So far as British
makers were concerned, the Mercédès fashion was allowed to
predominate, but some of the older French makers were less
willing to follow the lead of the great German house. This fact
assisted the British makers to forge ahead in their competition
with the French. But the great factor in the triumph of British
motor engineering arose from the fact that, in England, there
was a great wealth of knowledge concerning the properties of
steels and steel alloys, and that knowledge, which was advancing
all the time, was turned to such good use that it is safe to say
that, in only the very best of French cars is the same strength
and efficiency obtained from the same weight of metal as would
be used in the construction of quite a number of British cars.
Lightness of moving parts has led to increased engine efficiency
and to economy of fuel, whilst the inert parts of the mechanism the
frame and other fixed details-by being lighter, call for a
smaller expenditure of power to overcome their inertia. Apart
from the employment of special steels for motor-car construction,
in which England took a leading part, many improvements
{{center|[[File:EB1911 - Motor Vehicles - Fig 3. Rolls-Royce Pullman-Limousine.png|800px]]&lt;br&gt;
{{Fs|92%|{{sc|Fig}}. 3.—The 40–50 h.p. Six-cylinder Rolls-Royce Pullman-Limousine.}}}}

In July 1902, Mr S. F. Edge, driving a 50 h.p. Napier car,
won the Gordon-Bennett Cup in the course of the open race
from Paris to Vienna. This trophy has played an important
part in the history of the motor-car. It was offered for competition
among cars, entered by recognized National Automobile
Clubs, no more than three cars being permitted to represent a
country, and every car had to be built entirely in the country of
its origin. The length of the race had to be not less than 500
kilometres {{nowrap|(310{{EB1911 tfrac|2}} m.).}} The first two races in 1900 and 1901 had
been won by French cars and, as these contests had been run
concurrently with the big city-to-city races, the importance
of the Gordon-Bennett race was overshadowed. But it stood
out in bold relief when an English car wrested the international
trophy from its French rivals in 1902. The Automobile Club
of Great Britain and Ireland (now the Royal Automobile Club)
at once secured parliamentary sanction for the use of certain
roads in Ireland for a limited period, and proceeded to organize
a race worthy of the issue at stake. The race was won by the
Mercédès car, the latest production of the famous house of
Daimler.

The Mercédès car set quite a new fashion, for it showed
advancement in a large number of its mechanical details, and
many of these details were either copied or used as the basis for
in design and method have originated in Great Britain. For
instance, the multiple-disk clutch, which permits a car to he
started without shock, is an English invention, as are the
detachable wheel, the spare wheel and the six-cylinder ed engine.
The latter, introduced by the Napier Company and employed
extensively by them, by Rolls-Royce and others, has exerted
a great influence upon British tastes, because it created a growing
dislike to noise, one of the consequences being the rapid development
of the silent car.

The representatives of Great Britain in the Gordon-Bennett
race of 1903 were selected by means of a series of eliminating
trials, and in 1904 and 1905 races were held annually in the
Isle of Man for the same purpose. In the years 1906, 1907 and
1908 races were held in that island with such limitations on
fuel or on the diameter of the cylinders as were calculated to
encourage the development of small but efficient transmissions,
and it has been conceded generally that these races served an
extremely useful purpose.

Concurrently with its development into a reliable, silent,
odourless and smokeless power-propelled vehicle, the motor-car
gradually came into more general use. It no longer appealed
only to a few but gained converts daily, and its final triumph
came when it began seriously to displace the horsed vehicle.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 18.djvu/950</title>
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      <id>12508304</id>
      <parentid>8149977</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:42:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */ add image and proof text</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="4805" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{x-larger|918 }}|{{x-larger|MOTOR VEHICLES}}|[LIGHT}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
through the webs and crank-pins, whence it feeds the connecting rod
bearings, enough squirting out to splash on to the cylinder
walls. Sometimes, a shallow trough is placed under each connecting-rod
end, to hold oil to a certain depth and no more, and
a scoop on the big end collects enough oil to effect the lubrication
of the connecting-rod bearings and cylinder walls. The aim has
been to secure definite lubrication of all moving parts, and, at
the same time, to prevent oil being present on the cylinder walls
in such quantities as will permit the piston to carry it up into
the combustion chamber. Any oil present in the combustion
chamber is burnt during the explosion, but, its combustion being
imperfect, smokiness of the exhaust is the result. By reducing
the oil on the cylinder walls to the minimum necessary for
lubrication, smoking has been abolished, whilst clogging, or
carbonizing, of the valves has been materially reduced.
{|{{Ts|sm92|lh12|ma|ac}}
|[[File:EB1911 - Motor Vehicles - Fig 4. Six-cylinder Rolls-Royce Engine, valve side.png|550px]]
|-
|The 40–50 h.p. Six-cylinder Rolls-Royce Engine (valve side, showing also position of magneto).
|-
|[[File:EB1911 - Motor Vehicles - Fig 4. Six-cylinder Rolls-Royce Engine, carburettor side.png|550px]]
|-
|{{sc|Fig}}. 4.—The 40–50 h.p. Six-cylinder Rolls-Royce Engine (carburettor side, showing also&lt;br&gt;high-tension distributor, and position of centrifugal water pump).
|}
Methods of carburation have also undergone improvement,
so that the carburation shall not materially vary with varying
engine speed. The only other feature in the engine that calls
for mention is the method of cooling. With the introduction
of the honeycomb type of radiator, by which the water is made
to flow through canals an eighth or a sixteenth of an inch wide,
the efficiency of the cooling system has been doubled because
of the large amount of surface, in a given size of radiator, for
dissipating the heat. A fan is generally employed, either situated
behind the radiator and driven by the engine, or the flywheel
is vaned so as to induce a current of air through the radiator.
To deal now with the transmission mechanism, the drive is
taken through a clutch and gear-box as in the earliest days, but,
for the final drive, chain transmission to the road wheels running
on a fixed axle has largely given place to propeller drive on to
a live axle. The leather-faced conical clutch, although still
employed, has in many cases given way to the multiple-disk
clutch in which a number of disks bearing against each other,
either flat in section, or (as in the Hele-Shaw clutch) having
annular tapered grooves, are contained in an oil-tight box.
These plates are capable of being separated laterally from each
other when “out of gear,” or brought into frictional contact with
each other when it is desired to start the car. Metal-to-metal
cone clutches expanding metal shoe
clutches, single metal plate clutches
and coil spring clutches have all at
some time found favour with designers
wishing to avoid a leather
clutch. Hydraulic and electro-magnetic
clutches have also been tried,
but these have not gained any
vogue. In the matter of the gear-box,
the sliding into mesh of the
gear-wheels as employed by Levassor
is still the standard practice although
that pioneer himself regarded the
method as barbarous, and looked
upon it as a mere temporary expedient.
But details of the gear-box
have materially improved. A single
lever is usually employed for engaging
any of the forward gears or the
reverse, so that the mistake of simultaneously
engaging a reverse and a
forward gear is not possible. The
spur-wheels are generally mounted
in pairs on two sleeves, so that, by
means of a selector mechanism that
compels one sleeve to be brought to
the neutral position before the other
can be moved, no two gears can ever
be engaged together. By means of
“dog clutches,” the clutch shaft
can generally be coupled direct with
the bevel-wheel driving the back
axle the “drive” on the highest
gear being thus transmitted without
passing through and spur-wheels.
This reduces noise and frictional
losses. Except for cars of great
weight, chain transmission is fast
dying out, the power being generally
transmitted through a propeller
shaft (with universal joints at one or
both ends) to a bevel-drive on the
back axle; such axle being divided
into two revolving or ''live'' axles
carrying the differential gear between
them. The bevel-wheels, differential
gear and live axles are enclosed and
run in a lubricant.

Wire suspension wheels are growing
considerably in favour, a saving
in weight being thus effected. The
liability of the pneumatic tire to deflation,
through a puncture or burst,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 18.djvu/951</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
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      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="7064" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{rh|LIGHT]|{{x-larger|MOTOR VEHICLES}}|{{x-larger|919}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
has led to the introduction of detachable rims and detachable
wheels. The detachable rim is borne on the periphery of the
wheel (which is bonded) and secured in position by various
methods. When the tire is punctured or damaged the rim and
tire are removed bodily and replaced by a spare rim with its
tire already in position and inflated, a change capable of
being effected in five minutes or less. The detachable wheel is
mounted upon a shell which fits over and is secured to a sleeve,
&lt;!-- original image location--&gt;
which latter turns and is secured upon the fixed axle. In the
case of tire trouble, the wheel intact is removed from the sleeve
(which in the case of a driving-wheel carries the driving fittings,
the brake-drums, &amp;c.) and a duplicate wheel is substituted.
The pneumatic tire has undergone continuous improvement,
particularly in the matters of the selection of the material and
the proportioning of the strength of the “body” to the work
which the tire is to be called upon to perform. Various methods
have been devised for the prevention of skidding or “side-slip”
on greasy surfaces, and, whilst certain mouldings on the rubber
treads have proved advantageous, the method most adopted
is that in which a large number of steel studs stand about a
quarter of an inch above the surface of the tire.
{{center|[[File:EB1911 - Motor Vehicles - Fig 5. Rolls-Royce chassis 1910.png|800px]]&lt;br&gt;
{{Fs|92%|{{sc|Fig}}. 5.-Plan View of the 40–50 h.p. Six-Cylinder Rolls-Royce Chassis (1910 type).}}}}

It will be seen that the general lines of the car of 1889 have
not required to be radically altered. Every detail has been
improved so that the cars are more efficient, easier to control
and manage, and infinitely more comfortable, but, in essence,
Levassor’s scheme is as good to-day as it was when planned by
him.

The steam car is made by five or six British manufacturers
at the most, whereas the actual manufacturers of petrol cars in
Great Britain numbered at the end of the year 1909 about
seventy, whilst some four hundred other firms were actively
engaged in the construction of cars and their parts, accessories
and sundries. But the steam car appeals to those men who are
or have been steam engineers, and to them the management of
the steam generator and the burners constitutes no difficulty.
The limitations under which the early steam car laboured have,
in the main, disappeared, for the modern steamer can travel
nearly as far without requiring to refill the boiler as a petrol
car can travel without replenishment of the fuel tank. The
electric car is still the luxury to be employed in towns and in
covering short distances, for the weight of the accumulators
has not been greatly reduced, despite sensational announcements
made from time to time.

An interesting feature of the motor movement has been the
steady growth in popularity of the motor cycle. The motor
tricycle was developed up to the year 1903, and then gradually
became displaced by the motor bicycle, which had been introduced
in 1901. Motor bicycles gradually increased in popularity,
until in numbers they were in excess of cars. The standard
machines of 1909 had an air-cooled motor of one, two or even
&lt;!--col.2--&gt;
four cylinders (according to the choice of the riders) developing
some 3 to 8 h.p. with magneto ignition and belt drive.
The engine was usually started by the rider running alongside
the machine, and causing the machine to rotate the crank-shaft
through the belt and pulley until the initial explosion was
obtained, when he would jump into the seat. Trailers were
employed at first for carrying passengers, but, the length of
the combined vehicle being between nine and ten feet, a side-car,
placed at the side of the cycle and secured thereto by detachable
fittings, largely displaced the trailer and also the “fore-car,” in
which the passenger was carried in a body placed in front of
three- and four-wheeled cycles.
{{EB1911 fine print/s}}
The rapid growth of the motor movement in Great Britain may
be judged from the fact that by the 30th of September 1905 the
number of motor vehicles of all kinds registered had totalled to
74,038, and by the 30th of September 1908, three years afterwards,
to no less than 154,415. Of these, 137,323 were registered in
England and Wales, 10,907 in Scotland, and 6185 in Ireland. 71,405
were private motor-cars; 12,104 were trade motor-cars; 5880 were
public service vehicles and 65,026 were motor cycles.

A year later (Sept. 30, 1909) the figures showed a further
remarkable increase, the total number of vehicles registered in the
United Kingdom being 183,773, giving an increase of 29,358 in
the year. Of these, private motor-cars numbered 84,840; trade
motor-cars 15,181; public service vehicles 8752; and motor cycles
75,000. The numbers registered in England and Wales Were: 74,748
private motor-cars; 13,961 trade motor-cars; 8131 public service
vehicles and 66,341 motor cycles, or 163,181 in all. The figures
for Scotland were: 6157 private motor-cars; 1056 trade motor-cars;
584 public service vehicles and 5296 motor cycles or 13,093 in all.
The figures for Ireland were: 3935 private motor-cars; 164 trade
motor-cars; 37 public service vehicles and 3363 motor cycles, or
7499 in all. In the year private motor-cars in the United Kingdom
increased by 18·8%; trade motor-cars by 25·4%; public service
vehicles by 48·8%, and motor-cycles by 15·3%.

It is possible to obtain a better idea of the number of motor
vehicles in use from the returns of the commissioners of inland
revenue. The total number of privately-owned cars for which
licences were issued in 1908 was 48,019, of motor cycles 35,784,
and of motor-driven hackney carriages 17,300. These figures
may be compared with the registration figures already given for
the year ending the 30th of September 1908. As accounting partly
for the difference, a certain proportion of the registered vehicles
(seeing that the figures include all vehicles in use on and after
the 1st of January 1904, less those in respect of which the registrations
have been cancelled) must have fallen into disuse and some
vehicles will have been sold out of the country, whilst others will
have been sold and re-registered with different authorities. But
the life of the mechanism of a car, in one form or another, is of considerable
length (there were, for instance, in use in 1910, as commercial
vehicles, motor chassis that were put on the road in 1896),
and it is considered that many registered but unlicensed cars remain
for years capable of rendering useful service in emergencies or on special occasions, such as at election periods. 

In 1906 an act of parliament authorized a census of production, which was taken in 1908, the statistics relating to 1907. These figures show that the output of complete motor vehicles in the United Kingdom in that year was 11,700 completed cars and chassis, and 3600 motor cycles, the total value of the productive work&lt;noinclude&gt;{{EB1911 fine print/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 18.djvu/953</title>
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        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>{{EB1911 fine print/s}} to span pages; some typo fixes; edit table; middot decimals</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="9691" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{rh|HEAVY]|{{x-larger|MOTOR VEHICLES}}|{{x-larger|&amp;emsp;921}}}}
{{EB1911 fine print/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
Gordon, ''A Treatise on Elementary Locomotion by Means of Steam''
''Carriages on Common Roads'' (London, 1832, 1834 and 1836; Gore,
''Propulsion of Carriages on Common Roads by Power other than''
''Animal Power'' (London, 1893); Graffigny, ''Manuel pratique du''
''constructeur et du conducteur de cycles et d’automobiles'' (Paris, 1900);
Grand Cartaret, ''Le Voiture de demain'' (Paris, 1898); Gray and
others, ''The Motor Year Book'' (London, 1905 and 1906); Guerdon,
''Manuel pratique du conducteur d’automobiles'' (Paris, 1897); Gurney,
''Steam Carriages on Turnpike Roads'' (London, 1832); Hancock,
''Steam Carriages on Common Roads'' (London, 1838); Jenkins, ''Power''
''Locomotion on the Highway'' (a guide to the literature; London,
1896); E. H. Knight, ''American Mechanical Dictionary'', “Road
Locomotives,” vol. iii. (New York, 1876); J.&amp;nbsp;H. Knight, ''Notes on''
''Motor Carriages'' (London, 1896); Lardner, ''The Steam Engine'' (7th
ed., pp. 419-440; London, 1840); Lavergne, Manuel théorique et
pratique de l’automobile sur route (Paris, 1900); Lavergne and
Hasluck, The Automobile (London, 1902); Lieckfeld, Die Petroleum-und
Benzinmotoren (Munich and Leipzig, 1894); Little, Automator
and Horseless Vehicle Journal (London, 1898); Lockert, Traité
des véhicules automobiles (4 vols., Paris, 1896-1897); Petroleum Motor
Cars (London, 1898); Maceroni, Facts concerning Elementary Locomotion
(2nd ed., London, 1834); Powers and Qualities of Maceroni's
Steam Carriage Demonstrated (London, 1835); Steam Power on Roads,
&amp;c. (London, 1835); Mann, New Method of Propelling Locomotive
Machines (compressed air) (London, 1830); Medhurst, ''A New System''
''of Inland Conveyance for Goods and Passengers'' (compressed
air) (London, 1827); Milandre and Bouquet, Traité
''de la construction'', ''de la conduite et de l’entretien de voitures''
''automobiles'' (4 vols., Paris, 1898-1899); O’Gorman, ''Motor''
''Pocket Book'' (London, 1904); Perissé and Godfernaux,
''Traction mécanique sur rails et sur routes'' (Paris, 1900);
Rose, ''A Record of Motor Racing'' (London, 1 og); Salomons,
''The Horseless Carriage'' (London, 1895); Saunier,
''L’Automobile théorique et pratique'' (2 volsi Paris, 1899–1900);
Sennett, ''Horseless Road Locomotion'' (London, 1900); 
Smith, ''History of English carriages and Motor Cars''
Tunbridge Wells, 1876); S.P.T.A. (Self-Propelled Traffic
Association), ''Trials of Motor Vehicles for Heavy Traffic''
(Liverpool, 1898, 1899, and 1901); Sir H. Thompson,
''The Motor Car: its Nature'', ''Use'', ''Management'' (London,
1902); Wallis-Taylor, ''Motor Cars or Power Carriages for''
''Common Roads'' (London, 1897); R. B. Whitman, ''Motor-car''
''Principles'' (New York, 1909); Witz, ''Moteurs à gaz et''
''a pétrole'', vol. iii. (Paris, 1899); Yarrow, “On Steam
Carriages,” ''Proc. Soc. of Eng.'' (London, 1863) § Young, ''The''
''Economy of Steam Power'' (London, 1860); Filson Young,
''The Complete Motorist'' (London, 1904); vol. xxxvi. (Head) “Steam
Locomotion on Common Roads,” Proc. Inst. C.E. (London, 1873);
Reports of Select Committees of the House of Commons (London,
1831, 1834, 1835, 1836, 1859, 1873, 1881). {{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|Charles Stewart Rolls|C. S. R.}}}}
{{EB1911 fine print/e}}
{{clear}}
{{csc|Heavy Commercial Vehicles}}

Heavy types of motor-cars are now widely employed for
commercial purposes. The earliest British-built type was
the steam-propelled wagon, and its evolution was largely
encouraged and hastened by important competitive trials, at
Liverpool, in the years 1898, 1899 and 1901, which were
conducted by the Self-Propelled Traffic Association. Other
series of trials were held by the Royal Agricultural Society of
England and the Royal Automobile Club.

From the end of 1896 to early in 1905 no commercial motor
vehicle was legal in England if its unladen weight exceeded
3 tons, and this limitation caused much financial loss to purchasers who overloaded them. The Heavy Motor Car Order
of 1904, which came into force on the 1st of March 1905, increased
the maximum unladen weight to 5 tons, whilst limiting the
gross weight to 12 tons; by the same order, the combined unladen
weight of a motor wagon and the single trailer which it is allowed
to draw was fixed at 6{{EB1911 tfrac|2}} tons. In effect, the gross weight of a
trailer and its load may not exceed 8 tons, thus yielding a total
gross weight, for loaded wagon and loaded trailer, of 20 tons.
Excesses in any particular cause a commercial motor to be
treated as a “heavy locomotive,” or traction engine, when its
freedom of movement, speed, &amp;c., are restricted more severely.

Miniature traction engines, constructed to comply with the
requirements of the Motor Car Acts and Orders, have progressed
since 1905; they are chiefly used where it is a convenience to
separate the power and carrying units, as by furniture-removal
and other contractors.

The working cost of a steam wagon with a 5-ton load, in
Great Britain, inclusive of provision for interest on capital,
depreciation and maintenance, varies from 7%d. to 9d. per mile
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
run, on an average basis of 180 m. a week; with a trailer carrying
another 3 tons the corresponding figures vary from 9d. to 1s.
per mile run, according to nature of roads, gradients and fuel
available. The inclusive working cost of a tractor, on macadamized
roads, is generally about 15% less than for a 5-ton
wagon, ” but a standard tractor cannot haul more than a gross
load of 8 tons behind the drawbar-except on dry and level
roads. On granite setts the extra vibration often causes undue
wear and tear, unless the suspension of the tractor be very
good.

Vehicles in which the power is derived from internal-combustion
engines are commonly known as “petrol” vehicles. Petroleum
spirit of 0·700 specific gravity is usually the fuel, but many
are now supplied with spirit of 0·760 specific gravity; the range
of boiling points is the criterion of satisfactory use—not the
density. Petrol vehicles are, practically, stoutly-built motor-cars,
and some of the models now in use have been developed
from accepted designs of lighter types. There are, however,
numerous manufacturers who construct solely for utility purposes.
Below net loads of 2 tons, the petrol-propelled vehicle
has a virtual monopoly of use in England; above that,
it shares the trade with steam. A tabular statement of
current working costs of approved petrol vehicles is published
herewith.

{|class=tablecolhdborder {{Ts|sm92|lh120|ac}}
|+Summary of Working Costs for petrol-driven Vehicles (Exclusive of&lt;br&gt;Management) in England.
|-{{Ts|ba}}
|Particulars.|| colspan=5|Net loads carried:&lt;br&gt;Costs in pence per vehicle-mile.
|-{{Ts|bb}}
|{{Ts|al||bbt1}}|(Petrol at 10 d. per gall.)&lt;br&gt;Average weekly mileage||10 cwt.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;400||1 ton&amp;ensp;&lt;br&gt;400||2 tons&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;390||3 tons&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;350||5 tons&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;300
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Driver’s wages||0·84||0·84||1·00||1·09||1·60
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Fuel (petroleum spirit)||0·55||0·77||0·95||1·25||1·67
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Oils and grease||0·12||0·12||0·14||0·16||0·24
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Rubber tires||0·50||0·75||1·15||1·50||2·60
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Repairs (material and wages)&amp;emsp;||0·55||0·85||1·03||1·17||1·55
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Rent, rates and lighting||0·12||0·15||0·25||0·40||0·50
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Insurance and claims||0·12||0·24||0·35||0·42||0·65
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Depreciation||0·65||0·90||1·06||1·36||1·60
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Interest on capital||0·15||0·25||0·33||0·47||0·64
|-
|{{Ts|al}}|Totals||{{Ts|ba}}|3·60||{{Ts|ba}}|4·87||{{Ts|ba}}|6·26||{{Ts|ba}}|7·82||{{Ts|ba}}|11·05&amp;numsp;
|}

Before proceeding to describe and illustrate representative
types of vehicles, tractors and special machines, a brief summary
of the outstanding points in the English statutes and orders
which apply to heavy motor-cars may well be given. Any
motor-car with an unladen weight in excess of 2 tons is held
to be a “heavy motor-car,” and a “trailer” means a vehicle
drawn by a heavy motor-car. The expression “axle weight”
means the aggregate weight transmitted to the surface of the
road or other base whereon the heavy motor-car or the trailer
moves or rests by the several wheels attached to that axle when
the heavy motor-car or trailer is loaded. The expression
“weight,” in relation to a heavy motor-car or trailer when
unladen, means the weight exclusive of the weight of any
water, fuel or accumulators used for the purpose of propulsion.
All heavy motor-cars have to be registered with a county
council, county borough, or other registering authority, and
owners have to declare, on suitable forms, the unladen weight, the axle weight of each axle, and the diameter of each wheel. When a registration certificate is issued it bears these data, in addition to a statement of the width and the material of the tyre on each wheel, and the highest rate of speed at which the heavy motor-car may be driven. The owner, after registration, must cause to be painted, or otherwise plainly marked, upon some conspicuous part of the offside of the heavy motor-car, the registered weight unladen, and the registered axle weight of each axle, whilst, upon the near side of the heavy motor-car, he must similarly cause to be painted the highest rate of speed at which it may travel. Width of tires, which in no case may be less than 5 in., varies in relation to imposed load and wheel diameter, and a table of these is issued by the local government board. It is specified that “the width shall not be less than that&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 16.djvu/279</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1836064</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506871</id>
      <parentid>10479950</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:40:15Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="8872" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{rh|240–80 {{asc|B. C.}}]|{{x-larger|LATIN LITERATURE}}|&amp;emsp; {{x-larger|259}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;soldiers and the ideal magnanimity and sagacity of Roman
senators, and imparted weight and dignity to the language
and verse in which their sentiments and thoughts were expressed.
Although Rome wanted creative force to add a great series of
tragic dramas to the literature of the world, yet the spirit of
elevation and moral authority breathed into tragedy by Ennius
passed into the ethical and didactic writings and the oratory
of a later time.

Another work was the ''Saturae'', written in various metres,
but chiefly in the trochaic tetrameter. He thus became the
inventor of a new form of literature; and, if in his hands the
''satura'' was rude and indeterminate in its scope, it became a
vehicle by which to address a reading public on matters of the
day, or on the materials of his wide reading, in a style not far
removed from the language of common life. His greatest work,
which made the Romans regard him as the father of their literature,
was his epic poem, in eighteen books, the ''Annales'', in which
the record of the whole career of Rome was unrolled with idealizing
enthusiasm and realistic detail. The idea which inspired
Ennius was ultimately realized in both the national epic of
Virgil and the national history of Livy. And the metrical
vehicle which he conceived as the only one adequate to his
great theme was a rude experiment, which was ultimately developed
into the stately Virgilian hexameter. Even as a grammarian
he performed an important service to the literary language
of Rome, by fixing its prosody and arresting the tendency to
decay in its final syllables. Although of his writings only
fragments remain, these fragments are enough, along with what
we know of him from ancient testimony, to justify us in regarding
him as the most important among the makers of Latin literature
before the age of Cicero.

There is still one other name belonging partly to this, partly
to the next generation, to be added to those of the men of original
force of mind and character who created Latin literature,
that of M. Porcius Cato the Censor (234–149),
{{EB1911 Shoulder Heading|Cato.}}
the younger contemporary of Ennius, whom he brought to
Rome. More than Naevius and Plautus he represented the pure
native element in that literature, the mind and character of
Latium, the plebeian pugnacity, which was one of the great
forces in the Roman state. His lack of imagination and his
narrow patriotism made him the natural leader of the reaction
against the new Hellenic culture. He strove to make literature
ancillary to politics and to objects of practical utility, and thus
started prose literature on the chief lines that it afterwards
followed. Through his industry and vigorous understanding
he gave a great impulse to the creation of Roman oratory,
history and systematic didactic writing. He was one of the first
to publish his speeches and thus to bring them into the domain
of literature. Cicero, who speaks of 150 of these speeches as
extant in his day, praises them for their acuteness, their wit,
their conciseness. He speaks with emphasis of the impressiveness
of Cato’s eulogy and the satiric bitterness of his
invective.

Cato was the first historical writer of Rome to use his native
tongue. His ''Origines'', the work of his old age, was written with
that thoroughly Roman conception of history which regarded
actions and events solely as they affected the continuous and
progressive life of a state. Cato felt that the record of Roman
glory could not be isolated from the story of the other Italian
communities, which, after fighting against Rome for their own
independence, shared with her the task of conquering the world.
To the wider national sympathies which stimulated the researches
of the old censor into the legendary history of the
Italian towns we owe some of the most truly national parts of
Virgil’s ''Aeneid''.

In Naevius, Plautus, Ennius and Cato are represented the
contending forces which strove for ascendancy in determining
what was to be the character of the new literature. The work,
begun by them, was carried on by younger contemporaries and
successors; by Statius Caecilius (''c.'' 220–168), an Insubrian Gaul,
in comedy; in tragedy by M. Pacuvius (''c.'' 220–132), the nephew
of Ennius, called by Cicero the greatest of Roman tragedians;
and, in the following generation, by L. Accius (''c.'' 170–86), who
was more usually placed in this position. The impulse given to
oratory by Cato, Ser. Sulpicius Galba and others, and along with
it the development of prose composition, went on with increased
momentum till the age of Cicero. But the interval between
the death of Ennius (169) and the beginning of Cicero’s career,
while one of progressive advance in the appreciation of literary
form and style, was much less distinguished by original force
than the time immediately before and after the end of the
second Punic war. The one complete survival of the generation
after the death of Ennius, the comedy of P. Terentius
{{EB1911 Shoulder Heading|Terence.}}
Afer or Terence (''c.'' 185–159), exemplifies the gain in
literary accomplishment and the loss in literary freedom. Terence
has nothing Roman or Italian except his pure and idiomatic
Latinity. His Athenian elegance affords the strongest contrast
to the Italian rudeness of Cato’s ''De Re Rustica''. By looking at
them together we understand how much the comedy of Terence
was able to do to refine and humanize the manners of Rome,
but at the same time what a solvent it was of the discipline
and ideas of the old republic. What makes Terence an important
witness of the culture of his time is that he wrote from
the centre of the Scipionic circle, in which what was most
humane and liberal in Roman statesmanship was combined
with the appreciation of what was most vital in the Greek
thought and literature of the time. The comedies of Terence
may therefore be held to give some indication of the tastes of
Scipio, Laelius and their friends in their youth. The influence
of Panaetius and Polybius was more adapted to their maturity,
when they led the state in war, statesmanship and oratory,
and when the humaner teaching of Stoicism began to enlarge
the sympathies of Roman jurists. But in the last years during
which this circle kept together a new spirit appeared in Roman
politics and a new power in Roman literature,—the revolutionary
spirit evoked by the Gracchi in opposition to the long-continued
ascendancy of the senate, and the new power of Roman satire,
which was exercised impartially and unsparingly against both
the excesses of the revolutionary spirit and the arrogance and
incompetence of the extreme party among the nobles. Roman
satire, though in form a legitimate development of the indigenous
dramatic ''satura'' through the written ''satura'' of Ennius and
Pacuvius, is really a birth of this time, and its author was the
youngest of those admitted into the intimacy of the Scipionic
{{EB1911 Shoulder Heading|Lucilius.}}
circle, C. Lucilius of Suessa Aurunca (''c.'' 180–103).
Among the writers before the age of Cicero he alone
deserves to be named with Naevius, Plautus Ennius and Cato
as a great originative force in literature. For about thirty
years the most important event in Roman literature was the
production of the satires of Lucilius, in which the politics, morals,
society and letters of the time were criticized with the utmost
freedom and pungency, and his own personality was brought
immediately and familiarly before his contemporaries. The
years that intervened between his death and the beginning
of the Ciceronian age are singularly barren in works of original
value. But in one direction there was some novelty. The
tragic writers had occasionally taken their subjects from Roman
life (''fabulae praetextae''), and in comedy we find the corresponding
''togatae'' of Lucius Afranius and others, in which comedy, while
assuming a Roman dress, did not assume the virtue of a Roman
matron.

The general results of the last fifty years of the first period
(130 to 80) may be thus summed up. In poetry we have the
satires of Lucilius, the tragedies of Accius and of a
few successors among the Roman aristocracy, who
{{EB1911 Shoulder Heading|General results&lt;br /&gt;from 130 to 80.}}
thus exemplified the affinity of the Roman stage to
Roman oratory; various annalistic poems intended
to serve as continuations of the great poem of Ennius; minor
poems of an epigrammatic and erotic character, unimportant
anticipations of the Alexandrian tendency operative in the
following period; works of criticism in trochaic tetrameters
by Porcius Licinus and others, forming part of the critical and
grammatical movement which almost from the first accompanied
the creative movement in Latin literature, and which may be&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Stories as a mode of thinking.djvu/8</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1845226</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506323</id>
      <parentid>8304140</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:28:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
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{{c|II}}
 
To some it might appear that Witchcraft was not a subject worth 
thinking about seriously. But the Witchcraft itself is the temporary form given by certain ages to what is a permanent interest—the conception of a Supernatural World [other than the Supreme Being] capable of affecting (1) the conduct of those who believe in it, (2) or 
perhaps the actual course of events. It will be interesting to see how 
such a topic is embodied in a dramatic story of Shakespeare. 
{{dhr|2em}}
{{c|{{larger|THE SUPERNATURAL ELEMENT IN MACBETH.}}}}
 
Shakespeare introduces into his dramas supernatural agents and 
phenomena of a kind not usually recognized at the present day: such 
as Ghosts and Witchcraft, &amp;c. 

:{{fs90/s}}The chief plays are ''Macbeth, Hamlet, Richard III, Julius Cæsar.''—The two plays, ''The Tempest'' and ''Midsummer Night’s Dream'', stand in a different class, as they are wholly divorced from reality.{{fs90/e}}
 
The question arises. How is this supernatural element to be regarded 
by the student of Shakespeare, in accordance with sound principles of 
analysis? 

{{smaller|1.}} Beware of the temptation to explain away the supernatural character of such portions of Shakespeare's plays out of zeal for the poet's 
'rationality'—there may be scenes in which an apparition may be 
resolved into an hallucination (e.g. ''Macbeth'' 3.4, where no one sees 
the ghost except Macbeth)—but there are cases in which the apparitions are unquestionably objective and supernatural (e.g. Witches in 
''Macbeth'', Ghost in first act of ''Hamlet'')—and a single example is sufficient to establish the assumption by Shakespeare of such supernatural 
phenomena for his dramatic world. 

{{smaller|2.}} Shakespeare seems to assume for any story he presents whatever 
was believed in by the age to which the story belongs—but the poet 
is himself responsible for the interpretation underlying the story, in 
this case for the use made of the supernatural agency—thus the true 
'rationalisation' enquires how the ''operation'' of the supernatural 
element in a play harmonises with reason and morals. 

(1) The Beings of Evil have no power over man except by his own 
consent. 'Compare instruments of darkness' (1.3. 124).
 
:{{fs90/s}}Macbeth has long harboured treacherous designs on the crown [1.7.47-59: this must refer to a date anterior to the opening of the play]—connect with this his start and Banquo's surprise (1.3.51). {{fs90/e}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Stories as a mode of thinking.djvu/12</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1845240</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506324</id>
      <parentid>8304124</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:29:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Template pairs should terminate in footer .</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2459" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Zoeannl&quot; /&gt;{{c|10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;action are concrete embodiments of metaphysical ideas. [All 
mythology includes this; but in Greek myths interests of art (story and 
plastic) predominate, in Hindoo myths thought is supreme.] 

This may be seen in individual conceptions: 

{{fs90/s}}
:Kehama: Prayer and Sacrifice as spiritual ''forces'' (compare ''Matthew'' xi. 12)—but in Hindoo thought independent of the worshipper's motive: 'drafts on Heaven' to be honoured at sight.
 
:The Amreeta-Cup (xviii and xxiv, especially xxiv. 1 7-21)—compare Genesis iii. 22. 

:Witchcraft as Anti-Nature: Lorrinite (xi). 

:Casyapa (vi): Wisdom divorced from Power. 

:Yamen (especially xxiii. 13): compare Conscience. 

:The Curse (ii. 14) a speculation on the limitations of humanity.{{fs90/e}} 

but more particularly, the action of the poem is continually found to 
embody meditations on 
{{dhr|2em}}
{{c|Destiny}}
 
Distinguish : 

:Destiny proper: the stream of events apprehended as mere Force. 
:Providence: the stream of events apprehended as complete Design. 
:Intermediate between these: a Destiny which is Force variegated with flashes of Design. 

The last is the picturesque conception of Destiny most suitable for 
Epic poetry. 

{{fs90/s}}
:To note some of the thought-flashes on Destiny embodied in the action of the poem—mostly of the nature of Nemesis (the rebound of events) or Irony (mockery as a measure of irresistibility).—Such is the motto of the poem: &quot;Curses are like young chickens, they always come home to roost.&quot; [Rescue of Kailyal from the river (iii)—Sacrifice of the Horse (viii)—Rescue in the Shrine of Jaga-Naut (xiv. 8-15)—Contest (xvi) with the Monster of the Deep.] 

:Forcing the secrets of Fate secures only Half-Truths: compare ''Macbeth'' 1. 3. 122. [The main crisis: xxiv.]
 
:The Sinner winning his way only to find it destruction. [Incident of Mariataly's Image: ii. 9-10.] 

:The Sinner punished in that wherein he offends. [Arvalan's body in the flames: xiv. 12-14.] 

:Destiny assisting up to the point of guilt, stopping short of the prize. [Lorrinite and Arvalan: xi. 14.] 

:The single grain of Good in the mass of Evil availing to avert Destruction. Compare ''Genesis'' xviii. 23-33. [Baly: xv. 4-6.] 
{{dhr}}
''Footnote.''—The References are to the cantos and stanzas in each 
canto. The latter are not numbered in all editions, but the cantos are 
so short that no great difficulty will be found in referring. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fs90/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506326</id>
      <parentid>12506324</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:29:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
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      <text bytes="2460" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Zoeannl&quot; /&gt;{{c|10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;action are concrete embodiments of metaphysical ideas. [All 
mythology includes this; but in Greek myths interests of art (story and 
plastic) predominate, in Hindoo myths thought is supreme.] 

This may be seen in individual conceptions: 

{{fs90/s}}
:Kehama: Prayer and Sacrifice as spiritual ''forces'' (compare ''Matthew'' xi. 12)—but in Hindoo thought independent of the worshipper's motive: 'drafts on Heaven' to be honoured at sight.
 
:The Amreeta-Cup (xviii and xxiv, especially xxiv. 1 7-21)—compare Genesis iii. 22. 

:Witchcraft as Anti-Nature: Lorrinite (xi). 

:Casyapa (vi): Wisdom divorced from Power. 

:Yamen (especially xxiii. 13): compare Conscience. 

:The Curse (ii. 14) a speculation on the limitations of humanity.{{fs90/e}} 

but more particularly, the action of the poem is continually found to 
embody meditations on 
{{dhr|2em}}
{{c|Destiny}}
 
Distinguish : 

:Destiny proper: the stream of events apprehended as mere Force. 
:Providence: the stream of events apprehended as complete Design. 
:Intermediate between these: a Destiny which is Force variegated with flashes of Design. 

The last is the picturesque conception of Destiny most suitable for 
Epic poetry. 

{{fs90/s}}
:To note some of the thought-flashes on Destiny embodied in the action of the poem—mostly of the nature of Nemesis (the rebound of events) or Irony (mockery as a measure of irresistibility).—Such is the motto of the poem: &quot;Curses are like young chickens, they always come home to roost.&quot; [Rescue of Kailyal from the river (iii)—Sacrifice of the Horse (viii)—Rescue in the Shrine of Jaga-Naut (xiv. 8-15)—Contest (xvi) with the Monster of the Deep.] 

:Forcing the secrets of Fate secures only Half-Truths: compare ''Macbeth'' 1. 3. 122. [The main crisis: xxiv.]
 
:The Sinner winning his way only to find it destruction. [Incident of Mariataly's Image: ii. 9-10.] 

:The Sinner punished in that wherein he offends. [Arvalan's body in the flames: xiv. 12-14.] 

:Destiny assisting up to the point of guilt, stopping short of the prize. [Lorrinite and Arvalan: xi. 14.] 

:The single grain of Good in the mass of Evil availing to avert Destruction. Compare ''Genesis'' xviii. 23-33. [Baly: xv. 4-6.] 
{{fs90/e}}
{{dhr}}
''Footnote.''—The References are to the cantos and stanzas in each 
canto. The latter are not numbered in all editions, but the cantos are 
so short that no great difficulty will be found in referring. 
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Stories as a mode of thinking.djvu/18</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1845478</id>
    <revision>
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{{hi|
:(''b'') It is a peculiarity of Allegory as compared with other motives that it ''varies in intensity:'' sometimes so clear that for every pictorial detail there is a moral detail underlying it [this is 'Formal Allegory,' or it may be described as Mediæval, or 'Bunyanesque']—sometimes producing its effect by a ''general'' suggestiveness—sometimes difficult to trace at all without violence of interpretation [though its reappearance a little later will ''suggest'' that it has been present all the time]. 
}}

{{hi|
:(''c'') These variations put together give a sense of movement to the Allegory as a whole, a sort of rise and fall [compare effect of partial mist in landscape, the moon 'wading' amongst clouds]—and to fully appreciate it a sort of mental touch must be cultivated.
}}

{{hi| 
:(''d'') Remember: the Allegory of the ''Faerie Queene'' is (at least) double: Moral and Political.
}}
{{fs90/e}} 

3. Interest of Movement. 

{{fs90/s}}
{{hi|
:(''a'') The ''Linking'' of each Scene or Incident to that which precedes and follows. A subtle agency in idealizing is to avoid natural concatenation of incident—''e.g.'' scenes melt into one another as in dreams—or cross-linking [comp. game of Cross-tig]. 
}}

{{hi|
:(''b'') The ''Working'' together of the different Incidents to a common purpose. 
}}
{{fs90/e}}
{{dhr|2em}}
{{c|B.}}
 
{{c|The Allegory Traced Through the Second Book }}
{{Dhr}}

{| {{ts|sm90|lh12|mc|al||fll|vtt|wa}} 
|-{{ts|ac|bb}}
|width=140 {{ts|pt.5|pb.5}}| Incidents.
|width=140 {{ts|pt.5|pb.5|pr1}}| Moral Allegory.
|width=140 {{ts|pt.5|pb.5|pr1}}| Rise &amp; Fall in Allegory.
|-
|{{ts|al|btd|vtp|pt.5}}| {{hi|Meeting of the Red Cross Knight with Sir Guyon [i.1-34]. }}

|{{ts|btd|pt.5|vtp|pr1}}|{{hi|Temperance in espousing causes.}} &lt;br/&gt; {{hi|Also [by the Palmer 1. 7] Temperance connected with Religious Experience.}}
|{{ts|btd|pt.5|vtp|pr1}}|{{hi|Flashes out at the end [i-32].}}
|-
|{{ts|vtp|bt}}|{{hi|Incident of Mordaunt and Amavia [i.34-61]—leading to}} &lt;br/&gt; {{hi|Marvel of the Bloody Babe [ii.1.11]. }}
|{{ts|bt|vtp|pr1}}|{{hi|Temperance doubly contrasted with unbridled Pleasure and unbridled Agony.}} &lt;br&gt;{{hi|Intemperance and hereditary stain.}} &lt;br/&gt; {{hi|Also [compare old Metamorphosis Stories] Purity as a Passion. }}
|{{ts|bt|vtp|pr1}}| {{hi|Lost in human interest till suddenly expounded [i. 57].}} &lt;br/&gt; {{hi|Expounded [ii. 5] and by implication extended to the whole world of Metamorphosis.}}
|-
|{{ts|bt|vtp|pt.5}}|{{hi|Scene: the Castle of Medina [ii.11-46]—with the Hero's Story [ii.39-46]. }}
|{{ts|bt|vtp|pt.5|pr1}}|{{hi|Main point of the whole Allegory: Temperance as the Golden Mean.}} &lt;br/&gt; {{hi|Also: Temperance under petty vexations [ii. 12]. }}
|{{ts|bt|vtp|pt.5|pr1}}| {{hi|Rises to the pitch Formal Allegory. }}
|-
|}
{{Dhr}}
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 19.djvu/336</title>
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      <text bytes="9697" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |NEANDER, JOHANN A. W.|NEAP|321}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;his suspension from his teaching office that many of his hymns
were written. He ultimately renounced his connexion with the
separatists, and in 1679 returned to Bremen as one of the
preachers of St Martin’s church. In the same year he published
the ''Bundeslieder'' and ''Dankpsalmen'', a collection of 71 hymns,
of which many are still in use. He died on the 31st of May
1680. The Neanderthal, near Düsseldorf, takes its name from
him. For his place in hymnology see {{1911link|Hymns}}.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See J. F. Iken, ''Joachim Neander'', ''sein Leben und seine Lieder'' (1880).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''NEANDER, JOHANN AUGUST WILHELM''' (1789–1850),
German theologian and church historian, was born at Göttingen
on the 17th of January 1789. His father, Emmanuel Mendel,
is said to have been a Jewish pedlar, but August adopted the
name of Neander on his baptism as a Christian. While still
very young, he removed with his mother to Hamburg. There,
as throughout life, the simplicity of his personal appearance
and the oddity of his manners attracted notice, but still more,
his great industry and mental power. From the grammar-school
(Johanneum) he passed to the gymnasium, where the study of
Plato appears especially to have engrossed him. Considerable
interest attaches to his early companionship with Wilhelm
Neumann and certain others, among whom were the writer
Karl August Varnhagen von Ense and the poet Adelbert von
Chamisso.

Baptized on the 25th of February 1806, in the same year
Neander went to Halle to study divinity. Here Schleiermacher
was then lecturing. Neander found in him the very impulse which
he needed, while Schleiermacher found a pupil of thoroughly
congenial feeling, and one destined to carry out his views in a
higher and more effective Christian form than he himself was
capable of imparting to them. But before the year had closed
the events of the Franco-Prussian War compelled his removal
to Göttingen. There he continued his studies with ardour,
made himself yet more master of Plato and Plutarch, and
became especially advanced in theology under the venerable
G.&amp;nbsp;J. Planck (1751–1833). The impulse communicated by
Schleiermacher was confirmed by Planck, and he seems now
to have realized that the original investigation of Christian
history was to form the great work of his life.
Having finished his university course, he returned to Hamburg,
and passed his examination for the Christian ministry. After
an interval of about eighteen months, however, he definitively
betook himself to an academic career, “habilitating” in
Heidelberg, where two vacancies had occurred in the theological
faculty of the university. He entered upon his work here as a
theological teacher in 1811; and in 1812 he became a professor.
In the same year (1812) he first appeared as an author by the
publication of his monograph IJ ber den Kaiser J ulianus und sein
Zeitalter. The fresh insight into the history of the church
evinced by this work at once drew attention to its author, and
even before he had terminated the first year of his academical
labours at Heidelberg, he was called to Berlin, where he was
appointed professor of theology.

In the year following his appointment he published a second
monograph ''Der Heilige Bernhard und sein Zeitalter'' (Berlin, 1813),
and then in 1818 his work on Gnosticism (Genetische Entwickelung
der 'vornehmsten gnostischen Systeme). A still more extended
an elaborate monograph than either of the preceding followed
in 1822, ''Der Heilige Johannes Chrysostomus und die Kirche'',
''besonders des Orients in dessen Zeitalter'', and again, in 1824,
another on Tertullian (''Antignostikus''). He had in the meantime,
however, begun his great work, to which these several efforts
were only preparatory studies. The first volume of his
''Allgemeine Geschichte der christlichen Religion und Kirche''
embracing the history of the first three centuries, made its
appearance in 1825. The others followed at intervals—the
fifth, which appeared in 1842, bringing down the narrative
to the pontificate of Boniface VIII. A posthumous volume,
edited by C. F. T. Schneider in 1852, carried it on to the period
of the council of Basel. Besides this great work he published
in 1832 his ''Geschichte der Pflanzung und Leitung der christlichen''
&lt;!-- col. 2 --&gt;
''Kirche'', and in 1837 his ''Das Leben Jesu Christi'', ''in seinem''
''geschichtlichen Zusammenhang und seiner geschichtlichen Entwickelung'',
called forth by the famous ''Life'' of David Strauss.
In addition to all these he published ''Denkwürdigkeiten aus der''
''Geschichte des Christentums'' (1823–1824, 2 vols., 1825, 3 vols.,
1846); ''Das Eine und Mannichfaltige des christlichen Lebens''
(1840); papers on Plotinus, Thomas Aquinas, Theobald Thamer,
Blaise Pascal, J.&amp;nbsp;H. Newman, Blanco White and T. Arnold,
and other occasional pieces (''Kleine Gelegenheitsschriften'',1829),
mainly of a practical, exegetical and historical character. He
died on the 14th of July 1850, worn out and nearly blind with
incessant study. After his death a succession of volumes,
representing his various courses of lectures, appeared (1856
1864), in addition to the ''Lectures on the History of Dogma'' (''Theologische''
''Vorlesungen''), admirable in spirit and execution, which
were edited by J. L. Jacobi in 1857.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|Neander’s theological position can only be explained in connexion
with Schleiermacher, and the manner in which while adopting he
modified and carried out the principles of his master. Characteristically
meditative, he rested with a secure footing on the great
central truths of Christianity, and recognized strongly their essential
reasonableness and harmony. Alive to the claims of criticism, he no
less strongly asserted the rights of Christian feeling. “ Without it, &quot;
he emphatically says, “there can be no theology; it can only thrive
in the calmness of a soul consecrated to God.&quot; This explains his
favourite motto: “Pectus est quod theologum facit.”

His ''Church History'' (''Allgemeine Geschichte der christlichen Religion
und Kirche'') remains the greatest monument of his genius. In this
“Neander’s chief aim was everywhere to understand what was
individual in history. In the principal figures of ecclesiastical
history he tried to depict the representative tendencies of each age,
and also the types of the essential tendencies of human nature
generally. His guiding principle in treating both of the history and
of the present condition of the church was-that Christianity has
room for the various tendencies of human nature, and aims at permeating
and glorifying them all; that according to the divine plan
these various tendencies are to occur successively and simultaneously
and to counterbalance each other, so that the freedom and variety
of the development of the spiritual life ought not to be forced into
a single dogmatic form” (Otto Pfleiderer, ''Development of Theology'',
p. 280). Several of his books have passed into new' and revised
editions and have been translated into English. Among these
English versions may be mentioned 'General History of the Christian''
''Religion and Church'', translated by J. Torrey (1850–1858); ''History''
''of the Planting and Training of the Church by the Apostle'', by J.&amp;nbsp;E.
Ryland (1851); ''Julian and his Generation'', by G.&amp;nbsp;V. Cox (1850);
''Life of Jesus'', by J.&amp;nbsp;M‘Clintock and C.&amp;nbsp;E. Blumenthal (1848); and
''Memorials of Christian Life in the Early and Middle Ages'', by J.&amp;nbsp;E.
Ryland (1852).

See O. C. Krabbe, ''August Neander'' (1852), and a paper by C. F.
Kling (1800–1861) in the Stud. u. Krit. for 1851; J. L. Jacobi,
''Erinnerungen an August Neander'' (1882); Philipp Schaff, ''Erinnerungen''
''an Neander'' (1886); Adolph Harnack, ''Rede auf August Neander''
(1889); A.&amp;nbsp;F.&amp;nbsp;J. Wiegand, ''Neanders Leben'' (1889); L. T. Schulze,
''August Neander'' (1890); and K. T. Schneider, ''August Neander''
(1894). Cf. Herzog-Hauck, ''Realencyklopädie'', and P. Schaff, ''Germany:''
''its Universities and Theology'' (1857).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''NEANDERTHAL,''' a ravine near the village of Hochdal between Dusseldorf and Elberfeld, Rhenish Prussia. Here in 1856 were discovered in a Quaternary bed in the Feldhofen Cave human remains which have been referred to a type commonly called Neanderthal Man. The bones found were a brain-cap, two femora, two humeri and other fragments, now in the Fuhlrott Collection, Elberfeld. The cranium, pronounced by Huxley to be the most ape-like yet discovered, was remarkable for its enormous superciliary ridges. Professor Virchow and others contended that the remarkable shape was pathological or caused by disease during the lifetime of the individual. The subsequent
discovery of two other skulls, almost identical in form, at Spy
in Belgium, have helped to prove its typical character. The now
generally accepted view is that the Neanderthal skull represents
the oldest known dolichocephalic race of Europe.

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''NEAP,''' a word only used of tides in which the high-water mark is at its lowest, there being the least difference in level between high and low water, opposed to “spring tides” (see {{1911link|Tide}}). The word is obscure in origin. It appears in O. Eng.in ''népflód'', and only once alone in the expression ''forthganges nép'', “ without
power of advancing.” It may possibly be connected with “ nip,” in the sense of “pinched,” “scanty.”&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 03.djvu/132</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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        <id>2973212</id>
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      <text bytes="5586" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''CONCINI'''}}|98|{{c|'''CONCORDANCE'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Conchology&quot; /&gt;softer animals — viz., mollusks; this has 
been since abbreviated into malacology.
&lt;section end=&quot;Conchology&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Concini, Concino&quot; /&gt;
'''CONCINI, CONCINO''', an Italian,
minister to Louis XIII.
&lt;section end=&quot;Concini, Concino&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Conclave&quot; /&gt;
'''CONCLAVE''', the place where the cardinals
assemble for the election of the 
Pope; also the electoral assembly of the 
cardinals themselves. Pope Gregory X., 
whose election had been delayed for three 
years, established in the council at Lyons 
(1274) the regulations of the conclave. 
The cardinals are shut up together in a 
particular suite of apartments in the 
palace where the pontiff dies, and they 
are supposed to have no communication 
with the outside world during the period 
of the election. The companion, either 
lay or clerical, whom the cardinal is 
allowed to take with him into the
conclave during the election of a Pope is 
called a conclavist. The office is one of 
great delicacy and trust.
&lt;section end=&quot;Conclave&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Concord (music)&quot; /&gt;
'''CONCORD''', in music, the combination 
of two or more sounds pleasing to the 
ear. Concords are the octave, the fifth, 
third, and sixth. The two first are called 
perfect, because as concords they are 
not liable to any alteration by sharps or 
flats. The two last are called imperfect, 
as being alterable.
&lt;section end=&quot;Concord (music)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Concord (Mass.)&quot; /&gt;
'''CONCORD''', a town of Middlesex 
co., Mass.; on the Concord river and the 
Boston and Maine railroad; 20 miles W. 
of Boston. It is situated in a beautiful 
rural district, and has several manufacturing
establishments. It was for many 
years the seat of the famous Concord 
School of Philosophy, and is the site of 
the Concord State Reformatory. It has 
a public library, high school, a National 
bank, and an assessed property valuation
of $4,000,000. During the early part 
of the Revolution the Americans had a 
large stock of arms and military stores 
at Concord. Gen. Gage, the British
Commander in Boston, hearing of this, sent 
a body of soldiers to destroy these stores, 
and on their way they fought the battle 
of Lexington, the first of the war. When 
they reached Concord they destroyed 
what stores they could find, but were 
soon driven off by the Americans (April 
19, 1775). Concord is celebrated as the 
home of many famous writers, among 
them Emerson, Hawthorne, Thoreau, and 
Miss Alcott. Pop. (1910) 6,421; (1920) 
6,461.
&lt;section end=&quot;Concord (Mass.)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Concord (New Hampshire)&quot; /&gt;
'''CONCORD''', a city, capital of the State 
of New Hampshire, and county-seat of 
Merrimac county; on the Merrimac river 
and several branches of the Boston and 
Maine railroad; 75 miles N. W. of 
Boston.

&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
Concord has an abundance of water 
power supplied by near-by streams, and 
extensive manufactories of carriages, 
shoes, twine, electrical apparatus, silverware,
leather goods, machine shop
products, etc. Near the city are extensive 
quarries of a fine-grained white granite. 
There are three National banks and
several private banking houses. 

''Public Interests''.—The city is well laid 
out with finely shaded streets, is lighted 
by gas and electricity, and has an extensive
waterworks plant. The noteworthy 
buildings include the State Capitol, a 
fine building of Concord granite, the 
City Hall and Court House, the State 
Prison, State Insane Asylum, and the 
United States Government buildings. 
There is an excellent system of public 
schools, and several private schools,
including St. Paul's School for boys. 

''History''.—Concord was settled by the 
whites in 1725, on the site of an Indian 
village, but till 1765 it was called
Rumford. It became a city in 1853. It is 
noted as the place where Hannah Dustin, 
another woman, and a boy, who had been 
taken captive by Indians at Haverhill, 
Mass., killed the 10 Indians, when asleep, 
with hatchets, and so escaped. Pop. 
(1910) 21,497; (1920) 22,167. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Concord (New Hampshire)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Concord (North Carolina)&quot; /&gt;
'''CONCORD''', a city of North Carolina, 
the county-seat of Cabarrus co. It is on 
the Southern railroad. There are
manufactures of cotton, foundries, and
machine shop. The city is the seat of the 
Jackson Training School and the Scotia 
Seminary. Pop. (1910) 8,715; (1920) 
9,903.
&lt;section end=&quot;Concord (North Carolina)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Concordance&quot; /&gt;
'''CONCORDANCE''', a book of reference 
in which all the words existing in a 
particular version of the Bible are
arranged alphabetically — part of the
verse being extracted with each, so that 
if one remember a notable word in any 
part of the Bible he may find, with
scarcely any expenditure of time, where 
it occurs. A similar work may be
constructed to enable students to find where 
each Hebrew word occurs in the Old 
Testament, or each Greek one in the 
New Testament or in the Septuagint. 
The first known Concordance of the Bible 
in any language was that of St. Anthony 
of Padua, who was born in 1195, and 
died in 1231. His work was called
“''Concordantiæ Morales'',” and was of the 
Latin Vulgate. The first Hebrew
Concordance was that of Rabbi Isaac 
Nathan, commenced in 1438 and finished 
in 1448. The first Greek Concordance 
to the New Testament was that of 
Xystus Betuleius, whose real name was
Birck; it came forth in {{asc|A. D.}} 1546. The 
first English Concordance to the New&lt;section end=&quot;Concordance&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:UK Traffic Signs Manual - Chapter 8 - Part 2- Traffic Safety Measures and Signs for Road Works and Temporary Situations) - Operations 2009.pdf/8</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1851634</id>
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      <text bytes="1897" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Kathleen.wright5&quot; /&gt;{{rule}}{{TOC begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.15|Removing the closure|157}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.16|The role of the monitor vehicle|159}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.17|Breach of the closure/passage of emergency vehicles|159}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.18|Junctions|159}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.19|Dealing with a lane drop/lane gain|160}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.20|The role of the control office|160}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.21|Communication failure|160}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.22|Other works/weather conditions|160}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|O11.23|Use of the technique to set up traffic management|161}}
{{TOC row 2-1|'''[[/A1|A1 APPENDIX]] – TABLES'''|162}}
{{TOC row 2-1|Table A1.1 Location and number of approach signs|163}}
{{TOC row 2-1|Table A1.2 Sizes of signs|165}}
{{TOC row 2-1|Table A1.3 Recommended spacing and sizes of traffic cones|173}}
{{TOC row 2-1|Table A1.4 Key to areas and symbols shown in plans|175}}
{{TOC row 2-1|Table A1.5 Details A to K used in plans (minimum sizes given)|176}}
{{TOC row 2-1|'''[[/A2|A2 APPENDIX]] – GLOSSARY'''|186}}
{{TOC row 2-1|'''[[/A3|A3 APPENDIX]] – REFERENCES'''|192}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|A3.1|British Standards: British Standards Institution|192}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|A3.2|Legislation|192}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|A3.3|Department for Transport: The Stationery Office Ltd|193}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|A3.4|Design Manual for Roads and Bridges (DMRB): The Stationery Office Ltd.|194}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|A3.5|HSE documents|194}}
{{TOC row 1-1-1|A3.6|Other documents|195}}
{{TOC row 2-1|'''[[/OA4|A4 APPENDIX]] – MISCELLANEOUS'''|197}}
{{TOC row 2-1|APPENDIX 4.1 – Specification for builders’ skips|197}}
{{TOC row 2-1|APPENDIX 4.2 – Specification for an automatic braking system|198}}
{{TOC row 2-1|APPENDIX 4.3 – Assessment of condition of traffic signs|200}}
{{TOC row 2-1|'''[[/OA5|A5 APPENDIX]] – LIST OF PLANS'''|207}}
{{TOC row 2-1|[[/INDEX|INDEX]]|208}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{center|6}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 20.djvu/780</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="12982" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{x-larger|724}}|{{x-larger|{{uc|PAPACY}}}}|{{x-larger| }}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
pontificates of this period are scarce. Mention, however, must be
made of H. Renter’s ''Geschichte Alexanders III. vnd der Kirche''
''seiner Zeit'' (3 vols., Berlin, 1860–1864). Much information on the
policy of these popes will be found in the works on the great personages
of the time: W. Bernhardi, ''Lothar von Supplinburg'' (Leipzig,
1879), and ''Konrad III''. (Leipzig, 1883); H. Prutz, ''Kaiser Friedrich I''.
(3 vols., Danzig, 1871–1874); P. Scheffer-Boichorst, ''Kaiser Friedrichs''
''I. letzter Streit mit der Kurie'' (Berlin, 1866); Julius Ficker,
''Reinald von Dassel'' (Cologne, 1850); Th. Toeche, ''Kaiser Heinrich VI''.
(Leipzig, 1867); J. Jastrow and G. Winter, ''Deutsche Geschichte im''
''Zeitalter der Hohenstaufen'' (2 vols., Berlin, 1897–1901); F. von
Raumer, ''Geschichte der Hohenstaufen und ihrer Zeit'' (5th ed., 6 vols.,
Leipzig, 1878); A. Hausrath, ''Arnold von Brescia'' (Leipzig, 1891);
Dietr. Hirsch, ''Studien zur Geschichte König Ludwigs VII. von Frankreich''
(Leipzig, 1892); O. Cartellieri, Abt Suger von Saint-Denis
(Berlin, 1898); F. Vacandard, Vie de S. Bernard (2 vols., Paris,
1895); J. Thiel, Die politische Thdtigkeit des Abtes Bernhard von
Clairvaux (Königsberg, 1885); A. Luchaire, Louis VII., ''Philippe-Auguste'',
''Louis VIII''. (vol. iii. pt. i. of Lavisse’s ''Histoire de France'');
H. Bohmer, ''Kirche und Staat in England und in der Normandie im''
''XL. und XII. Jahrhundert''. (Leipzig, 1899); Kate Norgate, ''England''
''under the Angevin kings'' (London, 1887); and P. Scheffer-Boichorst,
“Hat Papst Hadrian IV. zu Gunsten des englischen Königs über
Irland verfügt?” in ''Mitteilungendes Instituts für österr. Geschichtsforschung''
(supplementary vol. iv., 1893).

(''c'') ''From 1198 to 1261''.—On the pontificate of Innocent III. in
general, see F. von Hurter, ''Geschichte Papst Innocenz III''. (3rd and
2nd ed., 4 vols., Hamburg, 1841–1844); and A. Luchaire, ''Innocent''
''III''., ''Rome et I’Italie'' (2nd ed., Paris, 1905), ''Innocent III. la croisade''
''des albigeois'' (Paris, 1905), ''Innocent III.'', ''la papauté et l’empire''
(Paris, 1906), ''Innocent III.'', ''la question d’orient'' (Paris, 1906), and
''Innocent III.'', ''les royautés vassales du Saint-Siège'' (Paris, 1908).
Cf. E. Winkelmann, ''Philipp von Schwaben und Otto IV. von Braunschweig''
(2 vols., Leipzig, 1873–1878); W. Norden, ''Das Papsttum''
''und Byzanz'' (Berlin, 1903), a considerable part of which is devoted
''to Innocent III.''; E. Gerland, ''Geschichte des lateinischen Kaiserreiches''
''von Konstantinopel'' (Homburg, 1905); R. Davidsohn, ''Philipp II''.
''August von Frankreich und Ingeborg'' (Stuttgart, 1888); R. Schwemer,
''Innocenz III. und die deutsche Kirche während des Thronstreites''
von 1198–1208 (Strassburg, 1882); Else Giitschow, Innocenz III.
und England (Munich, 1904); and many other detailed monographs.
The pontificate of Honorius III. is dealt with by J. Clausen in his
Papst Honorius III. (Bonn, 1895), and his registers have been published
by P. Pressutti (3 vols., Rome, 1884 and 1888–1895). On
Gregory IX., see J. Felten, Papst Gregor IX. (Freiburg i. Br.,
1886); P. Balan, ''Storia di Gregorio IX. e dei suoi tempi'' (3 vols.,
Modena, 1872–1873); and J. Marx, ''Die vita Gregorii IX''. (Berlin,
1889). The publication of the registers of this pope was begun
by L. Auvray in the Bibliotheque des ecoles de Rome et d’Athenes
(Paris, 1890 et seq.). On Innocent IV., see E. Berger, St Louis et
Innocent IV. (Paris, 1893); E. Winkelmann, Kaiser Friedrich II.
(2 vols., Leipzig, 1889–1897); P. Aldinger, Die Neubesetzung der
deutschen Bistümer unter Papst Innocenz IV. (Leipzig, 1901); and
C. Rodenberg, ''Innocenz IV. und das Königreich Sizilien'' (Halle.
1892). The publication of the registers of Innocent IV. was undertaken
by Elie Berger (1881 et seq.), and those of Alexander IV.
by J. de Loye, A. Coulon and C. Bourel de la Roncière (1895 et seq.).
As the history of the later Hohenstaufens is intimately bound up
with that of the contemporary popes, mention must be made of
F. W. Schirrmacher, ''Die letzten Hohenstaufen'' (Göttingen, 1871);
A. Karst, ''Geschichte Manfreds vom Ende Friedrichs II. bis zu seiner''
''Krönung'' (Berlin, 1897); and K. Hampe, Geschichte Konradins von
Hohenstaufen (Innsbruck, 1894).

(''d'') ''From 1261 to 1305''.—L. Dorez and J. Guiraud, members of the
French school at Rome, began the publication of the registers of
Urban IV. (1892 et seq.); E. Jordan, those of Clement IV. (1893
et seq.); and J. Guiraud and L. Cadier, those of Gregory X. (1892
et seq.). On Gregory X., see F. Walter, Die Politik der Kurie
unter Gregor X. (Berlin, 1894). The pontificate of John XXI. has
been dealt with by R. Stapper, Papst Johannes XXI. (Münster
i. W., 1898), and that of Nicholas III. by A. Demski, Papst Nikolaus
III. (Münster i. W., 1903), in vol. vi. of the Kirchengeschichtliche
Studien, ed. by Knopfler, Schrörs and Sdralek. The publication of
the registers of Nicholas III. was undertaken by J. Gay (1898 et seq.).
Much information on the policy of these popes will be found in the
following: R. Sternfield, Ludwigs des Heiligen Kreuzzug nach
Tunis und die Politik Karls I. von Sizilien (Berlin, 1896); Ch. V.
Langlois, Le Regne de Philippe III. le Hardi (Paris, 1887); L. Leclere,
Les Rapports de la papaute et de la France sous Philippe III.
(Brussels, 1889); C. Minieri-Riccio, Alcuni fatti riguardanti Carlo I.
d' Angiò {{...}} (Naples, 1874), and Il Regno di Carlo I. d'Angio, in the
Archivio storico italiano (3rd series, vols, xxii., xxiii., xxiv., xxv.,
xxvi.; 4th series, vols, ii., iii., iv., v., vii., 1875–1881); A. Busson, ''Die''
''Idee des deutschen Erbreichs und die ersten Habsburger'' (Vienna,
1878); G. de! Giudice, La Famiglia di re Manfredi (Naples, 1880);
and H. Otto, Die Beziehungen Rudolfs von Habsburg zu Papst Gregor
X. (Innsbruck, 1895). There is a good account of the policy of
Martin IV. in O. Cartellieri, Peter von Aragon und die sizilianischen
Vesper (Heidelberg. 1904). On Honorius IV., see introduction to
the complete edition of his registers by Maurice Prou (1886–1888).
&lt;!-- col. 2 --&gt;
E. Langlois has published the registers of Nicholas IV. (1886–1893),
and Otto Schiff deals with his pontificate in his ''Studien zur Geschichte''
''Papst Nikolaus IV''. (1897). On Celestine V., see H. Schulz, ''Peter''
''von Murrhone'' (''Papst Coelestin V''.), Berlin, 1894. The publication
of the registers of Boniface VIII. was begun by G. Digard, M.
Faucon and A. Thomas (1884 et seq.). Of the vast literature on
this pontificate we must content ourselves with citing: Heinrich
Finke, ''Aus den Tagen Bonifaz’ VIII''. (Münster i. W., 1902); Ch. V.
Langlois, “St. Louis, Philippe le Bel, Les Derniers capétiens directs”
(vol. iii., pt. ii. of Lavisse’s ''Histoire de France''); Ernest Renan,
''Études sur la politique religieuse du règne de Philippe le Bel'' (1899);
A. Baudrillart, “Des Idées qu’on se faisait au XIVᵉ siècle sur le
droit d’intervention du souverain pontife en matière politique,” in
the ''Revue d’histoire et de literature religieuses'' (vol. iii., 1898); and
R. Holtzmann, ''Wilhelm von Nogaret'' (Freiburg i. Br., 1898). The
pontificate of Benedict XL is dealt with by P. Funke in his ''Papst''
''Benedikt XI''. (Münster i. W., 1891). Cf. Ch. Grandjean, “Recherches
sur l’administration financière du pape Benoît XI,” in the ''Mélanges''
''d’archéologie et d’histoire'' (vol. iii., 1883), published by the French
School at Rome. Grandjean has published the registers of Benedict
XI. (1883 et seq.).

Among works of a more general character that throw light on
the history of the papacy during the 12th and 13th centuries, the
first place must be given to Walter Norden’s ''Das Papsttum und''
''Byzanz. Die Trennung der beiden Mächte und das Problem ihrer''
''Wiedervereinigung bis zuni Untergange des byzantinischen Reichs''
(Berlin, 1903), which contains an account of the question of the
East in its relations with the papal policy, from the rise of the schism
down to the end of the middle ages. See also Félix Rocquain,
''La Papauté au moyen âge'' (Paris, 1881) and ''La Cour de Rome et l’esprit''
''de réforme avant Luther'' (3 vols., Paris, 1893–1897); J. B. Sägmüller,
''Die Thätigkeit und Stellung der Cardinäle bis Papst Bonifaz VIII''.
(Freiburg i. Br., 1896); and A. Gottlob, ''Die päpstlichen Kreuzztigssteuern''
''des 13. Jahrhunderts'' (Heiligenstadt, 1892) and ''Kreuzablass''
''und Almosenablass'' (Stuttgart, 1906). {{EB1911 footer initials|Achille Luchaire|A. Lu.}}
{{clear}}
''Period III. 1305''–''1590''.—Baluze, ''Vitae paparum avenioniensium''
(''1305–1394''), 2 t. (Paris, 1693); Raynaldus, ''Annales eccles. ab anno''
''1198'' [to 1565], annotated and added to by J. D. Mansi (15 vols.,
Lucca, 1747–1756); Mansi, ''Concil''. ''collectio''; Theodericus of Niem,
''De schismate'', ed. Erler (1890); Christophe, Histoire de la papauté
(1873); Hefele, Conciliengeschichte (Freiburg i. B., 1855, seq.);
Hofier, Die avignonesischen Päpste (1871); Creighton, History of
the Papacy (1882, seq.); L. Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste (Freiburg
i. B., 1886, seq., Eng. trans, by F. I. Antrobus, 1891, seq.); Pastor,
Acta pontiflc. (1904); N. Valois, La France et le grand schisme, 4 t.
(1896, seq.); Haller, Papsttum und Kirchenrefonn (1903). For the
Papacy in connexion with the Renaissance, see E. Müntz, Les Arts
(1892); Voigt, Wiederbelebung des klassischen Altertums (1893);
J. Burkhardt, Cultur der Renaissance in Italien, 2 B. (ed. L. Geiger,
1907). For the palace at Avignon, see Ehrle, Bibl. ram. pontif. i.
(1890).

To the authorities for the lives of individual popes attached to
the biographies under their several headings, and to the articles
on the councils of {{EB1911 article link|Basel|Basel, Council of}}, {{EB1911 article link|Constance|Constance, Council of}}, {{EB1911 article link|Trent|Trent, Council of}}, may be added:
{{EB1911 article link|Clement V.|Clement/Clement V}}—Boutaric, Philippe le Bel (1861); König, Päpstl.
Kammer unter Clemens V. u. Johann XXII. (1894); Finke, Acta
Aragonen. (1908). {{EB1911 article link|John XXII.|John XXII (pope)}}—Bohmer, Regest. Ludwigs des
Baiern (1839); Vatikanische Aden (1891); Riezler, Literarische
Widersacher (1874); Müller, Kampf Ludwigs mit der Curie (1879–1880);
Coulon, ''Lettres secretes de Jean XXII.'', ''relat. à la France'', i.
(1907); Mollat, Lettres commun. de Jean XXII., i.–iv. (1907).
Clement VI.—Werunsky, Kaiser Karl IV., i. (1800), ii. (1882–1886);
Papencordt, Cola di Rienzo (1841); Deprez, Lett, closes
1901 seq. {{EB1911 article link|Innocent VI|Innocent/Innocent VI}}.—Werunsky, ''Ital. Politik Innoc.'' VI.
u. Karl IV. (1878); id., Karl IV. ii. (1882–1886), iii. (1892); Cerasoli,
''Archivio napolit''. 22–23; Kirsch, ''Kollectorien'' (1892); Daumet,
''Innocent VI. et Blanche de Bourbon'' (1899). {{EB1911 article link|Urban V.|Urban (popes)}}—Magnan,
''Urbain V''. (1863); Werunsky, ''Karl IV''. iii. (1892); Prou, ''Relat''.
''polit. avec les rois de France'' (1888); Wurm, ''Albornoz'' (1892); Kirsch,
''Rückkehr der Päpste Urban V. und Gregor XI. nach Rom'' (1898);
Letacheux, ''Lettres secrètes'' (1903, seq.). {{EB1911 article link|Gregory XI.|Gregory (Popes)/Gregory XI}}—Mirot,
''Retour du St Siège à Rome'' (1899); Tommaseo, Lettere di S. Caterina
(1860); M. A. Mignaty, ''Catherine de Sienne'' (1886). Boniface IX.—''Vita'',
ap. Muratori, ''Script'', iii. 2; ''Cosmodromium'', Gobelini Persona,
ed. Jansen (1900); Jansen, ''Bonifacius IX. u. die deutsche Kirche''
(1904). {{EB1911 article link|Innocent VII.|Innocent/Innocent VII}}—{{EB1911 article link|Gregory XII.|Gregory (Popes)/Gregory XII}}, schismatic popes, council
of Constance, &amp;c. ''Monum. concil. gen. sacr. XV.'' (1857–1896);
Alpartilz, ''Chronica'', ed. Ehrle (1906); Pliemetfrieder, Literarische
Polemik (1909). {{EB1911 article link|Martin V.|Martin (popes)}}—Vitae, ap. Muratori, iii. 2; Ottenthal,
''Bullenregister Martins'' V. n. Eugens IV. (1885). Eugenius IV.—''Vita'',
ap. Muratori, Script, iii. 2; Repert. germanic. i. (1897); Müntz,
''Les Arts'' (1878–1879); Valois, ''Pragmatique sanction'' (1907).
{{EB1911 article link|Nicholas V.|Nicholas (popes)}}—Manetti, Vita Nicolai V., ap. Muratori, Script, iii. 2;
Vespasiano da Bisticci, ''Vite'' (1839); Georgius (1742); Müntz, ''Les''
''Arts'' (1878–1879); Creighton, ''Papacy'' ii. (1882). Paul II.—Ammanati,
''Epistolae et commentarii'' (1506); Caspar Veronensis. Vita,
ap. Marini, Archiatri ii. and Muratori iii. 2 (new ed. by Zippel,
1903); Canensius, Vita, ed. Quirini (1740); Creighton, Papacy m.
(1887); Müntz, ''Les Arts'' ii. (1879). Sixtus IV.—Infessura, ''Diario'',
ed. Tommasini (1890); Notajo di Nantiporto, ''Diarii'', ap. Muratori,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ow1llntkeznx9y17uz75uc0aaxwl0m8</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 20.djvu/913</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1855416</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507943</id>
      <parentid>10197264</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:36:39Z</timestamp>
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        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
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      <comment>some proofing inc. add Greek text</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="10243" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{x-larger| }}|{{x-larger|PARMENIDES OF ELEA}}|{{x-larger|851}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Parma&quot; /&gt;and Alarie Louise, daughter of Charles IV., king of Spain). The
new duke, unwilling to yield to the wishes of his people for
greater political liberty, was soon compelled to take flight, and
the duchy was for a time ruled by a provisional government and
by Charles Albert of Sardinia; but in April 1849 Baron d’Aspre
with 15,000 Austrians took possession of Parma, and the ducal
government was restored under Austrian protection. Charles II.
(who had in 1S20 married Theresa, daughter of Victor Emmanuel
of Sardinia) abdicated in favour of his son Charles III., on the
14th of March, 1849. On the assassination of Charles III. in
1854, his widow, Marie Louise (daughter of Ferdinand, prince of
Artois and duke of Berry), became regent for her son Robert. In
1860 his possessions were formally incorporated with the new
kingdom of Italy.

The duchy of Parma in 1849 had an area of 2376 sq. m.
divided into five provinces—Borgo San Donnino, Valditaro,
Parma, Lunigiana Parmense and Piacenza. Its population in
1S51 was 497,343. Under Marie Louise (1815–1847) the
territory of Guastalla (50&amp;nbsp;sq.&amp;nbsp;m.) formed part of the duchy,
but it was transferred in 1847 to Modena in exchange for the
communes of Bagnone, Filattiera, &amp;c., which went to constitute
the Lunigiana Parmense.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See Affó, ''Storia di Parma'' (1792–1795); Scarabelli, ''Storia dei''
''ducati di Parma, Piacenza, e Guastalla'' (1858); Buttafuoco, ''Dizion.''
''corogr. dei ducati'', &amp;c. (1853); ''Mou. hist, ad provincias parmensem''
''et placentinam pertinentia'' (1855, &amp;c.); L. Testi, ''Parma'' (Bergamo, 1905).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;Parma&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''PARMENIDES OF ELEA''' (Velia) in Italy, Greek philosopher. According to Diogenes Laertius he was “in his prime” 504–500 {{asc|B.C.}}, and would thus seem to have been born about 539. Plato
indeed (''Parmenides'', 127 B) makes Socrates see and hear Parmenides when the latter was about sixty-five years of age, in which
case he cannot have been born before 519; but in the absence of
evidence that any such meeting took place this may be regarded
as one of Plato’s anachronisms. However this may be, Parmenides
was a contemporary, probably a younger contemporary, of
Heraclitus, with whom the first succession of physicists ended,
while Empedocles and Anaxagoras, with whom the second
succession of physicists began, were very much his juniors.
Belonging, it is said, to a rich and distinguished family, Parmenides
attached himself, at any rate for a time, to the aristocratic
society or brotherhood which Pythagoras had established at
Croton; and accordingly one part of his system, the physical
part, is apparently Pythagorean. To Xenophanes, the founder
of Eleaticism — whom he must have known, even if he was never
in any strict sense of the word his disciple — Parmenides was,
perhaps, more deeply indebted, as the theological speculations of
that thinker unquestionably suggested to him the theory of
Being and Not-Being, of the One and the Many, by which he
sought to reconcile Ionian “monism,” or rather &quot; hcnism, &quot; with
Italiote dualism. Tradition relates that Parmenides framed laws
for the Eleates, who each year took an oath to observe them.

Parmenides embodied his tenets in a short poem, called
Nature, of which fragments, amounting in all to about 160
Lines, have been preserved in the writings of Sextus Empiricus,
Simplicius and others. It is traditionally divided into
three parts—the “Proem,” “Truth” ({{Greek|τὰ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν}}), and “Opinion” ({{Greek|τὰ πρὸς δόξαν}}). In “Truth,” starting from the
formula “the Ent (or existent) is, the Nonent (or non-existent)
is not,” Parmenides attempted to distinguish between the unity
or universal element of nature and its variety or particularity,
insisting upon the reality of its unity, which is therefore the
object of knowledge, and upon the unreality of its variety, which
is therefore the object, not of knowledge, but of opinion. In
“Opinion” he propounded a theory of the world of seeming
and its development, pointing out however that, in accordance
with the principles already laid down, these cosmological
speculations do not pretend to anything more than probability.
In spite of the contemptuous remarks of Cicero and Plutarch
about Parmenides’s versification. ''Nature'' is not without literary
merit. The introduction, though rugged, is forcible and
picturesque; and the rest of the poem is written in a simple and
effective style suitable to the subject.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|''Proem''.—In the “Proem” the poet describes his journey from
darkness to light. Borne in a whirling chariot, and attended by
the daughters of the sun, he reaches a temple sacred to an unnamed
goddess (variously identified by the commentators with Nature,
Wisdom or Themis), by whom the rest of the poem is spoken. He
must learn all things, she tells him, both truth, which is certain,
and human opinions; for, though in human opinions there can be
no&quot;true faith, &quot; they must be studied notwithstanding for what they
are worth.

''Truth''.—“Truth” begins with the declaration of Parmenides’s
principle in opposition to the principles of his predecessors. There
are three ways of research, and three ways only. Of these, one
asserts the non-existence of the existent and the existence of the
non-existent [''i.e.'' Thales, Anaximander and Anaximenes suppose
the single element which they respectively postulate to be transformed
into the various sorts of matter which they discover in the
world around them, thus assuming the non-existence of that which
is elemental and the existence of that which is non-elemental];
another, pursued by “restless” persons, whose “road returns upon
itself.” assumes that a thing “is and is not,” “is the same and
not the same” [an obvious reference, as Bernays points out in the
Rheinisches Museum, vii. 114 seq., to Heraclitus, the philosopher of
flux]. These are ways of error, because they confound existence
and non-existence. In contrast to them the way of truth starts
from the proposition that &quot; the Ent is, the Nonent is not.&quot;

On the strength of the fundamental distinction between the Ent
and the Nonent, the goddess next announces certain characteristics
of the former. The Ent is uncreated, for it cannot be derived
either from the Ent or from the Nonent; it is imperishable, for it
cannot pass into the Nonent; it is whole, indivisible, continuous,
for nothing exists to break its continuity in space; it is unchangeable
for nothing exists to break its continuity in time]; it is perfect,
for there is nothing which it can want; it never was, nor will be,
but only is; it is evenly extended in every direction, and therefore
a sphere, exactly balanced; it is identical with thought [i.e. it is
the object, and the sole object, of thought as opposed to sensation,
sensation being concerned with variety and change].

As then the Ent is one, invariable and immutable, all plurality,
variety and mutation belong to the Nonent. Whence it follows
that all things to which men attribute reality, generation and
destruction, being and not-being, change of place, alteration of
colour are no more than empty words.

''Opinion''.—The investigation of the Ent [''i.e.'' the existent unity,
extended throughout space and enduring throughout time, which
reason discovers beneath the variety and the mutability of things]
being now complete, it remains in “Opinion” to describe the
plurality of things, not as they are, for they are not, but as they
seem to be. In the phenomenal world then, there are, it has been
thought [and Parmenides accepts the theory, which appears to
be of Pythagorean origin], two primary elements — namely, fire,
which is gentle, thin, homogeneous, and night, which is dark,
thick, heavy. Of these elements [which, according to Aristotle,
were, or rather were analogous to, the Ent and the Nonent
respectively] all things consist, and from them they derive their
several characteristics. The foundation for a cosmology having
thus been laid in dualism, the poem went on to describe the generation
of “earth and sun, and moon and air that is common to all,
and the milky way, and furthest Olympus, and the glowing stars”;
but the scanty fragments which have survived suffice only to show
that Parmenides regarded the universe as a series of concentric
rings or spheres composed of the two primary elements and of
combinations of them, the whole system being directed by an
unnamed goddess established at its centre. Next came a theory of
animal development. This again was followed by a psychology,
which made thought [as well as sensation, which was conceived to
differ from thought only in respect of its object] depend upon the
excess of the one or the other of the two constituent elements, fire
and night. “Such, opinion tells us, was the generation, such is the
present existence, such will be the end, of those things to which
men have given distinguishing names.”}}

In the truism “the Ent is, the Nonent is not,” {{Greek|ὄν ἔστι, μὴ ὄν
οὐκ ἔστι}}, Parmenides breaks with his predecessors, the physicists of
the Ionian succession. Asking themselves—What is the material
universe, they had replied respectively—It is water. It is {{Greek|μεταξύ
τι}}, It is air. It is fire. Thus, while their question meant, or
ought to have meant. What is the single element which
underlies the apparent plurality of the material world? their
answers, Parmenides conceived, by attributing to the selected
clement various and varying qualities, reintroduced the plurality
which the question sought to eliminate. If we would discover
that which is common to all things at all times, we must, he
submitted, exclude the differences of things, whether simultaneous
or successive. Hence, whereas his predecessors had
confounded that which is universally existent with that which is
not universally existent, he proposed to distinguish carefully
between that which is universally existent and that which is&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>4do5fpu8bkh3oeseyycb5a280zyuer0</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508120</id>
      <parentid>12507943</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:41:04Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */ more typo fixes and transliterate Greek</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="10405" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |PARMENIDES OF ELEA||851}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Parma&quot; /&gt;and Marie Louise, daughter of Charles&amp;nbsp;IV., king of Spain). The
new duke, unwilling to yield to the wishes of his people for
greater political liberty, was soon compelled to take flight, and
the duchy was for a time ruled by a provisional government and
by Charles Albert of Sardinia; but in April 1849 Baron d’Aspre
with 15,000 Austrians took possession of Parma, and the ducal
government was restored under Austrian protection. Charles II.
(who had in 1820 married Theresa, daughter of Victor Emmanuel
of Sardinia) abdicated in favour of his son Charles&amp;nbsp;III., on the
14th of March, 1849. On the assassination of Charles&amp;nbsp;III. in
1854, his widow, Marie Louise (daughter of Ferdinand, prince of
Artois and duke of Berry), became regent for her son Robert. In
1860 his possessions were formally incorporated with the new
kingdom of Italy.

The duchy of Parma in 1849 had an area of 2376 sq. m.
divided into five provinces—Borgo San Donnino, Valditaro,
Parma, Lunigiana Parmense and Piacenza. Its population in
1851 was 497,343. Under Marie Louise (1815–1847) the
territory of Guastalla (50&amp;nbsp;sq.&amp;nbsp;m.) formed part of the duchy,
but it was transferred in 1847 to Modena in exchange for the
communes of Bagnone, Filattiera, &amp;c., which went to constitute
the Lunigiana Parmense.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See Affó, ''Storia di Parma'' (1792–1795); Scarabelli, ''Storia dei''
''ducati di Parma, Piacenza, e Guastalla'' (1858); Buttafuoco, ''Dizion.''
''corogr. dei ducati'', &amp;c. (1853); ''Mou. hist, ad provincias parmensem''
''et placentinam pertinentia'' (1855, &amp;c.); L. Testi, ''Parma'' (Bergamo, 1905).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;Parma&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''PARMENIDES OF ELEA''' (Velia) in Italy, Greek philosopher. According to Diogenes Laertius he was “in his prime” 504–500 {{asc|B.C.}}, and would thus seem to have been born about 539. Plato
indeed (''Parmenides'', 127&amp;nbsp;B) makes Socrates see and hear Parmenides when the latter was about sixty-five years of age, in which
case he cannot have been born before 519; but in the absence of
evidence that any such meeting took place this may be regarded
as one of Plato’s anachronisms. However this may be, Parmenides
was a contemporary, probably a younger contemporary, of
Heraclitus, with whom the first succession of physicists ended,
while Empedocles and Anaxagoras, with whom the second
succession of physicists began, were very much his juniors.
Belonging, it is said, to a rich and distinguished family, Parmenides
attached himself, at any rate for a time, to the aristocratic
society or brotherhood which Pythagoras had established at
Croton; and accordingly one part of his system, the physical
part, is apparently Pythagorean. To Xenophanes, the founder
of Eleaticism—whom he must have known, even if he was never
in any strict sense of the word his disciple—Parmenides was,
perhaps, more deeply indebted, as the theological speculations of
that thinker unquestionably suggested to him the theory of
Being and Not-Being, of the One and the Many, by which he
sought to reconcile Ionian “monism,” or rather “henism,” with
Italiote dualism. Tradition relates that Parmenides framed laws
for the Eleates, who each year took an oath to observe them.

Parmenides embodied his tenets in a short poem, called
''Nature'', of which fragments, amounting in all to about 160
lines, have been preserved in the writings of Sextus Empiricus,
Simplicius and others. It is traditionally divided into
three parts—the “Proem,” “Truth” (&lt;span title=&quot;ta pros alētheian&quot;&gt;{{Greek|τὰ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν}}&lt;/span&gt;), and “Opinion” (&lt;span title=&quot;ta pros doxan&quot;&gt;{{Greek|τὰ πρὸς δόξαν}}&lt;/span&gt;). In “Truth,” starting from the
formula “the Ent (or existent) is, the Nonent (or non-existent)
is not,” Parmenides attempted to distinguish between the unity
or universal element of nature and its variety or particularity,
insisting upon the reality of its unity, which is therefore the
object of knowledge, and upon the unreality of its variety, which
is therefore the object, not of knowledge, but of opinion. In
“Opinion” he propounded a theory of the world of seeming
and its development, pointing out however that, in accordance
with the principles already laid down, these cosmological
speculations do not pretend to anything more than probability.
In spite of the contemptuous remarks of Cicero and Plutarch
about Parmenides’s versification. ''Nature'' is not without literary
merit. The introduction, though rugged, is forcible and
picturesque; and the rest of the poem is written in a simple and
effective style suitable to the subject.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|''Proem''.—In the “Proem” the poet describes his journey from
darkness to light. Borne in a whirling chariot, and attended by
the daughters of the sun, he reaches a temple sacred to an unnamed
goddess (variously identified by the commentators with Nature,
Wisdom or Themis), by whom the rest of the poem is spoken. He
must learn all things, she tells him, both truth, which is certain,
and human opinions; for, though in human opinions there can be
no&quot;true faith, &quot; they must be studied notwithstanding for what they
are worth.

''Truth''.—“Truth” begins with the declaration of Parmenides’s
principle in opposition to the principles of his predecessors. There
are three ways of research, and three ways only. Of these, one
asserts the non-existence of the existent and the existence of the
non-existent [''i.e.'' Thales, Anaximander and Anaximenes suppose
the single element which they respectively postulate to be transformed
into the various sorts of matter which they discover in the
world around them, thus assuming the non-existence of that which
is elemental and the existence of that which is non-elemental];
another, pursued by “restless” persons, whose “road returns upon
itself.” assumes that a thing “is and is not,” “is the same and
not the same” [an obvious reference, as Bernays points out in the
Rheinisches Museum, vii. 114 seq., to Heraclitus, the philosopher of
flux]. These are ways of error, because they confound existence
and non-existence. In contrast to them the way of truth starts
from the proposition that &quot; the Ent is, the Nonent is not.”

On the strength of the fundamental distinction between the Ent
and the Nonent, the goddess next announces certain characteristics
of the former. The Ent is uncreated, for it cannot be derived
either from the Ent or from the Nonent; it is imperishable, for it
cannot pass into the Nonent; it is whole, indivisible, continuous,
for nothing exists to break its continuity in space; it is unchangeable
[for nothing exists to break its continuity in time]; it is perfect,
for there is nothing which it can want; it never was, nor will be,
but only is; it is evenly extended in every direction, and therefore
a sphere, exactly balanced; it is identical with thought [''i.e.'' it is
the object, and the sole object, of thought as opposed to sensation,
sensation being concerned with variety and change].

As then the Ent is one, invariable and immutable, all plurality,
variety and mutation belong to the Nonent. Whence it follows
that all things to which men attribute reality, generation and
destruction, being and not-being, change of place, alteration of
colour are no more than empty words.

''Opinion''.—The investigation of the Ent [''i.e.'' the existent unity,
extended throughout space and enduring throughout time, which
reason discovers beneath the variety and the mutability of things]
being now complete, it remains in “Opinion” to describe the
plurality of things, not as they are, for they are not, but as they
seem to be. In the phenomenal world then, there are, it has been
thought [and Parmenides accepts the theory, which appears to
be of Pythagorean origin], two primary elements—namely, fire,
which is gentle, thin, homogeneous, and night, which is dark,
thick, heavy. Of these elements [which, according to Aristotle,
were, or rather were analogous to, the Ent and the Nonent
respectively] all things consist, and from them they derive their
several characteristics. The foundation for a cosmology having
thus been laid in dualism, the poem went on to describe the generation
of “earth and sun, and moon and air that is common to all,
and the milky way, and furthest Olympus, and the glowing stars”;
but the scanty fragments which have survived suffice only to show
that Parmenides regarded the universe as a series of concentric
rings or spheres composed of the two primary elements and of
combinations of them, the whole system being directed by an
unnamed goddess established at its centre. Next came a theory of
animal development. This again was followed by a psychology,
which made thought [as well as sensation, which was conceived to
differ from thought only in respect of its object] depend upon the
excess of the one or the other of the two constituent elements, fire
and night. “Such, opinion tells us, was the generation, such is the
present existence, such will be the end, of those things to which
men have given distinguishing names.”}}

In the truism “the Ent is, the Nonent is not,” &lt;span title=&quot;on esti, mē on ouk esti&quot;&gt;{{Greek|ὄν ἔστι, μὴ ὄν
οὐκ ἔστι}}&lt;/span&gt;, Parmenides breaks with his predecessors, the physicists of
the Ionian succession. Asking themselves—What is the material
universe, they had replied respectively—It is water. It is &lt;span title=&quot;metaxy ti&quot;&gt;{{Greek|μεταξύ
τι}}&lt;/span&gt;, It is air. It is fire. Thus, while their question meant, or
ought to have meant. What is the single element which
underlies the apparent plurality of the material world? their
answers, Parmenides conceived, by attributing to the selected
element various and varying qualities, reintroduced the plurality
which the question sought to eliminate. If we would discover
that which is common to all things at all times, we must, he
submitted, exclude the differences of things, whether simultaneous
or successive. Hence, whereas his predecessors had
confounded that which is universally existent with that which is
not universally existent, he proposed to distinguish carefully
between that which is universally existent and that which is&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="9648" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DivermanAU&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|852|PARMENIDES OF ELEA||  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
not universally existent, between {{Greek|ὄν}} and {{Greek|μὴ ὄν}}. The fundamental
truism is the epigrammatic assertion of this distinction.

In short, the single corporeal element of the Ionian physicists
was, to borrow a phrase from Aristotle, a permanent {{Greek|οὐσία}} having
{{Greek|πάθη}} which change; but they either neglected the {{Greek|πάθη}} or confounded
them with the {{Greek|οὐσία}}. Parmenides sought to reduce the
variety of nature “to a single material element; but he strictly
discriminated the inconstant {{Greek|πάθη}} from the constant {{Greek|οὐσία}}, and,
understanding by “existence” universal, invariable, immutable
being, refused to attribute to the {{Greek|πάθη}} anything more than the
semblance of existence.

Having thus discriminated between the permanent unity of
nature and its superficial plurality, Parmenides proceeded to the
separate investigation of the Ent and the Nonent. The universality
of the Ent, he conceived, necessarily carries with it certain
characteristics. It is one; it is eternal; it is whole and continuous,
both in time and in space; it is immovable and immutable;
it is limited, but limited only by itself; it is evenly extended in
every direction, and therefore spherical. These propositions
having been reached, apart from particular experience, by
reflection upon the fundamental principle, we have in them,
Parmenides conceived, a body of information resting upon a
firm basis and entitled to be called “truth.” Further, the
information thus obtained is the sum total of &quot;truth&quot;;
for, as “existence” in the strict sense of the word cannot be
attributed to anything besides the universal element, so nothing
besides the universal element can properly be said to be &quot;known.&quot;

If Parmenides’s poem had had “Being” for its subject it
would doubtless have ended at this point. Its subject is,
however, “Nature”; and nature, besides its unity, has also the
semblance, if no more than the semblance, of plurality. Hence
the theory of the unity of nature is necessarily followed by a
theory of its seeming plurality, that is to say, of the variety
and mutation of things. The theory of plurality cannot indeed
pretend to the certainty of the theory of unity, being of necessity
untrustworthy, because it is the partial and inconstant representation
of that which is partial and inconstant in nature. But, as
the material world includes, together with a real unity, the
semblance of plurality, so the theory of the material world
includes, together with the certain theory of the former, a
probable theory of the latter. “Opinion” is then no mere
excrescence; it is the necessary sequel to &quot; Truth.&quot;

Thus, whereas the Ionians, confounding the unity and the
plurality of the universe, had neglected plurality, and the
Pythagoreans, contenting themselves with the reduction of the
variety of nature to a duality or a series of dualities, had neglected
unity, Parmenides, taking a hint from Xenophanes, made the
antagonistic doctrines supply one another's deficiencies; for, as
Xenophanes in his theological system had recognized at once the
unity of God and the plurality of things, so Parmenides in his
system of nature recognized at once the rational unity of the Ent
and the phenomenal plurality of the Nonent.

The foregoing statement of Parmenides’s position differs from
Zeller’s account of it in two important particulars. First,
whereas it has been assumed above that Xenophanes was
theologian rather than philosopher, whence it would seem to
follow that the philosophical doctrine of unity originated, not
with him, but with Parmenides, Zeller, supposing Xenophanes
to have taught, not merely the unity of God, but also the unity
of Being, assigns to Parmenides no more than an exacter conception
of the doctrine of the unity of Being, the justification
of that doctrine, and the denial of the plurality and the mutability
of things. This view of the relations of Xenophanes and
Parmenides is not borne out by their writings; and, though
ancient authorities may be quoted in its favour, it would seem
that in this case as in others, they have fallen into the easy
mistake of confounding successive phases of doctrine, “construing
the utterances of the master in accordance with the principles
of his scholar—the vague by the more definite, the simpler by
the more finished and elaborate theory” (W.&amp;nbsp;H. Thompson).
Secondly, whereas it has been argued above that “Opinion” is
necessarily included in the system, Zeller, supposing Parmenides
&lt;!--col.2--&gt;
to deny the Nonent even as a matter of opinion, regards that part
of the poem which has opinion for its subject as no more than a
revised and improved statement of the views of opponents,
introduced in order that the reader, having before him the false
doctrine as well as the true one, may be led the more certainly
to embrace the latter. In the judgment of the present writer,
Parmenides, while he denied the real existence of plurality,
recognized its apparent existence, and consequently, however
little value he might attach to opinion, was bound to take
account of it: “pour celui même qui nie l’existence réelle de la
nature,” says Renouvier, “il reste encore a faire une histoire
naturelle de l’apparence et de l’illusion.”

The teaching of Parmenides variously influenced both his
immediate successors and subsequent thinkers. By his recognition
of an apparent plurality supplementary to the real unity,
he effected the transition from the “monism” or “henism” of the
first physical succession to the “pluralism” of the second. While
Empedocles and Democritus are careful to emphasize their
dissent from “Truth,” it is obvious that “Opinion” is the basis
of their cosmologies. The doctrine of the deceitfulness of “the
undiscerning eye and the echoing ear” soon established itself,
though the grounds upon which Empedocles, Anaxagoras and
Democritus maintained it were not those which were alleged by
Parmenides. Indirectly, through the dialectic of his pupil and
friend Zeno and otherwise, the doctrine of the inadequacy of
sensation led to the humanist movement, which for a time
threatened to put an end to philosophical and scientific speculation.
But the positive influence of Parmenides’s teaching was
not yet exhausted. To say that the Platonism of Plato’s
later years, the Platonism of the ''Parmenides'', the ''Philebus'' and
the ''Timaeus'', is the philosophy of Parmenides enlarged and
reconstituted, may perhaps seem paradoxical in the face of the
severe criticism to which Eleaticism is subjected, not only in the
''Parmenides'', but also in the ''Sophist''. The criticism was, however,
preparatory to a reconstruction. Thus may be explained the
selection of an Eleatic stranger to be the chief speaker in the
latter, and of Parmenides himself to take the lead in the former.
In the ''Sophist'' criticism predominates over reconstruction, the
Zenonian logic being turned against the Parmenides metaphysic
in such a way as to show that both the one and the other need
revision: see 241 D, 244 B seq., 257 B seq., 258 D. In particular,
Plato taxes Parmenides with his inconsistency in attributing
(as he certainly did) to the fundamental unity extension and
sphericity, so that “the worshipped {{Greek|ὄν}} is after all a pitiful {{Greek|μὴ ὄν}}”
(W.&amp;nbsp;H. Thompson). In the ''Parmenides'' reconstruction predominates
over criticism—the letter of Eleaticism being here
represented by Zeno, its spirit, as Plato conceived it, by Parmenides.
Not the least important of the results obtained in this
dialogue is the discovery that, whereas the doctrine of the
“one” and the “many” is suicidal and barren so long as the
“solitary one” and the “indefinitely many” are absolutely
separated (137&amp;nbsp;C seq. and 163&amp;nbsp;B seq.), it becomes consistent and
fruitful as soon as a “definite plurality” is interpolated between
them (142&amp;nbsp;B seq., 157&amp;nbsp;B seq., 160&amp;nbsp;B seq.). In short, Parmenides
was no idealist, but Plato recognized in him, and rightly, the
precursor of idealism.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|{{sc|Bibliography}}.—The fragments have been skilfully edited by
H. Diels, in ''Parmenides Lehrgedicht'', ''griechisch u. deutsch'' (Berlin,
1897), with commentary'; in ''Poetarum philosophorum fragmenta'',
with brief Latin notes, critical and interpretative (Berlin, 1901);
and in ''Die Fragmente d. Vorsokratiker'' (Berlin, 2nd ed., 1906), with
German translation); and Diels’ text is reproduced with a helpful
Latin commentary in Ritter and Preller's ''Historia philosophiae''
''graecae'' (8th ed., revised by E. Wellmann, Gotha, 1898). The
philosophical system is expounded and discussed by E. Zeller,
''D. Philosophie d. Griechen'' (5th ed., Leipzig, 1892; Eng. trans.,
London, 1881); by T. Gomperz, ''Griechische Denker'' (Leipzig,
1896; Eng. trans., London, 1901); and by J. Burnet, Early
Greek Philosophy (London, 1908). For the cosmology, see A. B.
Krische, ''D. theologischen Lehren d. griechischen Denker'' (Göttingen,
1840). On the relations of Eleaticism and Platonism, see W.&amp;nbsp;H.
Thompson, “On Plato’s Sophist,” in the ''Journal of Philology''
viii. 303 seq. For other texts, translations, commentaries and
monographs see the excellent bibliography contained in the
''Grundriss d. Geschichte d. Philosophie'' of Überweg and Heinze
(10th ed., Berlin, 1909; Eng. Trans., London, 1880). {{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|Henry Jackson (1839-1921)|H. Ja.}}}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&lt;p&gt;Such is the nature of his tract entitled &quot;Literate Experience.&quot;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;
{{rule}}&lt;references group=&quot;*&quot;/&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;|follow=&quot;Page lxxvi&quot;}}

The {{sc|Novum Organum}} is the next subject of consideration. It thus opens:

{{c|{{x-larger|FRANCISCUS}}

{{larger|DE VERULAMIO}}

{{smaller|SIC COGITAVIT.}}&lt;ref&gt;{{blockref}}Vol. ix. p. 145, 147. Cum autem incertus esset, quando inæc alicui posthac in mentem ventura sint; eo potissimum usus argumento, quod neminem hactenus invenit, qui ad similes cogitationes animum applicuerit; decrevit prima quæque, quæ perficere licuit, in publicum edere. Neque hæc festinatio ambitiosa fuit, sed sollicita; ut si quid illi humanitus accideret, exstaret tamen designatio quædam, ac destinatio rei quam animo complexus est; utque exstaret simul signum aliquod honestæ suæ et propensæ in generis humani commoda voluntatis. Certe aliam quamcunque ambitionem inferiorem duxit re, quam præ manibus habuit. Aut enim hoc quod agitur nihil est; aut tantum, ut merito ipso contentum esse debeat, nec fructum extra quærere.
{{dhr|2}}
{{c|{{larger|FRANCIS OF VERULAM}}
{{dhr}}
{{smaller|THOUGHT THUS.}}}}

Uncertain, however, whether these reflections would ever hereafter suggest themselves to another, and particularly having observed that he has never yet met with any person disposed to apply his mind to similar meditations, he determined to publish whatsoever he had first time to conclude. Nor is this the haste of ambition, but of his anxiety, that if the common lot of mankind should befall him, some sketch and determination of the matter his mind had embraced might be extant, as well as an earnest of his will being honourably bent upon promoting the advantage of mankind. He assuredly looked upon any other ambition as beneath the matter he had undertaken; for that which is here treated of is either nothing, or it is so great that he ought to be satisfied with its own worth and seek no other return.&lt;/ref&gt;}}

His despair of the possibility of completing his important work, of which his Novum Organum was only a portion, appears at the very entrance of the volume, which, instead of being confined to the Novum Organum, exhibits an outline, and only an outline, of the whole of his intended labours.

After his dedication to the king, he, according to his wonted mode, clears the way by a review of the state of learning, which, he says, is neither prosperous nor advanced, but, being barren in effects, fruitful in questions, slow and languid in its improvement, exhibiting in its generality the counterfeit of perfection, ill filled up in its details, popular in its choice, suspected by its very promoters, and therefore countenanced with artifices, it is necessary that an entirely different way from any known by our predecessors must be opened to the human understanding, and different helps be obtained, in order that the mind may exercise its jurisdiction over the nature of things.
 
The intended work is then separated into six parts:

{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;1. Divisions of the Sciences.
2. Novum Organum; or, Precepts for the Interpretation of Nature.
3. Phenomena of the Universe; or, Natural and Experimental History on which to found Philosophy.
4. Scale of the Understanding.
5. Precursors or Anticipations of the Second Philosophy.
6. Sound Philosophy, or Active Science.&lt;/poem&gt;}}

And with respect to each of these parts he explains his intentions.

As to the first, or {{sc|The Division of the Sciences}}, he, in 1605, had exhibited an outline in the Advancement of Learning, and lived nearly to complete it in the year 1623. In this treatise he describes the cultivated parts of the intellectual world and the deserts; not to measure out regions, as augurs for divination, but. as generals to invade for conquest.

{{sc|The Novum Organum}} is a treatise upon the conduct of the understanding in the systematic discovery of truth, or the art of invention by a ''New Organ:'' as, in inquiring into any nature, the hydrophobia, for instance, or the attraction of the magnet, the Novum Organum explains a mode of proceeding by which its nature and laws may with certainty be found.

It having been Bacon's favourite doctrine, that important truths are often best discovered in small and familiar instances, as the nature of a commonwealth, in a family and the simple conjugations of society, man and wife, parents and children, master and servant, which are in every cottage; and as he had early taught that all truths, however divisible as lines and veins, are not separable as sections and separations, but partake of one common essence, which, like the drops of rain, fall separately into the river, mix themselves at once with the stream, and strengthen the general current, it may seem extraordinary that it should not have occurred to him that the mode to discover any truth might, possibly, be seen by the proceedings in a court of justice, where the immediate and dearest interests of men being concerned, and great intellect exerted, it is natural to suppose that the best mode of invention would be adopted.

In a well constituted court of justice the judge is without partiality. He hears the evidence on both sides, and the reasoning of the opposite advocates. He then forms his judgment. This is the mode adopted by Bacon in the Novum Organum for the discovery of all truths. He endeavours to make the philosopher in his study proceed as a judge in his court.

For this purpose his work is divisible into three parts: 1st. The removal of prejudice or the {{hyphenated word start|de|destruction}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{block center/s}}
{|{{Table style|bgt|pb0|bt}}
|-
|align=center colspan=2 {{Table style|bb|br}}|''Natures not always present with the sought nature.'' ||align=center colspan=2 {{Table style|bb}}| ''Nature varying according to some inverse law of the sought nature.''
|-
|{{Table style|br|bb|vtt}}|Which may be absent when the sought nature is present
|{{Table style|vtt|br|bb}}|Which may be present when the sought nature is absent.
|{{Table style|vtt|br|bb}}|Which may increase as the sought nature decreases.
|{{Table style|vtt|bb}}|Which may decrease as the sought nature increases.
|-
|{{Table style|br|vtt}}|Light&lt;br&gt;Quiescence of parts,&lt;br&gt;{{gap}}&amp;c.
|{{Table style|br|vtt}}|Fluidity.&lt;br&gt;Motion of the whole body.&lt;br&gt;Quiescence of parts.
|{{Table style|br|vtt}}|Quiescence of parts,&lt;br&gt;{{gap}}&amp;c.
|{{Table style|vtt}}|Light&lt;br&gt;Iron may be heated to a greater&lt;br&gt;heat than the flame of spirit of wine.&lt;br&gt;Quiescence of parts,&lt;br&gt;{{gap}}&amp;c.
|}
{{block center/e}}

The object of this exclusion is to make a perfect resolution and separation of nature, not by fire, but by the mind, which is, as it were, the divine fire: that, after this rejection and exclusion is duly made, the affirmative, solid, true, and well defined form will remain as the result of the operation, whilst the volatile opinions go off in fume. 


{{c|{{larger|{{sc|table v.}}}}}}

The fifth table of Results, termed the first vintage or dawn of doctrine, consists of a collection of such natures as always accompany the sought nature, increase with its increase, and decrease with its decrease. 

It appears, that, in all instances, the nature of heat is motion of parts;—flame is perpetually in motion;—hot or boiling liquors are in continual agitation;—the sharpness and intensity of heat is increased by motion, as in bellows and blasts;—existing fire and heat are extinguished by strong compression, which checks and puts a stop to all motion;—all bodies are destroyed, or at least remarkably altered, by heat; and, when heat wholly escapes from the body, it rests from its labours; and hence it appears, that heat is motion, and nothing else. 


Having collected and winnowed, by the various tables, the different facts presented to the senses, he proposed to examine them by nine different processes: of which he has investigated only the first, or {{sc|Prerogative Instances}}, those instances by which the nature sought is most easily discovered. They may be thus exhibited: 

{{block center/s}}
{|align=center {{brace table parameters}}
|-
| || || {{brace|l|t}} 1. Solitary.
|-
| || || {{brace|l|s}} 2. Travelling.
|-
| || {{brace|l|t}} 1. Exclusion || {{brace|l|m}} 3. Journeying.
|-
| || {{brace|l|s}} of irrelevants. || {{brace|l|s}} 4. Nature in motion.
|-
|  || {{brace|l|s}} || {{brace|l|b}} 5. Constituent.
|-
| {{brace|l|t}} 1. Contracting the inquiries || {{brace|l|mt}} ||
|-
| {{brace|l|s}} within narrow limits. || {{brace|l|mb}} || {{brace|l|t}} 1. Patent and Latent.
|-
| {{brace|l|s}} || {{brace|l|s}} || {{brace|l|s}} 2. Maxima. Minima.
|-
| {{brace|l|mt}} || {{brace|l|s}} 2. Nature || {{brace|l|mt}} 3. Frontier.
|-
| {{brace|l|mb}} || {{brace|l|b}} conspicuous || {{brace|l|mb}} 4. Singular.
|-
| {{brace|l|s}} || || {{brace|l|s}} 5. Divorce.
|-
|colspan=2|{{brace|l|s}} 2. Reality and Appearances. || {{brace|l|b}} 6. Deviating.
|-
|colspan=2|{{brace|l|b}} 3. Resemblances and differences.
|}
{{block center/e}}

{{c|{{larger|1. {{sc|exclusion of irrelevants.}}}}}}

''Solitary Instances.''—If the inquiry be into the nature of colour: a rainbow and a piece of glass in a stable window, differ in every thing except in the prismatic colours; they are therefore solitary in ''resemblance''. The different parts of the same piece of marble, the different parts of a leaf of a variegated tulip, agree in every thing, save the colour; they are, therefore, solitary in ''difference''. 

By thus contracting the limits of the inquiry, may it not possibly be inferred, that colour depends upon refraction of the rays of light? 

''Nature in motion.''—Observe nature in her processes. If any man desired to consider and examine the contrivances and industry of a certain artificer, he would not be content to view only the rude materials of the workman, and then immediately the finished work, but covet to be present whilst the artist prosecutes his labour, and exercises his skill. And the like course should be taken in the works of nature. 

''Travelling Instances.''—In inquiring into any nature, observe its progress in approaching to or receding from existence. Let the inquiry be into the nature of whiteness. Take a piece of clear glass and a vessel of clear water, pound the glass into fine dust and agitate the water, the pulverised glass and the surface of the water will appear white; and this whiteness will have travelled from non-existence into existence. Again, take a vessel full of any liquor with froth at the top, or take snow, let the froth subside and the snow melt; the whiteness will disappear, and will have travelled from existence to non-existence. 

''Journeying Instances.''—In inquiring into any nature, observe its motions gradually continued or contracted. An inquirer into the vegetation of plants should have an eye from the first sowing of the seed, and examine it almost every day, by taking or plucking up a seed after it had remained for one, two, or three days in the ground; to observe with diligence when, and in what manner the seed begins to swell, grow plump, and be filled or become turgid, as it were, with spirit; next, how it bursts the skin, and strikes its fibres with some tendency upwards, unless the earth be very stubborn; how it shoots its fibres in part, to constitute roots downwards; in part, to form stems upwards, and sometimes creeping sideways, if it there find the earth more open, pervious, and yielding, with many particulars of the same kind. And the like should be done as to eggs during their hatching, where the whole process of vivification and organization might be easily viewed; and what becomes of the yolk, what of the white, &amp;c. The same is also to be attempted in inanimate bodies; and this we have endeavoured after, by observing the ways&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 21.djvu/280</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1857806</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506339</id>
      <parentid>6835827</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:39:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Rattiay→Rattray; diereses in Göttingen, Über - see hi-res scan: archive.org/details/encyclopaediabri21chisrich/page/263; A D.→{{asc|A.D.}}</comment>
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      <text bytes="9245" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Inops&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |Pertinax|Pertz|263}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Perthshire&quot; /&gt;direction via Perth. At Crieff junction it sends off a branch to Crieff and at Perth branches to Dundee and Lochearnhead. The Stirling to Oban line of the same company crosses the shire from Dunblane to Tyndrum. The Highland railway runs northwards from Perth, and has a branch at Ballinluig to Aberfeldy. Branches of the North British railway reach Perth from Mawcarse in Kinross-shire and Ladybank in Fifeshire; part of the branch from Buchlyvie on the Forth and Clyde line runs to Aberfoyle, and the West Highland railway skirts the extreme west of the shire. At several points coaches supplement the rail. In the tourist season steamers ply on Loch Tay and Loch Katrine, and there is a service on the Tay between Perth and Dundee.

''Population and Administration''.—In 1891 the population amounted to 122,185 and in 1901 to 123,283, or 49 persons to the sq. m. The rate of increase was the smallest of any Scottish county for the decade. In 1901 there were 78 persons speaking Gaelic only and 11,446 Gaelic and English. The chief towns are Perth (pop. 32,873), Crieff (5208), Blairgowrie (3378), Dunblane (2516), Auchterarder (2276), Coupar-Angus (2064), Rattray (2019). Among lesser centres may be mentioned Aberfeldy (1508), a favourite resort on the Tay, well known for the falls of Moness, mentioned in Robert Burns's song “The Birks of Aberfeldy”; Abernethy (623), the seat of an early bishopric, retaining one of the three ancient round towers in Scotland, Alyth (1965); Callander (1458); Comrie (1118), a holiday resort on the Earn; Pitlochry (1541); and Stanley (1035), on the Tay. Of old the county was divided into hereditary jurisdictions, which were abolished in 1748, and in 1795 the county was divided into districts for administrative purposes, a system which obtained until 1889, when county and district councils were established. The sheriffdom is divided into an eastern and western district, the seat of the one being Perth and the other Dunblane. For parliamentary purposes the county is also divided into an eastern and a western division, and the city of Perth returns a member. The shire is under school-board jurisdiction, and there are secondary schools at Perth and Crieff, and Trinity College in Glen Almond is a well-known public school on the English model.

''History''.—In 83 Agricola explored the lands beyond the Forth and in the following year penetrated to the Grampians, defeating the Caledonians under Galgacus with great slaughter. The site of this battle is conjectured by William Forbes Skene to have been near Meikleour, south of Blairgowrie, but other writers have referred it to Dalginross, near Comrie; to Ardoch (where there are the most perfect remains of a Roman encampment in the British Isles); and even as far north as Raedykes, near Stonehaven in Kincardineshire. The Romans did not pursue their victory, and the Picts were left undisturbed for a considerable period. At this time, according to Ptolemy, the territory now known as Perthshire was occupied by three tribes—the Damnonii, the Venicones and the Vacomagi. The Damnonii held Menteith, Strathearn and Fothrif (the western part of modern Fife and Kinross), with Alauna (Allan), just above Stirling, Lindum (Ardoch) and Victoria (believed by some authorities to be Lochore in Fifeshire, and by others to be Perth city), as their chief towns. The Venicones inhabited north-western Fife and the adjoining tract of Perthshire, with Orrea (probably Abernethy) as their chief town and a station at Ardargie. The Vacomagi dwelt in the Highland region, with stations at Inchtuthil (a peninsula in the Tay above Kinclaven) and Banatia (Buchanty on the Almond). The growing lawlessness of the southern Picts and their frequent raids in the more settled country in the south at last compelled the attention of the emperor Severus. He arrived in Britain in 208, but though he led a strong army to the shores of the Moray Firth, he was unable effectually to subdue the tribesmen. The road he constructed ran from Stirling to Ardoch (where there are notable remains) and thence by Strageath, near Muthill, where it branched north-westwards to Dalginross and Buchanty, and north eastwards to Perth and so to the Grampians. When the Romans finally withdrew from Britain, the Picts established their capital first at Abernethy and then at Forteviot. Abernethy was the centre of the Celtic church after the conversion of the natives by Ninian, Palladius and other missionaries in the 5th and 6th centuries. On the burning of Forteviot by the Norsemen in the 8th century, the seat of Pictish government was removed to Scone. In the latter half of the 9th century Dunkeld—to which Kenneth Macalpine had brought some of the relics of Columba from Iona—became the scene of monastic activity, the abbot succeeding to the position of the abbot of Iona, and exercising great influence for nearly a hundred years. The Danes periodically harried the land, but a crushing defeat at Luncarty in 961 put an end to their inroads in this quarter. In 1054 Macbeth was defeated at Dunsinane by Siward, earl of Northumberland, who had invaded Scotland in the interest of his kinsman, Duncan's son, who, on the death of the usurper three years later, ascended the throne as Malcolm&amp;nbsp;III., called Canmore. With Malcolm's accession the Celtic rule of the monarchy of Scone came to an end. Nevertheless, the Scottish sovereigns (excepting James&amp;nbsp;II., James&amp;nbsp;III. and Mary) continued to be crowned at Scone, which also retained the position of capital until the beginning of the 12th century, when it was displaced by Perth. From the time of Alexander I. (d. 1124), therefore, the history of the shire is merged in that of the county town, with the exception of such isolated incidents as the removal of the Coronation Stone from Scone to Westminster in 1296, the defeat of Robert Bruce at Methven in 1306, the battle of Dupplin in 1332, the victory of Dundee at Killiecrankie in 1689 and the indecisive contest at Sheriffmuir in 1715. Among archaeological remains may be mentioned the hill-fort on Dunsinane; the ship-barrow of the vikings at Rattray, weems (or earth-houses) in the parishes of Monzie, Alyth and Bendochy; the witch-stone near Cairnbeddie, one of the numerous spots where Macbeth is alleged to have met the witches, but probably a sepulchral memorial of some forgotten battle; standing stones near Pitlochry, and an extraordinary assemblage of sculptured stones at Meigle.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|{{sc|Bibliography}}.—Robertson, ''Comitatus de Atholiae'' (Edinburgh, 1860); P. R. Drummond, ''Perthshire in Bygone Days'' (London, 1879); Marshall, ''Historic Scenes of Perthshire'' (Perth, 1880), Beveridge, ''Perthshire-on-Forth'' (2 vols, London, 1885); R. B. Cunninghame-Grahame, ''Notes on the District of Menteith'' (London, 1895); Hutchison, The Lake of Menteith (Stirling, 1899).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;Perthshire&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Pertinax, Publius Helvius&quot; /&gt;'''PERTINAX, PUBLIUS HELVIUS''' ({{asc|A.D.}} 126—193), Roman emperor, the son of a charcoal-burner, was born at Alba Pompeia in Liguria. From being a teacher of grammar he rose through many important offices, both civil and military, to the consulate, which he held twice. Chosen, at an advanced age and against his will, on the 1st of January 193, to succeed Commodus, he was himself assassinated in a mutiny of the soldiers, on the 28th of March 193.

&lt;section end=&quot;Pertinax, Publius Helvius&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Pertz, Georg Heinrich&quot; /&gt;[[Author:Georg Heinrich Pertz|'''PERTZ, GEORG HEINRICH''']] (1795–1876), German historian, was born at Hanover on the 28th of March 1795. From 1813 to 1818 he studied at Göttingen, chiefly under A.&amp;nbsp;H.&amp;nbsp;L. Heeren. His graduation thesis, published in 1819, on the history of the Merovingian mayors of the palace, attracted the attention of Baron Stein, by whom he was engaged in 1820 to edit the Carolingian chroniclers for the newly-founded Historical Society of Germany. In search of materials for this purpose, Pertz made a prolonged tour through Germany and Italy, and on his return in 1823 he received at the instance of Stein the principal charge of the publication of ''Monumenta germaniae historica'', texts of all the more important historical writers on German affairs down to the year 1500, as well as of laws, imperial and regal archives, and other valuable documents, such as letters, falling within this period. Pertz made frequent journeys of exploration to the leading libraries and public record offices of Europe, publishing notes on the results of his explorations in the ''Archiv. der Gesellsch. f. deutsche Geschichtskunde'' (1824—1872). In 1823 he had been made secretary of the archives, and in 1827 principal keeper of the royal library at Hanover; from 1832 to 1837 he edited the ''Hannoverische Zeitung'', and more than once sat as a representative in the Hanoverian second chamber. In 1842 he was called as chief librarian to Berlin, where he shortly afterwards was made a privy councillor and a member of the Academy of Sciences. He resigned all his appointments in&lt;section end=&quot;Pertz, Georg Heinrich&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 21.djvu/360</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506307</id>
      <parentid>12265060</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:12:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>dur1ng→during; acquationes→aequationes; diereses in Göttingen, Über - see hi-res scan: archive.org/details/encyclopaediabri21chisrich/page/339; two more ndashes</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="9310" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chuntuk&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |PÉZENAS|PFAFF|339}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;when making dishes and porringers 10 parts of lead to 90 of
tin for salt-cellars and ewers; those of Limoges used 4 parts of
lead to 100 of tin; at Nuremberg in 1576 it was ordained that
not more than 1&amp;nbsp;℔ of lead should be mixed with every 10&amp;nbsp;℔
of tin, in France during the 18th century a limit of 15% of
lead was imposed, while at the present time 16·5% with a margin
of 1·5 for errors is regarded as safe for the storage of wine and
consequently legal.

In England the earliest known ordinances for the regulation
of the craft were drawn up in 1348 and received the approval
of the mayor and aldermen. From them we learn that for
rounded vessels lead might be mixed with the tin in the proportion 
of 26 ℔ to each hundredweight, though this quantity
appears to have been found excessive, since in 1351 a pewterer
was punished because his alloy contained more than 16&amp;nbsp;℔
to the hundredweight, unless this be a clerical error in the
contemporary records of the Pewterers’ Company. Articles
made of this material were to be known as “vessels of tyn for
ever” but the alloy soon came to be known as “ley” Another
formula, however, authorized in the same document, would
appear to have been at that time an exclusively English secret,
to which was presumably due the universal recognition of the
superiority of the island wares which is so notable a fact in the
history of pewter. It was known as “fyne peauter&quot; and used
for dishes, saucers, platters, chargers, and for all “things that
they make square,” such as cruets, chrismatories, &amp;c., which
owing either to the rough usage they would be submitted to, or
to the sharpness of their angles, called for greater toughness in
the material The recipe for this alloy as originally propounded
was as much brass to the tin “as it wol receiuve of his nature,”
but the lack of precision in this perhaps rendered it difficult to
distinguish accidental variations from deliberate adulteration,
and in 1474–1475 it was resolved that 26 ℔ of brass must
be mixed with every hundredweight of tin. The penalties for
infringement of the rules were severe and frequently enforced,
but in spite of them alterations and improvements crept in.
The chief and perhaps the earliest of these was the addition of a
certain proportion of bismuth, or as it was then called “tin
glass” When this was first used is not recorded, but by 1561
it was accepted as a matter of course; in 1630 a maker “was
found in fault for not sufficiently tempering his metal with tin
glass”; and in 1653 it was ordered that 3 ℔ weight of tin
glass at least must be mixed with every 1000 ℔ of tin. Antimony
was subsequently introduced—though there is no mention
of it in the records of the Pewterers’ Company—sometimes
alone as in tin and temper (1·6 to 150 parts) and trifle (17 parts
to 83 of tin), sometimes with other metals as in hard metal
(96 parts of tin, 8 of antimony and 2 of copper), a mixture
very closely resembling that still used under the name of “Britannia
metal,” and in plate pewter (100 parts of tin, 8 of antimony,
4 of copper and 4 of bismuth). The wares were originally fashioned 
in two ways, by hammering or by casting, and the workers
in each were strictly differentiated, the former, who worked in
fine pewter, being known as Sadware men, the latter who used
“ley” as Hollow-ware men A third class, known as Triflers,
from the alloy they were limited to, probably at first only manufactured
such small articles of domestic use or ornament as did
not definitely fall under either of the other headings, but from an
authorized list of wares, drawn up by a committee of Triflers in
1612, it is clear that the barrier between them and the Hollow-ware
men had been largely broken down. Another method of
working pewter which seems to have been introduced later, and
never followed to any great extent, was spinning, by which the
vessel was shaped in a mould on a wheel by the mere pressure of a
blunt tool, the softness of the metal allowing of its flowing
sufficiently for this purpose.

Pewter first appears in history in 1074, when a synod at Rouen
permitted 1ts use as a substitute for gold or silver in church vessels,
a concession accepted also at Winchester two years later, again
withdrawn in 1175, but once more tacitly adopted some twenty
years after. The records of its domestic use commence with the
caldrons employed for boiling the meat at the coronation of
Edward&amp;nbsp;I. in 1274, though we gather that the trade was even
then flourishing in Paris and Bruges. whence during the following
century it extended to Augsburg, Nuremberg, Poitiers, Mons and
other continental centres. Confined at first to the more wealthy
classes, we can trace as time goes on its extension lower and
lower in the social scale, until at the end of the 17th century its
use was almost universal. Thenceforward its vogue steadily
declined. The growing cheapness of glass and chinaware and the
invention of more showy metals brought upon it by degrees the
fatal stigma of vulgarity, until with very few exceptions its
manufacture entirely ceased.

Artistically, pewter was at its best when its makers were least
conscious of the art revealed in it, thinking more of the durability
and appropriateness to purpose of their wares than of their
decorative qualities. Though intentionally ornamental vessels
may be found earlier, it was not until the 18th century that
the pewterers set themselves to slavishly copying the designs
and methods of the silversmiths, whether suitable to their
material or not, and thereby undoubtedly hastened their own
downfall.

Of recent years pewter has taken its place among the articles
sought after by collectors, and its cost has so materially and
rapidly increased that the manufacture of vessels, guaranteed
of course genuinely antique, bids fair to become once more
a paying industry. Unfortunately the various enactments
compelling each maker to stamp his ware with a definite touch mark
seem at all times to have been very generally evaded or
ignored, and experience alone is therefore the only safe guide
to distinguishing new from old.

{{EB1911 fine print/s}}
{{sc|Bibliography}}.—''History of the Worshipful Company of Pewterers of the City of London'', by Charles Welch (London, 1902); ''Pewter Plate'',
by R. J. L. Masse (London, 1904); ''Scottish Pewter Ware and Pewterers'',
by L. Ingleby Wood (Morton, Edinburgh, n.d.); ''Old Pewter'',
by Malcolm Bell (Newnes, London, n.d.); ''Les Métaux dans l’antiquité et au moyen âge. L’Etain'', by Germain Bapst (Paris, 1884);
''Dictionnaire de l’ameublement et de la décoration'', by Henri Havard,
''Histoire du mobilier'', by Albert Jacquemart (Paris, 1877); “Analysis
of Roman Pewter,” by W. Gowland, ''Archaeologia'', vol. lvi (1898);
''Pewter Marks and Old Pewter Ware: Domestic and Ecclesiastical'',
by Christopher A. Markham (1909).{{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|Malcolm Bell|M. Be.}}}}
{{EB1911 fine print/e}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''PÉZENAS,''' a town of southern France, in the department of Hérault 33 m. W.S.W. of Montpellier on the southern railway.
Pop. (1906), 6432. The commerce in cognac, spirits and wines
is so important that the prices current for these at the weekly
sales are registered throughout the wine marts of France and
Europe. There is a handsome monument to Molière, who lived
at Pézenas several years and produced his first plays there in 1655
and 1656. A gateway (15th century) and old mansion of the
15th and 16th centuries are of interest.

Pézenas (''Piscennae'') was founded by the Gauls. In the
10th century it became the capital of a countship subsequently
held by important families including those of Montmorency,
Condé and Conti. In the 17th century the town was on several
occasions the meeting place of the estates of Languedoc.

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''PFAFF, JOHANN FRIEDRICH''' (1765–1825), German mathematician, was born on the 22nd of December 1765 at Stuttgart. He received his early education at the Carlsschule, where he met F Schiller, his lifelong friend. His mathematical capacity was early noticed, he pursued his studies at Göttingen under Abraham Gotthelf Kastner (1719–1800), and in 1787 he went to Berlin and studied practical astronomy under J.&amp;nbsp;E. Bode. In 1788 Pfaff became professor of mathematics in Helmstedt, and so continued until that university was abolished in 1810. From that time till his death on the 21st of April 1825 he held the chair of mathematics at Halle. Pfaff’s researches bore chiefly on the theory of series, to which he applied the methods of the so-called combinatorial school of German mathematicians, and on the solution of
differential equations. His two principal works are ''Disquisitiones analyticae maxime ad calculum integralem et doctrinam serierum pertinentes'' (4to, vol i, Helmstedt, 1797) and “Methodus generalis, aequationes differentiarum particularum, necnon aequationes differentiales vulgares, utrasque primi ordinis inter quotcumque variabiles, complete integrandi” in ''Abh. d. Berl. Acad'' (1814–1815) The former work contains Pfaff’s discussion
&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 22.djvu/224</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1861330</id>
    <revision>
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      <parentid>12287764</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:29:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>DivermanAU</username>
        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>a quick proof</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="9851" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|210|POTOTAN|POTT, P.|  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;The foundation of the city dates from 1547, two years after
the first discovery of silver on the ''cerro'' by an Indian herder
named Gualci. Charles V. conferred upon it the title of “villa
imperial.” From 1545 to 1800 the crown tax of one-fifth upon
the mineral product amounted to £32,600,000, showing an
acknowledged output of £163,000,000. The actual output,
however, must have been much greater, as Spain was flooded
with contraband silver, and there was a large trade in it at
La Plata ports, whence it was taken to Brazil and Portugal.
The total output to 1864 has been estimated at more than
£400,000,000, but the annual output at the beginning of the
20th century barely exceeded 400,000 ozs. The struggle for
independence began in Potosi on the 9th of November 1810,
but the Spanish forces succeeded in retaining possession down
to 1822.

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''POTOTAN,''' a town of the province of Iloilo, island of Panay, Philippine Islands, on the Jalaur river, about 17 m. N. of
Iloilo. Pop. (1903), 37,373, including the population of Dingle
(12,129) and Mina (4280), annexed after the census was taken.
There is a fine church in the old town and a large stone church
in Dingle; in the old town are several other buildings of masonry
and some beautiful “fire” trees for shade. The principal
industries are the cultivation of sugar-cane, Indian corn, rice,
tobacco and hemp, and the raising of cattle, carabaos, sheep and
horses.

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Potsdam (Germany)&quot; /&gt;'''POTSDAM,''' a town of Germany, the administrative capital of the Prussian province of Brandenburg, and one of the principal
residences of the German Emperor, beautifully situated on the
river Havel, 16 m. S.W. of Berlin, on the main line of railway
to Magdeburg. Pop. (1905), 61,414. It is also connected with
the capital by two local lines and by a steamboat service through
the chain of lakes formed by the river. The greater part of the
town lies on the right bank of the Havel and is connected with
the Teltow suburb on the opposite bank by a long bridge (Lange
Brücke). At the north end of this bridge rises the royal palace,
a large quadrangular building of the 17th century, with a
colonnade, chiefly interesting for the numerous relics it contains
of Frederick the Great, who made it his favourite residence. At
the south-eastern corner of the palace, close to the bridge, is
the tree under which petitioners waited for the answer to their
grievances, which Frederick the Great gave from an opposite
window. It also contains reminiscences of Voltaire, who resided
here for several years. The principal churches are the Nikolaikirche;
the Church of the Holy Ghost, built in 1728; the garrison
church, containing the remains of Frederick the Great and his
father, Frederick William I.; and the Friedenskirche, or Church
of Peace, erected by Frederick William IV. in 1845–1850. To the
Friedenskirche is attached a mausoleum built after the model
of a chapel at Innichen in Tirol, in which are buried Emperor
Frederick III. and his consort, the Princess Royal of Great
Britain, and two of their children who died in infancy. Among
other conspicuous buildings are the large barracks and other
military establishments; the town hall; and the Brandenburg
gate, in the style of a Roman triumphal arch. The town has
fine statues of several of the Prussian kings, including Frederick
the Great. The Lustgarten, the Wilhelmsplatz and the Plantage
are open spaces laid out as pleasure-grounds and adorned with
statues and busts. In spite of its somewhat sleepy appearance,
Potsdam has manufactures of silk goods, chemicals, furniture,
chocolate, tobacco and optical instruments. Market-gardening
affords occupation to many of the inhabitants, and the cultivation
of winter violets is a specialty. The Havel is well stocked
with fish. On a wooded eminence to the south of the town lies
the observatory with extensive premises.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|Potsdam is almost entirely surrounded by a fringe of royal palaces,
parks and pleasure-grounds, which fairly substantiate its claim to
the title of a “German Versailles.” Immediately to the west is the
park of Sans Souci, laid out by Frederick the Great, and largely
extended by Frederick William&amp;nbsp;IV. It is in the formal French
style of the period, and is adorned with fountains, statuary and
artificial ruins. Near the palace is the famous windmill; now royal
property, which, according to a tradition now regarded as doubtful,
its owner refused to sell to the king, meeting threatened violence
by an appeal to the judges of Berlin. A little farther on is the
Orangery, an extensive edifice in the Italian style, containing numerous
pictures and other works of art. The park also includes the
Charlottenhof, a reproduction of a Pompeian villa. At the west
end of the park stands the New Palace, a huge brick edifice 375 ft.
in length, erected by Frederick the Great at enormous expense in
1763–1769. It was occupied for a while by the emperor Frederick III.,
and was rechristened by him “Friedrichskron.” On the accession
of the emperor William II. its original name was restored. It is
now the residence of the emperor. It contains reminiscences of
Frederick and of Voltaire, a few pictures by ancient masters, a
theatre, and a large hall decorated with shells and minerals. The
spacious buildings at the back are devoted to the “Lehrbataillon,”
a battalion of infantry composed of drafts from different regiments
trained here to ensure uniformity of drill throughout the army.
To the north of Potsdam lies a small Russian village, Alexandrowka,
built in 1826 to accommodate the Russian singers attached to the
Prussian guards. A little to the east of it, on the Heiligersee, is the
New Garden, containing the Marble Palace. The list of Potsdam
palaces may be closed with two situated on the left bank of the
Havel—one at Klein-Glienicke, formerly the country-seat of Prince
Frederick Charles of Prussia (the “Red Prince”), and the other on
the hill of Babelsberg. The latter, designed as a miniature copy of
Windsor Castle, in the midst of a park in the English taste, was
formerly the summer residence of the emperor William&amp;nbsp;I.

Potsdam was originally a Slavonic fishing-village named Poztupimi,
and is first mentioned in a document of 993. It became a town in
the 14th century, but was unimportant until the great elector
built a palace here between 1560 and 1682; and even at the close of
his reign it only contained 3000 inhabitants. The elector Frederick
William I. greatly enlarge Potsdam, and his stiff military tastes
are reflected in the monotonous uniformity of the streets. Frederick
the Great continued his father's work, and is the real creator of
the modern splendour of the town, to which all his successors have
contributed.

See H. C. P. Schmidt, ''Geschichte und Topographie der Residenzstadt''
''Potsdam'' (Potsdam, 1825); G. Sello, ''Potsdam und Sanssouci''
(Breslau, 1888); Mügge, ''Führer durch Potsdam und Umgebung''
(Potsdam, 1896); Kopisch, ''Die königlichen Schlösser und Gärten''
''zu Potsdam'' (Berlin, 1854); and Bethge, ''Die Hohenzollernanlagen''
''Potsdams'' (Berlin, 1889).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;Potsdam (Germany)&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''POTSDAM,''' a village of St Lawrence county, New York, U.S.A., in the township of Potsdam, on the Raquette river, about 68 m. N.E. of Watertown. Pop. of the village (1905) 4162; (1910) 4036; of the township (1905) 8992; (1910) 8725. The village is served by the New York Central &amp; Hudson River railway. It has a public library and is the seat of a state Normal School (1869), an outgrowth of St Lawrence Academy (founded in 1810 by
Benjamin Raymond and maintained by him until 1816, when it
was incorporated); of the Thomas S. Clarkson Memorial School of
Technology (1896), founded by his sisters in honour of Thomas
Streatfield Clarkson (1837–1894); and of the Crane Normal
Institute of Music. The village has a considerable trade in
dairy products. In the neighbourhood are extensive quarries
of the well-known “Potsdam sandstone,” the uppermost division
of the Cambrian system, described as a “fine-grained sandstone
cemented with silica,” and very durable. The House of Parliament
at Quebec, All Saints Cathedral at Albany, New York,
and many other public edifices were built of this stone.

The “Ten Towns” of St Lawrence county, including the
township of Potsdam, were sold by the state in 1787. The first
settlement was made on the Raquette river, close to the present
village, in 1803; the township was incorporated in ISO6 and
the village in 1831. Potsdam was named after Potsdam in
Prussia because of the occurrence in each locality of reddish
sandstone.

&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;[[Author:August Friedrich Pott|'''POTT, AUGUST FRIEDRICH''']] (1802–1887), German philologist, was born at Nettelrede, Hanover, on the 14th of November 1802. He studied in Göttingen, and in 1825 became schoolmaster at Celle, Hanover; but after two years removed to Berlin, where he became privatdozent at the university. He studied comparative philology, and in 1883 was made professor at Halle, where he lived till his death on the 5th of July 1887. His ''Etymologische Forschungen'' (1834–1836) entitled him to rank as Bopp's foremost disciple in the Indo-Germanic science of language. Pott also devoted much attention to the origins of the gipsies.

&lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;'''POTT, PERCIVALL''' (1714–1788), English surgeon, was born in London on the 6th of January 1714. He served his apprenticeship with Edward Nourse, assistant surgeon to St Bartholomew's Hospital, and in 1736 was admitted to the Barbers &lt;section end=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 22.djvu/678</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1862975</id>
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      <text bytes="9043" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|662|PURIN||  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;of the burning of the man-god, like Hercules or Sandan, who
again represented the old spirit of vegetation which was dying
away in spring to revive with the new vegetation. The earliest
mention, however, of this burning of Haman in elligy cannot be
traced back earlier than the Talmud in the 5th century.
In connexion with Purim many quaint customs were introduced
by the Jews of later times. All means are adapted to
increase the hilarity of the two days, which are filled with
feasting, dancing, singing and making merry generally. In
Germany it was even customary for men to dress up as women,
and women as men, against the command of Deut. xxii. 5. In
Frankfort the women were allowed to open their lattice Windows
in the synagogue in honour of the deliverance brought about by
Esther. Execration of Haman, as the typical persecutor of
the Jews, took various forms. In Germanywooden mallets were
used in the synagogue to beat the benches when Haman's name
ww read out from the scroll of Esther, and during the festivities
these mallets were sometimes used on the heads of the bystanders.
Cakes were made of a certain shape to be eaten by
the children, which were called, in Germany, Hamantaschen
(Haman-pockets) and H amanohren (Haman-ears), and in Italy,
Orecchie d'Aman. In Italy a puppet representing Haman was
set up on high amidst shouts of vengeance and blowing of
trumpets. In Caucasus the women made a wooden. block to
represent Haman, which, on being discovered by the men on
their return to the synagogue, was thrown into the fire. Besides
gifts to friends, parents made Purim gifts to their children,
especially in the form of Purim cakes. T0 preside over these
festivities it was customary to have a master of the ceremonies,
who was called king in Provence, somewhat after the manner
of the Feast of Fools. In later days the same function was
performed by the Purim Rabbi, who often indulged in parodies
of the ritual.

With Purim is connected the only trace of a true folk-drama
among Jews. The first Spanish drama written by Jews was
entitled “ Esther, ” by Solomon Usque and Lazaro Gratiano,
published in 1567; and there is another entitled “ Comedia
famosa de Aman y Mordechay, &quot; produced anonymously in
Leiden in 1699. Among the German Jews Purim-Spiele were
frequent and can be traced back to the 16th century, where there
is reference to their being regularly performed at Tannhausen.
The earliest one of these printed was entitled “Ahaswerosh-Spiel,
” appeared at Frankfort in 1708, and was reprinted by
Schudt in Juedische Merck-Wuerdigkeilen, ii. 314 seq. These
were followed by a large number of similar reproductions, none
of any great merit, but often showing ingenuity in parodying
more serious portions of the Jewish ritual (Davidson, Parody,
PD- 27. 50, 199-203)

Besides the general festival of Purim, various communities
of Jews have instituted special local Purims to commemorate
occasions when they have been saved from disaster. Thus the
Jews of Cairo celebrated Purim on the 28th of Adar in memory
of their being miraculously saved from the persecution of Ahmed
Pasha in IS24. The Jews of Frankfort celebrate their special
Purim on the zoth of Adar because of their deliverance from
persecution by Fettmilch in 1616. The Jews of Algiers similarly
celebrated the repulse of the emperor Charles V. in 1541, by
which they escaped coming once more into the yoke of the
Spaniards. Similar occasions for rejoicing were introduced by
individuals into their families to celebrate their escape from
danger. Thus Abraham Danzig celebrated in this manner his
escape from the results of an explosion of a powder magazine
at Wilna in 1804. Rabbi Enoch Altschul of Prague recorded
his own escape on the 22nd of Tebet 1623 in a special roll or
megillah, which was to be read by his family on that date with
rejoicing similar to the general Purim. David Brandeis of
Jung-Bunzlau in Bohemia was saved from an accusation of
poisoning on the 10th of Adar 1731, and instituted a similar
family Purim celebration in consequence.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See Biblical Dictionaries of Hastings and Cheyne, ''s.v.''; ''Jew''.
Ency., v.v. “Purim”; “Purim Plays,” “Purims, Special”;
W. Erbt, ''Die Purimsage'' (Berlin, 1900); Abrahams, ''Jewish Life in''
''the Middle Ages''; Lagarde, Purim, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
Religion (Göttingen, 1885); Steinschneider, ''Purim und Parodie''
(Berlin, 1902); P. Haupt, Purim (Leipzig, 1906); Davidson, ''Parody''
''in Jewish Literature'', pp. 21, 27, 30, 135–9 (New York, 1908).
{{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|Joseph Jacobs|J. Ja.}}}}}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''PURIN,''' C&lt;sub&gt;5&lt;/sub&gt;H&lt;sub&gt;4&lt;/sub&gt;N&lt;sub&gt;4&lt;/sub&gt;, in chemistry, the name given by Emil
Fischer to the parent substance of a large group of compounds,
the more important of which are sarcine, xanthine, uric acid,
adenine, paraxanthine, guanine, theophylline, theobromine and caffeine. Its formula is shown in the inset, the positions taken by substituent atoms or groups being numbered as shown.
:(1)N＝CH(6)
:(2)HC(5)C·NH(7)
::|| &amp;emsp; || CH(8)
: (3)N—C—N
:::(4) (9)

E. Fischer (''Ber''., 31,
p. 2564) obtained it in 1898 by reducing
2·6-di-iodo purin, obtained from
2·6·8 trichlor purin (see below ''sub Uric acid''), hydriodic acid and
phosphonium iodide at 0°, with zinc dust and water, the zinc
double salt so obtained being decomposed by sulphuretted
hydrogen, the precipitated zinc sulphide filtered oh' and the
solution concentrated. It has also been synthesized by O. Isay
(Ber., 1906, 39, p. 250) from 5-nitro-uracil. This substance with
phosphorus oxychloride gives 2-4-dichlor-5-nitro pyrimidine,
which with ammonia gives 4-amino-2-chlor-5-nitro pyrimidine;
by reducing this compound with hydriodic acid and phosphonium
iodide, 4-5-diamino-pyrimidine is obtained, which with
formic acid furnishes purin; thus:-

NH:cH N:Cl1I N:CH 1~{=cH ll:CH

(EOC-NO29ClEC-N02-9Cl§ E-No.-&gt;Hm-NH.-&gt;HEpNH
NH-co N-hcl N-C-NH2 hi-C-NH2 N-é-N/

Purin crystallizes in microscopic needles, which melt at 216° C.
It possesses the properties of both an acid and a base. It is
characterized by its ready solubility in water and by its stability
towards oxidizing agents.

H II

&lt;3&gt;N-C-~N&gt;CH'8)

&lt;4&gt; &lt;9&gt;

Purin.

CH.

''Oxypurins''.—''Sarcine'' or hypoxanthine, C&lt;sub&gt;5&lt;/sub&gt;H&lt;sub&gt;4&lt;/sub&gt;N&lt;sub&gt;4&lt;/sub&gt;O, is 6-oxypurin.
It is found in many animal liquids and organs and in the seeds of
many plants, and was discovered by J. Scherer in milk (Ann. 1850,
73, p. 328) and by A. Strecker in muscle. It crystallizes in needles
which decompose at 150° C. It was synthesized by E. Fischer
(Ber., 1897, 30, p. 2228) by heating 2-6-8-trichlor urin with aqueous
caustic potash, and reducing the dichlorhypoxantfiine so obtained by
hydriodic acid. Its aqueous solution shows acid properties, decomposing
carbonates. It also forms a hydrochloride, C5H4N4O-HCl-H2O.
W en oxidized by hydrochloric acid and potassium chlorate it
yields alloxan and urea, whilst with potassium permanganate it
gives oxalic acid.

3-Methyihypoxanthine was synthesized by W. Traube and F. Winter
(Arch. Pharm., 1906, 244, p. 11), whilst 8-oxypurin was obtained by
E. Fischer and L. Ach in 1897 (Ber., 30, p. 2213), and by O. Isay
(Ber., 1906, 39, p. 251). V

Xanthine, C5H4N4O2, or 2-6-dioxypurin, was discovered in 1817
by Marcet in a urinary calculus; it also occurs in various animal
organs (the liver, pancreas and muscular tissue), in urine, and in
beetroot juice. It may be prepared by boiling nuclein with water
(A. Kossel, Zeit. physiol. Chem., 1880, 4, . 290); by the decomposition
of guanine with nitrous acid (A. gtrecker, Ann., 1858, 108,
p. 14I); and by heating the formyl derivative of 4- 5-diamino-2 -6-di0xypyrimidine
to 120° C. (W. Traube, Ber., 1900, 33, p. 3035). This
pyrimidine is prepared from c anacetyl urea, which on treatment
with a concentrated solution oiy sodium hydroxide is converted into
4-amino-2~6-dioxypyrimidine. The isonitroso derivative of this
compound is then reduced by ammonium sulphide to 4~5-diamino-2-6-dioxypyrimidine,
the formyl derivative of which, on heating
passes into xanthine.

CO-CHQ CO-CH2 CO-C:NOH CO-C-NH2 CO-C~NH

lélé II |||.I%/CH-NH

N-9NH =N H-eNHc=NHeNHc-NH, +NH -N/

co-NH. Co-NH co-NH co-NH CO—NH

It decomposes when heated, giving ammonia, carbon dioxide and hydroc anic acid. It possesses both acid and basic properties. When heated with concentrated hydrochloric acid to 220° C, it decomposes into carbon dioxide, ammonia, glycine and formic acid. Potassium chlorate and hydrochloric acid oxidize it to alloxan and urea. Methylation of its lead salt gives theobromine.

The isomeric 6-8-dioxypurin was prepared by E. Fischer and L. Ach (lac. cit).

1-Methylxanthine was found in urine by M. Kruger and G. Salomon (Zeit. physiol. Chem., 1897, 24, p. 364); 3-methylxanthine was obtained by E. Fischer and F. Ach, (Ber., 1898, 30, 1980) from 3-methyl uric&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 22.djvu/771</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1889075</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506928</id>
      <parentid>12462580</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:07:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="11579" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|{{asc|CLIMATE AND GEOLOGY.}}{{larger|]}}|SWEDEN|{{x-larger|739}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{EB1911 fine print|maximum occurs in June or July at all stations except those of 
western Sweden, where it occurs as early as May. The mean of 
June is 13. A curious fact is that in Norrland, especially in 
the interior, a secondary maximum occurs in March, which
sometimes even exceeds the summer maximum. 

The non-periodic daily range of temperature, or the difference 
between the monthly means of daily maximum and minimum of 
temperature, is as usual considerably greater than the periodic. 
The difference is almost constant for all stations, especially during 
the warmer part of the year. We have, for the whole country—}}

{|align=&quot;center&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; rules=&quot;cols&quot; border=&quot;1&quot; style=&quot;font-size: 90%&quot;
|&amp;nbsp;
|&amp;nbsp;Non-periodic.&amp;nbsp;
|&amp;nbsp;Periodic.&amp;nbsp;
|&amp;nbsp;Difference.&amp;nbsp;
|-
|{{rule}}
|{{rule}}
|{{rule}}
|{{rule}}
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Winter
|align=&quot;center&quot;|10°.0 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|&amp;ensp;3°.0 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|7°.0 
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Spring
|align=&quot;center&quot;|16°.0 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|11°.2 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|4°.8 
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Summer&amp;nbsp;
|align=&quot;center&quot;|19°.1 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|13°.0 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|6°.1 
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Autumn 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|11°.7 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|&amp;ensp;6°.3 
|align=&quot;center&quot;|5°.4 
|}

{{EB9 Margin Note|Winds.}}
{{EB1911 fine print|The mean direction of the winds shows little variation during 
different seasons. During the summer it is west or west-south-west
in the south of Sweden, changes to south-west in the middle 
part of the country, and due south along the coast of the Gulf of 
Bothnia. In winter north-north-east winds become comparatively 
frequent in the north part of the country. This is explained by 
{{EB9 Margin Note|Barometer.|6em}} 
the difference in barometric pressure in summer and in winter. In 
July the mean height of the barometer indicates a gradual fall 
along the coast of the Baltic, from 29.828 inches in Calmar to 
29.675 in Haparanda. In January, on the other hand, there is a 
gradual fall from 29.853 in Calmar to 29.718 in Hernösand, but 
thereafter a gradual rise to 29.834 in Haparanda. Unfortunately 
the isobarometric lines for Sweden have not yet been calculated 
with due precision.}}

{{EB9 Margin Note|Rainfall.}}
{{EB1911 fine print|The rainfall is greatest on the coast of the Cattegat. The 
annual amount is greatest at Gothenburg, where it is 32.56 inches. 
At Halmstad it is 28.26, and at Venersborg, where Göta Elf issues 
from Lake Vener, it is 30.33. These are the rainiest stations of 
Sweden. Generally speaking, the amount of rain diminishes 
afterwards as well towards north and north-west as towards south-east.
The least rain falls on the one hand in northern Lapland, 
where the annual amount is only 15.52 inches, and on the other 
hand in the south-eastern corner of Sweden, where (at Calmar) 
we have the lowest known rainfall for the whole country (12.75 
inches). Between these two tracts there runs a belt of greater
precipitation from Gothenburg towards the north-east to Upsala, where 
the annual amount is 23.28. Even along this belt the amount of 
rainfall diminishes towards the north-east, but at every point the 
amount is greater than to the north-west and south-east of it. 
The greatest amount of rain falls in July and August and the least 
in February and March. Thus, for instance, there fall in Upsala 
during August 2.86 inches and during March 0.99 inches. As the 
temperature varies, so does the rainfall for different years.}}

{{EB9 Margin Note|Thunderstorms.|8em}}
{{EB1911 fine print|The number of thunderstorms is small in Sweden compared 
with the countries of the south. Their number diminishes as 
does the precipitation from south-west towards north and east. 
From 1871 to 1880 the mean annual number of thunderstorms at 
each station was 9.5 in Götaland, 8.4 in Svealand, and only 6.3 in 
Norrland. In the south their number diminishes rapidly from 
west to east, from 11 on the coast of the Cattegat to 8.3 on the 
coast of the Baltic, and only 6.6 on the isle of Gotland. The 
thunderstorms have a distinctly marked annual and daily period. 
They occur almost always during the warmest time of the year 
and of the day. During the above-mentioned ten years the least 
number occurred during the month of February, only 3, whereas 
there occurred in May 1194, in June 3724, in July 4419, in August 
3306, and in September 1461. As regards the daily period, the 
least number, 147, occurred between 1 and 2 {{asc|A.M.}}, and the greatest, 
1704, between 3 and 4 {{asc|P. M.}} In Götaland and Svealand most of the 
thunderstorms come with a south-westerly wind, in Norrland with 
a southerly; for the whole country, the least number come with a 
northerly wind.}}

{{EB9 Margin Note|Hail.}}
{{EB1911 fine print|If the number of thunderstorms is small in Sweden, the same is 
in a still higher degree to be said of their intensity. Hail, which 
on the Continent causes such immense damage to the growing 
crops, is rare in Sweden, and often quite harmless. In the south 
of Germany about 2 per cent. of the crops are annually destroyed 
by hail. At Magdeburg the damage is 0.9 per cent., at Berlin 0.6 
to 0.7 per cent., but in Sweden only 0.06 per cent. ([[Author:H. H. Hildebrandsson|H. H. H.]])}}

{{EB9 Margin Note|Geology.}}
{{EB1911 fine print|''Geology''.—The fundamental rocks of Sweden belong to the 
Azoic or Pre-Cambrian formation, and consist of crystalline rocks. 
Three great divisions of this formation may be distinguished,—the 
grey gneiss, the red iron gneiss, and the granulite.}}

{{EB1911 fine print|The grey gneiss rules in the northern and western parts of the 
country, from West Norrland down to the province of Calmar. 
The rock has a prevalent grey colour, and contains as characteristic 
minerals garnet and in some parts graphite. 

The red iron gneiss prevails in western Sweden in the provinces 
of Vermland, Skaraborg, Elfsborg, and down to the province of
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
Christianstad. The formation is very uniform in its character, 
the gneiss having a red colour and containing small granules of 
magnetite, but, nevertheless, not a single iron-mine belongs to 
this region. The red gneiss contains in many places beds or 
masses of hyperite. 

The granulite, also called eurite and hälleflinta, is the most 
important of the Pre-Cambrian formation, as it contains all the 
metalliferous deposits of Sweden. It prevails in the middle part 
of the country, in the provinces of Vermlaud, Kopparberg, 
Vestmanlaud, and Upsala. It occurs also in some parts of the pro- 
vinces of Östergötland, Calmar, and Kronoberg. The main rock in 
this region consists of hälleflinta, a kind of very compact and
fine-grained mixture of feldspar, quartz, and mica, often graduating to 
mica schists, quartzite, and gneiss. With these rocks are often 
associated limestones, dolomites, and marbles containing serpentine 
(Kolmården). The metalliferous deposits have generally the form 
of beds or layers between the strata of granulite and limestones. 
They are often highly contorted and dislocated. 

The iron-mines occur imbedded in more or less fine-grained 
gneiss or granulite (Gellivaara, Grängesberg, Norberg, Striberg), 
or separated from the granulite by masses of augitic and 
amphibolous minerals (''grönskarn''), as in Persberg and Nordmark. 
Sometimes they are surrounded by hälleflinta and limestone, as 
at Dannemora, Långban, Pajsberg, and then carry manganiferous 
minerals. Argentiferous galena occurs at Sala in limestone, 
surrounded by granulite, and at Guldsmedshytta (province of 
Örebro) in dark hälleflinta. Copper pyrites occurs at Falun 
in mica-schists, surrounded by hälleflinta. Zinc blende occurs in 
large masses at Ammeberg, near the northern end of Lake Vetter. 
The cobalt ore consists of cobalt-glance (Tunaberg in the province 
of Södermanland) and of linneite (at Gladhammar, near Vestervik). 
The nickel ore of Sweden is magnetic pyrites, containing only a 
very small percentage of nickel. The magnetic pyrites occurs 
generally imbedded in diorite and greenstones. In the evidently 
most recent division of the granulite occurs clay-slate (at 
Grythytta in the province of Örebro). 

Large masses of granite are found in many parts of Sweden, 
and form extensive massiffs as in the provinces of Kronoberg, 
Örebro, Göteborg, Stockholm, &amp;c. Sometimes the granite graduates
into gneiss; sometimes (as north of Stockholm) it encloses 
large angular pieces of gneiss. In many parts of Sweden occur 
greenstones, as hyperite, gabbro (anorthite-gabbro at Rådmansö in 
the province of Stockholm), and diorite, the last often forming beds 
between the strata of the gneiss. 

The Cambrian formation occurs generally associated with the 
Lower Silurian, and consists of many divisions. The oldest is 
a sandstone, in which are found traces of worms, impressions of 
''Medusæ'', and shells of ''Lingula''. The upper divisions consist of 
bituminous limestones, clay-slates, alum-slate, and contain numerous
species of trilobites of the genera ''Paradoxides'', ''Conocoryphe'', 
''Agnostus'', ''Sphærophthalmus'', ''Peltura'', &amp;c. In Öland and north 
of Siljan are found beds with ''Obolus''. 

The Lower Silurian consists of the following divisions: (1) beds 
with ''Cerotopyge''; (2) schists with Graptolites; (3) large beds of red 
and grey limestone (200 feet in thickness) containing ''Megalaspis''
and ''Orthoceratites''. This limestone is largely used as building 
material; (4) slates with ''Trinucleus''; (5) slates with Brachiopods; 
(6) slates with Graptolites. The Cambrian and Lower Silurian 
strata occur scattered in several places from Vesterbotten down to 
Jemtland (around Storsjön), and in the provinces of Skaraborg, 
Elfsborg, Örebro, Östergötland, and Christianstad. The whole of 
the island of Öland consists of these strata. The strata are in 
most places very little disturbed, and form horizontal or slightly 
inclined layers. They are, south of Lake Vener, capped by thick 
beds of eruptive diabase (called ''trapp''). North of Lake Siljan 
(province of Kopparberg) occur Lower Silurian but not Cambrian 
strata, which have been very much dislocated. The Upper 
Silurian has in Sweden almost the same character as the Wenlock 
and Ludlow formation of England. The island of Gotland
consists entirely of this formation, which occurs also in some parts of 
the province of Christianstad. In the western part of the province 
of Kopparberg are extensive deposits of sandstone, separated by 
beds of diabase, and seemingly of the same age,—the Middle 
Silurian,—but no fossils have been found in them. In the vicinity 
of this sandstone region are large beds and massiffs of porphyries. 
There are still two sets of stratified, not fossiliferous, deposits, viz., 
in the province of Elfsborg (formation of Dalsland) and around 
Lake Vetter (formation of Visingsö). The Dalsland formation, 
which attains the thickness of 6000 to 7000 feet, consists of
conglomerates, chlorite schists, quartzites, and mica schists. The 
Visingsö formation, 800 to 1000 feet in thickness, consists of
sandstones, clay-slate, &amp;c. In the western and northern alpine part of 
Sweden, near the boundaries of Norway, the Silurian strata are 
covered by crystalline rocks, mica schists, quartzites, &amp;c., of 
an enormous thickness. These rocks form the mass of the high 
mountain of Åreskutan, &amp;c. 

The Triassic formation (Rhætic division) occurs in the northern}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 02.djvu/578</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1897784</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506906</id>
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      <text bytes="5732" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''CINCINNATI'''}}|504|{{c|'''CINEMATOGRAPH'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Cincinnati&quot; /&gt;$15 per $1,000 valuation. Property is 
assessed at 100 per cent. valuation. The 
net funded debt of the city (less sinking 
fund) is $59,723,087. The total assessed 
realty valuation is $466,914,880. The 
budg-et for 1919 was $7,236,668. The 
Cincinnati Water Works are municipally 
owned. They have a rated capacity of 
128,000,000 gallons per day; the daily 
consumption is in the neighborhood of 
60,000,000 gallons. The pressure varies 
in different places from 40 to 170 pounds. 
The water works is self-supporting; all 
its needed revenue is derived from the 
sale of water, and none from taxes. 

Cincinnati, named in honor of the
Society of the Cincinnati, was first settled 
by white men in 1780, and was
incorporated as a city in 1819. Mounds
containing various relics show that a
portion of the site of the city was anciently 
occupied. The first steamboat descending
from Pittsburgh visited the town in 
1811; the first railway was opened in 
1845; the first Roman Catholic bishop 
was consecrated in 1822; and the city 
has been an archiepiscopal see since 
1850.
&lt;section end=&quot;Cincinnati&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Cincinnati (society)&quot; /&gt;
'''CINCINNATI''', a society or order in 
the United States, established by the
officers of the Revolutionary army in 1783, 
“to perpetuate their friendship, and to 
raise a fund for relieving the widows 
and orphans of those who had fallen 
during the war.” It was so named
because it included patriots, headed by 
Washington, who in many instances had 
left rural affairs to serve their country 
(see {{Collier's article link|Cincinnatus|Cincinnatus, Lucius Quinctius}}). The badge of the 
society is a bald eagle suspended by a 
dark-blue ribbon with white borders, 
symbolizing the union of France and the 
United States. On the breast of the 
eagle there is a figure of Cincinnatus
receiving the military ensigns from the 
senators, round the whole are the words 
“Omnia relinquit servare rempublicam.” 
As this distinction was made hereditary, 
it was attacked as opposed to republican
equality. Franklin saw in it the 
germ of a future aristocracy; and at a 
meeting held in Philadelphia in 1784
several changes were made in the constitution
of the society, the right of succession
being made conditional on approval 
in each case by the society. Membership 
descends to the eldest lineal male
descendant, if judged worthy, and, in 
failure of direct male descent, to male 
descendants through intervening female 
descendants. The general society is
composed of the general officers and five
delegates from each State society, and meets 
triennially. In 1854 it ruled that proper 
descendants of Revolutionary officers 
who were entitled to original membership,
but who never could avail
themselves of it, are qualified for hereditary 
membership, if found worthy, on due 
application. There are about 1,000 living 
members. President, Winslow Warren.
&lt;section end=&quot;Cincinnati (society)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Cincinnati, University of&quot; /&gt;
'''CINCINNATI, UNIVERSITY OF''', a 
coeducational institution for higher
education at Cincinnati, O. It is a municipal
university, maintained by the city. 
There are about 3,000 students and 350 
members of the faculty. The university 
was founded in 1871. President, Charles 
William Dabney, Ph. D., W. L. D. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Cincinnati, University of&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Cincinnatus, Lucius Quinctius&quot; /&gt;
'''CINCINNATUS, LUCIUS QUINCTIUS''',
a wealthy patrician in the early 
days of the Roman Republic, born about 
519 {{asc|B. C.}} He succeeded Publicola in the 
consulship, and then retired to cultivate 
his small estate beyond the Tiber. The 
messengers of the senate found him at 
work on his farm when they came to 
summon him to the dictatorship. He 
rescued the army from its peril, and 
then returned quietly to his farm. At 
the age of 80 he was again appointed 
dictator to oppose the ambitious designs 
of Spurius Mælius. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Cincinnatus, Lucius Quinctius&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Cinderella&quot; /&gt;
'''CINDERELLA''' (little cinder girl), 
the heroine of a popular fairy tale. She 
is the drudge of the house, dirty with 
housework, while her elder sisters go to 
fine balls. At length a fairy enables her 
to go to the prince's ball; the prince falls 
in love with her, and she is discovered 
by means of a glass slipper which she 
drops, and which will fit no foot but her 
own. The glass slipper is a strange 
mistranslation of ''pantoufle en vair'' (a 
fur slipper), not ''en verre''.
&lt;section end=&quot;Cinderella&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Cinematograph&quot; /&gt;
'''CINEMATOGRAPH''', an instrument 
designed to picture persons and things 
while in motion. The invention is to be 
credited to two brothers, Lumière of 
Lyons, France. The principle on which it 
is founded is the same as that of
Edison's kinetoscope, namely, the persistence 
of vision. The device consists of a
photographing band or film about an inch and 
a quarter wide, and with a minimum 
length of 50 feet. This is exposed in 
a cinematograph. The band is wound 
around a drum and passes from this to a 
series of compensating drums into a position
behind the lense of the camera. The 
shutter of this lense opens sixteen times 
a second for a period of perhaps
one-hundredth of a second. In the intervals 
of the shutter being closed the film is 
pulled forward for about three-quarters 
of an inch for a second exposure, and so 
on. The mechanism is usually worked by 
a crank which turns at a rate of twice 
a second. After the exposure the film 
is developed and wound upon a large 
drum. To produce positives from these&lt;section end=&quot;Cinematograph&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu/107</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1923641</id>
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      <text bytes="5898" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Schroem2007&quot; /&gt;{{center|AMORY.{{gap|6em}}ANDERSON.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;of Indiana in 1839, '40, '43, '48. He engaged in civil engineering at Ripley, O., from 1855 to 1861, and when the civil war broke out he joined the army as captain of the 12th Ohio volunteers, serving in the campaigns of West Virginia, Tennessee and Mississippi. He gained the rank of brigadier-general of volunteers in July, 1862, and commanded the district of East Tennessee, when he resigned Jan. 14, 1865. He died Feb. 6, 1894. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''AMORY, Robert,''' physician, was born in Boston, May 3, 1842. He was graduated from Harvard university in 1863, and from Harvard medical school in 1866. He went directly to Europe to study, and on his return to America began the practice of medicine in Brookline, Mass. In 1869 he was appointed lecturer on the physiological action of drugs, at Harvard, and professor of physiology at Bowdoin college in the following year, resigning his chair in 1874. For six years he was medical examiner for Norfolk county. He also served as secretary of the Brookline school committee, and as president and manager of the Brookline gas-light company. Among his publications are, with Dr. E. H. Clarke, &quot;Physiological and Therapeutical Action of Bromides of Potassium and Ammonium&quot; (1872); and with Prof. Edward S. Wood, &quot;Wharton and Stille's Medical Jurisprudence,&quot; fourth and fifth edition (1882); &quot;Treatise on Electrolysis in Medicine,&quot; (1886). He also became a member of the Massachusetts Medical society and of the American Academy of Arts and Science. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''AMORY, Thomas Coffin,''' author, was born in Boston, Mass., Oct. 16, 1812. He was educated at Harvard college, and in 1834, was made a member of the Suffolk bar. He served in the legislature of Massachusetts, and in the municipal government of Boston during many years, and at the same time contributed articles to periodicals. His published works include: &quot;Life of James Sullivan,&quot; governor of Massachusetts (1858); &quot;The Military Service of Major-General John Sullivan&quot; (1868); &quot;Life of Sir Isaac Coffin; His English and American Ancestors&quot; (1886); and a number of poems and sketches published in magazines; and pamphlets on subjects incident to the times of the revolutionary war. His &quot;William Blaxton, Sole Inhabitant of Boston,&quot; was a poem written at the time of the threatened destruction of the Old South Church, Boston, and did much to save that historic landmark. He died Aug. 20, 1889. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''AMORY, Thomas J. C,''' soldier, was born in Massachusetts about 1830. He was graduated from West Point in 1851, afterwards serving in the Utah expedition, and on the frontier from 1851 to 1860. At the outbreak of the civil war, he was made colonel of the 17th Massachusetts volunteers. He took part in the operations in North Carolina, being regularly promoted in the United States army up to the rank of major, which he reached on Sept. 19, 1864, and was brevetted brigadier-general of volunteers, Oct. 1, 1864. He died of yellow fever in Newberne, N.C., Oct. 8, 1864. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERS, Thomas Jefferson,''' jurist, was born in Bloomville, Ohio, April 4, 1838. He was graduated at the University of Michigan LL.B. 1861; engaged in teaching school in the state of Wisconsin, and removed to Montana in 1864. He practised law in the territory 1864-71, and at Walla Walla, Washington, 1871-88. He became judge of the supreme court at the first state election in 1889, and was re-elected in 1898. He married, Dec. 10, 1873, Viola Hull, of Walla Walla. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Alexander,''' wood engraver, was born in New York city April 21, 1775. He was graduated at Columbia college, M.D., 1796; began to engrave on metal at an early age, and turned his attention to wood engraving in 1798. He made his own tools and produced the first wood engravings in the United States. He confined himself to wood engraving from 1820, and was engraver for the American Tract society for several years. His work includes illustrations for Bewick's &quot;Birds;&quot; illustration for Webster's Speller, and forty engravings for an edition of Shakespeare. He died in New York city, Jan. 17, 1870. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Charles,''' governor of Ohio, was born at &quot;Soldiers' Retreat,&quot; Louisville, Ky., June 1, 1814, son of Robert Clough and Elizabeth (Clark) Anderson, and brother of Richard C. Anderson, United States minister to Colombia, and of Gen. Robert Anderson. He was graduated at Miami university in 1833, and in 1843 was admitted to the bar, establishing himself in practice at Dayton, O. He soon gained a wide practice and was appointed county attorney. In 1844 he became a member of the upper house of the state legislature, and after finishing his term went abroad. On his return he settled in Cincinnati, and practised there until 1859, when he purchased a farm in San Antonio, Texas, where he remained until the outbreak of the civil war. Returning to Ohio he volunteered in the Federal army and was appointed colonel of the 93d Ohio volunteers. He was severely wounded in the battle of Stone river, and resigned his commission, returning to Ohio, where in 1863 he was elected lieutenant-governor, with John Brough as governor. The death of the latter in 1865 gave the gubernatorial chair to Mr. Anderson. He died at Paducah, Ky., Sept. 2. 1895. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s8&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Charles Palmerston''', bishop-coadjutor of Chicago and 197th in succession in the American episcopate, was born in Kemptville, Ont., Sept. 8, 1863, son of Henry Anderson. He was educated at the university of Toronto; was admitted to the diaconate by the Bishop of Ontario in 1887, and advanced to the priesthood
&lt;section end=&quot;s8&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="5898" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Chiraq Bears&quot; /&gt;{{center|AMORY.{{gap|6em}}ANDERSON.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;of Indiana in 1839, '40, '43, '48. He engaged in civil engineering at Ripley, O., from 1855 to 1861, and when the civil war broke out he joined the army as captain of the 12th Ohio volunteers, serving in the campaigns of West Virginia, Tennessee and Mississippi. He gained the rank of brigadier-general of volunteers in July, 1862, and commanded the district of East Tennessee, when he resigned Jan. 14, 1865. He died Feb. 6, 1894. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''AMORY, Robert,''' physician, was born in Boston, May 3, 1842. He was graduated from Harvard university in 1863, and from Harvard medical school in 1866. He went directly to Europe to study, and on his return to America began the practice of medicine in Brookline, Mass. In 1869 he was appointed lecturer on the physiological action of drugs, at Harvard, and professor of physiology at Bowdoin college in the following year, resigning his chair in 1874. For six years he was medical examiner for Norfolk county. He also served as secretary of the Brookline school committee, and as president and manager of the Brookline gas-light company. Among his publications are, with Dr. E. H. Clarke, &quot;Physiological and Therapeutical Action of Bromides of Potassium and Ammonium&quot; (1872); and with Prof. Edward S. Wood, &quot;Wharton and Stille's Medical Jurisprudence,&quot; fourth and fifth edition (1882); &quot;Treatise on Electrolysis in Medicine,&quot; (1886). He also became a member of the Massachusetts Medical society and of the American Academy of Arts and Science. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''AMORY, Thomas Coffin,''' author, was born in Boston, Mass., Oct. 16, 1812. He was educated at Harvard college, and in 1834, was made a member of the Suffolk bar. He served in the legislature of Massachusetts, and in the municipal government of Boston during many years, and at the same time contributed articles to periodicals. His published works include: &quot;Life of James Sullivan,&quot; governor of Massachusetts (1858); &quot;The Military Service of Major-General John Sullivan&quot; (1868); &quot;Life of Sir Isaac Coffin; His English and American Ancestors&quot; (1886); and a number of poems and sketches published in magazines; and pamphlets on subjects incident to the times of the revolutionary war. His &quot;William Blaxton, Sole Inhabitant of Boston,&quot; was a poem written at the time of the threatened destruction of the Old South Church, Boston, and did much to save that historic landmark. He died Aug. 20, 1889. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''AMORY, Thomas J. C,''' soldier, was born in Massachusetts about 1830. He was graduated from West Point in 1851, afterwards serving in the Utah expedition, and on the frontier from 1851 to 1860. At the outbreak of the civil war, he was made colonel of the 17th Massachusetts volunteers. He took part in the operations in North Carolina, being regularly promoted in the United States army up to the rank of major, which he reached on Sept. 19, 1864, and was brevetted brigadier-general of volunteers, Oct. 1, 1864. He died of yellow fever in Newberne, N.C., Oct. 8, 1864. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERS, Thomas Jefferson,''' jurist, was born in Bloomville, Ohio, April 4, 1838. He was graduated at the University of Michigan LL.B. 1861; engaged in teaching school in the state of Wisconsin, and removed to Montana in 1864. He practised law in the territory 1864-71, and at Walla Walla, Washington, 1871-88. He became judge of the supreme court at the first state election in 1889, and was re-elected in 1898. He married, Dec. 10, 1873, Viola Hull, of Walla Walla. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Alexander,''' wood engraver, was born in New York city April 21, 1775. He was graduated at Columbia college, M.D., 1796; began to engrave on metal at an early age, and turned his attention to wood engraving in 1798. He made his own tools and produced the first wood engravings in the United States. He confined himself to wood engraving from 1820, and was engraver for the American Tract society for several years. His work includes illustrations for Bewick's &quot;Birds;&quot; illustration for Webster's Speller, and forty engravings for an edition of Shakespeare. He died in New York city, Jan. 17, 1870. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Charles,''' governor of Ohio, was born at &quot;Soldiers' Retreat,&quot; Louisville, Ky., June 1, 1814, son of Robert Clough and Elizabeth (Clark) Anderson, and brother of Richard C. Anderson, United States minister to Colombia, and of Gen. Robert Anderson. He was graduated at Miami university in 1833, and in 1843 was admitted to the bar, establishing himself in practice at Dayton, O. He soon gained a wide practice and was appointed county attorney. In 1844 he became a member of the upper house of the state legislature, and after finishing his term went abroad. On his return he settled in Cincinnati, and practised there until 1859, when he purchased a farm in San Antonio, Texas, where he remained until the outbreak of the civil war. Returning to Ohio he volunteered in the Federal army and was appointed colonel of the 93d Ohio volunteers. He was severely wounded in the battle of Stone river, and resigned his commission, returning to Ohio, where in 1863 he was elected lieutenant-governor, with John Brough as governor. The death of the latter in 1865 gave the gubernatorial chair to Mr. Anderson. He died at Paducah, Ky., Sept. 2. 1895. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s8&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Charles Palmerston''', bishop-coadjutor of Chicago and 197th in succession in the American episcopate, was born in Kemptville, Ont., Sept. 8, 1863, son of Henry Anderson. He was educated at the university of Toronto; was admitted to the diaconate by the Bishop of Ontario in 1887, and advanced to the priesthood
&lt;section end=&quot;s8&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu/108</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1923644</id>
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      <text bytes="5863" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Schroem2007&quot; /&gt;{{center|ANDERSON.{{gap|6em}}ANDERSON.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;in 1888. He married Sept. 4, 1889, Jane Glass, of Belleville. Ont. He was in charge of the church at Beachburg, Canada, 1888-91; and rector of Grace church, Oak Park, Chicago, III., 1891-1900. He was elected bishop-coadjutor of Chicago Jan. 9, 1900, and was consecrated Feb. 24, 1900, by Bishops McLaren, Gillespie, Seymour, Vincent, Grafton, Nicholson, White, Edsall, Morrison and Williams. He received the degree D.D. from the University of Toronto in 1900. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Edwin Hatfield,''' librarian, was born in Zionsville. Indiana, Sept. 37, 1861. He was graduated from Wabash college, Crawfordsville, Ind., in 1883, and received the degree of A.M. in 1887. Mr. Anderson won a prize in each year of his collegiate course, including the junior prize essay and the senior Baldwin prize oration. After leaving college he settled in Chicago and began the study of law, but his natural bent asserted itself, and he studied more literature than law, finally devoting himself to library science. He went to Albany, N. Y., and became a student in the library school, conducted by Professor Melvil Dewey, in the state library. He next accepted a position as an assistant in the Newberry library at Chicago. After a year so spent, Mr. Anderson was chosen librarian of the Carnegie free library, at Braddock, Pa., and took charge in May, 1892. In March, 1895, he was appointed librarian-in-chief of the new Carnegie library of Pittsburg. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Elbert Ellery,''' lawyer, was born in New York city, Oct. 31, 1833, and was graduated at Harvard college, 1852. He was admitted to the bar in 1854, and practised in New York city. He was one of three commissioners appointed by President Cleveland to examine into the relations of the Union Pacific and Central Pacific railways to the U. S. government, and wrote the majority report. He was for several years counsel to the committee which conducted successfully the re-organization of the Missouri, Kansas and Texas railway. He was originally a member of Tammany hall, but defected and aided in forming the county democracy, co-operating in the movement with W. C. Whitney, Abram S. Hewitt and Edward Cooper. In 1894 he was made receiver of the Chicago, Peoria, and St. Louis railroad. After determining the condition of the road he resigned the receivership in order to save to the creditors the expense of his salary, which was $6000 a year. In 1875 he was chosen one of the trustees of the public schools of New York city. He died in New York city, Feb. 24, 1903. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Galusha,''' educator, was born at Bergen, Genesee county, N. Y., March 7, 1832. His father was of Scotch descent, and a strict Presbyterian. The boy, becoming converted to the Baptist faith, determined to become a minister. He was graduated with high honors from the Rochester university in 1854, and from the theological seminary, Rochester, in 1856. He was ordained pastor and took charge of the Baptist church at Janesville, Wisconsin, the same year. His next pulpit was in St. Louis, from 1858 to 1866. In 1866 he went to Newton, Mass., as professor of homiletics in the theological seminary, remaining there for seven years. In 1873 he took charge of the Strong place church in Brooklyn, N.Y., where he preached five years, going thence to the Second Baptist church, Chicago, in 1876. In 1878 he was made president of the Chicago university, and for eight years he endeavored, faithfully, to establish the institution on a firm footing. In 1886 he resigned, and for a short time preached in Salem, giving up his church there to accept the presidency of Denison university, which position he filled very successfully until 1890. He afterwards accepted the chair of homiletics in the Divinity school of Chicago university. Dr. Anderson was given the degrees of D.D., 1866, and LL.D., 1884, by the University of Rochester. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, George B.,''' soldier, was born in Wilmington, N. C., Nov. 6, 1830. He received an appointment as cadet to the military academy and was graduated with the class of 1852 as brevet 2d lieutenant in the 2d dragoons. In 1855 he received his promotion as lieutenant, and in 1858 as adjutant. He remained in the army until the breaking out of the civil war, when he resigned to enter the Confederate service. He was there rapidly advanced to the rank of brigadier-general and directed the coast defences of North Carolina. At the battle of Antietam he received a wound, from the effects of which he died Oct. 16, 1862. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Henry James,''' educator, was born in New York city, Feb. 6, 1799. He was graduated at Columbia college in 1818, and at the college of physicians and surgeons in 1824. He was professor of mathematics and astronomy at Columbia college 1825-'43, professor emeritus 1866-'75, and a trustee 1851-'75. He was geologist on Lieutenant Lynch's expedition to the Red Sea, in 1848, and subsequently joined the scientific expedition sent to Australia to view the transit of Venus. He died at Lahore, India, Oct. 19, 1875.
&lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, James Patton,''' soldier, was born in Winchester, Tenn., Feb. 10, 1822; son of Col. William P. and Margaret L. (Adair) Anderson. He was graduated at Jefferson college, 
Canonsburg, Pa., in 1840, and in law at Frankfort, Ky., in 1842. He practised law in Hernando, Miss., 1842-'46; served in the Mexican war as lieutenant-colonel, 1846-'49; was a representative to the Mississippi legislature two terms; U. S. marshal, Washington Territory, 1853-'55; and a delegate to the 34th congress, 1855-'57; declined
&lt;section end=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="5864" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Chiraq Bears&quot; /&gt;{{center|ANDERSON.{{gap|6em}}ANDERSON.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;in 1888. He married Sept. 4, 1889, Jane Glass, of Belleville. Ont. He was in charge of the church at Beachburg, Canada, 1888-91; and rector of Grace church, Oak Park, Chicago, III., 1891-1900. He was elected bishop-coadjutor of Chicago Jan. 9, 1900, and was consecrated Feb. 24, 1900, by Bishops McLaren, Gillespie, Seymour, Vincent, Grafton, Nicholson, White, Édsall, Morrison and Williams. He received the degree D.D. from the University of Toronto in 1900. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Edwin Hatfield,''' librarian, was born in Zionsville. Indiana, Sept. 37, 1861. He was graduated from Wabash college, Crawfordsville, Ind., in 1883, and received the degree of A.M. in 1887. Mr. Anderson won a prize in each year of his collegiate course, including the junior prize essay and the senior Baldwin prize oration. After leaving college he settled in Chicago and began the study of law, but his natural bent asserted itself, and he studied more literature than law, finally devoting himself to library science. He went to Albany, N. Y., and became a student in the library school, conducted by Professor Melvil Dewey, in the state library. He next accepted a position as an assistant in the Newberry library at Chicago. After a year so spent, Mr. Anderson was chosen librarian of the Carnegie free library, at Braddock, Pa., and took charge in May, 1892. In March, 1895, he was appointed librarian-in-chief of the new Carnegie library of Pittsburg. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Elbert Ellery,''' lawyer, was born in New York city, Oct. 31, 1833, and was graduated at Harvard college, 1852. He was admitted to the bar in 1854, and practised in New York city. He was one of three commissioners appointed by President Cleveland to examine into the relations of the Union Pacific and Central Pacific railways to the U. S. government, and wrote the majority report. He was for several years counsel to the committee which conducted successfully the re-organization of the Missouri, Kansas and Texas railway. He was originally a member of Tammany hall, but defected and aided in forming the county democracy, co-operating in the movement with W. C. Whitney, Abram S. Hewitt and Edward Cooper. In 1894 he was made receiver of the Chicago, Peoria, and St. Louis railroad. After determining the condition of the road he resigned the receivership in order to save to the creditors the expense of his salary, which was $6000 a year. In 1875 he was chosen one of the trustees of the public schools of New York city. He died in New York city, Feb. 24, 1903. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Galusha,''' educator, was born at Bergen, Genesee county, N. Y., March 7, 1832. His father was of Scotch descent, and a strict Presbyterian. The boy, becoming converted to the Baptist faith, determined to become a minister. He was graduated with high honors from the Rochester university in 1854, and from the theological seminary, Rochester, in 1856. He was ordained pastor and took charge of the Baptist church at Janesville, Wisconsin, the same year. His next pulpit was in St. Louis, from 1858 to 1866. In 1866 he went to Newton, Mass., as professor of homiletics in the theological seminary, remaining there for seven years. In 1873 he took charge of the Strong place church in Brooklyn, N.Y., where he preached five years, going thence to the Second Baptist church, Chicago, in 1876. In 1878 he was made president of the Chicago university, and for eight years he endeavored, faithfully, to establish the institution on a firm footing. In 1886 he resigned, and for a short time preached in Salem, giving up his church there to accept the presidency of Denison university, which position he filled very successfully until 1890. He afterwards accepted the chair of homiletics in the Divinity school of Chicago university. Dr. Anderson was given the degrees of D.D., 1866, and LL.D., 1884, by the University of Rochester. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, George B.,''' soldier, was born in Wilmington, N. C., Nov. 6, 1830. He received an appointment as cadet to the military academy and was graduated with the class of 1852 as brevet 2d lieutenant in the 2d dragoons. In 1855 he received his promotion as lieutenant, and in 1858 as adjutant. He remained in the army until the breaking out of the civil war, when he resigned to enter the Confederate service. He was there rapidly advanced to the rank of brigadier-general and directed the coast defences of North Carolina. At the battle of Antietam he received a wound, from the effects of which he died Oct. 16, 1862. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Henry James,''' educator, was born in New York city, Feb. 6, 1799. He was graduated at Columbia college in 1818, and at the college of physicians and surgeons in 1824. He was professor of mathematics and astronomy at Columbia college 1825-'43, professor emeritus 1866-'75, and a trustee 1851-'75. He was geologist on Lieutenant Lynch's expedition to the Red Sea, in 1848, and subsequently joined the scientific expedition sent to Australia to view the transit of Venus. He died at Lahore, India, Oct. 19, 1875.
&lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s7&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, James Patton,''' soldier, was born in Winchester, Tenn., Feb. 10, 1822; son of Col. William P. and Margaret L. (Adair) Anderson. He was graduated at Jefferson college, 
Canonsburg, Pa., in 1840, and in law at Frankfort, Ky., in 1842. He practised law in Hernando, Miss., 1842-'46; served in the Mexican war as lieutenant-colonel, 1846-'49; was a representative to the Mississippi legislature two terms; U. S. marshal, Washington Territory, 1853-'55; and a delegate to the 34th congress, 1855-'57; declined
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    <title>Page:The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu/109</title>
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      <text bytes="5713" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Schroem2007&quot; /&gt;{{center|ANDERSON.{{gap|6em}}ANDERSON.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;the nomination for governor and removed to Monticello, Fla., where he resided, 1857-'61. He was a delegate to the state convention of 1861, and a representative in the provisional Confederate States congress, 1861. He was colonel, brigadier-general and major-general in the Confederate army, 1861-'65; won promotion for gallant conduct at Shiloh and Stone's river; commanded the military district of Florida; was severely wounded at Jonesboro, and commanded a division in the army of the Tennessee. He died at Memphis, Tenn., Sept. 20, 1872. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, James Wright,''' educator, was born near Pittsburg, Pa., April 1, 1831; son of Thomas and Esther (Wright) Anderson. He was graduated at Jefferson college, Canonsburg, Pa., in 1851, and removed to California, settling in Solano county, where he taught school. He was county superintendent of schools, 1855-'56, and president of Hesperian college, Woodland, near San Francisco, 1873-'90. He was state superintendent of public instruction 1891-'94, and was the chief promoter of the remarkable educational exhibit of the state at the Columbian exposition at Chicago in 1893. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, John A.,''' representative, was born in Washington county, Pa., June 16, 1834. He was graduated from Miami university in 1853, and in 1857 was ordained a Presbyterian minister, preaching in San Francisco. In 1862 he joined the army as chaplain of the 3d California infantry, and in the following year was appointed California agent of the United States sanitary commission, in which position he served until 1867. From 1873 to 1879 he held the presidency of the Kansas state agricultural college. In 1878 he was elected to represent his district in the 46th Congress, and was re-elected to the 47th, 48th, 49th, 50th and 51st congresses. In 1889 he was appointed United States consul-general at Cairo, Egypt, by President Harrison, remaining there until shortly before his death, which occurred in Liverpool, England, May 18, 1892. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, John Jacob,''' educator, was born in New York city, Sept. 30, 1821. He received his primary education at the New York public schools, and at Rutgers college. In 1845 he was appointed principal of one of the large public schools of New York city, and he held this position for upwards of twenty years, meanwhile having control of the evening schools in the city, and giving numerous lectures before educational bodies. It was while thus employed that he wrote his well-known series of school histories, which were literally a growth evolved out of his own experience as a teacher. His first volume — the &quot;Introductory School History of the United States&quot; — was not written for publication, but was arranged on the catechetical plan, copied by one pupil after another of the class he was fitting for the Free academy, and was used in manuscript. Mr. Anderson in this, his first book, was the pioneer in associating narrative with its geography. He was the first to insert in his books sectional maps covering every part of the story, and to recommend that these should be reproduced on blackboards, slates and paper, by the pupils. For his books exhibited at the International exposition in Paris in 1875, Dr. Anderson was awarded a medal, the only award made for school histories by the exhibition. The University of the city of New York in 1876 conferred upon him the degree of Ph.D. His publications include: &quot;Pictorial School History of the United States&quot; (1863); &quot;Introductory School History of the United States&quot; (1865); &quot;Common School History of the United States&quot;; &quot;Grammar School History of the United States&quot;; &quot;A Manual of General History&quot;; &quot;A School History of England&quot; (1870); &quot;The Historical Reader&quot; (1871); &quot;The United States Reader&quot; (1872); &quot;A New Manual of General History&quot; (1869); &quot;A Pictorial School History&quot;; &quot;A School History of France&quot;; &quot;The Historical Reader&quot; (1872); and &quot;A School History of Greece.&quot; 
&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Joseph,''' clergyman, was born in the Highlands of Scotland, Dec. 16, 1836. He removed with his parents to America in 1842, and afterwards resided in Astoria, N. Y., and in New York city. He passed from a New York public school to the College of the city of New York, and was graduated in 1854. He studied at the Union theological seminary and was ordained by the third presbytery of New York in 1858, pastor of the First Congregational church of Stamford, Conn. In 1861 he was called from Stamford to become pastor of the First church in Norwalk. In 1864 he went to Bath, Me., and in February, 1865, began his ministry with the First church in Waterbury, Conn. He was twice moderator of the general association, and once of the general conference, of the congregational church; received the degree of D.D. from Yale in 1878, and became a member of its corporation in 1884. He made a study of the American Indian, and published &quot;The Churches of Mattatuck&quot; (1892); &quot;History of Waterbury, Conn.,&quot; (1893-96) and historical papers. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Joseph,''' senator, was born at White Marsh, Pa., Nov. 5, 1757. He acquired a good education and studied law. Upon the outbreak of the Revolutionary war he was appointed an ensign in the New Jersey line. He was promoted captain and served in the battle of Monmouth; was with Sullivan in the Iroquois expedition, and was present at Valley Forge and in the siege of Yorktown, retiring at the close of the war with the brevet of major. He practised
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&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, James Wright,''' educator, was born near Pittsburg, Pa., April 1, 1831; son of Thomas and Esther (Wright) Anderson. He was graduated at Jefferson college, Canonsburg, Pa., in 1851, and removed to California, settling in Solano county, where he taught school. He was county superintendent of schools, 1855-'56, and president of Hesperian college, Woodland, near San Francisco, 1873-'90. He was state superintendent of public instruction 1891-'94, and was the chief promoter of the remarkable educational exhibit of the state at the Columbian exposition at Chicago in 1893. 
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&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, John A.,''' representative, was born in Washington county, Pa., June 16, 1834. He was graduated from Miami university in 1853, and in 1857 was ordained a Presbyterian minister, preaching in San Francisco. In 1862 he joined the army as chaplain of the 3d California infantry, and in the following year was appointed California agent of the United States sanitary commission, in which position he served until 1867. From 1873 to 1879 he held the presidency of the Kansas state agricultural college. In 1878 he was elected to represent his district in the 46th Congress, and was re-elected to the 47th, 48th, 49th, 50th and 51st congresses. In 1889 he was appointed United States consul-general at Cairo, Egypt, by President Harrison, remaining there until shortly before his death, which occurred in Liverpool, England, May 18, 1892. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, John Jacob,''' educator, was born in New York city, Sept. 30, 1821. He received his primary education at the New York public schools, and at Rutgers college. In 1845 he was appointed principal of one of the large public schools of New York city, and he held this position for upwards of twenty years, meanwhile having control of the evening schools in the city, and giving numerous lectures before educational bodies. It was while thus employed that he wrote his well-known series of school histories, which were literally a growth evolved out of his own experience as a teacher. His first volume — the &quot;Introductory School History of the United States&quot; — was not written for publication, but was arranged on the catechetical plan, copied by one pupil after another of the class he was fitting for the Free academy, and was used in manuscript. Mr. Anderson in this, his first book, was the pioneer in associating narrative with its geography. He was the first to insert in his books sectional maps covering every part of the story, and to recommend that these should be reproduced on blackboards, slates and paper, by the pupils. For his books exhibited at the International exposition in Paris in 1875, Dr. Anderson was awarded a medal, the only award made for school histories by the exhibition. The University of the city of New York in 1876 conferred upon him the degree of Ph.D. His publications include: &quot;Pictorial School History of the United States&quot; (1863); &quot;Introductory School History of the United States&quot; (1865); &quot;Common School History of the United States&quot;; &quot;Grammar School History of the United States&quot;; &quot;A Manual of General History&quot;; &quot;A School History of England&quot; (1870); &quot;The Historical Reader&quot; (1871); &quot;The United States Reader&quot; (1872); &quot;A New Manual of General History&quot; (1869); &quot;A Pictorial School History&quot;; &quot;A School History of France&quot;; &quot;The Historical Reader&quot; (1872); and &quot;A School History of Greece.&quot; 
&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Joseph,''' clergyman, was born in the Highlands of Scotland, Dec. 16, 1836. He removed with his parents to America in 1842, and afterwards resided in Astoria, N. Y., and in New York city. He passed from a New York public school to the College of the city of New York, and was graduated in 1854. He studied at the Union theological seminary and was ordained by the third presbytery of New York in 1858, pastor of the First Congregational church of Stamford, Conn. In 1861 he was called from Stamford to become pastor of the First church in Norwalk. In 1864 he went to Bath, Me., and in February, 1865, began his ministry with the First church in Waterbury, Conn. He was twice moderator of the general association, and once of the general conference, of the congregational church; received the degree of D.D. from Yale in 1878, and became a member of its corporation in 1884. He made a study of the American Indian, and published &quot;The Churches of Mattatuck&quot; (1892); &quot;History of Waterbury, Conn.,&quot; (1893-96) and historical papers. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Joseph,''' senator, was born at White Marsh, Pa., Nov. 5, 1757. He acquired a good education and studied law. Upon the outbreak of the Revolutionary war he was appointed an ensign in the New Jersey line. He was promoted captain and served in the battle of Monmouth; was with Sullivan in the Iroquois expedition, and was present at Valley Forge and in the siege of Yorktown, retiring at the close of the war with the brevet of major. He practised
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    <title>Page:The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu/110</title>
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&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Joseph Reid,''' soldier, was born at Walnut Hill, Va., Feb. 6, 1813. In 1832 he was appointed military cadet at West Point, and was graduated in 1836, being promoted in the army to 2d lieutenant of 3d artillery. He served as assistant engineer in the bureau at Washington, D. C., in 1836, and in building Fort Pulaski, Ga., 1836-'37. He resigned from the U.S. army Sept. 30, 1837, and became assistant engineer of the state of Virginia. From 1838 to 1841 he was chief engineer of the valley turnpike company, and from 1841 to 1861 was superintendent and proprietor of Tredegar iron manufactory and cannon foundry at Richmond, Va. He was elected to the Virginia house of delegates in 1852, holding the office three years. In 1861 he joined the Confederate army with the rank of brigadier-general, serving through the war in the ordnance department. In 1866 the United States government confiscated the Tredegar iron works, which had furnished most of the cannon and ammunition for the army of the confederacy. The company was re-organized in 1867, and General Anderson was chosen its president. He died at the Isles of Shoals, N.H., Sept. 7, 1892. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Martin Brewer,''' educator, was born at Brunswick, Me., Feb. 12, 1815. His father was of Scotch-Irish descent and his mother of English origin, a woman of marked intellectual qualities. After being graduated from Waterville college in 1840, he studied for a year in the theological Seminary at Newton, Mass. In 1841 he became tutor of Latin, Greek, and mathematics at Waterville college, where he was later appointed professor of rhetoric and lecturer on modern history, remaining there until 1850, when he removed to New York city and assumed the editorship of the New York Recorder, a weekly Baptist Journal. He was president of the University of Rochester, 1853-'88; professor of moral and intellectual philosophy, 1853-'87, and of political economy, 1887-'90. He was president of the American Baptist home missionary society, 1864; of the missionary union, 1869-'72; trustee of Vassar college, 1864-'90; trustee of the University of Rochester, 1887-'90, and member of the New York board of charities, 1868-'81. He received the degree LL.D. from Colby, 1853, and from the University of the State of New York, 1883, and L.H.D. from Columbia, 1887. He bequeathed his property to the University of Rochester. He married Elizabeth Gilbert, of New York. See his life by Asahel C. Kendrick (1895). His writings were edited by William C. Marcy (1895). He died at Lake Helen, Fla., Feb. 26, 1890. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Mary Antoinette,''' actress, was born at Sacramento, Cal., July 28, 1859. The next year her parents removed to Louisville, Ky., and her father became a soldier in the Confederate service. He died in Mobile, Ala., in 1863, being only twenty-nine years old.{{Img float
 | file     = Mary Antoinette Anderson, B &amp; W Illustration.png
 | width    = 150px
 | align    = right}} His widow married, in 1867, Dr. Hamilton Griffin, a practising physician of Louisville, and Mary was sent to the Ursuline convent to be educated under the care of the Presentation nuns. She made but small progress with her studies, and spent more time on Shakespeare than with her regular lessons. When but twelve years old she witnessed a fairy play, and decided that she would like to be an actress. A year later she saw Edwin Booth in Richard III. Her step-father encouraged the girl's ambition and directed her future education. She took lessons in music, literature and dancing. In 1874 she met Charlotte Cushman, and was advised by her to continue her study for the stage and &quot;to begin at the top.&quot; Early in 1875 she received a few preparatory lessons from Vandenhoff, and made her first public appearance at McCauley's theatre, Louisville, in the character of Juliet, Nov. 27, 1875. To obtain the use of the theatre she agreed to raise four hundred dollars, and so did by selling tickets about the city for three months previous to the performance. Despite her inexperience and extreme youth she was not made the subject of severe criticism, although her acting was crude, and, conscious of her faults, she labored assiduously to correct them. She was induced to go to St. Louis to fill an open date for Manager DeBar, who, by advertising her as a southern girl, &quot;daughter of a Confederate soldier killed in battle,&quot; and thus appealing to public sentiment and curiosity, made the engagement a success, which induced Manager Morton to en-
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&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Joseph Reid,''' soldier, was born at Walnut Hill, Va., Feb. 6, 1813. In 1832 he was appointed military cadet at West Point, and was graduated in 1836, being promoted in the army to 2d lieutenant of 3d artillery. He served as assistant engineer in the bureau at Washington, D. C., in 1836, and in building Fort Pulaski, Ga., 1836-'37. He resigned from the U.S. army Sept. 30, 1837, and became assistant engineer of the state of Virginia. From 1838 to 1841 he was chief engineer of the valley turnpike company, and from 1841 to 1861 was superintendent and proprietor of Tredegar iron manufactory and cannon foundry at Richmond, Va. He was elected to the Virginia house of delegates in 1852, holding the office three years. In 1861 he joined the Confederate army with the rank of brigadier-general, serving through the war in the ordnance department. In 1866 the United States government confiscated the Tredegar iron works, which had furnished most of the cannon and ammunition for the army of the confederacy. The company was re-organized in 1867, and General Anderson was chosen its president. He died at the Isles of Shoals, N.H., Sept. 7, 1892. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Martin Brewer,''' educator, was born at Brunswick, Me., Feb. 12, 1815. His father was of Scotch-Irish descent and his mother of English origin, a woman of marked intellectual qualities. After being graduated from Waterville college in 1840, he studied for a year in the theological Seminary at Newton, Mass. In 1841 he became tutor of Latin, Greek, and mathematics at Waterville college, where he was later appointed professor of rhetoric and lecturer on modern history, remaining there until 1850, when he removed to New York city and assumed the editorship of the ''New York Recorder'', a weekly Baptist Journal. He was president of the University of Rochester, 1853-'88; professor of moral and intellectual philosophy, 1853-'87, and of political economy, 1887-'90. He was president of the American Baptist home missionary society, 1864; of the missionary union, 1869-'72; trustee of Vassar college, 1864-'90; trustee of the University of Rochester, 1887-'90, and member of the New York board of charities, 1868-'81. He received the degree LL.D. from Colby, 1853, and from the University of the State of New York, 1883, and L.H.D. from Columbia, 1887. He bequeathed his property to the University of Rochester. He married Elizabeth Gilbert, of New York. See his life by Asahel C. Kendrick (1895). His writings were edited by William C. Marcy (1895). He died at Lake Helen, Fla., Feb. 26, 1890. 
&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''ANDERSON, Mary Antoinette,''' actress, was born at Sacramento, Cal., July 28, 1859. The next year her parents removed to Louisville, Ky., and her father became a soldier in the Confederate service. He died in Mobile, Ala., in 1863, being only twenty-nine years old.{{Img float
 | file     = Mary Antoinette Anderson, B &amp; W Illustration.png
 | width    = 150px
 | align    = right}} His widow married, in 1867, Dr. Hamilton Griffin, a practising physician of Louisville, and Mary was sent to the Ursuline convent to be educated under the care of the Presentation nuns. She made but small progress with her studies, and spent more time on Shakespeare than with her regular lessons. When but twelve years old she witnessed a fairy play, and decided that she would like to be an actress. A year later she saw Edwin Booth in Richard III. Her step-father encouraged the girl's ambition and directed her future education. She took lessons in music, literature and dancing. In 1874 she met Charlotte Cushman, and was advised by her to continue her study for the stage and &quot;to begin at the top.&quot; Early in 1875 she received a few preparatory lessons from Vandenhoff, and made her first public appearance at McCauley's theatre, Louisville, in the character of Juliet, Nov. 27, 1875. To obtain the use of the theatre she agreed to raise four hundred dollars, and so did by selling tickets about the city for three months previous to the performance. Despite her inexperience and extreme youth she was not made the subject of severe criticism, although her acting was crude, and, conscious of her faults, she labored assiduously to correct them. She was induced to go to St. Louis to fill an open date for Manager DeBar, who, by advertising her as a southern girl, &quot;daughter of a Confederate soldier killed in battle,&quot; and thus appealing to public sentiment and curiosity, made the engagement a success, which induced Manager Morton to en-
&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 9.djvu/230</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1941636</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506931</id>
      <parentid>7943248</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:07:52Z</timestamp>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="8417" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|{{x-larger|220}}|{{x-larger|FIN — FIN}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Finland&quot; /&gt;Lönnrot wandered from place to place in the most remote 
districts, living with the peasantry, and taking down from 
their lips all that they knew of their popular songs. After 
unwearied diligence he was successful in collecting 12,000 
lines. These he arranged as methodically as he could into 
thirty-two runes or cantos, which he published exactly as 
he heard them sung or chanted. Continuing his researches, 
Dr Lönnrot published in 1849 a new edition of 22,793 
verses, in 50 runes. The importance of this indigenous 
epic, as it may be fairly styled, was at once recognized in 
Europe, and translations were made into Swedish, German, 
and French. A few specimens have also been translated 
into English by the late Professor A. Porter, of Yale 
College, and published at New York (1868). The best 
foreign editions are those of Castren in Swedish (1844), 
Leouzon le Duc in French (1845 and 1868), Schiefner in 
German (1852). The poem has besides given rise to a
considerable amount of critical literature, which is worthy of 
the attention of the comparative mythologist. The poem is 
written in eight-syllabled trochaic verse, and an idea of its 
style may be obtained from Longfellow's ''Hiawatha'', which is 
a pretty true imitation of the Finnish epic. Of the merits 
and importance of the poem Professor Max Müller, than whom 
there could be no better judge, speaks thus:—“From the 
mouths of the aged an epic poem has been collected, equalling
the ''Iliad'' in length and completeness; nay—if we can 
forget for a moment all that we in our youth learned to call 
beautiful—not less beautiful. A Finn is not a Greek, and 
a Wainamoinen was not a Homer. But if the poet may take 
his colours from that nature by which he is surrounded, if 
he may depict the men with whom he lives, ''Kalewala'' 
possesses merits not dissimilar from those of the ''Iliad'', and 
will claim its place as the fifth national epic of the world, 
side by side with the Ionian songs, with the ''Mahábhárata'', 
the ''Shahnámeh'', and the ''Nibelunge''.” The ''Kalewala'' is 
concerned entirely with the mythology or folk-lore of the 
people. In the story there is a certain unity of plot, 
though the various parts are not perfectly homogeneous, 
and are evidently the product of different minds at different 
times, the various songs having evidently received additions 
in course of time. Indeed, it is probable that the origin 
of the songs must be sought for in a time when the various 
branches of the Finns were not so scattered as they are now, 
certainly before their conversion to Christianity, though 
in the conclusion there seem to be one or two allusions to 
Christian subjects. The poem takes its name from the 
three heroes of Kaleva, the land of plenty and happiness, 
Wåinåmöinen, Ilmarinen, and Lemmin-Kåinen; it is the 
struggles of these with Louhi, Hüse, Yorukahainen, and 
others from Pohjola, a land of the cold north, and from 
Luonela, the land of death, that are sung. The poem 
begins with the creation of the world, and after many 
varied events, ends in the triumph of Wåinåmöinen and 
his followers. At the time that Dr Lönnrot collected the 
Kalewala songs he also collected a considerable quantity of 
lyric poetry, which he published under the name of ''Kanteletar'',
from the name of the national instrument to which they 
are sung—''Kantele'', a species of harp with five strings. Of 
recent poets the most popular seems to be Paavo Korrhoinen, 
a peasant whose productions are characterized by sharp and 
biting sarcasm. His songs were published at Helsingfors 
in 1848. Other modern poets are Marteska, Kettunen, 
Ilahainen, Oksaselta. The Finns are strong in proverbs, 
Lönnrot having published a collection of upwards of 7000, 
with about 2000 charades, while considerable collections 
of legends and tales have been published. 

The first book printed in Finnish was in the middle of 
the 16th century, and was probably the ''Abecedarium'' (1543) 
of Michael Agricola, bishop of Åbo. A translation of the 
New Testament by the same bishop appeared in 1548, at 
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
Stockholm. The whole Bible was not translated into 
Finnish till 1642. Even during last, but especially during 
the present century, there has been considerable literary 
activity in Finland, so that now books in almost every 
branch of research are found in the language, mainly
translations or adaptations. We meet with, during the present 
century, a considerable number of names of poets and 
dramatists, no doubt very minor, as also painters, sculptors, 
and musical composers. At the Paris International Exhibition
of 1878 several native Finnish painters and sculptors 
exhibited works which would do credit to any country; 
and both in the fine and applied arts Finland occupied a 
position thoroughly creditable. An important contribution 
to a history of Finnish literature is Krohn's ''Suomenkielinen'' 
''runollisuns ruotsinvallan aikana'' (1862). Finland is
wonderfully rich in periodicals of all kinds, the publications of 
the Finnish Societies of Literature and of Sciences and 
other learned bodies being specially valuable. The Finnish 
Literary Society has within the last few years published a 
new edition of the works of the father of Finnish history, 
Henry Gabriel Porthan (died 1804). A valuable handbook 
of Finnish history was published at Helsingfors in 1869-73,
by Yrjö Koskinen, and has been translated into both 
Swedish and German. The author, however, is understood 
to be really a Swede, whose name is Georg Forsman, the 
above form being a Finnish translation. Other works on 
Finnish history have also appeared within the last four or 
five years. Some important works in Finnish geography 
have also appeared during the same period. In language 
we have Lönnrot's great Finnish-Swedish dictionary, now 
being published by the Finnish Literary Society. In this 
connexion the student may be glad to know of Dr Donner's 
''Comparative Dictionary of the Finno-Ugric Languages'' 
(Helsingfors and Leipsic), in German. In other departments
works of importance have not been infrequent 
during the present decade; most of them apparently are in 
Swedish. A valuable sketch of recent Finnish literature 
will be found in the ''Russische Revue'' (iv. Jahrgang, 4 and 
6 Hefte). ([[Author:John Scott Keltie|{{asc|J. S. K.}}]]) 
&lt;section end=&quot;Finland&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Finlay, George&quot; /&gt;
FINLAY, {{sc|George}} (1799-1875), the historian of Greece 
“from its conquest by the Romans to the present time,” 
was born of Scottish parents at Faversham, Kent, on the 
21st of December 1799. His father, Major John Finlay, 
R.E., F.R.S., who had held for some time the post of 
inspector of the Government powder-mills at Faversham and 
Waltham Abbey, died when George was still very young 
(1802); but the boy has left on record how his interest in 
historical studies was awakened at a very early age by the 
manner in which his mother used to explain the history of 
England. On the second marriage of his mother, he was 
sent to a boarding-school near Liverpool, where he spent 
three years,—not very profitably, according to his own 
account. Afterwards his education was continued in more 
favourable circumstances under a private tutor in the house 
of his uncle, Mr Kirkman Finlay, who at that time sat as 
member of parliament for the Glasgow district of burghs. 
While making good progress in his literary education, he at 
the same time laid up pleasant and life-long memories of 
the boating, fishing, and pedestrian excursions for which 
the picturesque shores of the Firth of Clyde offer so many 
delightful facilities. At one time he had entertained 
thoughts of entering the army; but having been dissuaded 
from this by his friends, he ultimately, at the close of his 
university curriculum in arts, made choice of the legal
profession. He received his preliminary technical training in 
a writer's office in Glasgow, and, when little over twenty 
years of age, went to Göttingen to complete his studies in 
Roman law. But before this time he had begun to feel a 
deep interest in the contemporary affairs of Greece, and at 
the Hanoverian university he was wholly unable to {{hyphenated word start|with|withdraw}}&lt;section end=&quot;Finlay, George&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 12.djvu/637</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1946592</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506925</id>
      <parentid>7942977</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:06:33Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="10446" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{x-larger|ICELAND}}|{{x-larger|619}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The state church of Iceland is the Lutheran; and all the 
Icelanders, without exception, belong to it. One bishop 
and 141 clergymen minister to the spiritual wants of the 
islanders. The bishop is appointed by the king. The 
parishes are 290, but the livings are only 141, from which 
it may be seen that many ministers have to serve two, and 
some even three parishes. The king appoints some of the 
ministers, and the governor-general others, with the advice 
of the bishop. The ministers are paid partly from the 
revenues of church property, and partly from tithes. 

{{EB9 Margin Note|Education.|6em}}
The Icelanders have long been famous for their education 
and learning, and it is no exaggeration to say that in no 
other country is such an amount of information found 
among the classes which occupy a similar position. A 
child of ten unable to read is not to be found from one 
end of the island to another. A peasant understanding 
several languages is no rarity, and the amount of general 
information which they possess might be envied by many 
who have had greater facilities for acquiring knowledge. 
Till within the last few years there were no elementary 
schools in the island; all children were taught by their 
parents or near neighbours. Now a few elementary 
schools have been started, but their number is still too 
small to make any general difference in the education. 
For classical and general education there is a college at 
Reykjavik, with seven professors and about one hundred 
students. There is also a college for ministers, with three 
professors. The general physician of the island, assisted by 
two medical men, gives lectures to medical students; but 
those who propose to enter the legal profession have to 
attend the university of Copenhagen. 

{{EB9 Margin Note|National characteristics.|9em}}
There is less difference in the material prosperity of the 
Icelanders than in that of the inhabitants of more advanced 
countries. One does not find the abject poverty so often 
seen in large towns and among the agricultural population 
of some of the most civilized countries of Europe. On the 
other hand, wealthy men, or owners of extensive properties, 
are unknown, the richest man in Iceland deriving only 
£300 a year from his property. Although no abject 
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
poverty is seen, there are more paupers comparatively than 
in more populous countries, and the poor-rates in many 
parishes exceed all the other taxes put together. The 
Icelanders are often too liberal in granting relief, which 
in many cases breeds idleness, carelessness, and want of 
forethought. It is also to be noticed that in few countries 
is it so easy to live with as little labour as in Iceland. 
On account of the climate, out-of-door work cannot be 
conducted for more than five months of the year at most, 
but even this time is not used, with so much energy and 
skill as it might be. The haymaking, carried on for two 
months in the year, is the only work which is prosecuted 
with anything like energy. Fishing is prosecuted not 
continuously but periodically. The want of activity among 
the Icelanders is to be ascribed partly to their slow
temperament, and partly to their utter want of training. They 
are very fond of gathering any amount of miscellaneous 
information, but their want of training prevents them 
from turning it to practical account. There is no doubt 
that they are endowed with intellectual faculties of a 
superior kind, and, with proper training, might make far 
more of their country than they do at present. It appears 
that the island could easily support eight times the number 
of the present population, if its resources were properly 
developed. Crime is rare; and the moral character of the 
Icelanders is about the same as that of the other countries 
of the north.

The census of 1870 returned the population of the island 
as 69,763. In 1801 the population was only 46,240; in 
1880 it is estimated to have increased to 73,000. The 
birth-rate is about 33 per thousand, and the death-rate 24. 
Nearly the whole of the population live on isolated farms, 
the number of each family, including servants, being on an 
average seven. The chief town or village is Reykjavík, 
with about 2500 inhabitants. It is the seat of the 
governor-general, the bishop, the colleges, and the superior 
court. In the north-west is Isafjörður, with about 400 
inhabitants, and in the north Akureyri, with the same 
number. ([[Author:J. A. Hjaltalin|{{asc|J. A. H.}}]])

{{c|{{EB1911 Fine Print|''Table of Icelandic Literature and History.''}}}}
{|align=&quot;center&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; rules=&quot;cols&quot; border=&quot;1&quot; style=&quot;font-size: 90%&quot;
|&amp;nbsp;
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|I. ''The Commonwealth.'' 400 ''years.''
|-
|rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot;
|rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|&amp;nbsp;Heroic Age.
|rowspan=&quot;3&quot; align=&quot;right&quot;|{{brace2|2|l}}
|{{nowrap|&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;870-&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;930&amp;nbsp;}}
|-
|&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;930-&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;980&amp;nbsp;
|-
|{{nowrap|&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;980-1030&amp;nbsp;}}
|}
|&amp;nbsp;Poetry of Western Islands.
|&amp;nbsp;Settlement by colonists from Western Isles and Norway.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Early Icelandic poets, chiefly abroad.
|&amp;nbsp;Constitution worked out&amp;mdash;Events of earlier sagas take place.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Icelandic poets abroad.
|&amp;nbsp;Christianity comes in&amp;mdash;Events of later sagas take place.
|-
|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; style=&quot;height: 3em&quot;
|&amp;nbsp;Saga Telling.
|align=&quot;right&quot;|{{nowrap|1030-1100&amp;nbsp;}}
|}
|&amp;nbsp;''First era of phonetic change.''
|&amp;nbsp;Peace&amp;mdash;Ecclesiastical organization.
|-
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot;|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot;
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot;|
{|
|align=&quot;center&quot;|The Literary&lt;br&gt;Age.
|}
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot; align=&quot;right&quot;|{{brace2|3|l}}
|{{nowrap|1100-1150&amp;nbsp;}}
|-
|1150-1220&amp;nbsp;
|-
|1220-1248&amp;nbsp;
|-
|{{nowrap|1248-1284&amp;nbsp;}}
|}
|{{nowrap|&amp;nbsp;{{sc|Ari}} and his school&amp;mdash;{{sc|Thorodd}}&amp;mdash;Vernacular writing begins.&amp;nbsp;}}
|&amp;nbsp;
|-
|&amp;nbsp;{{sc|Saga-Writers}}&amp;mdash;Second generation of historians.
|&amp;nbsp;First civil wars&amp;mdash;1208-22&amp;mdash;Rise of Sturlungs.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;{{sc|Snorri}} and his school&amp;mdash;Biographers.
|&amp;nbsp;Second civil wars, 1226-58&amp;mdash;Fall of Great Houses.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;{{sc|Sturla}}&amp;mdash;''Second era of phonetic change.''
|&amp;nbsp;Change of law, 1271&amp;mdash;Submission to Norwegian kings.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|II. ''Mediævalism.'' 250 ''years.''
|-
|rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot;
|rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|
{|
|align=&quot;center&quot;|Continental&lt;br&gt;Influence&lt;br&gt;chiefly&amp;nbsp;Norse.
|}
|rowspan=&quot;3&quot; align=&quot;right&quot;|{{brace2|2|l}}
|{{nowrap|1284-1320&amp;nbsp;}}
|-
|1320-1390&amp;nbsp;
|-
|1390-1413&amp;nbsp;
|}
|&amp;nbsp;Collecting and editing&amp;mdash;Foreign romances.
|&amp;nbsp;Foreign influence through Norway.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Annalists&amp;mdash;Copyists&amp;mdash;New Mediæval poetry begins.
|&amp;nbsp;Great eruptions, 1362 and 1389&amp;mdash;Epidemics&amp;mdash;Danish rule, 1380.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Death of old  traditions, &amp;amp;c.
|&amp;nbsp;Epidemics&amp;mdash;Norse trade&amp;mdash;Close of intercourse with Norway.
|-
|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; style=&quot;height: 3em&quot;
|&amp;nbsp;Dark Age.
|align=&quot;right&quot;|1413-1530&amp;nbsp;
|}
|&amp;nbsp;Only Mediæval poetry flourishes.
|&amp;nbsp;Isolation from Continent&amp;mdash;English trade.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|III. ''Reformation&amp;mdash;Absolute Rule&amp;mdash;Decay.'' 320 ''years.''
|-
|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; style=&quot;height: 3em&quot;
|&amp;nbsp;Reformation.
|align=&quot;right&quot;|1530-1575&amp;nbsp;
|}
|&amp;nbsp;{{sc|Odd}}&amp;mdash;Printing&amp;mdash;''Third era of phonetic change.''
|&amp;nbsp;Religious struggle&amp;mdash;New organization&amp;mdash;Hanse trade.
|-
|rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot;
|rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|&amp;nbsp;Renaissance.
|rowspan=&quot;2&quot; align=&quot;right&quot;|{{brace2|1|l}}
|1575-1640&amp;nbsp;
|-
|1640-1700&amp;nbsp;
|}
|&amp;nbsp;First antiquarians.
|&amp;nbsp;Danish monopoly&amp;mdash;Pirates&amp;rsquo; ravages.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;{{sc|Hallgrim}}&amp;mdash;Paper copies taken.
|&amp;nbsp;
|-
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot;|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot;
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|Gradual&lt;br&gt;Decay.
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot; align=&quot;right&quot;|{{brace2|5|l}}
|1700-1730&amp;nbsp;
|-
|1730-1768&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;
|-
|1768-1800&amp;nbsp;
|-
|1800-1850&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;
|}
|&amp;nbsp;{{sc|Jon Widalin}}&amp;mdash;Arni Magnusson&amp;mdash;MSS. taken abroad.
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot;|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot;
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|&amp;nbsp;Increasing&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;Decay.
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot;|{{brace2|5|l}}
|&amp;nbsp;Smallpox kills one-third population, 1707.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Great famine, 10,000 die, 1759&amp;mdash;Sheep plague, 1762&lt;br&gt;{{gap}}&amp;mdash;Eruption, 1765.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Great eruption, 1783.
|-
|{{nowrap|&amp;nbsp;Beginnings of recovery&amp;mdash;Travellers make known island to Europe&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;br&gt;{{gap}}&amp;mdash;Free constitution in Denmark, 1848.
|}
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Eggert Olafsson.&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Finn Jonsson&amp;mdash;Icelandic scholars abroad.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;Rationalistic movement&amp;mdash;European influences first felt.&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;
|-
|&amp;nbsp;
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|IV. ''Modern Iceland.''
|-
|rowspan=&quot;2&quot; valign=&quot;top&quot;|
{|width=&quot;100%&quot; cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot;
|rowspan=&quot;2&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|&amp;nbsp;Recovery of&lt;br&gt;Iceland.
|rowspan=&quot;2&quot; align=&quot;right&quot;|{{brace2|1|l}}
|1850-1874&amp;nbsp;
|-
|1874
|}
|valign=&quot;top&quot;|&amp;nbsp;Modern thought and learning&amp;mdash;Icelandic scholars abroad.
|&amp;nbsp;Increasing wealth and population&amp;mdash;Free trade, 1854&lt;br&gt;{{gap}}&amp;mdash;Jon Sigurdsson and home rule struggle&amp;mdash;Emigration.
|-
|&amp;nbsp;
|&amp;nbsp;Home rule granted.
|}

&lt;!-- column 1 --&gt;
{{c|{{EB1911 Fine Print|{{sc|History.}}}}}}

{{EB1911 Fine Print|With its isolated situation, inclement climate, scant natural 
advantages, and sparse population, Iceland is yet of high interest to 
the historian, philologist, and ''litterateur''. To the first the excellence 
and exactitude of its historical records, the curious phases of life to 
which they bear witness, and the singular circumstances which have 
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
determined the existence and life of the Teutonic community for a 
thousand years apart from the rest of the European family, are all 
attractive. By the philologist the island is reverenced as the home 
of a tongue which (though like our own it has suffered deep phonetic 
change) yet most nearly represents in a living form the tongue of 
our earliest Teutonic forefathers. And by many more than these 
students Iceland is fondly regarded as the land where, long before}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 26.djvu/73</title>
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        <id>522506</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>qud→''quâ''; add missing italics; ndash for date ranges; curly apostrophes; other typo fixes</comment>
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      <text bytes="9242" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading| |SULLIVAN, J.|SULLY, JAMES|57}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;by it. He was always a devoted and an industrious musician, and from the day he left Leipzig his influence was powerfully exerted in favour of a wider and fuller recognition of musical culture. He was accused in some quarters of being unsympathetic towards Wagner and the post-Wagnerians, yet he had been one of the first to introduce Wagner’s music to English audiences. He was keenly appreciative of new talent, but his tastes were too eclectic to satisfy the enthusiasts for any particular school; he certainly had no liking for what he considered uninspired academic writing. Serious critics deplored, with more justification, that he should have devoted so much of his great natural gift not merely to light comic opera, but to the production of a number of songs which, though always musicianly, were really of the nature of “pot-boiling.” Sullivan was an extremely rapid worker, and his fertility in melody made it easy for him to produce what would please a large public. Moreover, it must be admitted that his great social success, so early achieved, was not calculated to nourish a rigidly artistic ideal. But when all is said, his genius remains undisputed; and it was a genius essentially English. His church music alone would entitle him to a high place among composers; and ''The Golden Legend'', ''Ivanhoe''; the ''In Memoriam'' overture, the “Irish” symphony and the charming “incidental music” to ''The Tempest'' and to ''Henry&amp;nbsp;VIII''. form 
a splendid legacy of creative effort, characterized by the highest 
scholarly qualities in addition to those beauties which appeal to every ear. Whether his memory will be chiefly associated with these works, or rather with the world-wide popularity of some of his songs and comic operas, time alone can tell. The Savoy operas did not aim at intellectual or emotional grandeur, but at providing innocent and wholesome pleasure; and in giving musical form to Gilbert’s witty librettos Sullivan showed once for all what light opera may be when treated by the hand of a master. His scores are as humorous and fanciful ''quâ'' music as Gilbert’s verses are ''quâ'' dramatic literature. Bubbling melody, consummate orchestration, lovely song’s and concerted pieces (notably the famous vocal quintets) flowed from his pen in unexhausted and inimitable profusion. If he had written nothing else, his unique success in this field would have been a solid title to fame. As it was, it is Sir Arthur Sullivan’s special distinction not only to have been prolific in music which went straight to the hearts of the people, but to have enriched the English repertoire with acknowledged masterpieces, which are no less remarkable for their technical accomplishment. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See also ''Sir Arthur Sullivan: Life-story'', ''Letters'', ''and Reminiscences'', by Arthur Lawrence (London: Bowden, 1899). Besides being largely autobiographical, this volume contains a complete list of Sullivan’s works, compiled by Mr Wilfrid Bendall, who for many years acted as Sir Arthur’s private secretary.
{{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|Hugh Chisholm|H. Ch.}}}}}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''SULLIVAN, JOHN''' (1740–1795), American soldier and political leader, was born in Somersworth, New Hampshire, on the 18th of February 1740. He studied law in Portsmouth, N.H., and practised at Berwick, Maine, and at Durham, N.H. He was a member of the New Hampshire Provincial Assembly in 1774, and in 1774–1775 was a delegate to the Continental Congress. In 1772 he had been commissioned a major of New Hampshire militia, and on the 15th of December 1774 he and John Langdon led an expedition which captured Fort William and Mary at New Castle. Sullivan was appointed a brigadier-general in the Continental army in June 1775 and. a major-general in August 1776. He commanded a brigade in the siege of Boston. In June 1776 he took command of the American army in Canada and after an unsuccessful skirmish with the British at Three Rivers (June 8) retreated to Crown Point. Rejoining Washington’s army, he served under General Israel Putnam in the battle of Long Island (August 27) and was taken prisoner. Released on parole, he bore a verbal message from Lord Howe to the Continental Congress, which led to the fruitless conference on Staten Island. In December he was exchanged, succeeded General Charles Lee in command of the right wing of Washington’s army, in the battle of Trenton led an attack on the Hessians, and led a night attack against British and Loyalists on Staten Island, on the 22nd of August 1777. In the battle of 
&lt;!-- col break --&gt;
Brandywine (Sept. 11, 1777) he again commanded the American right; he took part in the battle of Germantown (Oct. 4, 1777); in March 1778 he was placed in command in Rhode Island, and in the following summer plans were made for his co-operation with the French fleet under Count d’Estaing in an attack on Newport, which came to nothing. Sullivan after a brief engagement (Aug. 29) at Quaker Hill, at the N. end of the island of Rhode Island, was obliged to retreat. In 1779 Sullivan, with about 4000 men, defeated the Iroquois and their Loyalist allies at Newtown (now Elmira), New York, on the 29th of August, burned their villages, and destroyed their orchards and crops. Although severely criticised for his conduct of the expedition, he received, in October 1779, the thanks of Congress. In November he resigned from the army. Sullivan was again a delegate to the Continental Congress in 1780–1781 and, having accepted a loan from the French minister, Chevalier de la Luzerne, he was charged with being influenced by the French in voting not to make the right to the north-east fisheries a condition of peace. From 1782 to 1785 he was attorney-general of New Hampshire. He was president of the state in 1786–1787 and in 1789, and in 1786 suppressed an insurrection at Exeter immediately preceding the Shays Rebellion in Massachusetts. He presided over the New Hampshire convention which ratified the Federal constitution in June 1788. From 1789 until his death at Durham, on the 23rd of January 1795, he was United States District Judge for New Hampshire. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See O. W. B. Peabody, &quot;Life of John Sullivan&quot; in Jared Sparks’s ''Library of American Biography'', vol. iii. (Boston, 1844); T. C. Amory, ''General John Sullivan, A Vindication of his Character as a Soldier and a Patriot'' (Morrisania, N.Y., 1867); John Scales, &quot;Master John Sullivan of Somersworth and Berwick and his Family,&quot; in the ''Proceedings of the New Hampshire Historical Society'', vol. iv. (Concord, 1906); and ''Journals of the Military Expedition of Major-General John Sullivan against the Six Nations of Indians'' (Auburn, N. Y., 1887).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;'''SULLIVAN, THOMAS BARRY''' (1824–1891), Irish actor, was born at Birmingham, and made his first stage appearance at Cork about 1840. His earliest successes were in romantic drama, for which his graceful figure and youthful enthusiasm fitted him. His first London appearance was in 1852 in Hamlet, and he was also successful as Angiolo in Miss Vandenhoff’s ''Woman’s Heart'', Evelyn in ''Money'' and Hardman in Lord Lytton’s ''Not so Bad as we Seem''. Claude Melnotte—with Helen Faucit as Pauline—was also a notable performance. A tour of America in 1857 preceded his going to Australia (1861) for six years, as actor and manager. He completed a trip round the world in 1866. From 1868–1870 he managed the Holbom theatre, where Beverley in The Gamester was one of his most powerful impersonations. Afterwards he travelled over the United States, Canada, Australia and England. Among his later London performances were several Shakespearian parts, his best, perhaps, being Richard&amp;nbsp;III. He was the Benedick of the cast of ''Much Ado About Nothing'' with which the Shakespeare Memorial was opened at Stratford-on-Avon. He died on the 3rd of May 1891.

&lt;section end=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''SULLY, JAMES''' (1842–{{gap}}), English psychologist, was born on the 3rd of March 1842 at Bridgwater, and was educated at the Independent College, Taunton, the Regent’s Park College, Göttingen and Berlin. He was originally destined for the Nonconformist ministry, but in 1871 adopted a literary and philosophic career. He was Grote professor of the philosophy of mind logic at University College, London, from 1892 to 1903, when he was succeeded by Carveth Read. An adherent of the associationist school of psychology, his views had great affinity with those of Alexander Bain. His monographs, as that on pessimism, are ably and readably written, and his textbooks, of which ''The Human Mind'' (1892) is the most important, are models of sound exposition. 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|{{sc|Works}}.—''Sensation and Intuition'' (1874), ''Pessimism'' (1877), ''Illusions'' (1881; 4th ed., 1895), ''Outlines of Psychology'' (1884; many editions), ''Teacher’s Handbook of Psychology'' (1886), ''Studies of Childhood'' (1895), ''Children’s Ways'' (1897), and ''An Essay on Laughter'' (1902).}}&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>historigues -&gt; historiques</comment>
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      <text bytes="11336" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;PBS&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{em|2.4}}|{{x-larger|TEMPLARS}}|{{x-larger|599}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Templars&quot; /&gt;order.&lt;ref&gt;F. J. M. Raynouard, ''Monuments historiques, relatifs à la condamnation
des chevaliers du Temple'', &amp;c. (Paris, 1813).&lt;/ref&gt; The challenge was taken up, among others, by the famous
orientalist Friedrich von Hammer-Purgstall, who in 1818 published
his ''Mysterium Baphometis revelatum'',&lt;ref&gt;In vol. vi. of ''Fundgruben des''
''Orients'' (Vienna, 1818). In reply
to his critics Hammer published in 1855 his “Die Schuld der
Templer” (K. ''Akad. zu Wien Denkschrift.'', vi.), in which he reproduced
drawings of two remarkable caskets, sculptured with Gnostic
pictures, from the former collection of the duc de Blacas, said to
have been found on the sites of Temples. To the present writer
the evidence that any of these objects had been connected with the
Templars seemed singularly unconvincing even before he had seen
the trenchant criticisms of Wilcke (ii. 290, ed. 1862, Beilae 22)
and Loiseleur (''Doctrine secrète'', 4me partie, p. 97 seq.). If such
objects existed, why were none brought up as evidence against the
Templars at their trial?&lt;/ref&gt; an attempt to prove that
the Templars followed the doctrines and rites of the Gnostic Ophites,
the argument being fortified with reproductions of obscene representations
of supposed Gnostic ceremonies and of mystic symbols said
to have been found in the Templars’ buildings. Wilcke, while
rejecting Hammer’s main conclusions as unproved, argued in favour
of the existence of a secret doctrine based, not on Gnosticism, but
on the Unitarianism of Islam, of which Baphomet (Mahomet) was
the symbol.&lt;ref&gt;Wilhelm Ferdinand Wilcke, ''Geschichte des Tempelherrenordens''
(3 vols. Leipzig, 1826 ff., 2nd ed., enlarged and revised 1860).&lt;/ref&gt; On the other hand, Wilhelm Havemann (''Geschichte''
''des Auxganges des Tempelherrenordens'', Stuttgart and Tübingen,
1846) decided in favour of the innocence of the order. This view
was also taken by a succession of German scholars, in England
by C. G. Addison, and in France by a whole series of conspicuous
writers: e.g. Mignet, Guizot, Renan, Lavocat. Others, like
Boutaric,&lt;ref&gt;Edgard Boutaric, ''La France sous Philippe le Bel'' (Paris, 1861),
pp. 140 seq.&lt;/ref&gt; while rejecting the charge of heresy, accepted the evidence
for the ''spuitio'' and the indecent kisses, explaining the former
as a formula of forgotten meaning and the latter as a sign of
''fraternité!'' Michelet, who in his history of France had expressed
himself favourably to the order, announced his conversion to the
opposite opinion in the prefaces to his edition of the Procès. This view was reinforced by the work in which Loiseleur endeavoured
to prove that the order had secretly rejected Christianity in favour
of an heretical religion based on Gnostic dualism as taught by
the Cathari;&lt;ref&gt;J. Loiseleur, ''La Doctrine secrète des Templiers'' (Orleans, 1872).&lt;/ref&gt; it was crowned with the high authority of Ranke in the
great ''Weltgeschichte'' (8 Theil, 1887, p. 621 ff.); it has been adopted
in the later ''Weltgeschichte'' of Weber (8 Theil, 1887, p. 521 ff.).
The greatest impulse to this view was, however, given by the
brilliant contributions of Hans Prutz. The first of these, the
''Geheimlehre'', in the main an expansion of Loiseleur’s argument, at
once raised up a host of critics; and, as a result of five years
study of the archives at Rome and elsewhere, Konrad Schottmüller
published in 1887 his ''Untergang des Templerordens'', in which
he claimed to have crushed Prutz’s conclusions under the weight
of a mass of new evidence. The work was, however, uncritical
and full of conspicuous errors, and Prutz had little difficulty in
turning many of its author’s arguments against himself. This was
done in the ''Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens''
(1888), in which, however, Prutz modifies his earlier views so far
as to withdraw his contention that the Templars had a “formally
developed secret doctrine,” while maintaining that the custom of
denying Christ and spitting on the cross was often, and in some
provinces universally, practised at the reception of the brethren,
“as a coarse test of obedience, of which the original sense had partly
been forgotten, partly heretic ally interpreted under the influence
of later heresies.”&lt;ref&gt;Prutz points out, with much truth, that the failure of the Crusades had weakened men’s absolute belief in Christianity, at least as represented by the medieval Church (''Kulturgeschichte der''
''Kreuzzüge'', p. 268 ff.). Walther von der Vogelweide had merely
accused the archangels of neglecting their duty (Pfeiffer’s ed. 1880,
p. 288); a Templar minstrel complained that God Himself had
fallen asleep! (Prutz, ''Tempelherrenorden'', 126.)&lt;/ref&gt; This view was maintained by Mr T. A. Archer
in the 9th ed. of the ''Encyclopaedia Britannica''. It was criticized
and rejected by Döllinger in the last of his university lectures
(19th Nov. 1889), and by Karl Wenck in several articles in the
''Göttinger Gelehrte Anzeigen''; and it was further attacked by
J. Gmelin (''Schuld oder Unschuld'', 2 Bd. 1893), whose work, in spite
of its somewhat ponderous polemic, is valuable as a mine of learning
and by reason of the sources (notably the tables of the evidence
taken at the trials which it publishes. H. C. Lea, in his ''History''
''of the Inquisition'' (1888, vol. iii.), had already come independently
to the conclusion that the Templars were innocent. Lastly appeared
the fascinatingly interesting and closely reasoned book of Professor
H. Finke (1907) which, based partly on a mass of new material
drawn from the Aragonese archives, had for its object to supplement
the work of Gmelin and to establish the innocence of the
order on an incontrovertible basis.
&lt;!--column 2--&gt;

In the opinion of the present writer, the defenders of the order
have proved their case. Even the late Mr Archer, who took the
contrary view, was inclined to restrict it to the Templars in France.
“The opinion that the monstrous charges brought against the
Templars were false,” he wrote (Ency. Brit., 9th ed. xiii. 164), “and
that the confessions were only extracted by torture is supported
by the general results of the investigation (in almost every country
outside France), as we have them collected in Raynouard, Labbe,
and Du Puy. In Castile, where the king flung them into prison,
they were acquitted at the council at Salamanca. In Aragon,
where they held out for a time in their fortresses against the royal
power, the council of Tarragona proclaimed in their favour
(4th November 1312). In Portugal the commissioners reported
that there were no grounds for accusation. At Mainz the council
pronounced the order blameless. At Treves, at Messina, and at
Bologna, in Romagna and in Cyprus, they were either acquitted or
no evidence was forthcoming against them. At the council of
Ravenna the question as to whether torture should be used was
answered in the negative except by two Dominicans; all the
Templars were absolved—even those who had confessed through
fear of torture being pronounced innocent (18th June 1310). Six
Templars were examined at Florence, and their evidence is for its length the most remarkable of all that is still extant. Roughly speaking, they confess with the most elaborate detail to every charge, even the most loathsome; and the perusal of their evidence induces a constant suspicion that their answers were practically dictated to them in the process of the examination or invented by the witnesses themselves.&lt;ref&gt;See the evidence in full, ap. Loiseleur, pp. 172-212.&lt;/ref&gt; In England, where perhaps torture
was not used, out of eighty Templars examined only four confessed
to the charge of denying Christ, and of these four two were apostate
knights. But some English Templars would only guarantee
the purity of their own country. That in England as elsewhere
the charges were held to be not absolutely proved seems evident
from the form of confession to be used before absolution, in which
the Templars acknowledge themselves to be defamed in the matter
of certain articles that they cannot purge themselves. In England
nearly all the worst evidence comes at second or third hand or
through the depositions of Franciscans and Dominicans,” ''i.e.'' the
rivals and enemies of the order. But what is the nature of the
evidence “too strong to be explained away” on which Mr Archer
bases his opinion that certain of the charges were proved “at least
in France”? The modern practice of the English courts tends to
discount alto ether the value as evidence of confessions, even
freely made. What is the value of these confessions of the Templars
which lie before us in the Tables published by Gmelin? The procedure
of the Inquisition left no alternative to those accused on
“vehement suspicion&quot; of heresy, but confession or death under
lingering torture; to withdraw a confession, meant instant death
by fire. The Templars, for the most part simple and illiterate
men, were suddenly arrested, cast separately into dark dungeons,
loaded with chains, starved, terrorized, and tortured. They were
told the charges to which their leaders had confessed, or were
said to have confessed: to repeat the monotonous formula admitting
the ''spuitio super crucem'' and the like was to obtain their freedom
at the cost of a comparatively mild penance. The wonder is not
that so many confessed, but that so many persisted in their denial.
The evidence, in short, is, from the modern point of view, wholly
worthless, as even some contemporaries suspected it to be. 

A word must be added as to the significance of the work of the Templars and of the manner of their fall in the history of the world. Two great things the order had done for European civilization: in the East and in Spain it had successfully checked the advance of Islam; it had, deepened and given a religious sanction to the idea of the chivalrous man, the ''homo legalis'', and so opened up, to a class of people who for centuries to come were to exercise enormous influence, spheres of activity the beneficent effects of which are still recognizable in the world.&lt;ref&gt;G. Schnürer, quoted in Finke, i. 1.&lt;/ref&gt; On the other hand, the destruction of the Templars had three consequences fateful for Christian civilization: (1) It facilitated the conquests of the Turks by preventing the Templars from playing in Cyprus the part which the Knights of St John played in Malta.&lt;ref&gt;In his essay on the Templars (''The Spanish Story of the Armada and other Essays'', 1892) Froude says that the order lacked “the only support that never fails—some legitimate place among the useful agencies of the time.” Was there no use for them against the advancing tide of Turkish conquest in the East? Or in Spain against the Moorish powers? If not, why did the Hospitallers survive? Froude’s contribution is but a popular lecture, however, and, for all its beauty of style, characteristically careless (''e.g.'' such mistakes as Hugh ''von'' Peyraud, Esquin ''von'' Florian).&lt;/ref&gt; (2) It partly set a precedent for, partly confirmed, the cruel criminal procedure of France, which lasted to the Revolution. (3) It set the seal of the highest authority on the&lt;section end=&quot;Templars&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="9321" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{{EB1911 Page Heading|876|THOMSON, W.|THORBECKE|  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;Sir J. D. Hooker on his travels in Sikkim in 1850, and collaborated
with him in publishing his ''Flora indica'' in 1855 and in 1854
was appointed superintendent of the botanic gardens at Calcutta,
also acting as professor of botany at the Calcutta medical
college.

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;[[Author:William Thomson (1819-1890)|'''THOMSON, WILLIAM''']] (1819–1890), English divine, archbishop of York, was born on the 11th of February 1819 at Whitehaven, Cumberland. He was educated at Shrewsbury and at Queen’s College, Oxford, of which he became a scholar. He took his B.A. degree in 1840, and was soon afterwards made fellow of his college. He was ordained in 1842, and worked as a curate at Cuddesdon. In 1847 he was made tutor of his college, and in 1853 he delivered the Bampton lectures, his subject being “The Atoning Work of Christ viewed in Relation to some Ancient Theories.” These thoughtful and learned lectures established his reputation and did much to clear the ground for subsequent discussions on the subject. Thomson’s activity was not confined to theology. He was made fellow of the Royal and the Royal Geographical Societies. He also wrote a very popular ''Outline of the Laws of Thought''. He sided with the party at Oxford which favoured university reform, but this did not prevent him from being appointed provost of his college in 1855. In 1858 he was made preacher at Lincoln’s Inn and there preached some striking sermons, a volume of which he published in 1861. In the same year he edited ''Aids to Faith'', a volume written in opposition to ''Essays and Reviews'', the progressive sentiments of which had stirred up a great storm in the Church of England. In December 1861 he was rewarded with the see of Gloucester and Bristol, and within a twelvemonth he was elevated to the archiepiscopal see of York. In this position his moderate orthodoxy led him to join Archbishop Tait in supporting the Public Worship Regulation Act, and, as president of the northern convocation, he came frequently into sharp collision with the lower house of that body. But if he thus incurred the hostility of the High Church party among the clergy, he was admired by the laity for his strong sense, his clear and forcible reasoning, and his wide knowledge, and he remained to the last a power in the north of England. In his later years he published an address read before the members of the Edinburgh Philosophical Institution (1868), one on ''Design in Nature'', for the Christian Evidence Society, which reached a fifth edition, various charges and pastoral addresses, and he was one of the projectors of ''The Speaker’s Commentary,'' for which he Wrote the “Introduction to the Synoptic Gospels.” He died on the 25th
of December 1890.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See the ''Quarterly Review'' (April 1892).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''THOR,''' one of the chief deities of the heathen Scandinavians. 
He is represented as a middle-aged man of enormous strength, 
quick to anger, but benevolent towards mankind. To the 
harmful race of giants (demons), on the other hand, he was an 
implacable foe, and many stories are told in the poetic and prose 
Eddas of the destruction which he brought upon them at various 
times with his hammer. On the whole his figure is somewhat 
secondary in the mythology to that of Odin, who is represented 
as his father. But there is no doubt that in Iceland he was 
worshipped more than any other god, and the same seems to 
have been the case in Norway—indeed, perhaps, in all northern 
countries—except among the royal families. Even in the great 
temple at Upsala his figure is said to have occupied the chief 
place. There is evidence that a corresponding deity named 
Thunor or Thonar was worshipped in England and on the 
Continent, but little information is obtainable regarding him, 
except that he was identified with the Roman Jupiter. His 
name is identical with the Teutonic word for thunder, and even 
in Sweden the association of Thor with the thunder seems not 
to have been forgotten. Outside the Teutonic area he has close 
affinities not only with Jupiter or Zeus, but still more with the 
Lithuanian god Perkunas, whose name (which likewise means 
“thunder”) appears to be connected with that of Thor’s mother 
(Fiörgyn). The Varangian god Perun was probably Thor himself under a Slavonic name (Russian ''perun'', “thunderbolt”). 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See H. Petersen, ''Om Nordboernes Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro i Hedenold'' (Copenhagen, 1876). For other references see {{EB1911 article link|Teutonic Peoples}}: ''Religion'' (''ad fin'').
{{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|Hector Munro Chadwick|H. M. C.}}}}}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''THORAX''' (Gr. &lt;span title=thṓrax&gt;{{Polytonic|θώραξ}}&lt;/span&gt;, breastplate, also the part of the body covered by it), the anatomical term for the chest, that part of the body which contains the heart and lungs (see {{EB1911 article link|Anatomy}}: ''Superficial and Artistic'', and {{EB1911 article link|Skeleton}}: ''Axial''). For the surgery of the thorax reference may be made to the headings {{EB1911 article link|Heart}}, {{EB1911 article link|Lung}} and {{EB1911 article link|Respiratory System}}.

&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''THORBECKE, JAN RUDOLF''' (1798–1872), Dutch statesman, was born at Zwolle, in the province of Overijssel, on the 14th of January 1798. Thorbecke was of German extraction, his grandfather, Heinrich Thorbecke, having settled in Overijssel towards the end of the 17th century. Little is known of his youth, beyond the fact that he was sent in the year of Waterloo to Amsterdam for his education. For two years he stayed with a Lutheran clergyman of the name of Sartorius, whilst attending the lectures of the Athenaeum Illustre. In 1817 he commenced 
his studies at Leiden University, proving a brilliant scholar, and 
twice obtaining a gold medal for his prize essays. In 1820 he obtained the degrees of Lit.D. and LL.D. In the following years Thorbecke undertook a journey of research and study in Germany, staying at most of her famous universities, and making the acquaintance of his best-known contemporaries in the fatherland. At Giessen he lectured as an extraordinary professor, and at Göttingen, in 1824, published his treatise, ''Ueber das Wesen der Geschichte''. After his return to Amsterdam in 1824 Thorbecke wrote his first political work of any importance, ''Bedenkingen aangaande het Recht en den Staal'' “Objections anent Law and the State”), which by its close reasoning and its legal acumen at once drew attention to the young barrister, and procured him in 1825 a chair as professor in Ghent University. Here he wrote two pamphlets of an educational character before 1830. The Belgian revolt of that year forced Thorbecke to resign his position at Ghent, and he subsequently went to Leiden. He did not approve of the Belgian movement, nor of the part that Europe played in it, and published his views in three pamphlets, which appeared in the years 1830 and 1831. In 1831 he was appointed professor of jurisprudence and political science at Leiden University. In that capacity, and, before 
his appointment at Leiden, as a lecturer on political science, 
history and economics at Amsterdam, he gained great reputation as a political reformer, particularly after the publication of his standard work, ''Aanteekeningen op de Grondwet'' (“Annotations on the Constitution,” 1839; 2nd ed., Amsterdam, 1841–1843), which became the textbook and the groundwork for the new reform party in Holland, as whose leader Thorbecke was definitely recognized. Thorbecke’s political career until his death, which occurred at the Hague on the 4th of June 1872, is sketched under Holland: History. Thorbecke’s speeches 
in the Dutch legislature were published at Deventer in six 
volumes (1867–1870), to which should be added a collection of 
his unpublished speeches, printed at Groningen in 1900. The 
first edition of his ''Historische Schetsen'' (&quot;Historical Essays&quot;) 
was issued in 1860, the second in 1872. At Amsterdam there appeared in 1873 a highly interesting Correspondence with his academy friend and lifelong political adversary {{EB1911 lkpl|Groen van Prinsterer, Guillaume|Groen van Prinsterer}} (''q.v.''), which, although dating back to the early 'thirties, throws much light on their subsequent relations and the political events that followed 1848. Of Dutch statesmen during the Napoleonic period, Thorbecke admired Falck and Van Hogendorp most, whose principles he strove to emulate. Of Van Hogendorp’s ''Essays and Speeches'', indeed, he published a standard edition, which is still highly valued. Thorbecke’s speeches form a remarkable continuation of Van Hogendorp’s orations, not only in their style, but also in their train of thought. Thorbecke’s funeral furnished the occasion for an imposing national demonstration, which showed how deeply he was revered by all classes of his countrymen. In 1876 a statue of Thorbecke was unveiled in one of the squares of Amsterdam. 

Thorbecke’s gifts and public services as a statesman have &lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="9320" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|876|THOMSON, W.|THORBECKE|  }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;Sir J. D. Hooker on his travels in Sikkim in 1850, and collaborated
with him in publishing his ''Flora indica'' in 1855 and in 1854
was appointed superintendent of the botanic gardens at Calcutta,
also acting as professor of botany at the Calcutta medical
college.

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;[[Author:William Thomson (1819-1890)|'''THOMSON, WILLIAM''']] (1819–1890), English divine, archbishop of York, was born on the 11th of February 1819 at Whitehaven, Cumberland. He was educated at Shrewsbury and at Queen’s College, Oxford, of which he became a scholar. He took his B.A. degree in 1840, and was soon afterwards made fellow of his college. He was ordained in 1842, and worked as a curate at Cuddesdon. In 1847 he was made tutor of his college, and in 1853 he delivered the Bampton lectures, his subject being “The Atoning Work of Christ viewed in Relation to some Ancient Theories.” These thoughtful and learned lectures established his reputation and did much to clear the ground for subsequent discussions on the subject. Thomson’s activity was not confined to theology. He was made fellow of the Royal and the Royal Geographical Societies. He also wrote a very popular ''Outline of the Laws of Thought''. He sided with the party at Oxford which favoured university reform, but this did not prevent him from being appointed provost of his college in 1855. In 1858 he was made preacher at Lincoln’s Inn and there preached some striking sermons, a volume of which he published in 1861. In the same year he edited ''Aids to Faith'', a volume written in opposition to ''Essays and Reviews'', the progressive sentiments of which had stirred up a great storm in the Church of England. In December 1861 he was rewarded with the see of Gloucester and Bristol, and within a twelvemonth he was elevated to the archiepiscopal see of York. In this position his moderate orthodoxy led him to join Archbishop Tait in supporting the Public Worship Regulation Act, and, as president of the northern convocation, he came frequently into sharp collision with the lower house of that body. But if he thus incurred the hostility of the High Church party among the clergy, he was admired by the laity for his strong sense, his clear and forcible reasoning, and his wide knowledge, and he remained to the last a power in the north of England. In his later years he published an address read before the members of the Edinburgh Philosophical Institution (1868), one on ''Design in Nature'', for the Christian Evidence Society, which reached a fifth edition, various charges and pastoral addresses, and he was one of the projectors of ''The Speaker’s Commentary,'' for which he Wrote the “Introduction to the Synoptic Gospels.” He died on the 25th
of December 1890.

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See the ''Quarterly Review'' (April 1892).}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;'''THOR,''' one of the chief deities of the heathen Scandinavians. 
He is represented as a middle-aged man of enormous strength, 
quick to anger, but benevolent towards mankind. To the 
harmful race of giants (demons), on the other hand, he was an 
implacable foe, and many stories are told in the poetic and prose 
Eddas of the destruction which he brought upon them at various 
times with his hammer. On the whole his figure is somewhat 
secondary in the mythology to that of Odin, who is represented 
as his father. But there is no doubt that in Iceland he was 
worshipped more than any other god, and the same seems to 
have been the case in Norway—indeed, perhaps, in all northern 
countries—except among the royal families. Even in the great 
temple at Upsala his figure is said to have occupied the chief 
place. There is evidence that a corresponding deity named 
Thunor or Thonar was worshipped in England and on the 
Continent, but little information is obtainable regarding him, 
except that he was identified with the Roman Jupiter. His 
name is identical with the Teutonic word for thunder, and even 
in Sweden the association of Thor with the thunder seems not 
to have been forgotten. Outside the Teutonic area he has close 
affinities not only with Jupiter or Zeus, but still more with the 
Lithuanian god Perkunas, whose name (which likewise means 
“thunder”) appears to be connected with that of Thor’s mother 
(Fiörgyn). The Varangian god Perun was probably Thor himself under a Slavonic name (Russian ''perun'', “thunderbolt”). 

{{EB1911 Fine Print|See H. Petersen, ''Om Nordboernes Gudedyrkelse og Gudetro i Hedenold'' (Copenhagen, 1876). For other references see {{EB1911 article link|Teutonic Peoples}}: ''Religion'' (''ad fin'').
{{Fs|108%|{{EB1911 footer initials|Hector Munro Chadwick|H. M. C.}}}}}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;'''THORAX''' (Gr. &lt;span title=thṓrax&gt;{{Polytonic|θώραξ}}&lt;/span&gt;, breastplate, also the part of the body covered by it), the anatomical term for the chest, that part of the body which contains the heart and lungs (see {{EB1911 article link|Anatomy}}: ''Superficial and Artistic'', and {{EB1911 article link|Skeleton}}: ''Axial''). For the surgery of the thorax reference may be made to the headings {{EB1911 article link|Heart}}, {{EB1911 article link|Lung}} and {{EB1911 article link|Respiratory System}}.

&lt;section end=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;'''THORBECKE, JAN RUDOLF''' (1798–1872), Dutch statesman, was born at Zwolle, in the province of Overijssel, on the 14th of January 1798. Thorbecke was of German extraction, his grandfather, Heinrich Thorbecke, having settled in Overijssel towards the end of the 17th century. Little is known of his youth, beyond the fact that he was sent in the year of Waterloo to Amsterdam for his education. For two years he stayed with a Lutheran clergyman of the name of Sartorius, whilst attending the lectures of the Athenaeum Illustre. In 1817 he commenced 
his studies at Leiden University, proving a brilliant scholar, and 
twice obtaining a gold medal for his prize essays. In 1820 he obtained the degrees of Lit.D. and LL.D. In the following years Thorbecke undertook a journey of research and study in Germany, staying at most of her famous universities, and making the acquaintance of his best-known contemporaries in the fatherland. At Giessen he lectured as an extraordinary professor, and at Göttingen, in 1824, published his treatise, ''Ueber das Wesen der Geschichte''. After his return to Amsterdam in 1824 Thorbecke wrote his first political work of any importance, ''Bedenkingen aangaande het Recht en den Staal'' “Objections anent Law and the State”), which by its close reasoning and its legal acumen at once drew attention to the young barrister, and procured him in 1825 a chair as professor in Ghent University. Here he wrote two pamphlets of an educational character before 1830. The Belgian revolt of that year forced Thorbecke to resign his position at Ghent, and he subsequently went to Leiden. He did not approve of the Belgian movement, nor of the part that Europe played in it, and published his views in three pamphlets, which appeared in the years 1830 and 1831. In 1831 he was appointed professor of jurisprudence and political science at Leiden University. In that capacity, and, before 
his appointment at Leiden, as a lecturer on political science, 
history and economics at Amsterdam, he gained great reputation as a political reformer, particularly after the publication of his standard work, ''Aanteekeningen op de Grondwet'' (“Annotations on the Constitution,” 1839; 2nd ed., Amsterdam, 1841–1843), which became the textbook and the groundwork for the new reform party in Holland, as whose leader Thorbecke was definitely recognized. Thorbecke’s political career until his death, which occurred at the Hague on the 4th of June 1872, is sketched under Holland: History. Thorbecke’s speeches 
in the Dutch legislature were published at Deventer in six 
volumes (1867–1870), to which should be added a collection of 
his unpublished speeches, printed at Groningen in 1900. The 
first edition of his ''Historische Schetsen'' (&quot;Historical Essays&quot;) 
was issued in 1860, the second in 1872. At Amsterdam there appeared in 1873 a highly interesting Correspondence with his academy friend and lifelong political adversary {{EB1911 lkpl|Groen van Prinsterer, Guillaume|Groen van Prinsterer}} (''q.v.''), which, although dating back to the early 'thirties, throws much light on their subsequent relations and the political events that followed 1848. Of Dutch statesmen during the Napoleonic period, Thorbecke admired Falck and Van Hogendorp most, whose principles he strove to emulate. Of Van Hogendorp’s ''Essays and Speeches'', indeed, he published a standard edition, which is still highly valued. Thorbecke’s speeches form a remarkable continuation of Van Hogendorp’s orations, not only in their style, but also in their train of thought. Thorbecke’s funeral furnished the occasion for an imposing national demonstration, which showed how deeply he was revered by all classes of his countrymen. In 1876 a statue of Thorbecke was unveiled in one of the squares of Amsterdam. 

Thorbecke’s gifts and public services as a statesman have &lt;section end=&quot;s6&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="6821" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Xaviersc&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader||ANALYSIS OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING.|141}}
{{TOC begin|max-width = 600px}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{gap}}''But for a tablet, or picture of smaller volume, (not presuming to speal of your majesty that liveth,) in my judgment the most most excellent is that of Queen Elizabeth, your immediate predecessor in this part of Britain, a princess that, if Plutarch were now alive to write lives by parallels, would trouble him, I think, to find for her a parallel amongst women. This lady was endued with learning in her sex singular, and rare even amongst masculine princes; whether we speak of learning language, or of science, modern or ancient, divinity or humanity: and unto the very last year of her life she was accustomed to appoint set hours for reading, scarcely any young student in a university more daily, or more duly. As for her government, I assure myself, I shall not exceed, if I do affirm that this part of the inland never had forty-five years of better times; and yet not through the calmness of the season, but through the wisdom of her regimen. For if there be considered of the one side, the truth of religion established, the constant peace and security, the good administration of justice, the temperate use of the prerogative, not slackened, nor much strained, the flourishing state of learning, sortable to so excellent a patroness, the convenient estate of wealth and means, both of crown and subject, the habit of obedience, and the moderation of discontents; and there be considered, on the other side, the differences of religion, the troubles of neighbour countries, the ambition of Spain, and opposition of Rome, and then, that she was solitary and of herself: these things, I say, considered, as I could not have chosen an instance so recent and so proper, so, I suppose, I could not have chosen one more remarkable or eminent to the purpose now in hand, which in concerning the conjunction of learning in the prince with felicity in the people.''&lt;ref&gt;This beautiful passage is omitted in the Treatise de Augmentis.&lt;/ref&gt;|178}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|3. There is a concurrence between learning and military virtue|181}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''When Cæsar, after war declared, did possess himself of the city of Rome, at which time entering into the inner treasury to take the money there accumulated, Metellus, being tribune, forbade him: whereto Caæsar said, &quot;That if he did not desist, he would lay him dead in the place.&quot; And presently taking himself up, he added, &quot;Adolescens, durius eat mihi hoc dicere quum facere.&quot; Young man, it is harder for me to speak than to do it. A speech compounded of the greatest terror and greatest clemency that could proceed out of the mouth of man.''}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|4. Learning improves private virtues|181}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap|1em}}1. It takes away the barbarism of men's minds.{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;&quot;Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, 
{{gap}}Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}}}
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap|1em}}2. It takes away levity, temerity, and insolency.}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{gap|1em}}3. It takes away vain admiration|182}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''If a man meditate much upon the universal frame of nature, the earth with men upon it, the divineness of souls excepted, will not seem much other than an ant hill, where as some ants carry corn, and some carry their young, and some go empty, and all to and fro a little heap of dust.''}} 
{{TOC row l|3|4. It mitigates the fear of death or adverse fortune.}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''Virgil did excellently and profoundly couple the knowledge of causes and the conquest of all fears together, as'' ''&quot;concomitantia.&quot;''&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;&quot;''Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas,
Quique metus omnes, et inexorabile fatum
Subjecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari.''&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{gap|1em}}5. It disposes the mind not to be fixed in its defects|182}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''The unlearned man knows not what it is to descend into himself, or to call himself to account; nor the pleasure of that &quot;suavissima vita, indies sentire se fieri meliorem.&quot;&lt;br&gt;Certain it is that &quot;veritas&quot; and &quot;banitas&quot; differ but as the seal and the print: for truth prints goodness; and they be the clouds of error which descend in the storms of passions and perturbations.''}} 
{{TOC row l|3|5. Learning is power.&lt;ref&gt;See Note (L) at the end of this Treatise.&lt;/ref&gt;}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|6. Learning advances fortune|183}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|7. The pleasure of knowledge is the greatest of pleasures|183}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''We see in all other pleasures there is satiety, and after they be used, their verdure departeth; which showeth well they be but deceits of pleasure, and nit pleasures; and that it was the novelty which pleased, and not the quality: and therefore we see that voluptuous men turn friars, and ambitious princes turn melancholy. But of knowledge there is no satiety, but satisfaction and appetite are perpetually interchangeable.&lt;br&gt;It is a view of delight, to stand or walk upon the shore side, and to see a ship tossed with tempest upon the sea, or to be in a fortified tower, and to see two battles join upon a plain; but it is a pleasure incomparable, for the mind of man to be settled, landed, and fortified in the certainty if truth, and from thence to descry and behold the errors, perturbations, labours, and wanderings up and down of other men.''}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|8. Learning insures immortality|183}}
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''If the invention of the ship was thought so noble, which carrieth riches and commodities from place to place, and consociateth the most remote regions in participation of their fruits, how much more are letters tn be magnified, which, as ships, pass through the vast seas of time, and make ages so distant to participate of the wisdom, illuminations, and inventions, the one of the other?&lt;br&gt;Nevertheless, I do not pretend, and I know it will be impossible for me, by any pleading of mine, to reverse the judgment, either of Æsop's cock, that preferred the barleycorn before the gem, or of Midax, that being chosen judge between Apollo president of the Muses, and Pan god of the flocks, judged for plenty; or of Paris, that judged for beauty and love against wisdom and power; nor of Agrippina, &quot;occidat matrem, modo imperet,&quot; that preferred empire with conditions never so detestable; or of Ulyssus, &quot;qui vetulam prætulit immortalitati,&quot; being a figure of those which prefer custom and habit before all excellency or of a number of the like popular judgments.&lt;br&gt;For these things continue as they have been: but so will that also continue whereupon learning hath ever relied, and which faileth not: &quot;justificata est sapientia a filiis suis.&quot;''}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="6837" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Xaviersc&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader||ANALYSIS OF THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING.|141}}
{{TOC begin|max-width = 600px}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{gap}}''But for a tablet, or picture of smaller volume, (not presuming to speal of your majesty that liveth,) in my judgment the most most excellent is that of Queen Elizabeth, your immediate predecessor in this part of Britain, a princess that, if Plutarch were now alive to write lives by parallels, would trouble him, I think, to find for her a parallel amongst women. This lady was endued with learning in her sex singular, and rare even amongst masculine princes; whether we speak of learning language, or of science, modern or ancient, divinity or humanity: and unto the very last year of her life she was accustomed to appoint set hours for reading, scarcely any young student in a university more daily, or more duly. As for her government, I assure myself, I shall not exceed, if I do affirm that this part of the inland never had forty-five years of better times; and yet not through the calmness of the season, but through the wisdom of her regimen. For if there be considered of the one side, the truth of religion established, the constant peace and security, the good administration of justice, the temperate use of the prerogative, not slackened, nor much strained, the flourishing state of learning, sortable to so excellent a patroness, the convenient estate of wealth and means, both of crown and subject, the habit of obedience, and the moderation of discontents; and there be considered, on the other side, the differences of religion, the troubles of neighbour countries, the ambition of Spain, and opposition of Rome, and then, that she was solitary and of herself: these things, I say, considered, as I could not have chosen an instance so recent and so proper, so, I suppose, I could not have chosen one more remarkable or eminent to the purpose now in hand, which in concerning the conjunction of learning in the prince with felicity in the people.''&lt;ref&gt;This beautiful passage is omitted in the Treatise de Augmentis.&lt;/ref&gt;|178}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|3. There is a concurrence between learning and military virtue|181}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''When Cæsar, after war declared, did possess himself of the city of Rome, at which time entering into the inner treasury to take the money there accumulated, Metellus, being tribune, forbade him: whereto Caæsar said, &quot;That if he did not desist, he would lay him dead in the place.&quot; And presently taking himself up, he added, &quot;Adolescens, durius eat mihi hoc dicere quum facere.&quot; Young man, it is harder for me to speak than to do it. A speech compounded of the greatest terror and greatest clemency that could proceed out of the mouth of man.''}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|4. Learning improves private virtues|181}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap|1em}}1. It takes away the barbarism of men's minds.{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;&quot;Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, 
{{gap}}Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}}}
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap|1em}}2. It takes away levity, temerity, and insolency.}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{gap|1em}}3. It takes away vain admiration|182}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''If a man meditate much upon the universal frame of nature, the earth with men upon it, the divineness of souls excepted,'' ''will not seem much other than an ant hill, where as some ants carry corn, and some carry their young, and some go empty, and all to and fro a'' ''little heap of dust.''}} 
{{TOC row l|3|4. It mitigates the fear of death or adverse fortune.}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''Virgil did excellently and profoundly couple the knowledge of causes and the conquest of all fears together, as'' ''&quot;concomitantia.&quot;''&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;&quot;''Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas,''
''Quique metus omnes, et inexorabile fatum''
''Subjecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari.''&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{gap|1em}}5. It disposes the mind not to be fixed in its defects|182}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''The unlearned man knows not what it is to descend into himself, or to call himself to account; nor the pleasure of that &quot;suavissima vita, indies sentire se fieri meliorem.&quot;&lt;br&gt;Certain it is that &quot;veritas&quot; and &quot;banitas&quot; differ but as the seal and the print: for truth prints goodness; and they be the clouds of error which descend in the storms of passions and perturbations.''}} 
{{TOC row l|3|5. Learning is power.&lt;ref&gt;See Note (L) at the end of this Treatise.&lt;/ref&gt;}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|6. Learning advances fortune|183}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|7. The pleasure of knowledge is the greatest of pleasures|183}} 
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''We see in all other pleasures there is satiety, and after they be used, their verdure departeth; which showeth well they be but deceits of pleasure, and nit pleasures; and that it was the novelty which pleased, and not the quality: and therefore we see that voluptuous men turn friars, and ambitious princes turn melancholy. But of knowledge there is no satiety, but satisfaction and appetite are perpetually interchangeable.&lt;br&gt;It is a view of delight, to stand or walk upon the shore side, and to see a ship tossed with tempest upon the sea, or to be in a fortified tower, and to see two battles join upon a plain; but it is a pleasure incomparable, for the mind of man to be settled, landed, and fortified in the certainty if truth, and from thence to descry and behold the errors, perturbations, labours, and wanderings up and down of other men.''}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|8. Learning insures immortality|183}}
{{TOC row l|3|{{gap}}''If the invention of the ship was thought so noble, which carrieth riches and commodities from place to place, and consociateth the most remote regions in participation of their fruits, how much more are letters tn be magnified, which, as ships, pass through the vast seas of time, and make ages so distant to participate of the wisdom, illuminations, and inventions, the one of the other?&lt;br&gt;Nevertheless, I do not pretend, and I know it will be impossible for me, by any pleading of mine, to reverse the judgment, either of Æsop's cock, that preferred the barleycorn before the gem, or of Midax, that being chosen judge between Apollo president of the Muses, and Pan god of the flocks, judged for plenty; or of Paris, that judged for beauty and love against wisdom and power; nor of Agrippina, &quot;occidat matrem, modo imperet,&quot; that preferred empire with conditions never so detestable; or of Ulyssus, &quot;qui vetulam prætulit immortalitati,&quot; being a figure of those which prefer custom and habit before all excellency or of a number of the like popular judgments.&lt;br&gt;For these things continue as they have been: but so will that also continue whereupon learning hath ever relied, and which faileth not: &quot;justificata est sapientia a filiis suis.&quot;''}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 14.djvu/456</title>
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      <text bytes="8803" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{x-larger|436}}|{{x-larger|LEM — LEM}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Lemming&quot; /&gt;down to the level of the sea. The nest is formed under a 
tussock of grass or a stone, and constructed of short dry 
straws, and usually lined with hair. The number of young 
in each nest is generally five, sometimes only three, 
occasionally seven or eight, and at least two broods are 
produced annually. Their food is entirely vegetable, 
especially grass roots and stalks, shoots of the dwarf birch, 
reindeer lichens, and mosses, in search of which they form, 
in winter, long galleries through the turf or under the 
snow. They are restless, courageous, and pugnacious little 
animals. When suddenly disturbed, instead of trying to 
escape they will sit upright, with their back against a stone 
or other coign of vantage, hissing and showing fight in a 
very determined manner.

The circumstance which has given more popular interest 
to the lemming than to a host of other species of the same 
order of animals, and has justified its treatment in a 
separate article in this work, is that certain districts of the 
cultivated lands of Norway and Sweden, where in ordinary 
circumstances they are quite unknown, are occasionally and 
at very uncertain intervals varying from five to twenty or 
more years, literally overrun by an army of these little 
creatures, which steadily and slowly advance, always in the 
same direction, and regardless of all obstacles, swimming 
across streams and even lakes of several miles in breadth, 
and committing considerable devastation on their line of 
march by the quantity of food they consume. In their 
turn they are pursued and harassed by crowds of beasts 
and birds of prey, as bears, wolves, foxes, dogs, wild cats, 
stoats, weasels, eagles, hawks, and owls, and never spared 
by man; even the domestic animals not usually predaceous,
as cattle, goats, and reindeer, are said to join in the 
destruction, stamping them to the ground with their feet, 
and even eating their bodies. Numbers also die from 
diseases produced apparently from overcrowding. None 
ever return by the course by which they came, and the 
onward march of the survivors never ceases until they 
reach the sea, into which they plunge, and swimming 
onwards in the same direction as before perish in the 
waves. These extraordinary and sudden appearances of 
vast bodies of lemmings, and their singular habit of 
persistently pursuing the same onward course of migration, 
have given rise to various speculations, from the ancient 
belief of the Norwegian peasants, shared in by Olaus 
Magnus, that they fall down from the clouds, to the almost 
equally untenable hypothesis, ingeniously maintained by 
the late Mr W. D. Crotch, that they are acting in these 
migrations in obedience to an instinct inherited from vastly 
ancient times, and are still seeking the congenial home in 
the submerged Atlantis, to which their ancestors of the 
Miocene period were wont to resort when driven from their 
ordinary dwelling places by crowding or scarcity of food. 
The principal really ascertained facts regarding these 
migrations, as stated by Mr R. Collett (''Proceedings of the'' 
''Linnean Society'', vol. xiii. p. 327, 1878), seem to be as 
follows. When any combination of circumstances has 
occasioned an increase of the numbers of the lemmings in 
their ordinary dwelling places, impelled by the restless or 
migratory instinct possessed in a less developed degree by 
so many of their congeners, a movement takes place at the 
edge of the elevated plateau, and a migration towards the 
lower-lying land begins. The whole body moves forward 
slowly, always advancing in the same general direction in 
which they originally started, but following more or less the 
course of the great valleys. They only travel by night; 
and, staying in congenial places for considerable periods, 
with unaccustomed abundance of provender, notwithstanding
all the destructive influences to which they are exposed, 
they multiply excessively during their journey, having still 
more numerous families and more frequently than in their 
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
usual homes. The progress may last from one to three 
years, according to the route taken, and the distance to be 
traversed until the sea-coast is reached, which in a country 
so surrounded by water as the Scandinavian peninsula 
must be the ultimate goal of such a journey. This may be 
either the Atlantic or the Gulf of Bothnia, according as 
the migration has commenced from the west or the east 
side of the central elevated plateau. Those that finally 
perish in the sea, committing what appears to be a 
voluntary suicide, are only acting under the same blind 
impulse which has led them previously to cross smaller 
pieces of water with safety. Further information about 
the migrations of the lemming will be found in Mr Collett's 
paper referred to above, and also in those of Mr Crotch in 
the same volume. ([[Author:William Henry Flower|{{asc|W. H. F.}}]])
&lt;section end=&quot;Lemming&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Lemnos&quot; /&gt;
LEMNOS was an island in the northern part of the 
Ægean Sea, now called by the inhabitants Limnos. The 
Italian form of the name, Stalimene, ''i.e.'', {{Greek|ἐς τὴν Λῆμνον}}, is 
not used in the island itself, but is commonly employed in 
geographical works. The island, which belongs to Turkey, 
is of considerable size: Pliny says that the coast-line 
measured 112½ Roman miles, and the area has been 
estimated at 150 square miles. Great part of it is 
mountainous, but some very fertile valleys exist, to
cultivate which two thousand yoke of oxen are employed. The 
hill-sides afford pasture for 20,000 sheep. No forests exist 
on the island; all the wood which is used is brought from 
the coast of Roumelia or from Thasos. A few mulberry 
and fruit trees grow, but no olives. The inhabitants 
number about 22,000, of whom 2000 are Turks and the 
rest Greeks. The chief towns are Kastro on the western 
coast, with a population of 4000 Greeks and 800 Turks, 
and Mudros on the southern coast. Kastro possesses an 
excellent harbour, and is the seat of all the trade carried 
on with the island. Greek, English, and Dutch consuls or 
consular agents were formerly stationed there; but the 
whole trade is now in Greek hands. The archbishop of 
Lemnos and Ai Strati, a small neighbouring island with 
2000 inhabitants, resides in Kastro. In ancient times 
the island was sacred to Hephæstus, who as the legend 
tells fell on Lemnos when his father Zeus hurled him headlong
out of Olympus. This tale, as well as the name 
Æthaleia, sometimes applied to it, points to its volcanic 
character. It is said that fire occasionally blazed forth 
from Mosychlos, one of its mountains; and Pausanias (viii. 
33) relates that a small island called Chryse off the 
Lemnian coast was swallowed up by the sea. All volcanic 
action is now extinct.

{{EB1911 fine print|The most famous product of Lemnos is the medicinal earth, which 
is still used by the natives. At one time it was popular over 
western Europe under the name ''terra sigillata''. This name, like 
the Greek {{Greek|Λημνία σφραγίς}}, is derived from the stamp impressed 
on each piece of the earth; in ancient times the stamp was the head 
of Artemis. The Turks now believe that a vase of this earth 
destroys the effect of any poison drunk from it,—a belief which the 
ancients attached rather to the earth from Cape Kolias in Attica. 
Galen went to see the digging up of this earth (see Kuhn, ''Medic.'' 
''Gr. Opera'', xii. 172 ''sq.''); on one day in each year a priestess
performed the due ceremonies, and a waggon-load of earth was dug out. 
At the present time the day selected is the 6th of August, the feast 
of Christ the Saviour. Both the Turkish hodja and the Greek 
priest are present to perform the necessary ceremonies; the whole 
process takes place before daybreak. The earth is sold by apothecaries
in stamped cubical blocks. The hill from which the earth is 
dug is a dry mound, void of vegetation, beside the village of 
Kotschinos, and about two hours from the site of Hephæstia. The 
earth was considered in ancient times a cure for old festering wounds, 
and for the bite of poisonous snakes.}}

{{EB1911 fine print|The name Lemnos is said by Hecatæus (''ap.'' Steph. Byz.) to have 
been a title of Cybele among the Thracians, and the earliest inhabitants
are said to have been a Thracian tribe, called by the Greeks 
Sinties, ''i.e.'', “the robbers.” According to a famous legend the 
women were all deserted by their husbands, and in revenge murdered 
every man on the island. From this barbarous act, the expression 
Lemnian deeds, {{Greek|Λημνία ἔργα}}, became proverbial. The Argonauts}}&lt;section end=&quot;Lemnos&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 27.djvu/941</title>
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      <text bytes="10044" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Page Heading|  |VARIATIONS, CALCULUS OF||915}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;must be a minimum, while the integral

the multiplier to problems in which the variations are which distinguishes the composers who seem to know their theme from those who do not.
{{EB1911 footer initials|Donald Francis Tovey|D. F. T.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''VARIATIONS, CALCULUS OF,''' in mathematics. The calculus
of variations arose from the attempts that were made by
mathematicians in the 17th century to solve problems
of which the following are typical examples. (i) It
is required to determine the form of a chain of given
length, hanging from two fixed points, by the condition that its centre of gravity must be as low as possible. This problem of the catenary was attempted without success by Galileo Galilei
(1638). (ii) The resistance of a me dium to the motion of a
body being assumed to be a normal pressure, proportional to
the square of the cosine of the angle between the normal to
the surface and the direction of motion, it is required to determine
the meridian curve of a surface of revolution, about an
axis in the direction of motion, so that the resistance shall
be the least possible. This problem of the ''solid of least resistance''
was solved by Sir Isaac Newton (1687). (iii) It is required to
find a curve joining two fixed points, so that the time of descent
along this curve from the higher point to the lower may be
less than the time along any other curve. This problem of
the ''brachistochrone'' was proposed by John (Johann) Bernoulli
1696).

The contributions of the Greek geometry to the subjecticonsist
of a few theorems discovered by one Zenodorus, of whom little
Early is known. Extracts from his writings have been premsmqa
served in the writings of Pappus of Alexandria and Theon
of Smyrna. He proved that of all curves of given perimeter
the circle is that which encloses the largest area. The
problems from which the subject grew up have in common the
character of being concerned with the maxima and minima of
quantities which can be expressed by integrals of the form
{{center|&lt;math&gt;\int_{x_0}^{x_1}\text{F}(x, y, y')dx,&lt;/math&gt;}}

in which ''y'' is an unknown function of ''x'', and F is an assigned function
of three variables; viz. ''x'', ''y'', and the differential coefficient of y
with respect to x, here denoted by y'; in special cases x or y may
not be explicitly present in F, but ''y''′ must be. In any such problem
it is required to determine y as a function of x, so that the integral
may be a maximum or a minimum, either absolutely or subject
to the condition that another integral or like form may have a.
prescribed value. For example, in the problem of the catenary,
the integral

°“y&lt;1 +;v”)%&lt;ix ' L

xo

&quot;lo +y'=) ldx

xo

has a given value. When, as in this example, the length of the
sought curve is given, the problem is described as ''isoperimetric''.
At the end of the first memoir by James (Jakob) Bernoulli on the
infinitesimal calculus (1690), the problem of determining the form
of a flexible chain was proposed. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibnitz
gave the solution in 1691, and stated that the centre of gravity is
lower for this curve than for any other of the same length joining
the same two points. The first step towards a theory of such
problems was taken by James Bernoulli (1697) in his solution of
the problem of the brachistochrone. He pointed out that if a
curve, as a whole, possesses the maximal or minimal property,
every part of the curve must itself possess the same property.
Beyond the discussion -of special problems, nothing was attempted
or many years.

The first general theory of such problems was sketched by Leonhard
Euler in 1736, and was more fully developed by him in his
Euler treatise Methodus inveniendi    published in 1744.
He generalized the problems proposed by his predecessors
by admitting under the siign of integration differential coefficients
of order hig er than the rst. To express the condition that an
integral of the form

x'F(x. y. y'. y”, - - -J'( ))dx

fo

may be a maximum or minimum, he required that, when y is
changed into y-I-u, where u is a function of x, but is everywhere
&quot; infinitely &quot; small, the integral should be unchanged. Resolving
the integral into a sum of elements, he transformed this. condition
into an equation of the form

BF d6F d'6F nd&quot; 6F

Z14Ax ay -(Z-C   W1 . . -l-(-I) EE W -O,

and he conCluded that the differential e uation obtained b e uatin
fl Y q s

to zero the expression in the square brackets must be satisfied.
This equation is in general of the 2nth order, and the 2n arbitrary
constants .which are contained in the complete /primitive-must be
adjusted to satisfy the conditions that y, y', y', . .  y&lt;&quot;“1&gt; have
given values at the limits of integration. If the function y is
required also to satisfy the condition that another integral of the
same form as the above, but containing a function ¢ instead of
F, may have a prescribed value, Euler achieved his purpose by
replacing F in the differential equation by F-I-Ma, and adjusting
the constant~} so that the condition may be satisfied. This artifice
is known as the isoperirnetric rule or rule of the undetermined
multiplier. Euler illustrated his methods by a large number of
example sf ' »

The new; theory was provided with a special symbolism by
Joseph Louis der la Grange (commonly called Lagrange) in a series
of memoirs, published in 1760-62. This symbolism L
was afterwards adopted by Euler (1764), and Lagrange agmnge
is generally regarded as the founder of the calculus of variations.
Euler had been under the necessity of resolving an integral into
a sum of elements, recording the magnitude of the change produced
in each element by a slight change in the unknown function,
and thence forming an expression for the total change in the sum
under consideration. Lagrange proposed to free the theory from
this necessity. Euler had allowed such changes in the position
of the curve, along which the integral, to be made a maximum tor
minimum, is taken, as can be produced by displacement parallel
to the axis of ordinates. Lagrange admitted a more general change
of position, which was called variation. The points of the curve
being specified by their co-ordinz-tes, x, y, z, and differentiation
along the curve being denoted, as usual, by the symbol d, Lagrange
considered the change produced in any quantity Z, which is expressed
in terms of x, y, z, dx, dy, dz, d2x,  .  when the co-ordinates
x, y, z are changed by “ infinitely &quot; small increments. This change
he denoted by BZ, and regarded as the variation of Z. He expressed
the rules of operation with 6 by the equations V
6dZ=d6Z, 5fZ =f5Z.

By means of these equations f 6Z can be transformed by the process
of integration by parts into such a form that differentials of variations
occur at the limits of integration only, and the Th
transformed integral contains no differentials of varia- eb I6
tions. The terms at the limits and the integrand of Sym °
the transformed integral 'must vanish separately, if the variation
of the original integral vanishes. The process of freeing the
original integral from the differentials of variations results in a
differential equation, or a system of differential equations, for the
determination of the form of the required curve, and in special
terminal conditions, which serve to determine the constants that
enter into the solution of the differential equations. Lagrange's
method lent itself readily to applications. of the generalized principle
of virtual velocities to problems, of mechanics, and he used
it in this way in the Mécanique analytique (1788). The terminology
and notation of mechanics are still largely dominated. by these
ideas of Lagrange, for his methods were powerful and effective,
but they are rendered obscure by the use of “infinitely ” small
quantities, of which, in other departments of mathematics, he
subsequently became an uncompromising opponent. The same
ideas were: applied by Lagrange himself, by Euler, and by
other mathematicians to various extensions of the cal- fixten
culus of variations. These include problems concerning f)f2';
integrals of which the limits are variable in accordance an, S
with assigned conditions, the extension of Euler's rule of 'Z-et;:d
restricted by conditions of various types, the maximaand minima
of integrals involving any number of dependent variables, s uCh as
are met with in the formulation of the dynamical Principle of
Least Action, the maxima and minima of double and multiple
integrals. In all these cases Lagrange's methods have been applied
successfully to obtain the differential equation, or system of differential
equations, which must be satisfied if the integral in question
is a maximum or a minimum. This equation, or equations. will
be referred to as the principal equation, or principal equationS, Of
the roblem.

The problems and method of the calculus admit of more exact
formulation as follows:' We confine our attention to the C2156
where the sought curve is plane, and the function Ft Formal”
contains no differential coefficients of order higher than mm 0,
the first. Then the problem is to determine a curve the First
joining two fixed points (xo, yo) and (xi, yi) so that the pmb1em
line integral

&quot;'F&lt;x, y, ;v')¢ix

xo

taken along the curve may be a maximum or a minimum. When it
is said that the integral is a minimum for some curve, it is meant
that it must be possible to mark a finite area in the plane of (x, y),
so that the curve in question lies entirely within this area, and the
integral taken along this curve is less than the integral taken along
any other curve, which joins the same two points and lies entirely
within the delimited area. There is a similar definition for a maximum.
The word extrernurn is often used to connote both maximum
and minimum. The problem thus posed is known as the First
Problem of the Calculus of Variations. If we begin with any curve
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:EB1911 - Volume 27.djvu/946</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1957978</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507818</id>
      <parentid>10836364</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:31:27Z</timestamp>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="11006" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Slowking4&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{x-larger|920}}|{{x-larger|VARICOSE VEINS}}|{{em|2.4}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;In general it is not necessary that a field of stationary curves should consist of curves which pass through a fixed point. Any
family of stationary curves depending on a single parameter
may constitute a field. This remark is of importance
{{EB1911 Shoulder Heading|width=8|Field of stationary curves and transversals.}}
in connexion with the adaptation of Weierstrass’s
results to the problem of variable limits. For the purpose
of this adaptation A. Kneser (1900) introduced the family
of stationary curves which are cut transversely by an
assigned curve. Within the field of these curves we can
construct the transversals of the family; that is to say, there
is a finite area of the plane, through any point of which there passes
one stationary curve of the field and one curve which cuts all the
stationary curves of the field transversely. These curves provide a
system of curvilinear co-ordinates, in terms of which the value of
∫F''dx'', taken along any curve within the area, can be expressed. The
value of the integral is the same for all arcs of stationary curves of
the field which are intercepted between any two assigned transversals.

In the above discussion of the First Problem it has been assumed
that the curve which yields an extremum is an arc of a single curve,
which must be a stationary curve. It is conceivable that the required
curve might be made up of a finite number of arcs of different
stationary curves meeting each other at finite angles. It can be
shown that such a broken curve cannot yield an extremum unless
both the expressions 6F/dy' and F-y”(6F/6y') are continuous
at the corners. In the parametric method 6f/Bai: and df/651 must
be continuous at the corners. This result limits Very considerably
mscom the possibility of such discontinuous solutions, though it
“Mons does not exc ude them: An example is afforded by the
solutions problem of the catenoid. The axis 0f x and any lines
parallel to the axis of y satisfy the principal equation;
and the conditions here stated show that the only discontinuous
solution of the problem is presented by the broken line ACDB
{{missing image}}
::Fig. 8.

(fig. 8). A broken line
like AA'B'B is excluded.
Discontinuous solutions
have generally been supposed
to be of special importance
in cases where
the required curve is restricted
by the condition
of not crossing the boundary
of a certain limited
area. In such cases part
of the boundary may
have to be taken as part of the curve. Problems of this kind were
investigated in detail by J. Steiner and I. Todhunter. In recent
times the theory has been much extended by C. Carathéodory.
In any problem of the calculus of variations the first step is the
formation of the principal equation or equations; and the second
step is the solution of the equation or equations, in accordance
with th e assigned terminal or boundary conditions.
“'em ems If this solution cannot be effected, the methods of the
calculus fail to answer the question of the existence or nonexistence
of a solution which would yield a maximum or minimum
of the integral under consideration. On the other hand, if the existence
of the extremum could be established independently, the
existence of a solution of the principal equation, which would also
satisfy the boundary conditions, would be proved. The most famous
example of such an existence-theorem is Dirichlet's principle,
according to which there exists a function V, which satisfies the
equation


at all points within a closed surface S, and assumes a given value
at each point of S. The differential equation is the principal
equation answering to the integral

1=fff%(%¥&gt; +(%¥&gt; +C?) Edxdydz

taken through the volume within the surface S. The theorem of
the existence of V IS of importance in all those branches of mathematical
physics in which use is made of a potential function, satisfying
Laplace's equation; and the two-dimensional form of the theorem
is of fundamental importance in the theory of functions of a complex
variable. It has been proposed to establish the existence of V by
means of the argument that, since I cannot be negative, there must
Dmch be, among the functions which have the prescribed
ers boundary values, some one which gives to I the smallest
principle. possible value. This unsound argument was first exposed by Weierstrass. He observed that precisely the same argument Would 9~PPlY to the if1tegra1f-c2y dx taken along a curve from the point (-1, a) to the point (1, b). On the one hand, the principal equation answering to this integral can be solved, and it can be proved that it cannot be satisfied by any function y at all points of the interval - if y has different values at the end points.
On the other hand, the integral can be made as small as we please
by a suitable choice of y. Thus the argument fails to distinguish
between a minimum and an inferior limit (see FUNCTION). In
order to prove Dirichlet's principle it becomes necessary to devise
a proof that, in the case of the integral 1, there cannot be a limit
of this kind. This has been effected by Hilbert for the two-dimensional
form of the problem.

{{sc|Bibliography}}:—The literature of the subject is very extensive, and only a few of the more important works can be cited here. The earlier history can be gathered from, M. Cantor's Geschichte d. Math. Bde. 1-3 (Leipzig, 1894-1901). I. Todhunter's History of the Calculus of Variations (London, 1861) gives an account of the various treatises and memoirs published etween 1760 and 1860. E. Pascal's Calcolo delle variazivni . 1. (Milan, 1897; German translation, Leipzig, 1899) contains a brief but admirable historical summary of the pre-Weierstrassian theory with references to the literature. A general account of the subject, including Weierstrass's theory, is. given by A. Kneser, Ency. d. math. Wiss.
ii. A 8; and an account of various extensions of &gt;Weierstrass's theory and of Hilbert's work is given by E. Zermelo and H. Hahn, Ency. d. math. Wiss. ii. A Sa (Leipzig, 1904). The following treatises may be mentioned: L. Euler, Methodus im/eniendi lineas curvas maximi miniinive proprietate gaudcntes . . . (Lausanne and Geneva, 1744); ]. H. Jellett, An Flementary Treatise on the-Calculus of Variations (Dublin, 1850); E. Moigno and L. Lindelof, “ Legons surlecalc. diff. et int., ” Calcul des variations (Paris, 186I), t. iv.; L. B. Carll, A Treatise on the Calculus of Variations (London, 1885). E. Pascal's book cited above contains a brief
systematic treatise on the simpler parts of the subject. A. Kneser, Lehrbuch d. Variationsrechnung (Brunswick, 1900); H. Hancock, Lectures on the Calculus of Variations (Cincinnati, 1904); and O. Bolza, Lectures on the Calculus of Variations (Chicago, 1904), give accounts of Weierstrass's theory. Kncser has made various extensions of this theory. Bolza gives an introduction to Hilbert's theories also. The following memoirs and monographs may be mentioned: J. L. Lagrange, “ Essai sur une nouvelle méthode pour determiner les max. et les min. des formules intégrales indéflnics, &quot;
Misc. Taur. (1760~62), t. ii., or Quvres, t. i. (Paris, 1867);.A. M.
Legendre, “Sur la maniere de distinguer les max. des min. dans le
calc. des var., &quot; Mém. Paris Acad. (1786); C. G. J. Jacobi, &quot; Zur
Theorie d. Variationsrechnung.., ” J. f. Jllath. (Crellffli Bd.
xvii. (1837), or Werke, Bd. iv. (Berlin, 1886);'M. Ostrogradsky,
“ Mém. sur le calc. des var. des intégrales multiples, ” Mém. St Pétersburg Acad. (1838); J. Steiner, “Einfache Beweise d. isoperimetrischen Hauptsiitze, &quot; J. f. .Math. (Crelle), Bd. xviii. (1839); O. Hesse, “Über d. Kriterien d. Max. u. Min. d. einfachen Integrale, &quot; J. f. Math. (Crelle), Bd. liv. (1857); A. Clebsch, “Über dieenigen Probleme d. Variationsrechnung Welche nur eine unablifingige
Variable enthaltcn, &quot; J. f. Matti. (Crelle), Bd. lV.'(1858),
and other memoirs in this volume and in Bd. lvi. (1859); A. Mayer, ''Beiträge z. Theorie d. Max. u. Min. einfacher Integrale'' (Leipzig, 1866), and &quot; Kriterien d. Max. u. Min.  ., ” J. f. Math. (Crelle), Bd. lxix. (1868); I. Todhunter, Researches in the Calc. of Var. (London, 1871); G. Sabinine, “ Sur . . . les max . . . des intégrales multiples, ” Bull. St Pétersburg Acad. (1870), t. xv., and “ Développements . . . pour . . . la discussion de la variation seconde des into rales . . .  multiples, ” Bull. d. sciences math.
(1878); G. Frobenius, “Über adjungirte lineare Differential-ausdrücke,”
J. f. Math. (Crelle), Bd. lxxxv. (1878); G. Erdmann,
“Zur Untersuchung d. zweiten Variation einfacher Integrale,”
''Zeitschr. Math. u. Phys.'' (1878), Bd. xxiii.; P. Du Bois-Reymond, “Erläuterungen z. d. Anfangsgründen d. Variationsrechnung,&quot; Math. Ann. (1879), Bd. xv.; L. Scheeffer, “ Max. u. Min. d einfachen Int., ” Math. Ann. (1885), Bd. xxv., and “Über d. Bedeutung
d. Begriffe Max., &quot; Jllath. Ann. (1886), Bd. xxvi.; A. Hirsch,
“Über e. charakteristische Eigenschaft d. Diff.-Gleichungen d.
Variationsrechnung, &quot; Ilfath. Ann. (1897), Bd. xlix. The following deal with Weierstrassian and other modern developments: H. A. Schwarz, “Über ein die Flächen kleinsten Flächeninhalts betreffendes Problem d. Variationsrechnung, &quot; Festschrift on the occasion of Weierstrass's 70th birthday (1885), Werke, Bd. i. (Berlin, 1890); G. Kobb, “ Sur les max. et les min. des int. doubles, ” Acta Math. (1892-93), Bde. xvi., xvii.; E. Zermelo. “.Untersuchungen z. Variationsrechnung, &quot;Dissertation (Berlin, 1894); W. F. Osgood, “Sufficient Conditions in the Calc. of Var.,” ''Annals of Math''. (1901), vol. ii., also, “ On the Existence of a Minimum  . ., ” and “ On a Fundamental Property of a Minimum . . ., &quot; Amer. Math. Soc. Trans. (1901), vol. ii .; D. Hilbert, “Math. Probleme,” Göttingen Nachr. (1900), and “Über das Dirichlet’sche Prinzip, &quot; Göttingen Festschr. (Berlin, 1901); G. A. Bliss, “Jacobi's Criterion when both End Points are variable,” ''Math. Ann.'' (1903), Bd. lviii.; C. Crathéodory,
“Über d. diskontinuierlichen Lösungen i. d. Variationsrechnung,” Dissertation (Göttingen, 1904); and “Über d. starken Max {{...}},&quot; ''Math. Ann.'' (1906), Bd. lxii. 
{{EB1911 footer initials|Augustus Edward Hough Love|A. E. H. L.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;'''VARICOSE VEINS''' (Lat. ''varix'', a dilated vein), a condition of the veins which mostly occurs in those parts of the blood-stream which are farthest from the heart and occupy a dependent position. Thus they are found in the legs and thighs; in the lowest part of the bowel (piles; see [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Haemorrhoids|{{small-caps|Haemorrhoids}}]]), and in the spermatic cord (varicocele). Any condition which hinders the return of blood from the veins is apt to cause their permanent dilatation; thus is explained the occurrence of varicose&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 31.djvu/75</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>1970076</id>
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      <contributor>
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        <id>915588</id>
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      <text bytes="3056" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|QUATERNARY PHENOMENA IN THE ISLE OF PORTLAND ETC.}}|29}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|2. {{sc|Notes}} ''on the'' {{sc|Phenomena}} ''of the'' {{sc|Quaternary Period}} ''in the'' {{sc|Isle}} ''of'' {{sc|Portland}} ''and around'' {{sc|Weymouth}}. By {{sc|Joseph Prestwich}}, Esq., F.R.S., V.P.G.S., &amp;c. Professor of Geology in the University of Oxford. (Read June 10, 1874.)}}

{{c|{{sc|[Plate I.]}}}}

{{sc|In}} their well-known paper on the Geology of Weymouth, Buckland and De la Beche&lt;ref&gt;Trans. Geol. Soc. vol. iv. 1836, p. 44.&lt;/ref&gt; give but a very brief notice of the Quaternary beds of the district. They observe that there are no very &quot;extensive and continuous beds of gravel,&quot; and that &quot;the largest deposit of diluvium we have noticed is at Upway Street, four miles north of Weymouth; but in smaller quantities and irregular patches it is disposed over the whole surface of the country, on the summits and slopes of the hills as well as in the valleys.&quot; These scattered drift-beds are all referred, as usual at the time, to one great inundation, which excavated the valleys and overspread the country with patches of diluvial gravel.

Mr. Bristow, in 1850&lt;ref&gt;Geological-Survey Map.&lt;/ref&gt;, recorded the presence on the top of the cliff at Portland Bill of a recent conglomerate, which Mr. Weston in 1852&lt;ref&gt;Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. vol. viii. p. 1.&lt;/ref&gt; described as a &quot;marine shingle,&quot; consisting &quot;of beach-pebbles (with a few chalk flints);&quot; and in 1860 Mr. R. Damon&lt;ref&gt;Geology of Weymouth, and the Island of Portland, p. 141.&lt;/ref&gt; mentioned that it contained in places &quot;numerous shells of species now living in the neighbouring sea.&quot;

Mr. Whitaker&lt;ref&gt;The Geological Magazine, vol. vi. p. 438.&lt;/ref&gt; was the first to give, in 1869, a more particular account of this beach, and to specify the occurrence of ''Littorina litorea, L. littoralis, Patella vulgata,'' and ''Purpura lapillus,'' extending on the east side of the Bill for a distance of half a mile northward. Over the beach Mr. Whitaker noticed near &quot;Cave Hole&quot; the presence &quot;of a head&quot; (the waste of Purbeck and Portland beds) consisting of pebbles of limestone, flint, and chert; and at another place, of a yellowish brown loam with &quot;''Bithinia'' and ''Pupa''&quot;

In 1870, Mr. Pengelly pointed out the occurrence, in this raised beach, of Budleigh-Salterton and &quot;granitoid&quot; pebbles, and gave a list of seven shells&lt;ref&gt;Trans. Devonsh. Assoc. Sc. Lit. &amp; Art, 1870.&lt;/ref&gt;.

With respect to the occurrence of mammalian remains, the only specimen mentioned by Dr. Buckland&lt;ref&gt;''Op. cit.'' p. 44.&lt;/ref&gt; as having been found in this district was the tooth of an elephant, picked up on the Chesil Bank. The first notice of such remains in Portland was made in 1852 by Mr. Neale&lt;ref&gt;Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. vol. viii. p. 109.&lt;/ref&gt;, who states that fragments of bones and teeth had been found about 400 feet above the sea-level, in a superficial deposit, red at top and passing into a black sand with large round black blocks of stone. The only species named is &quot;horse;&quot; but I find that Mr.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods - 0500.pdf/3</title>
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    <id>1973064</id>
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      <text bytes="2704" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;James Hare (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;{{center|{{smaller|PARTICULATES NOT OTHERWISE REGULATED, TOTAL: METHOD 0500, Issue 2, dated 15 August 1994 - Page 3 of 3}}}}
{{rule}}
&lt;ol&gt;&lt;li&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;equipment, procedures, and personnel used in the routine field samples. The relative standard deviation calculated from these replicates should be recorded on control charts and action taken when the precision is out of control [7].&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;

'''MEASUREMENT:'''
&lt;ol start=12&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Weigh each filter, including field blanks. Record the post-sampling weight, '''''W''{{sub|2}}''' (mg). Record anything remarkable about a filter (e.g., overload, leakage, wet, torn, etc.)&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;

'''CALCULATIONS:'''
&lt;ol start=13.&gt;
Calculate the concentration of total particulate, &lt;math&gt;C&lt;/math&gt; (mg/m³), in the air volume sampled, &lt;math&gt;V&lt;/math&gt;(L):

{{center|&lt;math&gt;C=\frac{(W_2 - W_1)-(B_2-B1)}{V}\times10^3&lt;/math&gt;, mg/m³,}}
{{numbered div|@=|where:|2=&lt;math&gt;W_1&lt;/math&gt; = tare weight of filter before sampling (mg),&lt;br /&gt;
	&lt;math&gt;W_2&lt;/math&gt; = post-sampling weight of sample-containing filter (mg),&lt;br /&gt;
	 &lt;math&gt;B_1&lt;/math&gt; = mean tare weight of blank filters (mg),&lt;br /&gt;
	 &lt;math&gt;B_2&lt;/math&gt; = mean post-sampling weight of blank filters (mg).|3=5|4=-5}}M&lt;/ol&gt;

'''EVALUATION OF METHOD:'''

Lab testing with blank filters and generated atmospheres of carbon black was done at 8 to 28 mg/m³
[2,6]. Precision and accuracy data are given on page 0500-1.

'''REFERENCES:'''

[1] NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods, 3rd ed., NMAM 5000, DHHS (NIOSH) Publication No. 84-100 (1984).

[2] Unpublished data from Non-textile Cotton Study, NIOSH/DRDS/EIB.

[3] NIOSH Criteria for a Recommended Standard … Occupational Exposure to Fibrous Glass, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Publ. (NIOSH) 77-152, 119–142 (1977).

[4] 1993-1994 Threshold Limit Values and Biological Exposure Indices, Appendix D, ACGIH, Cincinnati,
OH (1993).

[5] NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods, 2nd ed., V. 3, S349, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare, Publ. (NIOSH) 77-157-C (1977).

[6] Documentation of the NIOSH Validation Tests, S262 and S349, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Publ. (NIOSH) 77-185 (1977).

[7] Bowman, J.D., D.L. Bartley, G.M. Breuer, L.J. Doemeny, and D.J. Murdock. Accuracy Criteria Recommended for the Certification of Gravimetric Coal Mine Dust Personal Samplers. NTIS Pub. No. PB 85-222446 (1984).

[8] Breslin, J.A., S.J. Page, and R.A. Jankowski. Precision of Personal Sampling of Respirable Dust in Coal Mines, U.S. Bureau of Mines Report of Investigations #8740 (1983).

'''METHOD REVISED BY:'''
Jerry Clere and Frank Hearl, P.E., NIOSH/DRDS.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center|{{Smaller|NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods (NMAM), Fourth Edition}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506351</id>
      <parentid>12506349</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:46:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2714" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;James Hare (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;{{center|{{smaller|PARTICULATES NOT OTHERWISE REGULATED, TOTAL: METHOD 0500, Issue 2, dated 15 August 1994 - Page 3 of 3}}}}
{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{*!/c|11}}equipment, procedures, and personnel used in the routine field samples. The relative standard deviation calculated from these replicates should be recorded on control charts and action taken when the precision is out of control [7].
{{*!/e}}

'''MEASUREMENT:'''
&lt;ol start=12&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Weigh each filter, including field blanks. Record the post-sampling weight, '''''W''{{sub|2}}''' (mg). Record anything remarkable about a filter (e.g., overload, leakage, wet, torn, etc.)&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;

'''CALCULATIONS:'''
&lt;ol start=13&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Calculate the concentration of total particulate, &lt;math&gt;C&lt;/math&gt; (mg/m³), in the air volume sampled, &lt;math&gt;V&lt;/math&gt;(L):

{{center|&lt;math&gt;C=\frac{(W_2 - W_1)-(B_2-B1)}{V}\times10^3&lt;/math&gt;, mg/m³,}}
{{numbered div|@=|where:|2=&lt;math&gt;W_1&lt;/math&gt; = tare weight of filter before sampling (mg),&lt;br /&gt;
	&lt;math&gt;W_2&lt;/math&gt; = post-sampling weight of sample-containing filter (mg),&lt;br /&gt;
	 &lt;math&gt;B_1&lt;/math&gt; = mean tare weight of blank filters (mg),&lt;br /&gt;
	 &lt;math&gt;B_2&lt;/math&gt; = mean post-sampling weight of blank filters (mg).|3=5|4=-5}}M
&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;

'''EVALUATION OF METHOD:'''

Lab testing with blank filters and generated atmospheres of carbon black was done at 8 to 28 mg/m³
[2,6]. Precision and accuracy data are given on page 0500-1.

'''REFERENCES:'''

[1] NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods, 3rd ed., NMAM 5000, DHHS (NIOSH) Publication No. 84-100 (1984).

[2] Unpublished data from Non-textile Cotton Study, NIOSH/DRDS/EIB.

[3] NIOSH Criteria for a Recommended Standard … Occupational Exposure to Fibrous Glass, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Publ. (NIOSH) 77-152, 119–142 (1977).

[4] 1993-1994 Threshold Limit Values and Biological Exposure Indices, Appendix D, ACGIH, Cincinnati,
OH (1993).

[5] NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods, 2nd ed., V. 3, S349, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare, Publ. (NIOSH) 77-157-C (1977).

[6] Documentation of the NIOSH Validation Tests, S262 and S349, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Publ. (NIOSH) 77-185 (1977).

[7] Bowman, J.D., D.L. Bartley, G.M. Breuer, L.J. Doemeny, and D.J. Murdock. Accuracy Criteria Recommended for the Certification of Gravimetric Coal Mine Dust Personal Samplers. NTIS Pub. No. PB 85-222446 (1984).

[8] Breslin, J.A., S.J. Page, and R.A. Jankowski. Precision of Personal Sampling of Respirable Dust in Coal Mines, U.S. Bureau of Mines Report of Investigations #8740 (1983).

'''METHOD REVISED BY:'''
Jerry Clere and Frank Hearl, P.E., NIOSH/DRDS.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center|{{Smaller|NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods (NMAM), Fourth Edition}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2896" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;James Hare (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;{{center|{{smaller|PENTACHLOROETHANE: METHOD 2517, Issue 2, dated 15 August 1994 - Page 2 of 4}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{fds|REAGENTS|0|0}}
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;ol&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Hexane, distilled in glass.*&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Pentachloroethane, 96% pure.*&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Mixture of 5% methane, 95% argon.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Calibration stock solution, 2 mg/mL. Dissolve 0.2 g pentachloroethane in hexane to make 100 mL solution. Stable indefinitely at room temperature.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt;See SPECIAL PRECAUTIONS.
{{fde}}

{{fds|EQUIPMENT|0|0}}
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;ol&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Sampler: borosilicate tubes, 7 cm long, 6-mm OD, 4-mm ID, flame-sealed ends with plastic caps, containing two sections of 50/80 mesh Porapak R (front = 70 mg; back = 35 mg) separated by a urethane foam plug. A glass wool plug held in place with a metal spring precedes the front section and a urethane foam plug follows the back section. Pressure drop across the tube at 0.2 L/min airflow must be less than 1.2 kPa (5 inches H{{sub|2}}O). Tubes are commercially available, e.g., SKC, Inc. ST226-59-04.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Personal sampling pump, 0.01 to 0.2 L/min,
with flexible connecting tubing.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Gas chromatograph, {{sup|63}}Ni ECD, integrator, and
column (page 2517-1).&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Vials, 2-mL, with PTFE-lined crimp caps.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Microliter syringes, 10-µL and convenient sizes for making dilutions.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Ultrasonic bath.
&lt;li&gt;Pipets, 2-mL.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Volumetric flasks, 10-mL.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ol&gt;
{{fde}}
{{rule}}
{{fds|@=SPECIAL_PRECAUTIONS|SPECIAL PRECAUTIONS|0|0}}
Hexane is flammable (flash point = -21 °C) and toxic; all work with it must be done in a hood.

Pentachlorothenae causes CNS effects, with possible liver and kidney effects [3]. Technical grade pentachloroethane (containing 4.2% hexachloroethane, a known carcinogen in mice) was carcinogenic for B6C3F{{sub|1}} mice, causing hepatocellular carcinomas in males and females, and adenomas in females [4].
{{fde}}
{{rule}}

{{fds|SAMPLING|0|0}}
&lt;br  /&gt;
&lt;ol&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Calibrate each personal sampling pump with a representative sampler in line.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Break the ends of the sampler immediately before sampling. Attach sampler to personal sampling pump with flexible tubing.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Sample at an accurately known flow rate between 0.01 and 0.2 L/min for a total sample size of 1 to 10 L.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Cap the samplers with PTFE tape and plastic caps. Pack securely for shipment.&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
{{fde}}

{{fds|@=SAMPLE_PREPERATION|SAMPLE PREPARATION|0|0}}
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;ol start=5&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Refrigerate the samples upon receipt.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Place the front and back sorbent sections of the sampler tube in separate vials. Add the glass wool plug to the front sorbent section and the foam plugs to the back sorbent section.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Add 2.0 mL hexane to each vial. Attach crimp cap to each vial.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Allow to stand 30 min in an ultrasonic bath.&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
{{fde}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center|{{smaller|NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods (NMAM), Fourth Edition, 8/15/94}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3982" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;James Hare (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;{{center|{{smaller|ORGANIC AND INORGANIC GASES by FTIR Spectrometry: METHOD 3800, Issue 1, dated 15 March 2003 - Page 7 of 47}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;

{| class=&quot;valign&quot; {{ts|bc|mc|xs}} cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; cellpadding=&quot;5&quot;
|+{{ts|al}}|'''TABLE 1. REPRESENTATIVE VOLATILE COMPOUNDS AND CHEMICAL DATA'''
!{{ts|bd|vtp|ac}}|Compound&lt;br/&gt;/Synonyms
!{{ts|bd|vtp|ac}}|CAS#&lt;br/&gt;RTECS
!{{ts|bd|vtp|ac}}|Empirical or&lt;br/&gt;Molecular&lt;br/&gt;Formula
!{{ts|bd|vtp|ac}}|MW&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;a&quot;&gt;Molecular Weight (Obtained from References 12–14)&lt;/ref&gt;
!{{ts|bd|vtp|ac}}|BP&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;b&quot;&gt;Boiling Point (Obtained from References 12–14)&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;br/&gt;(°C)
!{{ts|bd|vtp|ac}}|VP&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;c&quot;&gt;Vapor Pressure (Obtained from References 12–14)&lt;/ref&gt; @&lt;br/&gt;25°C&lt;br/&gt;(mmHg)
!{{ts|bd|vtp|ac}}|Exposure Limits (ppm)&lt;br/&gt;&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;d&quot;&gt;Exposure limit as an 8-hour TWA (Time Weighted Average) in ppm (parts per million), by volume. Ceiling values denoted as &quot;Ceiling&quot; following limit.&lt;/ref&gt;,&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;e&quot;&gt;Ca–NIOSH listed carcinogen (See Appendix A of Reference 12)&lt;/ref&gt;,&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;f&quot;&gt;NA–TLV for this chemical not published (See Reference 13)&lt;/ref&gt; (ACGIH&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;g&quot;&gt;Published 1998 ACGIH TLV (See Reference 13)&lt;/ref&gt;/&lt;br/&gt;NIOSH&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;h&quot;&gt;Published NIOSH REL–(See Reference 13)&lt;/ref&gt; / OSHA)
|-{{ts|btd}}
|{{t/c|7}}|'''Aromatic hydrocarbons'''
|-
|'''Benzene&lt;br/&gt;/benzol'''
|{{ts|ac}}|71-43-2&lt;br /&gt;CY1400000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C6H6&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|78.11
|{{ts|ac}}|80.1
|{{ts|ac}}|95.2
|{{ts|ac}}|0.5–C / Ca&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;e&quot;/&gt;/10, 25–C
|-
|'''o-xylene'''
|{{ts|ac}}|95-47-6&lt;br /&gt;ZE2450000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C6H4(CH3)2&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|106.7
|{{ts|ac}}|144.4
|{{ts|ac}}|6.7
|{{ts|ac}}|100 / 100/ 100
|-
|'''m-xylene'''
|{{ts|ac}}|108-38-3&lt;br /&gt;ZE2275000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C6H4(CH3)2&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|106.7
|{{ts|ac}}|139.1
|{{ts|ac}}|8.4
|{{ts|ac}}|100 / 100/ 100
|-
|'''p-xylene'''
|{{ts|ac}}|106-42-3&lt;br /&gt;ZE2625000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C6H4(CH3)2&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|106.7
|{{ts|ac}}|138.4
|{{ts|ac}}|8.8
|{{ts|ac}}|100 / 100/ 100
|-
|'''Styrene'''
|{{ts|ac}}|100-42-5&lt;br /&gt;WL3675000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C6H5CH=CH2&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|104.2
|{{ts|ac}}|145
|{{ts|ac}}|5
|{{ts|ac}}|20 / 50 /100, 200–C
|-
|'''Toluene&lt;br/&gt;/toluol'''
|{{ts|ac}}|108-88-3&lt;br /&gt;XS5250000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C6H5CH3&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|92.1
|{{ts|ac}}|110.6
|{{ts|ac}}|28.4
|{{ts|ac}}|50 / 100/ 200, 300–C
|-
|'''Alphatic&lt;br/&gt;Hydrocarbons''' || {{t/c|6}} |
|-
|'''n-Hexane&lt;br/&gt;/hexyl-hybride'''
|{{ts|ac}}|110-54-3&lt;br /&gt;MN9275000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C6H14&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|86.18
|{{ts|ac}}|68.7
|{{ts|ac}}|151.3
|{{ts|ac}}|50 / 50
|-
|'''Ketones''' || {{t/c|6}} |
|-
|'''Acetone&lt;br/&gt;/2-propanone'''
|{{ts|ac}}|67-64-1&lt;br /&gt;AL3150000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C3H6O&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|58.08
|{{ts|ac}}|58
|{{ts|ac}}|232
|{{ts|ac}}|500 / 250
|-
|'''2-Butanone&lt;br/&gt;/methyl ethyl ketone'''
|{{ts|ac}}|78-93-3&lt;br /&gt;EL6475000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;C4H8O&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|72.11
|{{ts|ac}}|79.6
|{{ts|ac}}|95
|{{ts|ac}}|200 / 200
|-
|'''Alcohols''' || {{t/c|6}} |
|-
|'''Methanol&lt;br/&gt;/methy alcohol'''
|{{ts|ac}}|67-56-1&lt;br /&gt;PC1400000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;CH3OH&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|32.04
|{{ts|ac}}|64.5
|{{ts|ac}}|95
|{{ts|ac}}|200 / 200
|-
|'''Halogenated&lt;br/&gt;Hydrocarbons''' || {{t/c|6}} |
|-
|'''Methylene chloride&lt;br/&gt;/dichloromethane'''
|{{ts|ac}}|75-09-2&lt;br /&gt;PA8050000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;CH2Cl2&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|84.94
|{{ts|ac}}|40
|{{ts|ac}}|349
|{{ts|ac}}|50 / Ca&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;e&quot;/&gt;
|-
|'''Vinylidene Fluoride&lt;br/&gt;/1,1 difluoroethene'''
|{{ts|ac}}|75-38-7&lt;br /&gt;KW0560000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;F2C=CH2&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|64
|{{ts|ac}}|-85
|{{ts|ac}}|498.9
|{{ts|ac}}|NA&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;f&quot;/&gt; / 1
|-
|'''Trichloroethylene&lt;br/&gt;/TCE'''
|{{ts|ac}}|79-01-6&lt;br /&gt;KX4550000
|{{ts|ac}}|&lt;ce&gt;ClCH=CCl2&lt;/ce&gt;
|{{ts|ac}}|131.4
|{{ts|ac}}|87
|{{ts|ac}}|73.5
|{{ts|ac}}|50 / Ca&lt;ref group=&quot;t1&quot; name=&quot;e&quot;/&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
|}
{{center|{{smaller|NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods, Fourth Edition}}}}
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      <sha1>av1k3ryfnc00ehnsq9cxn8c28x7yuqw</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods - 3800.pdf/23</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <parentid>7943490</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:01:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1446" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;James Hare (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;{{center|{{smaller|ORGANIC AND INORGANIC GASES by FTIR Spectrometry: METHOD 3800, Issue 1, dated 15 March 2003 - Page 23 of 47}}}}
{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;beam spectrum is the transmittance. The percent transmittance of a sample gas possessing the single-beam spectrum S—with respect to the background single-beam spectrum B—is defined as T(%)=100 * S/B; a transmittance value is defined for each wavenumber value of the two spectra. If the background spectrum B closely represents the response of the FTIR system to a transparent sample, then the percent transmittance T closely approximates the percentage of the infrared radiation transmitted by the sample (represented by the spectrum S). Because water is the only absorbing compound present in the single-beam spectrum B, the spectrum T (shown in Figure C5) closely approximates the percent transmittance spectrum of water.

The same pair of spectra define the (double beam) absorbance A of the sample through the equation A = -log{{sup|10}}(S/B). The absorbance spectrum of water, as approximated by the two single-beam spectra S and B, is shown in Figure C6. The absorbance is the desired quantity because it appears in the general linear absorption model known as Beer's Law (see below).

[[File:NIOSH NMAM 3800 - 23.png|600px|center]]
{{center|{{smaller|'''Figure C5. Double Beam Transmittance Spectrum of Water'''}}}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods - 3800.pdf/31</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <parentid>7943546</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:01:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1226" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;James Hare (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;{{center|{{Smaller|ORGANIC AND INORGANIC GASES by FTIR Spectrometry: METHOD 3800, Issue 1, dated 15 March 2003 - Page 31 of 47}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Five absorbance spectra for TFE are shown in Figure D1. These spectra were recorded over the entire mid-IR wavenumber range, but only that portion of the spectra showing the most intense TFE absorption bands is included in the Figure. Each of the spectra was calculated by mathematically averaging a number of TFE absorbance spectra recorded with the system configuration parameters given in Table D2, and a linear baseline correction was applied to each of these spectra over the range illustrated in Figure D1.

The reference gas samples were generated by diluting with N{{sub|2}} the output of a single standard gas cylinder of TFE. The TFE concentration of the standard cylinder was determined (by the gas vendor) according to NIST-traceable gravimetric measurements, and the flow rates of the cylinder gas were measured with a NIST-traceable volumetric device.

[[File:NIOSH NMAM 3800 - 31.png|600px|center]]
{{center|{{larger|'''Figure D1. Reference Absorbance Spectra of TFE (x-axis truncated)'''}}}}
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      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2207" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;James Hare (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;{{center|{{smaller|ORGANIC AND INORGANIC GASES by FTIR Spectrometry: METHOD 3800, Issue 1, dated 15 March 2003 - Page 33 of 47}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:NIOSH NMAM 3800 - 33.png|600px|center]]
{{center|{{larger|'''Figure D2. Normalized Reference Absorbance Spectra of TFE'''}}}}

Table D4 shows the results of a linear least-squares analysis using the average normalized spectrum as a
single reference spectrum (with concentration-pathlength product 1.00 ppm-meters) over the analytical
range 1050 to 1400 cm{{sup|-1}}. The bias in the linear method is clearly evident in the fourth column of the Table, which indicates that the analysis yields concentrations which are slightly too high at the lowest
concentration and slightly too low at the highest concentration. The average of the last column in the table,
which represents the absolute percent difference between the actual and calculated concentrations, the
“fractional calibration uncertainty” (FCU; see Reference 2), is 3.2%. This value represents the average
error over the concentration range for these reference spectra to be expected from the linear analysis up to
the maximum concentration-pathlength value used in the analysis (257 ppm-meter). If additional accuracy
is required, non-linear analyses or corrections such as those discussed above (Appendix B, Section 9) can
be employed.

{|class=&quot;wikitable&quot; {{ts|mc}}
|+'''Table D4. Results of Linear Least Squares Analysis for TFE Reference Spectra.'''
!{{ts|ac}}|TFE Reference Spectrum
!{{ts|ac}}|Calculated Concentration&lt;br /&gt;(ppm)
!{{ts|ac}}|Actual Concentration&lt;br /&gt;(ppm)
!{{ts|ac}}|Actual Calculated Concentration&lt;br /&gt;(ppm)
!{{ts|ac}}|Absolute Percent&lt;br /&gt;Difference
|-
|{{ts|ac}}|tfe01.spc
|{{ts|ac}}|2.69
|{{ts|ac}}|2.50
|{{ts|ac}}|0.19
|{{ts|ac}}|7.7
|-
|{{ts|ac}}|tfe02.spc
|{{ts|ac}}|6.64
|{{ts|ac}}|6.63
|{{ts|ac}}|0.01
|{{ts|ac}}|0.2
|-
|{{ts|ac}}|tfe03.spc
|{{ts|ac}}|12.8
|{{ts|ac}}|13.0
|{{ts|ac}}|-0.2
|{{ts|ac}}|1.4
|-
|{{ts|ac}}|tfe04.spc
|{{ts|ac}}|19.8
|{{ts|ac}}|20.4
|{{ts|ac}}|-0.6
|{{ts|ac}}|2.9
|-
|{{ts|ac}}|tfe05.spc
|{{ts|ac}}|24.2
|{{ts|ac}}|25.1
|{{ts|ac}}|-0.9
|{{ts|ac}}|3.7
|-
|}
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      <sha1>4gnf2usxcn1g789hrhqg64pdlazss69</sha1>
    </revision>
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    <title>Page:NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods - 3800.pdf/40</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506508</id>
      <parentid>7943593</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:01:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2231" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;James Hare (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;{{center|{{Smaller|ORGANIC AND INORGANIC GASES by FTIR Spectrometry: METHOD 3800, Issue 1, dated 15 March 2003 - Page 40 of 47}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:NIOSH NMAM 3800 - 40.png|600px|center]]
{{center|{{larger|'''Figure E.6 TFE and DFE Spectra for Absorbance Area Calculations'''}}}}

E2. {{u|LSF Determinations of TFE and DFE Concentrations}}

Presented in this section is a description of a least squares fit (LSF) analysis for the two compounds TFE and DFE in ambient air samples. As is always the case before actual measurements are taken, no actual sample data for mixtures of the compounds in the assumed matrix (ambient air) were available as these analyses were performed. Accordingly, the following description is based on synthetic spectra generated from available reference spectra for TFE, DFE, and water.

In order to not overestimate the effectiveness of the FTIR technique, the noise levels in the synthetic sample spectra were artificially raised, and the reference spectra used are not those most likely to provide an optimal analysis. This is the most prudent course available to an analyst attempting to predict the performance of the FTIR method under essentially unknown conditions, and it is the course recommended by the authors to analysts who find themselves in this common situation.

Estimates of the LOD for this sample matrix (see Appendix E, Section 1) indicate that the analytical region from 1215 to 1080 cm{{sup|-1}} will likely provide the most reliable TFE and DFE concentrations. The system configuration parameters used in those estimates are assumed to hold in the following description.

E2A. ''Generation and Analysis of Synthetic Sample Spectra of TFE and DFE''

Table E3 describes the mathematical generation of synthetic samples for the following LSF analysis description. Each sample spectrum consists of the sum of scaled reference spectra for TFE (tfe4.spc, CCP = 208.3 ppm-m), DFE (dfeav05.spc, CCP = 197.8 ppm-m) and water (wat02bl.spc). The scaling factors indicated in Table E3 were used to generate synthetic sample spectra at the listed concentrations and the assumed absorption pathlength of 10.0 meters.
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        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2340" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger|{{red|TABLE OF CONTENTS.}}}}}}


{{rule|5em}}


{{c|(''For full alphabetical Index see end of book.'')}}

Devotions to which Indulgences are attached are marked thus: {{MoP-indulgence}}

{{TOC begin|width=100%}}
{{TOC row r|3|{{sc|page}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Calendar|Calendar]], |1}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Tables of Movable Feasts|Movable Feasts, Tables of]], |14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Days of Obligation and Devotion|Days of Obligation and Devotion]], |16}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Brief Statement of Christian Doctrine|Abridgment of Christian Doctrine]], |20}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Christian Faith and Practice|Christian Faith and Practice]], |25}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Morning Prayers|Morning Prayers (Prime)]], |37}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Another Form, |51}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Acts of Faith, Hope, etc., |53}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Angelus, etc., |55}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Grace before and after Meals, |58}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Litanies of the Holy Name and of Loreto,|60}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Evening Prayers|Evening Prayers (Compline)]], |69}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Another Form, |81}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Devotions for Mass|Devotions for Mass]], |89}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Manner of Serving Mass|Manner of Serving Mass]], |106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Blessing of Water and Asperges|Blessing of Water and ''Asperges'']], |109}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Ordinary of the Mass|Ordinary of the Mass]], |114}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/The Te Deum, etc|The ''Te Deum'', etc]], |160}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Vespers|Vespers]], |178}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{c|iii}}
{{border/e}}
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    <revision>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:44:10Z</timestamp>
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        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2354" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger|{{red|TABLE OF CONTENTS.}}}}}}


{{rule|5em}}


{{c|(''For full alphabetical Index see end of book.'')}}

Devotions to which Indulgences are attached are marked thus: {{MoP-indulgence}}

{{TOC begin|width=100%}}
{{TOC row r|3|{{sc|page}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Calendar|Calendar]], |1}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Tables of Movable Feasts|Movable Feasts, Tables of]], |14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Days of Obligation and Devotion|Days of Obligation and Devotion]], |16}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Brief Statement of Christian Doctrine|Abridgment of Christian Doctrine]], |20}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Christian Faith and Practice|Christian Faith and Practice]], |25}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Morning Prayers|Morning Prayers (Prime)]], |37}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Another Form, |51}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Acts of Faith, Hope, etc., |53}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Angelus, etc., |55}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Grace before and after Meals, |58}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Litanies of the Holy Name and of Loreto,|60}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Evening Prayers|Evening Prayers (Compline)]], |69}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|&amp;nbsp;|Another Form, |81}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Devotions for Mass|Devotions for Mass]], |89}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Manner of Serving Mass|Manner of Serving Mass]], |106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Blessing of Water and Asperges|Blessing of Water and ''Asperges'']], |109}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Ordinary of the Mass|Ordinary of the Mass]], |114}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/The Te Deum, etc|The ''Te Deum'', etc]], |160}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Catholic Laity/Vespers|Vespers]], |178}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;!-- --&gt;
{{TOC end}}
{{c|iii}}
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    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1519" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Kathleen.wright5&quot; /&gt;{{TOCstyle|header=yes}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOCstyle|completing=yes|model=D.P
|{{gap}}4.2.2 Off-line Analysis|58
|{{gap}}4.2.3 Video Exposure Monitoring|58&lt;noinclude&gt;
|'''4.3 Evaluating Ventilation Control Systems'''|'''59'''
|{{gap}}4.3.1 Standard Containment Test Methods for Ventilated Enclosures|59&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;
|{{gap}}4.3 Evaluating Ventilation Control Systems|'''59'''
|{{gap|4em}}4.3.1 Standard Containment Test Methods for Ventilated Enclosures|59&lt;/includeonly&gt;
|'''5 [[Current Strategies for Engineering Controls in Nanomaterial Production and Downstream Handling Processes/Conclusions and Recommendations|Conclusions and Recommendations]]'''|'''61'''
|{{gap}}5.1 General|61
|{{gap}}5.2 Control Banding|61
|{{gap}}5.3 Hierarchy of Controls|62
|{{gap}}5.4 Engineering Controls|62
|{{gap}}5.5 Administrative Controls|62
|{{gap}}5.6 Personal Protective Equipment|63
|'''[[Current Strategies for Engineering Controls in Nanomaterial Production and Downstream Handling Processes/References|References]]'''|'''65'''
|'''[[Current Strategies for Engineering Controls in Nanomaterial Production and Downstream Handling Processes/Appendix A|Appendix A]]: Sources for Risk Management Guidance'''|'''75'''
|'''[[Current Strategies for Engineering Controls in Nanomaterial Production and Downstream Handling Processes/Appendix B|Appendix B]]: Sources of Guidance for Control Design'''|'''77'''
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{rh/2|Current Strategies for Engineering Controls in '''Nanomaterial Production and Downstream Handling Processes'''|ix|r}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>3x7qlnpydm87f3u2qvu2hz5kgac983a</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>User talk:Physikerwelt</title>
    <ns>3</ns>
    <id>1977412</id>
    <revision>
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      <contributor>
        <ip>95.91.245.247</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* JS components in Extension:Math? */ Reply</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="2555" xml:space="preserve">{{welcome}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:42, 26 December 2015 (UTC)

== JS components in Extension:Math? ==

Hi Moritz,

I'm grabbing you as &quot;the most likely person to know anything about how Math works&quot;. :)

On enWS we (ab)use math markup to display fancy braces (via {{tl|brace2}}). I'm bugging you because recently this has stopped working, in what looks like an interaction with one of our more hacky Gadgets (i.e. JavaScript), and I'm wondering whether Extension:Math has a JavaScript component that we could possibly be clashing with?

Briefly, our [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers.js]] wraps &lt;code&gt;.mw-parser-output&lt;/code&gt; in three div elements and then applies custom styles to them. Now we're observing that braces look fine on page load, but when this gadget runs, at the point where it's wrapping the content in the divs, the braces generated seemingly disappear. Checking in the inspector it looks like maybe what's actually happening is that their width are getting set to ~4px or so (from ~25px on load). We're modifying the DOM and causing a relayout (other stuff on the page will change size), so maybe whatever JS Math is running is trying to dynamically calculate a width and getting confused? I can reproduce it in the debugger with a breakpoint (on [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js#L-284|line 284]]), but not isolated in the console, so it seems to be at least partially timing dependent.

So… does Math rely on any client-side javascript with which our gadget could be either conflicting or racing? If so, did it change significantly in the last couple of months?

Any tips or pointers would be very much appreciated; and apologies in advance if you're not the right person to bug about this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:26, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

:Oh, actually, let me give you a &quot;live&quot; example (without thereby intending to imply any expectation that you dive in deep and start debugging our local templates and gadgets): [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Vol 1/Table of contributors]]. The above mentioned gadget is on by default and we're seeing it across browsers etc. so I would expect you'd see the effect too. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:38, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::No, can you post a screenshot. For me it looks like that https://bafybeie4i3ob7yfwtznc75qtntdltpdnmt7wpa2umuuvdnajr7pbqqpx2i.ipfs.infura-ipfs.io/ [[Special:Contributions/95.91.245.247|95.91.245.247]] 13:37, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>iyzfo2drm2vvqc5lpg9byb2r44jtts4</sha1>
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      <text bytes="3244" xml:space="preserve">{{welcome}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:42, 26 December 2015 (UTC)

== JS components in Extension:Math? ==

Hi Moritz,

I'm grabbing you as &quot;the most likely person to know anything about how Math works&quot;. :)

On enWS we (ab)use math markup to display fancy braces (via {{tl|brace2}}). I'm bugging you because recently this has stopped working, in what looks like an interaction with one of our more hacky Gadgets (i.e. JavaScript), and I'm wondering whether Extension:Math has a JavaScript component that we could possibly be clashing with?

Briefly, our [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers.js]] wraps &lt;code&gt;.mw-parser-output&lt;/code&gt; in three div elements and then applies custom styles to them. Now we're observing that braces look fine on page load, but when this gadget runs, at the point where it's wrapping the content in the divs, the braces generated seemingly disappear. Checking in the inspector it looks like maybe what's actually happening is that their width are getting set to ~4px or so (from ~25px on load). We're modifying the DOM and causing a relayout (other stuff on the page will change size), so maybe whatever JS Math is running is trying to dynamically calculate a width and getting confused? I can reproduce it in the debugger with a breakpoint (on [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js#L-284|line 284]]), but not isolated in the console, so it seems to be at least partially timing dependent.

So… does Math rely on any client-side javascript with which our gadget could be either conflicting or racing? If so, did it change significantly in the last couple of months?

Any tips or pointers would be very much appreciated; and apologies in advance if you're not the right person to bug about this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:26, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

:Oh, actually, let me give you a &quot;live&quot; example (without thereby intending to imply any expectation that you dive in deep and start debugging our local templates and gadgets): [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Vol 1/Table of contributors]]. The above mentioned gadget is on by default and we're seeing it across browsers etc. so I would expect you'd see the effect too. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:38, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::No, can you post a screenshot. For me it looks like that https://bafybeie4i3ob7yfwtznc75qtntdltpdnmt7wpa2umuuvdnajr7pbqqpx2i.ipfs.infura-ipfs.io/ [[Special:Contributions/95.91.245.247|95.91.245.247]] 13:37, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Screenshot [[:File:Screenshot 2022-07-24 at 16.13.46.png|here]]. The reporting users (and my own testing) shows the normal display, as per your screenshot, briefly before it changes to as in my screenshot. The reporting user describes it as the brace disappearing, but as you can see it's really that it shrinks to something like 4px width (and what looks like proportional height). What browser were you testing, and do you run NoScript or similar (block JS)? I've tested with Chrome, Safari, and Firefox on macOS (and the reporting user was in Chrome on Windows), and both while logged in and when logged out. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:24, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>85rxt8b36ow242ox1vky0xafuhsrn59</sha1>
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      <comment>/* JS components in Extension:Math? */ Reply</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="3660" xml:space="preserve">{{welcome}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:42, 26 December 2015 (UTC)

== JS components in Extension:Math? ==

Hi Moritz,

I'm grabbing you as &quot;the most likely person to know anything about how Math works&quot;. :)

On enWS we (ab)use math markup to display fancy braces (via {{tl|brace2}}). I'm bugging you because recently this has stopped working, in what looks like an interaction with one of our more hacky Gadgets (i.e. JavaScript), and I'm wondering whether Extension:Math has a JavaScript component that we could possibly be clashing with?

Briefly, our [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers.js]] wraps &lt;code&gt;.mw-parser-output&lt;/code&gt; in three div elements and then applies custom styles to them. Now we're observing that braces look fine on page load, but when this gadget runs, at the point where it's wrapping the content in the divs, the braces generated seemingly disappear. Checking in the inspector it looks like maybe what's actually happening is that their width are getting set to ~4px or so (from ~25px on load). We're modifying the DOM and causing a relayout (other stuff on the page will change size), so maybe whatever JS Math is running is trying to dynamically calculate a width and getting confused? I can reproduce it in the debugger with a breakpoint (on [[MediaWiki:Gadget-PageNumbers-core.js#L-284|line 284]]), but not isolated in the console, so it seems to be at least partially timing dependent.

So… does Math rely on any client-side javascript with which our gadget could be either conflicting or racing? If so, did it change significantly in the last couple of months?

Any tips or pointers would be very much appreciated; and apologies in advance if you're not the right person to bug about this. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:26, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

:Oh, actually, let me give you a &quot;live&quot; example (without thereby intending to imply any expectation that you dive in deep and start debugging our local templates and gadgets): [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Vol 1/Table of contributors]]. The above mentioned gadget is on by default and we're seeing it across browsers etc. so I would expect you'd see the effect too. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 09:38, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::No, can you post a screenshot. For me it looks like that https://bafybeie4i3ob7yfwtznc75qtntdltpdnmt7wpa2umuuvdnajr7pbqqpx2i.ipfs.infura-ipfs.io/ [[Special:Contributions/95.91.245.247|95.91.245.247]] 13:37, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
:::Screenshot [[:File:Screenshot 2022-07-24 at 16.13.46.png|here]]. The reporting users (and my own testing) shows the normal display, as per your screenshot, briefly before it changes to as in my screenshot. The reporting user describes it as the brace disappearing, but as you can see it's really that it shrinks to something like 4px width (and what looks like proportional height). What browser were you testing, and do you run NoScript or similar (block JS)? I've tested with Chrome, Safari, and Firefox on macOS (and the reporting user was in Chrome on Windows), and both while logged in and when logged out. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:24, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::::Allright. I can see it now. I am using the extensions described in https://www.mediawiki.org/wiki/Extension:Math#Viewing_math . So it is basically a problem with the images. Can you try if it works for you with Firefox and native MathML? In the meantime I did move this discussion to [[phab:T313689]], so it can be taken care of... [[Special:Contributions/95.91.245.247|95.91.245.247]] 14:45, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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      <text bytes="67405" xml:space="preserve">{{welcome}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 04:12, 4 January 2016 (UTC)

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==Help==
&lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;
Hello, 

I've been working on proofreading [[Index:Lancashire Legends, Traditions, Pageants, Sports, Etc., with an Appendix Containing a Rare Tract.djvu]] and have found that it requires some repairs, but I do not know how to go about fixing them.

The issues I have noticed are: 
There are four damaged pages, xiii, 90, 91, and 92. 
The index is also missing two pages, 282 and 283.

I have located an alternate copy of the book on The Internet Archive (https://archive.org/details/cu31924028040057) and it contains good copies of the damaged pages as well as the two missing pages.
 
Is it possible someone can replace the damaged pages and add the two missing pages from the alternate source?
([[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 20:15, 6 March 2017 (UTC))
:Looking at the work, it seems that the alternate IA version that you linked looks to be a superior quality work, especially the illustrations. Gut feel on the way to progress is that it may be better to upload the new version, then get a bot (with admin rights) to transfer the pages transcribed from one to the other.  It will take a little longer, though probably a better quality product, and probably less fiddly than trying to insert and move pages. {{ping|Mpaa}} what do you think? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 22:14, 6 March 2017 (UTC)
::I had a quick look and it seems there is a constant +1 page shift in the linked file. Pls double-check and, if it is confirmed, all we need to to is shift pages by one. Too bad the new file is pdf and not djvu, so I do not think we can reuse the same file/index page.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:17, 7 March 2017 (UTC)

&lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;
I have noticed by checking some of my diff pages that occasionally there are minor updates being made to some of my proofread pages, almost as if I had left a double space or some other hidden character in the page.
 
I always do a page preview before saving a page and occasionally I do see lines broken, which I correct by deleting whatever the hidden character is until the page preview looks fine.

An example of this can be seen on the following page I have recently proofed:
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Page%3APopular_Science_Monthly_Volume_72.djvu/408

Where in the block quote at the bottom of the page all appears fine to me, but when I look at the whole article using page:

https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Popular_Science_Monthly/Volume_72/May_1908/Some_New_View_Points_in_Nutrition

I see the line is broken in between the words &quot;and such&quot; in the following line:

&quot;there are so many and such conflicting opinions, that it is not wonderful that the spirits, whose nature is thus left so wholly&quot;

I'd be interested to know if there is anything I can configure to clear this problem or make it easier to spot? I edit using Firefox 54.0.1 (64 Bit) I previously used the 32 bit version where I first noticed the problem, but recently updated to the 64 bit to see if that would help. I've also tried clearing the page cache but it doesn't help. Do any other editors experience this type of problem? ([[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:34, 11 July 2017 (UTC))

== [[:Page:Mrs Beeton's Book of Household Management.djvu/259]] ==

Recheck, patched the illegibles using an identical edition. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:12, 18 March 2017 (UTC)

: Oh and thanks for validating, Just be careful to check for every lower case 'j' ... [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:12, 18 March 2017 (UTC)

Thanks for the check and repair of that page.

A bit of a mute question now as the page has already been validated by another person, but for my future reference, would I be expected to check the page again, or is it preferred that another reader does the recheck so that we get another set of eyes viewing the page? [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 20:30, 19 March 2017 (UTC)
: Feel free to re-read as many times as you find something that got missed. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:40, 19 March 2017 (UTC)

== Validation ==

Thanks.

BTW Once you've validated once, I would suggest giving a page a second read-through after a few weeks away, to be absolutely certain. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 19:52, 21 March 2017 (UTC)

You might also want to look at the typoscan script someone mentioned in a Scriptourm thread recently. I've also got a list of Typo words I've found in reviewing some of my proof-reading efforts. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 19:52, 21 March 2017 (UTC)

== span and div templates ==

To note that if using {{tl|block center}} that it is a &amp;lt;div&gt; template, so when you are pairing with a &amp;lt;span&gt; template like {{tl|smaller}} that the DIV (block) templates need to be outside of the SPAN templates  (html hierarchy!) Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 23:02, 13 April 2017 (UTC)

Thanks for the information, I must admit that am not very familiar with html at all, and the terms DIV and SPAN are new to me, but I think I see what I have been doing wrong. Please let me know if there are other issues I am not handling correctly. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:42, 15 April 2017 (UTC)

:Yeah, I know, not my favourite.  The hierarchy is SPAN (span) &lt;&lt; PARAGRAPH (p) &lt;&lt; DIVISION (div).   So equate it with a split of sentence / paragraph / page and then think.  So you cannot centre a sentence within a paragraph, so you when we centre it is with a paragraph or a division; whereas if we make something italics, it could be any of the three. So we need to nest (open and close a span) within element types.  I hope that is somewhat explanatory. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 11:53, 15 April 2017 (UTC)

== Footnotes within footnotes ==

One example of how you can handle references within footnotes, as well as when they span more than one page, etc. can be found at [[Index talk:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 2.djvu|this Index talk page]]. There is also [[Help:Footnotes and endnotes]]. I realize you might already have a method in mind, and may simply be saving those pages for later... P.S. The poetry formatting might make things confusing. If so, I apologize. [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 13:18, 9 February 2018 (UTC)

Thank you for the pointers! I had no idea how to approach that issue, it really had me stumped! 
I have attempted to format it using the example provided from the Byron link, but its not quite working out for me, as it doesn't reflect the page layout quite as I expected, so I have left it marked as problematic to see if anyone is able to do a better job. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 23:18, 10 February 2018 (UTC)

== Thank you ==

Hi Thank you very much for proof reading, validating and correcting [[Reflections on the Motive Power of Heat]]

Cheers from Australia.

== Beeton ==

Can you take another look at some of the pages that you identifed problems on (or skipped). I had a cleanup of some of them a month ago and would like a re-check on them. 

Thanks.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:16, 20 February 2018 (UTC)


&lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;

I have found a missing page in [[Index:Jardine Naturalist's library Bees.djvu]]

The Contents list should contain three pages, however the third page is missing, (as well as the following blank page.)

Would somebody be able to add the two missing pages after [[Page:Jardine Naturalist's library Bees.djvu/18]], or advise if and how I can do it?

The missing pages can be found in an alternate copy of the book at https://archive.org/details/bees34jard

Although the book is  dated later, I have checked the pages and apart from the placements of the Plates the pages do match the original book.
Thanks
[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:16, 28 March 2018 (UTC)
:Probably best to add this request to the appropriate section on [[WS:S]] — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:44, 28 March 2018 (UTC)

::Thank you, I've created a post for it as requested, I hope its in the correct section. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 14:55, 28 March 2018 (UTC)

== Beeton (2) ===
Thanks for validating.. I'm at the moment planning on re-examining some of the as of yet unvalidated pages as I'm finding many many concerns on review of these, I should be able to stay ahead of your validation efforts. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:47, 30 April 2018 (UTC)

:Thanks for the notification, I am only managing to check a small number of pages each day, so I doubt we should bump into each other too often.  [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:29, 30 April 2018 (UTC)

== [[:Index:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 1.djvu]] ==

As you've been able to spot typos in Beeton that I missed on at least 2 passes, I was wondering if you would be willing to consider adding this to your list of works under review.  (Ignore the nominal validation status), so that it can be as perfect as wiki-markup allows. Also I have a strong view in places it might need to be tweaked due to the parser changes which are coming soon.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:23, 2 July 2018 (UTC)

: And after Volume 1 there are Voulmes 2,3,4 to be examined  :( (sigh). [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:23, 2 July 2018 (UTC)

:: Yes, I can add it to my list and try and check a page or so a day. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 07:30, 3 July 2018 (UTC)

== [[Leaves of Knowledge]] ==

Hi, it's been nice to work in parallel on [[Leaves of Knowledge]] -- I appreciate your proofreading/validating efforts. Just wanted to let you know I finished up the chapter pages, and posted this on &quot;new texts&quot; on the front page today. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 23:47, 19 December 2018 (UTC)

:Your welcome, and thank you for applying the finishing touches along with the status update! [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:44, 20 December 2018 (UTC)

== Beeton Images. ==

I note that someone else had uploaded some images under a different naming structure previously,  Will you be examining those and updating , re-naming images accordingly?

BTW - [[Page:Mrs_Beeton%27s_Book_of_Household_Management.djvu/172]] needs it's plate upload as does [[Page:Mrs_Beeton%27s_Book_of_Household_Management.djvu/1403]].  I've not listed images past this as I know you were uploading them as you progressed through the validations.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 15:28, 30 December 2018 (UTC)

:I'd held off those two plates for a while because I was trying to obtain better a quality scan of them.
:I found the missing text of the second plate in the raw image scan at the original source and have uploaded it now, however the first plate is damaged also in the raw scan and I havn't been able to locate a better image anywhere else. I can go ahead and upload it as is if you like, and it can be updated if anyone finds a better one in the future.

:Re: renaming of files, I don't think that is something I have the authority to do. It seems to rely on placing a request for a file to be renamed, and then it has to be assessed by the admins. Maybe we would have to compile a list of files to be renamed before we could request that?  [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 08:32, 31 December 2018 (UTC)

: Yes, or given that yours have a different lead name, just update the transcription here to use your uploaded scans at higher quality :) [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:42, 31 December 2018 (UTC)

== Not an immediate priority but... ==

[[:Index:UKSI19810859.pdf]] - Someone needs to make the image presentation on this Sane, and bring it up to the expected standards, there are a LOT of missing images though.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:30, 15 January 2019 (UTC)

:: I've taken a look but I think that creating those type of images is well above my current skill level. Sorry. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 19:37, 17 January 2019 (UTC)

== Tableaux Vivans ==

Thank you tremendously for adding a table to ''Once a Week, Volume II''. Tables are something I haven't studied at all yet. The &quot;Tableaux Vivans&quot; table is perfect; I just adjusted the top and bottom margin and the font size of the caption. [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 23:31, 31 January 2019 (UTC)

== Ancient Stone Implements ==

Just wanted to thank you for all the images you added for Ancient Stone Implements. [[User:Mike s|Mike s]] ([[User talk:Mike s|talk]]) 16:40, 11 May 2019 (UTC)

== Bench and Bar of Colorado.   ==

Thanks...

I will note the table layout may also need updating - https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3ABench_and_bar_of_Colorado_-_1917.djvu%2F61&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=9412882&amp;oldid=9412812 to resolve the LintErrors.  If you want to do this while adding images feel free. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:58, 3 July 2019 (UTC)

::I've uploaded a few images, and copied the table changes, so hopefully they are now appearing as expected? I don't know what a LintError is or how to check for one, so if you could give it a check over for me, and if ok I'll carry on. Thanks [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:03, 4 July 2019 (UTC)

== [[:Index:Newdressmakerwit00butt.djvu]] ==

As you seem to know what you are doing with images, any chance of queuing this one in your lists?

Some of the illustrations were previously uploaded to Commons,  see the link on the index page.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:25, 28 August 2019 (UTC)

:I'll give them a go, note that I don't know how to create images with transparent backgrounds as the previous uploader did, so mine will just be plain white backgrounds. The layouts I add may also need adjusting to your preference, so keep a watch for them them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:43, 28 August 2019 (UTC)

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== [[Index:Coloured Figures of English Fungi or Mushrooms.djvu]] ==

Can you take a second look at this ? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:45, 16 September 2019 (UTC)

: See also  - [[:Wikisource:Scriptorium#Index:Coloured_Figures_of_English_Fungi_or_Mushrooms.djvu]] [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 13:17, 17 September 2019 (UTC)
:: I'm not confident about taking on those images, and I doubt I could improve them, my colour editing knowledge is very basic, I've been unable to remove the foxing from the pages, I've had a few attempt over the day but got nowhere with them. You may be better trying to recruit an image expert to tackle those. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 21:50, 17 September 2019 (UTC)

== [[:Index:Ferns and Evergreens New England.djvu]] ==

Simple image insertion task, and validation? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:32, 20 September 2019 (UTC)

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== Mother Goose... ==

Hi Sp1nd01,

I've noticed you've added a lot of missing images to works here, and so I'm guessing that's an area you're interested in? I just ran across [[The Real Mother Goose]], and looking at [[Index:The Real Mother Goose.djvu]] it looks like it's essentially done except for the images. It's going to take some pretty careful editing to remove the yellow background without ruining the (color) drawings, but if you're interested in that kind of challenge you might like this project.

In any case: absolutely ''no'' obligation to take it on! I thought you might be interested is all, and if you're not then please do feel free to ignore this message entirely! :) --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:26, 31 May 2020 (UTC)

:Yes I enjoy working on the images, I've just been trying to help some of the books along to completion. I'd be happy to give those images a try for you, only basic stuff, as I'm by no means an image specialist. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 14:27, 31 May 2020 (UTC)

== Image extraction ==

Hi! When extracting images from DjVu files, the results are often very badly damaged by the DjVu compression, which is generally heavy and optimised for text, not images. For files that come from the Internet Archive, there are original page scan photographs at the IA details page, which are generally much higher quality that that found in a DjVu. In the case of Hudibras page xxiv, the original JP2 file is [https://ia802700.us.archive.org/view_archive.php?archive=/9/items/hudibras01butl/hudibras01butl_orig_jp2.tar&amp;file=hudibras01butl_orig_jp2%2Fhudibras01butl_orig_0046.jp2 here], and a list of all the page images is [https://ia802700.us.archive.org/view_archive.php?archive=/9/items/hudibras01butl/hudibras01butl_orig_jp2.tar here] (you can choose JPG or JP2; JP2 avoids an extra round of compression).

There are some more details of extracting the best images from various source at [[H:DJVUIMG]]. Thanks for doing image extraction! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   09:03, 12 October 2020 (UTC)
:Thanks for the info, I thought the images looked slightly blurred. I've now uploaded the higher quality versions. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:34, 12 October 2020 (UTC)
:: It's beautiful, thank you :-). I have broken the image extraction instructions out to [[H:EXTRACT]] now.
:: It looks like you are rather good at extracting images, what's your method? I plan to add some instructions to H:EXTRACT following what I wrote here [[User_talk:AndrewOfWyntoun#Images_for_Old_man's_wish]], but it'll take me a while to do. If you have any other hints that differ from that (especially if you have a way to automate it), I'd love to see them! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   09:49, 12 October 2020 (UTC)

:::My method is  similar to yours, but I tend to shy away from gimp as I find it has too many features for my minimal skill level, (I get especially confused with layers and channels, not to mention all the menu options and layouts, but I will revisit this and follow your instructions to see what I end up with.)  

:::For reference in-case it is useful to you or anyone else who reads this, my processing method for greyscale / black and white is as follows: ( I don't have a method for colour, I just have to experiment and play around.)

:::I use xnview for cropping and processing the images and the irfanview for minor blemish removal. Unfortunately I know of no methods of automating any of this processing.

:::I download and crop the image. (I'll try and ensure to use the highest quality source I can obtain.)

:::Desaturate if required to remove colour  -  Image - Extract channel (usually red is sufficient) but sometimes for paler images or images with wavy lines visible, I find removing the green or blue chanel instead may give a better result.

:::Try Image, Map, Automatic Levels, but this does not always produce the required result. so I tend to manually adjust levels to whiten the background.

:::Image, Adjust, Levels, and reduce the white point to remove they grey background as much as possible, (I find it easier to see the effect if Apply to image is checked, as it displays the result to the main large image as you adjust the levels.) As you reduce the white point, you may also have to increase the black point to avoid the image fading too much.

:::A rough rule of thumb, you can usually slide the white point left to just past the initial downward slope on the first curve to remove most of the grey background. The black point can be raised to the start of the dotted lines. But its really a try it and see approach.

:::Once happy with the levels, if there are any remaining blemishes I will save the file and then I remove them using the eraser feature in irfanview. (as far as I know there is no eraser feature in xnview.)

:::Finally To save an image with a transparent background, I use File, Export select Color Mode 256 Color (Adaptive) and then select white in the Set Transparency Colour tab. 

:::Otherwise I export as Greyscale or save as a .jpg  
  
::: Thanks for creating the documentation btw, its really useful information, I've certainly picked up some good pointers from it! [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 12:41, 12 October 2020 (UTC)
==''[[The Curlytops at Silver Lake]]'' (and other) images==
Thank you for your work creating images; I can tell you that it is certainly much appreciated by everyone here on English Wikisource. Would you mind creating the images (from ''Curlytops'') from the higher-quality images I scanned, instead? For the few books I have scanned, I have also made higher-quality scans for pages with images; I have only uploaded these for ''[[The North Star]]'' (and those are of a less desirable nature, being poorly cropped and aligned, and not being desaturated). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:32, 13 November 2020 (UTC).
*I'm happy to try and help, let me know where the higher-quality scans can be found and I'll have a go using them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 07:35, 14 November 2020 (UTC)
**Alas, I cannot find the image scans for ''Curlytops''. (I think I’ve misplaced a folder.) I can upload the scan images for ''A North Star'' (and some other works), if you’re interested. I’m sorry for having bothered you, when I don’t even have the images. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 13:32, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
***{{re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} If it helps at all, I still have the TIFF files you sent me to make a DJVu of ''The Curlytops at Silver Lake''? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:28, 14 November 2020 (UTC)
****[[User:Xover|Xover]]: Thank you, but I am referring to different images. For all of the works I sent you (and some more I would like to send you soon), I also made higher-quality scans of pages with images. However, I cannot find the higher-quality images for ''Curlytops'', either because I have misplaced them, or because I did not make them in the first place. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:13, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
***No bother at all, I'll run them through my process for you once you've uploaded them. If they aren't up to requirements just delete them, no offence will be taken. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:53, 14 November 2020 (UTC)
****Thank you! I will upload them soon as local files; they can be deleted once you have extracted the images. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:13, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
****Raw images from ''The North Star'' are [[:Category:The North Star images|here]] (it is a “category” that has not been created). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:35, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
*****I have uploaded other images [[:Category:Modern Manners images|here]], [[:Category:Poems of Patriotism images|here]], and [[:Category:Touch Not---Taste Not images|here]]; the numbers given are the page numbers of the file they belong to. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:55, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
******I've uploaded the new images to commons for you, and I think that's everything completed now. If so you may delete the local files. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:28, 15 November 2020 (UTC)
*******Yes, that’s all; could you please delete them, [[User:Xover|Xover]]? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:41, 15 November 2020 (UTC).
********{{re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Done. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:49, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

== [[:Category:Images not fully transcluded]] ==

You might find this useful. ? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:27, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
: Yes, thanks for pointing it out. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 13:44, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
:: {{re|Sp1nd01}} Just wanted to add my thanks here for all the images you've been adding which also happen to come under the [[Wikisource:WikiProject_NLS|WikiProject NLS]] grouping. I don't want to bombard you with the 'thanks!' button everytime I come across a work with the images now added, but it's so nice to see it happening and making the works complete. So yeah, thanks! [[User:AndrewOfWyntoun|AndrewOfWyntoun]] ([[User talk:AndrewOfWyntoun|talk]]) 10:26, 15 December 2020 (UTC)

== Hudibras portraits ==

Hi there. Thanks for the work you've done preparing the images for this work. I've been plugging away at the text, off and on, for a couple of years now and have finished Volume 1. My own efforts at manipulating the images haven't been anything like as successful as your own. Having spent ages trying to get the guidance in the Wikisource help to work and, having done so, getting poor results, I now mostly use Irfanview and the 'replace colour' function. For most things this seems to be satisfactory (with a bit of titivation using MS Paint 3D where necessary) but it takes out the fine detail in the Hudibras images.&lt;p&gt;I was going to ask you how you achieve such good results, but stumbled across the entry on your talk page, so I'm going to give that a go. Thanks again.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 08:58, 31 May 2021 (UTC)
::Hi {{re|Chrisguise}} I hope my rough and ready instructions are clear enough to follow! if I can help clarify anything that isn't please ask and I'll try to help. As I mentioned I am only a very basic graphics editor, but the method does seem to produce fairly good results on most of the black and white images I've come across. Good luck with your images!&lt;p&gt;PS. I hope you didn't mind me attempting some of the images every now and again, I just tend to drift about looking for older problematic pages to work on and stumbled on Hudibras only a few months ago. If you prefer to complete the images or replace any I have uploaded please do so. Regards [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 21:42, 1 June 2021 (UTC)
:::Absolutely not, please keep up the good work. I've had a go at the last eight portraits for volume 1 but haven't uploaded them yet. I installed XnViewXP and followed your guide, which works well, so much so that I need to go back to my earlier efforts and redo them. Like yourself I have little experience with image editing and find the interface on some of the free packages daunting (especially GIMP); by comparison XnViewXP is positively friendly. Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 22:25, 1 June 2021 (UTC)

: Pardon the drive-by, but I thought you might like to know I have recently written up some (GIMP) instructions at [[Help:Image extraction/With GIMP]], but the concepts would translated to any image processing software. The Hudibras portraits are specifically hard because the have such fine, pale, detail, so it's really easy to blow the highlights to pure white. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:46, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

::Sorry, Not the brightest at this end of the wire! The documentation is really useful, but I fall at the first hurdle when I see talk of layers and alpha channels, they are just beyond my ability. I've tried many times with gimp and can't get anywhere with it.&lt;p&gt;
::One interesting item I wasn't aware of was that I should be using .jp2 for the highest resolution images. From the Internet Archive I had been obtaining the images by clicking on the .jpg file link from the raw source, I assumed that they would give the same high resolution image, considering the file size is the same.&lt;p&gt;
::I ran a test today and my resultant .png image I created from the .jp2 appears clearer and has a larger file and display size than one from the .jpg file, so its .jp2 for me from now on. Makes me wonder why the internet archive bother offering the .jpg file at all? [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 18:06, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
==Image request==
Thanks for the all the work you have been doing in creating images here at Wikisource! It is much appreciated. Would you mind creating the images from ''[[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government]]''? The diagram at /5–/7 is one image; the table at pp. 91–93 isn’t an image. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:37, 28 June 2021 (UTC)
:: Not sure how my joining the three images will work out, but I'll have a go at it. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 08:53, 29 June 2021 (UTC)
:::*Thank you for trying. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 14:30, 29 June 2021 (UTC)
:::::Images now added, one still needs they key typing in, I've left it as problematic for now. You may also want to resize them. I've left the table, its a little too complicated for me. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 18:30, 29 June 2021 (UTC)
:::::*It looks great! Thanks. I can complete the key later. The table is a mess, but I’ll deal with it later. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:55, 29 June 2021 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Chaldean Account of Genesis (1876).djvu]] ==

I see that you're quite talented at image processing. Would you mind adding the images to this index that in its last month in the Monthly Challenge and only missing the pages with images. Many Thanks! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:56, 18 October 2021 (UTC)
:Sure thing, I'll have a go at adding them over the next week. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 20:10, 18 October 2021 (UTC)
:: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:24, 20 October 2021 (UTC)
::: I really appreciate your work on this book. Thanks to you, it got finished. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:03, 26 October 2021 (UTC)
:::: Your welcome, glad too have been of some help! [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 13:55, 27 October 2021 (UTC)

== [[Index:Kwaidan; Stories and Studies of Strange Things - Hearn - 1904.djvu]] ==

I was wondering if you'd be willing to help out with this book as well. It's fully proofread and transcluded, but missing the graphics. Most of the pages are marked in purple. In addition, each story has a set of Kanji character(s) that run on the side of each page. Since the characters are identical, they only need to be added to the second page of each story. Many thanks! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:49, 30 October 2021 (UTC)
: Sure, I'm away for computer access for the weekend but can take a look from Monday. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:45, 30 October 2021 (UTC)
:: Thank you so much. I can see that you already started. :) Could you also add the image of the character on the page after the first page of the story, for example [[Page:Kwaidan; Stories and Studies of Strange Things - Hearn - 1904.djvu/54]]. I'm happy to make a complete list if that makes life easier for you. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:14, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
::: I can do that if its required? The reason I ask is because characters have been added on this [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Kwaidan;_Stories_and_Studies_of_Strange_Things_-_Hearn_-_1904.djvu/28&amp;oldid=11841671] page. If an image is the preferred method I will add them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 18:56, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::: To me, these characters are calligraphy and should remain as images. It would great if you could add them. Of course, take as long as you need and thank you for the work that you've done. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 04:59, 2 November 2021 (UTC)
::::: Thank you so much for doing the images. I always find it amazing to see how much images can transform a work. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:58, 6 November 2021 (UTC)

== Images for Two Tarzan Books ==

Thank you for all the images that you've created so far. They've really made a difference. Could I trouble you to process the images for [[Index:Jungle Tales of Tarzan.djvu]] and [[Index:Tarzan and the Jewels of Opar.djvu]]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:56, 14 November 2021 (UTC)
:Just had a quick look, I think all the images have already been uploaded by other users. I could crop and greyscale some if that is required? but I don't know if the original uploaders intended to present them as they are now. Please advise what you would like doing with them? I'm just wary of changing other users work. Thanks [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:23, 15 November 2021 (UTC)
:: Yes, could you crop and grayscale them. I also think that the images are from the DJVU rather than the JP2 files, could you replace those? It's ok to replace images if they are from a higher-quality source or if they need additional processing. Many Thanks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:08, 16 November 2021 (UTC)
::: Image updates are now done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 21:24, 17 November 2021 (UTC)
:::: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:03, 19 November 2021 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Son of Tarzan.djvu]] ==

Would you mind adding the images to this Index? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:18, 22 November 2021 (UTC)
: All done now. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:39, 30 November 2021 (UTC)
:: Thank you! Truly appreciate you. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:20, 4 December 2021 (UTC)

== Tarzan Strikes Again ==

Would you be interested in adding the images for [[Index:The Return of Tarzan.djvu]]? Many thanks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:42, 15 December 2021 (UTC)
:Sure thing, It looks like I started on this a few months ago and then forgot to complete it. So many distractions... [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:43, 16 December 2021 (UTC)
:: All outstanding imaged now added. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:16, 17 December 2021 (UTC)
::: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:58, 7 January 2022 (UTC)

== 3 Images in [[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 2).djvu]] ==

Would you mind doing the three images in [[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 2).djvu]]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:58, 7 January 2022 (UTC)

::All done [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:34, 7 January 2022 (UTC)
::: Thank you! Would you also mind doing the images for [[Index:My mortal enemy - 1926.djvu]]. The images can be harvested from [https://archive.org/details/mymortalenem00cath/page/n7/mode/2up]. It seems they added a yellow background, could that be removed? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]].
:::: I've done those using my simple method of extracting a colour channel and adjusting the levels to change any remaining grey to white. Hope they OK. You may like to change their sizing to your preferred values. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 23:55, 7 January 2022 (UTC)
::::: You're a true master at your craft. They look perfect. Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:56, 7 January 2022 (UTC)
:::Hi,
:::@[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Thanks for adding these images. Note that there is a double page image in Historic Highways Volume 2, that I am not sure how to handle (p105-106).
:::However, I didn't realise you were also doing the images for My Mortal Enemy. At this point I kind of wish @[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] would have cc'd me on the message, because I spent the last hour or so myself doing all the images. After I quick test, I think my images are slightly higher resolution/cleaner than yours (I found said cleaner versions on hathi trust), so I am going to swap them out. Sorry that we doubled up, and thanks again for the assistance with Historic Highways.
:::Thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 23:57, 7 January 2022 (UTC)
::::No worries, we got crossed wires, I checked for existing images before I started, so I must have missed them or checked before you uploaded yours. I'm off line now for the weekend, but it may be possible to find an alternate source with the whole image of the map for p105/6, if not it is sometimes possible to merge the two pages together, but from a quick glance it looks like the center part is hidden by a fold so that won't be an option for this one. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 00:15, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
:::::Hi,
:::::@[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Thanks for your understanding, and also enjoy the weekend. My guess is that we both started at almost exactly the same time; or otherwise I hadn't refreshed the page index in a while, so it looked like things hadn't changed. Maybe next time I will add something to the discussion page just in case, assuming people check those things.
:::::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] All good.
:::::Thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 01:34, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
:::::Hi again,
:::::Thanks a bunch for adding that last image. Much appreciated!
:::::Thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 23:23, 10 January 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] Sorry about that. Slipped my mind. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:23, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Enjoy your weekend. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:23, 8 January 2022 (UTC)

== Images for [[Index:Beeton's Christmas Annual 1887.pdf]] ==

Would you mind doing the images for [[Index:Beeton's Christmas Annual 1887.pdf|A Study in Scarlet]] . The original images are from [https://hrc.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p15878coll8/id/200/rec/3].   [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:22, 3 February 2022 (UTC)
:Images now added. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:46, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you so much. There are a number of other Indexes in the MC that could use your help with images and I don't want to flood your talk page with individual requests. I'd appreciate your help with any of them. Many, many thanks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:34, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
::Hi,
::Given the effort in adding images, I thought it worth a typed thanks (rather than the simpler equivalent), expressing my appreciation for the images added to a Study in Scarlet and to Historic Highways of America Vol. 3 (among everything else that you have been adding images to).
::Thanks again,
:::Appreciate that, just doing what I love, glad it's helping you out. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:39, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 22:01, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
::* [[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 3).djvu]] - 7 images
::* [[Index:Tarzan the Untamed.djvu]] - 5 images
::* [[Index:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 1.djvu]] - 7 images
::* [[Index:The Clansman (1905).djvu]] - 7 images
::* [[Index:Up From Slavery.djvu]] - 1 image
::* [[Index:Ovid's Metamorphoses (Vol. 2) - tr Garth, Dryden, et. al. (1727).djvu]] - 9 images.
::* [[Index:Bleak House.djvu]] - 39 images.

== [[Page:Bleak House.djvu/15]] ==

For this page, would you mind leaving the text in the image. It appears to be hand drawn. Thanks![[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:29, 9 February 2022 (UTC)
:Title image redone to include the text. All the main images are now done.&lt;br&gt;I'm not sure what to do with the Cover and Adv Page? Any ideas on how these are to be be represented, with images, or just left as text or some other solution? [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:01, 9 February 2022 (UTC)
:: Awesome. The Cover should be an image, but the Adv page is not very necessary. It’s sort of there by being on the back of the cover. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:15, 9 February 2022 (UTC)

==[[Index:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 03).djvu]]==
This one is also missing images, would you mind adding them? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:08, 17 February 2022 (UTC)

== Behind the scenes, or, Thirty years a slave and four years in the White House ==

Thanks for the images for this. I think that you might have overlooked the endpiece on [[Page:Behind the scenes, or, Thirty years a slave and four years in the White House.djvu/268]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:02, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:Good spot, its now added. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 23:14, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! Now that book is done. :) [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:20, 17 February 2022 (UTC)

== 1 Image ==

Can you please add the image to [[Page:Father Henson's story of his own life.djvu/6]] from [https://archive.org/download/fatherhensonsst00hens/fatherhensonsst00hens_orig_jp2.tar/fatherhensonsst00hens_orig_jp2%2Ffatherhensonsst00hens_orig_0008.jp2]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:29, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
:Now done [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:59, 19 February 2022 (UTC)
:: Thanks! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:32, 19 February 2022 (UTC)

== Another image request (Jade Story Book) ==

Hello,

Thanks for all your assistance helping finish off many works in the MC thus far. Just wondering if you would be inclined to add two images to the Jade Story Book in the MC, which is otherwise almost finished (particularly given one is color, and for the most part, I stick to simple black and whites).

Thanks,
[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 00:11, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:Images now added, hope they are ok. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:04, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
::They look great, many thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 19:14, 26 February 2022 (UTC)

== March Monthly Challenge ==

Hi, would you mind doing the images for 
* [[Index:The Modern Writer.pdf]]
* [[Index:Orley Farm (Serial Volume 13).pdf]]. 

Many thanks as always [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:48, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
:Thank you for those. Could you also do:
:* [[Index:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 2.djvu]]
:* [[Index:The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 1.djvu]]
:* [[Index:On a grey thread (IA ongreythread00gidl).pdf]]
:* [[Index:The Feminist Movement - Snowden - 1912.djvu]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:33, 4 March 2022 (UTC)
:::All done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 21:58, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

== More March Monthly Challenge ==

Hello again,

If possible could you please add:

1 image (twice) to [[Index:The Feminist Movement - Snowden - 1912.djvu]]

1 logo to [[Index:Murder on the Links - 1985.djvu]] - I am not sure which publisher logo's have templates, so maybe this will be super simple

6 images to [[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 4).djvu]] - note 7 pages are marked problematic, only 6 require images

Sorry that I always seem to ask on the weekend, I do not mean to cause any pressure by it (do these things if and when works best), and any help is much appreciated.
Thanks,[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 02:04, 19 March 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks (again). Images (in HHoA) look great as always. [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 05:46, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

::Your welcome. It looks like it won't be possible to upload the Bantam Books logo as it is probably protected by copyright. If I hear otherwise I can soon upload a copy. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 18:48, 21 March 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry for any confusion about the logo. I figured they were separate to the copyright for the text, but probably should have been more sure how it all works before I asked. [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 04:15, 22 March 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Rather than keeping on adding new entries to your growing discussion page, I thought I might try and sneak another few in here for March.
::[[Index:The Science of Getting Rich - Wattles - 1910.djvu]] - technically this only has one missing image. However, all the chapters start with &quot;image&quot; drop initials, and images for those would be nice (up to you though), although these pages have not been marked as problematic (they are listed in the contents, bar the introduction).
::[[Index:The history of Witchcraft and demonology.djvu]] - this may not get finished though (not sure how much that might dissuade you)
::[[Index:The Elene of Cynewulf.djvu]] - I intend to get to this (as my Scriptorium discussion might suggest), but not everything has been going to plan
::As always, I greatly appreciate any help you are willing and able to provide,[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 05:53, 29 March 2022 (UTC)
::: I think they are now all done, if I've missed any please let me know. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:13, 29 March 2022 (UTC)

== Thanks for updating the images ==

at [[Index:A short guide to Syria (1943).djvu]], appreciated. [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 13:58, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

== April Monthly Challenge ==

Hello again,

When time permits, could you please add images to:

[[Index:Anne of Avonlea (1909).djvu]] - 1 page

[[Index:Orley Farm (Serial Volume 17).pdf]] - 2 images, as always

[[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 5).djvu]] - 4 images, although some of them are quite faint in the version on Wikisource (I am not sure where you source yours)

Thanks,
[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 21:06, 17 April 2022 (UTC)

:P.S. Scratch Orley Farm v17 off the above. [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 06:32, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:: Now complete. For the folded maps in Historic highways of America (Volume 5) I have only been able to locate full copies from a Cornell University scan. I have added them and the captions, but if anyone can locate better copies I'd be happy to replace them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 13:46, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
::: Would you mind also doing [[Index:Anne of the Island (1920).djvu]] and [[Index:The Kobzar of the Ukraine.pdf]]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:43, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

== May Monthly Challenge ==

Hello,

Could you please add images to any or all of,

[[Index:The Anglo-Saxon version of the story of Apollonius of Tyre.djvu]] - 2 pages

[[Index:Anne of the Island (1920).djvu]] - 2 pages

[[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 6).djvu]] - 3 pages

[[Index:Owen Wister - The Virginian.djvu]] - 1 page

[[Index:The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu]] - a lot of pages

As always, any help is much appreciated.

Thanks,[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:23, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

: Would you mind redoing the images in [[Index:Owen Wister - The Virginian.djvu]] as well. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 04:11, 3 May 2022 (UTC)
:Hi again,
:Awesome job so far, above and beyond expectations; so many images! If I am not overreaching in tacking on
:[[Index:The Novels of Ivan Turgenev (volume VII).djvu]] - 3 pages
:so that it can be marked proofread, then all the better.
:Many thanks,
:[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 21:11, 6 May 2022 (UTC)
:: All done now.  re: the the Turgenev images, I am unable to locate the original source on the internet archive using the link provided. The source links to a file which contains no images. I have searched but have not been able find the one which contains the images. If anyone can help me locate the file I'll get them uploaded. Thanks [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:09, 6 May 2022 (UTC)
:::The actual source for the scans is: https://archive.org/details/novelsofivanturg02turg [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:44, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::: Thank you for locating that source for me. The images have now been added. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:39, 7 May 2022 (UTC)

== German Stories ==

Hi, I just wanted to say thank you for adding the images to the German Stories scans! Great work! --&lt;span style=&quot;text-shadow:grey 0.15em 0.15em 0.1em&quot;&gt;[[User:Yodin|Yodin]]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;text-shadow:grey 0.25em 0.25em 0.12em&quot;&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[[User talk:Yodin|T]]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 10:59, 14 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu]] ==

Hey, thanks for adding the images that you’ve done for this index. I’ve marked some more pages which need images as ’problematic’; would be great if you can upload them too! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 13:05, 30 May 2022 (UTC)
: All done, please let me know if I've missed any others. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:05, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

== June Monthly Challenge ==

Hello again,

Another month, another monthly challenge (who would have guessed), another image request. As always, efforts much appreciated.

[[Index:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 04).djvu]] - Technically timed out last month, but only 4 images left.

[[Index:The Anglo-Saxon version of the story of Apollonius of Tyre.djvu]] - I realise I requested last month, but someone else uploaded a (slightly) incorrect logo. Your call if you can be bothered to change.

[[Index:Enough Rope - Parker - 1926.djvu]] - Also just a logo.

[[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu]] - 2 images.

[[Index:A Treatise on Painting.djvu]] - A fair few images (I realise it looks not proofread, due to unregistered users, but it is close to being finished).

[[Index:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu]] - 6 images.

Thanks,[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 03:18, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:: Hi, I think that is all the images added for now. (I do notice them in the MC, but I tend to leave them alone incase others want to have a go at them first.) [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:22, 16 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Hi @[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]],
:::Thanks again for adding all the images. Sorry for any presumption, if any was implied. If possible, can I tack on [[Index:From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu]]. I am not sure about if Wikisource does covers, but it would be nice to at least do the title page in the same vein as [[Page:The Feminist Movement - Snowden - 1912.djvu/11]]. Also sorry if I missed marking a page as problematic in A Treatise on Painting, hence leading someone else to think you had missed an image when you probably had no reason to presume there would be one there in the first place (I am sure you are aware that there were so many images, and it was awfully easy to miss one going page by page).
:::Thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 03:15, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] I've had a go at the title page and cover for you. The title page looks fairly close to me at the page level, however when I click on the transclusion to view the whole of the text it seems to be offset to the right and overflows the image for some reason. I don't know why this is, maybe someone could explain what's going on? Sorry about that maybe the method I use is flawed. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:01, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::@[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Thanks for adding the image, it looks great now. As for the right offset, my interpretation of what went on is: if you just use a center, without specifying any width, then the x1 value should be 0, else you are pushing the left margin (it then splits half of everything to the right of the left margin, which is no longer a full page). The other option, is just to set a fixed width on the section being centred, which I did in the smaller block, and then you can use the margins to move things around. Again, thanks, it looks great. [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:05, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:Book of Etiquette, Volume 1, by Lilian Eichler.djvu]] ==

Thanks for adding the missing images to ''The History of the Standard Oil Company, Vol 2''. I'd be much obliged if you would help in this index as well; it is missing the frontispiece, cover and images on the title page, half-title page, and some more illustrated pages (including the first page). I've marked those pages as &quot;problematic&quot;. Thanks for the help in advance! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 12:21, 20 June 2022 (UTC)
:{{ping|Sp1nd01}} [[Index:Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu|Volume 2]] of the ''Book of Etiquette'' also needs a frontispiece and 3 images. Can you do those as well? [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:12, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:: All done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 12:11, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf]] ==

Would you mind doing the images for this title? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 19:36, 25 June 2022 (UTC)
:I'd be happy to do those, but fyi another user [[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] is actively working on it has previously added images, so they may be still planning to complete it themself so I don't want to tread on any toes. For now I've created and added the recently created images to a Category &quot;The Gilded Age&quot; on Commons where I can keep track of them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you for creating the &quot;The Gilded Age&quot; category. I plan on continuing adding images for this title. I favor collaboration. Do you have suggestions concerning my work on the images? [[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] ([[User talk:Stamlou|talk]]) 14:20, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] @[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Yes, collaboration is key. Thank you to both of you for creating this category. Would it be possible to remove the background of these images? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 17:21, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::: @[[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] @[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] I would remove any captions and image colouring for any monochrome images. However I do often see images with the colour retained, so I tend to follow suite, assuming it is desired by the uploader to be that way. There is a good image help [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Help:Adding_images#Image_preparation article] I would recommend a read, I refer to it for guidance and it does suggest that the colour and captions should be removed. Please continue to upload your images, if you can have a go at creating any new images in greyscale that would be good. (I am a very basic image editor, so I mainly adjust black and white points using the levels option, which works fairly well in most cases.) If you would like, I will crop and greyscale the existing ones that you have already uploaded to share the workload? Let me know if that is OK.  [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 19:01, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you for your suggestions, I agree with them. Please crop and change to grey scale the illustrations that need it and finish doing all images for this project. [[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] ([[User talk:Stamlou|talk]]) 19:29, 27 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu]] ==

Would you mind doing the images for the The Adventure of Silver Blaze. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:28, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:Now complete. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:21, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 10:50, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu]] ==

Do you think that you can images for The Adventure of the Cardboard Box. They'll be a series of Sherlock Holmes from the volume. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:23, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
: Thanks for the two stories. The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk is now proofread and needs images, if you don't mind. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:52, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:: It looks like all the Sherlock Holmes has been proofread, would you mind adding the missing images. Many thanks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 03:20, 13 July 2022 (UTC)
::: All done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:34, 13 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 17:17, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu]] ==

This work is in need of four images, do you think that you could add them. :) [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 03:21, 13 July 2022 (UTC)
: All done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:33, 13 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 17:18, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu]] ==

This work has one page marked ''Problematic'' due to a missing image (the rest are validated). Can you add it please? [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:33, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
: Done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 12:12, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== The Final Problem ==

Would you mind doing the images for The Final Problem in [[Index:The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu]]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:33, 25 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>a4tff5m4s68yk92cf3z5lee26jli4gg</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508095</id>
      <parentid>12507765</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:11:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Sp1nd01</username>
        <id>631214</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* The Final Problem */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="67545" xml:space="preserve">{{welcome}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 04:12, 4 January 2016 (UTC)

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==Help==
&lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;
Hello, 

I've been working on proofreading [[Index:Lancashire Legends, Traditions, Pageants, Sports, Etc., with an Appendix Containing a Rare Tract.djvu]] and have found that it requires some repairs, but I do not know how to go about fixing them.

The issues I have noticed are: 
There are four damaged pages, xiii, 90, 91, and 92. 
The index is also missing two pages, 282 and 283.

I have located an alternate copy of the book on The Internet Archive (https://archive.org/details/cu31924028040057) and it contains good copies of the damaged pages as well as the two missing pages.
 
Is it possible someone can replace the damaged pages and add the two missing pages from the alternate source?
([[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 20:15, 6 March 2017 (UTC))
:Looking at the work, it seems that the alternate IA version that you linked looks to be a superior quality work, especially the illustrations. Gut feel on the way to progress is that it may be better to upload the new version, then get a bot (with admin rights) to transfer the pages transcribed from one to the other.  It will take a little longer, though probably a better quality product, and probably less fiddly than trying to insert and move pages. {{ping|Mpaa}} what do you think? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 22:14, 6 March 2017 (UTC)
::I had a quick look and it seems there is a constant +1 page shift in the linked file. Pls double-check and, if it is confirmed, all we need to to is shift pages by one. Too bad the new file is pdf and not djvu, so I do not think we can reuse the same file/index page.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:17, 7 March 2017 (UTC)

&lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;
I have noticed by checking some of my diff pages that occasionally there are minor updates being made to some of my proofread pages, almost as if I had left a double space or some other hidden character in the page.
 
I always do a page preview before saving a page and occasionally I do see lines broken, which I correct by deleting whatever the hidden character is until the page preview looks fine.

An example of this can be seen on the following page I have recently proofed:
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Page%3APopular_Science_Monthly_Volume_72.djvu/408

Where in the block quote at the bottom of the page all appears fine to me, but when I look at the whole article using page:

https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Popular_Science_Monthly/Volume_72/May_1908/Some_New_View_Points_in_Nutrition

I see the line is broken in between the words &quot;and such&quot; in the following line:

&quot;there are so many and such conflicting opinions, that it is not wonderful that the spirits, whose nature is thus left so wholly&quot;

I'd be interested to know if there is anything I can configure to clear this problem or make it easier to spot? I edit using Firefox 54.0.1 (64 Bit) I previously used the 32 bit version where I first noticed the problem, but recently updated to the 64 bit to see if that would help. I've also tried clearing the page cache but it doesn't help. Do any other editors experience this type of problem? ([[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:34, 11 July 2017 (UTC))

== [[:Page:Mrs Beeton's Book of Household Management.djvu/259]] ==

Recheck, patched the illegibles using an identical edition. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:12, 18 March 2017 (UTC)

: Oh and thanks for validating, Just be careful to check for every lower case 'j' ... [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:12, 18 March 2017 (UTC)

Thanks for the check and repair of that page.

A bit of a mute question now as the page has already been validated by another person, but for my future reference, would I be expected to check the page again, or is it preferred that another reader does the recheck so that we get another set of eyes viewing the page? [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 20:30, 19 March 2017 (UTC)
: Feel free to re-read as many times as you find something that got missed. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:40, 19 March 2017 (UTC)

== Validation ==

Thanks.

BTW Once you've validated once, I would suggest giving a page a second read-through after a few weeks away, to be absolutely certain. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 19:52, 21 March 2017 (UTC)

You might also want to look at the typoscan script someone mentioned in a Scriptourm thread recently. I've also got a list of Typo words I've found in reviewing some of my proof-reading efforts. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 19:52, 21 March 2017 (UTC)

== span and div templates ==

To note that if using {{tl|block center}} that it is a &amp;lt;div&gt; template, so when you are pairing with a &amp;lt;span&gt; template like {{tl|smaller}} that the DIV (block) templates need to be outside of the SPAN templates  (html hierarchy!) Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 23:02, 13 April 2017 (UTC)

Thanks for the information, I must admit that am not very familiar with html at all, and the terms DIV and SPAN are new to me, but I think I see what I have been doing wrong. Please let me know if there are other issues I am not handling correctly. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:42, 15 April 2017 (UTC)

:Yeah, I know, not my favourite.  The hierarchy is SPAN (span) &lt;&lt; PARAGRAPH (p) &lt;&lt; DIVISION (div).   So equate it with a split of sentence / paragraph / page and then think.  So you cannot centre a sentence within a paragraph, so you when we centre it is with a paragraph or a division; whereas if we make something italics, it could be any of the three. So we need to nest (open and close a span) within element types.  I hope that is somewhat explanatory. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 11:53, 15 April 2017 (UTC)

== Footnotes within footnotes ==

One example of how you can handle references within footnotes, as well as when they span more than one page, etc. can be found at [[Index talk:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 2.djvu|this Index talk page]]. There is also [[Help:Footnotes and endnotes]]. I realize you might already have a method in mind, and may simply be saving those pages for later... P.S. The poetry formatting might make things confusing. If so, I apologize. [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 13:18, 9 February 2018 (UTC)

Thank you for the pointers! I had no idea how to approach that issue, it really had me stumped! 
I have attempted to format it using the example provided from the Byron link, but its not quite working out for me, as it doesn't reflect the page layout quite as I expected, so I have left it marked as problematic to see if anyone is able to do a better job. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 23:18, 10 February 2018 (UTC)

== Thank you ==

Hi Thank you very much for proof reading, validating and correcting [[Reflections on the Motive Power of Heat]]

Cheers from Australia.

== Beeton ==

Can you take another look at some of the pages that you identifed problems on (or skipped). I had a cleanup of some of them a month ago and would like a re-check on them. 

Thanks.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:16, 20 February 2018 (UTC)


&lt;nowiki&gt;{{helpme}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;

I have found a missing page in [[Index:Jardine Naturalist's library Bees.djvu]]

The Contents list should contain three pages, however the third page is missing, (as well as the following blank page.)

Would somebody be able to add the two missing pages after [[Page:Jardine Naturalist's library Bees.djvu/18]], or advise if and how I can do it?

The missing pages can be found in an alternate copy of the book at https://archive.org/details/bees34jard

Although the book is  dated later, I have checked the pages and apart from the placements of the Plates the pages do match the original book.
Thanks
[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:16, 28 March 2018 (UTC)
:Probably best to add this request to the appropriate section on [[WS:S]] — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:44, 28 March 2018 (UTC)

::Thank you, I've created a post for it as requested, I hope its in the correct section. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 14:55, 28 March 2018 (UTC)

== Beeton (2) ===
Thanks for validating.. I'm at the moment planning on re-examining some of the as of yet unvalidated pages as I'm finding many many concerns on review of these, I should be able to stay ahead of your validation efforts. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:47, 30 April 2018 (UTC)

:Thanks for the notification, I am only managing to check a small number of pages each day, so I doubt we should bump into each other too often.  [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:29, 30 April 2018 (UTC)

== [[:Index:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 1.djvu]] ==

As you've been able to spot typos in Beeton that I missed on at least 2 passes, I was wondering if you would be willing to consider adding this to your list of works under review.  (Ignore the nominal validation status), so that it can be as perfect as wiki-markup allows. Also I have a strong view in places it might need to be tweaked due to the parser changes which are coming soon.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:23, 2 July 2018 (UTC)

: And after Volume 1 there are Voulmes 2,3,4 to be examined  :( (sigh). [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:23, 2 July 2018 (UTC)

:: Yes, I can add it to my list and try and check a page or so a day. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 07:30, 3 July 2018 (UTC)

== [[Leaves of Knowledge]] ==

Hi, it's been nice to work in parallel on [[Leaves of Knowledge]] -- I appreciate your proofreading/validating efforts. Just wanted to let you know I finished up the chapter pages, and posted this on &quot;new texts&quot; on the front page today. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 23:47, 19 December 2018 (UTC)

:Your welcome, and thank you for applying the finishing touches along with the status update! [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:44, 20 December 2018 (UTC)

== Beeton Images. ==

I note that someone else had uploaded some images under a different naming structure previously,  Will you be examining those and updating , re-naming images accordingly?

BTW - [[Page:Mrs_Beeton%27s_Book_of_Household_Management.djvu/172]] needs it's plate upload as does [[Page:Mrs_Beeton%27s_Book_of_Household_Management.djvu/1403]].  I've not listed images past this as I know you were uploading them as you progressed through the validations.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 15:28, 30 December 2018 (UTC)

:I'd held off those two plates for a while because I was trying to obtain better a quality scan of them.
:I found the missing text of the second plate in the raw image scan at the original source and have uploaded it now, however the first plate is damaged also in the raw scan and I havn't been able to locate a better image anywhere else. I can go ahead and upload it as is if you like, and it can be updated if anyone finds a better one in the future.

:Re: renaming of files, I don't think that is something I have the authority to do. It seems to rely on placing a request for a file to be renamed, and then it has to be assessed by the admins. Maybe we would have to compile a list of files to be renamed before we could request that?  [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 08:32, 31 December 2018 (UTC)

: Yes, or given that yours have a different lead name, just update the transcription here to use your uploaded scans at higher quality :) [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:42, 31 December 2018 (UTC)

== Not an immediate priority but... ==

[[:Index:UKSI19810859.pdf]] - Someone needs to make the image presentation on this Sane, and bring it up to the expected standards, there are a LOT of missing images though.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 23:30, 15 January 2019 (UTC)

:: I've taken a look but I think that creating those type of images is well above my current skill level. Sorry. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 19:37, 17 January 2019 (UTC)

== Tableaux Vivans ==

Thank you tremendously for adding a table to ''Once a Week, Volume II''. Tables are something I haven't studied at all yet. The &quot;Tableaux Vivans&quot; table is perfect; I just adjusted the top and bottom margin and the font size of the caption. [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 23:31, 31 January 2019 (UTC)

== Ancient Stone Implements ==

Just wanted to thank you for all the images you added for Ancient Stone Implements. [[User:Mike s|Mike s]] ([[User talk:Mike s|talk]]) 16:40, 11 May 2019 (UTC)

== Bench and Bar of Colorado.   ==

Thanks...

I will note the table layout may also need updating - https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3ABench_and_bar_of_Colorado_-_1917.djvu%2F61&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=9412882&amp;oldid=9412812 to resolve the LintErrors.  If you want to do this while adding images feel free. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:58, 3 July 2019 (UTC)

::I've uploaded a few images, and copied the table changes, so hopefully they are now appearing as expected? I don't know what a LintError is or how to check for one, so if you could give it a check over for me, and if ok I'll carry on. Thanks [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:03, 4 July 2019 (UTC)

== [[:Index:Newdressmakerwit00butt.djvu]] ==

As you seem to know what you are doing with images, any chance of queuing this one in your lists?

Some of the illustrations were previously uploaded to Commons,  see the link on the index page.[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 09:25, 28 August 2019 (UTC)

:I'll give them a go, note that I don't know how to create images with transparent backgrounds as the previous uploader did, so mine will just be plain white backgrounds. The layouts I add may also need adjusting to your preference, so keep a watch for them them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:43, 28 August 2019 (UTC)

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== [[Index:Coloured Figures of English Fungi or Mushrooms.djvu]] ==

Can you take a second look at this ? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 08:45, 16 September 2019 (UTC)

: See also  - [[:Wikisource:Scriptorium#Index:Coloured_Figures_of_English_Fungi_or_Mushrooms.djvu]] [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 13:17, 17 September 2019 (UTC)
:: I'm not confident about taking on those images, and I doubt I could improve them, my colour editing knowledge is very basic, I've been unable to remove the foxing from the pages, I've had a few attempt over the day but got nowhere with them. You may be better trying to recruit an image expert to tackle those. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 21:50, 17 September 2019 (UTC)

== [[:Index:Ferns and Evergreens New England.djvu]] ==

Simple image insertion task, and validation? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:32, 20 September 2019 (UTC)

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== Mother Goose... ==

Hi Sp1nd01,

I've noticed you've added a lot of missing images to works here, and so I'm guessing that's an area you're interested in? I just ran across [[The Real Mother Goose]], and looking at [[Index:The Real Mother Goose.djvu]] it looks like it's essentially done except for the images. It's going to take some pretty careful editing to remove the yellow background without ruining the (color) drawings, but if you're interested in that kind of challenge you might like this project.

In any case: absolutely ''no'' obligation to take it on! I thought you might be interested is all, and if you're not then please do feel free to ignore this message entirely! :) --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:26, 31 May 2020 (UTC)

:Yes I enjoy working on the images, I've just been trying to help some of the books along to completion. I'd be happy to give those images a try for you, only basic stuff, as I'm by no means an image specialist. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 14:27, 31 May 2020 (UTC)

== Image extraction ==

Hi! When extracting images from DjVu files, the results are often very badly damaged by the DjVu compression, which is generally heavy and optimised for text, not images. For files that come from the Internet Archive, there are original page scan photographs at the IA details page, which are generally much higher quality that that found in a DjVu. In the case of Hudibras page xxiv, the original JP2 file is [https://ia802700.us.archive.org/view_archive.php?archive=/9/items/hudibras01butl/hudibras01butl_orig_jp2.tar&amp;file=hudibras01butl_orig_jp2%2Fhudibras01butl_orig_0046.jp2 here], and a list of all the page images is [https://ia802700.us.archive.org/view_archive.php?archive=/9/items/hudibras01butl/hudibras01butl_orig_jp2.tar here] (you can choose JPG or JP2; JP2 avoids an extra round of compression).

There are some more details of extracting the best images from various source at [[H:DJVUIMG]]. Thanks for doing image extraction! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   09:03, 12 October 2020 (UTC)
:Thanks for the info, I thought the images looked slightly blurred. I've now uploaded the higher quality versions. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:34, 12 October 2020 (UTC)
:: It's beautiful, thank you :-). I have broken the image extraction instructions out to [[H:EXTRACT]] now.
:: It looks like you are rather good at extracting images, what's your method? I plan to add some instructions to H:EXTRACT following what I wrote here [[User_talk:AndrewOfWyntoun#Images_for_Old_man's_wish]], but it'll take me a while to do. If you have any other hints that differ from that (especially if you have a way to automate it), I'd love to see them! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   09:49, 12 October 2020 (UTC)

:::My method is  similar to yours, but I tend to shy away from gimp as I find it has too many features for my minimal skill level, (I get especially confused with layers and channels, not to mention all the menu options and layouts, but I will revisit this and follow your instructions to see what I end up with.)  

:::For reference in-case it is useful to you or anyone else who reads this, my processing method for greyscale / black and white is as follows: ( I don't have a method for colour, I just have to experiment and play around.)

:::I use xnview for cropping and processing the images and the irfanview for minor blemish removal. Unfortunately I know of no methods of automating any of this processing.

:::I download and crop the image. (I'll try and ensure to use the highest quality source I can obtain.)

:::Desaturate if required to remove colour  -  Image - Extract channel (usually red is sufficient) but sometimes for paler images or images with wavy lines visible, I find removing the green or blue chanel instead may give a better result.

:::Try Image, Map, Automatic Levels, but this does not always produce the required result. so I tend to manually adjust levels to whiten the background.

:::Image, Adjust, Levels, and reduce the white point to remove they grey background as much as possible, (I find it easier to see the effect if Apply to image is checked, as it displays the result to the main large image as you adjust the levels.) As you reduce the white point, you may also have to increase the black point to avoid the image fading too much.

:::A rough rule of thumb, you can usually slide the white point left to just past the initial downward slope on the first curve to remove most of the grey background. The black point can be raised to the start of the dotted lines. But its really a try it and see approach.

:::Once happy with the levels, if there are any remaining blemishes I will save the file and then I remove them using the eraser feature in irfanview. (as far as I know there is no eraser feature in xnview.)

:::Finally To save an image with a transparent background, I use File, Export select Color Mode 256 Color (Adaptive) and then select white in the Set Transparency Colour tab. 

:::Otherwise I export as Greyscale or save as a .jpg  
  
::: Thanks for creating the documentation btw, its really useful information, I've certainly picked up some good pointers from it! [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 12:41, 12 October 2020 (UTC)
==''[[The Curlytops at Silver Lake]]'' (and other) images==
Thank you for your work creating images; I can tell you that it is certainly much appreciated by everyone here on English Wikisource. Would you mind creating the images (from ''Curlytops'') from the higher-quality images I scanned, instead? For the few books I have scanned, I have also made higher-quality scans for pages with images; I have only uploaded these for ''[[The North Star]]'' (and those are of a less desirable nature, being poorly cropped and aligned, and not being desaturated). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:32, 13 November 2020 (UTC).
*I'm happy to try and help, let me know where the higher-quality scans can be found and I'll have a go using them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 07:35, 14 November 2020 (UTC)
**Alas, I cannot find the image scans for ''Curlytops''. (I think I’ve misplaced a folder.) I can upload the scan images for ''A North Star'' (and some other works), if you’re interested. I’m sorry for having bothered you, when I don’t even have the images. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 13:32, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
***{{re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} If it helps at all, I still have the TIFF files you sent me to make a DJVu of ''The Curlytops at Silver Lake''? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 14:28, 14 November 2020 (UTC)
****[[User:Xover|Xover]]: Thank you, but I am referring to different images. For all of the works I sent you (and some more I would like to send you soon), I also made higher-quality scans of pages with images. However, I cannot find the higher-quality images for ''Curlytops'', either because I have misplaced them, or because I did not make them in the first place. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:13, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
***No bother at all, I'll run them through my process for you once you've uploaded them. If they aren't up to requirements just delete them, no offence will be taken. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:53, 14 November 2020 (UTC)
****Thank you! I will upload them soon as local files; they can be deleted once you have extracted the images. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:13, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
****Raw images from ''The North Star'' are [[:Category:The North Star images|here]] (it is a “category” that has not been created). [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:35, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
*****I have uploaded other images [[:Category:Modern Manners images|here]], [[:Category:Poems of Patriotism images|here]], and [[:Category:Touch Not---Taste Not images|here]]; the numbers given are the page numbers of the file they belong to. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:55, 14 November 2020 (UTC).
******I've uploaded the new images to commons for you, and I think that's everything completed now. If so you may delete the local files. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:28, 15 November 2020 (UTC)
*******Yes, that’s all; could you please delete them, [[User:Xover|Xover]]? [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 17:41, 15 November 2020 (UTC).
********{{re|TE(æ)A,ea.}} Done. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 17:49, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

== [[:Category:Images not fully transcluded]] ==

You might find this useful. ? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 10:27, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
: Yes, thanks for pointing it out. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 13:44, 26 November 2020 (UTC)
:: {{re|Sp1nd01}} Just wanted to add my thanks here for all the images you've been adding which also happen to come under the [[Wikisource:WikiProject_NLS|WikiProject NLS]] grouping. I don't want to bombard you with the 'thanks!' button everytime I come across a work with the images now added, but it's so nice to see it happening and making the works complete. So yeah, thanks! [[User:AndrewOfWyntoun|AndrewOfWyntoun]] ([[User talk:AndrewOfWyntoun|talk]]) 10:26, 15 December 2020 (UTC)

== Hudibras portraits ==

Hi there. Thanks for the work you've done preparing the images for this work. I've been plugging away at the text, off and on, for a couple of years now and have finished Volume 1. My own efforts at manipulating the images haven't been anything like as successful as your own. Having spent ages trying to get the guidance in the Wikisource help to work and, having done so, getting poor results, I now mostly use Irfanview and the 'replace colour' function. For most things this seems to be satisfactory (with a bit of titivation using MS Paint 3D where necessary) but it takes out the fine detail in the Hudibras images.&lt;p&gt;I was going to ask you how you achieve such good results, but stumbled across the entry on your talk page, so I'm going to give that a go. Thanks again.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 08:58, 31 May 2021 (UTC)
::Hi {{re|Chrisguise}} I hope my rough and ready instructions are clear enough to follow! if I can help clarify anything that isn't please ask and I'll try to help. As I mentioned I am only a very basic graphics editor, but the method does seem to produce fairly good results on most of the black and white images I've come across. Good luck with your images!&lt;p&gt;PS. I hope you didn't mind me attempting some of the images every now and again, I just tend to drift about looking for older problematic pages to work on and stumbled on Hudibras only a few months ago. If you prefer to complete the images or replace any I have uploaded please do so. Regards [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 21:42, 1 June 2021 (UTC)
:::Absolutely not, please keep up the good work. I've had a go at the last eight portraits for volume 1 but haven't uploaded them yet. I installed XnViewXP and followed your guide, which works well, so much so that I need to go back to my earlier efforts and redo them. Like yourself I have little experience with image editing and find the interface on some of the free packages daunting (especially GIMP); by comparison XnViewXP is positively friendly. Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 22:25, 1 June 2021 (UTC)

: Pardon the drive-by, but I thought you might like to know I have recently written up some (GIMP) instructions at [[Help:Image extraction/With GIMP]], but the concepts would translated to any image processing software. The Hudibras portraits are specifically hard because the have such fine, pale, detail, so it's really easy to blow the highlights to pure white. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 23:46, 2 June 2021 (UTC)

::Sorry, Not the brightest at this end of the wire! The documentation is really useful, but I fall at the first hurdle when I see talk of layers and alpha channels, they are just beyond my ability. I've tried many times with gimp and can't get anywhere with it.&lt;p&gt;
::One interesting item I wasn't aware of was that I should be using .jp2 for the highest resolution images. From the Internet Archive I had been obtaining the images by clicking on the .jpg file link from the raw source, I assumed that they would give the same high resolution image, considering the file size is the same.&lt;p&gt;
::I ran a test today and my resultant .png image I created from the .jp2 appears clearer and has a larger file and display size than one from the .jpg file, so its .jp2 for me from now on. Makes me wonder why the internet archive bother offering the .jpg file at all? [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 18:06, 3 June 2021 (UTC)
==Image request==
Thanks for the all the work you have been doing in creating images here at Wikisource! It is much appreciated. Would you mind creating the images from ''[[Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government]]''? The diagram at /5–/7 is one image; the table at pp. 91–93 isn’t an image. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:37, 28 June 2021 (UTC)
:: Not sure how my joining the three images will work out, but I'll have a go at it. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 08:53, 29 June 2021 (UTC)
:::*Thank you for trying. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 14:30, 29 June 2021 (UTC)
:::::Images now added, one still needs they key typing in, I've left it as problematic for now. You may also want to resize them. I've left the table, its a little too complicated for me. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 18:30, 29 June 2021 (UTC)
:::::*It looks great! Thanks. I can complete the key later. The table is a mess, but I’ll deal with it later. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 20:55, 29 June 2021 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Chaldean Account of Genesis (1876).djvu]] ==

I see that you're quite talented at image processing. Would you mind adding the images to this index that in its last month in the Monthly Challenge and only missing the pages with images. Many Thanks! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:56, 18 October 2021 (UTC)
:Sure thing, I'll have a go at adding them over the next week. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 20:10, 18 October 2021 (UTC)
:: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:24, 20 October 2021 (UTC)
::: I really appreciate your work on this book. Thanks to you, it got finished. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:03, 26 October 2021 (UTC)
:::: Your welcome, glad too have been of some help! [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 13:55, 27 October 2021 (UTC)

== [[Index:Kwaidan; Stories and Studies of Strange Things - Hearn - 1904.djvu]] ==

I was wondering if you'd be willing to help out with this book as well. It's fully proofread and transcluded, but missing the graphics. Most of the pages are marked in purple. In addition, each story has a set of Kanji character(s) that run on the side of each page. Since the characters are identical, they only need to be added to the second page of each story. Many thanks! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:49, 30 October 2021 (UTC)
: Sure, I'm away for computer access for the weekend but can take a look from Monday. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:45, 30 October 2021 (UTC)
:: Thank you so much. I can see that you already started. :) Could you also add the image of the character on the page after the first page of the story, for example [[Page:Kwaidan; Stories and Studies of Strange Things - Hearn - 1904.djvu/54]]. I'm happy to make a complete list if that makes life easier for you. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:14, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
::: I can do that if its required? The reason I ask is because characters have been added on this [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Kwaidan;_Stories_and_Studies_of_Strange_Things_-_Hearn_-_1904.djvu/28&amp;oldid=11841671] page. If an image is the preferred method I will add them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 18:56, 1 November 2021 (UTC)
:::: To me, these characters are calligraphy and should remain as images. It would great if you could add them. Of course, take as long as you need and thank you for the work that you've done. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 04:59, 2 November 2021 (UTC)
::::: Thank you so much for doing the images. I always find it amazing to see how much images can transform a work. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:58, 6 November 2021 (UTC)

== Images for Two Tarzan Books ==

Thank you for all the images that you've created so far. They've really made a difference. Could I trouble you to process the images for [[Index:Jungle Tales of Tarzan.djvu]] and [[Index:Tarzan and the Jewels of Opar.djvu]]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:56, 14 November 2021 (UTC)
:Just had a quick look, I think all the images have already been uploaded by other users. I could crop and greyscale some if that is required? but I don't know if the original uploaders intended to present them as they are now. Please advise what you would like doing with them? I'm just wary of changing other users work. Thanks [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:23, 15 November 2021 (UTC)
:: Yes, could you crop and grayscale them. I also think that the images are from the DJVU rather than the JP2 files, could you replace those? It's ok to replace images if they are from a higher-quality source or if they need additional processing. Many Thanks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:08, 16 November 2021 (UTC)
::: Image updates are now done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 21:24, 17 November 2021 (UTC)
:::: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:03, 19 November 2021 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Son of Tarzan.djvu]] ==

Would you mind adding the images to this Index? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:18, 22 November 2021 (UTC)
: All done now. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:39, 30 November 2021 (UTC)
:: Thank you! Truly appreciate you. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:20, 4 December 2021 (UTC)

== Tarzan Strikes Again ==

Would you be interested in adding the images for [[Index:The Return of Tarzan.djvu]]? Many thanks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:42, 15 December 2021 (UTC)
:Sure thing, It looks like I started on this a few months ago and then forgot to complete it. So many distractions... [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:43, 16 December 2021 (UTC)
:: All outstanding imaged now added. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:16, 17 December 2021 (UTC)
::: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:58, 7 January 2022 (UTC)

== 3 Images in [[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 2).djvu]] ==

Would you mind doing the three images in [[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 2).djvu]]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:58, 7 January 2022 (UTC)

::All done [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 16:34, 7 January 2022 (UTC)
::: Thank you! Would you also mind doing the images for [[Index:My mortal enemy - 1926.djvu]]. The images can be harvested from [https://archive.org/details/mymortalenem00cath/page/n7/mode/2up]. It seems they added a yellow background, could that be removed? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]].
:::: I've done those using my simple method of extracting a colour channel and adjusting the levels to change any remaining grey to white. Hope they OK. You may like to change their sizing to your preferred values. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 23:55, 7 January 2022 (UTC)
::::: You're a true master at your craft. They look perfect. Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:56, 7 January 2022 (UTC)
:::Hi,
:::@[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Thanks for adding these images. Note that there is a double page image in Historic Highways Volume 2, that I am not sure how to handle (p105-106).
:::However, I didn't realise you were also doing the images for My Mortal Enemy. At this point I kind of wish @[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] would have cc'd me on the message, because I spent the last hour or so myself doing all the images. After I quick test, I think my images are slightly higher resolution/cleaner than yours (I found said cleaner versions on hathi trust), so I am going to swap them out. Sorry that we doubled up, and thanks again for the assistance with Historic Highways.
:::Thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 23:57, 7 January 2022 (UTC)
::::No worries, we got crossed wires, I checked for existing images before I started, so I must have missed them or checked before you uploaded yours. I'm off line now for the weekend, but it may be possible to find an alternate source with the whole image of the map for p105/6, if not it is sometimes possible to merge the two pages together, but from a quick glance it looks like the center part is hidden by a fold so that won't be an option for this one. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 00:15, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
:::::Hi,
:::::@[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Thanks for your understanding, and also enjoy the weekend. My guess is that we both started at almost exactly the same time; or otherwise I hadn't refreshed the page index in a while, so it looked like things hadn't changed. Maybe next time I will add something to the discussion page just in case, assuming people check those things.
:::::@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] All good.
:::::Thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 01:34, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
:::::Hi again,
:::::Thanks a bunch for adding that last image. Much appreciated!
:::::Thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 23:23, 10 January 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] Sorry about that. Slipped my mind. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:23, 8 January 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Enjoy your weekend. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:23, 8 January 2022 (UTC)

== Images for [[Index:Beeton's Christmas Annual 1887.pdf]] ==

Would you mind doing the images for [[Index:Beeton's Christmas Annual 1887.pdf|A Study in Scarlet]] . The original images are from [https://hrc.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p15878coll8/id/200/rec/3].   [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:22, 3 February 2022 (UTC)
:Images now added. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:46, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you so much. There are a number of other Indexes in the MC that could use your help with images and I don't want to flood your talk page with individual requests. I'd appreciate your help with any of them. Many, many thanks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 16:34, 4 February 2022 (UTC)
::Hi,
::Given the effort in adding images, I thought it worth a typed thanks (rather than the simpler equivalent), expressing my appreciation for the images added to a Study in Scarlet and to Historic Highways of America Vol. 3 (among everything else that you have been adding images to).
::Thanks again,
:::Appreciate that, just doing what I love, glad it's helping you out. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:39, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 22:01, 16 February 2022 (UTC)
::* [[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 3).djvu]] - 7 images
::* [[Index:Tarzan the Untamed.djvu]] - 5 images
::* [[Index:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 1.djvu]] - 7 images
::* [[Index:The Clansman (1905).djvu]] - 7 images
::* [[Index:Up From Slavery.djvu]] - 1 image
::* [[Index:Ovid's Metamorphoses (Vol. 2) - tr Garth, Dryden, et. al. (1727).djvu]] - 9 images.
::* [[Index:Bleak House.djvu]] - 39 images.

== [[Page:Bleak House.djvu/15]] ==

For this page, would you mind leaving the text in the image. It appears to be hand drawn. Thanks![[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 20:29, 9 February 2022 (UTC)
:Title image redone to include the text. All the main images are now done.&lt;br&gt;I'm not sure what to do with the Cover and Adv Page? Any ideas on how these are to be be represented, with images, or just left as text or some other solution? [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:01, 9 February 2022 (UTC)
:: Awesome. The Cover should be an image, but the Adv page is not very necessary. It’s sort of there by being on the back of the cover. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:15, 9 February 2022 (UTC)

==[[Index:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 03).djvu]]==
This one is also missing images, would you mind adding them? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:08, 17 February 2022 (UTC)

== Behind the scenes, or, Thirty years a slave and four years in the White House ==

Thanks for the images for this. I think that you might have overlooked the endpiece on [[Page:Behind the scenes, or, Thirty years a slave and four years in the White House.djvu/268]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:02, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
:Good spot, its now added. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 23:14, 17 February 2022 (UTC)
::Thanks! Now that book is done. :) [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:20, 17 February 2022 (UTC)

== 1 Image ==

Can you please add the image to [[Page:Father Henson's story of his own life.djvu/6]] from [https://archive.org/download/fatherhensonsst00hens/fatherhensonsst00hens_orig_jp2.tar/fatherhensonsst00hens_orig_jp2%2Ffatherhensonsst00hens_orig_0008.jp2]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 22:29, 18 February 2022 (UTC)
:Now done [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:59, 19 February 2022 (UTC)
:: Thanks! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:32, 19 February 2022 (UTC)

== Another image request (Jade Story Book) ==

Hello,

Thanks for all your assistance helping finish off many works in the MC thus far. Just wondering if you would be inclined to add two images to the Jade Story Book in the MC, which is otherwise almost finished (particularly given one is color, and for the most part, I stick to simple black and whites).

Thanks,
[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 00:11, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
:Images now added, hope they are ok. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:04, 26 February 2022 (UTC)
::They look great, many thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 19:14, 26 February 2022 (UTC)

== March Monthly Challenge ==

Hi, would you mind doing the images for 
* [[Index:The Modern Writer.pdf]]
* [[Index:Orley Farm (Serial Volume 13).pdf]]. 

Many thanks as always [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:48, 2 March 2022 (UTC)
:Thank you for those. Could you also do:
:* [[Index:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 2.djvu]]
:* [[Index:The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 1.djvu]]
:* [[Index:On a grey thread (IA ongreythread00gidl).pdf]]
:* [[Index:The Feminist Movement - Snowden - 1912.djvu]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:33, 4 March 2022 (UTC)
:::All done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 21:58, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

== More March Monthly Challenge ==

Hello again,

If possible could you please add:

1 image (twice) to [[Index:The Feminist Movement - Snowden - 1912.djvu]]

1 logo to [[Index:Murder on the Links - 1985.djvu]] - I am not sure which publisher logo's have templates, so maybe this will be super simple

6 images to [[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 4).djvu]] - note 7 pages are marked problematic, only 6 require images

Sorry that I always seem to ask on the weekend, I do not mean to cause any pressure by it (do these things if and when works best), and any help is much appreciated.
Thanks,[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 02:04, 19 March 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks (again). Images (in HHoA) look great as always. [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 05:46, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

::Your welcome. It looks like it won't be possible to upload the Bantam Books logo as it is probably protected by copyright. If I hear otherwise I can soon upload a copy. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 18:48, 21 March 2022 (UTC)
:::Sorry for any confusion about the logo. I figured they were separate to the copyright for the text, but probably should have been more sure how it all works before I asked. [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 04:15, 22 March 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Rather than keeping on adding new entries to your growing discussion page, I thought I might try and sneak another few in here for March.
::[[Index:The Science of Getting Rich - Wattles - 1910.djvu]] - technically this only has one missing image. However, all the chapters start with &quot;image&quot; drop initials, and images for those would be nice (up to you though), although these pages have not been marked as problematic (they are listed in the contents, bar the introduction).
::[[Index:The history of Witchcraft and demonology.djvu]] - this may not get finished though (not sure how much that might dissuade you)
::[[Index:The Elene of Cynewulf.djvu]] - I intend to get to this (as my Scriptorium discussion might suggest), but not everything has been going to plan
::As always, I greatly appreciate any help you are willing and able to provide,[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 05:53, 29 March 2022 (UTC)
::: I think they are now all done, if I've missed any please let me know. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:13, 29 March 2022 (UTC)

== Thanks for updating the images ==

at [[Index:A short guide to Syria (1943).djvu]], appreciated. [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 13:58, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

== April Monthly Challenge ==

Hello again,

When time permits, could you please add images to:

[[Index:Anne of Avonlea (1909).djvu]] - 1 page

[[Index:Orley Farm (Serial Volume 17).pdf]] - 2 images, as always

[[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 5).djvu]] - 4 images, although some of them are quite faint in the version on Wikisource (I am not sure where you source yours)

Thanks,
[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 21:06, 17 April 2022 (UTC)

:P.S. Scratch Orley Farm v17 off the above. [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 06:32, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
:: Now complete. For the folded maps in Historic highways of America (Volume 5) I have only been able to locate full copies from a Cornell University scan. I have added them and the captions, but if anyone can locate better copies I'd be happy to replace them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 13:46, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
::: Would you mind also doing [[Index:Anne of the Island (1920).djvu]] and [[Index:The Kobzar of the Ukraine.pdf]]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:43, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

== May Monthly Challenge ==

Hello,

Could you please add images to any or all of,

[[Index:The Anglo-Saxon version of the story of Apollonius of Tyre.djvu]] - 2 pages

[[Index:Anne of the Island (1920).djvu]] - 2 pages

[[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 6).djvu]] - 3 pages

[[Index:Owen Wister - The Virginian.djvu]] - 1 page

[[Index:The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu]] - a lot of pages

As always, any help is much appreciated.

Thanks,[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:23, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

: Would you mind redoing the images in [[Index:Owen Wister - The Virginian.djvu]] as well. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 04:11, 3 May 2022 (UTC)
:Hi again,
:Awesome job so far, above and beyond expectations; so many images! If I am not overreaching in tacking on
:[[Index:The Novels of Ivan Turgenev (volume VII).djvu]] - 3 pages
:so that it can be marked proofread, then all the better.
:Many thanks,
:[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 21:11, 6 May 2022 (UTC)
:: All done now.  re: the the Turgenev images, I am unable to locate the original source on the internet archive using the link provided. The source links to a file which contains no images. I have searched but have not been able find the one which contains the images. If anyone can help me locate the file I'll get them uploaded. Thanks [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:09, 6 May 2022 (UTC)
:::The actual source for the scans is: https://archive.org/details/novelsofivanturg02turg [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:44, 7 May 2022 (UTC)
:::: Thank you for locating that source for me. The images have now been added. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:39, 7 May 2022 (UTC)

== German Stories ==

Hi, I just wanted to say thank you for adding the images to the German Stories scans! Great work! --&lt;span style=&quot;text-shadow:grey 0.15em 0.15em 0.1em&quot;&gt;[[User:Yodin|Yodin]]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;text-shadow:grey 0.25em 0.25em 0.12em&quot;&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[[User talk:Yodin|T]]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/span&gt; 10:59, 14 May 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu]] ==

Hey, thanks for adding the images that you’ve done for this index. I’ve marked some more pages which need images as ’problematic’; would be great if you can upload them too! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 13:05, 30 May 2022 (UTC)
: All done, please let me know if I've missed any others. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 22:05, 30 May 2022 (UTC)

== June Monthly Challenge ==

Hello again,

Another month, another monthly challenge (who would have guessed), another image request. As always, efforts much appreciated.

[[Index:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 04).djvu]] - Technically timed out last month, but only 4 images left.

[[Index:The Anglo-Saxon version of the story of Apollonius of Tyre.djvu]] - I realise I requested last month, but someone else uploaded a (slightly) incorrect logo. Your call if you can be bothered to change.

[[Index:Enough Rope - Parker - 1926.djvu]] - Also just a logo.

[[Index:Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu]] - 2 images.

[[Index:A Treatise on Painting.djvu]] - A fair few images (I realise it looks not proofread, due to unregistered users, but it is close to being finished).

[[Index:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu]] - 6 images.

Thanks,[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 03:18, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:: Hi, I think that is all the images added for now. (I do notice them in the MC, but I tend to leave them alone incase others want to have a go at them first.) [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:22, 16 June 2022 (UTC)
:::Hi @[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]],
:::Thanks again for adding all the images. Sorry for any presumption, if any was implied. If possible, can I tack on [[Index:From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu]]. I am not sure about if Wikisource does covers, but it would be nice to at least do the title page in the same vein as [[Page:The Feminist Movement - Snowden - 1912.djvu/11]]. Also sorry if I missed marking a page as problematic in A Treatise on Painting, hence leading someone else to think you had missed an image when you probably had no reason to presume there would be one there in the first place (I am sure you are aware that there were so many images, and it was awfully easy to miss one going page by page).
:::Thanks, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 03:15, 3 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: @[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] I've had a go at the title page and cover for you. The title page looks fairly close to me at the page level, however when I click on the transclusion to view the whole of the text it seems to be offset to the right and overflows the image for some reason. I don't know why this is, maybe someone could explain what's going on? Sorry about that maybe the method I use is flawed. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:01, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::@[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Thanks for adding the image, it looks great now. As for the right offset, my interpretation of what went on is: if you just use a center, without specifying any width, then the x1 value should be 0, else you are pushing the left margin (it then splits half of everything to the right of the left margin, which is no longer a full page). The other option, is just to set a fixed width on the section being centred, which I did in the smaller block, and then you can use the margins to move things around. Again, thanks, it looks great. [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:05, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:Book of Etiquette, Volume 1, by Lilian Eichler.djvu]] ==

Thanks for adding the missing images to ''The History of the Standard Oil Company, Vol 2''. I'd be much obliged if you would help in this index as well; it is missing the frontispiece, cover and images on the title page, half-title page, and some more illustrated pages (including the first page). I've marked those pages as &quot;problematic&quot;. Thanks for the help in advance! [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 12:21, 20 June 2022 (UTC)
:{{ping|Sp1nd01}} [[Index:Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu|Volume 2]] of the ''Book of Etiquette'' also needs a frontispiece and 3 images. Can you do those as well? [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:12, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
:: All done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 12:11, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf]] ==

Would you mind doing the images for this title? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 19:36, 25 June 2022 (UTC)
:I'd be happy to do those, but fyi another user [[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] is actively working on it has previously added images, so they may be still planning to complete it themself so I don't want to tread on any toes. For now I've created and added the recently created images to a Category &quot;The Gilded Age&quot; on Commons where I can keep track of them. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 10:02, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you for creating the &quot;The Gilded Age&quot; category. I plan on continuing adding images for this title. I favor collaboration. Do you have suggestions concerning my work on the images? [[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] ([[User talk:Stamlou|talk]]) 14:20, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] @[[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] Yes, collaboration is key. Thank you to both of you for creating this category. Would it be possible to remove the background of these images? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 17:21, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::: @[[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] @[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] I would remove any captions and image colouring for any monochrome images. However I do often see images with the colour retained, so I tend to follow suite, assuming it is desired by the uploader to be that way. There is a good image help [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Help:Adding_images#Image_preparation article] I would recommend a read, I refer to it for guidance and it does suggest that the colour and captions should be removed. Please continue to upload your images, if you can have a go at creating any new images in greyscale that would be good. (I am a very basic image editor, so I mainly adjust black and white points using the levels option, which works fairly well in most cases.) If you would like, I will crop and greyscale the existing ones that you have already uploaded to share the workload? Let me know if that is OK.  [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 19:01, 27 June 2022 (UTC)
::::Thank you for your suggestions, I agree with them. Please crop and change to grey scale the illustrations that need it and finish doing all images for this project. [[User:Stamlou|Stamlou]] ([[User talk:Stamlou|talk]]) 19:29, 27 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu]] ==

Would you mind doing the images for the The Adventure of Silver Blaze. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:28, 1 July 2022 (UTC)
:Now complete. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 09:21, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 10:50, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu]] ==

Do you think that you can images for The Adventure of the Cardboard Box. They'll be a series of Sherlock Holmes from the volume. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:23, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
: Thanks for the two stories. The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk is now proofread and needs images, if you don't mind. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:52, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
:: It looks like all the Sherlock Holmes has been proofread, would you mind adding the missing images. Many thanks. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 03:20, 13 July 2022 (UTC)
::: All done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:34, 13 July 2022 (UTC)
:::: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 17:17, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu]] ==

This work is in need of four images, do you think that you could add them. :) [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 03:21, 13 July 2022 (UTC)
: All done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 11:33, 13 July 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 17:18, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu]] ==

This work has one page marked ''Problematic'' due to a missing image (the rest are validated). Can you add it please? [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 10:33, 19 July 2022 (UTC)
: Done. [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 12:12, 19 July 2022 (UTC)

== The Final Problem ==

Would you mind doing the images for The Final Problem in [[Index:The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu]]? [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:33, 25 July 2022 (UTC)
:They have been done overnight while I was sleeping :-) [[User:Sp1nd01|Sp1nd01]] ([[User talk:Sp1nd01#top|talk]]) 08:11, 25 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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      <text bytes="2587" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Emily Temple-Wood (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;6. REFERENCES

[1] Kennedy, E.R., T.J. Fischbach, R. Song, P.M. Eller, and S.A. Shulman. Guidelines for Air
Sampling and Analytical Method Development and Evaluation. NIOSH Technical report, (DHHS
(NIOSH) Publication No. 95-117) Cincinnati, OH: U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Institute
for Occupational Safety and Health, Division of Physical Sciences and Engineering, 1995.

[2] Streicher, R., E. Kennedy, and C. Lorberau: Strategies for the Simultaneous Collection of
Vapours and Aerosols with Emphasis on Isocyanate Sampling. ''Analyst 119'':89-97 (1994).

[3] Melcher, R., R. Langner, and R. Kagel: Criteria for the Evaluation of Methods for the Collection
of Organic Pollutants in Air Using Solid Sorbents. ''Am. Ind. Hyg. Assoc. J. 39:''349-361 (1978).

[4] Saalwaechter, A., C. McCammon, Jr., C. Roper, and K. Carlberg: Performance of the NIOSH
Charcoal Tube Technique for the Determination of Air Concentrations of Organic Vapors. ''Am. Ind. Hyg. Assoc. J.'' 38:476-486 (1977).

[5] Posner, J., and J. Okenfuss: Desorption of Organic Analytes from Activated Carbon. ''Am. Ind. Hyg. Assoc. J.'' 42:643-646 (1981).

[6] Box, G.E.P., W.G. Hunter, and J.S. Hunter: ''Statistics for Experimenters.'' New York, NY: John
Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc., 1978. pp. 170-174.

[7] Box, G.E.P., W.G. Hunter, and J.S. Hunter: ''Statistics for Experimenters.'' New York, NY: John
Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc., 1978. pp. 97-102.

[8] National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health: Gas and Vapor Generating Systems for
Laboratories by W. Woodfin (DHHS/NIOSH Publication No. 84-113). Cincinnati, OH: U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, Division of Physical
Sciences and Engineering, 1984.

[9] Nelson, G.O.: ''Controlled Test Atmospheres.'' Ann Arbor, MI: Ann Arbor Science Publishers,
1971.

[10] Nelson, G.O.: ''Gas Mixtures: Preparation and Control.'' Ann Arbor, MI: Lewis Publishers, 1992.

[11] Cassinelli, M.E.: Development of a Solid Sorbent Monitoring Method for Chlorine and Bromine
in Air with Determination by Ion Chromatography. ''Appl. Occup. Environ. Hyg.'' 6:215-226
(1991).

[12] Willeke, K., ed.: ''Generation of Aerosols and Facilities for Exposure Experiments.'' Ann Arbor,
MI: Ann Arbor Science Publishers, Inc., 1980.

[13] Hinds, W.C.: ''Aerosol Technology.'' New York, NY: John Wiley and Sons, 1982. pp. 379-395.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rh|1/15/98|47|NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2234" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Emily Temple-Wood (NIOSH)&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;[14] Jonas, L.A., and J.A. Rehrmann: Predictive Equations in Gas Adsorption Kinetics. ''Carbon 11'':59-64. [1973].

[15] Box, G.E.P., W.G. Hunter, and J.S. Hunter: ''Statistics for Experimenters''. New York, NY: John
Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1978. pp. 306-350.

[16] Anderson, C., E. Gunderson, and D. Coulson: Sampling and Analytical Methodology for
Workplace Chemical Hazards. In: ''Chemical Hazards in the Workplace'', edited by G. Choudhary.
Washington, DC: American Chemical Society, 1981. pp. 3-19.

[17] Busch, K., and D. Taylor: Statistical Protocol for the NIOSH Validation Tests. In ''Chemical Hazards in the Workplace'', edited by G. Choudhary. Washington, DC: American Chemical
Society, 1981. pp. 503-517.

[18] National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health: ''Development and Validation of Methods for Sampling and Analysis of Workplace Toxic Substances with a Statistical Appendix by K. Busch'' by E. Gunderson, C. Anderson, R. Smith, and L. Doemeny (DHHS/NIOSH Publication
No. 80-133). Cincinnati, OH: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health
Service, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Institute for Occupational Safety
and Health, Division of Physical Sciences and Engineering, 1980.

[19] Fischbach, T., R. Song, and S. Shulman: Some Statistical Procedures for Analytical Method
Accuracy Tests and Estimation. In preparation.

[20] European Committee for European Standardization (CEN), ''Workplace atmospheres - Requirements and test method for pumped sorbent tubes for the determination of gases and vapours (prEN 1076).'' Technical Committee 137, Working Group 2, 1993.

[21] Cassinelli, M.E., R.D. Hull, and P.A. Cuendet: Performance of Sulfur Dioxide Passive Monitors,
''Am. Ind. Hyg. Assoc. J.'' 45:599-608 (1985).

[22] Kennedy, E.R., D.L. Smith, and C.L. Geraci, Jr.: Field Evaluations of Sampling and Analytical
Methods for Formaldehyde. In ''Formaldehyde - Analytical Chemistry and Toxicology'' edited by
V. Turoski. Washington, DC: American Chemical Society, 1985. pp. 151-159.

[23] SAS Institute, Inc.: ''SAS® Language Guide for Personal Computers, Release 6.03 Edition.'' SAS
Institute, Inc. Cary, NC, 1988.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rh|1/15/98|48|NIOSH Manual of Analytical Methods}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2101" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;ShakespeareFan00&quot; /&gt;{{rh|A3 APPENDIX – REFERENCES}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Department for Transport Working Drawings. These can be obtained directly from the Department for Transport's website at: www.dft.gov.uk

Department for Transport Code of Practice, &quot;Co-ordination of Street Works and Works for Road Purposes and Related Matters&quot;. This can be obtained directly from the Department for Transport's website at: www.dft.gov.uk

Department for Transport Local Transport Note 1/98, &quot;The Installation of Traffic Signals and Associated Equipment&quot;. This can be obtained directly from the Department for Transport's website at: www.dft.gov.uk

Department for Transport Traffic Advisory Leaflet 15/99, &quot;Cyclists at road works&quot;. This can be obtained directly from the Department for Transport’s website at: www.dft.gov.uk

{{Anchor+|A3.4|'''A3.4{{gap}}DESIGN MANUAL FOR ROADS AND BRIDGES (DMRB): THE STATIONERY OFFICE LTD.'''}}

BD 78 &quot;Design of road tunnels&quot; (DMRB 2.2.9)

HD 19 &quot;Road Safety Audit&quot; (DMRB 5.2.2)

TA 11 &quot;Traffic surveys by roadside interview&quot; (DMRB 5.1.4)

TA 92 &quot;Crossover and changeover design&quot; (DMRB 8.4.6)

TD 9 &quot;Highway link design2 (DMRB 6.1.1)

TD 19 &quot;Requirement for road restraint systems&quot; (DMRB 2.2.8)

TD 22 &quot;Layout of grade separated junctions&quot; (DMRB 6.2.1)

TD 27 &quot;Cross-sections and headrooms&quot; (DMRB 6.1.2)

TD 49 &quot;Requirements for lorry-mounted crash cushions&quot; (DMRB 8.4.7)

TD 69 &quot;The location and layout of lay-bys&quot; (DMRB 6.3.3)

{{Anchor+|A3.5|'''A3.5{{gap}}HSE DOCUMENTS'''}}

Available from the HSE website (www.hse.gov.uk) and HSE Books www.hsebooks.co.uk or PO BOX 1999 Sudbury, Suffolk, CO10 2WA.

&quot;Avoiding Danger from Underground Services&quot; HSE Guidance publication HSG47.

&quot;Avoidance of danger from overhead electric power lines&quot; HSE Guidance Note GS6.

&quot;Crossing high-speed roads on foot during temporary traffic-management works&quot; (Construction Information Sheet No. 53).

&quot;Five steps to risk assessment&quot; HSE Guidance publication INDG163.

&quot;Manual Handling, Manual Handling Operations Regulations 1992, Guidance on the Regulations&quot; HSE Legal Series publication L23.
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{{Anchor+|A3.1|'''A3.1{{gap}}BRITISH STANDARDS: BRITISH STANDARDS INSTITUTION'''}}

BS 381C: 1996 &quot;Specification for colours for identification, coding and special purposes&quot;.

BS 873-6: 1983 &quot;Road traffic signs and internally illuminated bollards. Specification for retroreflective and nonretroreflective signs&quot;. (Superseded by BS EN 12899-1:2007)

BS EN 1317-3: 2000 &quot;Road restraint systems. Performance classes, impact test acceptance criteria and test methods for crash cushions&quot;.

BS 1376: 1974 &quot;Specification for colours of light signals&quot;.

BS 5489-1:2003 &quot;Code of practice for the design of road lighting. Lighting of roads and public amenity areas&quot;.

BS 7818:1995 &quot;Specification for pedestrian restraint systems in metal&quot;.

BS 7962:2000 &quot;Black materials for masking existing road markings. Specification&quot;.

BS 8408: 2005 &quot;Road traffic signs. Testing and performance of microprismatic retroreflective sheeting materials. Specification&quot;.

BS 8442 &quot;Miscellaneous road traffic signs and devices – Requirements and test methods&quot;.

BS EN 471:2003 &quot;High-visibility warning clothing for professional use. Test methods and requirements&quot;.

BS EN 12352:2006 &quot;Traffic control equipment. Warning and safety light devices&quot;.

BS EN 12767:2007 &quot;Passive safety of support structures for road equipment. Requirements, classification and test methods&quot;.

BS EN 12899-1:2007 &quot;Fixed, vertical road traffic signs&quot;.

BS EN 13422:2004 &quot;Vertical road signs. Portable deformable warning devices and delineators. Portable road traffic signs. Cones and cylinders&quot;.

BS EN ISO 9002: 1994. &quot;Quality systems. Model for quality assurance in production, installation and servicing&quot;.

BS EN ISO 9001:2000 &quot;Quality Management Systems, Requirements&quot;.

PAS 43:2008 &quot;Safe working of vehicle breakdown, recovery and removal operations. Management system specification&quot;.

{{Anchor+|A3.2|'''A3.2{{gap}}LEGISLATION'''}

Unless indicated otherwise, these documents are available from the Stationery Office and from www.opsi.gov.uk

The Builders’ Skips (Markings) Regulations 1984 (SI 1984 No. 1933)

The Construction (Design and Management) Regulations 2007 (SI 2007 No. 320), or in Northern Ireland, the Construction (Design and Management) Regulations (NI) 2007 (SR 2007 No. 291)
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{center|192}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>id00n3s2kcwhlfb0g0s6wui2ogcx4xk</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 34.djvu/36</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2048030</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507850</id>
      <parentid>8251202</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:01:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Mike s</username>
        <id>915588</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2920" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|12|{{asc|R. ETHERIDGE, JUN., ON LOWER-CARBONIFEROUS INVERTEBRATA.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;fine close concentric striæ, or else toothed, especially on the only remaining ear.

''Loc. and Horizon''. In shale, with other marine fossils, at Woodhall Mill, as before.
{{dhr}}
{{c|Genus {{sc|Anthracoptera}}, Salter.}}

''Anthracoptera'', Salter, 1862, Mem. Geol. Survey, Country around Wigan, p. 37.

''Gen. char''. Shell aviculiform, very slightly inequivalve, with a slight byssal notch in both valves; left valve the most convex. Hinge-line with a thickened margin, but no hinge-plate of any kind; there is an obscure tooth in the anterior part of the hinge, but no lateral teeth. Posterior adductor scar large and subcentral; anterior scar small, umbonal, with at least two supplementary scars; shell thin, with a puckered or plaited epidermis. (''Salter''.)

''Obs''. The genus ''Anthracoptera'' was proposed by the late Mr. Salter to include numerous Coal-measure shells &quot; hitherto called ''Myalina'' or ''Avicula'' with doubt, but evidently distinct from one and the other of these genera. They have not the unequal valves of ''Avicula'' nor the striated hinge-plate of ''Myalina'', nor indeed any hinge-plate at all.&quot; I now propose to place in this genus, in addition to the Coal-measure fossils for which it was established, some bivalves from the Lower Carboniferous rocks of this neighbourhood, of which the internal characters of the shell, so far as I have been able to make them out, appear to have more in common with this genus than with ''Myalina''. About two or three years before Mr. Salter proposed his name, Dr. Dawson established his genus ''Naiadites'' for similar shells, characteristic of the South-Joggins Coal-measures, Nova Scotia. In a paper on &quot;Fossil Shells from the Coal-measures of Nova Scotia&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. xix. p. 80.&lt;/ref&gt;, Mr. Salter pointed out the synonymy of the two names, and claimed for his own precedence over that of Dr. Dawson on the ground of more complete description. ''Anthracoptera'' appears to have been regarded by Salter as one of either the Aviculidæ or Mytilidæ, whilst by Dr. Geinitz the typical American species, ''A.'' (''Naiadites'') ''carbonaria'', Dawson, is looked upon as a ''Dreissena''&lt;ref&gt;N. Jahrbuch, 1864, p. 654; Geol. Mag. 1865, ii. p. 205.&lt;/ref&gt;. The affinity of these shells has been discussed by Dr. Dawson at some length; he considers them to be brackish-water shells allied to the Mytilidæ, or embryonic forms of Unionidæ&lt;ref&gt;Acadian Geology, 1867, p. 203.&lt;/ref&gt;, and states that the structure of the shell is similar to that of the latter family.
{{dhr}}
{{sc|Anthracoptera? obesa}}, sp. nov. Pl. I. figs. 12, 13 (&amp; 14?).

''Sp. char.'' Trigonal, very gibbous, inequality of the valves distinctly marked; anterior side pointed, well marked, and defined by the byssal furrow in each valve; posterior side but little flattened, its&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>cle6dclpczjedrafcjuetxh8jloid15</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 34.djvu/37</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2048048</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507853</id>
      <parentid>8251203</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:12:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Mike s</username>
        <id>915588</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3178" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|R. ETHERIDGE, JUN., ON LOWER-CARBONIFEROUS INVERTEBRATA.}}|13}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;margin slightly sigmoidal. Hinge-line straight, as long as the shell, its margin thickened on each valve, leaving in casts two long grooves. Umbones well developed, contiguous, but not touching, anterior, but not quite terminal, with a broad, very obtusely rounded diagonal ridge proceeding from each, to which the shell owes much of its exceedingly convex form. Byssal furrows shallow, most pronounced in the left valve; marginal notch not deeply excavated. Anterior muscular impressions quite anterior, infra-umbonal. Surface of the shell covered with concentric subimbricating lamellæ, crowded and striiform on the anterior end, but opening out and becoming lamellar on the diagonal ridge and posterior wing.

''Obs.'' The shells comprised in this species very much resemble some ''Myalinæ''; but I believe I am more justified in referring them to the present genus than to ''Myalina'', of the striated hinge-plate of which I can find no trace ; neither has any definite evidence presented itself which would warrant me in placing them in either ''Avicula or Pterinea''. The much more central position of the diagonal ridge, greater convexity of the shell, and the sigmoidal margin of the posterior end at once distinguish ''A. obesa'' from either ''Anthracoptera''? or ''Myalina'' (''Avicula'') 'quadrata'', Sow., ''A.''? or ''M.'' (''Avicula'') ''modiolaris'', Sow., ''A.''? or ''M.'' (''Modiola'') ''carinata'', Sow. &lt;ref&gt;In one place Mr. Salter referred these species to ''Myalina'' (Iron Ores Gt. Britain, 1861, pt. 3, p. 228), in another with doubt to ''Anthracomya'' (''ibid.'' p. 230), and again in a third to ''Anthracoptera'' (Oldham Memoir, 1864, p. 64). He appears to have been in great doubt as to their true generic affinity.&lt;/ref&gt;, or ''Anthracoptera''? ''Browniana'', Salter (= ''Avicula tenua'', Brown). I am not acquainted, and so cannot institute a comparison, with any of those Coal-measure fossils figured by Captain T. Brown in his 'Fossil Conchology'&lt;ref&gt;Plate 62.&lt;/ref&gt;, many of which will doubtless fall into the genus ''Anthracoptera''; but ''A. obesa'' appears to be quite distinct.

''Loc. and Horizon.'' In a bed of hard micaceous sandstone, Drumsheugh, Water of Leith, at Dean Bridge, Edinburgh, Wardie-Shale division of the Cement-stone group; in altered shale underlying trap, Corstorphine Hill, near Edinburgh; in a band of limestone above the sandstone at Craigleith Quarry, near Edinburgh?
{{dhr}}
{{c|Genus {{sc|Myalina}}, De Koninck.}}

''Myalina'', De Koninck, Anim. Eoss. Terr. Carb. Belgique, p. 125.

{{sc|Myalina crassa}}, Eleming (non G. &amp; E. Sandberger).

Var. ''modioliformis'', Brown.

''Obs.'' In the 'Annals and Magazine of Natural History' for June 1875 I described a series of specimens of ''M. crassa'', Elem., from the Fife Carboniferous-Limestone series and the Lower Carboniferous of this neighbourhood, and gave the synonymy of the species as then known to me. I remarked on the slighter make of the latter as compared with the Fife examples. I find that the Water-of-Leith shells from the Lower Carboniferous rocks were described&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>qda8di8ozqi7730s0hhszpk8vxux7f1</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 01.djvu/427</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2076827</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506905</id>
      <parentid>7878840</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:02:01Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>2973212</id>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="5784" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''AUGUSTA'''}}|341|{{c|'''AUGUSTUS'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Augusta (Maine)&quot; /&gt;Home. The principal manufactures, 
which are promoted by an abundant 
water power, are cotton goods, paper, 
wood pulp, and lumber. The city is 
lighted by electricity, and has electric 
street railways, several National banks, 
high school, Lithgow Public Library, a 
number of weekly periodicals, etc. Pop. 
(1910) 13,211; (1920) 14,114.
&lt;section end=&quot;Augusta (Maine)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Augusta (title)&quot; /&gt;
'''AUGUSTA''', a title first given to his 
wife Livia, after the death of Augustus, 
according to the will of the emperor. It 
was afterward conferred by Claudius on 
Agrippina ({{asc|A. D.}} 51), and by Nero on his 
wife Poppaea, as well as her daughter ({{asc|A. D.}}
64). Eventually it became a common 
title of the mother, wife, sister, or daughter
of an emperor.
&lt;section end=&quot;Augusta (title)&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Augusta Victoria&quot; /&gt;
'''AUGUSTA VICTORIA''', Duchess of 
Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Augustenburg,
born Oct. 22, 1858; daughter of 
the late Duke Friedrich; married Prince 
Friedrich Wilhelm, afterward Wilhelm 
II., Feb. 27, 1881; became Empress of 
Germany and Queen of Prussia on the 
accession of her husband to the thrones 
in June, 1888. She has borne the former 
Emperor-King seven children, the former 
Crown Prince, Friedrich Wilhelm, being 
born May 6, 1882. She is the author of 
a book of reminiscences of her travels in 
Palestine with the former Emperor in 
1898. After the Emperor's flight to 
Holland in November, 1918, she joined 
him a little later and has since shared 
his exile.
&lt;section end=&quot;Augusta Victoria&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Augustine, Aurelius Augustinus, St.&quot; /&gt;
'''AUGUSTINE''' ({{Collier's key|a′gus-tēn}}), '''AURELIUS''' 
'''AUGUSTINUS''', '''ST.''', a renowned father 
of the Christian Church, was born at 
Tagaste, in Africa, in 354, his mother, 
Monica, being a Christian, his father, 
Patricius, a pagan. His parents sent 
him to Carthage to complete his education,
but he disappointed their expectations
by leading a life of pleasure. A 
book of Cicero's led him to study 
philosophy; but dissatisfied with this, 
he joined the Manichæans. He left 
them after nine years and went to 
Rome and then to Milan. Here St. 
Ambrose, bishop of the city, and the 
reading of St. Paul converted him to 
the Christian faith. After preparation 
for baptism he received it from
Ambrose, being then in his 33d year. He 
returned to Africa, sold his property, 
giving the proceeds to the poor, and 
became assistant to the bishop of Hippo, 
succeeding to the see in 395. Of his 
various works his “Confessions” is 
most secure of immortality. He died 
Aug. 28, 430, while Hippo was besieged 
by the Vandals. He was a man of great 
enthusiasm, self-devotion, zeal for truth, 
and powerful intellect, and, though
&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
there have been fathers of the Church 
more learned, none have wielded a more 
powerful influence. His writings are 
partly autobiographical, partly polemical, 
homiletic, or exegetical. The greatest 
is the “City of God” (“De Civitate 
Dei”), a vindication of Christianity. 
&lt;section end=&quot;Augustine, Aurelius Augustinus, St.&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Augustine, St.&quot; /&gt;
'''AUGUSTINE''', or '''AUSTIN, ST.''', the 
Apostle of the English, flourished at the 
close of the 6th century, was sent with 
40 monks by Pope Gregory I. to introduce 
Christianity into Saxon England, and 
was kindly received by Ethelbert, King 
of Kent, whom he converted, baptizing 
10,000 of his subjects in one day. In 
acknowledgment of his tact and success 
Augustine received the archiepiscopal 
pall from the Pope, with instructions to 
establish 12 sees in his province, but he 
could not persuade the British bishops 
in Wales to unite with the new English 
Church. He died in 604 or 605.
&lt;section end=&quot;Augustine, St.&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Augustinians&quot; /&gt;
'''AUGUSTINIANS''', or '''AUGUSTINES''', 
members of several monastic fraternities 
who follow rules framed by the great St. 
Augustine or deduced from his writings, 
of which the chief are the Canons
Regular of St. Augustine, or Austin Canons, 
and the Begging Hermits or Austin 
Friars. The Austin Canons were introduced
into Great Britain about 1100. 
They took the vows of chastity and
poverty, and their habit was a long, black 
cassock with a white rochet over it. The 
Austin Friars, originally hermits, went 
barefooted, and formed one of the four 
orders of mendicants. An order of nuns 
had also the name of Augustines. Their 
garments, at first black, were latterly 
violet.
&lt;section end=&quot;Augustinians&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Augustulus, Romulus&quot; /&gt;
'''AUGUSTULUS, ROMULUS''', the last 
of the Western Roman emperors; he 
reigned during one year only (475-476), 
when he was overthrown by Odoacer 
and banished.
&lt;section end=&quot;Augustulus, Romulus&quot; /&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Augustus Caius Julius Cæsar Octavianus&quot; /&gt;
'''AUGUSTUS CAIUS JULIUS CÆSAR''' 
'''OCTAVIANUS''', originally called Caius 
Octavius, Roman Emperor, was the son 
of Caius Octavius and Atia, a daughter 
of Julia, the sister of Julius Cæsar. He 
was born 63 {{asc|B. C.}}, and died 14 {{asc|A. D.}}
Octavius was at Apollonia, in Epirus, when 
he received news of the death of his uncle 
(44 {{asc|B. C.}}), who had previously adopted 
him as his son. He returned to Rome to 
claim Cæsar's property and avenge his 
death, and now took, according to usage, 
his uncle's name, with the surname
Octavianus. He was aiming secretly at the 
chief power, but at first he joined the 
republican party, and assisted at the
defeat of Antony at Mutina. He got
himself chosen consul in 43. Soon after the 
first triumvirate was formed between&lt;section end=&quot;Augustus Caius Julius Cæsar Octavianus&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Index:Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu</title>
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|Type=book
|Title=[[Democracy and Social Ethics (1905)|Democracy and Social Ethics]]
|Language=en
|Volume=
|Author=[[Author:Jane Addams|Jane Addams]]
|Translator=
|Editor=
|Illustrator=
|School=
|Publisher=Macmillan
|Address=
|Year=1905
|Key=
|ISBN=
|OCLC=
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1to6=&quot;-&quot;
7to8=ad
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12=&quot;-&quot;
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Rural Hours.djvu/479</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2125869</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507400</id>
      <parentid>6393254</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:02:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1806" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|SALT FOOD.}}|431}}{{rule|8em}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''d'œuvre''. It is talked of, in village parlance, as the ''ham-and-egg''
''season'', because at this time butchers are not to be depended on. 
A few years since such was the case here, but at present we 
are better supplied. As for country taverns, it may be doubted
if they ever set a table without ham, broiled or fried, with 
eggs also, if possible. During an excursion of ten days, the summer
before last, in the southern counties, we had but one meal 
without ham, and frequently it was the only meat on table. The 
Wandering Jew would have fared badly in this part of the world, 
especially if he moved out of sight of the railroads. 

There are said to be more hogs in the United States than in 
all the different countries of Europe together, so that a traveller 
ought not to be surprised when he meets these animals in the 
handsomest streets of our largest towns, as he may do any day.
Probably we should be a more healthy nation if we were to eat 
beef and mutton, where we now eat pork.

It is not improbable that this taste for salt and smoked food 
generally, may be owing to the early colonial habits, when the 
supply of fresh meats, with the exception of game, must have 
been small; and the habit once formed, may have become
hereditary, as it were. 

''Monday'', 18''th'', 7 o'clock, {{sm|A. M.}}—Lovely, soft morning. The
valley lies cool and brown in the dawning light, a beautiful sky 
hanging over it, with delicate, rosy, sun-rise clouds floating here 
and there amid the limpid blue. It will be an hour yet before the 
sun comes over the hill; at this season its rays scarcely touch the 
village roofs before eight, leaving them in shadow again a little 
after four.

How beautiful are the larger pines which crown the eastern hill at&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>de3tzn0ox1hszk8g9ehrgrtx1q4gsx6</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507403</id>
      <parentid>12507400</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:02:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1807" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|SALT FOOD.}}|431}}{{rule|8em}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''d'œuvre''. It is talked of, in village parlance, as the ''ham-and-egg''
''season'', because at this time butchers are not to be depended on. 
A few years since such was the case here, but at present we 
are better supplied. As for country taverns, it may be doubted
if they ever set a table without ham, broiled or fried, with 
eggs also, if possible. During an excursion of ten days, the summer
before last, in the southern counties, we had but one meal 
without ham, and frequently it was the only meat on table. The 
Wandering Jew would have fared badly in this part of the world, 
especially if he moved out of sight of the railroads. 

There are said to be more hogs in the United States than in 
all the different countries of Europe together, so that a traveller 
ought not to be surprised when he meets these animals in the 
handsomest streets of our largest towns, as he may do any day.
Probably we should be a more healthy nation if we were to eat 
beef and mutton, where we now eat pork.

It is not improbable that this taste for salt and smoked food 
generally, may be owing to the early colonial habits, when the 
supply of fresh meats, with the exception of game, must have 
been small; and the habit once formed, may have become
hereditary, as it were. 

''Monday'', 18''th'', 7 o'clock, {{asc|A. M.}}—Lovely, soft morning. The
valley lies cool and brown in the dawning light, a beautiful sky 
hanging over it, with delicate, rosy, sun-rise clouds floating here 
and there amid the limpid blue. It will be an hour yet before the 
sun comes over the hill; at this season its rays scarcely touch the 
village roofs before eight, leaving them in shadow again a little 
after four.

How beautiful are the larger pines which crown the eastern hill at&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 1).djvu/24</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2145471</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507425</id>
      <parentid>11251103</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:11:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Qq1122qq</username>
        <id>1889140</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="3503" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader| | {{larger|''THE METROPOLITAN FIRE BRIGADE. }} |23 }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;A mighty cheer arises 'mid the smoke. Two lives saved! The fire is being mastered. More engines gallop up. &quot;The Captain&quot; is on the spot, too. The Brigade is victorious. 

In the early morning hour, as I strolled home deep in thought, I determined to see these men who nightly risk their lives and stalwart limbs for the benefit and preservation of helpless fire-scorched people. Who are these men who go literally through fire and water to assist and save their fellow creatures, strangers to them—
unknown, save in that they require help and succour? 

I determined there and then to see these brave fellows in their daily work, or leisure in their homes, amid all the surroundings of their noble calling. I went accompanied by an artistic friend, to whose efforts the illustrations which accompany this record are due. 

Emerging from Queen-street, we find ourselves upon Southwark Bridge, and we at once plunge into a flood of memories of old friends who come, invisibly, to accompany us on our pilgrimage to old Winchester House, now the head-quarters of the Metropolitan Fire Brigade, in the Southwark Bridge-road. On the bridge—once a &quot;tolled&quot; structure known as the Iron Bridge—we find &quot;{{w|Little Dorrit}}&quot; herself, and her suitor, young John Chivery, in all his brave attire; the young aspirant is downhearted at the decided refusal of Miss Amy to marry him, as they pace the then almost unfrequented bridge. Their ghosts cross it in our company, with Clennan and Maggie behind us, till we reach the Union-road, once known as Horsemonger-lane, where young John's ghost quits us to meditate in the back yard of Mr. Chivery's premises, and become that &quot;broken-down ruin,&quot; catching cold beneath the family washing, which he feared. 

The whole neighbourhood is redolent of [[Author:Charles Dickens|Dickens]]. From a spot close by the head office we can see the buildings which have been erected on the site of the King's Bench Prison, where Mr. Micawber waited for something to turn up, and where Copperfield lost his box and money. The site of the former &quot;haven of domestic tranquillity and peace of mind,&quot; as Micawber styled it, is indicated to us by Mr. Harman—quite a suitable name in such a connection with Dickens—by whom we are courteously and pleasantly received in the office of the Metropolitan Fire Brigade. 

Our credentials being in order there is no difficulty experienced in our reception. Nothing can exceed the civility and politeness of the officials, and of the rank and file of the Brigade. Fine, active, cheerful fellows, all sailors, these firemen are a credit to their organisation and to London. The Superintendent hands us over to a bright young fellow, who is waiting his promotion—we hope he has reached it, if not a death vacancy—and he takes us in charge kindly.

[[file:Fire brigade, pg 23--The Strand Magazine, vol 1, no 1.png|300px|right|thumb|{{c|{{smaller|ENGINES GALLOP UP.}}}}]]

Standing in the very entrance, we had already remarked two engines. The folding, automatic doors are closed in front of these machines. One, a steamer, is being nursed by means of a gas tube to keep the fire-box warm. When the fire-call rings there is no time to begin to get up steam. The well-heated interior soon acts in response to the quickly lighted fire as the engine starts, and by the time our steamer reaches its destination steam is generated. A spare steamer is close at hand. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 1).djvu/25</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2145474</id>
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      <id>12507444</id>
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      <text bytes="4765" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|24 | {{larger|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE. }} | }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Very bright and clean is the machine, which in a way puts its useful ally, the &quot;manual,&quot; in the shade; though at present the latter kind are more numerous, in the proportion of seventy-eight to forty-eight. Turning from the engines, we notice a row of burnished helmets hanging over tunics, and below these, great knee-boots, which are so familiar to the citizen. When the alarm is rung, these are donned rapidly; but we opine the gates will occupy some time in the opening. 

Our guide smiles, and points out two ropes hanging immediately over the driving seat of each engine. 

&quot;When the engine is ready the coachman pulls the rope, and the gates open of their own accord, you may say. See here!&quot; 

He turns to the office entrance, where two ropes are hanging side by side. A pull on each, and the doors leading to the back-yard open and unfold themselves. The catch drops deftly into an aperture made to receive it, and the portals are thus kept open. About a second and a half is occupied in this manœuvre. 

We consider it unfortunate that we shall not see a &quot;turn out,&quot; as alarms by day are not usual. The Superintendent looks quizzical, but says nothing then. He gives instructions to our guide to show us all we want to see, and in this spirit we examine the instrument room close at hand. 

Here are fixed a number of telephonic apparatus, labelled with the names of the stations:—Manchester-square, Clerkenwell, Whitechapel, and so on, five in number, known by the Brigade as Superintendents' Stations, A, B, C, D, E Districts. By these means immediate communication can be obtained with any portion of the Metropolis, and the condition and requirements of the fires reported. There is also a frame in the outer office which bears a number of electric bells, which can summon the head of any department, or demand the presence of any officer instantly. 

It is extraordinary to see the quiet way in which the work is performed, the ease and freedom of the men, and the strict observance of discipline withal. Very few men are visible as we pass on to the repairing shops. (Illustration, p. 29.) Here the engines are repaired and inspected. There are eleven steamers in the shed, some available for service, and so designated. If an outlying station require a steamer in substitution for its own, here is one ready. The boilers are examined every six months, and tested by water-pressure up to 180 lbs. on the square inch, in order to sustain safely the steam pressure up to 120 lbs., when it &quot;blows off.&quot; 

Passing down the shed we notice the men—all Brigade men—employed at their various tasks in the forge or carpenters' shop. Thus it will be perceived that the head-quarters enclose many different artizans, and is self-contained. The men were lifting a boiler when we were present, and our artist &quot;caught them in the act.&quot; 

Close to the entrance is a high &quot;shoot&quot; in which hang pendant numerous ropes and many lengths of drying hose. The impression experienced when standing underneath, and gazing upwards, is something like the feeling one would have while gazing up at the tops of the trees in a pine wood. There is a sense of vastness in this narrow lofty brick enclosure, which is some 70 ft. high. The hose is doubled in its length of 100 ft., and then it drains dry, for the moisture is apt to conceal itself in the rubber lining, and in the nozzles and head-screws of the hoses. 

No precaution is neglected, no point is missed. Vigilant eyes are everywhere; bright responsive faces and ready hands are continually in evidence, but unobtrusively. 

Turning from the repairing shops we proceed to the stables, where we find things in the normal condition of preparedness. &quot;Be ready&quot; is evidently the watchword of the Brigade. Ready, aye ready! Neatness and cleanliness are here scrupulously regarded. Tidiness is the feature of the stables. A pair of horses on either side are standing, faces outward, in their stalls. Four handsome, well-groomed, lithe animals they look; and as we enter they regard us with considerable curiosity, a view which we reciprocate. 

Round each horse's neck is suspended his collar. A weight let into the woodwork or the stall holds the harness by means of a lanyard and swivel. When the alarm rings the collar is dropped, and in &quot;half a second&quot; the animals, traces and splinter-bar hanging on their sleek backs and sides, are trotted out and harnessed. Again we express our regret that no kind householder will set fire to his tenement, that no nice children will play with matches or candle this fine morning, and let us &quot;see everything,&quot; like Charles Middlewick. 

Once more our guide smiles, and passes on through the forage and harness-rooms,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Bills of Mortality.pdf/11</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2145526</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508027</id>
      <parentid>7448724</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:29:35Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Beeswaxcandle</username>
        <id>80078</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>spelling</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2490" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beeswaxcandle&quot; /&gt;{{c|( 7 )}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;which was further elaborated in 1747 by the addition of hour glasses. These features are seen in the accompanying reproduction of the Bill for the year 1801.

Despite their rudimentary character, the Bills of Mortality were frequently the subject of investigation and analysis during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The earliest work of this nature is that by Captain [[Author:John Graunt|John Graunt]], entitled &quot;[[Natural and Political Observations Made upon the Bills of Mortality (Graunt 1676)|Natural and Political Observations made upon the Bills of Mortality]],&quot; first published in 1661, and subsequently much enlarged by Sir [[Author:William Petty|William Petty]]. This singularly interesting volume is the ﬁrst instance of the application of statistical methods to the phenomena of human society. Its merits were immediately recognized, and the Royal Society promptly elected the author a Fellow, and bore the expense of printing and publishing his book.

Captain Graunt gives the following account of the manner in which the Bills were compiled:


&quot;When any one dies, then either by tolling, or ringing of a Bell, or by be{{ls}}peaking of a Grave of the ''Sexton,'' the same is known to the ''Searchers'' corre{{ls}}ponding with the {{ls}}aid ''Sexton.''

&quot;The ''Searchers'' hereupon (who are ancient Matrons {{ls}}worn to their Office) repair to the place where the dead Corps lies, and by view of the {{ls}}ame, and by other enquiries, they examine by what ''Di{{ls}}ea{{ls}}e'' or ''Ca{{ls}}ualty'' the Corps died. Hereupon they make their Report to the ''Pari{{ls}}h Clerk,'' and he every ''Tuesday'' night, carries in an Accompt of all the ''Burials'' and ''Chri{{ls}}tnings'' happening that Week to the ''Clerk'' of the ''Hall.'' On ''Wednesday'' the general Accompt is made up and printed, and on ''Thur{{ls}}day'' publifhed and di{{ls}}per{{ls}}ed to the {{ls}}everal Families who will pay four Shillings ''per annum'' for them&quot;:


A further picture of the searchers is afforded by the regulations issued by the Lord Mayor in 1666 to stay the progress of the plague, and quoted by [[Author:Daniel Defoe|De Foe]] in his &quot;[[A Journal of the Plague Year|Journal of the Plague Year]]&quot;:


&quot;That there be a special care to appoint women searchers in every parish such as are of honest reputation, and of the best sort as can be got in this kind; and these to be sworn to make due search and true report to the utmost of their knowledge whether the persons&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Carnegie Flexner Report.djvu/216</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2147542</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507203</id>
      <parentid>12187229</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:33:47Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>BD2412</username>
        <id>1511</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>fmt some</comment>
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      <text bytes="2989" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;BD2412&quot; /&gt;{{rh|198|MEDICAL EDUCATION|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''Entrance Requirement:'' A four-year high school education or its equivalent. Credentials are passed on by the dean. 

''Attendance:'' 85.

''Teaching staff:'' 45, of whom 25 are professors, 20 of other grade.

''Resources available for maintenance:'' The school is supported out of the total university income of $200,000 per annum. Its fee income is $4043; its budget, $28,000.

''Laboratory facilities:'' The school is in general satisfactorily equipped to do undergraduate teaching in the medical sciences. Full-time men are in charge of pathology, bacteriology, and physiology, though the departments lack trained assistants. Histology and embryology are taught in the department of biology. The chair of anatomy is occupied by a non-resident surgeon. There is a good library, with a subscription list including the best German and English journals. A regular fund is available for the purchase of books and apparatus. 

''Clinical facilities:'' The university hospital is entirely inadequate, even though the school is small. It contains $5 beds and averages 16 patients availabt for teaching.  Its management has only recently been modernized. It now contains a. clinical laboratory where students work, keeping exee!lent reeoxls of their findings. There are from I to' 15 obstetrical eases annually in the hospitd; these are supplemented by an out-patient service.

The dispensazy is slight. 

{{smaller|''Date of visit: April, 1909.''}}

{{center|''General Considerations''}}

THE state is overcrowded with doctors. It can therefore safely go to a higher standard; indeed, the new law provides that after 191, all applicants for license must 
have had, previous to their medical education, a year of college work. As this is a 
practice, and not an educational, requirement, the Denver school may still continue 
to train low-grade men for adjacent states; x but it is probable that if it continues 
on a standard below the legal practice minimum, it will be too discredited, and if it 
arises to the aforesaid minimum, too much reduced, to continue. The state university alone, so far as we can now see, can hope to obtain the financial backing necessary to teach medicine in the proper way regardless of income from fees, and to it 
a monopoly should quickly fall. Its. laboratory facilities are steadily increasing, but 
adequate clinical resources are not at present assured. It is important, therefore, that 
as a first step the state university gain access to the clinical facilities at Denver, 
from which it is now cut off, first, by a constitutional provision forbidding the state 
university to teach except at Boulder, second, by the fact that the City Hospital is 
 It is. however, equally in the interest of these states that a further low-grade supply should be cut 
off. vUogmhi_n_on,e of.t.he?!lowing. st_es .h.as,a medical school, all have too many doctors. The ratios 
are: yomm,: o; nzona, 1: 0?; IdahO, 1: 663; New Mexico, 1: 618.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>The Adventure of the Final Problem</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>2147675</id>
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        <username>Languageseeker</username>
        <id>2969373</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Removed redirect to [[Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes 1894 Burt/The Final Problem]]</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="300" xml:space="preserve">{{versions|author = Arthur Conan Doyle}}
* &quot;[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Final Problem|The Final Problem]]&quot;, as originally published in ''[[The Strand Magazine]]'' (December 1893)
* &quot;[[Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes 1894 Burt/The Final Problem|The Final Problem]]&quot; in ''Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes''</text>
      <sha1>9tvycd2fse9y6n4ocyiwg0yge0tcnas</sha1>
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      <id>12508025</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:28:36Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="317" xml:space="preserve">{{versions|author = Arthur Conan Doyle}}
* &quot;[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Final Problem|The Adventure of the Final Problem]]&quot;, as originally published in ''[[The Strand Magazine]]'' (December 1893)
* &quot;[[Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes 1894 Burt/The Final Problem|The Final Problem]]&quot; in ''Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes''</text>
      <sha1>demz5k5vpiwpxv308zdjvdxnykfpz3l</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508032</id>
      <parentid>12508025</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:33:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Chrisguise moved page [[The Final Problem]] to [[The Adventure of the Final Problem]]: Corrected title per original publication and for consistency with others</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="317" xml:space="preserve">{{versions|author = Arthur Conan Doyle}}
* &quot;[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Final Problem|The Adventure of the Final Problem]]&quot;, as originally published in ''[[The Strand Magazine]]'' (December 1893)
* &quot;[[Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes 1894 Burt/The Final Problem|The Final Problem]]&quot; in ''Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes''</text>
      <sha1>demz5k5vpiwpxv308zdjvdxnykfpz3l</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508047</id>
      <parentid>12508032</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:50:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="334" xml:space="preserve">{{versions|author = Arthur Conan Doyle}}
* &quot;[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Final Problem|The Adventure of the Final Problem]]&quot;, as originally published in ''[[The Strand Magazine]]'' (December 1893)
* &quot;[[Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes 1894 Burt/The Final Problem|The Final Problem]]&quot; in ''Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes''</text>
      <sha1>oah2blmxv80u91simsm9wjoiipzrccb</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Miscellaneous Writings.djvu/169</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2166525</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506975</id>
      <parentid>6513984</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:21:29Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1497" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh||LETTERS|143}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;touch of heart to heart and hand to hand, on the broad 
basis and sure foundation of true friendship's “level” 
and the “square” of moral sentiments. 
My dear students may have explained to the kind par- 
ticipants in beautifying this boat our spiritual points, 
above the pkne of matter. If so, I may hope that a 
closer link hath bound us. Across lakes, into a kingdom, 
I reach out my hand to clasp yours, with this silent bene- 
diction: May the kingdom of heaven come in each of 
your hearts! 
:{{gap|10em}}With love,
:{{gap|13em}}{{sc|Mary Baker Eddy}}.

{{c|{{sc|Address, — Laying the Corner-stone}}}}

''Beloved Students:'' — On the 21st day of May, {{asc|A.D.}}
1894, with quiet, imposing ceremony, is laid the corner-stone
of “The First Church of Christ, Scientist,” in 
Boston. 

It gives me great pleasure to say that you, principally 
the Normal class graduates of my College, well known 
physicians, teachers, editors, and pastors of churches, 
by contributions of one thousand dollars each, husband 
and wife reckoned as one, have, within about three 
months, donated the munificent sum of forty-two thousand
dollars toward building The Mother Church. A 
quiet call from me for this extra contribution, in aid of 
our Church Building Fund, found you all “with one 
accord in one place.” Each donation came promptly; 
sometimes at much self-sacrifice, but always accompanied 
with a touching letter breathing the donor's privileged joy.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/32</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2195370</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506801</id>
      <parentid>6591374</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:44:49Z</timestamp>
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        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
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      <text bytes="994" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|{{red|{{bl|Brief Statement of Christian Doctrine.}}}}}}}}

{{rule|4em}}

{{c|''The Ten Commandvients of God.''—[[Exodus (Bible)|Exodus xx]].}}

{{image missing}}{{di|I}} AM the Lord thy God, who brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage. Thou shalt not have strange gods before Me. Thou shalt not make to thyself a graven thing, nor the likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, nor of those things that are in the waters under the earth. Thou shalt not adore them, nor serve them. 

2. Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vain. 

3. Remember thou keep holy the Sabbath-day. 

4. Honor thy father and thy mother. 

5. Thou shalt not kill. 

6. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 

7. Thou shalt not steal. 

8. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor. 

9. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife. 

10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's goods.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|20}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>User:Ciridae</title>
    <ns>2</ns>
    <id>2195624</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508266</id>
      <parentid>12481340</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:00:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>updates</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="6137" xml:space="preserve">__NOTOC__
{{User:Ciridae/headers}}

== Contributions ==

=== Ongoing ===
* {{scan|Silver Shoal Light|Silver Shoal Light.djvu}}
* {{scan|Bismarck and the Foundation of the German Empire|Bismarck and the foundation of the German empire (IA bismarckfoundati00head).pdf}}

=== Proofreading ===
{{div col|2}}
* {{scan|Democracy and Social Ethics|Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu}}
* {{scan|The Business of Being a Woman|The Business of being a Woman by Ida Tarbell.djvu}}
* {{scan|The Commentaries of Cæsar|The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu}}
* {{scan|The History of the Standard Oil Company/Volume 2|The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu|The History of the Standard Oil Company, Volume 2}}
* {{scan|Book of Etiquette/Volume 1|Book of Etiquette, Volume 1, by Lilian Eichler.djvu|Book of Etiquette, Volume 1}}
* {{scan|Shubala—A Child-Mother|Shubala - a child-mother (IA shubalachildmoth00soraiala).pdf}}
* {{scan|The Wisconsin Idea|The Wisconsin idea (IA cu31924032449252).pdf}}
* {{scan|The Sun Also Rises|The sun also rises - Hemingway, Ernest, 1899-1961.pdf}}
* {{scan|The Question of Library Training|The Question of Library Training by Lutie Stearns.djvu}}
* {{scan|Traveling Libraries|Traveling Libraries by Frank Avery Hutchins.djvu}}
* {{scan|Rational Library Work with Children and the Preparation for It|Rational Library Work with children and the preparation for it - Frances Jenkins Olcott.djvu}}
* {{scan|Indian Tales of The Great Ones|Indian tales of the great ones.djvu}}
* {{scan|The American Magazine (1906-1956)/Volume 73/Making a Man of Herself|The American Magazine (1906-1956) - volume 73.pdf|Making a Man of Herself}}
* [[Declaration of Digital Independence]]
* {{scan|Mozilla Public License Version 2.0|Mozilla Public License 2.0.pdf}}
* {{scan|Two Lectures on the Checks to Population|Two Lectures on the Checks to Population.pdf}}
* {{scan|Feeding the Mind|Feeding the Mind.djvu}}
* {{scan|Apache License, Version 2.0|Apache_License,_Version_2.0.pdf}}
* {{scan|The Happy Venture|Ballinger Price--The Happy Venture.djvu}}
* {{scan|Church and State (Galt)|Church and State.djvu|Church and State}}
* {{scan|Civil Liberty in Lower Canada|Civil Liberty in Lower Canada.djvu}}
* {{scan|Ode on the Stability of the British Empire|Ode on the stability of the British Empire, written on the occasion of the coronation of King Edward the Seventh.djvu}}
* {{scan|Us and the Bottle Man|Ballinger Price--Us and the Bottle Man.djvu}}
* {{scan|Sir Alexander T. Galt on Prohibition|Prohibition by A.T. Galt.djvu}}
* {{scan|The First and Last Journeys of Thoreau, Volume 1|The first and last journeys of Thoreau - lately discovered among his unpublished journals and manuscripts.djvu}}
* {{scan|Demosthenes|Demosthenes (Brodribb).djvu}}
* {{scan|Cicero And The Fall Of The Roman Republic|Cicero And The Fall Of The Roman Republic.djvu}}
* {{scan|The Moor of Venice|The Moor of Venice.djvu}}
* {{scan|The National Institutes of Technology, Science, Education and Research (Amendment) Act, 2014|The National Institutes of Technology, Science, Education and Research (Amendment) Act, 2014.djvu|The NITSER (Amendment) Act, 2014}}
* {{scan|The Consumer Protection (Amendment) Act, 1991|Consumer Protection (Amendment) Act (India) 1991.djvu}}
* {{scan|The Representation of the People (Amendment) Act, 1991|Representation of the People (Amendment) Act (India) 1991.pdf}}
* {{scan|The Light That Failed|The Light That Failed (1891).pdf}}
* {{scan|Maurine And Other Poems|Maurine and Other Poems (1910).pdf}}
* {{scan|The Pentamerone, or The Story of Stories|The Pentamerone, or The Story of Stories.djvu}}
{{div col end}}

=== Validation ===
* {{scan|The Social and Moral Elevation of our Working Classes|The social and moral elevation of our working classes.pdf}}
* {{scan|The Law of Population: Its Consequences, and Its Bearing upon Human Conduct and Morals|Annie Besant, The Law of Population.djvu}}
* {{scan|Indian Copyright Act (5th Amendment), 1999|Indian Copyright Act (5th Amendment) 1999.djvu}}
* {{scan|True and wonderfull|True and Wonderfull.djvu}}
* {{scan|The Copyright Act, 1957|Indian Copyright Act 1957.djvu}}

=== Authors ===
{{div col|4}}
* {{al|John Gordon Hargrave}}
* {{al|Edmond Hoyle}}
* {{al|Oscar Douglas Skelton}}
* {{al|Albert Paul Weiss}}
* {{al|Vida Dutton Scudder}}
* {{al|Giovanni Battista Giraldi}}
* {{al|Frances Jenkins Olcott}}
* {{al|Frank Avery Hutchins}}
* {{al|Charles McCarthy}}
* {{al|William Arnon Henry}}
* {{al|Herman Haupt}}
* {{al|Lillian Eichler Watson}}
* {{al|Lutie Eugenia Stearns}}
* {{al|Hugh Black}}
* {{al|Frank Johnson Goodnow}}
* {{al|William Wilson Cook}}
* {{al|Alice Freeman Palmer}}
* {{al|Ono Mary Imhoff}}
* {{al|Alpheus Beede Stickney}}
* {{al|Charles Keeler Lush}}
* {{al|David Kemper Watson}}
* {{al|Mary Griffith}}
* {{al|William De Witt Hyde}}
* {{al|Ethel Lucy Hargreave Urlin}}
* {{al|Samuel Roberts Wells}}
* {{al|Maria Mitchell}}
* {{al|Catharine Esther Beecher}}
{{div col end}}

=== Portals ===
* [[Portal:William Blackwood and Sons|William Blackwood and Sons]]
* [[Portal:Parliament of India|Parliament of India]]

== Pending Index pages ==
{{div col|2}}
* [[Index:The crimson fairy book (IA crimsonfairybook00lang).pdf|The Crimson Fairy Book]]
* [[Index:The Orange Fairy Book.djvu|The Orange Fairy Book]]
* [[Index:The lilac fairy book (IA lilacfairybook00langiala).pdf|The Lilac Fairy Book]]
* [[Index:My Lady Lee by Edith Ballinger Price.djvu|My Lady Lee]]
* [[Index:Garth, able seaman (IA garthableseaman00pric).pdf|Garth, Able Seaman]]
* [[Index:The Grey Fairy Book.djvu|The Grey Fairy Book]]
* [[Index:The pink fairy book (IA pinkfairybooklan00lang).pdf|The Pink Fairy Book]]
* [[Index:The Cloud Bird.djvu|The Cloud Bird]]
* [[Index:The Life of Cicero, Volume 1.djvu|The Life of Cicero, Volume 1]]
* [[Index:The Life of Cicero, Volume 2.djvu|The Life of Cicero, Volume 2]]
* [[Index:The small library. A guide to the collection and care of books (IA smalllibraryguid00browiala).pdf|The Small Library]]
* [[Index:A Skeleton Outline of Greek History.djvu|A Skeleton Outline of Greek History]]
{{div col end}}

[[Category:User en-3]]</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/104</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2205656</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506806</id>
      <parentid>6624333</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:47:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1596" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 92 mod 2||92}}|{{sc|Devotions for Mass.}}|{{#ifexpr: 92 mod 2|92|}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Mysteries, which require so much purity, because Jesus Christ Himself is here in person, both Priest and Victim! But, O my God, Thy mercies are above all Thy works, and Thou wilt not despise a contrite and humble heart: and therefore I here venture to come into Thy Temple, and with the poor publican, and, as I hope, with the same penitential spirit, I strike my breast and say: ''God be merciful to me, a sinner.'' And I humbly hope to find this mercy which I crave, through that Passion and Death which are here celebrated. O Fountain of Mercy, grant this mercy to me and to all poor sinners. ''Amen.'' 

{{c|{{red|''When the Priest ascends the steps of the Altar.''}}}}

{{di|{{red|T}}}}AKE away from us our iniquities, we beseech Thee, O Lord; that we may be worthy to enter with pure minds into the Holy of Holies. Through Christ, our Lord. ''Amen.'' 

{{c|{{red|''At the'' Introit.}}}}

{{di|{{red|G}}}}RANT, O Lord, that we may be truly prepared for offering this great Sacrifice unto Thee this day; and because our sins alone can render us displeasing to Thee, therefore we cry aloud to Thee for mercy. 

{{c|{{red|''At the ''Kyrie Eleison.}}}}

{{c|{{red|{{smaller|''Either repeat with the Priest, or say:''}}}}}}

Have mercy on me. O Lord, and forgive me all my sins. 

Have mercy on me, O Lord, have mercy on me. 

{{c|{{red|''The ''Gloria in Excelsis'', or ''Greater Doxology.}}}}

{{c|{{red|{{smaller|''Repeat this with the Priest. p. 119.''}}}}}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/62</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2218901</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506802</id>
      <parentid>6653027</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:45:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1464" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 50 mod 2||50}}|{{sc|Morning Prayers.}}|{{#ifexpr: 50 mod 2|50|}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{di|{{red|M}}}}AY the Blessed Virgin Mary and all the Saints plead for us with the Lord, that we may deserve to be helped and delivered by Him who liveth and reigneth, world without end. Amen. 

''V.'' Come unto my help, O God. 

''R.'' O Lord, make haste to help me. {{red|(''This versicle and response is said thrice.'')}}

''V.'' Glory be to the Father, etc. 

''R.'' As it was in the beginning, etc. 

Lord, have mercy. 

Christ, have mercy. 

Lord, have mercy. 

Our Father (''inaudibly''). 

''V.'' And lead us not into temptation. 

''R.'' But deliver us from evil. 

''V.'' Look upon Thy servants. O Lord, and upon Thy works, and direct their children. 

''R.'' And let the brightness of the Lord our God be upon us, and direct Thou the works of our hands over us: yea, the work of our hands do Thou direct. 

''V.'' Glory be to the Father, etc. 

''R.'' As it was in the beginning, etc. 

{{c|{{red|''Let us pray.''}}}}

{{di|{{red|O}}}} LORD GOD, King of heaven and earth, vouchsafe this day to direct and to sanctify, to rule and to govern, our souls and bodies, our senses, words, and actions, in Thy law, and in the works of Thy commandments; that both now and for ever we may deserve to be saved and delivered through Thy protection, O Saviour of the world, who livest and reignest, world without end. 

''R.'' Amen. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Walden, or, Life in the Woods.djvu/35</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2224462</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507325</id>
      <parentid>11720847</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:22:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2001:4450:810D:1B00:B98F:6C56:CD04:3DB9</ip>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1792" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Jasonanaggie&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHELTER.|31}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;his head and shoulders, will sleep night after night on the snow {{bar|2}} in a degree of cold which would extinguish the life of one exposed to it in any woollen clothing.&quot; He had seen them asleep thus. Yet he adds, &quot;They are not hardier than other people.&quot; But, probably, man did not live long on the earth without discovering the convenience which there is in a house, the domestic comforts, which phrase may have originally signified the satisfactions of the house more than of the family; though these must be extremely partial and occasional in those climates where the house is associated in our thoughts with winter or the rainy season chiefly, and two thirds of the year, except for a parasol, is unnecessary. In our climate, in the summer, it was formerly almost solely a covering at night. In the Indian gazettes a [[w:en:wigwam|wigwam]] was the symbol of a day's march, and a row of them cut or painted on the bark of a tree signified that so many times they had camped. Man was not made so large limbed and robust but that he must seek to narrow his world, and wall in a space such as fitted him. He was at first bare and out of doors; but though this was pleasant enough in serene and warm weather, by daylight, the rainy season and the winter, to say nothing of the torrid sun, would perhaps have nipped his race in the bud if he had not made haste to clothe himself with the shelter of a house. [[Author:Adam|Adam]] and Eve, according to the fable, wore the bower before other clothes. Man wanted a home, a place of warmth, or comfort, first of physical warmth, then the warmth of the affections. 

We may imagine a time when, in the infancy of the human race, some enterprising mortal crept into a hollow in a rock for shelter. Every child begins the world&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507398</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:01:04Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
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      <comment>unnecessary link</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1776" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Jasonanaggie&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHELTER.|31}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;his head and shoulders, will sleep night after night on the snow {{bar|2}} in a degree of cold which would extinguish the life of one exposed to it in any woollen clothing.&quot; He had seen them asleep thus. Yet he adds, &quot;They are not hardier than other people.&quot; But, probably, man did not live long on the earth without discovering the convenience which there is in a house, the domestic comforts, which phrase may have originally signified the satisfactions of the house more than of the family; though these must be extremely partial and occasional in those climates where the house is associated in our thoughts with winter or the rainy season chiefly, and two thirds of the year, except for a parasol, is unnecessary. In our climate, in the summer, it was formerly almost solely a covering at night. In the Indian gazettes a wigwam was the symbol of a day's march, and a row of them cut or painted on the bark of a tree signified that so many times they had camped. Man was not made so large limbed and robust but that he must seek to narrow his world, and wall in a space such as fitted him. He was at first bare and out of doors; but though this was pleasant enough in serene and warm weather, by daylight, the rainy season and the winter, to say nothing of the torrid sun, would perhaps have nipped his race in the bud if he had not made haste to clothe himself with the shelter of a house. [[Author:Adam|Adam]] and Eve, according to the fable, wore the bower before other clothes. Man wanted a home, a place of warmth, or comfort, first of physical warmth, then the warmth of the affections. 

We may imagine a time when, in the infancy of the human race, some enterprising mortal crept into a hollow in a rock for shelter. Every child begins the world&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ft3kxz7ho8nnbzmd9kw7chti454d7vq</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Walden, or, Life in the Woods.djvu/37</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2224464</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507304</id>
      <parentid>11720848</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:11:26Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2001:4450:810D:1B00:B98F:6C56:CD04:3DB9</ip>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1892" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Jasonanaggie&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHELTER.|33}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|road|railroad}}, six feet long by three wide, in which the laborers locked up their tools at night, and it suggested to me that every man who was hard pushed might get such a one for a dollar, and, having bored a few auger holes in it, to admit the air at least, get into it when it rained and at night, and hook down the lid, and so have freedom in his love, and in his soul be free. This did not appear the worst, nor by any means a despicable alternative. You could sit up as late as you pleased, and, whenever you got up, go abroad without any landlord of house-lord dogging you for rent. Many a man is harassed to death to pay the rent of a larger and more luxurious box who would not have frozen to death in  such a box as this. I am far from jesting. Economy is a subject which admits of being treated with levity, but it cannot so be disposed of. A comfortable house for a rude and hardy race, that lived mostly out of doors, was once made here almost entirely of such materials as Nature furnished ready to their hands. [[Author:Daniel Gookin|Gookin]], who was superintendent of the Indians subject to the Massachusetts Colony, writing in 1674, says, &quot;The best of their houses are covered very neatly, tight and warm, with barks of trees, slipped from their bodies at those seasons when the sap is up, and made into great flakes, with pressure of weighty timber, when they are green{{...|4}} The meaner sort are covered with mats which they make of a kind of bulrush, and are also indifferently tight and warm, but not so good as the former{{...|4}}Some I have seen, sixty or a hundred feet long and thirty feet broad{{...|4}}I have often lodged in their [[w:en:wigwams|wigwams]], and found them as warm as the best English houses.&quot; He adds, that they were commonly carpeted and lined within with well-wrought embroidered mats, and were {{hws|fur|furnished}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>fatkf8phbczboqqhp149hax2nrnvr8k</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507351</id>
      <parentid>12507304</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:33:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>rv, unnecessary link</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1875" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Jasonanaggie&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHELTER.|33}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|road|railroad}}, six feet long by three wide, in which the laborers locked up their tools at night, and it suggested to me that every man who was hard pushed might get such a one for a dollar, and, having bored a few auger holes in it, to admit the air at least, get into it when it rained and at night, and hook down the lid, and so have freedom in his love, and in his soul be free. This did not appear the worst, nor by any means a despicable alternative. You could sit up as late as you pleased, and, whenever you got up, go abroad without any landlord of house-lord dogging you for rent. Many a man is harassed to death to pay the rent of a larger and more luxurious box who would not have frozen to death in  such a box as this. I am far from jesting. Economy is a subject which admits of being treated with levity, but it cannot so be disposed of. A comfortable house for a rude and hardy race, that lived mostly out of doors, was once made here almost entirely of such materials as Nature furnished ready to their hands. [[Author:Daniel Gookin|Gookin]], who was superintendent of the Indians subject to the Massachusetts Colony, writing in 1674, says, &quot;The best of their houses are covered very neatly, tight and warm, with barks of trees, slipped from their bodies at those seasons when the sap is up, and made into great flakes, with pressure of weighty timber, when they are green{{...|4}} The meaner sort are covered with mats which they make of a kind of bulrush, and are also indifferently tight and warm, but not so good as the former{{...|4}}Some I have seen, sixty or a hundred feet long and thirty feet broad{{...|4}}I have often lodged in their wigwams, and found them as warm as the best English houses.&quot; He adds, that they were commonly carpeted and lined within with well-wrought embroidered mats, and were {{hws|fur|furnished}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>pgd0f7vi8eci6a06gtktuwskniqzs1e</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/113</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2227690</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506903</id>
      <parentid>6673944</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:01:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1428" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 101 mod 2||101}}|{{sc|Devotions for Mass.}}|{{#ifexpr: 101 mod 2|101|}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Thy tender mercies, in which we put all our trust, graciously extend to us Thy grace and pardon. 

We ask it of Thee, in the name of Thy dear Son, who liveth and reigneth eternally with Thee; and in that form of prayer which He Himself hath taught.

{{dhr}}{{rule|5em}}{{dhr}}

{{c|PART IV.

{{sc|The Communion, or Sacramental, Part of the Canon.}}

{{red|''At the'' Pater Noster.}}}}

[[Our Father]], etc.

{{di|{{red|D}}}}ELIVER us, O Lord, from those evils which we labor under at present; from past evils, which are our manifold sins; and from all evils to come, which will be the just chastisement of our offences, if our prayers, and those more powerful ones of Thy Saints, who intercede for us, intercept not Thy justice or excite not Thy bounty. 

{{c|{{red|''At the'' Pax Domini.}}}}

{{di|{{red|T}}}}HY Body was delivered and Thy Blood was shed for us; grant that the commemoration of this Holy Mystery may obtain for us peace, and that those who receive it may find everlasting rest. 

{{c|{{red|''At the ''Agnus Dei'', say with the Priest:''}}}}

{{di|{{red|L}}}}AMB of God, who takest away the sins of the world, have mercy on us. 

Lamb of God, who takest away the sins of the world, have mercy on us. 

Lamb of God, who takest away the sins of the world, grant us Thy peace.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/119</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2227733</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506910</id>
      <parentid>10734337</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:02:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2117" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 107 mod 2||107}}|{{sc|Serving a Priest at Mass.}}|{{#ifexpr: 107 mod 2|107|}}}}{{rule}}{{smaller block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''P.'' Ostende nobis, Domine, misericordiam tuam. 

''S. Et salutare tuum da nobis. ''

''P.'' Domine, exaudi orationem meam. 

''S. Et clamor mens ad te veniat. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S.'' ''Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

{{c|{{red|''When the Priest goes from the book to the middle of the Altar:''}}}}

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Kyrie eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Christe eleison. ''

''P.'' Christe eleison. ''S. Christe eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Kyrie eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. 

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

{{c|{{red|&lt;math&gt;\color{red} [&lt;/math&gt; ''At a Bishop's Mass:''}}}}
 
''P.'' Pax vobis. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo.'' &lt;math&gt;]&lt;/math&gt; 

{{c|{{red|''When the Priest says, ''Flectamus genua,'' as is the case a few times in the year, answer, ''Levate. }}}}

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

{{center block|{{hi|''At the end of the Epistle say, ''Deo gratias;'' then remove the book to the other side of the Altar, and always kneel or stand on the side opposite to that on which the book has been placed.''}}}}

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

''P.'' Sequentia sancti evangelii secundum N. 

{{c|{{red|''Making the sign of the Cross on your forehead, mouth, and breast, say:''}}}}

''S. Gloria tibi, Domine. ''

{{c|{{red|''Stand during the Gospel, and at the end say:''}}}}

''S. Laus tibi, Christe. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''
 
{{center block|{{hi|{{red|''Here give the wine and water, and prepare the basin, water, and towel for the Priest. When the Priest has washed his fingers, kneel in your former place, and answer: ''}}}}}}

''P.'' Orate fratres, etc. 

''S. Suscipiat Doininus sacnficium de manibus tuis ad laudem et gloriam nominis sui, ad utilitatem quoque nostram, totiusque Ecclesiæ suæ sanctæ.''

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritui tuo.''
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506918</id>
      <parentid>12506910</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:04:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2098" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 107 mod 2||107}}|{{sc|Serving a Priest at Mass.}}|{{#ifexpr: 107 mod 2|107|}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''P.'' Ostende nobis, Domine, misericordiam tuam. 

''S. Et salutare tuum da nobis. ''

''P.'' Domine, exaudi orationem meam. 

''S. Et clamor mens ad te veniat. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S.'' ''Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

{{c|{{red|''When the Priest goes from the book to the middle of the Altar:''}}}}

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Kyrie eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Christe eleison. ''

''P.'' Christe eleison. ''S. Christe eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Kyrie eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. 

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

{{c|{{red|&lt;math&gt;\color{red} [&lt;/math&gt; ''At a Bishop's Mass:''}}}}
 
''P.'' Pax vobis. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo.'' &lt;math&gt;]&lt;/math&gt; 

{{c|{{red|''When the Priest says, ''Flectamus genua,'' as is the case a few times in the year, answer, ''Levate. }}}}

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

{{center block|{{hi|''At the end of the Epistle say, ''Deo gratias;'' then remove the book to the other side of the Altar, and always kneel or stand on the side opposite to that on which the book has been placed.''}}}}

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

''P.'' Sequentia sancti evangelii secundum N. 

{{c|{{red|''Making the sign of the Cross on your forehead, mouth, and breast, say:''}}}}

''S. Gloria tibi, Domine. ''

{{c|{{red|''Stand during the Gospel, and at the end say:''}}}}

''S. Laus tibi, Christe. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''
 
{{center block|{{hi|{{red|''Here give the wine and water, and prepare the basin, water, and towel for the Priest. When the Priest has washed his fingers, kneel in your former place, and answer: ''}}}}}}

''P.'' Orate fratres, etc. 

''S. Suscipiat Doininus sacnficium de manibus tuis ad laudem et gloriam nominis sui, ad utilitatem quoque nostram, totiusque Ecclesiæ suæ sanctæ.''

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritui tuo.''
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506921</id>
      <parentid>12506918</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:05:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Undo revision 12506918 by [[Special:Contributions/ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]])</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2136" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 107 mod 2||107}}|{{sc|Serving a Priest at Mass.}}|{{#ifexpr: 107 mod 2|107|}}}}{{rule}}{{smaller block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''P.'' Ostende nobis, Domine, misericordiam tuam. 

''S. Et salutare tuum da nobis. ''

''P.'' Domine, exaudi orationem meam. 

''S. Et clamor mens ad te veniat. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S.'' ''Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

{{c|{{red|''When the Priest goes from the book to the middle of the Altar:''}}}}

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Kyrie eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Christe eleison. ''

''P.'' Christe eleison. ''S. Christe eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. ''S. Kyrie eleison. ''

''P.'' Kyrie eleison. 

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

{{c|{{red|&lt;math&gt;\color{red} [&lt;/math&gt; ''At a Bishop's Mass:''}}}}
 
''P.'' Pax vobis. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo.'' &lt;math&gt;]&lt;/math&gt; 

{{c|{{red|''When the Priest says, ''Flectamus genua,'' as is the case a few times in the year, answer, ''Levate. }}}}

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

{{center block|{{hi|''At the end of the Epistle say, ''Deo gratias;'' then remove the book to the other side of the Altar, and always kneel or stand on the side opposite to that on which the book has been placed.''}}}}

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

''P.'' Sequentia sancti evangelii secundum N. 

{{c|{{red|''Making the sign of the Cross on your forehead, mouth, and breast, say:''}}}}

''S. Gloria tibi, Domine. ''

{{c|{{red|''Stand during the Gospel, and at the end say:''}}}}

''S. Laus tibi, Christe. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''
 
{{center block|{{hi|{{red|''Here give the wine and water, and prepare the basin, water, and towel for the Priest. When the Priest has washed his fingers, kneel in your former place, and answer: ''}}}}}}

''P.'' Orate fratres, etc. 

''S. Suscipiat Doininus sacnficium de manibus tuis ad laudem et gloriam nominis sui, ad utilitatem quoque nostram, totiusque Ecclesiæ suæ sanctæ.''

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritui tuo.''
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/120</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2227743</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506948</id>
      <parentid>10734334</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:14:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2456" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 108 mod 2||108}}|{{sc|Serving a Priest at Mass. }}|{{#ifexpr: 108 mod 2|108|}}}}{{rule}}{{smaller block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''P.'' Sursum corda. ''S. Habemus ad Dominum. ''

''P.'' Gratias agamus Domino Deo nostro. ''S. Dignum et justum est. ''

{{c|{{red|''At'' Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus'' ring the bell.''}}}}

{{center block|{{hi|{{red|''When you see the Priest spread his hands over the chalice, give warning, by the bell, of the consecration which is about to be made. Then holding up the vestment with your left hand, and having the bell in your right, ring during the elevation of the host and of the chalice. As often as you pass by the Blessed Sacrament make a genuflection.''}}}}}}

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

''P.'' Et ne nos inducas in tentationem. ''S.'' ''Sed libera nos a malo. ''

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

''P.'' Pax Domini sit semper vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

{{center block|{{hi|{{red|''When the Priest says ''Domine, non sum dignus,'' ring the bell; and after his Communion, if there are communicants, prepare the cloth and say the ''[[Confiteor]].'' After they have received, serve the Priest with wine and water for the ablutions. Then remove the book to the other side of thf Altar, take away the cloth from the communicants, and return to your place.''}}}}}}

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

''P.'' Per omnia sæcula sæculorum. ''S. Amen. ''

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo. ''

''P.'' Ite; missa est: ''or,'' Benedicamus Domino. ''S. Deo gratias. ''

{{c|{{red|''In Masses for the dead:''}}}}

''P.'' Requiescant in pace. ''S. Amen. ''

{{c|{{red|&lt;math&gt;\color{red} [&lt;/math&gt; ''At a Bishop's Mass:''}}}}

''B.'' Adjutorium nostrum in nomine Domini. 

''S. Qui fecit cœlum et terram. ''

''B.'' Sit noinen Domini benedictum. 

''S. Ex hoc nunc et usque in sæculum. ''

Benedicat vos omnipotens Deus, Pater {{+}} et Filius {{+}} et Spiritus {{+}} Sanctus. ''S. Amen.''&lt;math&gt;]&lt;/math&gt;

{{c|{{red|''Remove the book to the Gospel side, if it be left open: kneel as you pass, to receive the Priest's blessing, answering ''Amen. }}}}

''P.'' Dominus vobiscum. ''S. Et cum spiritu tuo.''

''P.'' Initium (''or,'' Sequentia) saucti evangelii, etc. 

''S. Gloria tibi, Domine. ''

{{c|{{red|''At the end say, ''Deo gratias.}}}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/123</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2229695</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506951</id>
      <parentid>6679833</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:16:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1527" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 111 mod 2||111}}|{{sc|The Order of Blessing Water.}}|{{#ifexpr: 111 mod 2|111|}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;sprinkling of this water, that they, being healed by the invocation of Thy holy name, may be defended from all that rise up against them. Through our Lord Jesus Christ, etc. 

''R.'' Amen. 

{{c|{{smaller-block|{{red|''The Priest thrice mingles salt with water in the form of a Cross, saying once:''}}}}}}

{{di|{{red|L}}}}ET this become a mixture of salt and water, in the name of the Father,{{red|{{+}}}}and of the Son, {{red|{{+}}}}and of the Holy {{red|{{+}}}}Ghost.

''R.'' Amen. 

''V.'' The Lord be with you. 

''R.'' And with thy spirit. 

{{c|{{red|''Let us pray.''}}}}

{{di|{{red|O}}}} GOD, Author of invincible might, King of unconquerable dominion, and ever a Conqueror who doest wonders, who puttest down the strength of all that rise up against Thee; who overcomest the rage of the adversary; who by Thy power dost cast down his wickedness; we, O Lord, with fear and trembling humbly entreat and implore Thee to mercifully look upon this creature of salt and water, to graciously illumine and sanctify it with the dew of Thy favor; that wheresoever it shall be sprinkled, by the invocation of Thy holy name all troubling of unclean spirits may be cast out, and the dread of the poisonous serpent be chased far away; and let the presence of the Holy Ghost vouchsafe to be with us, who ask Thy mercy in every place. Through our Lord Jesus Christ, etc. 

''R.'' Amen.
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Miscellaneous Writings.djvu/426</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2229696</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506976</id>
      <parentid>6679835</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:21:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1810" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Bob Burkhardt&quot; /&gt;{{rh|402|MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;at night, waking me out of sleep. Then I began my first 
conscious treatments: of course I followed no formula, 
and I needed none. A cry for help, knowing it would 
be answered; precious texts from the Bible, which had 
already become like a new book to me; sweet assurance 
of faith by the witnessing Spirit; strong logical conclusions,
learned from Science and Health: what a wealth 
of material! Before finishing the book, all tendency to 
my old aches and pains had left me, and I have been a 
strong, healthy woman ever since. 

My first demonstration with another than myself was 
also before I had finished my first reading. My husband 
was cured of the belief of bilious fever by not over ten 
minutes' treatment; the fever and pain in head and limbs 
disappearing in that instantaneous way as soon as I 
could summon sufficient courage to offer my services in 
this, to us, new but glorious work. He slept soundly 
that night (the treatment was given about 10 {{asc|A. M.}}), and 
ate and worked as usual the next day, with no symptoms 
of a relapse then or afterward. That was in March, 1888; 
in the following August I met in one of our Rocky Mount&lt;del&gt;i&lt;/del&gt;a&lt;ins&gt;i&lt;/ins&gt;n berry patches a lady who complained so bitterly that
I felt compelled to offer her treatment. Her words, when 
I visited her at her home during Christmas week, will 
give some idea of the result: —

“Yes, I am doing three women's work, — attending to 
my own and my son's housework, and caring for his wife 
and new-born babe; but I am equal to it, when I think 
of all the Lord has done for me! Why, Mrs. S., I was 
cured with that first treatment you gave me, I know; 
because I went out to gather berries that day and was 
caught in a drenching shower, — and for ten years before&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Cicero And The Fall Of The Roman Republic.djvu/2</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2235820</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508311</id>
      <parentid>6982460</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:56:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>link</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="590" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Jasonanaggie&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{block left|{{center|{{bl|{{x-larger|{{u|heroes of the Nations.}}}}}}

{{x-smaller|EDITED BY}} 

{{bl|[[Author:Evelyn Abbott|Evelyn Abbott]], M.A.}}

{{x-smaller|FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD}}}}}}
{{dhr|3}}
{{block right|{{x-smaller|{{gap|1em}}FACTA DUCIS VIVENT, OPEROSAQUE}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{x-smaller|GLORIA RERUM—OVID, IN LIVIAM, 265}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{x-smaller|{{gap|1em}}THE HERO'S DEEDS AND HARD-WON}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{x-smaller|FAME SHALL LIVE}}}}
{{dhr|4}}
{{center|{{xxx-larger|CICERO}}}}
{{dhr|6}}
[[File:Cicero And The Fall Of The Roman Republic, Pg 2.png|frameless|center|200px]]
{{dhr}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/386</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2237390</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506960</id>
      <parentid>6702832</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:18:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1696" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 372 mod 2||372}}|{{sc|Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary.}}|{{#ifexpr: 372 mod 2|372|}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{red|A METHOD OF RECITING THE ROSARY OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN MARY.}}}}

{{di|{{red|I}}}}N the name of the Father, {{+}} and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. ''Amen. ''

''V.'' Thou shalt open my lips, O Lord. 

''R.'' And my mouth shall show forth Thy praise. 

''V.'' Come unto my help, O God. 

''R.'' O Lord, make haste to help me. 

''V.'' Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost. 

''R.'' As it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end. Amen. Alleluia. 

{{c|{{smaller block|{{red|[''From'' Septuagesima ''to'' Easter, ''for'' Alleluia ''say,'' Praise to Thee, O Lord, King of eternal Glory.]}}}}}}

{{center block|{{hi|{{smaller block|{{red|[At the Cross say the [[Apostles' Creed]]. ''I believe in God, etc.'' On the three small beads say: 1st, ''I salute thee, Daughter of God the Father; obtain for us the gift of a firm faith. [[Hail Mary]], etc.'' 2d. ''I salute thee, Mother of God the Son: obtain for us the gift of constant hope. Hail Mary, etc.'' 3d, ''I salute thee, Spouse of God the Hol Ghost; obtain for us the gift of an ardent charity. Hail Mary, etc.]}}}}}}}}

{{c|{{red|THE FIVE JOYFUL MYSTERIES.}}}}

{{center block|{{hi|{{sc|For Mondays and Thursdays; the Sundays of 
Advent, and those from the Epiphany until Lent.}}}}}}

{{c|''I. The Annunciation.''}}

{{di|{{red|L}}}}ET us contemplate, in this Mystery, how the Angel Gabriel saluted our Blessed Lady with the title, ''Full of grace'', and declared unto her the Incarnation of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
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    <revision>
      <id>12506973</id>
      <parentid>12506960</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:21:18Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1698" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 372 mod 2||372}}|{{sc|Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary.}}|{{#ifexpr: 372 mod 2|372|}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{red|A METHOD OF RECITING THE ROSARY OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN MARY.}}}}

{{di|{{red|I}}}}N the name of the Father, {{+}} and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. ''Amen. ''

''V.'' Thou shalt open my lips, O Lord. 

''R.'' And my mouth shall show forth Thy praise. 

''V.'' Come unto my help, O God. 

''R.'' O Lord, make haste to help me. 

''V.'' Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost. 

''R.'' As it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end. Amen. Alleluia. 

{{c|{{smaller block|{{red|[''From'' Septuagesima ''to'' Easter, ''for'' Alleluia ''say,'' Praise to Thee, O Lord, King of eternal Glory.]}}}}}}

{{center block|{{hi|{{smaller block|{{red|[At the Cross say the [[Apostles' Creed]]. ''I believe in God, etc.'' On the three small beads say: 1st, ''I salute thee, Daughter of God the Father; obtain for us the gift of a firm faith. [[Hail Mary]], etc.'' 2d. ''I salute thee, Mother of God the Son: obtain for us the gift of constant hope. Hail Mary, etc.'' 3d, ''I salute thee, Spouse of God the Hol Ghost; obtain for us the gift of an ardent charity. Hail Mary, etc.'']}}}}}}}}

{{c|{{red|THE FIVE JOYFUL MYSTERIES.}}}}

{{center block|{{hi|{{sc|For Mondays and Thursdays; the Sundays of 
Advent, and those from the Epiphany until Lent.}}}}}}

{{c|''I. The Annunciation.''}}

{{di|{{red|L}}}}ET us contemplate, in this Mystery, how the Angel Gabriel saluted our Blessed Lady with the title, ''Full of grace'', and declared unto her the Incarnation of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manualofprayersf00cath.djvu/388</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2237432</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506965</id>
      <parentid>6702926</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:19:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1484" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Beleg Tâl&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|color=red}}{{rh|{{#ifexpr: 374 mod 2||374}}|{{sc|Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary.}}|{{#ifexpr: 374 mod 2|374|}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;delivery was come, brought forth our Redeemer, Jesus Christ, at midnight, and laid Him in a manger, because there was no room for Him in the inns of Bethlehem. 

''Our Father''. ''Hail Mary'', ten times. ''Glory be to the Father''.

{{c|{{red|''Let us pray.''}}}}

{{di|{{red|O}}}} PURE Mother of God, through thy virginal and most joyful delivery, whereby thou gavest to the world thine only Son, our Saviour, obtain for us, we beseech thee, through thine intercession, the grace to lead such pure and holy lives in this world that we may become worthy to sing, without ceasing, the mercies of thy Son, and His benefits to us by thee. ''Amen.'' 

{{c|''IV. The Presentation of our Blessed Lord in the Temple.''}}

{{di|{{red|L}}}}ET us contemplate, in this Mystery, how the Blessed Virgin Mary, on the day of her Purification, presented the Child Jesus in the Temple, where holy Simeon, giving thanks to God, with great devotion received Him into his arms. 

''Our Father''. ''Hail Mary'', ten times. ''Glory be to the Father''. 

{{c|{{red|''Let us pray.''}}}} 

{{di|{{red|O}}}} HOLY Virgin, most admirable example and pattern of obedience, who didst present the Lord of the Temple in the Temple of God, obtain for us, of thy Blessed Son, that, with holy Simeon and devout Anna, we may praise and glorify Him forever. ''Amen.''
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manual of The Mother Church.djvu/162</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2240710</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506963</id>
      <parentid>6713636</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:19:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1284" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh|91|CHURCH BY-LAWS}}{{rule}}{{c|{{asc|BOARD OF EDUCATION}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;shall be given to the teacher, and he shall not 
allow it or a copy of it to remain, but shall 
destroy this paper. 

'''Signatures'''. {{sc|Sect.}} 3. The signature of the 
teacher and of the President of the College 
shall be on all certificates issued.

'''Remuneration and Free Scholarship'''. {{sc|Sect.}} 4. 
Tuition of class instruction in the Board of 
Education shall be $100.00. The bearer of a 
card of free scholarship from the President, 
Rev. Mary Baker Eddy, shall be entitled to 
a free course in this department on presentation
of the card to the teacher. Only the 
President gives free admission to classes. 

'''Surplus Funds'''. {{sc|Sect.}} 5. Any surplus funds 
left in the hands of the Board of Education 
shall be paid over annually to the Treasurer of 
The Mother Church. 

'''Primary Students'''. {{sc|Sect.}} 6. Students of 
Christian Science, duly instructed therein and 
with good moral records, not having the certificate
of C.S.D. may enter the Normal class in 
the Board of Education, which will be held once 
in three years beginning {{asc|A. D.}} 1907; provided 
their diplomas are for three ''consecutive'' years 
under Mrs. Eddy's daily conversation on {{hws|Chris|Christian}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506966</id>
      <parentid>12506963</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:19:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1283" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh|91|CHURCH BY-LAWS}}{{rule}}{{c|{{asc|BOARD OF EDUCATION}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;shall be given to the teacher, and he shall not 
allow it or a copy of it to remain, but shall 
destroy this paper. 

'''Signatures'''. {{sc|Sect.}} 3. The signature of the 
teacher and of the President of the College 
shall be on all certificates issued.

'''Remuneration and Free Scholarship'''. {{sc|Sect.}} 4. 
Tuition of class instruction in the Board of 
Education shall be $100.00. The bearer of a 
card of free scholarship from the President, 
Rev. Mary Baker Eddy, shall be entitled to 
a free course in this department on presentation
of the card to the teacher. Only the 
President gives free admission to classes. 

'''Surplus Funds'''. {{sc|Sect.}} 5. Any surplus funds 
left in the hands of the Board of Education 
shall be paid over annually to the Treasurer of 
The Mother Church. 

'''Primary Students'''. {{sc|Sect.}} 6. Students of 
Christian Science, duly instructed therein and 
with good moral records, not having the certificate
of C.S.D. may enter the Normal class in 
the Board of Education, which will be held once 
in three years beginning {{asc|A.D.}} 1907; provided 
their diplomas are for three ''consecutive'' years 
under Mrs. Eddy's daily conversation on {{hws|Chris|Christian}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manual of The Mother Church.djvu/246</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2243605</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506968</id>
      <parentid>6724027</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:20:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1295" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Bob Burkhardt&quot; /&gt;{{rh|137|APPENDIX}}{{rule}}{{c|{{asc|DEED CONVEYING LAND FOR CHURCH PURPOSES}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;this property is conveyed on the further trusts 
that no new Tenet or By-Law shall be adopted, 
nor any Tenet or By-Law amended or annulled 
by the grantees unless the written consent of said 
Mary Baker G. Eddy, the author of the textbook 
“{{sc|Science and Health with Key to the
Scriptures}},” be given therefor, or unless at the written
request of Mrs. Eddy the Executive Members 
of The First Church of Christ, Scientist,
(formerly called the “First Members,”) by a
two-thirds vote of all their number, decide so to do. 
And that the same inscription which is on the 
outside of the present church edifice shall be 
placed on any new church erected on said lot. 
And in consideration of one dollar to me paid 
by said Ira O. Knapp, William B. Johnson, 
Joseph Armstrong and Stephen A. Chase, the 
receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, I do 
hereby confirm the deed as above mentioned, and 
do grant and release unto them, their heirs,
successors and assigns in trust as aforesaid, the 
premises therein described. 

In Witness Whereof I have hereunto set my 
hand and seal this nineteenth day of March, {{asc|A. D.}}
nineteen hundred and three. 
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|Albert Metcalf.}} [Seal]}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Manual of The Mother Church.djvu/248</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2243611</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506970</id>
      <parentid>12034870</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:20:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1015" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh|138|APPENDIX}}{{rule}}{{c|{{asc|DEED CONVEYING LAND FOR CHURCH PURPOSES}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{|cellpadding=&quot;0&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; style=&quot;font-size: smaller&quot;
|{{nowrap|{{sc|Commonwealth of Massachusetts}},
|rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|{{brace2|2|r}}
|rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|{{nowrap|''ss''. {{sc|March}} 20th, 1903.}}
|-
|align=&quot;right&quot;|{{sc|Suffolk}}
|}

Then said Albert Metcalf acknowledged the 
foregoing instrument to be his free act and 
deed. 

Before me 
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|Malcolm McLoud}}.&amp;emsp;&lt;br /&gt;''Justice of the Peace''.}}}}
{{smaller block/s}}
{{sc|March}} 20, 1903, at twelve o'clock and sixteen minutes {{asc|P.M.}} 
Received, Entered and Examined. 

{{right|Attest: {{sc|Thos. F. Temple}}, ''Reg''.}} 


A true copy from the {{sc|Records of Deeds}} for the {{sc|County
of Suffolk}}, Lib. 2886, Fol. 521. 

{{right|Attest: {{sc|Chas. W. Kimball}}, ''Asst. Reg.''}}
{{smaller block/e}}


{|style=&quot;margin: auto; font-size: smaller&quot;
|style=&quot;border-top-style: solid; border-top-width: 0.1em&quot;|The University Press, Cambridge, U. S. A.
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians Volume 1.djvu/35</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2256326</id>
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      <id>12507934</id>
      <parentid>6763213</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1694" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{smaller|CONTENTS.}}|xxiii}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Page 

the Ababdeh and Bisharieen. The Helmet quilted, and of Metal - - - - 329 

The Origin of Crests. The Cuirass or Coat of Armour of Metal Plates, or quilted - - - 331 

Hempen Armour used by the Greeks. Arms of different Egyptian Corps. Heavy and light Troops - - 333 

The Chariot Corps. Chariots, each carried Two Persons. Curricles of Towns. Attendants, or running Footmen 335 

Charioteers; their Post honourable - - - 337 

Whips. A Hero often dismounted and fought on foot - 339 

No Seats in their Chariots - - - - 341 

Chariots of Wood. The different Parts - -34-2 

Ornamental Appendages of the Chariot. Egyptian Citizens unarmed - - . - - 347 

Framework of Wood. Binding and Ornamental Parts of Leather - - - - 348 

War Chariots had Wheels of Six Spokes. Curricles frequently Four. No scythed Cars 350 

The Harness 351 

The Traces. Greek and Roman Cars, Parts of. Note 353 

Egyptian Chariot and Horses, according to European Mode of drawing 354 

Housings and Ornaments of the Horses - - 355 

No Blinkers. The Bridles. No Egyptian Car with more than two Horses . - - 356 

Cars of foreign Nations - - - 357 

Persepolitan Chariot. Egyptian Chariot Corps, heavy and light - - _ - - 358 

Light-armed Chariot Corps. The Shield connected with the Idea of a Siege. Sieges - - - - 359 

Use of the Testudo or {{greek missing}}. Attack of a fortified Place 361 

Warlike Engines used in Sieges 363 

Use of Stones in Battle, a primitive Custom not common to the Egyptians. Enemies with whom they fought 364 

Helmets. Crests when first used. The Shairetana. Their Arms and Costume 366 

Allies of the Pharaohs, at a very early Period. The Tok-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Author:Charles Edmund Brock</title>
    <ns>102</ns>
    <id>2266079</id>
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        <id>2427564</id>
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      <text bytes="908" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Charles Edmund
 | lastname     = Brock
 | last_initial = Br
 | description  = English painter, line artist and book illustrator, who signed most of his work '''C. E. Brock'''.
}}

==Works==
As illustrator
* [[Author:Edith  Nesbit|Edith  Nesbit]]: 
** ''[[Oswald Bastable and Others]]'' (1905) (Illustrated by [[Author:H. R. Millar|H. R. Millar]] and C. E. Brock)
** ''[[The Railway Children]]'' (1906)
** &quot;[[Madeline, or, the Deed in the Wood]]&quot;  (1907, ''Pall Mall Magazine'') 
* [[Author:Frank R. Stockton|Frank R. Stockton]]: ''[[Rudder Grange]]'' (1909) 
* [[Author:Kate Douglas Wiggin|Kate Douglas Wiggin]]: 
** ''[[Penelope's English Experiences]]'' (1900) 
** ''[[Penelope's Experiences in Scotland]]'' (1898)
* {{WD version|Q113257571|}}


{{PD/US|1938}}
{{authority control}}
[[Category:United Kingdom]]
[[Category:Artists as authors]]
[[Category:Illustrators as authors]]</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quatrains of Omar Khayyam (tr. Whinfield, 1883).djvu/138</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2288878</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506712</id>
      <parentid>6929950</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:39:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>unclosed italics</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1387" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Inductiveload&quot; /&gt;{{rh|82|THE QUATRAINS OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;120&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 verse num|120}}

&lt;poem&gt;
Ten Powers, and nine spheres, eight heavens made He, 
And planets seven, of six sides, as we see, 
    Five senses, and four elements, three souls,
Two worlds, but only one, O man, like thee.
&lt;/poem&gt;

&lt;section end=&quot;120&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;121&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 verse num|121}}

&lt;poem&gt;
Jewry hath seen a thousand prophets die, 
Sinai a thousand Musas mount the sky; 
    How many Caesars Rome's proud forum crossed! 
'Neath Kasra's dome how many monarchs lie!
&lt;/poem&gt;

&lt;section end=&quot;121&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;122&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 verse num|122}}

&lt;poem&gt;
Gold breeds not wit, but to wit lacking bread 
Earth's flowery carpet seems a dungeon bed; 
    'Tis his full purse that makes the rose to smile, 
While empty-handed violets hang the head.
&lt;/poem&gt;

&lt;section end=&quot;122&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;120n&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 note|120|L.|A summary of the Muhammadan doctrine of &quot;Emanations.&quot;|See ''Gulshan i Ráz'', p. 21.|Three souls, ''i.e.'' vegetive, animal and human, as in Aristotle's ''De Anima''.|''Akhtaram'' (?) also in Cambridge MS.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;120n&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;121n&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 note|121|L. J.|Time is long and life short.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;121n&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;122n&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 note|122|L.|Alluding to the golden stamens of the rose.|I supply ''tihi'' from the Cambridge MS.}}&lt;section end=&quot;122n&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quatrains of Omar Khayyam (tr. Whinfield, 1883).djvu/38</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2290536</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506714</id>
      <parentid>6867349</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:41:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1620" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Inductiveload&quot; /&gt;{{rh|xiv|INTRODUCTION.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;unorthodox views. On his arrival at Baghdad the men who prosecuted the same ancient studies as he flocked to meet him, but he shut the door in their faces, as one who had renounced those studies and cultivated them no longer. On his return to his native city he made a practice of attending the morning and evening prayers, and of disguising his private opinions, but for all that they were no secret. In astronomy and in philosophy he was without a rival, and his eminence in those sciences would have passed into a proverb had I he only possessed self-control.&quot; 

Shahrastáni's view of Omar's character appears to have been the one generally accepted by the literary men of Islam, as Abul Feda, who lived about 200 years later, writes much in the same strain, lamenting his being so much addicted to poetry and pleasure. 

In an essay by the celebrated [[Author:Al-Ghazali|Ghazzáli of Tús]], who was, like Shahrastáni, a contemporary of Omar's, there is a passage in which Omar is not improbably referred to as an example of the sceptical habit of mind induced by scientific pursuits.&lt;ref&gt;See Schmölders, ''Essai sur les ecoles philosophiques chez les Arabes'', p. 115. Ghazzáli was born in 450.&lt;/ref&gt;

The following story of Omar in his old age is given in the preface to the Calcutta MS. on the authority of [[Author:Nizami Aruzi|Nizámi of Samarkand]], one of his disciples:— 

&quot;I chanced to meet Maulana Omar in a garden, and in course of conversation he said, 'My tomb shall be in a certain place where each breath of the north wind shall shower down roses upon it.' I marvelled at&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/53</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2295961</id>
    <revision>
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      <parentid>6881340</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Balajijagadesh</username>
        <id>316019</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="2001" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Tromaster&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader||II. THE STORY OF THE KING OF THE ''S''IBIS.|17}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;36. 'As surely as the supplicatory language of begging people both now and before is as pleasing to my ears as the sound of benedictions, so surely may one eye appear to me!'

No sooner had the king pronounced these words than by the power of his firm veracity and his excellent store of meritorious actions one eye appeared to him, resembling a piece of a lotus-petal, encompassing a pupil like sapphire. Rejoiced at this miraculous appearance of his eye, the king again spoke to ''S''akra:

37. 'And as surely as, after giving away both eyes to him who asked but one, my mind knew no other feeling but the utmost delight, so surely may I obtain also the other eye!'

The king had hardly finished, when there appeared to him another eye, the rival, as it were, of the first one.

38-40. Upon this the earth was shaken with its mountains; the ocean flowed over its borders; the drums of the celestials spontaneously uttered deep-toned and pleasing sounds; the sky in all directions looked placid and lovely; the sun shone with pure brightness as it does in autumn&lt;ref&gt;It was spring when the miracle happened, as is to be inferred from the flowers being mentioned above.&lt;/ref&gt;; a great number of various flowers, tinged by the sandal powder which was whirling around, fell down from heaven; the celestials, including Apsarasas and Ga''n''as, came to the spot, their eyes wide opened with amazement; there blew an agreeable wind of extreme loveliness; gladness expanded in the minds of the creatures.

41-43. From all parts were heard voices of praise, uttered by crowds of beings endowed with great magic power. Filled with joy and admiration, they glorified the great exploit of the king in such exclamations: 'Oh, what loftiness! what compassion! see the purity of his heart, how great it is! oh, how little he cares for his own pleasures! Hail to thee, renowned one, for thy constancy and valour!&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{smallrefs}}
{{c|C}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quatrains of Omar Khayyam (tr. Whinfield, 1883).djvu/306</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2314051</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506717</id>
      <parentid>6929008</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:42:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1186" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Inductiveload&quot; /&gt;{{rh|250|THE QUATRAINS OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;372&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 verse num|372}}

&lt;poem&gt;
Though you survey, my enlightened friend,
This world of vanity from end to end,
    You will discover there no other good
Than wine and rosy cheeks, you may depend!
&lt;/poem&gt;

&lt;section end=&quot;372&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;373&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 verse num|373}}

&lt;poem&gt;
Last night upon the river bank we lay,
I with my wine-cup, and a maiden gay,
    So bright it shone, like pearl within its shell,
The watchman cried, &quot; Behold the break of day!&quot;
&lt;/poem&gt;

&lt;section end=&quot;373&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;374&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 verse num|374}}

&lt;poem&gt;
Have you no shame for all the sins you do,
Sins of omission and commission too?
    Suppose you gain the world, you can but leave it,
You cannot carry it away with you!
&lt;/poem&gt;

&lt;section end=&quot;374&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;372n&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 note|372|N.|Note ''izáfat'' dropped after ''sáhib.'' Bl., Prosody, p. 14.}}
&lt;section end=&quot;372n&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;373n&quot; /&gt;{{QOK 1883 note|373|N.|''Nigáré'', Here ''ya'' may be ''ya i tankír'', the ''izáfat'' being dispensed with (Lumsden, ii. 269), [?] or perhaps ''ya i tausífí'' before the &quot;sifat&quot; ''mawzún''.}}&lt;section end=&quot;373n&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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        <id>8435</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="4498" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Inductiveload&quot; /&gt;{{c|''TRÜBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES''.}}
{{rule}}

{{hanging indent inherit|1|-1}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{rule|15em}}

&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{c|
{{larger|''THE FOLLOWING WORKS HAVE ALREADY APPEARED:—''}}

Third Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xvi.—428, price 16s.

{{x-larger|'''ESSAYS ON THE SACRED LANGUAGE, WRITINGS''',&lt;br&gt;
'''AND RELIGION OF THE PARSIS'''.}}

{{sc|By [[Author:Martin Haug|MARTIN HAUG]], Ph.D.,}}

Late of the Universities of Tübingen, Gottingen, and Bonn; Superintendent of Sanskrit Studies, and Professor of Sanskrit in the Poona College. 

{{sc|Edited and Enlarged by [[Author:Edward William West|Dr. E. W. WEST]].}}

To which is added a Biographical Memoir of the late Dr. {{sc|Haug}}&lt;br&gt; 
by Prof. {{sc|[[Author:Edward Payson Evans|E. P. Evans]].}}
}}

{|
|-
| {{ts|ar}} | I. || History of the Researches into the Sacred Writings and Religion of the Parsis, from the Earliest Times down to the Present. 
|-
| {{ts|ar}} | II. || Languages of the Parsi Scriptures. 
|-
| {{ts|ar}} | III. || The Zend-Avesta, or the Scripture of the Parsis.
|-
| {{ts|ar}} | IV. || The Zoroastrian Religion, as to its Origin and Development.
|}

{{fine|&quot;'Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis,' by the late Dr. Martin Haug, edited by Dr. E. W. West. The author intended, on his return from India, to expand the materials contained in this work into a comprehensive account of the Zoroastrian religion, but the design whs frustrated by his untimely
death. We have, however, in a concise and readable form, a history of the researches 
into the sacred writings and religion of the Parsis from the earliest times down to the present—a dissertation on the languages of the Parsi Scriptures, a translation 
of the Zend-Avesta, or the Scripture of the Parsis, and a dissertation on the Zoroastrian religion, with especial reference to its origin and development.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{rule|15em}}

{{c|
Post 8vo, cloth, pp. viii.—176, price 7s. 6d.

{{x-larger|'''TEXTS FROM THE BUDDHIST CANON'''}}

COMMONLY KNOWN AS &quot;DHAMMAPADA.&quot; 

''With Accompanying Narratives.''

Translated from the Chinese by [[Author:Samuel Beal|S. BEAL]], B.A., Professor of Chinese, University College, London.
}}

The Dhammapada, as hitherto known by the Pali Text Edition, as edited by [[Author:Viggo Fausböll|Fausboll]], by [[Author:Max Müller|Max Müller]]'s English, and [[Author:Albrecht Weber|Albrecht Weber]]'s German translations, consists only of twenty-six chapters or sections, whilst the Chinese version, or rather recension, as now translated by Mr. Beal, consists of thirty-nine sections. The students of Pali who possess Fausboll's text, or either of the above named translations, will therefore needs want Mr. Beal's English rendering of the Chinese version; the thirteen above-named additional sections not being accessible to them in any other form; for, even if they understand Chinese, the Chinese original would be unobtainable by them.

{{fine|&quot;Mr. Beal's rendering of the Chinese translation is a most valuable aid to the critical study of the work. It contains authentic texts gathered from ancient 
canonical books, and generally connected with some incident in the history of 
Buddha. Their great interest, however, consists in the light which they throw upon 
everyday life in India at the remote period at which they were written, and upon 
the method of teaching adopted by the founder of the religion. The method employed was principally parable, and the simplicity of the tales and the excellence of the morals inculcated, as well as the strange hold which they have retained upon the minds of millions of peofile, make them a very remarkable study.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{smaller|&quot;Mr. Beal, by making it accessible in an English dress, has added to the great services he has already rendered to the comparative study of religious history.&quot;—''[[The Academy|Academy]]''.}}

{{smaller|&quot;Valuable as exhibiting the doctrine of the Buddhists in its purest, least adulterated form, it brings the modern reader face to face with that simple creed and rule of conduct which won its way over the minds of myriads, and which is now nominally professed by 145 millions, who have overlaid its austere simplicity with innumerable ceremonies, forgotten its maxims, perverted its teacing, and so inverted its leading principle that a religion whose founder denied a God, now worships that founder as a god him self.&quot;—''[[The Scotsman|Scotsman]]''.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{div end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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        <id>8435</id>
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      <text bytes="3874" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Inductiveload&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''TRÜBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES.''}}
{{rule}}
{{hanging indent inherit|1|-1}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{rule|15em}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;
{{c|
Second Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xxiv.—360, price 10s. 6d.

{{x-larger|'''THE HISTORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE.}}

{{sc|By [[Author:Albrecht Weber|ALBRECHT WEBER]].}}

Translated from the Second German Edition by {{sc|[[Author:John Mann|John Mann]]}}, M.A., and {{sc|[[Author:Theodor Zachariae|Theodor Zachariae]]}}, Ph.D., with the sanction of the Author.
}}

[[Author:Georg Bühler|Dr. {{sc|Buhler}}]], Inspector of Schools in India, writes:—&quot;When I was Professor of Oriental Languages in Elphinstone College, I frequently felt the want of such a work to which I could refer the students.&quot;

[[Author:Edward Byles Cowell|Professor {{sc|Cowell}}]], of Cambridge, writes:—&quot;It will be especially useful to the students in our Indian colleges and universities. I used to long for such a book when I was teaching in Calcutta. Hindu students are intensely interested in the history of Sanskrit literature, and this volume will supply them with all they want on the subject.&quot;

[[Author:William Dwight Whitney|Professor {{sc|Whitney}}]], Yale College, Newhaven, Conn., U.S.A., writes:—&quot;I was one of the class to whom the work was originally given in the form of academic lectures. At their first appearance they were by far the most learned and able treatment of their subject; and with their recent additions they still maintain decidedly the same rank.&quot;

{{fine|&quot;Is perhaps the most comprehensive and lucid survey of Sanskrit literature extant. The essays contained in the volume were originally delivered as academic lectures, and at the time of their first publication were acknowledged to be by far the most learned and able treatment of the subject. They have now been brought up to date by the addition of all the most important results of recent research.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{rule|15em}}

{{c|
Post 8vo, cloth, pp. xii.—198, accompanied by Two Language Maps, price 7s. 6d.

{{x-larger|'''A SKETCH OF THE MODERN LANGUAGES OF THE EAST INDIES.'''}}

{{sc|By [[Author:Robert Needham Cust|ROBERT N. CUST]].}}
}}

The Author has attempted to fill up a vacuum, the inconvenience of which pressed itself on his notice. Much had been written about the languages of the East Indies, but the extent of our present knowledge had not even been brought to a focus. It occurred to him that it might be of use to others to publish in an arranged form the notes which he had collected for his own edification.

{{fine|&quot;Supplies a deficiency which has long been felt.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;The book before us is then a valuable contribution to philological science. It passes under review a vast number of languages, and it gives, or professes to give, in every case the sum and substance of the opinions and judgments of the best-informed writers.&quot;—''[[The Saturday Review|Saturday Review]]''.}}

{{rule|15em}}

{{c|
Second Corrected Edition, post 8vo, pp. xii.—116, cloth, price 5s.

{{x-larger|'''THE BIRTH OF THE WAR-GOD.'''}}

A Poem. {{sc|By [[Author:Kālidāsa|KALIDASA]].}}

Translated from the Sanskrit into English Verse by&lt;br&gt;
[[Author:Ralph Thomas Hotchkin Griffith|Ralph T. H. Griffith]], M.A.
}}

{{fine|&quot;A very spirited rendering of the ''Kumárasambhara'', which was first published twenty-six years ago, and which we are glad to see made once more accessible.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;Mr. Griffith's very spirited rendering is well known to most who are at all interested in Indian literature, or enjoy the tenderness of feeling and rich creative imagination of its author.&quot;—''[[Indian Antiquary]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;We are very glad to welcome a second edition of Professor Grifiith's admirable translation. Few translations deserve a second edition better.&quot;—''[[Athenæum]]''.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{div end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|
Second Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xxiv.—360, price 10s. 6d.

{{x-larger|'''THE HISTORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE.}}

{{sc|By [[Author:Albrecht Weber|ALBRECHT WEBER]].'''}}

Translated from the Second German Edition by {{sc|[[Author:John Mann|John Mann]]}}, M.A., and {{sc|[[Author:Theodor Zachariae|Theodor Zachariae]]}}, Ph.D., with the sanction of the Author.
}}

[[Author:Georg Bühler|Dr. {{sc|Buhler}}]], Inspector of Schools in India, writes:—&quot;When I was Professor of Oriental Languages in Elphinstone College, I frequently felt the want of such a work to which I could refer the students.&quot;

[[Author:Edward Byles Cowell|Professor {{sc|Cowell}}]], of Cambridge, writes:—&quot;It will be especially useful to the students in our Indian colleges and universities. I used to long for such a book when I was teaching in Calcutta. Hindu students are intensely interested in the history of Sanskrit literature, and this volume will supply them with all they want on the subject.&quot;

[[Author:William Dwight Whitney|Professor {{sc|Whitney}}]], Yale College, Newhaven, Conn., U.S.A., writes:—&quot;I was one of the class to whom the work was originally given in the form of academic lectures. At their first appearance they were by far the most learned and able treatment of their subject; and with their recent additions they still maintain decidedly the same rank.&quot;

{{fine|&quot;Is perhaps the most comprehensive and lucid survey of Sanskrit literature extant. The essays contained in the volume were originally delivered as academic lectures, and at the time of their first publication were acknowledged to be by far the most learned and able treatment of the subject. They have now been brought up to date by the addition of all the most important results of recent research.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{rule|15em}}

{{c|
Post 8vo, cloth, pp. xii.—198, accompanied by Two Language Maps, price 7s. 6d.

{{x-larger|'''A SKETCH OF THE MODERN LANGUAGES OF THE EAST INDIES.'''}}

{{sc|By [[Author:Robert Needham Cust|ROBERT N. CUST]].}}
}}

The Author has attempted to fill up a vacuum, the inconvenience of which pressed itself on his notice. Much had been written about the languages of the East Indies, but the extent of our present knowledge had not even been brought to a focus. It occurred to him that it might be of use to others to publish in an arranged form the notes which he had collected for his own edification.

{{fine|&quot;Supplies a deficiency which has long been felt.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;The book before us is then a valuable contribution to philological science. It passes under review a vast number of languages, and it gives, or professes to give, in every case the sum and substance of the opinions and judgments of the best-informed writers.&quot;—''[[The Saturday Review|Saturday Review]]''.}}

{{rule|15em}}

{{c|
Second Corrected Edition, post 8vo, pp. xii.—116, cloth, price 5s.

{{x-larger|'''THE BIRTH OF THE WAR-GOD.'''}}

A Poem. {{sc|By [[Author:Kālidāsa|KALIDASA]].}}

Translated from the Sanskrit into English Verse by&lt;br&gt;
[[Author:Ralph Thomas Hotchkin Griffith|Ralph T. H. Griffith]], M.A.
}}

{{fine|&quot;A very spirited rendering of the ''Kumárasambhara'', which was first published twenty-six years ago, and which we are glad to see made once more accessible.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;Mr. Griffith's very spirited rendering is well known to most who are at all interested in Indian literature, or enjoy the tenderness of feeling and rich creative imagination of its author.&quot;—''[[Indian Antiquary]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;We are very glad to welcome a second edition of Professor Grifiith's admirable translation. Few translations deserve a second edition better.&quot;—''[[Athenæum]]''.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{div end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|
Second Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xxiv.—360, price 10s. 6d.

{{x-larger|'''THE HISTORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE.'''}}

{{sc|By [[Author:Albrecht Weber|ALBRECHT WEBER]].}}

Translated from the Second German Edition by {{sc|[[Author:John Mann|John Mann]]}}, M.A., and {{sc|[[Author:Theodor Zachariae|Theodor Zachariae]]}}, Ph.D., with the sanction of the Author.
}}

[[Author:Georg Bühler|Dr. {{sc|Buhler}}]], Inspector of Schools in India, writes:—&quot;When I was Professor of Oriental Languages in Elphinstone College, I frequently felt the want of such a work to which I could refer the students.&quot;

[[Author:Edward Byles Cowell|Professor {{sc|Cowell}}]], of Cambridge, writes:—&quot;It will be especially useful to the students in our Indian colleges and universities. I used to long for such a book when I was teaching in Calcutta. Hindu students are intensely interested in the history of Sanskrit literature, and this volume will supply them with all they want on the subject.&quot;

[[Author:William Dwight Whitney|Professor {{sc|Whitney}}]], Yale College, Newhaven, Conn., U.S.A., writes:—&quot;I was one of the class to whom the work was originally given in the form of academic lectures. At their first appearance they were by far the most learned and able treatment of their subject; and with their recent additions they still maintain decidedly the same rank.&quot;

{{fine|&quot;Is perhaps the most comprehensive and lucid survey of Sanskrit literature extant. The essays contained in the volume were originally delivered as academic lectures, and at the time of their first publication were acknowledged to be by far the most learned and able treatment of the subject. They have now been brought up to date by the addition of all the most important results of recent research.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{rule|15em}}

{{c|
Post 8vo, cloth, pp. xii.—198, accompanied by Two Language Maps, price 7s. 6d.

{{x-larger|'''A SKETCH OF THE MODERN LANGUAGES OF THE EAST INDIES.'''}}

{{sc|By [[Author:Robert Needham Cust|ROBERT N. CUST]].}}
}}

The Author has attempted to fill up a vacuum, the inconvenience of which pressed itself on his notice. Much had been written about the languages of the East Indies, but the extent of our present knowledge had not even been brought to a focus. It occurred to him that it might be of use to others to publish in an arranged form the notes which he had collected for his own edification.

{{fine|&quot;Supplies a deficiency which has long been felt.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;The book before us is then a valuable contribution to philological science. It passes under review a vast number of languages, and it gives, or professes to give, in every case the sum and substance of the opinions and judgments of the best-informed writers.&quot;—''[[The Saturday Review|Saturday Review]]''.}}

{{rule|15em}}

{{c|
Second Corrected Edition, post 8vo, pp. xii.—116, cloth, price 5s.

{{x-larger|'''THE BIRTH OF THE WAR-GOD.'''}}

A Poem. {{sc|By [[Author:Kālidāsa|KALIDASA]].}}

Translated from the Sanskrit into English Verse by&lt;br&gt;
[[Author:Ralph Thomas Hotchkin Griffith|Ralph T. H. Griffith]], M.A.
}}

{{fine|&quot;A very spirited rendering of the ''Kumárasambhara'', which was first published twenty-six years ago, and which we are glad to see made once more accessible.&quot;—''[[The Times|Times]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;Mr. Griffith's very spirited rendering is well known to most who are at all interested in Indian literature, or enjoy the tenderness of feeling and rich creative imagination of its author.&quot;—''[[Indian Antiquary]]''.}}

{{fine|&quot;We are very glad to welcome a second edition of Professor Grifiith's admirable translation. Few translations deserve a second edition better.&quot;—''[[Athenæum]]''.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{div end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 29.djvu/594</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="3330" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|516|{{asc|PROCEEDINGS OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.}}|[June 25,}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the dental base; the outer side of the tooth is sculptured like the rest of the bone, but in a less or finer degree (see the magnified view, fig. 5, {{sm|''a''}}). At rather less than a line in advance of this tooth is a minute one like the fourth ; in advance of this is the base of a larger denticle (''ib.'' {{sm|''b''}}), the fracture of which shows a cavity filled by pyritic matrix; and at a line in advance of this is the fractured hollow base of a smaller denticle: these hollows might at first sight be mistaken for sockets. 

The alveolar border of the left side of the upper jaw (Pl. XVI. fig. 2, &amp; fig. 6, magnified two diameters), continued further forward than that of the right side, shows, at a part wanting on the right side, a more advanced tooth ({{sm|''c''}}), of the same shape as the fifth ({{sm|''a''}}) from the hindermost on the right side, but somewhat larger ; its apex is more obtuse and seems to have been worn. This tooth is also a direct continuation of the bone, with the osseous sculpturing more feebly marked than on the jaw, the tooth appearing smooth to the naked eye. The bases of two smaller denticles appear in the 3 lines extent of alveolar border in advance of this tooth. 

Thus we have evidence of about twelve of the maxillary teeth or tooth-like processes—two large, divided by an interval of about half an inch, the rest small or minute—all compressed, triangular, pointed, arming the hinder inch and a half of the alveolar border on each side of the upper jaw. 

This dental character is more distinctly displayed in the corresponding parts of the alveolar border of the lower jaw. On the right side (P1. XVI. fig. 1), in an extent of 8 lines from the suture of the dentary ({{sm|32}}) with the surangular ({{sm|31}}), are five denticles (fig. 5, magn. 2 diameters): the hindermost is as minute as the one above; the next is somewhat larger; the third ({{sm|''d''}}) is much larger, though not so large as the fifth ({{sm|''a''}}) above, behind which the point of the third below projects. The fourth tooth below (counting forwards) is minute, the fifth ({{sm|''e''}}) suddenly enlarged, especially in length, to 3 lines, with a breadth of base of 1 line; it is sharp-pointed, directed obliquely upward and forward. These teeth are processes of the bone; and the outward markings are strongest near the apex. 

In the left dentary (Pl. XVI. fig. 2 &amp; fig. 6, magn. 2 diams.), along an inch extent of the hind part of the alveolar border, are three of the larger laniariform teeth (''ib. ib.'' {{sm|''d, e, f''}}), divided by intervals of from 3 to 4 lines, in which are minute denticles. 

The lower laniaries are longer and more slender than the upper ones; they are similarly directed, with their summits slightly inclined forward. 

On an estimate of the extent of the dentigerous borders of the jaws at 3 inches, and a conjecture that the larger teeth were continued at the same intervals (as shown in the fossil) to the ends of the restored jaws, there would be ten of these teeth on each side of both upper and lower mandibles ; the intervening denticles would be about double that number (see conjectural restoration, fig. 8, Pl. XVI.). 

The strictly avian character of the skull, on which this ''quasi''-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 29.djvu/595</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="3328" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1873.]|{{asc|OWEN—DENTIGEROUS BIRD.}}|517}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;reptilian one is grafted, shows profitable comparisons to be within the limits of the feathered class. The inference which has been drawn as to the length of the beak leads us first to compare ''Odontopteryx'' with those birds in which that part also exceeds in length the rest of the skull, which latter portion, bounded in front by the fronto-nasal suture, I shall speak of in the ensuing comparisons as the &quot;cranium.&quot; 

Such character is exceptional in the ''Aves aereæ'' and ''Aves terrestres'' of Nitzsch. The Hornbills, Toucans, a few Crows, certain Woodpeckers, Kingfishers, Cuckoos, Humming-birds, Kivis, Ostriches, manifest it, but with well-marked differential characters pointing to another road, for the closer affinity of which we are in quest. 

A beak longer than the cranium is the rule in the ''Aves aquaticæ''; but not any of the waders has the external nostrils so remote from the orbits as in ''Odontopteryx''. This character of the fossil confines one to the Totipalmates and tubinarial Longipennates; but the Petrels, like the Albatrosses, Gulls, Terns, and Skimmers have other well-marked characters which remove them from the present extinct genus. 

Indeed, the absence of the superorbital gland-pit in ''Odontopteryx'' limits the field of comparison to the Totipalmates and Lamellirostrals, in which, however, the Swan (''Cygnus olor'') and some Geese (''Cereopsis'') and Teal show traces, more or less definite, of the impression of such gland above and behind the rim of the orbit. There is no such trace in the Cormorants, Anhingas, and Gannets; and it is in these fish-eating sea-birds that an extent of upper beak-bone, free from narial vacuities, would be found corresponding with that which is preserved in the Sheppey fossil. But the Totipalmates have not the orbit bounded by a hind wall as in ''Odontopteryx''; the superorbital border is abruptly truncate behind by a wide and deep crotaphyte fossa, which in the Cormorant and Gannet ascends so as almost to meet its fellow upon the parietal region of the cranium. 

In ''Odontopteryx'', the parietal region is broadly and smoothly arched (Pl. XVI. fig. 4, {{sm|7}}); and the crotaphyte fossa (Pl. XVI. figs. 1, 2, {{sm|''s''}} ), very shallow, commences low down at the side of the arch (fig. 1, {{sm|''s''}}), very little above the level of the foramen magnum. Now this is the character of the fossa in certain ''Anatidæ'', the Goose (''Anser palustris'') e.g.; and in this family, also, the orbital wall is continued down the back part of the cavity as in ''Odontopteryx'', but is there produced forward as a strong process, which seems not to have existed in the fossil. The hinder half, however, of the external nostril would have appeared in the base of the beak preserved in the fossil, if the bird it represents had partaken of the narial characters of the Lamellirostrals. 

In most of these water-birds the coronoid border of the mandible is raised into a definable process; and where, as in ''Mergus'', this is not the case, the outstanding tubercle is present, of which there is no trace in ''Odontopteryx'', as there is none in the Totipalmates. 

The hind half of the mandibular ramus resembles in its depth and thinness that part of the lower jaw of the Lamellirostrals more&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (1892).djvu/209</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2350913</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506946</id>
      <parentid>11918043</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1849" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Plan9fromInnerSpace&quot; /&gt;{{rh||GIVES THEM A PASS.|203}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;could then be suggested. On the water we had a chance of being regarded as fishermen, in the service of a master. On the other hand, by taking the land route, through the counties adjoining Delaware, we should be subjected to all manner of interruptions, and many disagreeable questions, which might give us serious trouble. Any white man, if he pleased, was authorized to stop a man of color on any road, and examine and arrest him. By this arrangement many abuses (considered such even by slaveholders) occurred. Cases have been known where freemen, being called upon by a pack of ruffians to show their free papers, have presented them, when the ruffians have torn them up, seized the victim and sold him to a life of endless bondage. 

The week before our intended start, I wrote a pass for each of our party, giving him permission to visit Baltimore during the Easter holidays. The pass ran after this manner: 

&quot;This is to certify that I, the undersigned, have given the bearer, my servant John, full liberty to go to Baltimore to spend the Easter holidays. 

{{right|{{asc|W. H.}}|2em}}

{{sc|Near St. Michaels}}, Talbot Co., Md.&quot; 

Although we were not going to Baltimore, and were intending to land east of North Point, in the direction I had seen the Philadelphia steamers go, these passes might be useful to us in the lower part of the bay, while steering towards Baltimore. These were not, however, to be shown by us until all our answers had failed to satisfy the inquirer. We were all fully alive to the importance of being calm and self-possessed when accosted, if accosted we should be; and we more than once rehearsed to each other how we should behave in the hour of trial. 

Those were long, tedious days and nights. The suspense was painful in the extreme. To balance {{hws|probabili|probabilities}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Warsoftherajasbe034936mbp.pdf/31</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2379" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{sm|A. D. 1738, &amp;c.]}}|{{sm|WARS OF THE RAJAS.}}|23}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Then [Pedda Tirumala Nayu] sent for his head man [prathani] A’leti Peddana, and told him the whole story regarding Siddappa N. He added, [&quot;Take] our troops to support his lordship, and send for our allies the captains of Patti conda and Dudi conda&lt;ref&gt;Conda is a hill: ''patti'' is cotton in the pod: while ''dudi'' is cotton wool.&lt;/ref&gt; and from other (palems) petty posts: assemble a force, taking the command yourself: go, deliver his place again into his hands and then return to me.&quot; 

Peddanna the (dalavai) commandant accordingly set out with Siddappa Nayu, at the head of all his force, and halted at the Anantapuram lake: and while they were roaming as keepers about the town (AP.) Ramappa N. [the usurper] in the fort said, The force from Tadimarri has beset the town. All the (palegars) hill chiefs have turned out on the side of this Siddappa N. The host is large. The force I have here is insufficient to check them. Thus he spoke to the militia marksmen.&lt;ref name=&quot;marksmen&quot;&gt;Ranuva (war) gurigandlu, marksmen: apparently meaning select warriors.&lt;/ref&gt; He himself quitted the place. And as Murari Rayu, the son of Hindu Rayu was with an army in the neighbourhood of Madaca Saipi, [A. P. Ramapa] went with all speed to him: and said to him The task of establishing my family is yours&lt;ref&gt;This is a common phrase in petitions: the writer affirming that the personage addressed is the one appointed instrument for re-establishing his family; and is responsible for its prosperity.&lt;/ref&gt;— Then he proceeded to tell all his adventures. 

6. On hearing [the tale]&lt;ref&gt;Page 21.&lt;/ref&gt; Murari Rao came accordingly, with his army along with (AP.) Ramappa N. He assaulted the army of the Tadimarri family [commanded by Aleti Peddanna] and while he was plundering them, the marksmen&lt;ref name=&quot;marksmen&quot; /&gt; who were on guard in the fort said '[Surely] our own (AP.) Ramapa has come with a separate army, [to aid us].' They opened the fort-gates and came out and assaulted Aleti Peddanna's forces who were guarding the place. Then Aleti Peddanna and the other (Pā le-gandlu) chiefs who had come from Tādimarri seeing they were attacked on both sides, took to flight. But Murari Rao divided his troops into two bands: one marched by the Uppara-palleh route, towards the hill of Dukkala gundam: the other&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Primary interests; Linguistics, Roman Empire, Latin, Africa, The Gambia, Law, North Carolina, the East Asian Cultural Sphere, South East Asia, Theology/Mythology/Religious Studies, Alchemy, Magic, Occult, etc., Calligraphy, Paleography, Political Science, Economics, Socialism/Anarchism/Marxism and etc. (List is not in any particular order)

== Currently working on/Want to have time to work on ==
=== Projects ===
* [[Wikisource:WikiProject North Carolina/North Carolina Bibliography (1589-1956)|Sub-Project North Carolina Bibliography (1589-1956)]]

=== Indexes ===
* [[Index:Karl Marx - Wage Labor and Capital - tr. Harriet E. Lothrop (1902).djvu]]
* [[Index:How Many Independent Rice Vocabularies in Asia?.pdf]]
* [[Index:The Review of English Studies Vol 1.djvu]]
* [[Index:The International Socialist Review (1900-1918), Vol. 1, Issue 1.pdf]]
* [[Index:Summa Theologica (2nd rev. ed.) - Volume 1.djvu]]
* [[Index:The Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology, Volume 1, 1854.djvu]]
* [[Index:Jewish Encyclopedia Volume 1.pdf]]
* [[Index:Catholic Encyclopedia, volume 1.djvu]]
* [[Index:A practical grammar of the Hebrew language - Felsenthal - 1868.djvu]]
* [[Index:AnEssayTowardsARealCharacterAndAPhilosophicalLanguage.pdf]]
* [[Index:The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu]]
* [[Index:Loeb_Classical_Library,_L001_(1919).djvu]]
* [[Index:Lltreaties-ustbv001.pdf]]
* [[Index:Pantographia - Fry - 1799.djvu]]
* [[Index:The abridgment of Christian divinitie.djvu]]
* [[Index:Alcoran of Mahomet 1649.djvu]]
* [[Index:The anatomy of melancholy - vvhat it is, vvith all the kindes, causes, symptomes, prognostickes, and severall cures of it - in three maine partitions with their seuerall sections (IA anatomyofmelanch00burt 2).pdf]]
* [[Index:The Theory of Moral Sentiments.pdf]]
* [[Index:An Ainu-English-Japanese dictionary (including a grammar of the Ainu language).djvu]]
* [[Index:Encyclopædia Britannica, first edition - Volume I, A-B.pdf]]
* [[Index:Encyclopædia Britannica, first edition - Volume II, C-L.pdf]]
* [[Index:Encyclopædia Britannica, first edition - Volume III, M-Z.pdf]]
* [[Index:Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1827) Vol 1.djvu]]
* [[Index:The Law of the Westgoths - tr. Bergin - 1906.djvu]]
* [[Index:An Icelandic-English Dictionary - Cleasby &amp; Vigfusson - 1874.djvu]]
====Tolkien and other Fantasy/related works====
* [[Index:The Worm Ouroboros - 1922.djvu]]
* [[Index:Sir Gawain and the Green Knight - Tolkien and Gordon - 1925.djvu]]
* [[Index:Tolkien - A middle English Vocabulary.djvu]]
* [[Index:Fourteenth_Century_Verse_and_Prose_-_Sisam_-_1921.djvu]]
* [[Index:The Review of English Studies Vol 1.djvu]]

====Asia====
* [[Index:A Grammar of the Chinese Language (grammarofchinese00morr 1, Morrison, 1815).pdf]]
* [[Index:Ta Tsing Leu Lee; Being, The Fundamental Laws, and a Selections from the Supplementary Statutes, of the Penal Code of China.djvu]]
* [[Index:Dictionary of the Swatow dialect.djvu]]
* [[Index:Chinese miscellany; consisting of original extracts from Chinese authors, in the native character; with translations and philological remarks (IA b22009450).pdf]]
* [[Index:Horæ Sinicæ, Translations from the Popular Literature of the Chinese (horsinictran00morrrich, Morrison, 1812).djvu]]

====Manuscripts====
* [[Index:BL Cotton MS Nero A x (art. 3).pdf]]
* [[Index:BL Cotton MS Nero D IV.djvu]]
* [[Index:BL Cotton MS Julius A II.djvu]]
* [[Index:BL Cotton MS Julius A VII.djvu]]
* [[Index:BL Cotton MS Vitellius A XV.djvu]]
==== North Carolina ====
* [[Index:Reminiscences of Randolph County - Blair - 1890.djvu]]
* [[Index:West Chowan Baptist Messenger, Volume 1 - Issue 4.pdf]]
* [[Index:Revised Statutes of the State of North Carolina - Volume 1.djvu]]
* [[Index:Session Laws of North Carolina, April, 1777.pdf]]
* [[Index:A bibliography of North Carolina, 1589-1956 - 1958.djvu]]
* [[Index:The Asheboro Courier, Volume IX, No. 26.pdf]]
* [[Index:The North Carolina Historical Review - Volume 1, Number 1.pdf]]
* [[Index:1751 A collection of all the public acts of Assembly, of the province of North-Carolina now in force and use.pdf]]
* [[Index:North Carolina Manual (1874).pdf]]
* [[Index:NC-Register-Volume-01-Issue-01.pdf]]

== Series/Periodicals/Journals ==
* [[Federal Register]]
* [[Weird Tales]]
* [[The Journal of Religion]]
* [[Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society]]
* [[Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology]]
* [[Journal of Germanic Philology]]
* [[Journal of English and Germanic Philology]]
* [[Southern Historical Society Papers]]
* [[Archaeologia]]
* [[Portal:The Review of English Studies|The Review of English Studies]]
* [[Archaeological Journal]]
* [[National Geographic Magazine]]
* [[Classical World]]
* [[The International Socialist Review (1900-1918)]]
* [[Loeb Classical Library]]
* [[West Chowan Baptist Messenger]], in case more issues show up.
* [[The Courier]]
* [[North Carolina Historical Review]]

== Copyright books, bibliographies, etc. ==
* [[Catalog of Copyright Entries]]
* [[Index:A bibliography of North Carolina, 1589-1956 - 1958.djvu]]

== Authors I'm working on / might work on ==
* [[author:John Ronald Reuel Tolkien|John Ronald Reuel Tolkien]]
* [[author:Alexander Ross|Alexander Ross]]
* [[Author:George Lyman Kittredge|George Lyman Kittredge]]

== WikiProjects ==

* [[Wikisource:WikiProject North Carolina|WikiProject North Carolina]]
* [[Wikisource:WikiProject Socialism|WikiProject Socialism]]
* [[Wikisource:WikiProject Chinese|WikiProject Chinese]]

== Other ==

* Created the [[Template:PD-Nauru]] for Nauruan works

== Other Accounts ==

* https://www.openstreetmap.org/user/Reboot01

== Scripts and Tools and things ==

*[[/Sandbox/]]
*[[/common.js/]]
*[[/common.css/]]
*[[/CustomToolbarAdditions.js/]]

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{{rule}}

{{-}}</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Blackwood's Magazine volume 043.djvu/821</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="4512" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Klarm768&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1838.]|''Whig Practices and Whig Professions''.|791}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;A821&quot; /&gt;{{hwe|derstand|understand}} one another. This may be put to the actual test if any one is curious to prove it. Let any man teach a parrot to say &quot;I&quot; (it meaning thereby itself), and we pledge ourselves to unwrite all that we have written upon this topic. &lt;ref&gt; It will not do to say that man is capable of forming the notion expressed by the word &quot;I,&quot; in consequence of the reason with which he has been endowed, and that the parrot and other animals are not thus capable of forming it in consequence of their inferior degree of intelligence. We have treated of this point at some length in the first part of our discussion. Let us now, however, make one remark on the subject. It is plain that an increase or a deficiency of reason can only cause the creature in which it operates to accomplish its ends with greater or less exactness and perfection. Reason in itself runs straight, however much its volume may be augmented. Is it said that this consciousness, this self-reference, this reflex fact denoted by the word &quot;I,&quot; is merely a peculiar inflection which reason takes in man, and which it does not take in animals? True; but the smallest attention shows us that reason only takes this peculiar inflection in consequence of falling in with the fact of consciousness: so that instead of reason accounting for consciousness, instead of consciousness being the derivative of reason, we find that it is consciousness which meets reason, and gives it that peculiar turn we have spoken of, rendering it and all its works referable to ourselves. It is not, then, reason which gives rise to consciousness, but it is the prior existence of consciousness which makes reason ''human'' reason.&lt;/ref&gt;

We have now, then, brought this question to a conclusion; besides having opened up slightly and incidentally a few collateral views connected with other problems, we have returned a distinct answer to the question — When does consciousness come into operation? Sensation, passion, reason, &amp;c., all exist as soon as the human being is born, but ''consciousness'' only comes into existence when he has originated within him the notion and the reality denoted by the word &quot;I.&quot; Then only does he begin to exist ''for himself''. In our next paper we shall proceed to the discussion of the most important, but at the same time most difficult, question in all psychology — ''How'' does consciousness come into operation?


&lt;section end=&quot;A821&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;B822&quot; /&gt;{{c|WHIG PRACTICES AND WHIG PROFESSIONS.}}


{{sc|It}} is usual for statesmen and philosophers, in considering the position and prospects of a country, to search in the history of bygone times for circumstances analogous to those in which they feel themselves placed; and thus, very frequently, with the page of experience opened before them, they are supplied with beacons, and landmarks, and warnings, to aid them in the task of regulating the national affairs. But now, all speculators and rulers may search in vain for any records of a time similar to the present. There may have been seasons of more urgent peril, and periods of deeper gloom; there may have been eras of more misfortune, and times of greater distress; but never in the whole history of man was there an age of such vast importance, and of such manifest transitions, in which the controllers of popular destinies were more insignificant in their talents, and more unworthy of their charge. We look around us and see elements at work of the most powerful nature, principles at work of the most cogent force, and passions aroused of the strongest description; but those who are doomed to &quot; ride on the whirlwind and direct the storm&quot; are partakers of little of the energy of the time, and are feeble instruments in feeble hands. It is indeed marvellous to behold, at a period when mighty interests are at stake and mighty minds are wanted to uphold them, the great intellectual lords of the creation, excluded by a faction from influence and authority, and excluded thus in order to keep in positions they are not qualified to fill the trembling puppets of a corrupt court. We -much doubt if there be now a man in Britain of acknowledged mental superiority — if there be a single man whose name will float down the rushing stream of time, who possesses any direct influence on the national councils, or any weight in the management of public affairs.
&lt;section end=&quot;B822&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Blackwood's Magazine volume 044.djvu/557</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2369508</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507288</id>
      <parentid>7078822</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:02:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="4404" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Klarm768&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1838.]|''An Introduction to the Philosophy of Consciousness''.|543}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;But how can man ''act'' before he ''is''? Perhaps we cannot perfectly explain the ''How'', but we can state, and have stated the ''That'', namely, that the fact is so. But at the same time we beg it to be understood that it is only in one sense that this is true. We would not be misunderstood. We here guard ourselves from the imputation of saying that in every sense man is absolutely a nonentity before he acts, or that he actually creates his Being. This we are very far indeed from affirming. Prior to the act of consciousness, he possesses, as we have said, an existence in the eyes of others; and this species of existence is undoubtedly ''given''. Anterior to this act, the foundations of his Being are wonderfully and inscrutably laid. He is a mighty machine, testifying his Creator's power. But at this time being destitute of consciousness, we again maintain that he is destitute of personality, and that therefore he wants that which constitutes the true reality and proper life of humanity. We maintain, further, that this personality, realized by consciousness, is a new kind of existence reared up upon the ground of that act; that, further, there was no provision made in the old ''substratum'' of unconscious Being for the evolution of this new act; but that, like the fall of man (with which perhaps it is in some way connected), it is an absolutely free and underived deed, self-originated, and entirely exempt from the law of causality; and, moreover, in its very essence, the antagonist of that law. This we shall endeavour to make out in the following chapters, and if we can succeed in showing this act to be primary original and free, of course it will follow that the Being which results from it must be free likewise. But, whether we succeed or not, we at any rate think that, having shown fully that the thought &quot;I&quot; precedes and brings along with it the reality or existence &quot;I,&quot; and that this thought &quot;I&quot; is an act, we have now said enough to establish this important truth in psychology, that man, when philosophizing concerning himself, does not do well to commence with the contemplation, or with any consideration of himself ''as a Being'' (we say this with an especial eye to the substance and doctrine of &quot;Mind&quot;), for his proper Being is but a secondary articulation in his actual development, and therefore ought to form but a secondary step in his scientific study of himself, and ought to hold but a subordinate place in his regard. But he ought to commence with the contemplation of himself ''as an act'' (the act of consciousness), for this is, in reality, his true and radical beginning; and, therefore, in speculation he ought to follow the same order; and, copying the living truth of things in his methodical exposition of himself, should take this act as the primary commencement or starting-point of his philosophical researches. Such, in our opinion, is the only true method of psychological science.


{{c|{{sc|Chapter}} II.}}


Man's existence for others, his unconscious existence, is immediately ''given''; his existence for himself, his conscious personal existence, the reality ''ego'', is not immediately given, but is realized through an act. Thus a radical distinction between these two sorts of existence is established, the one being found to precede, and the other to follow that act. The Necessitarian, however, takes no note of this distinction. He breaks down the line of demarcation between them. He runs the two species of existence into one; and the Libertarian, usually acquiescing in this want of discrimination, places in his adversary's hand the only weapon with which he might successfully have combated him. Disagreeing widely in their conclusions, they yet agree so far in their premises, that both of them postulate, in an unqualified manner, man's existence, as a ''substratum'' for his actions. On this account, therefore, it must be confessed that the victory, in point of logic, has always been on the side of the Necessitarian, however much common sense and moral principle may have rebelled against his conclusions. For a given or compulsatory existence can never be free in any of its acts. It can merely serve to ''conduct'' the activity transmitted to it from other quarters; and the peculiar inflections, whatever these may be, whether to evil or to&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 33.djvu/19</title>
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      <text bytes="6342" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{smaller|FOSSILS FIGURED AND DESCRIBED.}}|ix}}
{{nop}}
{| align=&quot;center&quot; cellpadding=&quot;5&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot;
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|bt|bb|br|ac}} | Name of Species.
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|bt|bb|br|ac}} | Formation.
| colspan=&quot;3&quot; {{ts|bt|bb|br|ac}} | Locality.
| {{ts|bt|bb|ac}} | Page.
|-
| colspan=&quot;8&quot; {{ts|ac}} | &lt;br&gt;{{sc|Mollusca}} (''continued'').
|-
| colspan=&quot;8&quot; {{ts|ac}} | &lt;br&gt;''Gasterpoda.'' (continued).
|-&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Neritopsis, sp. Pl. xiv. f. 6}}
| {{ts|br}} |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Corallian}}
| rowspan=&quot;4&quot; | {{brace2|6|r}}
| rowspan=&quot;4&quot; | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|England}}
| rowspan=&quot;4&quot; {{ts|br}} |  {{brace2|6|l}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 394
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Pileopsis dubia''. Pl. vii. f. 24}}
| {{ts|br}} |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Gault}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 203
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} ''neocomiensis''. Pl. vii. f. 1, 2}}
| {{ts|br}} |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Lower Greensand}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 203
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} ''Seeleyana''. Pl. vii. f. 5–7}}
| rowspan=&quot;3&quot; {{ts|br}} |  {{brace2|5|r}}
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Upper Greensand}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 203
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Pleurotomaria Itieriana. Pl. xxi. f. 2}}
||
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Cambridge}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 500
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Puncturella antiqua''. Pl. ix. f. 6–9}}
| rowspan=&quot;8&quot; | {{brace2|13|r}}
| rowspan=&quot;8&quot; | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|England}}
| rowspan=&quot;8&quot; {{ts|br}} |  {{brace2|13|l}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 200
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Scurria calyptræiformis''. Pl. vii. f. 15, 16}}
| rowspan=&quot;4&quot; {{ts|br}} |  {{brace2|7|r}}
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; rowspan=&quot;4&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Lower Greensand}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 195
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} ''depressa''. Pl. vii. f. 17}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 195
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Tectura formosa''. Pl. ix. f. 10, 11}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 193
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} ''plana''. Pl. viii. f. 27–29}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 194
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} tenuicostata. Pl. vii. f. 19, 20}}
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{brace2|3|r}}
| colspan=&quot;2&quot;  rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Gault}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 194
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} tenuistriata. Pl. vii. f. 18}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 194
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Trochus aytonensis''. Pl. xiv. f. 1 ''d''.}}
| {{ts|br}} |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Corallian}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 395
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Turbo Pictetianus. Pl. xxi. f. 3-5.}}
| {{ts|br}} |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Upper Greensand}}
||
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Cambridge}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 497
|-
| colspan=&quot;8&quot; {{ts|ac}} | (''Pteropoda''.)
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Theca lineata''. Pl. xxiv. f. 9.}}
| {{ts|br}} |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Cambrian}}
||
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Shropshire}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 668
|-
| colspan=&quot;8&quot; {{ts|ac}} | (''Cephalopoda''.)
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Ammonites cawtonensis''. Pl. xiii. f. 2}}
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{brace2|3|r}}
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Corallian}}
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|England}}
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|ar}} | 392
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} ''pseudocordatus''. Pl. xiii. f. 1}}
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Belemnites senescens''.}}
| {{ts|br}} |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Middle Tertiaries}}
||
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Australia}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 257
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Nautilus, sp.''}}
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{brace2|3|r}}
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Upper Greensand}}
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; |
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Cambridge}}
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{brace2|3|l}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 489
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Turrilites nobilis''. Pl. xxi. f. 1}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 493
|-
| colspan=&quot;8&quot; {{ts|ac}} | {{sc|Echinodermata.}}
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Arachnoides australis}}
| rowspan=&quot;10&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{brace2|18|r}}
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; rowspan=&quot;10&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Tertiary}}
| rowspan=&quot;10&quot; | {{brace2|18|r}}
| rowspan=&quot;10&quot; | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Australia}}
| rowspan=&quot;10&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{brace2|18|l}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 48
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} ''elongatus''. Pl. iii. f. 8}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 48
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} ''Loveni''. Pl. iii. f. 6, 7}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 47
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Catopygus elegans}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 51
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Echinobrissus australiæ''. Pl. iii. f. 11}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 50
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|{{bar|2}} ''rotundus''. Pl. iii. f. 14–17}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 55
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Eupatagus Laubei''. Pl. iii. f. 18}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 53
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Holaster australiæ''. Pl. iii. f. 12, 13}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 51
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|''Leiocidaris australiæ''. Pl. iii. f. 1, 2}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 45
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Lovenia Forbesi, var. Pl. iv. f. 5–8}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 59
|-
|| {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Macrocystella Mariæ. Pl. xxiv. f. 13}}
| {{ts|br}} |
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Cambrian}}
||
| colspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|br}} | {{TOCstyle|model=Hn.upP|depth=2em|Shropshire}}
| {{ts|ar}} | 670
|-

|}
Maretia anomala. Pl. iv. f. 1–4 ... 
Megalaster compressus 
Pygorhynchus Vassali 
Rhynchopygus dysasteroides. Pl. iii. 
f.9, 10 
Salenia tertiaria 
Temnechinus lineatus. PL iii. f. 3-5 

Cambrian. 
Tertiary 
Middle Tertiaries 
iertiary 
 
Shropshire 
Australia&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
|}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 01.djvu/330</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="5420" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Library Guy&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''ARMSTRONG'''}}|266|{{c|'''ARMY'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Armstrong, Samuel Chapman&quot; /&gt;{{hwe|ton|Hampton}} Normal and Agricultural Institute. 
The United States Government began 
sending Indian youths there in 1878. 
General Armstrong was president of the
Institute till his death, May 11, 1893.
&lt;section end=&quot;Armstrong, Samuel Chapman&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Armstrong, William George, Lord&quot; /&gt;'''ARMSTRONG, WILLIAM GEORGE,'''
'''LORD''', an English inventor, born in 1810 
at Newcastle. He was articled to a solicitor,
and became a partner in the firm. 
In 1840 he produced a much improved 
hydraulic engine, and in 1845 the hydraulic
crane. In 1842 he brought to perfection 
an apparatus for producing electricity 
from steam. He was elected a member 
of the Royal Society in 1846; and shortly 
afterward commenced the Elswick
Engine Works, Newcastle, producing
hydraulic cranes, engines, accumulators, 
and bridges, but was soon to be famous 
for the production of ordnance. During 
the Crimean War, Armstrong was
employed by the War Office to make explosive
apparatus for blowing up the ships 
sunk at Sebastopol. This led him to
devise the form of cannon which bears his 
name. The essential feature of the
Armstrong gun, whether rifled or smooth bore, 
breech-loading or muzzle-loading, is that 
the barrel is built up of successive coils 
of wrought-iron, welded round a
mandrel into a homogeneous mass of great 
tenacity, the breech being especially 
strengthened on similar principles. The 
actual results obtained by these guns, 
even of the earlier patterns, were almost 
incredible. An ordinary 32-pounder 
weighed 5,700 pounds. Armstrong's 32- 
pounder weighed 2,600 pounds. The former
required 10 pounds of powder as a 
charge; for the latter 5 pounds sufficed. 
The former would send a shot or shell 
3,000 yards; the range of the latter
exceeded 9,000 yards. Armstrong offered 
to the government all his inventions; 
and, till 1863, there existed a kind of 
partnership between the government and 
the Elswick firm, Armstrong being 
knighted in 1858, and appointed
chief-engineer of rifled ordnance. Already a 
member of many scientific societies, he 
was in 1863 President of the British
Association. Cambridge and Oxford
conferred honorary degrees on Armstrong, 
who was raised to the peerage as Baron 
Armstrong in 1887. He died Dec. 27, 
1900.
&lt;section end=&quot;Armstrong, William George, Lord&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Army&quot; /&gt;'''ARMY''', the national militia of a 
country. The organization of an army is 
of two kinds—tactical and administrative. 
The former enables the leader of an army 
to transmit his orders to three or four 
subordinate commanders, who pass them 
on, the latter deals with the paying, feeding,
clothing, arming and transportation 
of the military forces. 

&lt;!-- column 2 --&gt;
''Ancient Armies''.—The earliest regular 
military organization is attributed to
Sesostris, who flourished in Egypt about 16 
centuries {{asc|B. C.}} This extraordinary
conqueror divided Egypt into 36 military 
provinces, and established a sort of militia
or warrior caste. With this army he 
overran Asia as far as India, and from 
the Ganges to the Caspian. After him 
little further progress was made in military
art until the Persian empire rose. 
Its soldiers introduced the mass
formation, with cavalry in intervals of squares; 
but the most important feature of 
the Persian organization was the
establishment of what was practically a standing
army, apportioned as garrisons 
throughout the conquered provinces, and 
under the control of military governors 
distinct from the satraps. In Greece it 
was not a standing army, but a sort of 
national militia, that gained Marathon, 
Platæa, and Mycale. The Lacedemonians
invented the famous phalanx, a 
particular mass formation for foot-soldiers;
and to this the Athenians added 
lighter troops to cover the front and 
harass the enemy in march. The
Thebans introduced the column formation, 
which, being deeper and narrower than 
the phalanx, was intended to pierce the 
enemy's line at some point and throw 
them into confusion. Philip, the father 
of Alexander the Great, established, in 
Macedonia, the world's second standing-army.
He brought into use the
Macedonian pike, a formidable weapon 24 
feet in length. About 200 {{asc|B. C.}} every 
Roman from the age of 17 to 46 was liable
to be called upon to serve as a
soldier. The Roman legion, in its best 
days, excelled all other troops alike in 
discipline and in esprit. With a gradual 
laxity in discipline the decline of the 
Roman power commenced.

''Medieval Armies''.—With the decline 
of the Roman power all that remained 
of scientific warfare was lost for a time. 
The Northern invaders made little use 
of tactics, but relied chiefly on their 
personal bravery. The conquerors of the 
Roman Empire at first recognized no 
superior save the community, of which 
all conquests were the property. What 
all had aided to acquire all demanded 
equally to share. Hence arose a division
of the conquered territory, individual
chiefs rewarding their own followers
with gifts of the land they had 
helped to conquer. The growth of a feeling
that such gifts could be revoked, and 
that they implied an obligation to future 
service, marks the beginning of the feudal
system, under which national armies 
disappeared, and each baron had a small&lt;section end=&quot;Army&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 06.djvu/460</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2385043</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506912</id>
      <parentid>9189029</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:03:35Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3457" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Bob Burkhardt&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''NAVY'''}}|390|{{c|'''NAVY'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|thoritative|authoritative}} record of a Saxon (British) sea-fight in which many vessels were engaged. In 870 {{asc|A. D.}} Harald Haarfagr, King of Norway, fought and won a naval battle against the vessels which minor kings of his country had sent against him. Olaf Trygvasson, a grandson of Harald, with the allied powers of Denmark, Vendland, and Norwegians of the province of Viken fought a naval battle in which vessels 150 feet long were engaged. In 1014 {{asc|A. D.}} the Danes and Saxons captured London, in the first recorded naval fight against a land force. Norse sea-power began to decline in the latter part of the 11th century, but Sigurd was successful at sea in expeditions against the Moors in Spain and the pirates of the Mediterranean. Spain strove hard for pre-eminence as a maritime nation, but was not successful, and the destruction of the Armada, 1588, was the last blow to her aspirations. The British and the Dutch long held the lead in naval warfare. Alfred the Great may be said to have founded the British navy, and Athelstane, Edwy the Fair, and Canute strengthened the sea-forces and increased the number of vessels. After the Norman conquest there was a great expansion in ships of commerce and defense. Under Henry II. and Richard the Lionhearted, British sea-power grew in strength and efficiency. In 1340 Edward III. commanded in person at the battle of Sluys when the French lost 300 vessels. It was the first naval fight in which sails replaced oars. Henry VIII. was interested in ordnance and the building of big ships. The &quot;Great Harry&quot; carried 75 guns and 760 men. He was the first sovereign to appoint officers for naval warfare only. The guns and gun-carriages employed during his reign were not changed for 200 years. He founded the docks of Woolwich, Deptford, and Portsmouth. Little was accomplished by succeeding sovereigns until the reign of Elizabeth. As the modern navy developed
from galley to great ship the vital questions became speed, construction, offensive armaments, and facilities for maneuvering. At first there were only two classes of vessels, the ship-of-line bearing the brunt of the offensive, and the frigate for speed. The ship-of-line, a three-decker, carried 100 or more guns, and bore the burden of battle. The frigate was employed on special missions and preyed on enemy ships. With the passing of wooden vessels, came iron and steel ships, new types were introduced and improvements in the power of the guns.

{{figure
|image= Collier's 1921 Navy - Location of Guns on Dreadnoughts.jpg
|width= 700px
|position= center
|bottomcaption= {{c|{{asc|DIAGRAM SHOWING LOCATION OF GUNS ON U. S. DREADNOUGHT. CALIBER OF GUN GIVEN IN INCHES}}}}
}}

{{figure
|image= Collier's 1921 Navy - Armor Protection on Dreadnoughts.jpg
|width= 700px
|position= center
|bottomcaption= {{c|{{asc|DIAGRAM SHOWING ARMOR PROTECTION ON U. S. DREADNOUGHTS. BLACK PORTION SHOWS HEAVY ARMORING}}}}
}}

After the Napoleonic wars Great Britain led all nations in sea-power, with France a distant second. In the second rank were Spain, Russia, and the Netherlands. Third rank, Turkey, Austria-Hungary, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, United States, Two Sicilies, Portugal, Prussia. In 1860 the United States held second place in this class. The United States navy greatly increased in tonnage during the Civil War, but afterward many ships were sold and little&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 06.djvu/459</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:03:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="4121" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Bob Burkhardt&quot; /&gt;{{rh-c|{{c|'''NAVY'''}}|389|{{c|'''NAVY'''}}|center-width=10}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Navigation Laws&quot; /&gt;ever again sailing under the American flag. If an American vessel makes any repairs in a foreign port, duty must be paid on the value of all such repairs on her return to this country. The repairing of foreign vessels in our ports, with foreign materials, is placed under restriction. A tax of six cents per ton of their burden, called a tonnage tax, is imposed on all vessels (except fishing and pleasure vessels) engaged in trade to ports not in North or Central America and a few other specified places, the maximum aggregate tax in any one year not exceeding 30 cents. Foreign vessels pay the same tax, but if one of the officers of an American vessel is a foreigner, it is forced to pay an additional tax of 50 cents. Materials for the construction of vessels for foreign trade may be imported free of duty, but the duty must be paid if the vessel engages for more than two months a year in the coasting trade. American vessels may unload at any port of delivery in the customs district, but foreign vessels can only discharge their cargoes at a port of entry, which is a certain designated port in each customs district in the United States. Exceptions are made when they are laden with coal, salt, or similar merchandise in bulk.
&lt;section end=&quot;Navigation Laws&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Navigators' Islands&quot; /&gt;'''{{sp|NAVIGATORS'}} ISLANDS'''. See {{Collier's article link|Samoan Islands}}.
&lt;section end=&quot;Navigators' Islands&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Navy, The&quot; /&gt;'''NAVY, THE''', a term used for a country's armed force operating on water or in defense of coasts and harbors. The earliest recorded sea-fights were waged by the Egyptians against the Phoenicians, Phocæans, and Mysians, about 3000 {{asc|B.&amp;nbsp;C.}} The Phœnicians, among the greatest sea-faring people of antiquity, occupied a narrow strip of sea-coast in Asia Minor. After casting off the yoke of Egyptian rule, from 1200 {{asc|B.&amp;nbsp;C.}} to 870 {{asc|B.&amp;nbsp;C.}}, the Phœnicians commanded the sea, but their power waned between 870 and 650 {{asc|B.&amp;nbsp;C.}}, and Carthage, a Phœnician colony, gradually surpassed the parent state in sea-power. One of the earliest recorded sea-fights was the battle of Salamis, 480 {{asc|B.&amp;nbsp;C.}}, when the Greeks under Themistocles defeated the fleet of Xerxes, which marked the turning point in the last Persian invasion. A Carthaginian vessel wrecked on the coast of Italy supplied the Romans with the model for their navy. The first great naval battle of the Romans was fought 260 {{asc|B.&amp;nbsp;C.}} off the Lipari Islands when Duilius defeated a superior Carthaginian fleet under Hannibal.

{{figure
|image= Collier's 1921 Navy, The - British Super-Dreadnought Hood.jpg
|width= 700px
|position= center
|bottomcaption= {{c|{{asc|BRITISH SUPER-DREADNOUGHT HOOD}}}}
}}

The galley, the warship of the Greeks,
was about 100 feet long and propelled by rowers, having an iron-sheathed prow like a beak, to pierce enemy vessels. It was surmounted by the national emblem, an owl for the Athenians, a cock for the Phœnicians and Carthaginians, and an eagle for the Romans. The galley was decked over for the fighting men who were shielded by a hide curtain, from behind which they launched arrows and javelins. There were machines for hurling stones, masses of iron, and flaming missiles. The commander directed operations from an elevated station. He commanded the soldiers, and under him were the pilot who directed the steersman; a mate who commanded the sailors, and a boatswain the rowers. A musician with voice and instrument cheered and inspired the oarsmen at their task. The vessels usually advanced in triangular formation, the admiral in the lead. After victory, the richest spoils were reserved as oblations to the gods. In the beginning of the Middle Ages, the countries bordering on the Baltic and North Seas, famous sea-rovers, began to organize navies. Tales of the sea-fights in those days are so colored by fable as to be unreliable. There exists an {{hws|au|authoritative}}&lt;section end=&quot;Navy, The&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/103</title>
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      <text bytes="1788" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|91|{{sm|HESTER AT HER NEEDLE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;her home, where, and where only, she must needs be the type of shame. But there is a fatality, a feeling so irresistible and inevitable that it has the force of doom, which almost invariably compels human beings to linger around and haunt, ghost-like, the spot where some great and marked event has given the color to their lifetime; and still the more irresistibly, the darker the tinge that saddens it. Her sin, her ignominy, were the roots which she had struck into the soil. It was as if a new birth, with stronger assimilations than the first, had converted the forest-land, still so uncongenial to every other pilgrim and wanderer, into Hester Prynne's wild and dreary, but life-long home. All other scenes of earth—even that village of rural England, where happy infancy and stainless maidenhood seemed yet to be in her mother's keeping, like garments put off long ago—were foreign to her, in comparison. The chain that bound her here was of iron links, and galling to her inmost soul, but could never be broken.

It might be, too,—doubtless it was so, although she hid the secret from herself, and grew pale whenever it struggled out of her heart, like a serpent from its hole,—it might be that another feeling kept her within the scene and pathway that had been so fatal. There dwelt, there trode the feet of one with whom she deemed herself connected in a union, that, unrecognized on earth, would bring them together before the bar of final judgment, and make that their marriage-altar, for a joint futurity of endless retribution. Over and over again, the tempter of souls had thrust this idea upon Hester's contemplation, and laughed at the passionate and desperate joy with which she seized, and then&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/104</title>
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      <text bytes="1814" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|92|{{sm|HESTER AT HER NEEDLE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;strove to cast it from her. She barely looked the idea in the face, and hastened to bar it in its dungeon. What she compelled herself to believe,—what, finally, she reasoned upon, as her motive for continuing a resident of New England,—was half a truth, and half a self-delusion. Here, she said to herself, had been the scene of her guilt, and here should be the scene of her earthly punishment; and so, perchance, the torture of her daily shame would at length purge her soul, and work out another purity than that which she had lost; more saint-like, because the result of martyrdom.

Hester Prynne, therefore, did not flee. On the outskirts of the town, within the verge of the peninsula, but not in close vicinity to any other habitation, there was a small thatched cottage. It had been built by an earlier settler, and abandoned, because the soil about it was too sterile for cultivation, while its comparative remoteness put it out of the sphere of that social activity which already marked the habits of the emigrants. It stood on the shore, looking across a basin of the sea at the forest-covered hills, towards the west. A clump of scrubby trees, such as alone grew on the peninsula, did not so much conceal the cottage from view, as seem to denote that here was some object which would fain have been, or at least ought to be, concealed. In this little, lonesome dwelling, with some slender means that she possessed, and by the license of the magistrates, who still kept an inquisitorial watch over her, Hester established herself, with her infant child. A mystic shadow of suspicion immediately attached itself to the spot. Children, too young to comprehend wherefore this woman should be shut out from the sphere of human charities,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/105</title>
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      <text bytes="1775" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|93|{{sm|HESTER AT HER NEEDLE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;would creep nigh enough to behold her plying her needle at the cottage-window, or standing in the door-way, or laboring in her little garden, or coming forth along the pathway that led townward; and, discerning the scarlet letter on her breast, would scamper off with a strange, contagious fear.

Lonely as was Hester's situation, and without a friend on earth who dared to show himself, she, however incurred no risk of want. She possessed an art that sufficed, even in a land that afforded comparatively little scope for its exercise, to supply food for her thriving infant and herself. It was the art—then, as now, almost the only one within a woman's grasp—of needle-work. She bore on her breast, in the curiously embroidered letter, a specimen of her delicate and imaginative skill, of which the dames of a court might gladly have availed themselves, to add the richer and more spiritual adornment of human ingenuity to their fabrics of silk and gold. Here, indeed, in the sable simplicity that generally characterized the Puritanic modes of dress, there might be an infrequent call for the finer productions of her handiwork. Yet the taste of the age, demanding whatever was elaborate in compositions of this kind, did not fail to extend its influence over our stern progenitors, who had cast behind them so many fashions which it might seem harder to dispense with. Public ceremonies, such as ordinations, the installation of magistrates, and all that could give majesty to the forms in which a new government manifested itself to the people, were, as a matter of policy, marked by a stately and well-conducted ceremonial, and a sombre, but yet a studied magnificence. Deep ruffs, painfully wrought&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/106</title>
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      <text bytes="1779" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|94|{{sm|HESTER AT HER NEEDLE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;bands, and gorgeously embroidered gloves, were all deemed necessary to the official state of men assuming the reins of power; and were readily allowed to individuals dignified by rank or wealth, even while sumptuary laws forbade these and similar extravagances to the plebeian order. In the array of funerals, too,—whether for the apparel of the dead body, or to typify, by manifold emblematic devices of sable cloth and snowy lawn, the sorrow of the survivors,—there was a frequent and characteristic demand for such labor as Hester Prynne could supply. Baby-linen—for babies then wore robes of state—afforded still another possibility of toil and emolument.

By degrees, nor very slowly, her handiwork became what would now be termed the fashion. Whether from commiseration for a woman of so miserable a destiny; or from the morbid curiosity that gives a fictitious value even to common or worthless things; or by whatever other intangible circumstance was then, as now, sufficient to bestow, on some persons, what others might seek in vain; or because Hester really filled a gap which must otherwise have remained vacant; it is certain that she had ready and fairly requited employment for as many hours as she saw fit to occupy with her needle. Vanity, it may be, chose to mortify itself, by putting on, for ceremonials of pomp and state, the garments that had been wrought by her sinful hands. Her needle-work was seen on the ruff of the Governor; military men wore it on their scarfs, and the minister on his band; it decked the baby's little cap; it was shut up, to be mildewed and moulder away, in the coffins of the dead. But it is not recorded that, in a single instance, her skill&lt;noinclude&gt;
&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1747" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|96|{{sm|HESTER AT HER NEEDLE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;it might have been a mode of expressing, and therefore soothing, the passion of her life. Like all other joys, she rejected it as sin. This morbid meddling of conscience with an immaterial matter betokened, it is to be feared, no genuine and steadfast penitence, but something doubtful, something that might be deeply wrong, beneath.

In this manner, Hester Prynne came to have a part to perform in the world. With her native energy of character, and rare capacity, it could not entirely cast her off, although it had set a mark upon her, more intolerable to a woman's heart than that which branded the brow of Cain. In all her intercourse with society, however, there was nothing that made her feel as if she belonged to it. Every gesture, every word, and even the silence of those with whom she came in contact, implied, and often expressed, that she was banished, and as much alone as if she inhabited another sphere, or communicated with the common nature by other organs and senses than the rest of human kind. She stood apart from moral interests, yet close beside them, like a ghost that revisits the familiar fireside, and can no longer make itself seen or felt; no more smile with the household joy, nor mourn with the kindred sorrow; or, should it succeed in manifesting its forbidden sympathy, awakening only terror and horrible repugnance. These emotions, in fact, and its bitterest scorn besides, seemed to be the sole portion that she retained in the universal heart. It was not an age of delicacy; and her position, although she understood it well, and was in little danger of forgetting it, was often brought before her vivid self-perception, like a new anguish, by&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1765" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|97|{{sm|HESTER AT HER NEEDLE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the rudest touch upon the tenderest spot. The poor, as we have already said, whom she sought out to be the objects of her bounty, often reviled the hand that was stretched forth to succor them. Dames of elevated rank, likewise, whose doors she entered in the way of her occupation, were accustomed to distil drops of bitterness into her heart; sometimes through that alchemy of quiet malice, by which women can concoct a subtile poison from ordinary trifles; and sometimes, also, by a coarser expression, that fell upon the sufferer's defenceless breast like a rough blow upon an ulcerated wound. Hester had schooled herself long and well; she never responded to these attacks, save by a flush of crimson that rose irrepressibly over her pale cheek, and again subsided into the depths of her bosom. She was patient,—a martyr, indeed,—but she forebore to pray for her enemies; lest, in spite of her forgiving aspirations, the words of the blessing should stubbornly twist themselves into a curse.

Continually, and in a thousand other ways, did she feel the innumerable throbs of anguish that had been so cunningly contrived for her by the undying, the ever-active sentence of the Puritan tribunal. Clergymen paused in the street to address words of exhortation, that brought a crowd, with its mingled grin and frown, around the poor, sinful woman. If she entered a church, trusting to share the Sabbath smile of the Universal Father, it was often her mishap to find herself the text of the discourse. She grew to have a dread of children; for they had imbibed from their parents a vague idea of something horrible in this dreary woman, gliding silently through the town, with never&lt;noinclude&gt;
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/110</title>
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      <text bytes="1745" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|98|{{sm|HESTER AT HER NEEDLE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;any companion but one only child. Therefore, first allowing her to pass, they pursued her at a distance with shrill cries, and the utterance of a word that had no distinct purport to their own minds, but was none the less terrible to her, as proceeding from lips that babbled it unconsciously. It seemed to argue so wide a diffusion of her shame, that all nature knew of it; it could have caused her no deeper pang, had the leaves of the trees whispered the dark story among themselves,—had the summer breeze murmured about it—had the wintry blast shrieked it aloud! Another peculiar torture was felt in the gaze of a new eye. When strangers looked curiously at the scarlet letter,—and none ever failed to do so,—they branded it afresh into Hester's soul; so that, oftentimes, she could scarcely refrain, yet always did refrain, from covering the symbol with her hand. But then, again, an accustomed eye had likewise its own anguish to inflict. Its cool stare of familiarity was intolerable. From first to last, in short, Hester Prynne had always this dreadful agony in feeling a human eye upon the token; the spot never grew callous; it seemed, on the contrary, to grow more sensitive with daily torture.

But sometimes, once in many days, or perchance in many months, she felt an eye—a human eye—upon the ignominious brand, that seemed to give a momentary relief, as if half of her agony were shared. The next instant, back it all rushed again, with still a deeper throb of pain; for, in that brief interval, she had sinned anew. Had Hester sinned alone?

Her imagination was somewhat affected, and, had she been of a softer moral and intellectual fibre, would have&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/111</title>
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      <text bytes="1846" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|99|{{sm|HESTER AT HER NEEDLE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;been still more so, by the strange and solitary anguish of her life. Walking to and fro, with those lonely footsteps, in the little world with which she was outwardly connected, it now and then appeared to Hester,—if altogether fancy, it was nevertheless too potent to be resisted,—she felt or fancied, then, that the scarlet letter had endowed her with a new sense. She shuddered to believe, yet could not help believing, that it gave her a sympathetic knowledge of the hidden sin in other hearts. She was terror-stricken by the revelations that were thus made. What were they? Could they be other than the insidious whispers of the bad angel, who would fain have persuaded the struggling woman, as yet only half his victim, that the outward guise of purity was but a lie, and that, if truth were everywhere to be shown, a scarlet letter would blaze forth on many a bosom besides Hester Prynne's? Or, must she receive those intimations—so obscure, yet so distinct—as truth? In all her miserable experience, there was nothing else so awful and so loathsome as this sense. It perplexed, as well as shocked her, by the irreverent inopportuneness of the occasions that brought it into vivid action. Sometimes the red infamy upon her breast would give a sympathetic throb, as she passed near a venerable minister or magistrate, the model of piety and justice, to whom that age of antique reverence looked up, as to a mortal man in fellowship with angels. &quot;What evil thing is at hand?&quot; would Hester say to herself. Lifting her reluctant eyes, there would be nothing human within the scope of view, save the form of this earthly saint! Again, a mystic sisterhood would contumaciously assert itself, as she met the sanctified frown of some matron, who, according to&lt;noinclude&gt;
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/127</title>
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      <text bytes="1794" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|115|{{sm|THE GOVERNOR'S HALL.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;be one of the most busy. It may appear singular, and, indeed, not a little ludicrous, that an affair of this kind, which, in later days, would have been referred to no higher jurisdiction than that of the selectmen of the town, should then have been a question publicly discussed, and on which statesmen of eminence took sides. At that epoch of pristine simplicity, however, matters of even slighter public interest, and of far less intrinsic weight, than the welfare of Hester and her child, were strangely mixed up with the deliberations of legislators and acts of state. The period was hardly, if at all, earlier than that of our story, when a dispute concerning the right of property in a pig, not only caused a fierce and bitter contest in the legislative body of the colony, but resulted in an important modification of the framework itself of the legislature.

Full of concern, therefore,—but so conscious of her own right that it seemed scarcely an unequal match between the public, on the one side, and a lonely woman, backed by the sympathies of nature, on the other,—Hester Prynne set forth from her solitary cottage. Little Pearl, of course, was her companion. She was now of an age to run lightly along by her mother's side, and, constantly in motion, from morn till sunset, could have accomplished a much longer journey than that before her. Often, nevertheless, more from caprice than necessity, she demanded to be taken up in arms; but was soon as imperious to be set down again, and frisked onward before Hester on the grassy pathway, with many a harmless trip and tumble. We have spoken of Pearl's rich and luxuriant beauty; a beauty that shone with deep and vivid tints; a bright complexion, eyes possess-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/132</title>
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      <text bytes="1687" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|120|{{sm|THE GOVERNOR'S HALL.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of which were elaborately carved with wreaths of oaken flowers; and likewise a table in the same taste; the whole being of the Elizabethan age, or perhaps earlier, and heirlooms, transferred hither from the Governor's paternal home. On the table—in token that the sentiment of old English hospitality had not been left behind—stood a large pewter tankard, at the bottom of which, had Hester or Pearl peeped into it, they might have seen the frothy remnant of a recent draught of ale.

On the wall hung a row of portraits, representing the forefathers of the Bellingham lineage, some with armor on their breasts, and others with stately ruffs and robes of peace. All were characterized by the sternness and severity which old portraits so invariably put on; as if they were the ghosts, rather than the pictures, of departed worthies, and were gazing with harsh and intolerant criticism at the pursuits and enjoyments of living men.

At about the centre of the oaken panels, that lined the hall, was suspended a suit of mail, not, like the pictures, an ancestral relic, but of the most modern date; for it had been manufactured by a skilful armorer in London, the same year in which Governor Bellingham came over to New England. There was a steel head-piece, a cuirass, a gorget, and greaves, with a pair of gauntlets and a sword hanging beneath; all, and especially the helmet and breastplate, so highly burnished as to glow with white radiance, and scatter an illumination everywhere about upon the floor. This bright panoply was not meant for mere idle show, but had been worn by the Governor on many a solemn muster&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/136</title>
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Behind the Governor and Mr. Wilson came two other guests; one, the Reverend Arthur Dimmesdale, whom the reader may remember, as having taken a brief and reluctant part in the scene of Hester Prynne's disgrace; and, in close companionship with him, old Roger Chillingworth, a person of great skill in physic, who, for two or three years past, had been settled in the town. It was understood that this learned man was the physician as well as friend of the young minister, whose health had severely suffered, of late, by his too unreserved self-sacrifice to the labors and duties of the pastoral relation.

The Governor, in advance of his visitors, ascended one or two steps, and, throwing open the leaves of the great hall window, found himself close to little Pearl. The shadow of the curtain fell on Hester Prynne, and partially concealed her.

&quot;What have we here?&quot; said Governor Bellingham, looking with surprise at the scarlet little figure before him. &quot;I profess, I have never seen the like, since my days of vanity, in old King James' time, when I was wont to esteem it a high favor to be admitted to a court mask! There used to be a swarm of these small apparitions, in holiday time; and we called them children&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/137</title>
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&quot;Ay, indeed!&quot; cried good old Mr. Wilson. &quot;What little bird of scarlet plumage may this be? Methinks I have seen just such figures, when the sun has been shining through a richly painted window, and tracing out the golden and crimson images across the floor. But that was in the old land. Prithee, young one, who art thou, and what has ailed thy mother to bedizen thee in this strange fashion? Art thou a Christian child,—ha? Dost know thy catechism? Or art thou one of those naughty elfs or fairies, whom we thought to have left behind us, with other relics of Papistry, in merry old England?&quot;

&quot;I am mother's child,&quot; answered the scarlet vision, &quot;and my name is Pearl!&quot;

&quot;Pearl?—Ruby, rather!—or Coral!—or Red Rose, at the very least, judging from thy hue!&quot; responded the old minister, putting forth his hand in a vain attempt to pat little Pearl on the cheek. &quot;But where is this mother of thine? Ah! I see,&quot; he added; and, turning to Governor Bellingham, whispered, &quot;This is the selfsame child of whom we have held speech together; and behold here the unhappy woman, Hester Prynne, her mother!&quot;

&quot;Sayest thou so?&quot; cried the Governor. &quot;Nay, we might have judged that such a child's mother must needs be a scarlet woman, and a worthy type of her of Babylon! But she comes at a good time; and we will look into this matter forthwith.&quot;

Governor Bellingham stepped through the window into the hall, followed by his three guests.
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/142</title>
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&quot;There is truth in what she says,&quot; began the minister, with a voice sweet, tremulous, but powerful, insomuch that the hall reëchoed, and the hollow armor rang with it,—&quot;truth in what Hester says, and in the feeling which inspires her! God gave her the child, and gave her, too, an instinctive knowledge of its nature and requirements,—both seemingly so peculiar,—which no other mortal being can possess. And, moreover, is there not a quality of awful sacredness in the relation between this mother and this child?&quot;

&quot;Ay!—how is that, good Master Dimmesdale?&quot; interrupted the Governor. &quot;Make that plain, I pray you!&quot;

&quot;It must be even so,&quot; resumed the minister. &quot;For, if we deem it otherwise, do we not thereby say that the Heavenly Father, the Creator of all flesh, hath lightly recognized a deed of sin, and made of no account the distinction between unhallowed lust and holy love? This child of its father's guilt and its mother's shame hath come from the hand of God, to work in many ways upon her heart, who pleads so earnestly, and with such bitterness of spirit, the right to keep her. It was meant for a blessing; for the one blessing of her life! It was meant, doubtless, as the mother herself hath told us, for a retribution too; a torture to be felt at many an unthought of moment; a pang, a sting, an ever-recurring agony, in the midst of a troubled joy! Hath she&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Such was the young clergyman's condition, and so imminent the prospect that his dawning light would be extinguished, all untimely, when Roger Chillingworth made his advent to the town. His first entry on the scene, few people could tell whence, dropping down, as it were, out of the sky, or starting from the nether earth, had an aspect of mystery, which was easily heightened to the miraculous. He was now known to be a man of skill; it was observed that he gathered herbs, and the blossoms of wild-flowers, and dug up roots, and plucked off twigs from the forest-trees, like one acquainted with hidden virtues in what was valueless to common eyes. He was heard to speak of Sir [[Author:Kenelm_Digby|Kenelm Digby]], and other famous men,—whose scientific attainments were esteemed hardly less than supernatural,—as having been his correspondents or associates. Why, with such rank in the learned world, had he come hither? What could he, whose sphere was in great cities, be seeking in the wilderness? In answer to this query, a rumor gained ground,—and, however absurd, was entertained by some very sensible people,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Such was the young clergyman's condition, and so imminent the prospect that his dawning light would be extinguished, all untimely, when Roger Chillingworth made his advent to the town. His first entry on the scene, few people could tell whence, dropping down, as it were, out of the sky, or starting from the nether earth, had an aspect of mystery, which was easily heightened to the miraculous. He was now known to be a man of skill; it was observed that he gathered herbs, and the blossoms of wild-flowers, and dug up roots, and plucked off twigs from the forest-trees, like one acquainted with hidden virtues in what was valueless to common eyes. He was heard to speak of Sir [[Author:Kenelm_Digby|Kenelm Digby]], and other famous men,—whose scientific attainments were esteemed hardly less than supernatural,—as having been his correspondents or associates. Why, with such rank in the learned world, had he come hither? What could he, whose sphere was in great cities, be seeking in the wilderness? In answer to this query, a rumor gained ground,—and, however absurd, was entertained by some very sensible people,&lt;includeonly&gt;-&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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This idea was countenanced by the strong interest which the physician ever manifested in the young clergyman; he attached himself to him as a parishioner, and sought to win a friendly regard and confidence from his naturally reserved sensibility. He expressed great alarm at his pastor's state of health, but was anxious to attempt the cure, and, if early undertaken, seemed not despondent of a favorable result. The elders, the deacons, the motherly dames, and the young and fair maidens, of Mr. Dimmesdale's flock, were alike importunate that he should make trial of the physician's frankly offered skill. Mr. Dimmesdale gently repelled their entreaties.

&quot;I need no medicine,&quot; said he.

But how could the young minister say so, when, with every successive Sabbath, his cheek was paler and thinner, and his voice more tremulous than before,—when it had now become a constant habit, rather than a casual gesture, to press his hand over his heart? Was he weary of his labors? Did he wish to die? These questions were solemnly propounded to Mr. Dimmesdale by the elder ministers of Boston and the deacons of his church, who, to use their own phrase, &quot;dealt with him&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1596" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|140|{{sm|THE LEECH.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;on the sin of rejecting the aid which Providence so manifestly held out. He listened in silence, and finally promised to confer with the physician.

&quot;Were it God's will,&quot; said the Reverend Mr. Dimmesdale, when, in fulfilment of this pledge, he requested old Roger Chillingworth's professional advice, &quot;I could be well content, that my labors, and my sorrows, and my sins, and my pains, should shortly end with me, and what is earthly of them be buried in my grave, and the spiritual go with me to my eternal state, rather than that you should put your skill to the proof in my behalf.&quot;

&quot;Ah,&quot; replied Roger Chillingworth, with that quietness which, whether imposed or natural, marked all his deportment, &quot;it is thus that a young clergyman is apt to speak. Youthful men, not having taken a deep root, give up their hold of life so easily! And saintly men, who walk with God on earth, would fain be away, to walk with him on the golden pavements of the New Jerusalem.&quot;

&quot;Nay,&quot; rejoined the young minister, putting his hand to his heart, with a flush of pain flitting over his brow, &quot;were I worthier to walk there, I could be better content to toil here.&quot;

&quot;Good men ever interpret themselves too meanly,&quot; said the physician.

In this manner, the mysterious old Roger Chillingworth became the medical adviser of the Reverend Mr. Dimmesdale. As not only the disease interested the physician, but he was strongly moved to look into the character and qualities of the patient, these two men, so different in age, came gradually to spend much time&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/157</title>
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      <text bytes="1753" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|145|{{sm|THE LEECH.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;up his library, rich with parchment-bound folios of the Fathers, and the lore of Rabbis, and monkish erudition, of which the Protestant divines, even while they vilified and decried that class of writers, were yet constrained often to avail themselves. On the other side of the house, old Roger Chillingworth arranged his study and laboratory; not such as a modern man of science would reckon even tolerably complete, but provided with a distilling apparatus, and the means of compounding drugs and chemicals, which the practised alchemist knew well how to turn to purpose. With such commodiousness of situation, these two learned persons sat themselves down, each in his own domain, yet familiarly passing from one apartment to the other, and bestowing a mutual and not incurious inspection into one another's business.

And the Reverend Arthur Dimmesdale's best discerning friends, as we have intimated, very reasonably imagined that the hand of Providence had done all this, for the purpose—besought in so many public, and domestic, and secret prayers—of restoring the young minister to health. But—it must now be said—another portion of the community had latterly begun to take its own view of the relation betwixt Mr. Dimmesdale and the mysterious old physician. When an uninstructed multitude attempts to see with its eyes, it is exceedingly apt to be deceived. When, however, it forms its judgment, as it usually does, on the intuitions of its great and warm heart, the conclusions thus attained are often so profound and so unerring, as to possess the character of truths supernaturally revealed. The people, in the case of which we speak, could justify its prejudice against Roger&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/158</title>
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      <text bytes="1775" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rh|146|{{asc|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Chillingworth by no fact or argument worthy of serious refutation. There was an aged handicraftsman, it is true, who had been a citizen of London at the period of Sir [[Author:Thomas Overbury|Thomas Overbury]]'s murder, now some thirty years agone; he testified to having seen the physician, under some other name, which the narrator of the story had now forgotten, in company with Doctor [[w:Simon Forman|Forman]], the famous old conjurer, who was implicated in the affair of Overbury. Two or three individuals hinted, that the man of skill, during his Indian captivity, had enlarged his medical attainments by joining in the incantations of the savage priests; who were universally acknowledged to be powerful enchanters, often performing seemingly miraculous cures by their skill in the black art. A large number—and many of these were persons of such sober sense and practical observation that their opinions would have been valuable, in other matters—affirmed that Roger Chillingworth's aspect had undergone a remarkable change while he had dwelt in town, and especially since his abode with Mr. Dimmesdale. At first, his expression had been calm, meditative, scholar-like. Now, there was something ugly and evil in his face, which they had not previously noticed, and which grew still the more obvious to sight, the oftener they looked upon him. According to the vulgar idea, the fire in his laboratory had been brought from the lower regions, and was fed with infernal fuel; and so, as might be expected, his visage was getting sooty with the smoke.

To sum up the matter, it grew to be a widely diffused opinion, that the Reverend Arthur Dimmesdale, like many other personages of especial sanctity, in all ages&lt;noinclude&gt;
&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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THE LEECH AND HIS PATIENT.}}

{{sc|Old}} Roger Chillingworth, throughout life, had been calm in temperament, kindly, though not of warm affections, but ever, and in all his relations with the world, a pure and upright man. He had begun an investigation, as he imagined, with the severe and equal integrity of a judge, desirous only of truth, even as if the question involved no more than the air-drawn lines and figures of a geometrical problem, instead of human passions, and wrongs inflicted on himself. But, as he proceeded, a terrible fascination, a kind of fierce, though still calm, necessity seized the old man within its gripe, and never set him free again, until he had done all its bidding. He now dug into the poor clergyman's heart, like a miner searching for gold; or, rather, like a sexton delving into a grave, possibly in quest of a jewel that had been buried on the dead man's bosom, but likely to find nothing save mortality and corruption. Alas for his own soul, if these were what he sought!

Sometimes, a light glimmered out of the physician's eyes, burning blue and ominous, like the reflection of a furnace, or, let us say, like one of those gleams of ghastly fire that darted from Bunyan's awful door-way in the hill-side, and quivered on the pilgrim's face. The soil where this dark miner was working had perchance shown indications that encouraged him.

&quot;This man,&quot; said he, at one such moment, to him-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/163</title>
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      <text bytes="1707" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sm|THE LEECH AND HIS PATIENT.}}|151}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;sprung up out of a buried heart, to make manifest an unspoken crime?&quot;

&quot;That, good Sir, is but a fantasy of yours,&quot; replied the minister. &quot;There can be, if I forebode aright, no power, short of the Divine mercy, to disclose, whether by uttered words, or by type or emblem, the secrets that may be buried with a human heart. The heart, making itself guilty of such secrets, must perforce hold them, until the day when all hidden things shall be revealed. Nor have I so read or interpreted Holy Writ, as to understand that the disclosure of human thoughts and deeds, then to be made, is intended as a part of the retribution. That, surely, were a shallow view of it. No; these revelations, unless I greatly err, are meant merely to promote the intellectual satisfaction of all intelligent beings, who will stand waiting, on that day, to see the dark problem of this life made plain. A knowledge of men's hearts will be needful to the completest solution of that problem. And I conceive, moreover, that the hearts holding such miserable secrets as you speak of will yield them up, at that last day, not with reluctance, but with a joy unutterable.&quot;

&quot;Then why not reveal them here?&quot; asked Roger Chillingworth, glancing quietly aside at the minister. &quot;Why should not the guilty ones sooner avail themselves of this unutterable solace?&quot;

&quot;They mostly do,&quot; said the clergyman, griping hard at his breast, as if afflicted with an importunate throb of pain. &quot;Many, many a poor soul hath given its confidence to me, not only on the death-bed, but while strong in life, and fair in reputation. And ever, after such an outpouring, O, what a relief have I witnessed in those&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/168</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508279</id>
      <parentid>12197101</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:19:23Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ostrea</username>
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      <comment>/* Validated */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1698" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|153|{{sm|THE LEECH AND HIS PATIENT.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Freely, then, and plainly,&quot; said the physician, still busy with his plants, but keeping a wary eye on Mr. Dimmesdale, &quot;the disorder is a strange one; not so much in itself, nor as outwardly manifested,—in so far, at least, as the symptoms have been laid open to my observation. Looking daily at you, my good Sir, and watching the tokens of your aspect, now for months gone by, I should deem you a man sore sick, it may be, yet not so sick but that an instructed and watchful physician might well hope to cure you. But—I know not what to say—the disease is what I seem to know, yet know it not.&quot;

&quot;You speak in riddles, learned Sir,&quot; said the pale minister, glancing aside out of the window.

&quot;Then, to speak more plainly,&quot; continued the physician, &quot;and I crave pardon, Sir,—should it seem to require pardon,—for this needful plainness of my speech. Let me ask,—as your friend,—as one having charge, under Providence, of your life and physical well-being,—hath all the operation of this disorder been fairly laid open and recounted to me?&quot;

&quot;How can you question it?&quot; asked the minister. &quot;Surely, it were child's play, to call in a physician, and then hide the sore!&quot;

&quot;You would tell me, then, that I know all?&quot; said Roger Chillingworth, deliberately, and fixing an eye, bright with intense and concentrated intelligence, on the minister's face. &quot;Be it so! But, again! He to whom only the outward and physical evil is laid open, knoweth, oftentimes, but half the evil which he is called upon to cure. A bodily disease, which we look upon as whole and entire within itself, may, after all, be but&lt;noinclude&gt;
&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/169</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508281</id>
      <parentid>12197103</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:21:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ostrea</username>
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      <comment>/* Validated */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1737" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|157|{{sm|THE LEECH AND HIS PATIENT.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;a symptom of some ailment in the spiritual part. Your pardon, once again, good Sir, if my speech give the shadow of offence. You, Sir, of all men whom I have known, are he whose body is the closest conjoined, and imbued, and identified, so to speak, with the spirit whereof it is the instrument.&quot;

&quot;Then I need ask no further,&quot; said the clergyman, somewhat hastily rising from his chair. &quot;You deal not, I take it, in medicine for the soul!&quot;

&quot;Thus, a sickness,&quot; continued Roger Chillingworth, going on, in an unaltered tone, without heeding the interruption,—but standing up, and confronting the emaciated and white-cheeked minister, with his low, dark, and misshapen figure,—&quot;a sickness, a sore place, if we may so call it, in your spirit, hath immediately its appropriate manifestation in your bodily frame. Would you, therefore, that your physician heal the bodily evil? How may this be, unless you first lay open to him the wound or trouble in your soul?&quot;

&quot;No!—not to thee!—not to an earthly physician!&quot; cried Mr. Dimmesdale, passionately, and turning his eyes, full and bright, and with a kind of fierceness, on old Roger Chillingworth. &quot;Not to thee! But, if it be the soul's disease, then do I commit myself to the one Physician of the soul! He, if it stand with his good pleasure, can cure; or he can kill! Let him do with me as, in his justice and wisdom, he shall see good. But who art thou, that meddlest in this matter?—that dares thrust himself between the sufferer and his God?&quot;

With a frantic gesture, he rushed out of the room.

&quot;It is as well to have made this step,&quot; said Roger Chillingworth to himself, looking after the minister, with&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/171</title>
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      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="1681" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|159|{{sm|THE LEECH AND HIS PATIENT.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;body! Were it only for the art's sake, I must search this matter to the bottom!&quot;

It came to pass, not long after the scene above recorded, that the Reverend Mr. Dimmesdale, at noonday, and entirely unawares, fell into a deep, deep slumber, sitting in his chair, with a large black-letter volume open before him on the table. It must have been a work of vast ability in the somniferous school of literature. The profound depth of the minister's repose was the more remarkable, inasmuch as he was one of those persons whose sleep, ordinarily, is as light, as fitful, and as easily scared away, as a small bird hopping on a twig. To such an unwonted remoteness, however, had his spirit now withdrawn into itself, that he stirred not in his chair, when old Roger Chillingworth, without any extraordinary precaution, came into the room. The physician advanced directly in front of his patient, laid his hand upon his bosom, and thrust aside the vestment, that, hitherto, had always covered it even from the professional eye.

Then, indeed, Mr. Dimmesdale shuddered, and slightly stirred.

After a brief pause, the physician turned away.

But, with what a wild look of wonder, joy, and horror! With what a ghastly rapture, as it were, too mighty to be expressed only by the eye and features, and therefore bursting forth through the whole ugliness of his figure, and making itself even riotously manifest by the extravagant gestures with which he threw up his arms towards the ceiling, and stamped his foot upon the floor! Had a man seen old Roger Chillingworth, at that moment of his ecstacy, he would have had no&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/172</title>
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      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="249" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rh|160|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;need to ask how Satan comports himself, when a precious human soul is lost to heaven, and won into his kingdom.

But what distinguished the physician's ecstacy from Satan's was the trait of wonder in it!
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1491" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Ostrea&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sm|THE INTERIOR OF A HEART.}}|161}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger|XI.}}

THE INTERIOR OF A HEART.}}

{{sc|After}} the incident last described, the intercourse between the clergyman and the physician, though externally the same, was really of another character than it had previously been. The intellect of Roger Chillingworth had now a sufficiently plain path before it. It was not, indeed, precisely that which he had laid out for himself to tread. Calm, gentle, passionless, as he appeared, there was yet, we fear, a quiet depth of malice, hitherto latent, but active now, in this unfortunate old man, which led him to imagine a more intimate revenge than any mortal had ever wreaked upon an enemy. To make himself the one trusted friend, to whom should be confided all the fear, the remorse, the agony, the ineffectual repentance, the backward rush of sinful thoughts, expelled in vain! All that guilty sorrow, hidden from the world, whose great heart would have pitied and forgiven, to be revealed to him, the Pitiless, to him, the Unforgiving! All that dark treasure to be lavished on the very man, to whom nothing else could so adequately pay the debt of vengeance!

The clergyman's shy and sensitive reserve had balked this scheme. Roger Chillingworth, however, was inclined to be hardly, if at all, less satisfied with the aspect of affairs, which Providence—using the avenger and his victim for its own purposes, and, perchance, pardoning, where it seemed most to punish—had substituted&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/186</title>
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      <text bytes="1683" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|174|{{sm|THE MINISTER'S VIGIL.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;see the triumphant pilgrim pass within its gates,—now, in short, good Father Wilson was moving homeward, aiding his footsteps with a lighted lantern! The glimmer of this luminary suggested the above conceits to Mr. Dimmesdale, who smiled,—nay, almost laughed at them,—and then wondered if he were going mad.

As the Reverend Mr. Wilson passed beside the scaffold, closely muffling his Geneva cloak about him with one arm, and holding the lantern before his breast with the other, the minister could hardly restrain himself from speaking.

&quot;A good evening to you, venerable Father Wilson! Come up hither, I pray you, and pass a pleasant hour with me!&quot;

Good heavens! Had Mr. Dimmesdale actually spoken? For one instant, he believed that these words had passed his lips. But they were uttered only within his imagination. The venerable Father Wilson continued to step slowly onward, looking carefully at the muddy pathway before his feet, and never once turning his head towards the guilty platform. When the light of the glimmering lantern had faded quite away, the minister discovered, by the faintness which came over him, that the last few moments had been a crisis of terrible anxiety; although his mind had made an involuntary effort to relieve itself by a kind of lurid playfulness.

Shortly afterwards, the like grisly sense of the humorous again stole in among the solemn phantoms of his thought. He felt his limbs growing stiff with the unaccustomed chilliness of the night, and doubted whether he should be able to descend the steps of the scaffold. Morning would break, and find him there. The neigh-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Scarlet Letter (1850) 2ed.djvu/191</title>
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      <text bytes="1737" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|179|{{sm|THE MINISTER'S VIGIL.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and pointed across the street. But he clasped both his hands over his breast, and cast his eyes towards the zenith.

Nothing was more common, in those days, than to interpret all meteoric appearances, and other natural phenomena, that occurred with less regularity than the rise and set of sun and moon, as so many revelations from a supernatural source. Thus, a blazing spear, a sword of flame, a bow, or a sheaf of arrows, seen in the midnight sky, prefigured Indian warfare. Pestilence was known to have been foreboded by a shower of crimson light. We doubt whether any marked event, for good or evil, ever befell New England, from its settlement down to Revolutionary times, of which the inhabitants had not been previously warned by some spectacle of this nature. Not seldom, it had been seen by multitudes. Oftener, however, its credibility rested on the faith of some lonely eye-witness, who beheld the wonder through the colored, magnifying, and distorting medium of his imagination, and shaped it more distinctly in his after-thought. It was, indeed, a majestic idea, that the destiny of nations should be revealed, in these awful hieroglyphics, on the cope of heaven. A scroll so wide might not be deemed too expansive for Providence to write a people's doom upon. The belief was a favorite one with our forefathers, as betokening that their infant commonwealth was under a celestial guardianship of peculiar intimacy and strictness. But what shall we say, when an individual discovers a revelation, addressed to himself alone, on the same vast sheet of record! In such a case, it could only be the symptom of a highly disordered mental state, when a man, ren-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1737" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|260|{{sm|THE MINISTER IN A MAZE.}}|{{sm|THE SCARLET LETTER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;have reached this shelter, without first betraying himself to the world by any of those strange and wicked eccentricities to which he had been continually impelled while passing through the streets. He entered the accustomed room, and looked around him on its books, its windows, its fireplace, and the tapestried comfort of the walls, with the same perception of strangeness that had haunted him throughout his walk from the forest-dell into the town, and thitherward. Here he had studied and written; here, gone through fast and vigil, and come forth half alive; here, striven to pray; here, borne a hundred thousand agonies! There was the Bible, in its rich old Hebrew, with Moses and the Prophets speaking to him, and God's voice through all! There, on the table, with the inky pen beside it, was an unfinished sermon, with a sentence broken in the midst, where his thoughts had ceased to gush out upon the page, two days before. He knew that it was himself, the thin and white-cheeked minister, who had done and suffered these things, and written thus far into the Election Sermon! But he seemed to stand apart, and eye this former self with scornful, pitying, but half-envious curiosity. That self was gone. Another man had returned out of the forest; a wiser one; with a knowledge of hidden mysteries which the simplicity of the former never could have reached. A bitter kind of knowledge that!

While occupied with these reflections, a knock came at the door of the study, and the minister said, &quot;Come in!&quot;—not wholly devoid of an idea that he might behold an evil spirit. And so he did! It was old Roger Chillingworth that entered. The minister stood, white&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
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        <id>8435</id>
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{{c|{{x-larger|THE PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS.}}}}

{{rule|5em}}

{| {{ts|mc|wa}}
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Baburam Babu}}
|A Zemindar.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Matilall}}
|His Eldest Son.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Ramlall}}
|His Youngest Son.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Baburam's First Wife}}
|Mother of his Children.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|His Second Wife}}
|A Young Girl.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Pramada}}
|His Married Daughter.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Mokshada}}
|His Widowed Daughter.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Beni Babu}}
|A Friend.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Becharam}}
|A Friend.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Barada Babu}}
|The Kayasth Reformer.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Bancharam}}
|A Lawyer's Clerk.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Thakchacha}}
|A Mahomedan Friend.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Bahulya}}
|A Mahomedan.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|width=50% | {{dtpl||{{sc|Haladhar}}||col3-width=0em|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|rowspan=&quot;4&quot; {{ts|al|wnw}}| {{brace2|5|r}}Friends of Matilal.
|-
|{{dtpl||{{sc|Gadahar}}||col3-width=0em|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|{{dtpl||{{sc|Dolgovinda}}||col3-width=0em|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|{{dtpl||{{sc|Mangovinda}}||col3-width=0em|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Matilall's Wife}}
|'''...'''|col3-width=12em|col3-align=center|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Mr. John}}
|A Calcutta Merchant.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Mr. Butler}}
|A Solicitor.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Mr. Sherborn}}
|A School-master.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|-
|colspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{dtpl||{{sc|Premnarayan Mozoomdar}}
|A House Clerk.|col3-width=12em|col3-align=left|symbol=&amp;bull;|spaces=3}}
|}
{{block center/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1884" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Moxleyhood&quot; /&gt;{{rh|16|''THE SPOILT CHILD.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Babu had just risen from his reading and was stretching his limbs preparatory to a smoke, when a great commotion suddenly arose. &quot;Sir, the son of the zemindar of Vaidyabati has been throwing bricks at us!&quot; &quot;Sir, he has thrown away my basket!&quot; &quot;He has been pushing me about!&quot; &quot;He has grossly insulted me!&quot; &quot;He has broken my pot of ''ghee''!&quot; Beni Babu, being very tender-hearted, gave each of the men a present, and dismissed them; then he fell to musing on the kind of training this boy must have been given to behave in such a fashion. &quot;A fine bringing up the lad must have had,&quot; he said to himself, &quot;in the short space of three hours he has thrown the whole village into a state of panic: it will be a great relief when he goes.&quot; Presently some of the oldest and most respected of the inhabitants of the place came to him and said: &quot;Beni Babu, who is this boy? We were taking our usual nap after our midday meal, when we were aroused by this clamour: it is most unpleasant to have our rest broken in upon in this way.&quot; Beni Babu replied: &quot;Please say no more; I have had a very heavy burden imposed upon me: one of my relatives, a zemindar, a man rather lacking in common sense if possessed of great wealth, has sent his son to me to put to school for him; and meanwhile I am being worn to a mere shadow with the annoyance. If I had to keep a boy like this with me for three days, my house would become a ruin for doves to come and roost in.&quot;

As this conversation was proceeding, several boys approached, Matilall in their rear, all singing at the top of their voices the refrain—

{{block center|&quot;To Shambhu's son all honour pay,&lt;br&gt;
&quot;Shambu, the lord of night and day.&quot;}}

&quot;Ah!&quot; said Beni Babu, &quot;here he comes: keep quiet, perhaps he may take it into his head to beat us: I shall not breathe freely till I have got rid of the monkey.&quot; Seeing Beni&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>User talk:Chrisguise</title>
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      <comment>/* Validating Index:A study of Ben Jonson (IA studyofbenjonson00swinrich).pdf */ new section</comment>
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      <text bytes="115960" xml:space="preserve">{{welcome}} [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 20:24, 20 June 2018 (UTC)

== Using page headers but not page quality ==

Please note [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3ALives_of_Poets-Laureate.djvu%2F148&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=7509666&amp;oldid=7509640]. We don't insert page quality information directly into the page; the system handles that for us automatically. Also, page headers (including the chapter title and page numbers) should be placed in the header window when editing, not in the page itself. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 21:50, 20 June 2018 (UTC)

== Footnotes ==

Footnotes are formatted in this way: [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3ALives_of_Poets-Laureate.djvu%2F183&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=7511130&amp;oldid=7511033] --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:17, 21 June 2018 (UTC)

== ligatures and hyphens ==

Templates like {{tl|oe}} exist so that people can enter them quickly from a keyboard. Usages of that template get replaced later with the actual symbol &quot;œ&quot;. We don't want the template in the text.

Templates like {{tl|hws}} and {{tl|hwe}} exist to join hyphenated words across page breaks, not within the body of a page. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 17:52, 22 June 2018 (UTC)

Typos: The Laureate's name is &quot;Cibber&quot;, not &quot;Gibber&quot;. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3ALives_of_Poets-Laureate.djvu%2F267&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=7512788&amp;oldid=7512776] --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:57, 22 June 2018 (UTC)

Also, when you need the actual text &lt;nowiki&gt;&quot; '&lt;/nowiki&gt; in a page, don't type it directly. Use the template &lt;nowiki&gt;{{&quot; '}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;, or it's cognate &lt;nowiki&gt;{{' &quot;}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;. They add a [[w:thin space]] between the punctuation marks, so that they don't run together. (actually, it cheats and uses CSS, now that I look at it) Technically, in proper typography, there should be thinspaces or hairspaces many more places.... like &quot;left&amp;thinsp;&amp;mdash;&amp;thinsp;right&quot;, not &quot;left&amp;mdash;right&quot;, but people either don't know or don't bother. This is also why you should use &lt;nowiki&gt;{{...}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;, or the ellipsis character …, instead of &quot;. . .&quot; or &quot;...&quot;. Simlarly, people use hyphens instead of endashes constantly, but that mistake is almost impossible to notice in most fonts. Typewriter quotes are also wrong, but nobody cares. They look like crap, though. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 02:34, 25 June 2018 (UTC)

:And don't do this... &lt;nowiki&gt;{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;That sublimer inspiration given,&lt;br&gt;Which glows in Shakespeare's or in Milton's page,&lt;br&gt;The pomp and prodigality of Heaven.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}&lt;nowiki&gt;. Using smaller block inside of block center results in a centered block in which inter-line spacing is broken, and the whole purpose of &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;poem&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; is to render text exactly as typed, including line breaks... it makes &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt; br&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; redundant. Instead use one of the other methods described at [[Help:Poem]]. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 03:10, 25 June 2018 (UTC)

== Collected Works of Ambrose Bierce ==

You are aware that, for all the pages you've created, none are included in the volume you're assembling, and all the links in the header are defective? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:48, 27 July 2018 (UTC)

Where are you getting the date of 1891? The scan's title page says it was published in 1909. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 23:55, 6 August 2018 (UTC)

== Visual Editor ==

Hi. There is most likely an issue with Visual Editor (see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help#Wuthering_Heights]] discussion). Please stop using it as pages will need rework. Thanks.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:32, 18 August 2018 (UTC)

== Quote marks ==

Just a friendly reminder that per the [[WS:Style guide|Style guide]] we would rather use straight quotes like &quot;this&quot; rather than curly ones like “this”. (The difference is more obvious when you're looking at the source editor.) This is specifically in reference to [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:The_Yellow_Book_-_13.djvu/59&amp;oldid=7969749 this edit], but just something you should keep in mind in general.

Best, [[User:Mukkakukaku|Mukkakukaku]] ([[User talk:Mukkakukaku|talk]]) 06:10, 20 August 2018 (UTC)

== You're making a bit of a mess ==

I am not sure what you are doing and why. However, the works are transcluded, then you change the configuration, then retransclude pages, and away from the style that has been used for the whole journal.  Have a look at [[special:prefixindex/Transactions of the Linnean Society of London/Volume 12]] and now you are adding something starting with &quot;Article&quot;. You had already transcribed them as chapters, which I had moved and commented ''in situ'', and you should be able see informative aspects through [[Special:RecentChangesLinked/Index:Transactions of the Linnean Society of London, Volume 12.djvu]] — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 22:47, 16 September 2018 (UTC)

== Prev/Next in [[The Yellow Book/Volume 7]] ==

Hi. These need fixing. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 21:46, 30 September 2018 (UTC)

Yes, I know - but I need to do the 2nd contents page first and then work out the order of entries because the prose and the art are interleaved.

== Page titles not matching their transclusions ==

* [[The Yellow Book/Volume 7/An Old Campaigner]]
* [[The Yellow Book/Volume 7/On the Loing]]
Can you please look again at these pages. Also is it &quot;Loing&quot;? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 03:35, 5 October 2018 (UTC)

== Wikidata connections for authors ==

We connect author pages over at Wikidata, as I have done at https://www.wikidata.org/w/index.php?title=Q763176&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=768822289.  this will enable data there to be imported, be it years of life, image, etc. (follow the Search link)  Just need to create the page here with the basics, then connect over there.  Refresh the page here and VOILA! — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 21:28, 20 October 2018 (UTC)

== {{tl|gap}} ==

Just a note to let you know that a standard &lt;nowiki&gt;{{gap}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; is 2em in length. There is no need to write it out as gap|2em. [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 04:58, 28 October 2018 (UTC)

== Micrographia ==

Do you have access to the OCR tool? You seem to be creating lots of blank pages where there should be text. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:52, 18 November 2018 (UTC)

: Yes. I messed up because the first file had a page missing. I found another version that's complete but it has blank pages adjacent the figures so all the pages don't align. The pages without text are the ones that were originally marked as missing an image and problematic. I'll go back and fix them once I've got the index page sorted out.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]])

:: I just found this book and wanted to congratulate you on adding it - it's fascinating. 
''keeps clicking''
:::[[User:Peace.salam.shalom|Peace.salam.shalom]] ([[User talk:Peace.salam.shalom|talk]]) 03:47, 13 December 2020 (UTC)

::::Thanks. It was a bit of a slog because of the poor OCR, variation in spelling and lots of italics, but I think it was worth the effort. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:15, 14 December 2020 (UTC)

== div and span ==

Hi. Please stop doing this, it generates a lint error: &lt;nowiki&gt;{{larger|{{rh|74|The Inner Ear  | }}}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;. Do this instead, if you want to keep the size: &lt;nowiki&gt;{{rh|{{larger|74}}|{{larger|The Inner Ear}}| }}&lt;/nowiki&gt;. BTW, there is no much point in formatting headers/footer, they are not transcluded anyhow. Thanks— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 23:12, 26 November 2018 (UTC)

== External links ==

Please see [[Author:James Hammond]]. Titles of works should not be external links; the purpose of Author pages is to list works hosted here on Wikisource, not to create a link farm. Where a good scan exists, a temporary {{tl|ext scan link}} can be used ''after'' the listed to point to an external scan, but the main body of the listing should not consist of external scans. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 00:36, 19 April 2019 (UTC)

== Poetical Works of John Oldham ==
Hi, thanks for the validations. for indents i prefer gap template to colon, as the wikicode can be inconsistent is some place. see also [[Help:Templates#Indenting_and_Alignment]]. cheers - &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ‽ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|SvG's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:06, 29 April 2019 (UTC)
==''[[The Present State of Peru]]'' parts==
I notice that you have partly changed the formatting [[Page:The Present State of Peru.djvu/19|here]], and as such with the transclusion. Please standardise the page and the transclusion to that of [[Page:The Present State of Peru.djvu/20|this]] page and the transclusions following. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:42, 2 June 2019 (UTC).

== [[:Index:A Dissertation on Reading the Classics and Forming a Just Style.djvu]] ==

The version at IA has apparently been patched. Perhaps you'd like to try re-uploading from a KNOWN clean version? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:49, 22 June 2019 (UTC)

Thanks, I'll take a look, although I'm about 70% of the way through downloading a version (first edition I think) from Hathi Trust page by page.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]])

== Title length ==

A little note that mediawiki titles are limited to 255 characters, which can cause a little issue for some of our journal articles. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:30, 29 June 2019 (UTC)

Thanks. The article in Volume 3 of the Philosphical Transactions has been transcribed. The Table of Contents is built using anchor points. How do I get this citation on the 'Timothy Clarke' author page to link in this case? [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 04:53, 29 June 2019 (UTC)

== Age of Innocence ==

It isn't necessary to list the contents on the Index page. The Index namespace is a working namespace, and not the product presented to readers. However, it ''is'' necessary to include the {{tl|transcluded}} template to indicate when a work has been fully transcluded. Removing it requires someone to perform a task again that has already been completed once. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:48, 30 June 2019 (UTC)

== Long s ==

Hi,
I read your comment on [[Index_talk:The_Discovery_of_a_World_in_the_Moone,_1638.djvu this talk page]]. As a proofreader, we aim to reproduce the page as it is printed. Where long s's are concerned, when complete, we can produce a second annotated copy with the long s's replaced by modern s's, converted by bot. This is how this book has been started and should continue. Also please sign your comments with quadruple tildes. Cheers, [[User:Zoeannl|Zoeannl]] ([[User talk:Zoeannl|talk]]) 10:39, 3 July 2019 (UTC)

: As it was me that had been adding {{tl|long s}} in proofreading on this work, I went back and converted all the ones I'd added back to conventional s. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:32, 3 July 2019 (UTC)

::It seems to me that there's a balance to be struck between reproduction and transcription. While I strive to replicate layout and type size, I err towards transcription since I can't see the point of doing this if we create things that are difficult to read - and making stuff available to read is surely one of the major points of Wikisource. At the end of the day, regardless of what it looks like, the long 's' is just that, an 's'. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 18:53, 3 July 2019 (UTC)

== Link to ''Imperial Dictionary of Universal Biography'' ==

Hello. After receiving notice of a new link to ''Imperial Dictionary of Universal Biography'', I found that it doesn't function perfectly yet. I published the 'Plotinius' article and most else under '[[Author:James Frederick Ferrier|James Frederick Ferrier]]' where you can find this &amp; basically all his authorship with working links. So why am I approaching you?
* I have been preparing MUCH more of the text of ''IDUB'' with hope of publishing eventually. 
* Even when I published all the 'Ferrier' stuff I still did not acquire a working understanding of how to remedy links such as yours to function properly.
* I hope that, if you have an interest in such remedy, I can find an ally, a resource in my quest to prepare the way better so that links like yours will work properly.
* It seems to me that there needs to be created a way to distinguish and direct ''IDUB'' links explicitly to either Volume 1, 2, or 3 so that they arrive properly. 
* It may be that you have interest in some of the other 24000+ ''IDUB'' titles and that you would find my queries not too burdensome, etc. Perhaps someday I could even be an aid to you.
* Otherwise, please pardon my intrusion. [[User:Klarm768|Klarm768]] ([[User talk:Klarm768|talk]]) 10:32, 18 July 2019 (UTC)
** Hi there. I'm sorry but I can't help solve your problem directly. I have no coding experience and do not even know how to access the code behind 'templates'. I only used your IDUB link template as a result of guessing that it might be there, something that's occasionally worked before with other compendia. My suggestion, if you haven't already considered doing so, would be to copy the structure used for other multi-volume encylopedias (e.g.[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition]]), 23 vols. This should enable you to set up the hierarchy of pages and produce equivalent templates, since the 'EB9 article link' (and the EB1911 equivalent) achieve what you are trying to (i.e. link automatically to the correct volume). Good luck in your efforts. Regards, Chris [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 01:50, 19 July 2019 (UTC)
*** I received notification of a link made from [[Author:Algernon Charles Swinburne]] regarding Contributions to Imperial Dictionary of Universal Biography. '''THANK YOU''' for solving a mystery. The text signature &quot;A. C. S.&quot; occurs only in this single instance in Volume 1. The signature, &quot;A. C. S.&quot;  does not appear in any list of contributors. I had not been able to assign an Author-identity with confidence. My best guess had been Algernon Charles Swinburne. Can you confirm from what source you learned of Swinburne's contribution to IDUB? [[User:Klarm768|Klarm768]] ([[User talk:Klarm768|talk]]) 09:13, 6 January 2021 (UTC)
****Hi there. I've been doing some transcriptions of Swinburne's work and modifying his 'author page'. While doing so I found a reference to the IDUB article on page 5 of  ''The Bibliography of Swinburne: A bibliographical list arranged in chronological order of the published writings in verse and prose of Algernon Charles Swinburne (1857-1887)'' (1887), by George Redway. It is also mentioned several times in Volume 2 of the much more comprehensive two-volume bibliography by Thomas J. Wise (1920). The date given for the work is 1857 (the version of IDUB being transcribed is 1876). Both bibliographies are on 'Internet Archive'. Swinburne also wrote an article on Congreve for the 9th edition of Encyclopedia Britannica; both bibliographies are at pains to point out that the two articles are completely different. Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 11:00, 6 January 2021 (UTC)

== [[Blenheim, a Poem]] ==

Please remember to include the {{tl|Authority control}} and a license template on all works hosted at Wikisource. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:50, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
==[[Poems upon Several Occasions]]==
If you are going to edit the work, please do so in accordance with the existing style of the work. I am to now go over your work and correct it to the existing style. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:46, 31 August 2019 (UTC).

I happen to think that the existing style of the work could be improved - in particular, the insistence on using archaic forms of 's' does nobody any favours in terms of trying to read the text. I also think you'll find that the poems render better. Your blanket undoing of my edits has also removed all of the transcription error corrections that I made, so thanks for that.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 01:23, 1 September 2019 (UTC)

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== div and span (part 2) ==

Hi. If you want to use {{tl|fine}} with &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;poem&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt;, you need to use {{tl|fine block}}, see [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3AAn_Essay_of_Dramatic_Poesy.djvu%2F98&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=9595574&amp;oldid=9593459 this], or you will get Lint Errors.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:56, 11 September 2019 (UTC)

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== Portal namespace for non-authors ==

Hi. If there is no extant evidence that a person wrote works, then it is preferable that people are created over in the Portal: namespace, and tagged with [[:category:people in portal namespace]].  It is pretty easy to move them to Author: namespace at a later time, and update the template to be used if they are found to have published works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:59, 24 September 2019 (UTC)

== Moving author pages, not converting to redirects ==

Hi. Please do not convert long-existing pages into redirects.  If you think that a rename is appropriate then the old(er) pge should be moved, and this updates Wikidata, and maintains the history of the pages. Converting a page into a redirect that points to a new version of a page is not the right way to handle things.  If you get caught back to front in creating a page, then please ping admins at [[WS:AN]] and ask for move of the page over the newly created page. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:07, 25 September 2019 (UTC)

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== block and span size templates ==

Hi. If you are using {{tl|larger}} and similar &amp;lt;span&gt; templates, they need to be kept to inline editing (up to a paragraph). If you are covering text that is more than a paragraph, then we need to use a block template {{tl|larger block}}, or multiple uses of the span templates. If that is what you are doing, then not to worry, just missed some that I stumbled over. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 11:54, 20 October 2019 (UTC)

== Author variations are prime for redirects ==

Hi. Pleese do feel free to create redirects for known variations of authors. One of the problems we had in early years was the creation of multiple author pages, so why we moved to liberally creating redirects for married names, etc. If end up having to disambiguate a shorter version, or an abbreviated version, then it isn't a problem to do that later. Also why we ended up with fully expanded author names, it is a lot less disruptive when we disambiguate. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 10:44, 26 October 2019 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Poetical Works of Thomas Parnell (1833).djvu]] ==

Hi. Noticed that raw pages 119 to 126 of the Index belong in an un-ToC'd set of two appendices and have been untranscluded.  Are you able to make those pages fit into the work somewhere?  Thanks if you can.  If you cannot, then please let me know and I will see what I can work out. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:41, 29 November 2019 (UTC)

: Hi. I have done this. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:56, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

== Removing line-breaks in EB1911 ==

Hi Chrisguise, thanks for edits in EB1911 ''e.g.'' [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 13.djvu/58]] but removing line-breaks make proofing harder. I've been converting from Gutenberg which maintains the line-breaks and having them removed makes comparison more difficult. Are you able to keep the line-breaks in future edits? Thanks [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 19:15, 7 December 2019 (UTC)

: Hello, as part of proofing any page, the first thing I do is run the 'clean up OCR' tool, which takes the line breaks out automatically. Could you explain a bit more about what you are doing? Are you comparing with Gutenberg to move the page on from proof-read to validated or are you checking my proof-reading? In my experience the transcriptions on Gutenberg are not without errors - as surely are my own efforts - even though I understand that they use multiple keying. Regards. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:41, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

:: Hi again, I forgot to check back earlier on this discussion. By leaving the line-breaks in-place it make it easier to compare to text from Gutenberg. I usually paste in converted text from Gutenberg and then use the &quot;Show changes&quot; button to do a comparison. That way, occasional errors from Gutenberg can be found and corrected (e.g. Gutenberg sometimes has typos and italics missing). Removing line-breaks makes makes manual proofing more difficult (as the lines don't match up) and it's very difficult to see what changes have been made when using &quot;Compare selected revisions&quot; in Revision history. Also, running your 'clean up OCR' tool has replaced agreed EB1911 standards for curly quotes and apostrophes (“” ’) with straight double and single quotes (&quot; '). An example is your recent edits to [Page:EB1911 - Volume 07.djvu/791]. You also removed spacing in the Page Header which centers the text. Regards, [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 21:59, 6 October 2020 (UTC)

:::Hello, Following on from your initial communication on this topic, I have tried to confine myself to either only editing pages already at 'proof-read' status, wherein I assumed it would be OK to remove all the page breaks before changing the status to 'validated', or if I edit 'not proof read' pages I actually read them, rather than compare them to something else that might not be correct. Having done so, I figured removing the page breaks wouldn't matter. 

:::I also change the sometimes various forms used in the page header (or add them if missing) with the EB1911 page header template. If things don't line up then presumably the template needs to be amended.

:::Regarding the curly quotes, I'd been following the generic guidance in the Help, which says to use straight quotes. I don't know if you've come across it but there is a useful tool to change all straight quotes to curly ones. Details are associated with the 'Once a Week' transcription project (which also insists on using the curly quotes). It seems to work pretty well. The style guide is at Wikisource:Wikiproject Once a Week and the person who maintains it sent me the details (see User_talk:Chrisguise#curly_quotes_in_%22once_a_week%22_&amp;_other_matters.). Regard, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 23:01, 6 October 2020 (UTC)

::::Curly quotes are the EB1911 standard, see [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Style Manual#Quoted_text|EB1911 Style Manual]]. Curly apostrophes ’ should also be used in EB1911 to distinguish them from the reversed comma ʽ (sometimes called rough breathing diacritic) in Arabic words in EB1911. Myself and other EB1911 editors prefer leaving the line-breaks in-place (that’s how they were originally scanned) because it makes manually proofing faster and it’s easier to see what changes have been made in an edit (as stated before). Regards, [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 23:49, 6 October 2020 (UTC)

:I found a problem with the 'clean up OCR' tool you've been using, it converts curly quotes if they are literal “ ”  to straight &quot; &quot; but not if html code e.g. (&amp; ldquo;)&lt;!-- hairspace added after &quot;&amp;&quot; so html code displays--&gt; is been used. This produces inconsistent results where the page has some curly and some straight quotes. e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:EB1911_-_Volume_16.djvu/325&amp;oldid=10393386]. Please do not use the 'clean up OCR' tool on EB1911 pages. If you are going to mark an EB1911 page as Validated, please read the EB1911 Style manual first (particularly &quot;Quoted text&quot; &amp; &quot;Ranges&quot; sections). As well as converting the quotes back to curly ones, I used ndash (–) for year ranges (and removed a spurious quote mark after 'on the'). [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 17:25, 7 October 2020 (UTC)

::Also, please do not add excessive internal links in articles like you have done here [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 01.djvu/493]]. Please read the [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Style Manual#Internal Wikisource links|EB1911 Style Manual § Internal Wikisource links]] (and see the Style Manual Discussion) and remove the excess links from the above page (and any others you have done) thanks. [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 22:18, 7 October 2020 (UTC)

== [[Author:William of Newburgh]] ==

Hi. Authors with no surname simply have the whole description in the first name field, we don't push the descriptive component into the lastname field.  Also to note that where we have sort issues due to surname components like &quot;de&quot;, we have a &quot;defaultsort&quot; parameter within [[tl|author}} that we can utilise to set the sorting. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:04, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

== [[The Love of Books: the Philobiblon of Richard de Bury]] ==

I have moved the subpages of this work under the title of the root page, and I have add the table of contents. It is just confusing to readers to start in one title and end up somewhere else with no clarity of reason. Also to generate digital versions of the first and subpages, we need to have the ToC so that the tool knows that the pages below it, and their links. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:35, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

: Hi, can you explain that a bit more - I'm not clear on exactly what I did incorrectly, and wish to avoid doing it again. Regards [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:44, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

== Aeschylus ==

The primary place to list editions of the Greek plays is the versions page for each play. I've retained a list of transations (for now) on the Author page, but '''only''' for the translations that we actually have. But eventually, that too may go, since there seems to be a trend now towards not listing the editions on the Authors pages at all.

Note, Medwin's ''Prometheus Bound'' was already listed, and I just added the ''Agamemnon''. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 05:37, 20 December 2019 (UTC)

== Index pages ==

Best practice for Index pages: When the value is not a code such as &quot;roman&quot;, or a numeric value for a page number, but instead is non-numeric text to be displayed in place of the usual number, then the value ought to be enclosed in quotes. Some character values will still work if the quotes are omitted, but best practice is to use the quotes for any text, including &quot;Adv&quot;, &quot;-&quot;, or such.

The size of dash for blank pages, images, and the like is purely an aesthetic choice on the part of the initial proofreader. Some editors prefer &quot;-&quot; for blank pages as it minimizes the space taken up in display on the Index.  Other editors will use the emdash to keep display size of all pages to roughly the same width, which can help with getting page numbers to line up in neat columns. But there's no reason to replace emdashes with hyphens if the initial editor made the choice to use emdashes. The value is there only on the index page is that page is not transcluded, and serves no real function except in the margin as a page number for transcluded pages (and which can then be linked to with a hashtag). There can be a reason to go the other way: to expand hyphens into emdashes, if there is content on that page, because a hyphen is small and harder to click on; but otherwise, it's purely up to the initial proofreader. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:34, 30 December 2019 (UTC)

==Memoirs==
If you upload Volume II or III, let me know and I’ll stop by to proofread a bit. [[User:Lemuritus|Lemuritus]] ([[User talk:Lemuritus|talk]]) 02:35, 2 January 2020 (UTC)
:I am currently working (intermittently) on Volume 2, which is most easily accessed from the index page of Volume 1.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:00, 2 January 2020 (UTC)

== Footnotes - The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5 ==

{{tlx|helpme}} I have transcribed some pages of the above, mostly the prefaces to the longer poems. The prefaces are peppered with lengthy footnotes, which are generally manageable as I am familiar with the standard footnote method, for which I use &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;ref&gt; &lt;/ref&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; and &lt;nowiki&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;, the footnote continued on one of more of the following pages &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;ref name=xx&gt;, &lt;ref follow=xx&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt;, and a footnote within a footnote where the nested footnote is on the same page, for which I use &lt;nowiki&gt;{{#tag:ref|TOP LEVEL REFERENCE&lt;ref group=&quot;I&quot;&gt;NESTED REFERENCE.&lt;/ref&gt; TOP LEVEL REFERENCE|group=&quot;O&quot;}}{{smallrefs|group=&quot;O&quot;}}{{smallrefs|group=&quot;I&quot;}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;. I may even have done examples (in another book) where the nested footnote is all on one page but the main footnote carries on over more than one. However, I am stuck at present because in the preface to ''Werner'' on pages [[Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5.djvu/374|338]] and [[Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5.djvu/375|339]] there is a footnote containing a footnote where both the footnote and the nested footnote continue onto the following page. How do I deal with this and still maintain footnote integrity during transclusion? Regards,[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:41, 2 January 2020 (UTC)
:I think you'll probably have better luck asking complicated questions like this at [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]]. This kind of stuff gives most people a headache trying to unravel, and there are a limited number of contributors patrolling the {{tlx|helpme}} requests.{{parabr}}However, that being said, I've had a stab at this and you can see the results [[Special:PermanentLink/9821890|in my sandbox]]. Did that do roughly what you were trying to accomplish?{{parabr}}I'm not familiar with this work or its notes conventions, so I don't know the significance of the two footnote groups, but you may also wish to consider simplifying when faced with overly complicated schemes: we're already changing things significantly when we move from footnotes in a paged medium to endnotes in a non-paged medium, as well as changing the sigils used as footnote markers, so complicated footnote schemes that are primarily ''formatting'' rather than significant ''meaning'' may be better to not try to replicate. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:25, 2 January 2020 (UTC)
::Thanks, I'll give it a go. I've also posted the query on [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]] in case there's an alternative.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:06, 2 January 2020 (UTC)

== Thank you for [[Index:Rootabaga_Pigeons_by_Carl_Sandburg.pdf|Rootabaga Pigeons]] ==

Thank you for [[Index:Rootabaga_Pigeons_by_Carl_Sandburg.pdf|Rootabaga Pigeons]]. I've done (validated) just about everything, but one last page stumps me. The original doesn't have a closing double quote in one place, and your text had added one, but in a very strange place. I [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Rootabaga_Pigeons_by_Carl_Sandburg.pdf/160&amp;action=history moved it] to a more logical placement, but again, there just isn't a closing double quote in the source. So what to do? [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 23:41, 25 January 2020 (UTC)

:Thanks for the appreciation. The text was straightforward but it takes a bit of time to sort the illustrations.&lt;br/&gt;I agree with your comment that the added quote was in the wrong place. I suggest there are two options: either transcribe what is actually printed or mark it as an error (which I think it is) using the SIC template (which I've done). Feel free to disagree when you validate. Regards [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 07:44, 26 January 2020 (UTC)

== Letter spacing for emphasis ==

Hi!

In reference to [[Special:Diff/9904025|this edit]], the {{tl|sp}} template was used to duplicate the letter spacing in the original used for emphasis. As an alternative to italics, spacing was sometimes increased for emphasis (perhaps because it didn't require using italic type &lt;s&gt;matrices&lt;/s&gt; sorts, you just spaced out the normal ones). See [[w:Emphasis_(typography)#Letter-spacing]]. In my opinion, this is as much a part of the work as italics would have been. Cheers, [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:18, 31 January 2020 (UTC)

:Hello, I accept your point in general but I would make two specific ones in return. The document was originally transcluded as one complete piece. Scrolling through it in that form highlighted variations in the way pages had been transcribed (e.g. poetry quotations, footnotes, etc.), so I went through page by page to try and straighten things out. One area of inconsistency related to the type of spacing you refer to, so I needed to decide one way or another whether to format them all, and I decided against. The main reason for doing this was that in most instances, if not all, it didn't seem to me to be for the purposes of emphasis, more as if text had been removed and the rest of the line spread out to make it the appropriate width. Regards, Chris[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:30, 2 February 2020 (UTC)
:: As the person who put in more effort than I did, I defer to your choice. I would still disagree that the spacing was inserted like that for any reason of than emphasis. To me, it seems it appears only where emphasis would fit, not randomly throughout the text. I just though I'd mention it in case you hadn't realised letter-spacing was a typographical method used for {{sp|emphasis}}, as well as purely stylistic (e.g. as used on title pages). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   10:04, 5 February 2020 (UTC)

== New texts ==

Texts should not be listed as &quot;new texts&quot; until they are complete. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:23, 1 February 2020 (UTC)
:Apologies, I got a bit ahead of myself. Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:14, 2 February 2020 (UTC)Chris

::Plus per the instructions on that page, please use a document summary of what is happening with the edit. That summary is pushed out in a few places as information. That page is our open gateway to the main page so documentation through the edit summary is considered important. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 06:22, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

== Help with images? ==

Hi, I noticed [[Special:Diff/9905773|this]]. Would you like me to get the hi-res images that are missing and place them on the pages? I know they're just &quot;filler images,&quot; but it seems they're standing in the way of getting this work listed under new texts...happy to help if you're not already on it, just let me know. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:28, 1 February 2020 (UTC)
:Pete, Thanks for the offer. I got a bit ahead of myself putting 'Paradise Regain'd' on the new works list but have now done the images (mostly fleurons). However, I've never mastered the technique for making images properly black-and-white. If you can, then I'd appreciate it if you could replace the images. I used the fleuron from the 'Persons' page at the beginning of 'Samson Agonistes' (which is in the same volume) on account of it being the sharpest and least curved version in the book. I left the covers as raw images. Regards, Chris[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:12, 2 February 2020 (UTC)
:: Hmm, I'm a little puzzled. The original scans are not great, I made a greyscale version but I'm not happy with it. How did you get the somewhat higher-resolution versions you uploaded? Was it from the book view on Internet Archive, perhaps? I'm used to using their JP2 files, which are usually the higest-resolution versions they offer; but in this case, it's a slightly smaller resolution than the one you uploaded. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 20:00, 2 February 2020 (UTC)
:::Apologies, Pete, I never got back to you. The only places I get images for books are either the file on Wikisource (via right click and 'save image as'), Internet Archive (ditto) or Hathi Trust (using either a PDF download of the page or the right click and 'save image as' option. I hadn't realised that higher res images are among the file options on IA.
:::To manipulate the files I use three different bits of software: 'Image analyser' to do rotation and cropping, plus image manipulation depending on circumstances; 'Irfanview', because it has some useful tools such as a 'find and replace' option - good for getting rid of background colours; and 'Paint3D' for pixel level editing. I eventually managed to get the recommended 'ImageMagic' software to work but Image Analyser has the same functionality with a passable user interface. Command line - who'd have thought it - I don't do enough image manipulation to warrant batch processing, where it might be useful but ...... really?
:::Having said all that I still can't get to proper black and white in most cases. Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 20:03, 24 May 2020 (UTC)

== curly quotes in &quot;once a week&quot; &amp;  other matters ==

Hi --

Currently the entirety of ''Once a Week'' (4 volumes completed, so far) uses curly (smart) quotes, so please stick with that! 

Chapter headings use text size &quot;fine&quot;.

Further remark: I prefer to use &amp;lt;br /&gt; rather than &amp;lt;poem&gt; when embedding poems in paragraphs because &amp;lt;poem&gt; changes paragraph margins. Not such a big deal, though. 

Thanks for working on it, though! I’m particularly glad you’re doing ''Lord Oakburn’s Daughters'' because someone just published an academic study of it last year &amp; I was thinking, maybe people who read that will want a digital version of the text, which there isn’t elsewhere. (Pretty nauseating stuff though isn’t it, especially the part with &quot;Pompey&quot;)

In case you didn’t notice it, the style guide is at [[Wikisource:Wikiproject Once a Week]] (I’ve tried to make it clear, but would appreciate you telling me parts that need further explanation) [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 18:14, 9 February 2020 (UTC)
:P.S. In order to make the two parts of the poem line up with each other when inserting an image in the middle, as with [[Page:Once a Week Jun to Dec 1864.pdf/84|The Bride of an Hour]], it’s necessary to specify a width (the same one for each) for the &quot;block center&quot;. For some reason the use of the colon (:) for indents overrides the width. For that reason I’ve gone back to using &quot;gap&quot; though it has its drawbacks … [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 18:51, 9 February 2020 (UTC)
:: P.P.S. Currently, the way to put a typographic (but not actual) 0.15em space between two adjoining quotes is like so: &lt;nowiki&gt;{{sp|“}}‘&lt;/nowiki&gt; (or, of course, &lt;nowiki&gt;{{sp|“}}’&lt;/nowiki&gt; or &lt;nowiki&gt;{{sp|’}}”&lt;/nowiki&gt;). There is a useful script for converting quotes to curly at [[User:Samwilson/CurlyQuotes.js]] [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 19:27, 9 February 2020 (UTC)
:::: ''Discussion about quote templates moved to [[User talk:Xover]]'' [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 06:14, 10 February 2020 (UTC) 
:::Hello, sorry for causing disruption - I should have read the style guide. I came to this transcription through doing an update to an author page and testing some of the links - I tend to flit from one thing to another! My first point of call when starting a new page, especially if the OCR isn't great, is to run the 'Clean up OCR' tool; one of the things this does is to convert double and single quotes to straight ones.&lt;br/&gt;I'll take a look at your guide.&lt;br/&gt;I've spent a bit of time since your messages trying to work out how to install the CurlyQuotes.js tool. I've copied the whole of the code into my  'global.js' page but nothing has happened. Clearly I'm doing something wrong - can you help me, please?[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 21:37, 9 February 2020 (UTC)

:::: Try &lt;tt&gt;mw.loader.load('//en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=User:Samwilson/CurlyQuotes.js&amp;action=raw&amp;ctype=text/javascript');&lt;/tt&gt; &lt;br&gt;and then refresh your browser --[[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 21:48, 9 February 2020 (UTC)

::::: Thanks for the reply. I have added the suggested code but nothing appears to have happened, despite refreshing and restarting my browser. I was expecting something to appear on the LHS of the screen (under the Wikisource logo) in the same way as the 'Typopgraphy' and 'Page' toolsets that I added to my 'global.js' page do. Does the 'CurlyQuotes' tool reside somewhere else (e.g. in one of the other menus) - I checked a few places but without success.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 05:47, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

:::::: It is in the set of tools above the editing box, the quotes right next to &quot;bold&quot; and &quot;italic&quot;! (Took me a while to find it too when I installed it!) [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 06:10, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

::::::: Got it. Thanks, I shall give it a whirl.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:25, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

::::::::I have been using the 'CurlyQuotes' tool, and while it isn't infallible, it's a big help, since I can continue to use the 'Clean up OCR' tool and then re-apply the 'curly quotes'. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 14:22, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

(''unindented'') I also looked over the guidance you produced, which I have been trying to follow. It's the most thorough and comprehensive that I've come across. My only observation is that there seem to be a number of instances where line spacing is introduced that is wider than that in the text. Regards, Chris [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 14:22, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

: By &quot;line spacing wider than in the text,&quot; do you mean differing from the way it is printed in the old magazine? That magazine was {{sc|cramped}}, filling its pages almost edge-to-edge with small type, and with only a rule as separation between items. Paper was a major part of periodical expenses in those days—wood-pulp paper wasn’t yet in use. There is absolutely no requirement that the digital version of the texts has to be bound by the same restraints. To paraphrase something Billinghurst said, Wikisource is digitizing the words of the authors, not the typesetters’ peculiarities.

: Most of the stylistic choices in the style guide were made by me, with some input from Encylopetey; I was revising a basis that was created some years ago by I’m not sure who, Mudbringer for one. I tried to imitate the magazine as much as possible while complying with standard Wikisource formatting and loosening up the tight spacing, and a few other changes to make things look better on the web: for instance, I inset margins for block-quotes whereas the original didn’t, only distinguishing them by smaller type. 

: Do you have any specific suggestions for improvements? It would probably be possible to do global changes with a bot. [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 17:37, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

=== Image standards added to style guide ===

I’ve added to the style guide the way that images are being handled -- the three cases I listed cover 95% of the images in the magazine. Anything else, well, [[Page:ONCE A WEEK JUL TO DEC 1860.pdf/335|here]] is an example of an image used as a drop-initial and [[Page:ONCE A WEEK JUL TO DEC 1860.pdf/114|here]] is an irregular-shaped image. For even more complicated cases, if you can’t figure out a way, ask me because something like it may have been done already. [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 01:32, 1 March 2020 (UTC)

== Prefatory note of Fumifugium is not public domain ==

Hi. That is a very interesting publication you have added! However, it seems that the prefatory note is not public domain, as it was written in 1976. I suggest to replace it with [https://archive.org/details/fumifugiumorinc00evelgoog/page/n4/mode/2up the original 1772 publication]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:53, 27 February 2020 (UTC)

:Hello, Thank you for drawing this to my attention. However, as I have no wish to do this text again (too many italicisations, unusual spellings and unusual punctuation, some or all of which will have changed in a different edition), I took the liberty of reading up on the University of Exeter's copyright position, as they are the declared copyright holder. I believe that it is OK to duplicate the introduction based on the information at https://www.exeter.ac.uk/research/openresearch/oa/copyright/ I presume that there will be an appropriate copyright template that could be applied? Regards, Chris[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 14:12, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

::Ah, that is really interesting! I must say I like the university’s attitude. I have asked whether it is sufficient for us at [[Wikisource:Copyright discussions#Fumifugium: or, the Inconveniencie of the Aer and Smoake of London/Note]]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 14:54, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

As a general note, works should ALWAYS have a license tag on them before being listed as &quot;New&quot;, as a suitable license is one of the basic requirements of hosting a work here.  Several of your recent additions to the New Texts list had no license tag on them at all. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 18:34, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

== The Works of Virgil (Dryden)/Georgics (Dryden) ==

Two things: (1) You don't need to put &quot;Dryden&quot; in there twice. (2) If you set this up the way you have, people will not be able to download a copy as an EPUB. You need to make use of {{tl|AuxTOC}}. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:09, 19 March 2020 (UTC)

:Hello. I've arranged the page naming to fit in with what is already established. On the author page for Virgil are three entries, one each for the Eclogues (or Pastorals), the Georgics, and the Aeneis. Each one then links to a sub-page which lists various translations. The Aeneis has a Dryden transcription (1697 edition) but this has no index page or images (hence needs migration), the Georgics page lists the Dryden, (I added it in June 2019 - not expecting to be doing the transcription a year later!) but there wasn't anything behind it, and the Dryden was not listed on the Eclogues page until I added it recently. 
:I have structured the contents to enable the relevant sections to be linked to the E, G and A pages. Likewise, I used the existing Aeneis (Dryden) page as a template, and used the same page referencing so that I could simply replace that content with &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;pages index= ...... from=X  to=Y  /&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; references, rather than creating new pages. I have used this as the template for the Pastorals and am in the process of doing the same for the Georgics.
:I did the table of contents in the way I have because I've seen it done on other multi-volume works (and it looks nicer). However, I didn't know about the issue with converting to an ebook (how would I?). If you bear with me while I get everything set up, I'll convert it to the AuxTOC form.
:I pinched the contents listing from Early English Books online but it needs rationalising; theirs is from the first edition and some elements of that edition are not in the 3rd (e.g. the errata).[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 07:51, 20 March 2020 (UTC)

== caution creating redirects where a wikidata item exists ==

There was a wikidata item on [[Ode Upon Liberty]] [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Ode_Upon_Liberty&amp;action=history history] so converting that page to a redirect is problematic—WD items need to be direct and specific.  It is not a subject matter that we have managed well as it has so many intricacies and variances. Anyway, recovered the old edition, and moved it its own page, and created a versions page to disambiguate the works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 03:01, 24 March 2020 (UTC)

== After moving pages ... ==

Hi. After moving pages, please check the WHAT LINKS HERE for the old location, and update the links there to the new location,  especially if you are going to overwrite the redirect. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:13, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

== Reminder about subpage titles ==

Hi, just a reminder that our policy here is to use Arabic numerals in Chapter names and not Roman. So, the first chapter of ''What Katy Did Next'' should be What Katy Did Next/Chapter 1 [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 20:21, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

:Hello, I would normally do as you suggest but on this occasion I'm migrating an existing version of '[[What Katy Did Next]]', which is not attached to an Index page, and the chapters of that use roman numerals. Should I move the existing chapters (e.g.from 'I.' to 'Chapter 1') first or carry on as I am? [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 20:28, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

::Ah, I hadn't realised that. Finish off, then let me know and I'll move them for you as I can do it with suppression of redirects. Thanks, [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 20:32, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

:::OK - will do. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 20:35, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} This seems as good a place as any to ask about something that's perplexed me for a while. It seems to me on Wikisource there is a strong preference for suppressing redirects. But redirects can be incredibly useful, often in cases where we can't know what external or even offline links exist. In this case, [[What Katy Did Next/I.]] has existed for a dozen years. There's no way to know who may have linked directly to that chapter. It seems very useful to keep a redirect; and if there is a downside, I don't know what it is. Why would we want to suppress? Chris -- hope you don't mind me butting in on your talk page. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 15:00, 12 April 2020 (UTC)
::{{ping|Peteforsyth}} There are three possibilities for these scenarios: a) leave a hard redirect; b) use a soft redirect; c) supress the redirect. The decision as to which option to use depends on the likelihood of incoming links. If it's a well-known alternate title, or &quot;what links here&quot; gives links from multiple other works, then the full redirect gets left. If it's a likely target on a work that's been here a while, then we'll use a soft direct, which will be deleted in a few months' time. If it's an unlikely target, or is wrong, or is recent, then we'll supress the redirect. In this particular case, I believe ''What Katy Did Next/I.'' to be an unlikely target for an external link, but I'm quite prepared to hear argument in the opposite direction. [Thanks Chris for hosting the discussion.] [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 07:35, 14 April 2020 (UTC)

:::::Just to let you know that I've finished the migration. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:24, 17 April 2020 (UTC)

== Integrity of published work ==

I have moved [[London (Johnson)]] to be a subpage of the work in which it was published to maintain its edition content and the integrity of the published work.  In cases like this we would have created a redirect from the root level to the subpage, similar to what we do with poetry.  So if Johnson's work is here from another source, we would convert the redirect to a {{tl|versions}} page.

Also, for a published work, we only require the [[help:copyright tag|copyright tag]] at the root level of the work. It is considered to apply to the whole work. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:13, 12 April 2020 (UTC)
:(ec) Oh, you split the work. In a case like this we have typically put them as subpages of the publication from whence they came. No different to our other curate compiled works. Again redirects are our friends here. EP hs addressed one of the reasons why below, also due to our maintaining our components on editions. Noting some of the guidance at [[d:Wikidata:WikiProject Books]].  Yes, it does get complex, and sooooo many edge cases. :-/  — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:20, 12 April 2020 (UTC)
::I would suggest moving them to be subpages, and happy to give a hand as required. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:21, 12 April 2020 (UTC)
:::Are you doing the fix, or am I? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:44, 14 April 2020 (UTC)

== [[Trivia, or the Art of Walking the Streets of London to which is added Dr. Johnson's London]] ==

You do realize that anyone wishing to read this as a download will get the title pages, the contents page, and nothing else? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 15:18, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

:Why? I was rebuked by someone for using a non-standard table of contents (for Dryden's Virgil translation) and was told to use a AuxTOC. I've done that here but apparently that's wrong. What should I be doing? [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 15:43, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

:: The contents are not displayed on the primary page. Only pages linked from the first page will be included in the download.  You've placed the contents on secondary pages, and the EPUB will therefore not pull them. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 15:52, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

:: Making [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Trivia%2C_or_the_Art_of_Walking_the_Streets_of_London_to_which_is_added_Dr._Johnson%27s_London&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=10076977&amp;oldid=10072694 this change] has corrected the problem. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:31, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

== Index pages ==

The dash ( - ) is for marking pages that fall outside of the page numbering system: e.g. end papers or the backs of plates. It is not for marking &quot;this page has no content&quot;, that is what the page status of &quot;Without text&quot; is for. Pages that are part of the numbering system should be numbered. Failing to do so makes it harder for people to determine the page number of those pages. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:39, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

== Trying to understand this page hierarchy ==

Hi. Why would we transclude pages in this naming hierarchy?
{{special:prefixindex/The Reason of Church-governement Urg'd against Prelaty}}

Where is that sort of hierarchy used, and how predominantly? I would think that we would be better to align with what we have been using, and am here asking what I am missing. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 16:21, 2 May 2020 (UTC)

:The publication is an essentially an extended pamphlet (Wikipedia calls it an 'essay'), the title page of which describes itself as being in two books. It is laid out as two 'books', and visually there is a transition from Book 1 to Book 2. However, the start of book 2 has no heading (I have called it 'Introduction' since it's the first part, but it could equally have been 'preface', or anything else). There is a conclusion (called 'Conclusion'), which is a conclusion for the whole thing but which is part of Book 2. Half way through, Milton goes off-topic, and then comes back to the subject matter at hand. I don't know what he had in mind but, given the way it is written and subdivided, I chose to treat it as essentially one long article but retained the book and chapter number information in each of the sections (per your list), rather than just starting at '1' and finishing at '22' (or however many there would be). I could have done it just as ''Book 1'' and ''Book 2'', but that would have generated two very long sections, which the Help section advises against. That's why I've done it the way I have. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 21:59, 2 May 2020 (UTC)

:What would you have done? And more to the point, what do you want me to do?[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:01, 2 May 2020 (UTC)

== Sybilline Leaves (Coleridge) ==

Hi. With this work, I would not have created a numbering system for them, I think that they can and should be published under their names.  In terms of search, the name is more effective in returning results in full search, or type ahead. 

We generally only use a numbered approach where it is how the work is defined, and it makes sense to present that way, eg. chapters in novels, especially as they are not named, and there is less value in the name. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 06:46, 15 May 2020 (UTC)

== Horace ==

Thank you so much for completing a set of scan-backed translations of Horace's works. The incompleteness of his works has been a significant hole in classical literature here for far too long here. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 00:04, 23 May 2020 (UTC)
:Indeed. Let me second that! --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:29, 23 May 2020 (UTC)
::Thank you both for taking the time to acknowledge the work I've done on [[The Satires, Epistles &amp; Art of Poetry of Horace]]. I uploaded it after looking for a version of [[Ars Poetica]] and I came across some comments about [[author:John Conington|John Conington]]. It's just a pity I didn't pick a volume with a complete set of the Satires, such as the [[author:Thomas Creech|Thomas Creech]] version of 1715. 
::Although I didn't upload it, I've been doing some work on [[The Odes and Carmen Saeculare|The Odes and Carmen Sæculare of Horace]], by the same translator. Any help woud be appreciated ..... [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 21:43, 23 May 2020 (UTC)

== Byron's Works ==

Good morning! ''Formatting should be consistent'' throughout the text for [[The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 3]]. The poem tag has not been used throughout the rest of the work, but if you seek to [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3AThe_Works_of_Lord_Byron_%28ed._Coleridge%2C_Prothero%29_-_Volume_3.djvu%2F117&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=10195297&amp;oldid=9530609 substitute it for established formatting] with breaks, may I suggest making the change to every other page in the work as well? I welcome any thoughts as to how to make this project better, albeit consistent with regard to formatting. Thanks, [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 11:51, 25 May 2020 (UTC)

To add: I have admittedly not worked on these volumes for quite some time, so maybe I don't have much skin in the game, if that's even the correct way to use the phrase... But there was a standard established, and I simply wanted to bring attention to it. It may take years, but I do hope to have enough brain and staying power to do more work on that volume of works by Byron. Thanks, [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 19:21, 25 May 2020 (UTC)

:Hello, My apologies if I have irritated you with my contribution. In my defence I would say the following. Firstly, in my experience, whether you use the &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;br/&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; option, the &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;poem&gt; &lt;/poem&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; option or a mixture of the two makes no difference to how the pages appear when transcluded; it's more important that the &lt;nowiki&gt;{{center block/s}} and {{center block/e}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; are used consistently, and text sizes, footnotes, etc follow a consistent pattern. Secondly, the &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;br/&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; method makes it more difficult to spot transcription errors in the punctuation at the end of lines. I find that in most poetry the OCR does a good job with the text but frequently gets the punctuation wrong (e.g. . or ,. ; or :, and with poor scans ? and !). Finally, I suppose I just try to make best use of the tools that are available to help, and find the &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;poem&gt; &lt;/poem&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; method much quicker, in the absence of something to automatically put the line breaks it on every line.

:I previously did some work on Volume 5, but only on the introductory pieces to some of the poems. I gave up in despair over the complexities of the footnotes! I might go back now that I've more experience and have the example of using two groups of footnotes in 'The Giaour' Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:40, 26 May 2020 (UTC)

::Oh gee, I'm not irritated... But if I were to go through and validate at any time, please understand if I adapt some things along the way. I still think formatting consistency is best, even if output is not significantly affected... but that is me. Happy editing, and thanks for your response. [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 01:55, 28 May 2020 (UTC)

== [[Monody on the Death of Chatterton (1796)]] ==

Please do not start making decisions on the source of a work. We allow editions, so unless you know that our specific edition came from a specific work, then they should be left as they are, not forced into a work just because they were published there at one point. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 06:36, 22 June 2020 (UTC)
:If you have an edition in a work that you are transcribing, then do its version from index, and transclude it, add {{tl|other versions}} to the top of the page. Then create [[Monody on the Death of Chatterton]] as a {{tl|versions}} page and link both versions from that page. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 06:38, 22 June 2020 (UTC)
::I am transcribing the source 'Poems on Various Ocassions' which this version is from (as it says on the versions page), and if you'd give someone five minutes to do the job they're in the middle of then you wouldn't have to keep pinging me.
::Anyway, what's the obsession with keeping unsourced work? You reinstated an unsourced version of the 'Rime of the Ancient Mariner' despite my having replaced it with an indexed version (Sibylline Leaves (1817), the same version.
::I though the major point about this site, apart from making stuff available, is that it was a side by side transcription?[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:47, 22 June 2020 (UTC)

== Long s ==

Hi, may I ask what [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Philosophical_Transactions_-_Volume_050,_part_1.djvu/50&amp;curid=2884342&amp;diff=10303715&amp;oldid=10153986 is the problem] with {{template|ls}}? This template enables long s to be displayed as &quot;ſ&quot; in the page ns and as &quot;s&quot; in the main ns. Current practice is to display it just as &quot;s&quot; in the main ns, but if the practice got changed in future, the template would enable to display the character in its original form. What is more, people can adjust their common.js to have the long s displayed in the main namespace too. However, removing the template makes it impossible. Can it be returned? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:42, 1 July 2020 (UTC)

:Hi there. My view is that the use of the long 's' is just an annoyance. They make reading the text far harder on the screen (surely the point of making stuff available in the first place is that people read it); secondly, they make proofreading more difficult and mean that spell checking add-on I use in my browser becomes more of a hindrance than a help; finally the point is to do a transcription not create a reproduction. It's an 's'.
 
:Whilst it might be possible to change settings as you describe, how many casual readers would have the first idea what their 'common.js' is? I'd describe myself as a committed transcriber and it took me a good while to stumble across it.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:13, 1 July 2020 (UTC)
::To note that the practice is to ensure that the main namespace produces a normal &quot;s&quot;. We allow the transcriber to determine whether they wish to use &quot;s&quot; or &quot;{{tl|long s}}. There are a few examples of where we have retained the long s as it was a decision made as part of the publication to create the work specifically with long s, so in that case we retained them, similarly if we are reproducing orthography in a work. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:40, 11 September 2020 (UTC)

== [[Tom Brown's School Days (1868, 6th ed)]] ==

ALL works hosted on Wikisource should display appropriate licensing information. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:48, 5 July 2020 (UTC)

== Your input is requested at WS:PD ==

Hi Chrisguise,

Your input is requested at [[Wikisource:Proposed_deletions#Template:Chart|WS:PD#Template:Chart]]. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:06, 21 July 2020 (UTC)

== Category for removal ==

Hi Chrisguise, I stumbled across this category: &quot;Category:EB1911:People:Cities:Europe:Portugal&quot; that you created (a copy and paste error I assume — I've made a few of those!), how do we delete a category? regards, [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 21:03, 6 August 2020 (UTC)
:{{done}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:37, 11 September 2020 (UTC)

== Unsourced works are not part of works ==

Please do not move unsourced works to be a part of other works. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:35, 11 September 2020 (UTC)

:I'm getting fed up of this pointless conversation. All I'm trying to do is to reduce the mountainous pile of unattributed *#&quot;% by linking it to actual texts in line with the stated aims of the site. You've no idea of what the source is for the version I moved, so editing it to match an actual source makes b###er all difference to anything.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 15:01, 11 September 2020 (UTC)
==[[Peleus and Thetis]]==
In the future, please be careful when moving pages. You have caused several broken Wiki-links, which will need to be fixed. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:19, 25 September 2020 (UTC).

== Eugene Aram ==

This has been on my to-do list to deal with for several years, but I've never quite gotten there. Thanks for working on it. I'll try and find time to do some validation. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:17, 30 September 2020 (UTC)

:OK, thanks. Nearly finished volume 2. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:20, 30 September 2020 (UTC)

== License templates ==

I added a license template to [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=The_Doctrine_and_Discipline_of_Divorce&amp;diff=10499460&amp;oldid=10350152&amp;diffmode=source The Doctrine of Discipline and Divorce], which you recently listed on New Texts.

Per the [[WS:Copyright policy|Copyright policy]], works should have a license template, and &quot;it is the responsibility of the contributor to assert compatibility with Wikisource's license&quot;. This is the now the fourth time you've been asked to use them, would you please start doing it? [[User:BethNaught|BethNaught]] ([[User talk:BethNaught|talk]]) 23:07, 9 October 2020 (UTC)

== Dramatick Poets ==

Hi. I have created [[template:Dramatick Poets link]] that should make it a little easier to create author page links.  It also allows us to more easily identify the works that are or are not linked. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 23:33, 20 December 2020 (UTC)

::OK, thanks for letting me know. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 23:49, 20 December 2020 (UTC)

== Prometheus Unbound ==

Hello. Can the template &quot;Incomplete&quot; be removed from ''[[Prometheus Unbound; a lyrical drama in four acts with other poems]]'' now? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 15:30, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

:Done it. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 15:35, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

== Links to missing images ==

Hi Chris,

Regarding [[Special:Diff/10431214|this edit]]. Is the page's current state (linking an image that doesn't exist) deliberate, or just a glitch while editing? And if it's deliberate, what's the reasoning behind it? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 21:19, 23 February 2021 (UTC)
:Hello, I've fixed the missing file (and the Title link in the footnote). The file link was based on the naming convention I adopted when I uploaded all the other images for vol 1 of this work, but for some reason I failed to upload this one. I was going to fix it when I did the images for volume 3 {{...|4}} [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 04:29, 24 February 2021 (UTC)
::Ah, thanks. I was guessing it was roughly that that was the case, but didn't want to go wading in there in case there was some specific reason you wanted it that way. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:27, 24 February 2021 (UTC)

== djvu links? ==

You have much more experience here than me, so in the spirit of curiousity and with the need of more information I ask this:

What is the problem with {{tl|djvu page link}}?

I realize that it is only useful at the proofing and even then, only when the toc is on the index page, but it is useful there and then.

I read or had it explained to me that it was too complicated.  Since then, I try to figure out a way for it to work in the Main.  Shifting the numbers and then the process gets broken at the chapter part.... It is an unfixable problem in the world that doesn't depress me to think about! In this way, it is beautiful and rare and I have grown very fond of it.

So, it is no wonder that I cannot determine a reason not to use it, and ask respectfully what is your reasoning to remove it?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:19, 5 March 2021 (UTC)
:Hi there. There's nothing intrinsically wrong with {{tl|djvu page link}} but it seems to me that it doesn't achieve anything when used in a table of contents (ToC). From a ToC the link needs to take you to the chapter content, not just to an individual page. Also, the links work on the page containing the ToC and on the Index page (if the ToC is shown there), but when the page containing the ToC is transcluded, the links are suppressed. The one place where I think {{tl|djvu page link}} is useful is when a book contains a list of illustrations, where a link to an individual page is appropriate.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 00:56, 6 March 2021 (UTC)

== Gentlemen Prefer Blondes ==

I noticed your edit [[Special:Diff/10990680/10991003]]. Why would you remove 24,000 bytes all at once ''and'' change the header? It appears to be correct and removing that information requires a rationale, or editors may assume the edit was disruptive. -- [[User:AnotherEditor144|AnotherEditor''144'']] &lt;sup&gt; [[User talk:AnotherEditor144|t]] - [[Special:Contributions/AnotherEditor144|c]] &lt;/sup&gt; 17:38, 5 March 2021 (UTC)

:I edited it because what was in there was copy and pasted text, not transcluded page transcriptions. I'm simply applying the appropriate guidance per https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Help:Beginner%27s_guide_to_transclusion. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 18:19, 5 March 2021 (UTC)

:: Thanks for that. I suppose it would transcluyde after a few hours anyway. [[User:AnotherEditor144|AnotherEditor''144'']] &lt;sup&gt; [[User talk:AnotherEditor144|t]] - [[Special:Contributions/AnotherEditor144|c]] &lt;/sup&gt; 21:47, 6 March 2021 (UTC)

== Red links for copyrighted works ==

Please do not add active red links for works that are under copyright. Red links are an implicit invitation to add the work, which cannot be legally done for works still under copyright. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:12, 17 March 2021 (UTC)
:I take your point but I'm not sure where I've done such a thing, and so don't know what needs fixing.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:21, 17 March 2021 (UTC)
:: I've fixed it.  You added red links on ''Venus and Adonis'' (Shakespeare) as well as ''Rape of Lucrece'' (Shakespeare) for the Yale Shakespeare volume that is still under copyright. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:32, 17 March 2021 (UTC)

== [[template:page break]] ==

Hi. Modern usage of this template would typically be {{tlx|page break||label=}} which suppresses the word &quot;page&quot; and allows for the marginal page number. This is an old template that pre-exists the Index: namespace and transcluded works, and was designed for when we need to force page numbering harder/differently, and later adapted for the transcluded form. It would be great when you are transcluding pages that you could utilise this simpler form. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:13, 18 March 2021 (UTC)

== Please stop removing line-breaks, {smallrefs} sizing and header spaces ==

Can you please not remove line-breaks in EB1911, like you did here [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 10.djvu/17]], removing them makes proofing and validating more difficult; it also makes it very difficult to see what changes were made.

Please do not removing spacing from the header template, it is there for a reason to center the article names,  also on [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 15.djvu/529]].

Please do not remove sizing from {smallrefs} template, in EB1911 we standardize on 90% ''i.e.'' {smallrefs|90%} like on [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 15.djvu/529]]. When editing a transcluded EB1911 article and adding {smallrefs|90%}, use {clear} beforehand if there are author initials on the last text line (this prevents the initials dropping down  into the refs.); also add {rule} after {clear} if the last paragraph is fine print, thanks. 

Please take more care when editing, on [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 22.djvu/768]] you broke the section tag from working properly which resulting in blank text for [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Quilon]] - I have since fixed this. A check of the Preview would have showed the problem. I really have enough proofing to do without having to fix these issues. regards, [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 04:08, 29 March 2021 (UTC)

I just fixed another of your careless edits [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:EB1911_-_Volume_28.djvu/265&amp;oldid=9637141] which you marked as &quot;Proofread&quot; but has a blatant error where the text &quot;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{EB1911 Fine Print|&lt;/nowiki&gt;&quot; is visible on the page because you did not terminate the template properly. If you are going to make edits in Wikisource, please take more care, some may see your many bad edits as vandalism. [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 00:09, 30 March 2021 (UTC)

== King John ==

If you're planning to replace the existing text with the ''First Folio'' text, then there's little point in moving the unsourced copy prior to replacement.  I did check, and the unsourced copy of this play does ''not'' match the text of the ''First Folio''.  It is a later editorialized edition. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 03:18, 1 April 2021 (UTC)

Re: '''King Richard''': We don't remove words from the title.  The title of the play very clearly has the word &quot;King&quot; in it on its first page.  The table of contents for the First Folio contains many errors. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:26, 2 April 2021 (UTC)

== Speedy delete of Index:Chandos, Ouida.djvu ==

Hello. It seems that the page [[Index:Chandos, Ouida volume 3.djvu]] that you refer to in the speedy delete request at [[Index:Chandos, Ouida.djvu]] does not exist. Can you check it and correct the link, please? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:38, 12 April 2021 (UTC)
:Hello. Having received no answer I have searched for the redundant index myself and found [[Index:Chandos, a novel (IA chandosnovel03ouid).pdf]]. While you wrote &quot;''A complete version of the same volume (and from the same 3 volume copy as volumes 1 and 2) has been added to the existing transcription project on Wikisource - see [[Index:Chandos, Ouida volume 3.djvu]]''&quot;, this index has different name and was made from a different copy. However, it contains the pages missing in the file suggested for deletion, so I deleted the file. Thanks very much for noticing this issue. I would just like to ask you to pay more attention when writing the reasons for deletion. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:42, 14 April 2021 (UTC)
::Hi there. Apologies for any confusion caused, I'll try and do better next time. Regards, Chris[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 11:32, 16 April 2021 (UTC)

== Paradise Lost ==

Not sure if you're planning on proofreading Paradise Lost (1674), but I added an index for copy of the actual 1674 text at [[Index:Paradise_Lost_1674.djvu]]. Sorry, the pages are not split, but this was the best copy that I could find. If you know of another, let me know and I'll try and get it. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:38, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
: Addendum, copy B is slightly easier to read, but I couldn't get the IA tool to ingest it. {{IA|ParadiseLost1674CopyB}} [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
::Hi there. I wasn't but I started to have a look at doing so. However, the scan on Commons has a problem in that half of the image of pages numbered 28 and 29 is missing. I looked at sourcing a replacement but the alternative scan you provided a link to appears to have been removed from IA. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 01:54, 17 April 2021 (UTC)
:: Hi, sorry, it was a slight error in the IA id. The correct id is {{IA|ParadiseLost1674CopyB}}. I also created an index for the second copy [[Index:ParadiseLost1674CopyB.pdf]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:45, 17 April 2021 (UTC)
:: Also, UMich has the complete text of the 1674 edition online with page numbers, so you can copy and paste the text prior to proofreading. [https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo2/A50924.0001.001/1:1?rgn=div1;view=toc]. Should make things a bit easier. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 03:06, 17 April 2021 (UTC)
:::Hi, I notice that the text of a number of the double pages have started appearing. I'm about 60% of the way through splitting the file into single page scans, so if you could hold off for a while .... ahould have said something earlier. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 07:56, 18 April 2021 (UTC)
::::Having spent quite a bit of time on this it turns out that there are a number of pages missing - not completely sure as the page numbering is a little awry in some places, but it could be as many as eight. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 17:22, 27 April 2021 (UTC)

== [[Page:The tale of Balen (IA taleofbalen00swin).pdf/147|The logo image]] ==

While those two images may look similar, they are not the same. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:22, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
: I don't want to be a party pooper though, congrats on producing so many texts as you have so quickly! I was just letting you know, I would replace the image myself but Internet Archive appears to be down for maintenance. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:30, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
: Fixed [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:45, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: Although I have done quite a lot of things over the years, I don't necessarily do them that quickly - for instance I've been working on a ''History of the Royal Society'' (single volume, c.500 pages) off and on for about two years now. I flit between a number of transcriptions at any one time, so tend to have several works come to completion close together, and then nothing for a while. I also try and clear up some of the stuff that seems to have been left behind, such as texts that get close to completion of proofreading but just need dragging over the finishing line (''e.g''. ''Jane Eyre (1st edition)''), or works that have been proofread but have not been transcluded (''e.g''. ''The Boy Who Knew What The Birds Said''). I generally add these to the new works list once done. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:20, 18 April 2021 (UTC)

== Moving the Alchemist ==

Please don't make moves like you did with the Alchemist. It is your presumption that it came from that source, yet it says that it was a Gutenberg source, and we wouldn't be making such a decision without a community conversation. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:38, 8 May 2021 (UTC)
:Can I ask what is the problem with the people who run this site (past as well as present)? It appears to me that they have failed, and continue to fail, to uphold its stated aims, since it contains predominantly unsourced text and seems to continue to add more; it is frequently just copied from Gutenberg, which, for the large part, doesn't unequivocally identify its sources and therefore has no 'auditable trail' (irony intentional) to an original; and when someone is prepared to invest the time and effort to migrate the unsourced text of a major work (or indeed any work) to a source, even if it involves some minor editing, there is resistance and a desire to retain unsourced material in preference.  Regards. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 09:18, 8 May 2021 (UTC)

== [[Index:The practice of typography; correct composition; a treatise on spelling, abbreviations, the compounding and division of words, the proper use of figures and nummerals by De Vinne, Theodore Low, 1828-1914.djvu]] ==

Do you want me to back off, we seem to be running into sutff we are both editing pages at a time? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:14, 23 May 2021 (UTC)

:No, I've moved on to a chapter later in the book. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:18, 23 May 2021 (UTC)

== Using px in widths ==

Hi! Congratulations on yet another work done! Just a little quibble over something that inhibits export readiness and accessibility: when you use ''px'' as a unit for something that contains text content, you are making an implicit assumption that everyone will have the same font size as you (by default in most browsers, this is 16px). This is not a safe assumption to make in the general case, as e-readers often have much larger font sizes and also visually-impaired users may have larger fonts too. This means that your ''px''-sized box becomes much too small for the text. However, if you use an equivalent ''em'' size, the box would scale in line with the system font size. For an actual example, you can see [[H:PXWIDTH]].

In general, the solution is simple: divide the ''px'' width you would use by 16 and use that number of ''em''s: e.g. 400px → 25em. This will look the same on a default browser, but will also work as the font size changes. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:47, 9 August 2021 (UTC)

I have a 'pro-forma' template for an AUXTOC in my clipboard manager, which I keep forgetting to edit - I've done it now. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 11:28, 9 August 2021 (UTC)

: Thank you! ^_^ [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:01, 9 August 2021 (UTC)

== Long esses ==

Re: [[The Lamb's Marriage Proclaimed]] I'm with you on not reproducing long esses on Wikisource.  However I would not tend to remove them from projects where other people have done most of the work.  Not saying you shouldn't (I don't know), just that's why I didn't! [[User:PeterR2|PeterR2]] ([[User talk:PeterR2|talk]]) 12:02, 17 August 2021 (UTC)
:Sorry for not responding sooner. I dislike the use of the long ess for a number of reasons but generally speaking I don't remove them where they have been used consistently throughout a work. In fact I generally won't do work validation work on texts where people have replicated them. In the case of this work, and a whole load of other National Library of Scotland chapbooks I've worked on recently, there was so much work still to do at the validation stage that I took the long esses out (a simple find and replace) to make the proofreading / correction work easier. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 05:34, 17 September 2021 (UTC)

== This voyage is over! ==

I've fixed up all the [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Special:RecentChangesLinked?hidebots=1&amp;hidecategorization=1&amp;hideWikibase=1&amp;target=Index%3AThe_Periplus_of_Hanno.djvu&amp;limit=100&amp;days=21&amp;urlversion=2 Greek I could find]. It's all green at [[Index:The_Periplus_of_Hanno.djvu]] so . . . ? [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 07:54, 4 September 2021 (UTC)
:Oh yeah, found a paper where someone was suggesting Periplus as a resource [https://crossworks.holycross.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1069&amp;context=necj for instruction in Ancient Greek]. Also, had to fix a [https://el.wikisource.org/wiki/%CE%95%CE%B9%CE%B4%CE%B9%CE%BA%CF%8C:%CE%A3%CF%85%CE%BD%CE%B5%CE%B9%CF%83%CF%86%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%AD%CF%82/Shenme couple mistakes] at el.wikisource ! [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 08:00, 4 September 2021 (UTC)

== 1000 nights + 1  ==

Hi, noticed you also edited [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=The_Arabian_Nights&amp;diff=11643478&amp;oldid=9058783 this page]. I have hit a wall more than once in trying to dab several overlapping version/translation/dab pages for Victorian era adaptations, anyone wrangling the redirects, however brutally, would be making a start on this. Pass along your thoughts if you are interested. [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 17:20, 16 September 2021 (UTC)
:Hi there. I only edited the page because I've been migrating various single, unsourced poems by [[Author:Alfred Tennyson|Alfred Tennyson]] to an indexed source, which I am transcribing (Poems (1843, in 2 vols.)). After  migrating each poem, I follow-up and correct linking pages using the 'What links here? tool. I did notice that there seemed to be a bit of a muddle around the 'Arabian Nights', largely driven by the inconsistent way publications have been titled over the years, despite being derived from a common source. However, given all the other things I'm doing at the moment, I resisted the temptation to start trying to improve the situation! [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 05:19, 17 September 2021 (UTC)

== descriptive summary for new texts ==

Hi. When you are adding works to [[Template:New texts]] it would be great if you would be able to add a descriptive summary, as is requested on the instructions for that page. Thanks for your help there. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:52, 30 September 2021 (UTC)

== The Works of H G Wells, chapter headings ==

Hello. Please don't change the font size of the chapter headings and names. It's a matter of consistency, they're the same size and style throughout the three volumes we've been working on in the last few months. Thank you. [[User:Tromaster|Tromaster]] ([[User talk:Tromaster|talk]]) 20:12, 17 November 2021 (UTC)

:Hi there. OK, but I suppose the real question is why they were ever done like that in the first place, since the font size of  'Chapter ...' is the same as the chapter text and the chapter title is slightly smaller. It makes the transcluded chapter headings look rather 'shouty'.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 07:44, 18 November 2021 (UTC)

== prev/next in [[The History of the Royal Society of London/Chapter 7]] ==

Hi. Was the labelling as produced in the visible previous and next purposeful? Couldn't we use the section names? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 10:40, 23 November 2021 (UTC)

:I have been working on this work - on and off - for quite a long time and need to proof read the last 5 pages. However, I've been prevaricating for a while now about how best to break down the work for the AuxTOC and so haven't filled in the details on all the before and afters yet. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 19:50, 23 November 2021 (UTC)

== A Tale ==

Hello. Are you sure that the title of the Brontë’s work should have lowercase &quot;a&quot; instead of the uppercase &quot;A&quot;, as written in you [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=The_Professor%3A_A_Tale&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=11957933&amp;oldid=11957928 speedy delete request]? Looking at [[Page:The Professor (1857 Volume 1).djvu/5]] or at [[Page:The Professor (1857 Volume 1).djvu/7]] I would say it should be uppercase A. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 10:39, 19 December 2021 (UTC)

:Hi. Possibly, but all the chapters in both volumes 1 and 2 (25 in total) have been done with a lower case 'a', so to be consistent I'd go with that. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 10:43, 19 December 2021 (UTC)

== Babbage scan ==

Hi! It looks like you removed duplicated pages from [[Index:On the economy of machinery and manufactures - Babbage - 1846.djvu]]. I have shifted the other pages down. In general, please don't change scans out from under active works as it will require an admin to do the page shifts (this is a technical thing, because redirects have to be suppressed or it won't work), and until that's done, the rest of the book will be offset. It would be better to request the removal at [[WS:LAB]], then someone can do the fix ''and'' shift the pages at the same time.

Also, if you mark a book as &quot;needs fixing&quot;, please always explain why so someone can deal with it (e.g. &quot;pages need shifting by 2 after page removal, starting at position 39, pp. 37-38 to be deleted&quot; would do), otherwise it requires someone to guess what your issue is and that makes mistakes easy if the wrong end of a stick is grasped. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:34, 30 December 2021 (UTC)

:Actually it's still broken because the new file is missing page numbered 26. Which pages were actually duplicated originally? Just pages 26/27 (numbered xiv,xv)? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:39, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
::Yes, I only removed the two duplicate pages from the contents, I hadn't spotted the other missing page. There is another scan of the same edition on IA which has the missing page. I can rebuild the file and insert the missing page. Can you confirm that you want me to do this? [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 09:52, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
:::I've just removed the original pages from the old file (with a command like &lt;code&gt;djvm -d bab.djvu 26&lt;/code&gt;) and re-uploaded since the quality seems less blurry anyway (looks like you have a c44 compressor turned up pretty high - it's hard to compete with the IA Luratech compressor!). So I think it should just be sorted now. At least it looks all in line to me (which probably means it's subtly wrong somewhere ^_^) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:04, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
:Apologies, I hadn't previously been aware of the page you've provided the link to. I've corrected a few other works by changing the scan file and then manually moving the text from the effected pages, albeit on works that hadn't progressed so far as this one. If I come across any others, I'll know what to do. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 09:45, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
::The problem with copying the text between pages is that is makes a confusing mess of the contribution history for the page. Also, it makes a mess of the proofreading status because, for example, you won't be able to validate proofread text that you copied, and others can validate text that you copied, even if they proofread it originally. It's far better to just move the pages without redirects which preserved edit history and proofreading statuses. There are bots for this, so it only takes seconds to do. 09:56, 30 December 2021 (UTC) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:56, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
:::Can I ask for your assistance with one of the Monthly Challenge works - [[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]. I was going to do the transclusion but it became apparent that there are a number of pages missing from the work (including the ToC page). I have found a complete version of the same edition on IA which I will upload shortly but there will be a need to move pages. Thanks, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 19:51, 3 February 2022 (UTC)

== Winnie-the-Pooh images ==

Please read Your Commons talk page. [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 15:23, 5 January 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Seven Pillars of Wisdom.pdf]]  ==

I solved the side-headers issue... see my recent efforts.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:23, 8 January 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks. I expect to upload the first batch of images shortly (starting with the initial letters). I'll add a link on the index page when I do.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 00:44, 9 January 2022 (UTC)

: The images are NOT out of copyright in the UK though, I checked who the artists were. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 00:53, 9 January 2022 (UTC)

== Hamlet - First Folio ==

Just a heads-up.  Some of the First Folio editions are divided into scenes; some are not.  And some of the scenes are numbered differently from other editions (or don't exist in other editions.  It's one of the reasons why we divided the Yale Shakespeare by Acts, without separating out the scenes.  And the FF has the added issue that you can't always divide the Acts into scenes because not all the plays are divided that way. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:25, 22 January 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks. I've done a few of the comedies and histories and have followed whatever was printed (i.e. just division into Acts or into Acts and Scenes). With Hamlet the printer has started by dividing into Acts and Scenes in Act I. but after Act I., Scene III. has abandoned marking the acts and scenes. There are some markings for Act II. too but after that there's nothing. I'm transcluding at the scene level, following the divisions used elsewhere, and which can be identified from the stage directions. Otherwise it would be just one long screed.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:41, 23 January 2022 (UTC)

:: OK.  But keep in mind that, the way you're currently doing the FF that people trying to grab a download will not be able to do so.  For the final work to be downloadable, ''all'' content must be listed on the work's principal page.  That includes every play subpage, and every act/scene subpage.  If they aren't listed on the principal page for the FF in a table of contents, then the download won't grab them. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 00:47, 25 January 2022 (UTC)
:::Hi. Although there is a main page with a table of contents (i.e. [[Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)]]) it clearly isn't complete yet. The content of the 'front matter' sub page (see [[Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)/Front matter|Front matter]]) either needs including on the main page (e.g. the title page) or breaking into individual sections (e.g. the individual poems). An AuxTOC section then needs adding to the main page, rather than what's there at the moment. The 'front matter' sub-page also contains the ToC page from the work, which needs removing. The way it's set up at the moment isn't my doing. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:07, 25 January 2022 (UTC)

== Specific linking in author pages to poems/short stories/etc. ==

Please prefer a link like this:

&lt;blockquote&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[The Death Bed (Cuney)|The Death Bed]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/blockquote&gt;

over something like

&lt;blockquote&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[Fire!!/The Death Bed]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/blockquote&gt;

I don't think that there's a hard rule for this on Wikisource, however the likelihood is relatively high that any number of the works in ''Fire!!'' might have appeared in other collections, or perhaps as individual reprints of themselves. Those collections/reprints may someday get representation on Wikisource, so having a generic link there would prevent us from having to change the data on all the author pages later when a versions page is made. So I at least would prefer it for the sake of the DRY (Don't Repeat Yourself) axiom. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:38, 6 February 2022 (UTC)

:Hi there. I can't say I agree with you, because:
:(1) If I click on a link for a work, I expect to be taken to a copy of that work, not to a page that might contain several versions of it and then have to choose among them. Access to other versions (whether there are actually other copies, or just 'might be one day' ones) can then be had via the 'other versions' link at the top of the work.
:(2) If I put a link in a work to the origin of a quotation (such as those perennial favourites, Shakespeare, Paradise Lost and the Bible}, I don't link to a 'versions' page and then let the reader pick one for themselves and wade through the whole work to try and find the line(s) of interest. I link to a specific point in one version.
:(3) If I'd named the transcription 'The Death Bed' or 'The Death Bed (Cuney)' instead of 'Fire!!/Flame from the Dark Tower/The Death Bed' then I might agree with you, since - in the unlikely event of further versions - that would require moving things about to create a disambiguation page. But I didn't.
:(4) I spend too much time as it is doing stuff on this site without expending even more effort creating pages that probably won't ever get used. For an example of where this gets you, see the 'Folios' section of [[Hamlet (Shakespeare)]].
:Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 17:40, 6 February 2022 (UTC)

== Sections in a Journal of the Plague Year ==

Hi,

Just curious, when transcluding a Journal of the Plague Year, did you have pages in mind to put in each of the three sections in the auxiliary table of contents? I only ask because (a) I dislike transcluding works all on one page, and (b) having a look through all the pages, I can't seem to see any clearly identifiable sections. If you prefer, I can transclude a single section (&quot;Memoirs of the Plague&quot;) and cut sections 2 and 3 from the ToC (at least everything isn't then on the opening page for the work), or I can cut the ToC entirely and put everything on the front page (after transcluding, it should then be easier to search for issues/missing nops etc.).

Thanks (and thanks for helping with many of the other MC transclusions),[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 21:32, 6 February 2022 (UTC)

== Soft redirects such as at [[Elegy (Swinburne)]] ==

It appears you turned the redirect at [[Elegy (Swinburne)]] into a soft redirection to [[Astrophel and Other Poems/Elegy]] from a hard redirection. Hard redirects are preferred at Wikisource unless they are in the form of a disambiguation page. The soft redirects recently got process-deleted by [[User:Xover|Xover]], which they did along with several other pages in the now non-existent category [[:Category:Soft redirects/March 2021]]. Note also to the deleter [[User:Xover|Xover]], and [[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] who also edited, that the redirects to the poems of [[Astrophel and Other Poems]] will eventually need to be recreated and disambiguated accordingly. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:16, 26 February 2022 (UTC)

== [[North and South (First Edition)]] ==

This work will not download for readers because the chapters are not listed on the first page.  Downloads only work if the contents are fully listed on the first page of the work. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:36, 6 March 2022 (UTC)

== Missing images on The Strand ==

Hi,

Did you forget about [[Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 3).djvu/6]] and [[Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 3).djvu/8]], or just haven't got around to them yet? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:12, 14 March 2022 (UTC)

:I bring it up because the current state puts them into the [[:Category:Pages with missing files]] maintenance category (which should generally be empty so that we can catch any genuine problems and fix them). Would you be opposed to removing the placeholder filename in the {{tl|img float}} templates? That would leave the templates in place, but not cause the page to land in that maintenance category. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:36, 14 April 2022 (UTC)
::Hello,
::I've no problem with your suggested change, which I've done. I wasn't planning on doing the images any time soon, as there are lots of them in the whole work. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 11:23, 14 April 2022 (UTC)

== Formatting in [[Index:Hebrew Melodies.djvu]] ==

Hi, I'm validating this work and I have a question about the formatting of poem titles.

Where the title is printed on more than one line, sometimes you have preserved it but sometimes you have not. For example, [[Page:Hebrew Melodies.djvu/54|page 42]] vs. [[Page:Hebrew Melodies.djvu/27|page 15]]. How did you choose when to do this? On reflection, how do you think it should be? Ideally I would like to get it in a consistent state before finishing the validation.

Thanks in advance! [[User:BethNaught|BethNaught]] ([[User talk:BethNaught|talk]]) 12:52, 21 May 2022 (UTC)

:Hi there. Thanks for the work you're doing - hopefully I've not made too many errors.
:I don't have a specific system for dealing with titles (poems or otherwise). I do split the title to follow the design intent if different parts of it are in different font sizes or formats. For poems, if (unsplit) the total length of the title is less than the length of the longest verse, I tend to leave it on one line. If (unsplit) it is longer than the verses of the poem, I think it sometimes makes the overall layout (when transcluded) look 'off-centre', so I split it, depending on how it looks to me. 
:I won't die in a ditch over this - if you want to change things to make them all consistent, then feel free. 
:Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:19, 21 May 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you for the explanation, it does make sense to me. It's a sensible approach and you've applied it consistently, so I'm happy to leave it as is. [[User:BethNaught|BethNaught]] ([[User talk:BethNaught|talk]]) 15:14, 22 May 2022 (UTC)

== Cleanup templates ==
[[File:AsAManThinketh - temp screenshot PM.png|thumb]]

Please do not [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=As_a_Man_Thinketh&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12390638&amp;oldid=12386619 remove cleanup templates] until the issue has been corrected  The work's chapter pages are still missing header templates, as required by our Style Guide. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:43, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

At right is a screenshot of the code for Chapter 1 of [[As a Man Thinketh]] as an example.  There is no header template on this or any of the other chapters of the work.  The header templates need to be added for this work to meet Wikisource standards. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:37, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

== Folio header block image missing ==

Hi. Just in case it's an oversight (vs. work in progress or similar), [[Page:Shakespeare - First Folio Faithfully Reproduced, Methuen, 1910.djvu/856]] refers to [[:File:Shakespeare - First Folio Faithfully Reproduced, Methuen, 1910 - header block type 3.jpg]], which doesn't exist. No worries if you just haven't got around to it yet; I just saw it while processing the backlog in [[:Category:Pages with missing files]] and figured I'd drop you a note just in case. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 13:43, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks. Although I've done most of the images from the work, there are some outstanding, including the one you came across (which is an upside down version of one of the header types already on Commons and used elsewhere in this work). I hope to get round to them soon - currently progressing 'Anthony and Cleopatra'. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 15:58, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

== Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748) ==

Normally, if a work has been proofread and transcribed including long-s, to preserve the original, it is impolite to remove them all. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:41, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

:I wouldn't bother normally but the proofreading isn't that good (missing lines, mis-spellings masked by the pointless replication of the long 's') and the use of multiple carriage returns instead of {{dhr}}. Plus the larger text items are disproportionately large compared to the basis text size. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:55, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

I have reverted your changes to the Pindar section because you have altered formatting in a way that does not match the original.  The poem is neither centered nor shrunk into the middle of the page, but is left-aligned.  You also altered line spacing, among other things, which neither follows the source nor is consistent across pages.  Please check against the original. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:49, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

== Validating Index:A study of Ben Jonson (IA studyofbenjonson00swinrich).pdf ==

Please see [[Page:A study of Ben Jonson (IA studyofbenjonson00swinrich).pdf/147]] in the upper left half corner, is an orphaned format {{fine| that has no closure on the other end.  If I try to fix it, the page reverts to needing a Proofread.  [[User:Maile66|Maile66]] ([[User talk:Maile66|talk]]) 00:00, 25 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>o7tpxiqffdvco83rrlbtdzjl7rwxbsg</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507951</id>
      <parentid>12507591</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:42:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Validating Index:A study of Ben Jonson (IA studyofbenjonson00swinrich).pdf */ Reply</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="116260" xml:space="preserve">{{welcome}} [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 20:24, 20 June 2018 (UTC)

== Using page headers but not page quality ==

Please note [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3ALives_of_Poets-Laureate.djvu%2F148&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=7509666&amp;oldid=7509640]. We don't insert page quality information directly into the page; the system handles that for us automatically. Also, page headers (including the chapter title and page numbers) should be placed in the header window when editing, not in the page itself. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 21:50, 20 June 2018 (UTC)

== Footnotes ==

Footnotes are formatted in this way: [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3ALives_of_Poets-Laureate.djvu%2F183&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=7511130&amp;oldid=7511033] --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:17, 21 June 2018 (UTC)

== ligatures and hyphens ==

Templates like {{tl|oe}} exist so that people can enter them quickly from a keyboard. Usages of that template get replaced later with the actual symbol &quot;œ&quot;. We don't want the template in the text.

Templates like {{tl|hws}} and {{tl|hwe}} exist to join hyphenated words across page breaks, not within the body of a page. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 17:52, 22 June 2018 (UTC)

Typos: The Laureate's name is &quot;Cibber&quot;, not &quot;Gibber&quot;. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3ALives_of_Poets-Laureate.djvu%2F267&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=7512788&amp;oldid=7512776] --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:57, 22 June 2018 (UTC)

Also, when you need the actual text &lt;nowiki&gt;&quot; '&lt;/nowiki&gt; in a page, don't type it directly. Use the template &lt;nowiki&gt;{{&quot; '}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;, or it's cognate &lt;nowiki&gt;{{' &quot;}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;. They add a [[w:thin space]] between the punctuation marks, so that they don't run together. (actually, it cheats and uses CSS, now that I look at it) Technically, in proper typography, there should be thinspaces or hairspaces many more places.... like &quot;left&amp;thinsp;&amp;mdash;&amp;thinsp;right&quot;, not &quot;left&amp;mdash;right&quot;, but people either don't know or don't bother. This is also why you should use &lt;nowiki&gt;{{...}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;, or the ellipsis character …, instead of &quot;. . .&quot; or &quot;...&quot;. Simlarly, people use hyphens instead of endashes constantly, but that mistake is almost impossible to notice in most fonts. Typewriter quotes are also wrong, but nobody cares. They look like crap, though. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 02:34, 25 June 2018 (UTC)

:And don't do this... &lt;nowiki&gt;{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;That sublimer inspiration given,&lt;br&gt;Which glows in Shakespeare's or in Milton's page,&lt;br&gt;The pomp and prodigality of Heaven.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}&lt;nowiki&gt;. Using smaller block inside of block center results in a centered block in which inter-line spacing is broken, and the whole purpose of &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;poem&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; is to render text exactly as typed, including line breaks... it makes &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt; br&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; redundant. Instead use one of the other methods described at [[Help:Poem]]. [[User:Jarnsax|Jarnsax]] ([[User talk:Jarnsax|talk]]) 03:10, 25 June 2018 (UTC)

== Collected Works of Ambrose Bierce ==

You are aware that, for all the pages you've created, none are included in the volume you're assembling, and all the links in the header are defective? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:48, 27 July 2018 (UTC)

Where are you getting the date of 1891? The scan's title page says it was published in 1909. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 23:55, 6 August 2018 (UTC)

== Visual Editor ==

Hi. There is most likely an issue with Visual Editor (see [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help#Wuthering_Heights]] discussion). Please stop using it as pages will need rework. Thanks.— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 15:32, 18 August 2018 (UTC)

== Quote marks ==

Just a friendly reminder that per the [[WS:Style guide|Style guide]] we would rather use straight quotes like &quot;this&quot; rather than curly ones like “this”. (The difference is more obvious when you're looking at the source editor.) This is specifically in reference to [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:The_Yellow_Book_-_13.djvu/59&amp;oldid=7969749 this edit], but just something you should keep in mind in general.

Best, [[User:Mukkakukaku|Mukkakukaku]] ([[User talk:Mukkakukaku|talk]]) 06:10, 20 August 2018 (UTC)

== You're making a bit of a mess ==

I am not sure what you are doing and why. However, the works are transcluded, then you change the configuration, then retransclude pages, and away from the style that has been used for the whole journal.  Have a look at [[special:prefixindex/Transactions of the Linnean Society of London/Volume 12]] and now you are adding something starting with &quot;Article&quot;. You had already transcribed them as chapters, which I had moved and commented ''in situ'', and you should be able see informative aspects through [[Special:RecentChangesLinked/Index:Transactions of the Linnean Society of London, Volume 12.djvu]] — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 22:47, 16 September 2018 (UTC)

== Prev/Next in [[The Yellow Book/Volume 7]] ==

Hi. These need fixing. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 21:46, 30 September 2018 (UTC)

Yes, I know - but I need to do the 2nd contents page first and then work out the order of entries because the prose and the art are interleaved.

== Page titles not matching their transclusions ==

* [[The Yellow Book/Volume 7/An Old Campaigner]]
* [[The Yellow Book/Volume 7/On the Loing]]
Can you please look again at these pages. Also is it &quot;Loing&quot;? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 03:35, 5 October 2018 (UTC)

== Wikidata connections for authors ==

We connect author pages over at Wikidata, as I have done at https://www.wikidata.org/w/index.php?title=Q763176&amp;diff=prev&amp;oldid=768822289.  this will enable data there to be imported, be it years of life, image, etc. (follow the Search link)  Just need to create the page here with the basics, then connect over there.  Refresh the page here and VOILA! — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 21:28, 20 October 2018 (UTC)

== {{tl|gap}} ==

Just a note to let you know that a standard &lt;nowiki&gt;{{gap}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; is 2em in length. There is no need to write it out as gap|2em. [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 04:58, 28 October 2018 (UTC)

== Micrographia ==

Do you have access to the OCR tool? You seem to be creating lots of blank pages where there should be text. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:52, 18 November 2018 (UTC)

: Yes. I messed up because the first file had a page missing. I found another version that's complete but it has blank pages adjacent the figures so all the pages don't align. The pages without text are the ones that were originally marked as missing an image and problematic. I'll go back and fix them once I've got the index page sorted out.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]])

:: I just found this book and wanted to congratulate you on adding it - it's fascinating. 
''keeps clicking''
:::[[User:Peace.salam.shalom|Peace.salam.shalom]] ([[User talk:Peace.salam.shalom|talk]]) 03:47, 13 December 2020 (UTC)

::::Thanks. It was a bit of a slog because of the poor OCR, variation in spelling and lots of italics, but I think it was worth the effort. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:15, 14 December 2020 (UTC)

== div and span ==

Hi. Please stop doing this, it generates a lint error: &lt;nowiki&gt;{{larger|{{rh|74|The Inner Ear  | }}}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;. Do this instead, if you want to keep the size: &lt;nowiki&gt;{{rh|{{larger|74}}|{{larger|The Inner Ear}}| }}&lt;/nowiki&gt;. BTW, there is no much point in formatting headers/footer, they are not transcluded anyhow. Thanks— [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 23:12, 26 November 2018 (UTC)

== External links ==

Please see [[Author:James Hammond]]. Titles of works should not be external links; the purpose of Author pages is to list works hosted here on Wikisource, not to create a link farm. Where a good scan exists, a temporary {{tl|ext scan link}} can be used ''after'' the listed to point to an external scan, but the main body of the listing should not consist of external scans. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 00:36, 19 April 2019 (UTC)

== Poetical Works of John Oldham ==
Hi, thanks for the validations. for indents i prefer gap template to colon, as the wikicode can be inconsistent is some place. see also [[Help:Templates#Indenting_and_Alignment]]. cheers - &lt;font face=&quot;Vijaya&quot;&gt;[[User:Slowking4|Slowking4]]&lt;/font&gt; ‽ &lt;span lang=&quot;de-Latf&quot; style=&quot;font-family:UnifrakturMaguntia, UnifrakturCook, Unifraktur, serif&quot;&gt;[[User_talk:Slowking4|SvG's revenge]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:06, 29 April 2019 (UTC)
==''[[The Present State of Peru]]'' parts==
I notice that you have partly changed the formatting [[Page:The Present State of Peru.djvu/19|here]], and as such with the transclusion. Please standardise the page and the transclusion to that of [[Page:The Present State of Peru.djvu/20|this]] page and the transclusions following. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:42, 2 June 2019 (UTC).

== [[:Index:A Dissertation on Reading the Classics and Forming a Just Style.djvu]] ==

The version at IA has apparently been patched. Perhaps you'd like to try re-uploading from a KNOWN clean version? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:49, 22 June 2019 (UTC)

Thanks, I'll take a look, although I'm about 70% of the way through downloading a version (first edition I think) from Hathi Trust page by page.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]])

== Title length ==

A little note that mediawiki titles are limited to 255 characters, which can cause a little issue for some of our journal articles. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:30, 29 June 2019 (UTC)

Thanks. The article in Volume 3 of the Philosphical Transactions has been transcribed. The Table of Contents is built using anchor points. How do I get this citation on the 'Timothy Clarke' author page to link in this case? [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 04:53, 29 June 2019 (UTC)

== Age of Innocence ==

It isn't necessary to list the contents on the Index page. The Index namespace is a working namespace, and not the product presented to readers. However, it ''is'' necessary to include the {{tl|transcluded}} template to indicate when a work has been fully transcluded. Removing it requires someone to perform a task again that has already been completed once. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:48, 30 June 2019 (UTC)

== Long s ==

Hi,
I read your comment on [[Index_talk:The_Discovery_of_a_World_in_the_Moone,_1638.djvu this talk page]]. As a proofreader, we aim to reproduce the page as it is printed. Where long s's are concerned, when complete, we can produce a second annotated copy with the long s's replaced by modern s's, converted by bot. This is how this book has been started and should continue. Also please sign your comments with quadruple tildes. Cheers, [[User:Zoeannl|Zoeannl]] ([[User talk:Zoeannl|talk]]) 10:39, 3 July 2019 (UTC)

: As it was me that had been adding {{tl|long s}} in proofreading on this work, I went back and converted all the ones I'd added back to conventional s. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 11:32, 3 July 2019 (UTC)

::It seems to me that there's a balance to be struck between reproduction and transcription. While I strive to replicate layout and type size, I err towards transcription since I can't see the point of doing this if we create things that are difficult to read - and making stuff available to read is surely one of the major points of Wikisource. At the end of the day, regardless of what it looks like, the long 's' is just that, an 's'. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 18:53, 3 July 2019 (UTC)

== Link to ''Imperial Dictionary of Universal Biography'' ==

Hello. After receiving notice of a new link to ''Imperial Dictionary of Universal Biography'', I found that it doesn't function perfectly yet. I published the 'Plotinius' article and most else under '[[Author:James Frederick Ferrier|James Frederick Ferrier]]' where you can find this &amp; basically all his authorship with working links. So why am I approaching you?
* I have been preparing MUCH more of the text of ''IDUB'' with hope of publishing eventually. 
* Even when I published all the 'Ferrier' stuff I still did not acquire a working understanding of how to remedy links such as yours to function properly.
* I hope that, if you have an interest in such remedy, I can find an ally, a resource in my quest to prepare the way better so that links like yours will work properly.
* It seems to me that there needs to be created a way to distinguish and direct ''IDUB'' links explicitly to either Volume 1, 2, or 3 so that they arrive properly. 
* It may be that you have interest in some of the other 24000+ ''IDUB'' titles and that you would find my queries not too burdensome, etc. Perhaps someday I could even be an aid to you.
* Otherwise, please pardon my intrusion. [[User:Klarm768|Klarm768]] ([[User talk:Klarm768|talk]]) 10:32, 18 July 2019 (UTC)
** Hi there. I'm sorry but I can't help solve your problem directly. I have no coding experience and do not even know how to access the code behind 'templates'. I only used your IDUB link template as a result of guessing that it might be there, something that's occasionally worked before with other compendia. My suggestion, if you haven't already considered doing so, would be to copy the structure used for other multi-volume encylopedias (e.g.[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition]]), 23 vols. This should enable you to set up the hierarchy of pages and produce equivalent templates, since the 'EB9 article link' (and the EB1911 equivalent) achieve what you are trying to (i.e. link automatically to the correct volume). Good luck in your efforts. Regards, Chris [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 01:50, 19 July 2019 (UTC)
*** I received notification of a link made from [[Author:Algernon Charles Swinburne]] regarding Contributions to Imperial Dictionary of Universal Biography. '''THANK YOU''' for solving a mystery. The text signature &quot;A. C. S.&quot; occurs only in this single instance in Volume 1. The signature, &quot;A. C. S.&quot;  does not appear in any list of contributors. I had not been able to assign an Author-identity with confidence. My best guess had been Algernon Charles Swinburne. Can you confirm from what source you learned of Swinburne's contribution to IDUB? [[User:Klarm768|Klarm768]] ([[User talk:Klarm768|talk]]) 09:13, 6 January 2021 (UTC)
****Hi there. I've been doing some transcriptions of Swinburne's work and modifying his 'author page'. While doing so I found a reference to the IDUB article on page 5 of  ''The Bibliography of Swinburne: A bibliographical list arranged in chronological order of the published writings in verse and prose of Algernon Charles Swinburne (1857-1887)'' (1887), by George Redway. It is also mentioned several times in Volume 2 of the much more comprehensive two-volume bibliography by Thomas J. Wise (1920). The date given for the work is 1857 (the version of IDUB being transcribed is 1876). Both bibliographies are on 'Internet Archive'. Swinburne also wrote an article on Congreve for the 9th edition of Encyclopedia Britannica; both bibliographies are at pains to point out that the two articles are completely different. Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 11:00, 6 January 2021 (UTC)

== [[Blenheim, a Poem]] ==

Please remember to include the {{tl|Authority control}} and a license template on all works hosted at Wikisource. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:50, 10 August 2019 (UTC)
==[[Poems upon Several Occasions]]==
If you are going to edit the work, please do so in accordance with the existing style of the work. I am to now go over your work and correct it to the existing style. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 23:46, 31 August 2019 (UTC).

I happen to think that the existing style of the work could be improved - in particular, the insistence on using archaic forms of 's' does nobody any favours in terms of trying to read the text. I also think you'll find that the poems render better. Your blanket undoing of my edits has also removed all of the transcription error corrections that I made, so thanks for that.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 01:23, 1 September 2019 (UTC)

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== div and span (part 2) ==

Hi. If you want to use {{tl|fine}} with &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;poem&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt;, you need to use {{tl|fine block}}, see [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3AAn_Essay_of_Dramatic_Poesy.djvu%2F98&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=9595574&amp;oldid=9593459 this], or you will get Lint Errors.[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:56, 11 September 2019 (UTC)

== Reminder: Community Insights Survey ==

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A couple of weeks ago, we invited you to take the Community Insights Survey. It is the Wikimedia Foundation’s annual survey of our global communities. We want to learn how well we support your work on wiki. We are 10% towards our goal for participation. If you have not already taken the survey, you can help us reach our goal! '''Your voice matters to us.'''

Please take 15 to 25 minutes  to '''[https://wikimedia.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_0pSrrkJAKVRXPpj?Target=CI2019List(other,act5) give your feedback through this survey]'''.  It is available in various languages.

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== Portal namespace for non-authors ==

Hi. If there is no extant evidence that a person wrote works, then it is preferable that people are created over in the Portal: namespace, and tagged with [[:category:people in portal namespace]].  It is pretty easy to move them to Author: namespace at a later time, and update the template to be used if they are found to have published works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 00:59, 24 September 2019 (UTC)

== Moving author pages, not converting to redirects ==

Hi. Please do not convert long-existing pages into redirects.  If you think that a rename is appropriate then the old(er) pge should be moved, and this updates Wikidata, and maintains the history of the pages. Converting a page into a redirect that points to a new version of a page is not the right way to handle things.  If you get caught back to front in creating a page, then please ping admins at [[WS:AN]] and ask for move of the page over the newly created page. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:07, 25 September 2019 (UTC)

== Reminder: Community Insights Survey ==

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'''Share your experience in this survey'''

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== block and span size templates ==

Hi. If you are using {{tl|larger}} and similar &amp;lt;span&gt; templates, they need to be kept to inline editing (up to a paragraph). If you are covering text that is more than a paragraph, then we need to use a block template {{tl|larger block}}, or multiple uses of the span templates. If that is what you are doing, then not to worry, just missed some that I stumbled over. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 11:54, 20 October 2019 (UTC)

== Author variations are prime for redirects ==

Hi. Pleese do feel free to create redirects for known variations of authors. One of the problems we had in early years was the creation of multiple author pages, so why we moved to liberally creating redirects for married names, etc. If end up having to disambiguate a shorter version, or an abbreviated version, then it isn't a problem to do that later. Also why we ended up with fully expanded author names, it is a lot less disruptive when we disambiguate. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 10:44, 26 October 2019 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Poetical Works of Thomas Parnell (1833).djvu]] ==

Hi. Noticed that raw pages 119 to 126 of the Index belong in an un-ToC'd set of two appendices and have been untranscluded.  Are you able to make those pages fit into the work somewhere?  Thanks if you can.  If you cannot, then please let me know and I will see what I can work out. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 05:41, 29 November 2019 (UTC)

: Hi. I have done this. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:56, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

== Removing line-breaks in EB1911 ==

Hi Chrisguise, thanks for edits in EB1911 ''e.g.'' [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 13.djvu/58]] but removing line-breaks make proofing harder. I've been converting from Gutenberg which maintains the line-breaks and having them removed makes comparison more difficult. Are you able to keep the line-breaks in future edits? Thanks [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 19:15, 7 December 2019 (UTC)

: Hello, as part of proofing any page, the first thing I do is run the 'clean up OCR' tool, which takes the line breaks out automatically. Could you explain a bit more about what you are doing? Are you comparing with Gutenberg to move the page on from proof-read to validated or are you checking my proof-reading? In my experience the transcriptions on Gutenberg are not without errors - as surely are my own efforts - even though I understand that they use multiple keying. Regards. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:41, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

:: Hi again, I forgot to check back earlier on this discussion. By leaving the line-breaks in-place it make it easier to compare to text from Gutenberg. I usually paste in converted text from Gutenberg and then use the &quot;Show changes&quot; button to do a comparison. That way, occasional errors from Gutenberg can be found and corrected (e.g. Gutenberg sometimes has typos and italics missing). Removing line-breaks makes makes manual proofing more difficult (as the lines don't match up) and it's very difficult to see what changes have been made when using &quot;Compare selected revisions&quot; in Revision history. Also, running your 'clean up OCR' tool has replaced agreed EB1911 standards for curly quotes and apostrophes (“” ’) with straight double and single quotes (&quot; '). An example is your recent edits to [Page:EB1911 - Volume 07.djvu/791]. You also removed spacing in the Page Header which centers the text. Regards, [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 21:59, 6 October 2020 (UTC)

:::Hello, Following on from your initial communication on this topic, I have tried to confine myself to either only editing pages already at 'proof-read' status, wherein I assumed it would be OK to remove all the page breaks before changing the status to 'validated', or if I edit 'not proof read' pages I actually read them, rather than compare them to something else that might not be correct. Having done so, I figured removing the page breaks wouldn't matter. 

:::I also change the sometimes various forms used in the page header (or add them if missing) with the EB1911 page header template. If things don't line up then presumably the template needs to be amended.

:::Regarding the curly quotes, I'd been following the generic guidance in the Help, which says to use straight quotes. I don't know if you've come across it but there is a useful tool to change all straight quotes to curly ones. Details are associated with the 'Once a Week' transcription project (which also insists on using the curly quotes). It seems to work pretty well. The style guide is at Wikisource:Wikiproject Once a Week and the person who maintains it sent me the details (see User_talk:Chrisguise#curly_quotes_in_%22once_a_week%22_&amp;_other_matters.). Regard, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 23:01, 6 October 2020 (UTC)

::::Curly quotes are the EB1911 standard, see [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Style Manual#Quoted_text|EB1911 Style Manual]]. Curly apostrophes ’ should also be used in EB1911 to distinguish them from the reversed comma ʽ (sometimes called rough breathing diacritic) in Arabic words in EB1911. Myself and other EB1911 editors prefer leaving the line-breaks in-place (that’s how they were originally scanned) because it makes manually proofing faster and it’s easier to see what changes have been made in an edit (as stated before). Regards, [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 23:49, 6 October 2020 (UTC)

:I found a problem with the 'clean up OCR' tool you've been using, it converts curly quotes if they are literal “ ”  to straight &quot; &quot; but not if html code e.g. (&amp; ldquo;)&lt;!-- hairspace added after &quot;&amp;&quot; so html code displays--&gt; is been used. This produces inconsistent results where the page has some curly and some straight quotes. e.g. [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:EB1911_-_Volume_16.djvu/325&amp;oldid=10393386]. Please do not use the 'clean up OCR' tool on EB1911 pages. If you are going to mark an EB1911 page as Validated, please read the EB1911 Style manual first (particularly &quot;Quoted text&quot; &amp; &quot;Ranges&quot; sections). As well as converting the quotes back to curly ones, I used ndash (–) for year ranges (and removed a spurious quote mark after 'on the'). [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 17:25, 7 October 2020 (UTC)

::Also, please do not add excessive internal links in articles like you have done here [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 01.djvu/493]]. Please read the [[Wikisource:WikiProject 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Style Manual#Internal Wikisource links|EB1911 Style Manual § Internal Wikisource links]] (and see the Style Manual Discussion) and remove the excess links from the above page (and any others you have done) thanks. [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 22:18, 7 October 2020 (UTC)

== [[Author:William of Newburgh]] ==

Hi. Authors with no surname simply have the whole description in the first name field, we don't push the descriptive component into the lastname field.  Also to note that where we have sort issues due to surname components like &quot;de&quot;, we have a &quot;defaultsort&quot; parameter within [[tl|author}} that we can utilise to set the sorting. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:04, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

== [[The Love of Books: the Philobiblon of Richard de Bury]] ==

I have moved the subpages of this work under the title of the root page, and I have add the table of contents. It is just confusing to readers to start in one title and end up somewhere else with no clarity of reason. Also to generate digital versions of the first and subpages, we need to have the ToC so that the tool knows that the pages below it, and their links. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:35, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

: Hi, can you explain that a bit more - I'm not clear on exactly what I did incorrectly, and wish to avoid doing it again. Regards [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:44, 8 December 2019 (UTC)

== Aeschylus ==

The primary place to list editions of the Greek plays is the versions page for each play. I've retained a list of transations (for now) on the Author page, but '''only''' for the translations that we actually have. But eventually, that too may go, since there seems to be a trend now towards not listing the editions on the Authors pages at all.

Note, Medwin's ''Prometheus Bound'' was already listed, and I just added the ''Agamemnon''. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 05:37, 20 December 2019 (UTC)

== Index pages ==

Best practice for Index pages: When the value is not a code such as &quot;roman&quot;, or a numeric value for a page number, but instead is non-numeric text to be displayed in place of the usual number, then the value ought to be enclosed in quotes. Some character values will still work if the quotes are omitted, but best practice is to use the quotes for any text, including &quot;Adv&quot;, &quot;-&quot;, or such.

The size of dash for blank pages, images, and the like is purely an aesthetic choice on the part of the initial proofreader. Some editors prefer &quot;-&quot; for blank pages as it minimizes the space taken up in display on the Index.  Other editors will use the emdash to keep display size of all pages to roughly the same width, which can help with getting page numbers to line up in neat columns. But there's no reason to replace emdashes with hyphens if the initial editor made the choice to use emdashes. The value is there only on the index page is that page is not transcluded, and serves no real function except in the margin as a page number for transcluded pages (and which can then be linked to with a hashtag). There can be a reason to go the other way: to expand hyphens into emdashes, if there is content on that page, because a hyphen is small and harder to click on; but otherwise, it's purely up to the initial proofreader. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 02:34, 30 December 2019 (UTC)

==Memoirs==
If you upload Volume II or III, let me know and I’ll stop by to proofread a bit. [[User:Lemuritus|Lemuritus]] ([[User talk:Lemuritus|talk]]) 02:35, 2 January 2020 (UTC)
:I am currently working (intermittently) on Volume 2, which is most easily accessed from the index page of Volume 1.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:00, 2 January 2020 (UTC)

== Footnotes - The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5 ==

{{tlx|helpme}} I have transcribed some pages of the above, mostly the prefaces to the longer poems. The prefaces are peppered with lengthy footnotes, which are generally manageable as I am familiar with the standard footnote method, for which I use &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;ref&gt; &lt;/ref&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; and &lt;nowiki&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;, the footnote continued on one of more of the following pages &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;ref name=xx&gt;, &lt;ref follow=xx&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt;, and a footnote within a footnote where the nested footnote is on the same page, for which I use &lt;nowiki&gt;{{#tag:ref|TOP LEVEL REFERENCE&lt;ref group=&quot;I&quot;&gt;NESTED REFERENCE.&lt;/ref&gt; TOP LEVEL REFERENCE|group=&quot;O&quot;}}{{smallrefs|group=&quot;O&quot;}}{{smallrefs|group=&quot;I&quot;}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;. I may even have done examples (in another book) where the nested footnote is all on one page but the main footnote carries on over more than one. However, I am stuck at present because in the preface to ''Werner'' on pages [[Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5.djvu/374|338]] and [[Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 5.djvu/375|339]] there is a footnote containing a footnote where both the footnote and the nested footnote continue onto the following page. How do I deal with this and still maintain footnote integrity during transclusion? Regards,[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:41, 2 January 2020 (UTC)
:I think you'll probably have better luck asking complicated questions like this at [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]]. This kind of stuff gives most people a headache trying to unravel, and there are a limited number of contributors patrolling the {{tlx|helpme}} requests.{{parabr}}However, that being said, I've had a stab at this and you can see the results [[Special:PermanentLink/9821890|in my sandbox]]. Did that do roughly what you were trying to accomplish?{{parabr}}I'm not familiar with this work or its notes conventions, so I don't know the significance of the two footnote groups, but you may also wish to consider simplifying when faced with overly complicated schemes: we're already changing things significantly when we move from footnotes in a paged medium to endnotes in a non-paged medium, as well as changing the sigils used as footnote markers, so complicated footnote schemes that are primarily ''formatting'' rather than significant ''meaning'' may be better to not try to replicate. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:25, 2 January 2020 (UTC)
::Thanks, I'll give it a go. I've also posted the query on [[Wikisource:Scriptorium/Help]] in case there's an alternative.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:06, 2 January 2020 (UTC)

== Thank you for [[Index:Rootabaga_Pigeons_by_Carl_Sandburg.pdf|Rootabaga Pigeons]] ==

Thank you for [[Index:Rootabaga_Pigeons_by_Carl_Sandburg.pdf|Rootabaga Pigeons]]. I've done (validated) just about everything, but one last page stumps me. The original doesn't have a closing double quote in one place, and your text had added one, but in a very strange place. I [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Rootabaga_Pigeons_by_Carl_Sandburg.pdf/160&amp;action=history moved it] to a more logical placement, but again, there just isn't a closing double quote in the source. So what to do? [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 23:41, 25 January 2020 (UTC)

:Thanks for the appreciation. The text was straightforward but it takes a bit of time to sort the illustrations.&lt;br/&gt;I agree with your comment that the added quote was in the wrong place. I suggest there are two options: either transcribe what is actually printed or mark it as an error (which I think it is) using the SIC template (which I've done). Feel free to disagree when you validate. Regards [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 07:44, 26 January 2020 (UTC)

== Letter spacing for emphasis ==

Hi!

In reference to [[Special:Diff/9904025|this edit]], the {{tl|sp}} template was used to duplicate the letter spacing in the original used for emphasis. As an alternative to italics, spacing was sometimes increased for emphasis (perhaps because it didn't require using italic type &lt;s&gt;matrices&lt;/s&gt; sorts, you just spaced out the normal ones). See [[w:Emphasis_(typography)#Letter-spacing]]. In my opinion, this is as much a part of the work as italics would have been. Cheers, [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   20:18, 31 January 2020 (UTC)

:Hello, I accept your point in general but I would make two specific ones in return. The document was originally transcluded as one complete piece. Scrolling through it in that form highlighted variations in the way pages had been transcribed (e.g. poetry quotations, footnotes, etc.), so I went through page by page to try and straighten things out. One area of inconsistency related to the type of spacing you refer to, so I needed to decide one way or another whether to format them all, and I decided against. The main reason for doing this was that in most instances, if not all, it didn't seem to me to be for the purposes of emphasis, more as if text had been removed and the rest of the line spread out to make it the appropriate width. Regards, Chris[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:30, 2 February 2020 (UTC)
:: As the person who put in more effort than I did, I defer to your choice. I would still disagree that the spacing was inserted like that for any reason of than emphasis. To me, it seems it appears only where emphasis would fit, not randomly throughout the text. I just though I'd mention it in case you hadn't realised letter-spacing was a typographical method used for {{sp|emphasis}}, as well as purely stylistic (e.g. as used on title pages). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;small&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/small&gt;   10:04, 5 February 2020 (UTC)

== New texts ==

Texts should not be listed as &quot;new texts&quot; until they are complete. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:23, 1 February 2020 (UTC)
:Apologies, I got a bit ahead of myself. Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:14, 2 February 2020 (UTC)Chris

::Plus per the instructions on that page, please use a document summary of what is happening with the edit. That summary is pushed out in a few places as information. That page is our open gateway to the main page so documentation through the edit summary is considered important. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 06:22, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

== Help with images? ==

Hi, I noticed [[Special:Diff/9905773|this]]. Would you like me to get the hi-res images that are missing and place them on the pages? I know they're just &quot;filler images,&quot; but it seems they're standing in the way of getting this work listed under new texts...happy to help if you're not already on it, just let me know. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 21:28, 1 February 2020 (UTC)
:Pete, Thanks for the offer. I got a bit ahead of myself putting 'Paradise Regain'd' on the new works list but have now done the images (mostly fleurons). However, I've never mastered the technique for making images properly black-and-white. If you can, then I'd appreciate it if you could replace the images. I used the fleuron from the 'Persons' page at the beginning of 'Samson Agonistes' (which is in the same volume) on account of it being the sharpest and least curved version in the book. I left the covers as raw images. Regards, Chris[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:12, 2 February 2020 (UTC)
:: Hmm, I'm a little puzzled. The original scans are not great, I made a greyscale version but I'm not happy with it. How did you get the somewhat higher-resolution versions you uploaded? Was it from the book view on Internet Archive, perhaps? I'm used to using their JP2 files, which are usually the higest-resolution versions they offer; but in this case, it's a slightly smaller resolution than the one you uploaded. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 20:00, 2 February 2020 (UTC)
:::Apologies, Pete, I never got back to you. The only places I get images for books are either the file on Wikisource (via right click and 'save image as'), Internet Archive (ditto) or Hathi Trust (using either a PDF download of the page or the right click and 'save image as' option. I hadn't realised that higher res images are among the file options on IA.
:::To manipulate the files I use three different bits of software: 'Image analyser' to do rotation and cropping, plus image manipulation depending on circumstances; 'Irfanview', because it has some useful tools such as a 'find and replace' option - good for getting rid of background colours; and 'Paint3D' for pixel level editing. I eventually managed to get the recommended 'ImageMagic' software to work but Image Analyser has the same functionality with a passable user interface. Command line - who'd have thought it - I don't do enough image manipulation to warrant batch processing, where it might be useful but ...... really?
:::Having said all that I still can't get to proper black and white in most cases. Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 20:03, 24 May 2020 (UTC)

== curly quotes in &quot;once a week&quot; &amp;  other matters ==

Hi --

Currently the entirety of ''Once a Week'' (4 volumes completed, so far) uses curly (smart) quotes, so please stick with that! 

Chapter headings use text size &quot;fine&quot;.

Further remark: I prefer to use &amp;lt;br /&gt; rather than &amp;lt;poem&gt; when embedding poems in paragraphs because &amp;lt;poem&gt; changes paragraph margins. Not such a big deal, though. 

Thanks for working on it, though! I’m particularly glad you’re doing ''Lord Oakburn’s Daughters'' because someone just published an academic study of it last year &amp; I was thinking, maybe people who read that will want a digital version of the text, which there isn’t elsewhere. (Pretty nauseating stuff though isn’t it, especially the part with &quot;Pompey&quot;)

In case you didn’t notice it, the style guide is at [[Wikisource:Wikiproject Once a Week]] (I’ve tried to make it clear, but would appreciate you telling me parts that need further explanation) [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 18:14, 9 February 2020 (UTC)
:P.S. In order to make the two parts of the poem line up with each other when inserting an image in the middle, as with [[Page:Once a Week Jun to Dec 1864.pdf/84|The Bride of an Hour]], it’s necessary to specify a width (the same one for each) for the &quot;block center&quot;. For some reason the use of the colon (:) for indents overrides the width. For that reason I’ve gone back to using &quot;gap&quot; though it has its drawbacks … [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 18:51, 9 February 2020 (UTC)
:: P.P.S. Currently, the way to put a typographic (but not actual) 0.15em space between two adjoining quotes is like so: &lt;nowiki&gt;{{sp|“}}‘&lt;/nowiki&gt; (or, of course, &lt;nowiki&gt;{{sp|“}}’&lt;/nowiki&gt; or &lt;nowiki&gt;{{sp|’}}”&lt;/nowiki&gt;). There is a useful script for converting quotes to curly at [[User:Samwilson/CurlyQuotes.js]] [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 19:27, 9 February 2020 (UTC)
:::: ''Discussion about quote templates moved to [[User talk:Xover]]'' [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 06:14, 10 February 2020 (UTC) 
:::Hello, sorry for causing disruption - I should have read the style guide. I came to this transcription through doing an update to an author page and testing some of the links - I tend to flit from one thing to another! My first point of call when starting a new page, especially if the OCR isn't great, is to run the 'Clean up OCR' tool; one of the things this does is to convert double and single quotes to straight ones.&lt;br/&gt;I'll take a look at your guide.&lt;br/&gt;I've spent a bit of time since your messages trying to work out how to install the CurlyQuotes.js tool. I've copied the whole of the code into my  'global.js' page but nothing has happened. Clearly I'm doing something wrong - can you help me, please?[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 21:37, 9 February 2020 (UTC)

:::: Try &lt;tt&gt;mw.loader.load('//en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=User:Samwilson/CurlyQuotes.js&amp;action=raw&amp;ctype=text/javascript');&lt;/tt&gt; &lt;br&gt;and then refresh your browser --[[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 21:48, 9 February 2020 (UTC)

::::: Thanks for the reply. I have added the suggested code but nothing appears to have happened, despite refreshing and restarting my browser. I was expecting something to appear on the LHS of the screen (under the Wikisource logo) in the same way as the 'Typopgraphy' and 'Page' toolsets that I added to my 'global.js' page do. Does the 'CurlyQuotes' tool reside somewhere else (e.g. in one of the other menus) - I checked a few places but without success.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 05:47, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

:::::: It is in the set of tools above the editing box, the quotes right next to &quot;bold&quot; and &quot;italic&quot;! (Took me a while to find it too when I installed it!) [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 06:10, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

::::::: Got it. Thanks, I shall give it a whirl.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:25, 10 February 2020 (UTC)

::::::::I have been using the 'CurlyQuotes' tool, and while it isn't infallible, it's a big help, since I can continue to use the 'Clean up OCR' tool and then re-apply the 'curly quotes'. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 14:22, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

(''unindented'') I also looked over the guidance you produced, which I have been trying to follow. It's the most thorough and comprehensive that I've come across. My only observation is that there seem to be a number of instances where line spacing is introduced that is wider than that in the text. Regards, Chris [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 14:22, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

: By &quot;line spacing wider than in the text,&quot; do you mean differing from the way it is printed in the old magazine? That magazine was {{sc|cramped}}, filling its pages almost edge-to-edge with small type, and with only a rule as separation between items. Paper was a major part of periodical expenses in those days—wood-pulp paper wasn’t yet in use. There is absolutely no requirement that the digital version of the texts has to be bound by the same restraints. To paraphrase something Billinghurst said, Wikisource is digitizing the words of the authors, not the typesetters’ peculiarities.

: Most of the stylistic choices in the style guide were made by me, with some input from Encylopetey; I was revising a basis that was created some years ago by I’m not sure who, Mudbringer for one. I tried to imitate the magazine as much as possible while complying with standard Wikisource formatting and loosening up the tight spacing, and a few other changes to make things look better on the web: for instance, I inset margins for block-quotes whereas the original didn’t, only distinguishing them by smaller type. 

: Do you have any specific suggestions for improvements? It would probably be possible to do global changes with a bot. [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 17:37, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

=== Image standards added to style guide ===

I’ve added to the style guide the way that images are being handled -- the three cases I listed cover 95% of the images in the magazine. Anything else, well, [[Page:ONCE A WEEK JUL TO DEC 1860.pdf/335|here]] is an example of an image used as a drop-initial and [[Page:ONCE A WEEK JUL TO DEC 1860.pdf/114|here]] is an irregular-shaped image. For even more complicated cases, if you can’t figure out a way, ask me because something like it may have been done already. [[User:Levana Taylor|Levana Taylor]] ([[User talk:Levana Taylor|talk]]) 01:32, 1 March 2020 (UTC)

== Prefatory note of Fumifugium is not public domain ==

Hi. That is a very interesting publication you have added! However, it seems that the prefatory note is not public domain, as it was written in 1976. I suggest to replace it with [https://archive.org/details/fumifugiumorinc00evelgoog/page/n4/mode/2up the original 1772 publication]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:53, 27 February 2020 (UTC)

:Hello, Thank you for drawing this to my attention. However, as I have no wish to do this text again (too many italicisations, unusual spellings and unusual punctuation, some or all of which will have changed in a different edition), I took the liberty of reading up on the University of Exeter's copyright position, as they are the declared copyright holder. I believe that it is OK to duplicate the introduction based on the information at https://www.exeter.ac.uk/research/openresearch/oa/copyright/ I presume that there will be an appropriate copyright template that could be applied? Regards, Chris[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 14:12, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

::Ah, that is really interesting! I must say I like the university’s attitude. I have asked whether it is sufficient for us at [[Wikisource:Copyright discussions#Fumifugium: or, the Inconveniencie of the Aer and Smoake of London/Note]]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 14:54, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

As a general note, works should ALWAYS have a license tag on them before being listed as &quot;New&quot;, as a suitable license is one of the basic requirements of hosting a work here.  Several of your recent additions to the New Texts list had no license tag on them at all. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 18:34, 28 February 2020 (UTC)

== The Works of Virgil (Dryden)/Georgics (Dryden) ==

Two things: (1) You don't need to put &quot;Dryden&quot; in there twice. (2) If you set this up the way you have, people will not be able to download a copy as an EPUB. You need to make use of {{tl|AuxTOC}}. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:09, 19 March 2020 (UTC)

:Hello. I've arranged the page naming to fit in with what is already established. On the author page for Virgil are three entries, one each for the Eclogues (or Pastorals), the Georgics, and the Aeneis. Each one then links to a sub-page which lists various translations. The Aeneis has a Dryden transcription (1697 edition) but this has no index page or images (hence needs migration), the Georgics page lists the Dryden, (I added it in June 2019 - not expecting to be doing the transcription a year later!) but there wasn't anything behind it, and the Dryden was not listed on the Eclogues page until I added it recently. 
:I have structured the contents to enable the relevant sections to be linked to the E, G and A pages. Likewise, I used the existing Aeneis (Dryden) page as a template, and used the same page referencing so that I could simply replace that content with &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;pages index= ...... from=X  to=Y  /&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; references, rather than creating new pages. I have used this as the template for the Pastorals and am in the process of doing the same for the Georgics.
:I did the table of contents in the way I have because I've seen it done on other multi-volume works (and it looks nicer). However, I didn't know about the issue with converting to an ebook (how would I?). If you bear with me while I get everything set up, I'll convert it to the AuxTOC form.
:I pinched the contents listing from Early English Books online but it needs rationalising; theirs is from the first edition and some elements of that edition are not in the 3rd (e.g. the errata).[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 07:51, 20 March 2020 (UTC)

== caution creating redirects where a wikidata item exists ==

There was a wikidata item on [[Ode Upon Liberty]] [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Ode_Upon_Liberty&amp;action=history history] so converting that page to a redirect is problematic—WD items need to be direct and specific.  It is not a subject matter that we have managed well as it has so many intricacies and variances. Anyway, recovered the old edition, and moved it its own page, and created a versions page to disambiguate the works. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 03:01, 24 March 2020 (UTC)

== After moving pages ... ==

Hi. After moving pages, please check the WHAT LINKS HERE for the old location, and update the links there to the new location,  especially if you are going to overwrite the redirect. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 13:13, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

== Reminder about subpage titles ==

Hi, just a reminder that our policy here is to use Arabic numerals in Chapter names and not Roman. So, the first chapter of ''What Katy Did Next'' should be What Katy Did Next/Chapter 1 [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 20:21, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

:Hello, I would normally do as you suggest but on this occasion I'm migrating an existing version of '[[What Katy Did Next]]', which is not attached to an Index page, and the chapters of that use roman numerals. Should I move the existing chapters (e.g.from 'I.' to 'Chapter 1') first or carry on as I am? [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 20:28, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

::Ah, I hadn't realised that. Finish off, then let me know and I'll move them for you as I can do it with suppression of redirects. Thanks, [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 20:32, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

:::OK - will do. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 20:35, 11 April 2020 (UTC)

{{ping|Beeswaxcandle}} This seems as good a place as any to ask about something that's perplexed me for a while. It seems to me on Wikisource there is a strong preference for suppressing redirects. But redirects can be incredibly useful, often in cases where we can't know what external or even offline links exist. In this case, [[What Katy Did Next/I.]] has existed for a dozen years. There's no way to know who may have linked directly to that chapter. It seems very useful to keep a redirect; and if there is a downside, I don't know what it is. Why would we want to suppress? Chris -- hope you don't mind me butting in on your talk page. -[[User:Peteforsyth|Pete]] ([[User talk:Peteforsyth|talk]]) 15:00, 12 April 2020 (UTC)
::{{ping|Peteforsyth}} There are three possibilities for these scenarios: a) leave a hard redirect; b) use a soft redirect; c) supress the redirect. The decision as to which option to use depends on the likelihood of incoming links. If it's a well-known alternate title, or &quot;what links here&quot; gives links from multiple other works, then the full redirect gets left. If it's a likely target on a work that's been here a while, then we'll use a soft direct, which will be deleted in a few months' time. If it's an unlikely target, or is wrong, or is recent, then we'll supress the redirect. In this particular case, I believe ''What Katy Did Next/I.'' to be an unlikely target for an external link, but I'm quite prepared to hear argument in the opposite direction. [Thanks Chris for hosting the discussion.] [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 07:35, 14 April 2020 (UTC)

:::::Just to let you know that I've finished the migration. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:24, 17 April 2020 (UTC)

== Integrity of published work ==

I have moved [[London (Johnson)]] to be a subpage of the work in which it was published to maintain its edition content and the integrity of the published work.  In cases like this we would have created a redirect from the root level to the subpage, similar to what we do with poetry.  So if Johnson's work is here from another source, we would convert the redirect to a {{tl|versions}} page.

Also, for a published work, we only require the [[help:copyright tag|copyright tag]] at the root level of the work. It is considered to apply to the whole work. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:13, 12 April 2020 (UTC)
:(ec) Oh, you split the work. In a case like this we have typically put them as subpages of the publication from whence they came. No different to our other curate compiled works. Again redirects are our friends here. EP hs addressed one of the reasons why below, also due to our maintaining our components on editions. Noting some of the guidance at [[d:Wikidata:WikiProject Books]].  Yes, it does get complex, and sooooo many edge cases. :-/  — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:20, 12 April 2020 (UTC)
::I would suggest moving them to be subpages, and happy to give a hand as required. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:21, 12 April 2020 (UTC)
:::Are you doing the fix, or am I? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:44, 14 April 2020 (UTC)

== [[Trivia, or the Art of Walking the Streets of London to which is added Dr. Johnson's London]] ==

You do realize that anyone wishing to read this as a download will get the title pages, the contents page, and nothing else? --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 15:18, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

:Why? I was rebuked by someone for using a non-standard table of contents (for Dryden's Virgil translation) and was told to use a AuxTOC. I've done that here but apparently that's wrong. What should I be doing? [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 15:43, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

:: The contents are not displayed on the primary page. Only pages linked from the first page will be included in the download.  You've placed the contents on secondary pages, and the EPUB will therefore not pull them. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 15:52, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

:: Making [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Trivia%2C_or_the_Art_of_Walking_the_Streets_of_London_to_which_is_added_Dr._Johnson%27s_London&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=10076977&amp;oldid=10072694 this change] has corrected the problem. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:31, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

== Index pages ==

The dash ( - ) is for marking pages that fall outside of the page numbering system: e.g. end papers or the backs of plates. It is not for marking &quot;this page has no content&quot;, that is what the page status of &quot;Without text&quot; is for. Pages that are part of the numbering system should be numbered. Failing to do so makes it harder for people to determine the page number of those pages. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:39, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

== Trying to understand this page hierarchy ==

Hi. Why would we transclude pages in this naming hierarchy?
{{special:prefixindex/The Reason of Church-governement Urg'd against Prelaty}}

Where is that sort of hierarchy used, and how predominantly? I would think that we would be better to align with what we have been using, and am here asking what I am missing. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 16:21, 2 May 2020 (UTC)

:The publication is an essentially an extended pamphlet (Wikipedia calls it an 'essay'), the title page of which describes itself as being in two books. It is laid out as two 'books', and visually there is a transition from Book 1 to Book 2. However, the start of book 2 has no heading (I have called it 'Introduction' since it's the first part, but it could equally have been 'preface', or anything else). There is a conclusion (called 'Conclusion'), which is a conclusion for the whole thing but which is part of Book 2. Half way through, Milton goes off-topic, and then comes back to the subject matter at hand. I don't know what he had in mind but, given the way it is written and subdivided, I chose to treat it as essentially one long article but retained the book and chapter number information in each of the sections (per your list), rather than just starting at '1' and finishing at '22' (or however many there would be). I could have done it just as ''Book 1'' and ''Book 2'', but that would have generated two very long sections, which the Help section advises against. That's why I've done it the way I have. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 21:59, 2 May 2020 (UTC)

:What would you have done? And more to the point, what do you want me to do?[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:01, 2 May 2020 (UTC)

== Sybilline Leaves (Coleridge) ==

Hi. With this work, I would not have created a numbering system for them, I think that they can and should be published under their names.  In terms of search, the name is more effective in returning results in full search, or type ahead. 

We generally only use a numbered approach where it is how the work is defined, and it makes sense to present that way, eg. chapters in novels, especially as they are not named, and there is less value in the name. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 06:46, 15 May 2020 (UTC)

== Horace ==

Thank you so much for completing a set of scan-backed translations of Horace's works. The incompleteness of his works has been a significant hole in classical literature here for far too long here. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 00:04, 23 May 2020 (UTC)
:Indeed. Let me second that! --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:29, 23 May 2020 (UTC)
::Thank you both for taking the time to acknowledge the work I've done on [[The Satires, Epistles &amp; Art of Poetry of Horace]]. I uploaded it after looking for a version of [[Ars Poetica]] and I came across some comments about [[author:John Conington|John Conington]]. It's just a pity I didn't pick a volume with a complete set of the Satires, such as the [[author:Thomas Creech|Thomas Creech]] version of 1715. 
::Although I didn't upload it, I've been doing some work on [[The Odes and Carmen Saeculare|The Odes and Carmen Sæculare of Horace]], by the same translator. Any help woud be appreciated ..... [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 21:43, 23 May 2020 (UTC)

== Byron's Works ==

Good morning! ''Formatting should be consistent'' throughout the text for [[The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 3]]. The poem tag has not been used throughout the rest of the work, but if you seek to [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page%3AThe_Works_of_Lord_Byron_%28ed._Coleridge%2C_Prothero%29_-_Volume_3.djvu%2F117&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=10195297&amp;oldid=9530609 substitute it for established formatting] with breaks, may I suggest making the change to every other page in the work as well? I welcome any thoughts as to how to make this project better, albeit consistent with regard to formatting. Thanks, [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 11:51, 25 May 2020 (UTC)

To add: I have admittedly not worked on these volumes for quite some time, so maybe I don't have much skin in the game, if that's even the correct way to use the phrase... But there was a standard established, and I simply wanted to bring attention to it. It may take years, but I do hope to have enough brain and staying power to do more work on that volume of works by Byron. Thanks, [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 19:21, 25 May 2020 (UTC)

:Hello, My apologies if I have irritated you with my contribution. In my defence I would say the following. Firstly, in my experience, whether you use the &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;br/&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; option, the &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;poem&gt; &lt;/poem&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; option or a mixture of the two makes no difference to how the pages appear when transcluded; it's more important that the &lt;nowiki&gt;{{center block/s}} and {{center block/e}}&lt;/nowiki&gt; are used consistently, and text sizes, footnotes, etc follow a consistent pattern. Secondly, the &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;br/&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; method makes it more difficult to spot transcription errors in the punctuation at the end of lines. I find that in most poetry the OCR does a good job with the text but frequently gets the punctuation wrong (e.g. . or ,. ; or :, and with poor scans ? and !). Finally, I suppose I just try to make best use of the tools that are available to help, and find the &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;poem&gt; &lt;/poem&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; method much quicker, in the absence of something to automatically put the line breaks it on every line.

:I previously did some work on Volume 5, but only on the introductory pieces to some of the poems. I gave up in despair over the complexities of the footnotes! I might go back now that I've more experience and have the example of using two groups of footnotes in 'The Giaour' Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:40, 26 May 2020 (UTC)

::Oh gee, I'm not irritated... But if I were to go through and validate at any time, please understand if I adapt some things along the way. I still think formatting consistency is best, even if output is not significantly affected... but that is me. Happy editing, and thanks for your response. [[User:Londonjackbooks|Londonjackbooks]] ([[User talk:Londonjackbooks|talk]]) 01:55, 28 May 2020 (UTC)

== [[Monody on the Death of Chatterton (1796)]] ==

Please do not start making decisions on the source of a work. We allow editions, so unless you know that our specific edition came from a specific work, then they should be left as they are, not forced into a work just because they were published there at one point. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 06:36, 22 June 2020 (UTC)
:If you have an edition in a work that you are transcribing, then do its version from index, and transclude it, add {{tl|other versions}} to the top of the page. Then create [[Monody on the Death of Chatterton]] as a {{tl|versions}} page and link both versions from that page. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 06:38, 22 June 2020 (UTC)
::I am transcribing the source 'Poems on Various Ocassions' which this version is from (as it says on the versions page), and if you'd give someone five minutes to do the job they're in the middle of then you wouldn't have to keep pinging me.
::Anyway, what's the obsession with keeping unsourced work? You reinstated an unsourced version of the 'Rime of the Ancient Mariner' despite my having replaced it with an indexed version (Sibylline Leaves (1817), the same version.
::I though the major point about this site, apart from making stuff available, is that it was a side by side transcription?[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:47, 22 June 2020 (UTC)

== Long s ==

Hi, may I ask what [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Philosophical_Transactions_-_Volume_050,_part_1.djvu/50&amp;curid=2884342&amp;diff=10303715&amp;oldid=10153986 is the problem] with {{template|ls}}? This template enables long s to be displayed as &quot;ſ&quot; in the page ns and as &quot;s&quot; in the main ns. Current practice is to display it just as &quot;s&quot; in the main ns, but if the practice got changed in future, the template would enable to display the character in its original form. What is more, people can adjust their common.js to have the long s displayed in the main namespace too. However, removing the template makes it impossible. Can it be returned? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 12:42, 1 July 2020 (UTC)

:Hi there. My view is that the use of the long 's' is just an annoyance. They make reading the text far harder on the screen (surely the point of making stuff available in the first place is that people read it); secondly, they make proofreading more difficult and mean that spell checking add-on I use in my browser becomes more of a hindrance than a help; finally the point is to do a transcription not create a reproduction. It's an 's'.
 
:Whilst it might be possible to change settings as you describe, how many casual readers would have the first idea what their 'common.js' is? I'd describe myself as a committed transcriber and it took me a good while to stumble across it.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:13, 1 July 2020 (UTC)
::To note that the practice is to ensure that the main namespace produces a normal &quot;s&quot;. We allow the transcriber to determine whether they wish to use &quot;s&quot; or &quot;{{tl|long s}}. There are a few examples of where we have retained the long s as it was a decision made as part of the publication to create the work specifically with long s, so in that case we retained them, similarly if we are reproducing orthography in a work. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:40, 11 September 2020 (UTC)

== [[Tom Brown's School Days (1868, 6th ed)]] ==

ALL works hosted on Wikisource should display appropriate licensing information. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:48, 5 July 2020 (UTC)

== Your input is requested at WS:PD ==

Hi Chrisguise,

Your input is requested at [[Wikisource:Proposed_deletions#Template:Chart|WS:PD#Template:Chart]]. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 19:06, 21 July 2020 (UTC)

== Category for removal ==

Hi Chrisguise, I stumbled across this category: &quot;Category:EB1911:People:Cities:Europe:Portugal&quot; that you created (a copy and paste error I assume — I've made a few of those!), how do we delete a category? regards, [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 21:03, 6 August 2020 (UTC)
:{{done}} — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:37, 11 September 2020 (UTC)

== Unsourced works are not part of works ==

Please do not move unsourced works to be a part of other works. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 14:35, 11 September 2020 (UTC)

:I'm getting fed up of this pointless conversation. All I'm trying to do is to reduce the mountainous pile of unattributed *#&quot;% by linking it to actual texts in line with the stated aims of the site. You've no idea of what the source is for the version I moved, so editing it to match an actual source makes b###er all difference to anything.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 15:01, 11 September 2020 (UTC)
==[[Peleus and Thetis]]==
In the future, please be careful when moving pages. You have caused several broken Wiki-links, which will need to be fixed. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 15:19, 25 September 2020 (UTC).

== Eugene Aram ==

This has been on my to-do list to deal with for several years, but I've never quite gotten there. Thanks for working on it. I'll try and find time to do some validation. [[User:Beeswaxcandle|Beeswaxcandle]] ([[User talk:Beeswaxcandle|talk]]) 08:17, 30 September 2020 (UTC)

:OK, thanks. Nearly finished volume 2. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:20, 30 September 2020 (UTC)

== License templates ==

I added a license template to [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=The_Doctrine_and_Discipline_of_Divorce&amp;diff=10499460&amp;oldid=10350152&amp;diffmode=source The Doctrine of Discipline and Divorce], which you recently listed on New Texts.

Per the [[WS:Copyright policy|Copyright policy]], works should have a license template, and &quot;it is the responsibility of the contributor to assert compatibility with Wikisource's license&quot;. This is the now the fourth time you've been asked to use them, would you please start doing it? [[User:BethNaught|BethNaught]] ([[User talk:BethNaught|talk]]) 23:07, 9 October 2020 (UTC)

== Dramatick Poets ==

Hi. I have created [[template:Dramatick Poets link]] that should make it a little easier to create author page links.  It also allows us to more easily identify the works that are or are not linked. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 23:33, 20 December 2020 (UTC)

::OK, thanks for letting me know. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 23:49, 20 December 2020 (UTC)

== Prometheus Unbound ==

Hello. Can the template &quot;Incomplete&quot; be removed from ''[[Prometheus Unbound; a lyrical drama in four acts with other poems]]'' now? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 15:30, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

:Done it. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 15:35, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

== Links to missing images ==

Hi Chris,

Regarding [[Special:Diff/10431214|this edit]]. Is the page's current state (linking an image that doesn't exist) deliberate, or just a glitch while editing? And if it's deliberate, what's the reasoning behind it? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 21:19, 23 February 2021 (UTC)
:Hello, I've fixed the missing file (and the Title link in the footnote). The file link was based on the naming convention I adopted when I uploaded all the other images for vol 1 of this work, but for some reason I failed to upload this one. I was going to fix it when I did the images for volume 3 {{...|4}} [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 04:29, 24 February 2021 (UTC)
::Ah, thanks. I was guessing it was roughly that that was the case, but didn't want to go wading in there in case there was some specific reason you wanted it that way. --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 08:27, 24 February 2021 (UTC)

== djvu links? ==

You have much more experience here than me, so in the spirit of curiousity and with the need of more information I ask this:

What is the problem with {{tl|djvu page link}}?

I realize that it is only useful at the proofing and even then, only when the toc is on the index page, but it is useful there and then.

I read or had it explained to me that it was too complicated.  Since then, I try to figure out a way for it to work in the Main.  Shifting the numbers and then the process gets broken at the chapter part.... It is an unfixable problem in the world that doesn't depress me to think about! In this way, it is beautiful and rare and I have grown very fond of it.

So, it is no wonder that I cannot determine a reason not to use it, and ask respectfully what is your reasoning to remove it?--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 15:19, 5 March 2021 (UTC)
:Hi there. There's nothing intrinsically wrong with {{tl|djvu page link}} but it seems to me that it doesn't achieve anything when used in a table of contents (ToC). From a ToC the link needs to take you to the chapter content, not just to an individual page. Also, the links work on the page containing the ToC and on the Index page (if the ToC is shown there), but when the page containing the ToC is transcluded, the links are suppressed. The one place where I think {{tl|djvu page link}} is useful is when a book contains a list of illustrations, where a link to an individual page is appropriate.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 00:56, 6 March 2021 (UTC)

== Gentlemen Prefer Blondes ==

I noticed your edit [[Special:Diff/10990680/10991003]]. Why would you remove 24,000 bytes all at once ''and'' change the header? It appears to be correct and removing that information requires a rationale, or editors may assume the edit was disruptive. -- [[User:AnotherEditor144|AnotherEditor''144'']] &lt;sup&gt; [[User talk:AnotherEditor144|t]] - [[Special:Contributions/AnotherEditor144|c]] &lt;/sup&gt; 17:38, 5 March 2021 (UTC)

:I edited it because what was in there was copy and pasted text, not transcluded page transcriptions. I'm simply applying the appropriate guidance per https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Help:Beginner%27s_guide_to_transclusion. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 18:19, 5 March 2021 (UTC)

:: Thanks for that. I suppose it would transcluyde after a few hours anyway. [[User:AnotherEditor144|AnotherEditor''144'']] &lt;sup&gt; [[User talk:AnotherEditor144|t]] - [[Special:Contributions/AnotherEditor144|c]] &lt;/sup&gt; 21:47, 6 March 2021 (UTC)

== Red links for copyrighted works ==

Please do not add active red links for works that are under copyright. Red links are an implicit invitation to add the work, which cannot be legally done for works still under copyright. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:12, 17 March 2021 (UTC)
:I take your point but I'm not sure where I've done such a thing, and so don't know what needs fixing.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:21, 17 March 2021 (UTC)
:: I've fixed it.  You added red links on ''Venus and Adonis'' (Shakespeare) as well as ''Rape of Lucrece'' (Shakespeare) for the Yale Shakespeare volume that is still under copyright. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:32, 17 March 2021 (UTC)

== [[template:page break]] ==

Hi. Modern usage of this template would typically be {{tlx|page break||label=}} which suppresses the word &quot;page&quot; and allows for the marginal page number. This is an old template that pre-exists the Index: namespace and transcluded works, and was designed for when we need to force page numbering harder/differently, and later adapted for the transcluded form. It would be great when you are transcluding pages that you could utilise this simpler form. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 01:13, 18 March 2021 (UTC)

== Please stop removing line-breaks, {smallrefs} sizing and header spaces ==

Can you please not remove line-breaks in EB1911, like you did here [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 10.djvu/17]], removing them makes proofing and validating more difficult; it also makes it very difficult to see what changes were made.

Please do not removing spacing from the header template, it is there for a reason to center the article names,  also on [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 15.djvu/529]].

Please do not remove sizing from {smallrefs} template, in EB1911 we standardize on 90% ''i.e.'' {smallrefs|90%} like on [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 15.djvu/529]]. When editing a transcluded EB1911 article and adding {smallrefs|90%}, use {clear} beforehand if there are author initials on the last text line (this prevents the initials dropping down  into the refs.); also add {rule} after {clear} if the last paragraph is fine print, thanks. 

Please take more care when editing, on [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 22.djvu/768]] you broke the section tag from working properly which resulting in blank text for [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Quilon]] - I have since fixed this. A check of the Preview would have showed the problem. I really have enough proofing to do without having to fix these issues. regards, [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 04:08, 29 March 2021 (UTC)

I just fixed another of your careless edits [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:EB1911_-_Volume_28.djvu/265&amp;oldid=9637141] which you marked as &quot;Proofread&quot; but has a blatant error where the text &quot;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{EB1911 Fine Print|&lt;/nowiki&gt;&quot; is visible on the page because you did not terminate the template properly. If you are going to make edits in Wikisource, please take more care, some may see your many bad edits as vandalism. [[User:DivermanAU|DivermanAU]] ([[User talk:DivermanAU|talk]]) 00:09, 30 March 2021 (UTC)

== King John ==

If you're planning to replace the existing text with the ''First Folio'' text, then there's little point in moving the unsourced copy prior to replacement.  I did check, and the unsourced copy of this play does ''not'' match the text of the ''First Folio''.  It is a later editorialized edition. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 03:18, 1 April 2021 (UTC)

Re: '''King Richard''': We don't remove words from the title.  The title of the play very clearly has the word &quot;King&quot; in it on its first page.  The table of contents for the First Folio contains many errors. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:26, 2 April 2021 (UTC)

== Speedy delete of Index:Chandos, Ouida.djvu ==

Hello. It seems that the page [[Index:Chandos, Ouida volume 3.djvu]] that you refer to in the speedy delete request at [[Index:Chandos, Ouida.djvu]] does not exist. Can you check it and correct the link, please? --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:38, 12 April 2021 (UTC)
:Hello. Having received no answer I have searched for the redundant index myself and found [[Index:Chandos, a novel (IA chandosnovel03ouid).pdf]]. While you wrote &quot;''A complete version of the same volume (and from the same 3 volume copy as volumes 1 and 2) has been added to the existing transcription project on Wikisource - see [[Index:Chandos, Ouida volume 3.djvu]]''&quot;, this index has different name and was made from a different copy. However, it contains the pages missing in the file suggested for deletion, so I deleted the file. Thanks very much for noticing this issue. I would just like to ask you to pay more attention when writing the reasons for deletion. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 07:42, 14 April 2021 (UTC)
::Hi there. Apologies for any confusion caused, I'll try and do better next time. Regards, Chris[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 11:32, 16 April 2021 (UTC)

== Paradise Lost ==

Not sure if you're planning on proofreading Paradise Lost (1674), but I added an index for copy of the actual 1674 text at [[Index:Paradise_Lost_1674.djvu]]. Sorry, the pages are not split, but this was the best copy that I could find. If you know of another, let me know and I'll try and get it. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:38, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
: Addendum, copy B is slightly easier to read, but I couldn't get the IA tool to ingest it. {{IA|ParadiseLost1674CopyB}} [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 14:44, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
::Hi there. I wasn't but I started to have a look at doing so. However, the scan on Commons has a problem in that half of the image of pages numbered 28 and 29 is missing. I looked at sourcing a replacement but the alternative scan you provided a link to appears to have been removed from IA. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 01:54, 17 April 2021 (UTC)
:: Hi, sorry, it was a slight error in the IA id. The correct id is {{IA|ParadiseLost1674CopyB}}. I also created an index for the second copy [[Index:ParadiseLost1674CopyB.pdf]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:45, 17 April 2021 (UTC)
:: Also, UMich has the complete text of the 1674 edition online with page numbers, so you can copy and paste the text prior to proofreading. [https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo2/A50924.0001.001/1:1?rgn=div1;view=toc]. Should make things a bit easier. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 03:06, 17 April 2021 (UTC)
:::Hi, I notice that the text of a number of the double pages have started appearing. I'm about 60% of the way through splitting the file into single page scans, so if you could hold off for a while .... ahould have said something earlier. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 07:56, 18 April 2021 (UTC)
::::Having spent quite a bit of time on this it turns out that there are a number of pages missing - not completely sure as the page numbering is a little awry in some places, but it could be as many as eight. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 17:22, 27 April 2021 (UTC)

== [[Page:The tale of Balen (IA taleofbalen00swin).pdf/147|The logo image]] ==

While those two images may look similar, they are not the same. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:22, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
: I don't want to be a party pooper though, congrats on producing so many texts as you have so quickly! I was just letting you know, I would replace the image myself but Internet Archive appears to be down for maintenance. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:30, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
: Fixed [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:45, 16 April 2021 (UTC)
:: Although I have done quite a lot of things over the years, I don't necessarily do them that quickly - for instance I've been working on a ''History of the Royal Society'' (single volume, c.500 pages) off and on for about two years now. I flit between a number of transcriptions at any one time, so tend to have several works come to completion close together, and then nothing for a while. I also try and clear up some of the stuff that seems to have been left behind, such as texts that get close to completion of proofreading but just need dragging over the finishing line (''e.g''. ''Jane Eyre (1st edition)''), or works that have been proofread but have not been transcluded (''e.g''. ''The Boy Who Knew What The Birds Said''). I generally add these to the new works list once done. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:20, 18 April 2021 (UTC)

== Moving the Alchemist ==

Please don't make moves like you did with the Alchemist. It is your presumption that it came from that source, yet it says that it was a Gutenberg source, and we wouldn't be making such a decision without a community conversation. Thanks. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 08:38, 8 May 2021 (UTC)
:Can I ask what is the problem with the people who run this site (past as well as present)? It appears to me that they have failed, and continue to fail, to uphold its stated aims, since it contains predominantly unsourced text and seems to continue to add more; it is frequently just copied from Gutenberg, which, for the large part, doesn't unequivocally identify its sources and therefore has no 'auditable trail' (irony intentional) to an original; and when someone is prepared to invest the time and effort to migrate the unsourced text of a major work (or indeed any work) to a source, even if it involves some minor editing, there is resistance and a desire to retain unsourced material in preference.  Regards. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 09:18, 8 May 2021 (UTC)

== [[Index:The practice of typography; correct composition; a treatise on spelling, abbreviations, the compounding and division of words, the proper use of figures and nummerals by De Vinne, Theodore Low, 1828-1914.djvu]] ==

Do you want me to back off, we seem to be running into sutff we are both editing pages at a time? [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 22:14, 23 May 2021 (UTC)

:No, I've moved on to a chapter later in the book. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:18, 23 May 2021 (UTC)

== Using px in widths ==

Hi! Congratulations on yet another work done! Just a little quibble over something that inhibits export readiness and accessibility: when you use ''px'' as a unit for something that contains text content, you are making an implicit assumption that everyone will have the same font size as you (by default in most browsers, this is 16px). This is not a safe assumption to make in the general case, as e-readers often have much larger font sizes and also visually-impaired users may have larger fonts too. This means that your ''px''-sized box becomes much too small for the text. However, if you use an equivalent ''em'' size, the box would scale in line with the system font size. For an actual example, you can see [[H:PXWIDTH]].

In general, the solution is simple: divide the ''px'' width you would use by 16 and use that number of ''em''s: e.g. 400px → 25em. This will look the same on a default browser, but will also work as the font size changes. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:47, 9 August 2021 (UTC)

I have a 'pro-forma' template for an AUXTOC in my clipboard manager, which I keep forgetting to edit - I've done it now. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 11:28, 9 August 2021 (UTC)

: Thank you! ^_^ [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 12:01, 9 August 2021 (UTC)

== Long esses ==

Re: [[The Lamb's Marriage Proclaimed]] I'm with you on not reproducing long esses on Wikisource.  However I would not tend to remove them from projects where other people have done most of the work.  Not saying you shouldn't (I don't know), just that's why I didn't! [[User:PeterR2|PeterR2]] ([[User talk:PeterR2|talk]]) 12:02, 17 August 2021 (UTC)
:Sorry for not responding sooner. I dislike the use of the long ess for a number of reasons but generally speaking I don't remove them where they have been used consistently throughout a work. In fact I generally won't do work validation work on texts where people have replicated them. In the case of this work, and a whole load of other National Library of Scotland chapbooks I've worked on recently, there was so much work still to do at the validation stage that I took the long esses out (a simple find and replace) to make the proofreading / correction work easier. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 05:34, 17 September 2021 (UTC)

== This voyage is over! ==

I've fixed up all the [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Special:RecentChangesLinked?hidebots=1&amp;hidecategorization=1&amp;hideWikibase=1&amp;target=Index%3AThe_Periplus_of_Hanno.djvu&amp;limit=100&amp;days=21&amp;urlversion=2 Greek I could find]. It's all green at [[Index:The_Periplus_of_Hanno.djvu]] so . . . ? [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 07:54, 4 September 2021 (UTC)
:Oh yeah, found a paper where someone was suggesting Periplus as a resource [https://crossworks.holycross.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1069&amp;context=necj for instruction in Ancient Greek]. Also, had to fix a [https://el.wikisource.org/wiki/%CE%95%CE%B9%CE%B4%CE%B9%CE%BA%CF%8C:%CE%A3%CF%85%CE%BD%CE%B5%CE%B9%CF%83%CF%86%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%AD%CF%82/Shenme couple mistakes] at el.wikisource ! [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 08:00, 4 September 2021 (UTC)

== 1000 nights + 1  ==

Hi, noticed you also edited [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=The_Arabian_Nights&amp;diff=11643478&amp;oldid=9058783 this page]. I have hit a wall more than once in trying to dab several overlapping version/translation/dab pages for Victorian era adaptations, anyone wrangling the redirects, however brutally, would be making a start on this. Pass along your thoughts if you are interested. [[User:Cygnis insignis|Cygnis insignis]] ([[User talk:Cygnis insignis|talk]]) 17:20, 16 September 2021 (UTC)
:Hi there. I only edited the page because I've been migrating various single, unsourced poems by [[Author:Alfred Tennyson|Alfred Tennyson]] to an indexed source, which I am transcribing (Poems (1843, in 2 vols.)). After  migrating each poem, I follow-up and correct linking pages using the 'What links here? tool. I did notice that there seemed to be a bit of a muddle around the 'Arabian Nights', largely driven by the inconsistent way publications have been titled over the years, despite being derived from a common source. However, given all the other things I'm doing at the moment, I resisted the temptation to start trying to improve the situation! [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 05:19, 17 September 2021 (UTC)

== descriptive summary for new texts ==

Hi. When you are adding works to [[Template:New texts]] it would be great if you would be able to add a descriptive summary, as is requested on the instructions for that page. Thanks for your help there. — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 15:52, 30 September 2021 (UTC)

== The Works of H G Wells, chapter headings ==

Hello. Please don't change the font size of the chapter headings and names. It's a matter of consistency, they're the same size and style throughout the three volumes we've been working on in the last few months. Thank you. [[User:Tromaster|Tromaster]] ([[User talk:Tromaster|talk]]) 20:12, 17 November 2021 (UTC)

:Hi there. OK, but I suppose the real question is why they were ever done like that in the first place, since the font size of  'Chapter ...' is the same as the chapter text and the chapter title is slightly smaller. It makes the transcluded chapter headings look rather 'shouty'.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 07:44, 18 November 2021 (UTC)

== prev/next in [[The History of the Royal Society of London/Chapter 7]] ==

Hi. Was the labelling as produced in the visible previous and next purposeful? Couldn't we use the section names? — [[user:billinghurst|billinghurst]] ''&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[user talk:billinghurst|sDrewth]]&lt;/span&gt;'' 10:40, 23 November 2021 (UTC)

:I have been working on this work - on and off - for quite a long time and need to proof read the last 5 pages. However, I've been prevaricating for a while now about how best to break down the work for the AuxTOC and so haven't filled in the details on all the before and afters yet. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 19:50, 23 November 2021 (UTC)

== A Tale ==

Hello. Are you sure that the title of the Brontë’s work should have lowercase &quot;a&quot; instead of the uppercase &quot;A&quot;, as written in you [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=The_Professor%3A_A_Tale&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=11957933&amp;oldid=11957928 speedy delete request]? Looking at [[Page:The Professor (1857 Volume 1).djvu/5]] or at [[Page:The Professor (1857 Volume 1).djvu/7]] I would say it should be uppercase A. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 10:39, 19 December 2021 (UTC)

:Hi. Possibly, but all the chapters in both volumes 1 and 2 (25 in total) have been done with a lower case 'a', so to be consistent I'd go with that. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 10:43, 19 December 2021 (UTC)

== Babbage scan ==

Hi! It looks like you removed duplicated pages from [[Index:On the economy of machinery and manufactures - Babbage - 1846.djvu]]. I have shifted the other pages down. In general, please don't change scans out from under active works as it will require an admin to do the page shifts (this is a technical thing, because redirects have to be suppressed or it won't work), and until that's done, the rest of the book will be offset. It would be better to request the removal at [[WS:LAB]], then someone can do the fix ''and'' shift the pages at the same time.

Also, if you mark a book as &quot;needs fixing&quot;, please always explain why so someone can deal with it (e.g. &quot;pages need shifting by 2 after page removal, starting at position 39, pp. 37-38 to be deleted&quot; would do), otherwise it requires someone to guess what your issue is and that makes mistakes easy if the wrong end of a stick is grasped. [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:34, 30 December 2021 (UTC)

:Actually it's still broken because the new file is missing page numbered 26. Which pages were actually duplicated originally? Just pages 26/27 (numbered xiv,xv)? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:39, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
::Yes, I only removed the two duplicate pages from the contents, I hadn't spotted the other missing page. There is another scan of the same edition on IA which has the missing page. I can rebuild the file and insert the missing page. Can you confirm that you want me to do this? [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 09:52, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
:::I've just removed the original pages from the old file (with a command like &lt;code&gt;djvm -d bab.djvu 26&lt;/code&gt;) and re-uploaded since the quality seems less blurry anyway (looks like you have a c44 compressor turned up pretty high - it's hard to compete with the IA Luratech compressor!). So I think it should just be sorted now. At least it looks all in line to me (which probably means it's subtly wrong somewhere ^_^) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:04, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
:Apologies, I hadn't previously been aware of the page you've provided the link to. I've corrected a few other works by changing the scan file and then manually moving the text from the effected pages, albeit on works that hadn't progressed so far as this one. If I come across any others, I'll know what to do. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 09:45, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
::The problem with copying the text between pages is that is makes a confusing mess of the contribution history for the page. Also, it makes a mess of the proofreading status because, for example, you won't be able to validate proofread text that you copied, and others can validate text that you copied, even if they proofread it originally. It's far better to just move the pages without redirects which preserved edit history and proofreading statuses. There are bots for this, so it only takes seconds to do. 09:56, 30 December 2021 (UTC) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:56, 30 December 2021 (UTC)
:::Can I ask for your assistance with one of the Monthly Challenge works - [[Index:The future of Africa.djvu]]. I was going to do the transclusion but it became apparent that there are a number of pages missing from the work (including the ToC page). I have found a complete version of the same edition on IA which I will upload shortly but there will be a need to move pages. Thanks, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 19:51, 3 February 2022 (UTC)

== Winnie-the-Pooh images ==

Please read Your Commons talk page. [[User:Feydey|feydey]] ([[User talk:Feydey|talk]]) 15:23, 5 January 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:The Seven Pillars of Wisdom.pdf]]  ==

I solved the side-headers issue... see my recent efforts.
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 21:23, 8 January 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks. I expect to upload the first batch of images shortly (starting with the initial letters). I'll add a link on the index page when I do.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 00:44, 9 January 2022 (UTC)

: The images are NOT out of copyright in the UK though, I checked who the artists were. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 00:53, 9 January 2022 (UTC)

== Hamlet - First Folio ==

Just a heads-up.  Some of the First Folio editions are divided into scenes; some are not.  And some of the scenes are numbered differently from other editions (or don't exist in other editions.  It's one of the reasons why we divided the Yale Shakespeare by Acts, without separating out the scenes.  And the FF has the added issue that you can't always divide the Acts into scenes because not all the plays are divided that way. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:25, 22 January 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks. I've done a few of the comedies and histories and have followed whatever was printed (i.e. just division into Acts or into Acts and Scenes). With Hamlet the printer has started by dividing into Acts and Scenes in Act I. but after Act I., Scene III. has abandoned marking the acts and scenes. There are some markings for Act II. too but after that there's nothing. I'm transcluding at the scene level, following the divisions used elsewhere, and which can be identified from the stage directions. Otherwise it would be just one long screed.[[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 08:41, 23 January 2022 (UTC)

:: OK.  But keep in mind that, the way you're currently doing the FF that people trying to grab a download will not be able to do so.  For the final work to be downloadable, ''all'' content must be listed on the work's principal page.  That includes every play subpage, and every act/scene subpage.  If they aren't listed on the principal page for the FF in a table of contents, then the download won't grab them. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 00:47, 25 January 2022 (UTC)
:::Hi. Although there is a main page with a table of contents (i.e. [[Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)]]) it clearly isn't complete yet. The content of the 'front matter' sub page (see [[Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)/Front matter|Front matter]]) either needs including on the main page (e.g. the title page) or breaking into individual sections (e.g. the individual poems). An AuxTOC section then needs adding to the main page, rather than what's there at the moment. The 'front matter' sub-page also contains the ToC page from the work, which needs removing. The way it's set up at the moment isn't my doing. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 06:07, 25 January 2022 (UTC)

== Specific linking in author pages to poems/short stories/etc. ==

Please prefer a link like this:

&lt;blockquote&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[The Death Bed (Cuney)|The Death Bed]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/blockquote&gt;

over something like

&lt;blockquote&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;[[Fire!!/The Death Bed]]&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/blockquote&gt;

I don't think that there's a hard rule for this on Wikisource, however the likelihood is relatively high that any number of the works in ''Fire!!'' might have appeared in other collections, or perhaps as individual reprints of themselves. Those collections/reprints may someday get representation on Wikisource, so having a generic link there would prevent us from having to change the data on all the author pages later when a versions page is made. So I at least would prefer it for the sake of the DRY (Don't Repeat Yourself) axiom. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:38, 6 February 2022 (UTC)

:Hi there. I can't say I agree with you, because:
:(1) If I click on a link for a work, I expect to be taken to a copy of that work, not to a page that might contain several versions of it and then have to choose among them. Access to other versions (whether there are actually other copies, or just 'might be one day' ones) can then be had via the 'other versions' link at the top of the work.
:(2) If I put a link in a work to the origin of a quotation (such as those perennial favourites, Shakespeare, Paradise Lost and the Bible}, I don't link to a 'versions' page and then let the reader pick one for themselves and wade through the whole work to try and find the line(s) of interest. I link to a specific point in one version.
:(3) If I'd named the transcription 'The Death Bed' or 'The Death Bed (Cuney)' instead of 'Fire!!/Flame from the Dark Tower/The Death Bed' then I might agree with you, since - in the unlikely event of further versions - that would require moving things about to create a disambiguation page. But I didn't.
:(4) I spend too much time as it is doing stuff on this site without expending even more effort creating pages that probably won't ever get used. For an example of where this gets you, see the 'Folios' section of [[Hamlet (Shakespeare)]].
:Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 17:40, 6 February 2022 (UTC)

== Sections in a Journal of the Plague Year ==

Hi,

Just curious, when transcluding a Journal of the Plague Year, did you have pages in mind to put in each of the three sections in the auxiliary table of contents? I only ask because (a) I dislike transcluding works all on one page, and (b) having a look through all the pages, I can't seem to see any clearly identifiable sections. If you prefer, I can transclude a single section (&quot;Memoirs of the Plague&quot;) and cut sections 2 and 3 from the ToC (at least everything isn't then on the opening page for the work), or I can cut the ToC entirely and put everything on the front page (after transcluding, it should then be easier to search for issues/missing nops etc.).

Thanks (and thanks for helping with many of the other MC transclusions),[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 21:32, 6 February 2022 (UTC)

== Soft redirects such as at [[Elegy (Swinburne)]] ==

It appears you turned the redirect at [[Elegy (Swinburne)]] into a soft redirection to [[Astrophel and Other Poems/Elegy]] from a hard redirection. Hard redirects are preferred at Wikisource unless they are in the form of a disambiguation page. The soft redirects recently got process-deleted by [[User:Xover|Xover]], which they did along with several other pages in the now non-existent category [[:Category:Soft redirects/March 2021]]. Note also to the deleter [[User:Xover|Xover]], and [[User:CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] who also edited, that the redirects to the poems of [[Astrophel and Other Poems]] will eventually need to be recreated and disambiguated accordingly. [[User:PseudoSkull|PseudoSkull]] ([[User talk:PseudoSkull|talk]]) 16:16, 26 February 2022 (UTC)

== [[North and South (First Edition)]] ==

This work will not download for readers because the chapters are not listed on the first page.  Downloads only work if the contents are fully listed on the first page of the work. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 20:36, 6 March 2022 (UTC)

== Missing images on The Strand ==

Hi,

Did you forget about [[Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 3).djvu/6]] and [[Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 3).djvu/8]], or just haven't got around to them yet? [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 10:12, 14 March 2022 (UTC)

:I bring it up because the current state puts them into the [[:Category:Pages with missing files]] maintenance category (which should generally be empty so that we can catch any genuine problems and fix them). Would you be opposed to removing the placeholder filename in the {{tl|img float}} templates? That would leave the templates in place, but not cause the page to land in that maintenance category. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:36, 14 April 2022 (UTC)
::Hello,
::I've no problem with your suggested change, which I've done. I wasn't planning on doing the images any time soon, as there are lots of them in the whole work. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 11:23, 14 April 2022 (UTC)

== Formatting in [[Index:Hebrew Melodies.djvu]] ==

Hi, I'm validating this work and I have a question about the formatting of poem titles.

Where the title is printed on more than one line, sometimes you have preserved it but sometimes you have not. For example, [[Page:Hebrew Melodies.djvu/54|page 42]] vs. [[Page:Hebrew Melodies.djvu/27|page 15]]. How did you choose when to do this? On reflection, how do you think it should be? Ideally I would like to get it in a consistent state before finishing the validation.

Thanks in advance! [[User:BethNaught|BethNaught]] ([[User talk:BethNaught|talk]]) 12:52, 21 May 2022 (UTC)

:Hi there. Thanks for the work you're doing - hopefully I've not made too many errors.
:I don't have a specific system for dealing with titles (poems or otherwise). I do split the title to follow the design intent if different parts of it are in different font sizes or formats. For poems, if (unsplit) the total length of the title is less than the length of the longest verse, I tend to leave it on one line. If (unsplit) it is longer than the verses of the poem, I think it sometimes makes the overall layout (when transcluded) look 'off-centre', so I split it, depending on how it looks to me. 
:I won't die in a ditch over this - if you want to change things to make them all consistent, then feel free. 
:Regards, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 13:19, 21 May 2022 (UTC)
::Thank you for the explanation, it does make sense to me. It's a sensible approach and you've applied it consistently, so I'm happy to leave it as is. [[User:BethNaught|BethNaught]] ([[User talk:BethNaught|talk]]) 15:14, 22 May 2022 (UTC)

== Cleanup templates ==
[[File:AsAManThinketh - temp screenshot PM.png|thumb]]

Please do not [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=As_a_Man_Thinketh&amp;type=revision&amp;diff=12390638&amp;oldid=12386619 remove cleanup templates] until the issue has been corrected  The work's chapter pages are still missing header templates, as required by our Style Guide. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:43, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

At right is a screenshot of the code for Chapter 1 of [[As a Man Thinketh]] as an example.  There is no header template on this or any of the other chapters of the work.  The header templates need to be added for this work to meet Wikisource standards. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:37, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

== Folio header block image missing ==

Hi. Just in case it's an oversight (vs. work in progress or similar), [[Page:Shakespeare - First Folio Faithfully Reproduced, Methuen, 1910.djvu/856]] refers to [[:File:Shakespeare - First Folio Faithfully Reproduced, Methuen, 1910 - header block type 3.jpg]], which doesn't exist. No worries if you just haven't got around to it yet; I just saw it while processing the backlog in [[:Category:Pages with missing files]] and figured I'd drop you a note just in case. [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 13:43, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks. Although I've done most of the images from the work, there are some outstanding, including the one you came across (which is an upside down version of one of the header types already on Commons and used elsewhere in this work). I hope to get round to them soon - currently progressing 'Anthony and Cleopatra'. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 15:58, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

== Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748) ==

Normally, if a work has been proofread and transcribed including long-s, to preserve the original, it is impolite to remove them all. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:41, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

:I wouldn't bother normally but the proofreading isn't that good (missing lines, mis-spellings masked by the pointless replication of the long 's') and the use of multiple carriage returns instead of {{dhr}}. Plus the larger text items are disproportionately large compared to the basis text size. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 22:55, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

I have reverted your changes to the Pindar section because you have altered formatting in a way that does not match the original.  The poem is neither centered nor shrunk into the middle of the page, but is left-aligned.  You also altered line spacing, among other things, which neither follows the source nor is consistent across pages.  Please check against the original. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 22:49, 16 June 2022 (UTC)

== Validating Index:A study of Ben Jonson (IA studyofbenjonson00swinrich).pdf ==

Please see [[Page:A study of Ben Jonson (IA studyofbenjonson00swinrich).pdf/147]] in the upper left half corner, is an orphaned format {{fine| that has no closure on the other end.  If I try to fix it, the page reverts to needing a Proofread.  [[User:Maile66|Maile66]] ([[User talk:Maile66|talk]]) 00:00, 25 July 2022 (UTC)

:Hi there. I've fixed the problem. Thanks for doing the validation on this work, and some others I've done (e.g. A Little Country Girl, A Satyr against Hypocrites, A Woman's Estimate of Walt Whitman, etc.) [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise#top|talk]]) 05:42, 25 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>ip0wo4b30ty5xicey62djcq7462evr9</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/214</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2515224</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506830</id>
      <parentid>11654581</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:17:18Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1235" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rh||PIXIES AND BROWNIES|211}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;sometimes placed in the north of the range, sometimes to the south, but always close to the Black Sea. Their fame was spread through all the ancient world, and to the present day it is stated there is a Caucasian tribe that devotes itself to iron work and supplies the other tribes with weapons.

In the ''Seven against Thebes'' of Æschylus, the brothers were slain ‘with the hammer-wrought Scythian steel.’

Into Italy the use of iron arrived earlier than into Greece, and the Ligurians in the north-west of the peninsula were supposed to be of Greek origin, because that even in historic times they employed bronze lance-heads.

Among the northern inhabitants of Europe it was a much longer time before they became acquainted with iron. Tacitus informs us how rare it was among the Germans in his time ({{asc|A.D.}} 100), and Cæsar, when he set foot in Britain, found the island well peopled, with abundance of cattle, and instead of coins using bits of bronze or iron of various weights. In the interior of the land tin was found, and iron, but in small quantities, on the coast. The Britons had no knowledge of alloying copper with tin, consequently all the bronze they had in use was imported.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/215</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12506831</id>
      <parentid>11654582</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1206" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rh|212|A BOOK OF FOLK-LORE}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;It would seem from this that as yet the Britons knew nothing of the making of steel, or using iron in any other way than as a currency.

It was even worse in the north-east of Europe. The Esthonians, a Lettish–Prussian people, for hundreds of years of our present reckoning used iron as a rarity, and as weapons employed wooden clubs. The Finns at the same time pointed their spears and arrows with bone ‘through deficiency of iron’ as Tacitus says.

A curious story is told us by the Byzantine historian Simocatta. When the Emperor Maurice, in {{asc|A.D.}} 591, was marching against the Avars on the shores of the Sea of Marmora, there were brought to him two unarmed men of strange aspect, who carried musical instruments like lutes. It was ascertained from them that the Khan of the Avars had sent to their people, who lived on the coast of the Baltic, demanding aid against the Byzantine Emperor, and they were sent as messengers to reply that they were a peaceable people, unaccustomed to wars, and unacquainted with the use of iron.

That the Gauls and Celts, at least on the continent, were acquainted with steel weapons is certain from the Hallstadt and La Tène&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/222</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2515232</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506833</id>
      <parentid>11654626</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:17:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <text bytes="1269" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rh||PIXIES AND BROWNIES|219}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;flexible, the smith will devote an amount of labour and time which we should think thrown away. He tempers the blade in oil not twenty or thirty times, but twice that amount, till he is satisfied that it has attained the perfection he desires. When we read in the Scandinavian Sagas of the digging into old grave-mounds in quest of swords that had been manufactured by Dwarfs, we are forced to the conviction that such blades, if good for anything, must have been thus oil-tempered again and again in the manufacture, and so only could have withstood rust.

The knowledge of iron came to the Greeks about 1200 {{asc|B.C.}}, and iron weapons and implements were carried up the Danube by Scythian nomadic dealers. A great centre of early iron manufacture would seem to have been in Illyria and Thrace, but who the ironworkers were who travelled in the north of Europe and in Britain we do not know.

A few characteristic stories of this people must suffice. A man rose one morning on the way from Apenrade to Jordkirch by the ‘Three hills.’ He heard hammering going on vigorously in one. So he shouted that he wanted a chaff-cutter, and rode on his way. In the evening, on his return, he saw a brand-new chaff-cutting knife lying on the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/230</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2515241</id>
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      <id>12506834</id>
      <parentid>11650601</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1214" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rh||PIXIES AND BROWNIES|227}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;describes it. He considered the Harlyn interments to date from about the third century {{asc|B.C.}}

There were found at the time a great many needles and prongs of slate, which were afterwards exhibited on the spot and sold to tourists as stone spear-heads. They were no such thing. They were splinters of a soft local slate that had been rolled by the wind and grated by the sand into the shape they assumed, and such are found all through the district.

Dr. Beddoe came down and examined the skulls and skeletons. He considered the interments to be late, and of a race somewhat short in stature, with dolichocephalic skulls, not prognathous. ‘We may conjecture with some confidence that it was after the Gallo–Belgic and before the Roman Conquest.’ There were marked peculiarities in the skulls, distinguishing them from those of the Aryan Celt and from those of the men of the Bronze period. It seemed to me that a necropolis of an intrusive people, peaceable, who, whereas all around them burnt their dead, continued religiously to inter theirs.

The main road from Padstow along the coast cuts through this ancient cemetery. It is interesting to note that this portion of&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>hi experiment with dotragged TOC</comment>
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    <title>Page:Shakespeare - First Folio Faithfully Reproduced, Methuen, 1910.djvu/301</title>
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      <comment>Added anchor</comment>
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      <text bytes="3693" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Twelfe Night, or, What you will.''|275}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Or say, tis not your seale, not your inuention:
You can say none of this. Well, grant it then,
And tell me in the modestie of honor,
Why you haue giuen me such cleare lights of fauour,
Bad me come smiling, and crosse-garter'd to you,
To put on yellow stockings, and to frowne
Vpon sir ''Toby'', and the lighter people:
And acting this in an obedient hope,
Why haue you suffer'd me to be imprison'd,
Kept in a darke house, visited by the Priest,
And made the most notorious gecke and gull,
That ere inuention plaid on? Tell me why?

''Ol''.
Alas ''Maluolio'', this is not my writing,
Though I confesse much like the Charracter:
But out of question, tis ''Maria''s hand.
And now I do bethinke me, it was shee
First told me thou wast mad; then cam'st in smiling,
And in such formes, which heere were presuppos'd
Vpon thee in the Letter: prethee be content,
This practice hath most shrewdly past vpon thee:
But when we know the grounds, and authors of it,
Thou shalt be both the Plaintiffe and the Iudge
Of thine owne cause.

''Fab''.
Good Madam heare me speake,
And let no quarrell, nor no braule to come,
Taint the condition of this present houre,
Which I haue wondred at. In hope it shall not,
Most freely I confesse my selfe, and ''Toby''
Set this deuice against ''Maluolio'' heere,
Vpon some stubborne and vncourteous parts
We had conceiu'd against him. ''Maria'' writ
The Letter, at sir ''Tobyes'' great importance,
In recompence whereof, he hath married her:
How with a sportfull malice it was follow'd,
May rather plucke on laughter then reuenge,
If that the iniuries be iustly weigh'd,
That haue on both sides past.

''Ol''.
Alas poore Foole, how haue they baffel'd thee?

''Clo''.
{{anchor|Tennysonianap91}}Why some are borne great, some atchieue greatnesse, and some haue greatnesse throwne vpon them. I was one sir, in this Enterlude, one sir ''Topas'' sir, but that's all one: By the Lord Foole, I am not mad: but do you remember, Madam, why laugh you at such a barren rascall, and you smile not he's gag'd: and thus the whirlegigge of time, brings in his reuenges.

''Mal''. 
Ile be reueng'd on the whole packe of you?

''Ol''.
He hath bene most notoriously abus'd.

''Du''.
Pursue him, and entreate him to a peace:
He hath not told vs of the Captaine yet,
When that is knowne, and golden time conuents
A solemne Combination shall be made
Of our deere soules. Meane time sweet sister,
We will not part from hence. ''Cesario'' come
(For so you shall be while you are a man:)
But when in other habites you are seene,
''Orsino's'' Mistris, and his fancies Queene.{{float right|''Exeunt.''}}
{{center block/s}}
{{center|''Clowne sings''.}}''When that I was and a little tine boy,''
{{gap|1em}}''with hey, ho, the winde and the raine:''
''A foolish thing was but a toy,''
{{gap|1em}}''for the raine it raineth euery day.''

''But when I came to mans estate,''
{{gap|1em}}''with hey ho, &amp;c.''
''Gainst Knaues and Theeues men shut their gate,''
{{gap|1em}}''for the raine, &amp;c.''

''But when I came alas to wiue,''
{{gap|1em}}''with hey ho, &amp;c.''
''By swaggering could I neuer thriue,''
{{gap|1em}}''for the raine, &amp;c.''

''But when I came vnto my beds,''
{{gap|1em}}''with hey ho, &amp;c.''
''With tospottes still had drunken heades,''
{{gap|1em}}''for the raine, &amp;c.''

''A great while ago the world begon,''
{{gap|1em}}''hey ho, &amp;c.''
''But that's all one, our Play is done,''
{{gap|1em}}''and wee'l striue to please you euery day.''
{{center block/e}}
{{rule}}
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center|{{xx-larger|FINIS.}}}} 
{{dhr|2}}
[[File:Shakespeare - First Folio Faithfully Reproduced, Methuen, 1910 - tail block type 1.jpg|center|300px]]
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Oregon, her history, her great men, her literature.djvu/368</title>
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      <text bytes="1556" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|'''SENATOR EDWIN D. BAKER'''}}

[[Author:Edward Dickinson Baker|Edward Dickinson Baker]] was born in London, England, February 24, 1811. Five years later his father's family located in Philadelphia where Edward was apprenticed at an early age to a weaver. Later young Baker drove a dray in St. Louis. He was admitted to the bar in Illinois, obtained a Major's commission in the Black Hawk War, was commissioned colonel in the Mexican War; became a member of congress from Illinois in 1849; located in California; moved to Oregon, and in 1860 was elected United States Senator. His was a dramatic career while in the senate. Attired in the full uniform of a colonel, he appeared before his fellow Senators in a stirring defense of the Union, August 2, 1861; and four days later was confirmed Brigadier General. He fell in battle at Ball's Bluff, October 21, 1861.

{{FI
 | file = E. D. Baker.jpg
 | width = 200px
 | caption = E. D. Baker
 | tstyle = font-size:100%; font-variant:all-small-caps;
}}

As an orator and poet, Senator Baker treated each subject in its appropriate individual style. He was enabled to give a typical plea in the &quot;Defense of Cora;&quot; tart repartee in his &quot;Reply to Benjamin;&quot; the fiery animus of Patrick Henry in the &quot;Baker Mass-Meeting Address;&quot; human sympathy in the &quot;Broderick Oration;&quot; ornate style in the &quot;Oration on the Atlantic Cable;&quot; and poetry and music in the &quot;Ode to a Wave.&quot; On all occasions the flight of the &quot;Old Gray Eagle&quot; was lofty, attracting the minds of men from sordid thoughts and groveling themes.
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Public Opinion (Lippmann).djvu/154</title>
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      <text bytes="1841" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rh|140|PUBLIC OPINION|}}{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;seasons. If born in winter, we should believe in summer as we now believe in the heats of the carboniferous era. The motions of organic beings would be so slow to our senses as to be inferred, not seen. The sun would stand still in the sky, the moon be almost free from change, and so on. But now reverse the hypothesis and suppose a being to get only one 1000th part of the sensations we get in a given time, and consequently to live 1000 times as long. Winters and summers will be to him like quarters of an hour. Mushrooms and the swifter growing plants will shoot into being so rapidly as to appear instantaneous creations; annual shrubs will rise and fall from the earth like restless boiling water springs; the motions of animals will be as invisible as are to us the movements of bullets and cannon-balls; the sun will scour through the sky like a meteor, leaving a fiery trail behind him, etc.&quot; {{fine block/e}}


{{c|5}}

In his [[The Outline of History|Outline of History]] Mr. [[Author:Herbert George Wells|Wells]] has made a gallant effort to visualize &quot;the true proportions of historical to geological time.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Vol. II, p. 605. See also [[Author:James Harvey Robinson|James Harvey Robinson]], ''[[The New History]]'', p. 239.&lt;/ref&gt; On a scale which represents the time from Columbus to ourselves by three inches of space, the reader would have to walk 55 feet to see the date of the painters of the Altamara caves, 550 feet to see the earlier Neanderthalers, a mile or so to the last of the dinosaurs. More or less precise chronology does not begin until after 1000 {{asc|B. C.}}, and at that time &quot;Sargon I of the AkkadianSumerian Empire was a remote memory, {{...}} more remote than is Constantine the Great from the world of the present day{{...|4}} Hammurabi had been&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Public Opinion (Lippmann).djvu/189</title>
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      <text bytes="1683" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SELF-INTEREST RECONSIDERED|175}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;for the isolated and the self-sufficient, highly varied for the adaptable, there is a whole range of selves, from that one at the top which we should wish God to see, to those at the bottom that we ourselves do not dare to see. There may be octaves for the family,—father, Jehovah, tyrant,—husband, proprietor, male,—lover, lecher,—for the occupation,—employer, master, exploiter,—competitor, intriguer, enemy,—subordinate, courtier, snob. Some never come out into public view. Others are called out only by exceptional circumstances. But the characters take their form from a man's conception of the situation in which he finds himself. If the environment to which he is sensitive happens to be the smart set, he will imitate the character he conceives to be appropriate. That character will tend to act as modulator of his bearing, his speech, his choice of subjects, his preferences. Much of the comedy of life lies here, in the way people imagine their characters for situations that are strange to them: the professor among promoters, the deacon at a poker game, the cockney in the country, the paste diamond among real diamonds.


{{c|3}}

Into the making of a man's characters there enters a variety of influences not easily separated.&lt;ref&gt;For an interesting sketch of the more noteworthy early attempts to explain character, see the chapter called &quot;The Antecedents of the Study of Character and Temperament,&quot; in [[Author:Joseph Jastrow|Joseph Jastrow]]'s ''[[The Psychology of Conviction]]''.&lt;/ref&gt; The analysis in its fundamentals is perhaps still as doubtful as it was in the fifth century {{asc|B. C.}} when&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Household Words - Volume 12.djvu/35</title>
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{{c|{{xxxx-larger|HOUSEHOLD WORDS.}}
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{{x-larger|A WEEKLY JOURNAL.}}

{{larger|'''CONDUCTED BY CHARLES DICKENS.'''}}}}
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|rowspan=2 {{ts|w15|lg}} |N{{sup|o.}} 281.]
|rowspan=2 {{ts|width:99%|lg|ac}} |SATURDAY, AUGUST 11, 1855.
|{{ts|width:10%}}| {{smaller|{{sc|Price}} 2''d.''}}
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{{c|OUR COMMISSION.}}

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{{sc|The}} disclosures in reference to the adulteration of Food, Drinks, and Drugs, for which the public are indebted to the vigor and spirit of our contemporary {{sc|[[The Lancet]]}}, lately inspired us with the idea of originating a Commission to inquire into the extensive adulteration of certain other articles which it is of the last importance that the country should possess in a genuine state. Every class of the general public was included in this large Commission; and the whole of the analyses, tests, observations, and experiments, were made by that accomplished practical chemist, {{sc|Mr. Bull.}}

The first subject of inquiry was that article of universal consumption familiarly known in England as &quot;Government.&quot; Mr. Bull produced a sample of this commodity, purchased about the middle of July in the present year, at a wholesale establishment in Downing Street. The first remark to be made on the sample before the Commission, Mr. Bull observed, was its excessive dearness. There was little doubt that the genuine article could be furnished to the public, at a fairer profit to the real producers, for about fifty per cent less than the cost price of the specimen under consideration. In quality, the specimen was of an exceedingly poor and low description; being deficient in flavor, character, clearness, brightness, and almost every other requisite. It was what would be popularly termed wishy-washy, muddled, and flat. Mr. Bull pointed out to the Commission, floating on the top of this sample, a volatile ingredient, which he considered had no business there. It might be harmless enough, taken into the system at a debating-society, or after a public dinner, or a comic song; but in its present connection, it was dangerous. It had not improved with keeping. It had come into use as a ready means of making froth, but froth was exactly what ought not to be found at the top of this article, or indeed in any part of it. The sample before the Commission, was frightfully adulterated with immense infusions of the common weed called Talk. Talk, in such combination, was a rank Poison. He had obtained a precipitate of Corruption from this purchase. He did not mean metallic corruption, as deposits of gold, silver or copper; but, that species of corruption which, on the proper tests being applied, turned white into black, and black into white, and likewise engendered quantities of parasite vermin. He had tested the strength of the sample, and found it not nearly up to the mark. He had detected the presence of a Grey deposit in one large Department, which produced vacillation and weakness; indisposition to action to-day, and action upon compulsion to-morrow. He considered the sample, on the whole, decidedly unfit for use. Mr. Bull went on to say, that he had purchased another specimen of the same commodity at an opposition establishment over the way, which bore the sign of the British Lion, and proclaimed itself, with the aid of a Brass Band, as &quot;The only genuine and patriotic shop;&quot; but, that he had found it equally deleterious; and that he had not succeeded in discovering any dealer in the commodity under consideration who sold it in a genuine or wholesome state. 

The bitter drug called Public Offices, formed the next subject of inquiry. Mr. Bull produced an immense number of samples of this drug, obtained from shops in Downing Street, Whitehall, Palace Yard, the Strand, and elsewhere. Analysis had detected in every one of them, from seventy-five to ninety-eight per cent of Noodledom. Noodledom was a deadly poison. An over-dose of it would destroy a whole nation, and he had known a recent case where it had caused the death of many thousand men. It was sometimes called Routine, sometimes Gentlemanly Business, sometimes The Best Intentions, and sometimes Amiable Incapacity; but, call it what you would, analysis always resolved it into Noodledom. There was nothing in the whole united domains of the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms, so incompatible with all the functions of life as Noodledom. It was producible with most unfortunate ease. Transplant anything from soil and conditions it was fit for, to soil and conditions it was not fit for, and you immediately had Noodledom. The germs of self-propagation contained within this baleful poison, were incalculable: Noodledom uniformly and constantly engendering Noodledom, until every available inch of space was over-run by it. The history of the adulteration of the drug now before the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{xx-larger|HOUSEHOLD WORDS.}}
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{{x-larger|A WEEKLY JOURNAL.}}

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{{c|THE OLD AND NEW SQUATTEB. 

{{asc|THE OLD SQUATTER.}}

{{sc|In}} the year eighteen hundred and thirty-five wonderful rumours spread themselves over the pleasant little island of Tasmania of new regions on the other side of Bass's Straits. At little more than a hundred and fifty miles distance, it was said, there spread beautiful pastures, green and fertile and beautiful woodlands, where the forest trees were so lightly and airily scattered, that the turf grew strong, and fresh, and sweet beneath them, as on the openest plains, or the fairest downs. These park-like expanses, stretching themselves for hundreds of miles in all directions, were here washed by the ocean, and here stretched at the feet of far- off blue-glancing mountains. Rivers and lively brooks wound invitingly through them, and occasional lakes gave thei rrefreshing charm to plains of most luxurious fertility. 

Certain adventurous men who had assumed the profession of whalers, it was said, had for some time haunted these elysian shores; now skirting their lofty and more thickly-forested portions, and now anchoring in secluded creeks and bays, where they varied their ocean-life by hunting the kangaroo and the emu through the lovely pastures and the pleasant evergreen woods. So charming had they found this life, that they had resolved to enjoy it continually, and had therefore built huts on the shores of a fine bay, and had stealthily carried over in their whale-boats flocks and cattle, and all that was necessary for a jocund and plentiful Robinson Crusoe life. 

But such fairylands, wherever they lie, are too alluring to remain long terræ incognitæ. King Arthur is supposed to have lain hidden some thousand years or more in the Isle of Avalon, waiting for the day when it shall be necessary to turn out and save his country, and as said country appears yet very able to save itself, he may, with our consent and that of posterity, probably stay there another thousand. But that is the only instance in which a man can keep such a desirable country to himself. Little Tasmania having been only inhabited by the white man about thirty years, was already become glutted with his flocks and herds. Fertile as were the valleys of Van Diemen's Land, a great portion of the island was occupied by wild, rugged mountains, and still more by dense and often barren forests. In these thirty years of European possession the population had reached the sum of forty thousand, of whom no less than seventeen thousand were England's expatriated criminals. The little more than twenty thousand free men already found themselves masters of eight hundred thousand sheep, which were palpably becoming too many for the capabilities of the pasturage, especially in summer, when the grass was scorched, and, as it were, dead. 

The news of the new regions of fertility and boundlessness, on the other side, as the phrase became and remains, were, therefore, listened to with avidity. Not only did individuals hasten to get over, but companies were formed, to purchase vessels, and large tracts of country from the natives, when they had reached the promised land. First and foremost amongst these adventurers were John Pascoe Fawkner and his associates, who, procuring a ship from Sydney, steered across with their cattle and people from the heads of the Tamar in Van Diemen's Land to the present bay and site of Port Phillip. 

But the spirit of enterprise was awake, thousands were on fire to expand themselves over limitless regions of fertility; the cry of the whole island was, to-morrow to fresh fields and pastures new; and others had contrived to outstrip the Fawkner party. As their vessel bearing, as they supposed, the nucleus of a new colony, made its way up the spacious bay of Port Phillip, a man descended from an eminence, now called Indented Head, and warned away those who had hoped to be the first patriarchs of the soil. This was one John Batman, who, with a company of fifteen others, including a Mr. Gellibrand—an eminent lawyer of Van Diemen's Land, destined to perish by the tomahawks of the natives, and give his name to several hills in the new country—had not only outstripped Fawkner, but had purchased a tract of six hundred thousand acres of the natives. 

Thus he came down on the people of the little ship Enterprise, not only as a prior arrival, but as a proprietor of the ground. But John Fawkner, who was destined to cut&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{xx-larger|HOUSEHOLD WORDS.}}
{{dhr}}
{{x-larger|A WEEKLY JOURNAL.}}

{{larger|'''CONDUCTED BY CHARLES DICKENS.'''}}}}
{{dhr}}
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{{c|THE OLD AND NEW SQUATTER. 

{{asc|THE OLD SQUATTER.}}}}

{{sc|In}} the year eighteen hundred and thirty-five wonderful rumours spread themselves over the pleasant little island of Tasmania of new regions on the other side of Bass's Straits. At little more than a hundred and fifty miles distance, it was said, there spread beautiful pastures, green and fertile and beautiful woodlands, where the forest trees were so lightly and airily scattered, that the turf grew strong, and fresh, and sweet beneath them, as on the openest plains, or the fairest downs. These park-like expanses, stretching themselves for hundreds of miles in all directions, were here washed by the ocean, and here stretched at the feet of far- off blue-glancing mountains. Rivers and lively brooks wound invitingly through them, and occasional lakes gave thei rrefreshing charm to plains of most luxurious fertility. 

Certain adventurous men who had assumed the profession of whalers, it was said, had for some time haunted these elysian shores; now skirting their lofty and more thickly-forested portions, and now anchoring in secluded creeks and bays, where they varied their ocean-life by hunting the kangaroo and the emu through the lovely pastures and the pleasant evergreen woods. So charming had they found this life, that they had resolved to enjoy it continually, and had therefore built huts on the shores of a fine bay, and had stealthily carried over in their whale-boats flocks and cattle, and all that was necessary for a jocund and plentiful Robinson Crusoe life. 

But such fairylands, wherever they lie, are too alluring to remain long terræ incognitæ. King Arthur is supposed to have lain hidden some thousand years or more in the Isle of Avalon, waiting for the day when it shall be necessary to turn out and save his country, and as said country appears yet very able to save itself, he may, with our consent and that of posterity, probably stay there another thousand. But that is the only instance in which a man can keep such a desirable country to himself. Little Tasmania having been only inhabited by the white man about thirty years, was already become glutted with his flocks and herds. Fertile as were the valleys of Van Diemen's Land, a great portion of the island was occupied by wild, rugged mountains, and still more by dense and often barren forests. In these thirty years of European possession the population had reached the sum of forty thousand, of whom no less than seventeen thousand were England's expatriated criminals. The little more than twenty thousand free men already found themselves masters of eight hundred thousand sheep, which were palpably becoming too many for the capabilities of the pasturage, especially in summer, when the grass was scorched, and, as it were, dead. 

The news of the new regions of fertility and boundlessness, on the other side, as the phrase became and remains, were, therefore, listened to with avidity. Not only did individuals hasten to get over, but companies were formed, to purchase vessels, and large tracts of country from the natives, when they had reached the promised land. First and foremost amongst these adventurers were John Pascoe Fawkner and his associates, who, procuring a ship from Sydney, steered across with their cattle and people from the heads of the Tamar in Van Diemen's Land to the present bay and site of Port Phillip. 

But the spirit of enterprise was awake, thousands were on fire to expand themselves over limitless regions of fertility; the cry of the whole island was, to-morrow to fresh fields and pastures new; and others had contrived to outstrip the Fawkner party. As their vessel bearing, as they supposed, the nucleus of a new colony, made its way up the spacious bay of Port Phillip, a man descended from an eminence, now called Indented Head, and warned away those who had hoped to be the first patriarchs of the soil. This was one John Batman, who, with a company of fifteen others, including a Mr. Gellibrand—an eminent lawyer of Van Diemen's Land, destined to perish by the tomahawks of the natives, and give his name to several hills in the new country—had not only outstripped Fawkner, but had purchased a tract of six hundred thousand acres of the natives. 

Thus he came down on the people of the little ship Enterprise, not only as a prior arrival, but as a proprietor of the ground. But John Fawkner, who was destined to cut&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="5385" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mukkakukaku&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{smaller|Charles Dickens.]}}|THE ROVING ENGLISHMAN.|{{smaller|[Sept 1, 1835.]}} 109}} 
{{block center/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;INVALID&quot; /&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
O sun! thou cherisher of life, 
  Thou opposite of death, 
Dissolver of the frost-bound strife 
  That seals up Nature's breath! 

Nurse of the poor man's orphan'd brood, 
  God of the harvest fields, 
Ripener of all earth grants for food, 
  And all her beauty yields; 

Deliverer of the prison'd streams 
  From winter's joyless reign; 
Awakener from mournful dreams 
  To sound and sense again. 

They fable of thee pleasant things;—
  To bear our loved to thee, 
The great ships spread their strong white wings, 
  Like angels o'er the sea; 

And daily in thy heavenly glow 
  Our sick and weak we set; 
Watch for the end of anxious woe. 
  And sigh, &quot;Not yet—not yet! &quot; 

O sun! look down on me and mine 
  From that o'erarching sky; 
Emblem of God's great glory shine, 
  And His all-pitying eye; 

Lest when I on that glory gaze, 
  Mine eyes through tears look out, 
Like one who sees with sore amaze 
  And faint distressful doubt, 

The changed face of some faithless friend, 
  Who promised generous aid, 
Was trusted, tried, and in the end, 
  The trembling hope betray'd. 
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{block center/e}}
&lt;section end=&quot;INVALID&quot; /&gt;
{{rule}}


&lt;section begin=&quot;ROVING&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ROVING ENGLISHMAN. 

{{asc|FROM BUCHAREST TO KRAIOVA.}}}}

{{sc|Fancy}} an agreeable community of gypsies playing at civilisation, and my reader will not have an erroneous idea of Bucharest. Life is nowhere so free from vain restraints and troublesome formalities. There are no grave worshipful persons about, to shame merry folks into being staid and serious. A true Wallachian looks upon flirtation as the business of life. This may be varied now and then by dancing, gambling, and official peculation; but these are merely casual diversions, and the true-bred Wallachian returns to the first occupation with a quickened sense of enjoyment. He is indeed a political intriguer by nature; but, after all, politics are merely an amusement to him, and he would give up the schemes of half a lifetime for the smile of some bedizened old coquette of forty-nine. He is not ambitious; but lie likes place for its profits; for the temporary advantage which it gives him over his rivals in love affairs, and over the neighbours who desire to rob him in some way—as most of them do. Every Wallachian nobleman believes devoutly that he has a right to hold some public office, at least once during his life, to divorce his wife when he pleases, and to outwit his neighbour. He would bear the utmost extreme of want and poverty however rather than follow any trade. Recently the prejudice entertained among the nobility against the learned professions, is happily melting away. I take it, they consented to be instructed by the Greeks in, this respect; so it is pleasant to add that the present minister—or, it would be more correct to say, director—of the interior, was a doctor of medicine, and that by far the greatest man in the country, lived long in exile on the honorable earnings of a small professorship in Moldavia. 

I know no race of men more winning and interesting than the Roumans, or of conduct more thoroughly objectionable. The men are mostly slight, dark, gipsy-looking fellows, with keen, restless eyes. They are as active as wild men. They are almost as strong and fearless as their old Dacian fore-fathers. But they consider it the height of fashion and good taste to affect an exaggerated effeminacy of demeanour and habits. It is delightful to see some well-knit gentleman, with a sweeping moustache six or seven inches long, a nervous frame, and the glance of a hawk, whose right place would undoubtedly be at the head of a troop of irregular cavalry, placing his trust in eau de Cologne and cambric handkerchiefs, or waltzing with a six-dandy power fifty times round a room which he could clear from one end to the other at a single bound. But conversation, however carefully subdued, breaks out now and then in strange fiery sallies. There is a racy, fine-flavoured smack about it, which speaks of keen wits and hearty animal enjoyment in the midst of the most artificial scenes. Extraordinary intimacies exist among them. Friends are fond of calling each other by some pungent nickname that would torture the ears of a used-up gentleman of the West: a nickname usually derived from some odd act of roguery, which has of course been found out. They walk into each other's houses unannounced. They stay as long as they please, joining in the meals and occupations of the family, and talking, dancing, singing eternally. They are always combining and arranging practical jokes of an elsewhere unheard-of nature. The ladies enter keenly into this sport, and distinguish themselves in it. A gentleman of the French nation who was visiting, not long ago, at the house of a great Boyard, was delighted at the attentions of a lady who formed one of the company. Before the evening was over she implored him to write to her. The enraptured Gaul complied; and, on going out to dinner on the following day, learned to his dismay that his letter was the general topic of conversation in polite society, and had been handed about by his fair friend to all her acquaintances. 

Two other stories are worthy of the Deca- &lt;section end=&quot;ROVING&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="5181" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mukkakukaku&quot; /&gt;{{rh|108 {{smaller|[Sept. 1. 1885.]}}|HOUSEHOLD WORDS.|{{smaller|[Conducted}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;CARVER&quot; /&gt;legs of mutton, until they should have attained that self-confidence which is so necessary in a carver, and which practice alone can insure. It would be only just to the apprentice to provide specially in the indentures that he should not be required, under any circumstances, to eat any of his own journey work. As evidence of progress, it might be desirable to deposit, in the windows of the society's offices, two sirloins of beef, the one showing the curving capabilities of the student on his first joining the society, the other exhibiting his progress after six lessons.

When, by theoretical instruction, practical experience, and emulative excitement, the undergraduates shall have become so far versed in the ordinary duties of the table as to know what gastronomy requires to be cut thick, and what thin; when they shall have learnt in which direction to obtain the best cut of venison, and how to divide the ribs from the shoulder in a forequarter of lamb; in short, when acquainted with the more ordinary and elemental branches of the art; it is proposed that select carving réunions should be held in the college hall, at which they should enjoy opportunities of displaying their adroitness. It might be well that the neophytes should be required, on these occasions, to cut up large geese and fowl of mature years, on small dishes, from very low chairs, with knives of the bluntest description. Mysterious side-dishes might also be handed round; which it should be their duty to dispense with as much coolness as if they knew what they were made of; and they should be expected to maintain an easy, unembarrassed flow of small talk, even when in the agonies of dissecting a tough old ptarmigan.

The course of study should conclude with a series of lectures on those refinements of the art, a knowledge of which is indispensable to the reputation of an accomplished carver. During the course, observations would naturally be directed to the prevalence and character of second-day dishes, with a view to place the student in a position to detect at a glance whether a dish had ever done duty in any other shape. He would thus be enabled to trace the mulligatawney soup of to day back to the curried chicken of yesterday, and again to the boiled fowl of the day before. Some hints might likewise be given on physiognomy in connection with carving, by which the carver could be enabled to discriminate between the honoured guest, to whom it would be proper to offer the wing, from the victim who might, without offence, be put off with the drumstick.

It is confidently believed that, by these means, the day may yet arrive when thousands of our benighted countrymen and countrywomen will be so well skilled in the art of carving, as to be able to define &quot;joints innumerable in the smallest chick that ever broke the heart of a brood hen,&quot; and supply fourteen people handsomely, from a single pheasant, still retaining the leg for himself.
&lt;section end=&quot;CARVER&quot; /&gt;
{{rule}}


&lt;section begin=&quot;INVALID&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE INVALID'S MOTHER. 

{{asc|TO THE SUN, AT LISBON.}}}}

{{block center/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|O sun!}} whose universal smile 
  Brightens the various lands, 
From burning Egypt's fruitful Nile 
  And Lybia's desert sands—

To where some frozen Lapland hut, 
  Dingy, and cold, and low, 
Bids half its gleaming surface jut 
  In light above the snow; 

I loved thee, as a careless child, 
  Where English meadows spread 
Their cowslip blossoms sweet and wild 
  By Thames' translucent bed! 

Now, with a still and serious hope, 
  I watch thy rays once more, 
And cast life's anxious horoscope 
  Upon a foreign shore. 

O sun! that beam'd to Camöen's eyes 
  Bright as thou dost to mine, 
That calmly yet shall set and rise, 
  On life and death to shine. 

O sun! that many an eager heart 
  With false hope hath beguiled. 
Deal gently with me, ere we part, 
  And heal the alien's child! 

A stranger stands on Tagus' banks, 
  And looks o'er Tagus' wave, 
Oh! shall we leave here joy and thanks, 
  Or weep beside a grave? 

Dear rivers of my native land, 
  Where paler sunshine gleams, 
On your green margin shall we stand 
  And laugh beside your streams; 

And talk of foreign flowers and clinics 
  Whose glorious radiance shed 
Such pleasure o'er these travell'd times,—
  Or shall we mourn our dead? 

No answer comes! Beyond the sen, 
  Beyond those azure skies, 
A speck in God's eternity, 
  Our unseen future lies! 

And not as one who braves His will, 
  (Which, murmur we or not, 
Must guide our onward course, and still 
  Decide the dreaded lot): 

But with a deep, mysterious awe, 
  I see that orb of light, 
Which first by His creative law 
  Divided day from night; 

Which, looking down upon the earth 
  With strong life-teeming rays , 
Compels the diamond's star-like bath, 
  The red gold's sultry blaze; 

Or bids some gentle fragile flower 
  Burst, from its calyx cold, 
To bloom, like man, its little hour, 
  Then sink beneath the mould. 
{{nop}} &lt;!-- do not remove nop --&gt;
&lt;/poem&gt;
&lt;section end=&quot;INVALID&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Household Words/Volume 12/The Invalid's Mother</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507799</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>removed [[Category:Poetry]]; added [[Category:Poems in periodicals]] using [[Help:Gadget-HotCat|HotCat]]</comment>
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      <text bytes="764" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[Household Words]], [[Household Words/Volume 12|Volume 12]]
 | author     = | override_contributor = Unattributed
 | translator = 
 | section    = The Invalid's Mother
 | previous   = [[Household Words/Volume 12/The Carver's College|The Carver's College]]
 | next       = [[The Roving Englishman/From Bucharest to Kraiova|The Roving Englishman: From Bucharest to Kraiova]]
 | year       = 1855
 | notes      = Published in ''[[Household Words]]'', [[Household Words/Volume 12|Volume 12]], without attribution. [[Household Words/Volume 12/Issue 284|Issue 284]], 1 September 1855.
}}

{{#tag:pages||index=Household Words - Volume 12.djvu|from=118|to=119|fromsection=INVALID|tosection=INVALID}}

{{PD-old}}

[[Category:Poems in periodicals]]</text>
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  <page>
    <title>User:Jan.Kamenicek</title>
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        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
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      <text bytes="50488" xml:space="preserve">{{DISPLAYTITLE:'''&lt;span style=&quot;color:darkgrey;font-family:Rockwell&quot;&gt;{{NAMESPACE}}:&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-family:Rockwell&quot;&gt;Jan.Kamenicek&lt;/span&gt;'''}}
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|{{userbox|id=[[File:Coat of arms of the lands of the Bohemian Crown.svg|40px]]|info={{c|This user contributes to works about the {{pol|Czech lands}}.}}}}&lt;br/&gt;
{{userbox|id=[[File:22. Adolf Hoffmeister, Karel Čapek, 1938.jpg|40px]]|info={{c|This user contributes to works of the {{pol|Czech literature}}.}}}}
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|{{User admin Wikisource|Jan.Kamenicek}}
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My name is '''[[wikt:Jan#Czech|Jan]] Kameníček''' [ˈjan ˈkamɛɲiːt͡ʃɛk] and I am a Wikimedian based in the Czech Republic. You can find my contributions also in [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:Contributions/Jan.Kamenicek English Wikipedia] (''[[:en:w:User:Jan.Kamenicek|User Page]]''), [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:Contributions/Jan.Kamenicek Commons] (''[[:Commons:User:Jan.Kamenicek|User page]]''), [https://cs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Speci%C3%A1ln%C3%AD:P%C5%99%C3%ADsp%C4%9Bvky/Jan.Kamenicek Czech Wikipedia] (''[[:cs:w:Wikipedista:Jan.Kamenicek|Uživatelská stránka]]''), [https://cs.wikisource.org/wiki/Speci%C3%A1ln%C3%AD:P%C5%99%C3%ADsp%C4%9Bvky/Jan.Kamenicek Czech Wikisource], [https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Special:Contributions/Jan.Kamenicek English Wiktionary], [https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Special:Contributions/Jan.Kamenicek Wikidata], [https://cs.wiktionary.org/wiki/Speci%C3%A1ln%C3%AD:P%C5%99%C3%ADsp%C4%9Bvky/Jan.Kamenicek Czech Wiktionary], [https://sk.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C5%A0peci%C3%A1lne:Pr%C3%ADspevky/Jan.Kamenicek Slovak Wikipedia], [https://cs.wikiquote.org/wiki/Speci%C3%A1ln%C3%AD:P%C5%99%C3%ADsp%C4%9Bvky/Jan.Kamenicek Czech Wikiquote], [https://cs.wikinews.org/wiki/Speci%C3%A1ln%C3%AD:P%C5%99%C3%ADsp%C4%9Bvky/Jan.Kamenicek Czech Wikinews] or [https://species.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:Contributions/Jan.Kamenicek Wikispecies]. I am a member of [https://www.wikimedia.cz/web/Main_Page Wikimedia Czech Republic].
__NOTOC__
==My English Wikisource work==
===Fiction===
[[Stilfrid and Brunswik]] (1879)&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Grandmother (Božena Němcová, 1891)|The Grandmother]], 1891&lt;br/&gt;
[[&quot;Heavens!&quot;]], 1894&lt;br/&gt;
[[Zawis and Kunigunde]], 1895&lt;br/&gt;
[[Maria Felicia]], 1898&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart (1901)|The Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart]], 1901&lt;br/&gt;
[[Magdalen (Machar)|Magdalen]], 1916&lt;br/&gt;
[[Czech Folk Tales]], 1917&lt;br/&gt;
[[Short Stories from the Balkans]], 1919&lt;br/&gt;
[[Anthology of Modern Slavonic Literature in Prose and Verse]], 1919&lt;br/&gt;
[[Czechoslovak fairy tales]], 1919&lt;br/&gt;
[[Four Japanese Tales]], 1919&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Shoemaker's Apron]], 1920&lt;br/&gt;
[[Czechoslovak Stories]], 1920&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Disobedient Kids and other Czecho-Slovak fairy tales]], 1921&lt;br/&gt;
[[R. U. R. (Rossum's Universal Robots)]], 1923&lt;br/&gt;
[['And so ad infinitum' (The Life of the Insects)|'And so ''ad infinitum''{{'}} (The Life of the Insects)]], 1924&lt;br/&gt;
[[Krakatit]], 1925&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Makropoulos Secret]], 1925&lt;br/&gt;
[[Selected Czech Tales]], 1925&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Land of Many Names]], 1926

====In magazines and annuals====
{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The International (magazine)|The International]]|width=400px}}
:*[[The International (magazine)/Volume 1|vol. 1]]
:** [[The International (magazine)/Volume 1/Number 2/Phenicia's Sin|Phenicia's Sin]]
:** [[The International (magazine)/Volume 1/Number 2/Our authors|Our authors]]
:** [[The International (magazine)/Volume 1/Number 3/A Pawned Character|A Pawned Character]]
:*[[The International (magazine)/Volume 3|vol. 3]]
:** [[The International (magazine)/Volume 3/Number 3/The Lamp|The Lamp]]
:** [[The International (magazine)/Volume 3/Number 3/Editorial Notes|Editorial Notes]]
:** [[The International (magazine)/Volume 3/Number 3/Our Authors|Our Authors]]
:** [[The International (magazine)/Volume 3/Number 6/St. Nicholas|St. Nicholas]]
:*[[The International (magazine)/Volume 7|vol. 7]]
:** [[The International (magazine)/Volume 7/Number 3/Old Foltyn's Drum|Old Foltyn's Drum]]
{{Collapse bottom}}
{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|Poet Lore|width=400px}}
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 4|vol. 4]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 4/Number 1|no. 1]] (1892)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 4/Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes|A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 4|vol. 4]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 4/Number 6-7|no. 6–7]] (1892)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 4/Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs|Under a Bush of Lilacs]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 4|vol. 4]], no. [[Poet Lore/Volume 4/Number 8-9|8–9]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 4/Number 10|10]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 4/Number 11|11]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 4/Number 12|12]] (1892)
::*[[Newton's Brain]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 21|vol. 21]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 21/Number 6|no. 6]] (1910)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 21/Number 6/The Clouds|The Clouds]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 21/Number 6/&quot;The Princess Has Her Lovers&quot;|&quot;The Princess Has Her Lovers&quot;]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 24|vol. 24]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 24/Number 5|no. 5]] (1913)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 24/Number 5/At the Chasm|At the Chasm]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 24/Number 5/Jaroslav Vrchlicky|Jaroslav Vrchlicky]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 24/Number 5/The Nymph|The Nymph]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 25|vol. 25]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 25/Number 6|no. 6]] (1914)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 25/Number 6/Jaroslav Vrchlicky and His Place in Bohemian Drama|Jaroslav Vrchlicky and His Place in Bohemian Drama]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 25/Number 6/The Vengeance of Catullus|The Vengeance of Catullus]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 25/Number 6/The Witness|The Witness]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 26|vol. 26]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 26/Number 1|no. 1]] (1915)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 26/Number 1/The Book of the Hours|The Book of the Hours]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 26|vol. 26]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 26/Number 2|no. 2]] (1915)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 26/Number 2/My Battle-Cry|My Battle-Cry]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 26|vol. 26]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 26/Number 3|no. 3]] (1915)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 26/Number 3/Jan Výrava|Jan Výrava]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27|vol. 27]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 1|no. 1]] (1916)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 1/The Will o' the Wisp|The Will o' the Wisp]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 1/Jaroslav Kvapil|Jaroslav Kvapil]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 1/Songs of the Slave|Songs of the Slave]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 1/Glimpse of a Childhood|Glimpse of a Childhood]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27|vol. 27]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 4|no. 4]] (1916)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 4/Whom the Gods Destroy|Whom the Gods Destroy]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27|vol. 27]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 6|no. 6]] (1916)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 6/Three Songs from &quot;Buch der Lieder&quot;|Three Songs from &quot;Buch der Lieder&quot;]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 27/Number 6/Evening Songs|Evening Songs]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 28|vol. 28]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 28/Number 4|no. 4]] (1917)
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 28/Number 4/The Vagabond|The Vagabond]]
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 28/Number 4/On Golgotha|On Golgotha]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 28|vol. 28]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 28/Number 5|no. 5]] (1917)
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 28/Number 5/The Four Bare Walls|The Four Bare Walls]]
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 28/Number 5/The Message of &quot;The Four Bare Walls&quot;|The Message of &quot;The Four Bare Walls&quot;]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 31|vol. 31]] (1920)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 31/Number 1/Petr Vok Rozmberk|Petr Vok Rozmberk]]
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 31/Number 4/Dobromila Rettig|Dobromila Rettig]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 31|vol. 31]] (1922)
::*[[Poet Lore/Volume 33/Number 2/The Awakening|The Awakening]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 34|vol. 34]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 34/Number 4|no. 4]] (1923)
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 34/Number 1/Raduz and Mahulena|Raduz and Mahulena]]
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 34/Number 1/Sunset Down Mount Vernon Street|Sunset Down Mount Vernon Street]]
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 34/Number 1/He Who Visions|He Who Visions]]
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 34/Number 4/The Pistol of the Beg|The Pistol of the Beg]]
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 34/Number 4/Carthage|Carthage]]
:*[[Poet Lore/Volume 36|vol. 36]], [[Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3|no. 3]] (1925)
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3/The Lantern|The Lantern]]
:**[[Poet Lore/Volume 36/Number 3/The Fallen|The Fallen]]
{{Collapse bottom}}}}{{clear|left}}
{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Czechoslovak Review]]|width=400px}} 
:*[[The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 1/The Diary of a Reporter|The Diary of a Reporter]]
:*[[The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 3/Foltýn's Drum|Foltýn’s Drum]]
{{Collapse bottom}}}}{{clear|left}}
{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Dial]]|width=400px}} 
:*[[The Dial (Third Series)/Volume 75/The Injured One|The Injured One]]
:*[[The Dial (Third Series)/Volume 75/Prague Letter (Wadsworth)|Prague Letter (Wadsworth)]]
:*[[The Dial (Third Series)/Volume 75/Prague Letter (Fischer)|Prague Letter (Fischer)]]
{{Collapse bottom}}}}{{clear|left}}
{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Best Continental Short Stories of 1923-1924]]|width=400px}}
:* [[The Best Continental Short Stories of 1923-1924/Preface|Preface]]
:* [[The Best Continental Short Stories of 1923-1924/The Imprint|The Imprint]]
:* [[The Best Continental Short Stories of 1923-1924/The Yearbook of the Continental Short Story July, 1923 to July, 1924|The Yearbook of the Continental Short Story July, 1923 to July, 1924]]
{{Collapse bottom}}{{clear|left}}
{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Best Continental Short Stories of 1924-1925]]|width=400px}}
:* [[The Best Continental Short Stories of 1924-1925/Preface|Preface]]
:* [[The Best Continental Short Stories of 1924-1925/Severus|Severus]]
:* [[The Best Continental Short Stories of 1924-1925/Warming Up|Warming Up]]
{{Collapse bottom}}{{clear|left}}

===Poetry===
[[Cheskian Anthology]], 1832&lt;br/&gt;
[[Bohemian Poems, Ancient and Modern]], 1849&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Queen's Court Manuscript with Other Ancient Bohemian Poems]], 1852&lt;br/&gt;
[[Bohemian legends and other poems]], 1896&lt;br/&gt;
[[An Anthology of Modern Bohemian Poetry]], 1912&lt;br/&gt;
[[Songs of the Slav]], 1919&lt;br/&gt;
[[Modern Czech Poetry]], 1920&lt;br/&gt;
[[Evening Songs (1920)|Evening Songs]], 1920&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Conversion of St. Vladimir]], 1930&lt;br/&gt;
[[Tyrolean Elegies]], c1932&lt;br/&gt;
[[May (Mácha)|May]], 1932&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Soul Of A Century]], 1943&lt;br/&gt;
[[A Book of Czech Verse]], 1958
====Librettos====
[[The Bartered Bride (1908)|The Bartered Bride]], 1908

===Non-fiction===
[[De Ecclesia. The Church]], 1413, English edition 1915&lt;br /&gt;
[[Letters of John Huss Written During His Exile and Imprisonment]], 1410–1415, English edition 1846&lt;br /&gt;
[[The letters of John Hus]], 1408–1415, English edition 1904&lt;br /&gt;
[[On The Spiritual Battle]], 1421, English edition 2009&lt;br /&gt;
[[Diary of an embassy from King George of Bohemia to King Louis XI of France in the year of grace 1464]], English edition 1871&lt;br /&gt;
[[Adventures of Baron Wenceslas Wratislaw of Mitrowitz]], 1599, English edition 1862&lt;br /&gt;
[[Comenius' School of Infancy]], 1632, English edition 1893&lt;br /&gt;
[[The severall Habits of English Women and Theatru Mulierum]], 1640's, reprint 1794–1812&lt;br /&gt;
[[Rules of Life]], 1645, English translation 1865&lt;br /&gt;
[[The History of the Bohemian Persecution]], 1650&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe/Volume 3|The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe, Volume 3]], 1837 (part)&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Victoria Falls]], 1879&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Past, Present and Future Trade of the Cape Colonies with Central Africa]], 1879&lt;br /&gt;
[[On the Central South African Tribes from the South Coast to the Zambesi]], 1880&lt;br /&gt;
[[Seven Years in South Africa]], 1881&lt;br /&gt;
[[Statement of the attempted rescue of General Lafayette from Olmutz]], c1881&lt;br /&gt;
[[Guide through Carlsbad and its environs]], 1884&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Story of Bohemia]], 1895&lt;br /&gt;
[[Lectures on The Historians of Bohemia]], 1905&lt;br /&gt;
[[Bohemian Section at the Austrian Exhibition, Earl's Court London 1906]]&lt;br /&gt;
[[The life and times of Master John Hus]], 1909&lt;br /&gt;
[[Bohemia: An Historical Sketch]], 1910, reprint 1920&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Old Town Hall of Prague]], 1911&lt;br /&gt;
[[Report of Bohemian Section to the Socialist Party National Convention, May 1912]]&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Hussite Wars]], 1914&lt;br /&gt;
[[John Huss: his life, teachings and death, after five hundred years]], 1915&lt;br /&gt;
[[Bohemia's claim for freedom]], 1915&lt;br /&gt;
[[Bohemia under Hapsburg misrule]], 1915&lt;br /&gt;
[[Bohemians in Central Kansas]], 1915&lt;br /&gt;
[[Bohemia's claim to independence]], 1916&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Bohemians (Czechs) In The Present Crisis]], 1916&lt;br /&gt;
[[Bohemia's case for independence]], 1917&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Czecho-Slovaks (Namier)|The Czecho-Slovaks]], 1917&lt;br /&gt;
[[The voice of an oppressed people]], c1917&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Bohemian Question (1917)|The Bohemian Question]], 1917&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Case of Bohemia]], 1917&lt;br /&gt;
[[Declaration of the Czech deputies: In Convention at Prague, January 6, 1918]]&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Czechoslovak flag, historic coat of arms of the Czechoslovak lands]], 1918&lt;br /&gt;
[[Great Britain's New Allies-The Czecho-Slovaks]], 1918&lt;br /&gt;
[[Declaration of Independence of the Czechoslovak Nation]], 1918&lt;br /&gt;
[[The New Europe (The Slav Standpoint)]], 1918&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Spirit of Russia]], vol. [[The Spirit of Russia/Volume 1|I]] and [[The Spirit of Russia/Volume 2|II]], 1919&lt;br /&gt;
[[Heroic Story of the Czecho-Slovak Legions]], 1919&lt;br /&gt;
[[President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Thomas G. Masaryk]], 1919&lt;br /&gt;
[[Jews in the Czecho-Slovak State]], 1919&lt;br /&gt;
[[Great Britain and The Czecho-Slovaks]], 1919&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Peace League of George Poděbrad, King of Bohemia]], 1919&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic]], 1920&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Story of Prague (1920)|The Story of Prague]], 1920&lt;br/&gt;
[[Old Czech Recipes For Today's Kitchens]], 1920&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Sokols]], 1920&lt;br /&gt;
[[Dr. Miroslav Tyrš]], 1920&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Czechoslovaks in the United States]] by {{al|Jaroslav František Smetánka}}, c1920&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Jail]], 1921&lt;br/&gt;
[[Historical paintings of the Slavic nations by Alfons Mucha]], 1921&lt;br /&gt;
[[The Religious Conditions in Czechoslovakia]], c1921&lt;br /&gt;
[[Czechoslovakia's tribute to the memory of Woodrow Wilson]], 1924&lt;br /&gt;
[[Letters from England]], 1925&lt;br /&gt;
[[Mariánské Lázně, Františkovy Lázně]], 1930&lt;br /&gt;
[[Address by His Excellency Vaclav Havel, President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic]], 1990&lt;br /&gt;
[[Some Introductory Historical Observations (Czechia)]], 2004&lt;br /&gt;
[[Preliminary Notes on Cubist Architecture in Prague]], 2004&lt;br /&gt;
[[On Hašek's The Good Soldier Švejk|On Hašek's ''The Good Soldier Švejk'']], 2000s&lt;br /&gt;
[[An introduction to the work of Alfons Mucha and Art Nouveau]], 2014&lt;br /&gt;
[[United States House of Representatives Concurrent Resolution No. 99]], 2018

====Periodicals====
{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|Philosophical Transactions (several articles)|width=530px}}
:*[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 50|Volume 50]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 50/An Account of the Carlsbad Mineral Waters in Bohemia|An Account of the Carlsbad Mineral Waters in Bohemia]]
:*[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54|Volume 54]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of a Mummy, inspected at London 1763|An Account of a Mummy, inspected at London 1763]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/The Sequel of the Case of Mr. Butler, of Moscow, Printed in Philosophical Transactions, Vol. L. p. 19.|The Sequel of the Case of Mr. Butler, of Moscow, Printed in Philosophical Transactions, Vol. L. p. 19.]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/The Description of a new and safe Crane, which has four different Powers; invented by Mr. James Ferguson, F. R. S.|The Description of a new and safe Crane, which has four different Powers; invented by Mr. James Ferguson, F. R. S.]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Attempt to Account for the Origin and the Formation of the Extraneous Fossil commonly called the Belemnite|An Attempt to Account for the Origin and the Formation of the Extraneous Fossil commonly called the Belemnite]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of the Plague at Constantinople|An Account of the Plague at Constantinople]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of a remarkable Tide at Bristol|An Account of a remarkable Tide at Bristol]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/A Supplement to Mons. Pingré’s Memoir on the Parallax of the Sun|A Supplement to Mons. Pingré’s Memoir on the Parallax of the Sun]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of the Transit of Venus|An Account of the Transit of Venus]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/Observations on the Eclipse of the Sun at Chatham, April 1, 1764|Observations on the Eclipse of the Sun at Chatham, April 1, 1764]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of several fiery Meteors seen in North America|An Account of several fiery Meteors seen in North America]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of the Effects of Lightening at South Weald, in Essex|An Account of the Effects of Lightening at South Weald, in Essex]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/Observations upon the Effects of Lightning, with an Account of the Apparatus proposed to prevent its Mischiefs to Buildings, more particularly to Powder Magazines|Observations upon the Effects of Lightning, with an Account of the Apparatus proposed to prevent its Mischiefs to Buildings, more particularly to Powder Magazines]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of the Effects of Lightning in St. Bride's Church, Fleet-street, on the 18th of June 1764|An Account of the Effects of Lightning in St. Bride's Church, Fleet-street, on the 18th of June 1764]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/A Letter from Thomas Lawrence, M. D. to William Heberden, M. D. and F. R. S. concerning the Effects of Lightning, in Essex-street, on the 18th of June, 1764|A Letter from Thomas Lawrence, M. D. to William Heberden, M. D. and F. R. S. concerning the Effects of Lightning, in Essex-street, on the 18th of June, 1764]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of what appeared on Opening the Body of an asthmatic Person|An Account of what appeared on Opening the Body of an asthmatic Person]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/A Letter to the Marquiss of Rockingham, with some Observations on the Effects of Lightening|A Letter to the Marquiss of Rockingham, with some Observations on the Effects of Lightening]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/The Description of a New Hygrometer|The Description of a New Hygrometer]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/Extract of a Letter from Mr. John Winthrop, Professor of Mathematicks in Cambridge, New England, to James Short, A. M. F. R. S.|Extract of a Letter from Mr. John Winthrop, Professor of Mathematicks in Cambridge, New England, to James Short, A. M. F. R. S.]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/Observation of the Transit of Venus, June 6, 1761, at St. John’s, Newfoundland|Observation of the Transit of Venus, June 6, 1761, at St. John’s, Newfoundland]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of the Effects of Lightning on three Ships in the East Indies|An Account of the Effects of Lightning on three Ships in the East Indies]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of a remarkable Meteor seen at Oxford, March 5, 1764|An Account of a remarkable Meteor seen at Oxford, March 5, 1764]]
:**[[Philosophical Transactions/Volume 54/An Account of a remarkable Meteor seen at Oxford, April 23, 1764|An Account of a remarkable Meteor seen at Oxford, April 23, 1764]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|Once a Week (several articles)|width=530px}}
:*series 1, vol. 3
:**[[The famous city of Prague]]
:*series 1, vol. 11
:**[[Once a Week (magazine)/Series 1/Volume 11/A declaration|A Declaration]]
:**[[Once a Week (magazine)/Series 1/Volume 11/Midsummer-eve in Bohemia|Midsummer-eve in Bohemia]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|American Anthropologist, vol. 1 (New Series), [[American Anthropologist/Volume 1 (New Series)/Number 2|no. 2]] (one article)|width=530px}} 
:*[[American Anthropologist/Volume 1 (New Series)/Number 2/An Anomalous Ulna—Supra-capital Foramen|An Anomalous Ulna—Supra-capital Foramen]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[Circular of the United States Department of Agriculture, Division of Botany|Circular of the U. S. Dep. of Agriculture, Division of Botany]] (two articles)|width=530px}} 
:*No. 19: [[Circular of the United States Department of Agriculture, Division of Botany/Hop cultivation in Bohemia|Hop cultivation in Bohemia]]
:*No. 20: [[Circular of the United States Department of Agriculture, Division of Botany/Horse-radish culture in Bohemia|Horse-radish culture in Bohemia]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[Charities]]  (several articles)|width=530px}}
:* [[Charities/Volume 13|vol. 13]], [[Charities/Volume 13/Number 10|no. 10]]:
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 10/Contributors to the Slav Number|Contributors to the Slav Number]]
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 10/A Shepherd of Immigrants|A Shepherd of Immigrants]]
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 10/The Bohemian Women in New York|The Bohemian Women in New York]]
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 10/The Struggle in the Family Life|The Struggle in the Family Life]]
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 10/The Bohemian National Hymn, My Fatherland|The Bohemian National Hymn, My Fatherland]]
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 10/The Bohemians in Chicago|The Bohemians in Chicago]]
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 10/Bohemian Farmers of Wisconsin|Bohemian Farmers of Wisconsin]]
:* [[Charities/Volume 13|vol. 13]], [[Charities/Volume 13/Number 14|no. 14]]:
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 14/The Catholic Church and Bohemian Immigrants|The Catholic Church and Bohemian Immigrants]]
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 14/The Agricultural Distribution of Immigrants|The Agricultural Distribution of Immigrants]]
:* [[Charities/Volume 13|vol. 13]], [[Charities/Volume 13/Number 16|no. 16]]:
:**[[Charities/Volume 13/Number 16/The Slavic Races in Cleveland|The Slavic Races in Cleveland]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|Folk-Lore (several articles)|width=530px}} 
:*Volume 22
:**[[Folk-Lore/Volume 22/Review/Národopisný Věstník Českoslovanský|Národopisný Věstník Českoslovanský]]
:*Volume 27
:**[[Folk-Lore/Volume 27/Mabinogion|Mabinogion]]
:**[[Folk-Lore/Volume 27/Review/Recent Work in Slavonic Folklore|Recent Work in Slavonic Folklore]]
:*Volume 29
:**[[Folk-Lore/Volume 29/Review/Side-Lights on the Tain Age and other Studies|Side-Lights on the Tain Age and other Studies]]
:*Volume 30
:**[[Folk-Lore/Volume 30/Czech Folk-Tales|Czech Folk-Tales]]
:**[[Folk-Lore/Volume 30/Ki-Swahili Folk-Lore|Ki-Swahili Folk-Lore]]
:**[[Folk-Lore/Volume 30/Sechuana Proverbs|Sechuana Proverbs]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The New Europe]] (several articles)|width=530px}} 
:*[[The New Europe/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 1/The New Europe|The New Europe]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 1/Pangermanism and the Eastern Question|Pangermanism and the Eastern Question]]
:**[[The Literature of Pangermanism]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 1/Austria under Francis Joseph|Austria under Francis Joseph]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 1/Francis Joseph: An Elusive Personality|Francis Joseph: An Elusive Personality]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 1/Pangermanism and the Zone of Small Nations|Pangermanism and the Zone of Small Nations]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 1/Count Czernin: the New Emperor's New Foreign Minister|Count Czernin: the New Emperor's New Foreign Minister]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 1/Sub specie æternitatis|&quot;Sub specie æternitatis&quot;]]
:*[[The New Europe/Volume 2|Volume 2]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/The Future of Bohemia|The Future of Bohemia]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/The Spanish Crisis|The Spanish Crisis]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/Bohemia and the European Crisis|Bohemia and the European Crisis]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/Another German &quot;Scrap of Paper&quot;|Another German &quot;Scrap of Paper&quot;]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/M. Stürmer Abroad|M. Stürmer Abroad]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/The Liberation of Bohemia|The Liberation of Bohemia]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/A German Warning from America|A German Warning from America]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/The Future Status of Bohemia|The Future Status of Bohemia]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/Russia: From Theocracy to Democracy|Russia: From Theocracy to Democracy]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/Russia and Europe|Russia and Europe]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 2/A Philosophy of Pacifism|A Philosophy of Pacifism]]
:*[[The New Europe/Volume 3|Volume 3]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/Austria Infelix|Austria Infelix]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/Lenin's Return to Russia|Lenin's Return to Russia]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/An American View of Austria|An American View of Austria]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/A Gem from Cologne|A Gem from Cologne]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/A Correction|A Correction]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/Poles, Czechs and Jugoslavs|Poles, Czechs and Jugoslavs]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/A Montenegrin Manifesto|A Montenegrin Manifesto]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/Bohemia's Demand for Independence|Bohemia's Demand for Independence]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/The Opening of the Austrian Reichsrat|The Opening of the Austrian Reichsrat]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/Racial Demands in the Reichsrat|Racial Demands in the Reichsrat]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/The Austrian Premier's Swan Song|The Austrian Premier's Swan Song]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 3/Slav Speeches in the Reichsrat|Slav Speeches in the Reichsrat]]
:*[[The New Europe/Volume 4|Volume 4]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 4/A Lasting Peace through the Federation of Europe|A Lasting Peace through the Federation of Europe]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 4/Bohemia's Case for Independence|Bohemia's Case for Independence]]
:**[[The New Europe/Volume 4/Kühlmann and Czernin as Converts|Kühlmann and Czernin as Converts]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[Pamphlet (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)]] (several documents)|width=530px}}
:*[[Pamphlet (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)/Volume 23|Volume 23]]
:**[[Pamphlet (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)/Volume 23/Prefatory note|Prefatory note]]
:**[[Pamphlet (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)/Volume 23/President Wilson's Peace Note, December 18, 1916|President Wilson's Peace Note, December 18, 1916]]
:**[[Pamphlet (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)/Volume 23/Entente Reply to President Wilson's Peace Note, January 10, 1917|Entente Reply to President Wilson's Peace Note, January 10, 1917]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|National Geographic Magazine (one article)|width=530px}}
:* [[National Geographic Magazine/Volume 31|vol. 31]], [[National Geographic Magazine/Volume 31/Number 2|no. 2]]
:** [[National Geographic Magazine/Volume 31/Number 2/Bohemia and the Czechs|Bohemia and the Czechs]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Czechoslovak Review]] (several volumes)|width=530px}} 
:*[[The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 1|Volume 1]] (1917)
:*[[The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 2|Volume 2]] (1918)
:*[[The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 3|Volume 3]] (1919)

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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Wilson World]] (two articles)|width=530px}}
:* volume 40, no. 14 (1916)
:** [[The Wilson World/Joseph Satran|Joseph Satran]]
:* volume 45, no. 7 (1921)
:** [[The Wilson World/Obituary: Francis S. J. Swehla|Obituary: Francis S. J. Swehla]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[Iowa City press-Citizen]] (two articles)|width=530px}}
:*[[Iowa City press-Citizen/Mrs. Mekota dies in City|Mrs. Mekota dies in City]], 21 March 1922
:* [[Iowa City Press-Citizen/Professor Bohumil Shimek, Noted S. U. I. Botanist, Passes At 75|Professor Bohumil Shimek, Noted S. U. I. Botanist, Passes At 75]], 30 January 1937
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Colfax County Press and the Clarkson Herald Consolidated]] (several art.)|width=530px}}
:*[[The Colfax County Press and the Clarkson Herald Consolidated/Silent messenger summons Anton Odvarka, sr.|Silent messenger summons Anton Odvarka, sr.]], 3 October 1929
:*[[The Colfax County Press and the Clarkson Herald Consolidated/J. B. Sindelar joins the silent majority|J. B. Sindelar joins the silent majority]], 12 February 1931
:*[[Pioneer Czechs in Colfax County]],  2 November 1933 – 10 May 1934
:*[[The Colfax County Press and the Clarkson Herald Consolidated/Rev. Filipi gone-but not forgotten|Rev. Filipi gone–but not forgotten]], 29 October 1952
:*[[The Colfax County Press and the Clarkson Herald Consolidated/Father Petlach dies at 81 years|Father Petlach dies at 81 years]], 17 June 1953
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Schuyler Sun]] (two articles)|width=530px}}
:*[[The Schuyler Sun/Joseph B. Sindelar|Joseph B. Sindelar]], 19 February 1931
:*[[The Schuyler Sun/Emil Folda|Emil Folda]], 7 November 1935
:*[[The Schuyler Sun/Mrs P. F. Svoboda, member of a pioneer Colfax County Family, passed away on Thursday of last week|Mrs P. F. Svoboda, member of a pioneer Colfax County Family, passed away on Thursday of last week]], 16 January 1936
:*[[The Schuyler Sun/Father Anthony Folta|Father Anthony Folta]], 23 September 1937
:*[[The Schuyler Sun/Joseph Sudik|Joseph Sudik]], 7 January 1943
:*[[The Schuyler Sun/Funeral Rites for Joseph M. Mundil Held Last Saturday|Funeral Rites for Joseph M. Mundil Held Last Saturday ]], 20 December 1945
:*[[The Schuyler Sun/Rev. Drbal rites in Howells Tuesday|Rev. Drbal rites in Howells Tuesday ]], 12 December 1963
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Howells Journal]] (two articles)|width=530px}}
:*[[The Howells Journal/Frank Cejda is laid to rest|Frank Cejda is laid to rest]], 29 April 1932
:*[[The Howells Journal/Death comes quickly to Emil Folda; last rites are tomorrow|Death comes quickly to Emil Folda; last rites are tomorrow]], 1 November 1935
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|[[The Dodge Criterion]] (two articles)|width=530px}}
:*[[The Dodge Criterion/Fr. Anthony Folta Dies Saturday in Omaha Hospital|Fr. Anthony Folta Dies Saturday in Omaha Hospital]], 23 September 1937
:*[[The Dodge Criterion/Howells Pastor Passes Away Suddenly Monday|Howells Pastor Passes Away Suddenly Monday]], 23 October 1958
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[[The North American Review/Volume 206/Bohemia–the submerged front]], 1917&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Journal of International Relations/Volume 12/Two Architects of New Europe: Masaryk and Beneš]], 1921&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Evening Sun]], volume 32, no. 59: [[Weird Novel By Author of R. U. R.]], 1925&lt;br/&gt;
[[Star-Phoenix]], volume 53, no. 136: [[Krakatit (review in Star-Phoenix)|Krakatit]], 1925&lt;br/&gt;
The Guardian, [[The Guardian/1925/12/23/Krakatit|Krakatit]], 23 Dec. 1925&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Sacramento Bee]], volume 138, no. 22,509: [[Krakatit, The Story Of A Deadly Formula That Would Destroy World]], 1925&lt;br/&gt;
[[Great Falls Tribune]], volume 43, 6 January: [[Great Falls Tribune/1930/Moroni Olsen Coming|Moroni Olsen Coming]], 1930&lt;br/&gt;
[[The World (newspaper)|The World]], volume 47, no. 72: [[The World (newspaper)/Moroni Olsen Players to Appear Here Feb. 18 for Last Time|Moroni Olsen Players to Appear Here Feb. 18 for Last Time]], 1930&lt;br/&gt;
[[Statesman Journal]], volume 79, no. 263: [[Statesman Journal/Moroni Olson Players to Present Second of Plays In Salem Last of Month|Moroni Olson Players to Present Second of Plays In Salem Last of Month]], 1930&lt;br/&gt;
Chicago Tribune, vol. 94, no. 18: [[Morton School Board inducts R. A. Ginsburg]], 1935&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Daily Times (Davenport)]] vo.l 51, no. 30: [[The Daily Times (Davenport)/Professor Shimek, Botany Authority, Dies in Iowa City|Professor Shimek, Botany Authority, Dies in Iowa City]], 1937&lt;br/&gt;
The Des Moines Register vol. 88, no. 283: [[The Des Moines Register/1937/Bohumil Shimek-46 Years at Iowa City|Bohumil Shimek-46 Years at Iowa City]], 1937&lt;br/&gt;
[[Fremont Tribune]]  vol. 55, no. 115: [[Fremont Tribune/Services held for Father Folta at church at Dodge|Services held for Father Folta at church at Dodge]], 1949&lt;br/&gt;
[[Pittsburgh Post-Gazette]]  vol. 22, no. 282: [[Resigning Czech Consul Assails Red Regime]], 1949&lt;br/&gt;
[[Colfax County Call]], vol. 22, no. 44, [[Colfax County Call/Mrs. Joseph B. Makousky|Mrs. Joseph B. Makousky]], 1953&lt;br/&gt;
[[Oklahoma City Star]], vol. 29, no. 22: [[Mock Trial Condemns Czech Baptist Leaders]], 1953&lt;br/&gt;
[[Word and Way]], vol. 90, no. 38: [[Czechoslovak Baptist Preachers in Prison]], 1953&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Record (newspaper)|The Record]], vol. 69, no. 86: [[Rafael De Szalatnay, 79]], 1963&lt;br/&gt;
[[Beatrice Daily Sun]], vol. 71, no. 116: [[Former legislator Otto Kotouc dies]], 1973&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Lincoln Star]], vol. 72, no. 45: [[Private Rites Held For Otto Kotouc Sr.]], 1973&lt;br/&gt;
[[The Missoulian]], vol. 106, no. 287: [[Libbie Scholten]], 1979

====Encyclopædia articles====
{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|articles in Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th Edition (1875–1889)|width=500px}}
:*[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Comenius, Johann Amos]]
:*[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Moravian Brethren]]
:*[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Morayshire]]
:*[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Morbihan]]
:*[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Olivetans]]
:*[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Olmstead]]
:*[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Olmütz]]
:*[[Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Olonetz]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|articles in A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (1900)|width=500px}}
:*[[A Dictionary of Music and Musicians/Smetana, Friedrich]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|articles in The New International Encyclopædia (1905)|width=500px}}
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czaslau]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czartoryski]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czech language]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czech literature]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Ceiling]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Ceillier, Rémy]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Celadon]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Celæno]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Čelakovský, František Ladislav]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Čelakovský, Ladislav]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czegléd]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czekanowski]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czelakowsky]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czenstochowa]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czermak, Jaroslaw]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czermak, Johann Nepomuk]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czernowitz]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Czerny, Karl]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Divining-rod]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Divisch, Procopius]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Divisibility]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Division]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Division in Mathematics]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Sadducees]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Sadeler]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Sá de Miranda]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Smetana, Friedrich]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Smethwick]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Smew]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Smichow]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Smike]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Smilaceæ]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Smilax]]
:*[[The New International Encyclopædia/Smiles, Samuel]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|articles in 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica|width=500px}}
:*[[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Moravia]]
:*[[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Moravian Brethren]]
:*[[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Olmütz]]
:*[[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Olney (England)]]
:*[[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Olney (U.S.A.)]]
:*[[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Olney, Richard]]
:*[[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Palacký, František]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|articles in Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)|width=500px}}
:*[[Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Czech Literature]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|articles in [[Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Volume 17|Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 17]] (1922)|width=500px}}
:*[[Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Olivetans (supplement)]]
:*[[Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Archdiocese of Olmutz]]
:*[[Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Archdiocese of Olomouc]]
:*[[Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Diocese of Omaha (supplement)]]
:*[[Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Vicariate Apostolic of Northern Ontario‎]]
:*[[Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Blessed Oliver Plunket (supplement)]]
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{{float left|{{User:Jan.Kamenicek/Collapse top|articles in 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica|width=500px}}
:*[[1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Czechoslovakia]]
:*[[1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Czernin, Ottokar, Count]]
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===Authors===
{{Div col|cols=4}}
*{{al|Adalbert of Prague}}
*{{al|Pierre d'Ailly}}
*{{al|Mikoláš Aleš}}
*{{al|Ernst Altschul}}
*{{al|Jakub Arbes}}
*{{al|Anton Aškerc}}
*{{al|Otakar Auředníček}}
*{{al|Karel Babánek}}
*{{al|Giacomo Balardi Arrigoni}}
*{{al|Emily Greene Balch}}
*{{al|Mavis Clare Barnett}}
*{{al|Sarah Tracy Barrows}}
*{{al|Jiří Bárta}}
*{{al|Josef Baudiš}}
*{{al|Albert Beaumont}}
*{{al|Percy Beaumont Wadsworth}}
*{{al|Vojta Beneš}}
*{{al|Stephen Berrien Stanton}}
*{{al|Sasha Best}}
*{{al|John Bevis}}
*{{al|Petr Bezruč}}
*{{al|Bernard Bolzano}}
*{{al|Émile de Bonnechose}}
*{{al|Stephen Bonsal}}
*{{al|Jaromír Borecký}}
*{{al|Jan Branberger}}
*{{al|Donald Levant Breed}}
*{{al|Yekaterina Konstantinovna Breshko-Breshkovskaya|Catherine Breshkovsky}}
*{{al|Nikolay Breshko-Breshkovsky}}
*{{al|Libbie Breuer Scholten}}
*{{al|Otokar Březina}}
*{{al|Abraham T. H. Brower}}
*{{al|Aleš Brož}}
*{{al|Josef Brož}}
*{{al|Václav Brožík}}
*{{al|Francis Bruguière}}
*{{al|Guido Bruno}}
*{{al|Zdenka Buben}}
*{{al|John Bucka}}
*{{al|K. Burda}}
*{{al|Marie Busch}}
*{{al|Richard Butler Glaenzer}}
*{{al|Ethel Julia Cablk}}
*{{al|Havel Cahera}}
*{{al|Jan Čapek}}
*{{al|Josef Čapek}}
*{{al|Karel Matěj Čapek-Chod}}
*{{al|Thomas Čapek}}
*{{al|John Cardinal of Reinstein}}
*{{al|Ion Luca Caragiale}}
*{{al|Svatopluk Čech}}
*{{al|Frank Čejda}}
*{{al|František Ladislav Čelakovský}}
*{{al|Filip Čermák}}
*{{al|Věnceslav Černý}}
*{{al|Karel Červinka}}
*{{al|Giuliano Cesarini}}
*{{al|Dimitrij Chaloupka}}
*{{al|Henry Chichele}}
*{{al|John of Chlum}}
*{{al|Jaroslav Císař}}
*{{al|Heinrich Clam-Martinic}}
*{{al|Mathieu-Nicolas Poillevillain de Clémanges}}
*{{al|Edmund Vance Cooke}}
*{{al|Daniel Thomas Curtin}}
*{{al|A. W. Cutler}}
*{{al|Sergius Cyon}}
*{{al|Arnošt Czech z Czechenherzu}}
*{{al|Ottokar Czernin}}
*{{al|Ignacy Ewaryst Daszyński}}
*{{al|Edward Hussey Delaval}}
*{{al|Karel Dewetter}}
*{{al|Emile Joseph Dillon}}
*{{al|Karel Domorázek}}
*{{al|Karel Dostál-Lutinov}}
*{{al|Joseph Drbal}}
*{{al|Chval Dubánek}}
*{{al|Jovan Dučić}}
*{{al|Čeněk Dušek}}
*{{al|Xaver Dvořák}}
*{{al|Richard Eaton}}
*{{al|Eleanor Eden}}
*{{al|František Elpl}}
*{{al|Jan Emler}}
*{{al|Nelly Erichsen}}
*{{al|David Grandison Fairchild}}
*{{al|Frances Avery Faunce}}
*{{al|Joseph John Fekl}}
*{{al|Hans Feller}}
*{{al|John Fetterman}}
*{{al|Bohdan Anton Filipi}}
*{{al|Otokar Fischer}}
*{{al|Ludvík Fisher}}
*{{al|Emil Folda}}
*{{al|Anthony Folta}}
*{{al|Alfred French}}
*{{al|Joachim Friedenthal}}
*{{al|G. G.}}
*{{al|Irma Geisslová}}
*{{al|František Gellner}}
*{{al|Roderick Aldrich Ginsburg}}
*{{al|Václav Girsa}}
*{{al|Frances Gregor}}
*{{al|Amy F. Greif }}
*{{al|Wiktor Teofil Gomulicki}}
*{{al|Thomas Granter}}
*{{al|John Hadley}}
*{{al|František Halas}}
*{{al|Vítězslav Hálek}}
*{{al|Václav Hanka}}
*{{al|Vít Hanzliček}}
*{{al|Adam Harangozó}}
*{{al|Hélène Josephine Harvitt}}
*{{al|Jaroslav Hašek}}
*{{al|Václav Havel}}
*{{al|Elsie Havlasa}}
*{{al|Jan Havlasa}}
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*{{al|Henry VI of England}}
*{{al|Ignát Herrmann}}
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*{{al|Jaroslav Hilbert}}
*{{al|Ruth Hill}}
*{{al|Henry George Hine}}
*{{al|Eduard Hlawaczek}}
*{{al|Joris Hoefnagel}}
*{{al|Jiří Hoetzel}}
*{{al|Vladimír Holan}}
*{{al|Wenceslaus Hollar}}
*{{al|Emil Holub}}
*{{al|Josef Holý}}
*{{al|Josef Hora}}
*{{al|Alleyne Carleton Howell}}
*{{al|Aleš Hrdlička}}
*{{al|Elizabeth Pinckney Huger}}
*{{al|Francis Kinloch Huger}}
*{{al|John Hulla}}
*{{al|Rose Marie Humpal}}
*{{al|Svetozár Hurban-Vajanský}}
*{{al|Edward Moss Hutchinson}}
*{{al|Edward Lawrence Hyde}}
*{{al|Daniel Wilkinson Iddings}}
*{{al|Harvey Ingham}}
*{{al|Vojislav Ilić}}
*{{al|Boleslav Jablonský}}
*{{al|Paul Jamarik}}
*{{al|Ján Janček}}
*{{al|Václav Jansa}}
*{{al|Jaroslav}}
*{{al|Francis Wenceslaus Jedlička}}
*{{al|Hanuš Jelínek}}
*{{al|Luboš Jeřábek}}
*{{al|Jerome of Prague}}
*{{al|Růžena Jesenská}}
*{{al|Alois Jirásek}}
*{{al|Václav Joachim}}
*{{al|John XXIII (1370–1419)}}
*{{al|Josef Jungmann}}
* {{al|Karel Kadlec}}
*{{al|Max Kalbeck}}
*{{al|Josef Kalousek}}
*{{al|Bohdan Kaminský}}
*{{al|Jan Kapras}}
*{{al|Jiří Karásek ze Lvovic}}
*{{al|Karl I, Prince of Liechtenstein}}
*{{al|Antonie Kendrick}}
*{{al|Robert Joseph Kerner}}
*{{al|Aleksey Stepanovich Khomyakov}}
*{{al|Michal Kirschner}}
*{{al|John G. Kissner}}
*{{al|Antonín Klášterský}}
*{{al|Jan Klecanda (1855-1920)|Jan Klecanda}}
*{{al|Václav Jaroslav Klofáč}}
*{{al|George Leonard Knapp}}
*{{al|Johann Georg Kohl}}
*{{al|Ján Kollár}}
*{{al|Peter Kompiš}}
*{{al|Maria Konopnicka}}
*{{al|Flora Pauline Wilson Kopta}}
*{{al|Anton Korošec}}
*{{al|Josip Kosor}}
*{{al|Otto Kotouč}}
*{{al|Vlasta Charlotte Kozel}}
*{{al|Josef Jaroslav Král}}
*{{al|Eliška Krásnohorská}}
*{{al|Josef Křenek}}
*{{al|Josef Štefan Kubín}}
*{{al|Magdalena Kučera}}
*{{al|Beneš Metod Kulda}}
*{{al|František Kvapil}}
*{{al|Jaroslav Kvapil}}
*{{al|Robert Lansing}}
*{{al|Thomas Lawrence}}
*{{al|Lazar K. Lazarević}}
*{{al|Emanuel Lešetický z Lešehradu}}
*{{al|Walter Oliver Lewis}}
*{{al|Adolf Liebscher}}
*{{al|Karel Liebscher}}
*{{al|Josef Linda}}
*{{al|Tom Lock}}
*{{al|Karel Hynek Mácha}}
*{{al|Simeon Karel Macháček}}
*{{al|Josef Svatopluk Machar}}
*{{al|Mordach Mackenzie}}
*{{al|Martin Mair}}
*{{al|Marie Makousky}}
*{{al|Albert Mamatey}}
*{{al|Josef Mánes}}
*{{al|Francis Petherick Marchant}}
*{{al|Alice Garrigue Masaryková}}
*{{al|Olga Garrigue Masaryková-Revilliodová}}
*{{al|Nan Mashek}}
*{{al|Simo Matavulj}}
*{{al|Jan Matulka}}
*{{al|Mary Eliza McDowell}}
*{{al|Beatrice Machula Mekota}}
*{{al|Tereza Mellanová}}
*{{al|Matthäus Merian}}
*{{al|Michael de Causis}}
*{{al|Michal z Prachatic}}
*{{al|Gaza Henry Mika}}
*{{al|Mikuláš Matějův z Brna}}
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*{{al|James Mounsey}}
*{{al|Jane Mourek}}
*{{al|Václav Emanuel Mourek}}
*{{al|Vilém Mrštík}}
*{{al|Alfons Marie Mucha}}
*{{al|Josef Müldner}}
*{{al|Joseph M. Mundil}}
*{{al|Margarete Münsterberg}}
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*{{al|Lewis Bernstein Namier}}
*{{al|Vladimir Nazor}}
*{{al|Jan Nebeský}}
*{{al|Božena Němcová}}
*{{al|Stanislav Kostka Neumann}}
*{{al|Vítězslav Nezval}}
*{{al|Nicholas of Nezero}}
*{{al|Jaroslav Victor Nigrin}}
*{{al|Vladimír Nosek}}
*{{al|Arne Novák}}
*{{al|Josef Novák}}
*{{al|Ľudovít Novomeský}}
*{{al|B. Novotný}}
*{{al|Anton Odvarka}}
*{{al|Jan Opolský}}
*{{al|Lillie May Palik}}
*{{al|Jaroslav Panuška}}
*{{al|Henry Taylor Parker}}
*{{al|James Parsons}}
*{{al|John Paterson}}
*{{al|Ante Pavelić}}
*{{al|Charles Pergler}}
*{{al|František Peroutka}}
*{{al|Karel Zdislav Petlach}}
*{{al|Bernard Picart}}
*{{al|Václav Jaromír Picek}}
*{{al|René Pichon}}
*{{al|Stephen Jean-Marie Pichon}}
*{{al|Otto Pick}}
*{{al|Timothy Pickering}}
*{{al|Alexandre Guy Pingré}}
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*{{al|Joshua Platt}}
*{{al|Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré}}
*{{al|Dorothea Prall Radin}}
*{{al|Emil F. Prantner}}
*{{al|Karel Prášek}}
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*{{al|Jindřich Procházka}}
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*{{al|Rose Rosicky}}
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*{{al|Ferdinand Schulz}}
*{{al|Alexander Scott (1853-1947)|Alexander Scott}}
*{{al|James Brown Scott}}
*{{al|Ernst Seidler von Feuchtenegg}}
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*{{al|Paul Selver}}
*{{al|Sergei Nikolayevich Sergeyev-Tsensky}}
*{{al|Jaroslav Šetelík}}
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*{{al|Frank Šindelář}}
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*{{al|Bohumil Shimek}}
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*{{al|Josef Václav Sládek}}
*{{al|Bedřich Smetana}}
*{{al|Jaroslav František Smetánka}}
*{{al|Václav Smetánka}}
*{{al|Alois Vojtěch Šmilovský}}
*{{al|Karel Sudimír Šnajdr}}
*{{al|Francis Haffkine Snow}}
*{{al|František Soukup}}
*{{al|Antonín Sova}}
*{{al|Cyrill Spal‎}}
*{{al|Fráňa Šrámek}}
*{{al|Leopold Henryk Staff}}
*{{al|Emanuel Staněk}}
*{{al|František Staněk}}
*{{al|Svetislav Stefanović}}
*{{al|Edward Jean Steichen}}
*{{al|Ferdinand Stoliczka}}
*{{al|Adolf Stránský}}
*{{al|Jiří Stříbrný}}
*{{al|Josef Štýbr}}
*{{al|František Adolf Šubert}}
*{{al|Joseph Sudik}}
*{{al|Antonín Švehla}}
*{{al|Karolina Světlá}}
*{{al|Tomas Svitek}}
*{{al|František Xaver Svoboda}}
*{{al|Marie Svoboda}}
*{{al|Růžena Svobodová}}
*{{al|Francis Joseph Swehla}}
*{{al|William Swinderby}}
*{{al|John Swinton}}
*{{al|Lev Sychrava}}
*{{al|Rafael D. Szalatnay}}
*{{al|Ludwik Szczepański}}
*{{al|Otakar Theer}}
*{{al|Václav Tille}}
*{{al|William Howe Tolman}}
*{{al|Karel Toman}}
*{{al|Samo Tomášik}}
*{{al|John Trevenant}}
*{{al|Josiah Tucker}}
*{{al|František Turinský}}
*{{al|Josef Tvrzický}}
*{{al|Renáta Tyršová}}
*{{al|Joža Uprka}}
*{{al|Jiří Vackář}}
* {{al|Otakar Valasek}}
*{{al|Johann Varrone}}
*{{al|Robert Veitch}}
*{{al|Karel Velemínský}}
*{{al|Robert Henry Vickers (1830-1897)|Robert Henry Vickers}}
*{{al|Božena Viková-Kunětická}}
*{{al|Jan Vilímek}}
*{{al|Karel Drahotín Villani}}
*{{al|Karel Alois Vinařický}}
*{{al|Joseph J. Vitko}}
*{{al|Jan Vlk}}
*{{al|Jan Erazim Vocel}}
*{{al|Václav Vondrák}}
*{{al|Jaroslav Vrchlický}}
*{{al|Quido Maria Vyskočil}}
*{{al|Wenceslas Koranda}}
*{{al|Wenceslaus II of Bohemia}}
*{{al|Adolf Wenig}}
*{{al|Leonard Cyril Wharton}}
*{{al|Joseph Cotton Wigram}}
*{{al|A. Wildmann}}
*{{al|Benjamin Wilson}}
*{{al|John Winthrop (1714-1779)|John Winthrop}}
*{{al|Jiří Wolker}}
*{{al|William Woodford}}
*{{al|Josef Wünsch}}
*{{al|Richard Wyche}}
*{{al|Jozef Žák-Marušiak}}
*{{al|Julius Zeyer}}
*{{al|Jan Žižka}}
*{{al|Oton Župančič}}
*{{al|Josef Leopold Zvonař}}
{{Div col end}}

===Portals===
{{Div col|cols=3}}
* [[Portal:Czech lands]]
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* [[Portal:Clarkson Woman's Club]]
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* [[Portal:Krakatit]]
* [[Portal:The Makropoulos Secret]]
* [[Portal:The Best Continental Short Stories]]
* [[Portal:Beer]]
{{Div col end}}

===Templates===
* {{template|PD-CzechGov}}
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      <text bytes="484" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = 
 | previous   = [[../|../]]
 | next       = [[../|../]]
 | wikipedia  = 
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 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;&quot; to=&quot;&quot; fromsection=&quot;s&quot; tosection=&quot;s&quot; /&gt;

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      <text bytes="848" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|MISCELLANEOUS}}}}
{{c|'''Boston Baked Beans'''}}
Pick over and wash three cupfuls of small white beans; cover with cold water and soak over night. In the morning, put them on the stove, just to scald, not boil, in the same water. Pour off the water and put into an earthen bean-pot. Add seven teaspoonfuls of sugar, one teaspoonful of salt, one half-pound of salt pork, fat and lean mixed. Cover with water, and bake from eight {{asc|A. M.}} until six {{asc|A. M}}. As the water boils away add more.
{{c|'''A Breakfast Dish'''}}
Take stale brown bread, no matter how dry, and boil until it is soft like pudding. Serve hot, with cream.
{{c|'''Cracker Tea for Invalids'''}}
Take four Boston crackers, split open, toast to a delicate brown on each side. Put these into a bowl, or earthen dish of some kind, pour over them a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sm|40}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 23.djvu/71</title>
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      <text bytes="10137" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rh|| {{x-larger|TAR — TAR}}  |{{x-larger|61}}}}
{{EB1911 fine print/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Tarascon&quot; /&gt;{{EB1911 Fine Print/s}}
The town wakes up for the fair of Beaucaire and the fête of La Tarasque, the latter in celebration of St Martha’s deliverance of the town from a legendary monster of that name. King René presided in 1469, and grand exhibitions of costume and strange ceremonies take place during the two days of the festival. Tarascon was originally a settlement of the Massaliots, built on an island of the Rhone. The mediæval castle, where Pope Urban II. lived in 1096, was built on the ruins of a Roman castrum. The inhabitants of Tarascon preserved the municipal institutions granted them by the Romans, and of the absolute power claimed by the counts of Provence they only recognized the rights of sovereignty. Tarascon played a bloody part in the White Terror of 1815. 
{{EB1911 Fine Print/e}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Tarascon&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Taraxacum&quot; /&gt;{{ti|1em|{{larger|'''TARAXACUM'''}} is the name usually applied in medical practice to the common dandelion (''Taraxacum officinale'', Wiggers). The {{EB9 article link|Dandelion}} (''q.v''.) is a plant of the northern hemisphere, extending to the Arctic regions, and is cultivated in India. The preparations chiefly employed are the fluid extract, the preserved juice of the root, or succus, and the solid extract. The dried and roasted root, mixed with ground coffee, is often sold under the name of dandelion coffee for use as a beverage. The root is most bitter from March to July, but the milky juice it contains is less abundant in the summer than in the autumn. For this reason, the extract and succus are usually prepared during the months of September and October. After a frost a change takes place in the root, which loses its bitterness to a large extent. In the dried state the root will not keep well, being quickly attacked by insects. Externally it is brown and wrinkled, internally white, with a yellow centre and concentric paler rings. It is 2 inches to a foot long, and about to {{fs70|{{sfrac|1|4}}}} to {{fs70|{{sfrac|1|2}}}} inch in diameter. The juice when first exuded is bitter and neutral, but on exposure to the air soon acquires an acid reaction and a brown tint, coagulating and depositing a complex substance, to which the name of “leontodonium’’ has been given. From this deposit a bitter principle, &quot;taraxacin,&quot; and an acrid crystalline substance, &quot;taraxacerin,&quot; soluble in alcohol, have been obtained, but to which of these the medicinal properties are due is not known. In autumn the root contains about 24 per cent, of inulin, but in summer barely 2 per cent. When the juice has fermented, mannite is found in it. Taraxacum is chiefly employed as a stimulant tonic in hepatic disorders. In some cases it acts as a cholagogue and mild aperient, and in others as a diuretic.}} 
{{EB1911 Fine Print/s}}
The roots of other Composite plants are sometimes gathered by careless collectors for dandelion, especially that of ''Leontodon hispidus'' (L.). The root of this plant is tough when fresh, and rarely exudes any milky juice. The flowers, moreover, have feathery pappus, while in the dandelion it is simple. 
{{EB1911 Fine Print/e}}
{{EB1911 fine print/e}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Taraxacum&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Tarbes&quot; /&gt;{{ti|1em|{{larger|'''TARBES'''}}, a town of France, chef-lieu of the department of Hautes-Pyrénées, is situated in one of the most beautiful plains of France, on the left bank of the Adour, streams from which are conducted through all parts of the town. The lines of railway from Paris to Pierrefitte and from Toulouse to Bayonne cross here. Among the many gardens and open spaces for which Tarbes is distinguished is the Massey garden (35 acres), given to his native town by a Versailles official of that name, in which his statue faces the town museum, founded by the collector Achille Jubinal. The varied collections include Roman remains, and specimens of the fauna and flora of the Pyrenees. The architecture of the cathedral is heavy and unpleasing, but the cupola of the transept (14th century), the modern glass in the 12th-century apse, and a rose window of the 13th century, in the north transept, are worthy of notice. The Carmelite church has an interesting steeple, and there are the ruins of a chapel and cloister, and Roman remains in the garden of the former episcopal palace, now occupied by the prefecture. The municipal buildings, with the public library (22,000 volumes), the lyceum, the court of justice, and the barracks (which are large and fine) may also be mentioned among the public buildings. The garrison and artillery establishments, the latter associated with an arsenal and large workshops, have considerable importance. Other industrial establishments are a foundry machine manufactory, felt and woollen factories, and wool and flax spinning mills. Paper, lace, knitted goods, carriages, and leather are also made here, and marble from the Pyrenees is prepared for the market. There are important fairs and markets, particularly for horses, as Tarbes is a well-known centre for a special breed of light horses, its stud being the most important in the south of France. The population of the town was 24,882 in 1886.}} 
{{EB1911 Fine Print/s}}
Tarbes, a mere {{lang|la|''vicus''}} in the time of Gregory of Tours, rose into importance after the destruction of the ancient Aquitanian town of Turba. The seat of the bishopric was transferred to it about the 9th century, when a castle was also built. Raymond I., towards the middle of the 10th century, rebuilt the town, fortified it, and made it the capital of the county of Bigorre. The English held the town from 1360 to 1406. In 1569 Tarbes was burnt by Montgomery, and the inhabitants were driven out. This happened a second time, but in August 1570 the peace of St Germain allowed the inhabitants to return to the grass-grown streets. Subsequently Tarbes was four times taken and re-taken, and a number of the inhabitants of Bigorre were forced to take refuge in Spain, but in 1594 the members of the League were finally expelled. The English, under Wellington, gained a victory over the French near Tarbes in 1814. Théophile Gautier was born here in 1811. 
{{EB1911 Fine Print/e}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Tarbes&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Tarentum&quot; /&gt;{{ti|1em|{{larger|'''TARENTUM'''}}, or {{sc|Taras}}, now Taranto, a famous Greek city of southern Italy, situated on the north coast of the bay of the same name, at the entrance of the only secure port on the gulf. This port, now called the ''Mare Piccolo'', is a bay 16 miles in circuit, landlocked by a low rocky peninsula. The entrance is so narrow that it is crossed by a bridge of seven arches; it was already bridged in Strabo’s time. The modern town, in the province of Lecce, which is the see of an archbishop and had in 1881 a population of 26,611, stands on the peninsula, which is now rather an island, the isthmus connecting it with the mainland having been cut through for defence by Ferdinand I. The ancient citadel occupied the same site, but the city in its best days was much larger, traces of the walls being visible about 2 miles from the gates of the modern town. The remains of antiquity are inconsiderable.}} 
{{EB1911 Fine Print/s}}
Tarentum was a Spartan colony founded about the close of the 8th century {{asc|B.C.}}. (Jerome gives the date 708) to relieve the parent state of a part of its population which did not possess, but claimed to enjoy, full civic rights. Legend represents these ''Partheniæ'' (so they are called) as Spartans with a stain on their birth, but the accounts are neither clear nor consistent, and the facts that underlie them have not been cleared up. The Greeks were not the first settlers on the peninsula: recent excavations have brought to light signs of a pre-Hellenic trading-place, and the name of Taras may be older than the colony. To the Greeks Taras was a mythical hero, son of Neptune, and he is sometimes confounded with the œeist of the colony, Phalanthus. Situated in a fertile district, especially famous for olives and sheep, with an admirable harbour, great fisheries, and prosperous manufactures of wool, purple, and pottery, Tarentum grew in power and wealth and extended its domain inland. Even a great defeat by the natives in 473 {{asc|B. C.}}, when more Greeks fell than in any battle known to Herodotus, did not break its prosperity, though it led to a change of government from aristocracy to democracy. A feud with the Thurians for the district of the Siris was settled in 432 by the joint foundation of Heraclea, which, however, was regarded as a Tarentine colony. In the 4th century Tarentum was the first city of Great Greece, and its wealth and artistic culture at this time are amply attested by its rich and splendid coins; the gold pieces in particular (mainly later than 360) are perhaps the most beautiful ever struck by Greeks (see {{9link| Numismatics |sc=a}}, {{9link|Volume XVII|{{abbr|vol|volume}}.{{nbsp}}xvii.}} {{9link| Numismatics #637|{{abbr|p|page}}.{{nbsp}}637}}). In the second half of the century Tarentum was in constant war with the Lucanians, and did not hold its ground without the aid of Spartan and Epirote ''condottieri''. Then followed war with Rome (281), the expedition of Pyrrhus, and at length, in 272, the surrender of the city by its Epirote garrison (see the details in {{9link|Volume XX|{{abbr|vol|volume}}.{{nbsp}}xx.}} {{9link|Rome#743|{{abbr|p|page}}.{{nbsp}}743 ''sq.''}}), Tarentum retained nominal liberty as an ally of Rome. In the Second Punic War it suffered severely, when it was taken by Hannibal (212), all but the citadel, and retaken and plundered by Fabius (209). After this it fell into great decay, but revived again after receiving a colony in 123 {{asc|B.C.}} It remained a considerable seaport, and its purple, second only to that of Tyre, was still valued, but in Strabo's time it had shrunk nearly to the limits of the present town. After the fall of the Western empire it was held from time to time by&lt;section end=&quot;Tarentum&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{EB1911 fine print/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="6678" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Levana Taylor&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|maxwidth=535px}}{{border/s|maxwidth=525px|style=padding:10px}}{{rh|{{sc|Dec}}. 29, 1861.]|SAM BENTLEY'S CHRISTMAS.|17}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;If any of them hinted that he ''ought'' to subscribe, he at once closed the matter by the sharp, pithy answer: “Nobody helped me to what I hev. What’s mine’s my own, an’ I’m not boun’ to gi’e it unless I like.” His pockets would give their loudest chaunting of confidence and defiance (like allied monarchs singing their Te Deum), and the sharp jerk of his head and a glance to the door would show that the interview was concluded, and his ''ultimatum'' given. He was convinced that in the estimation of the world his money was the best part of him. He entertained no inflated notion of his personal qualifications or attainments: on the contrary, he had a very low opinion of them. He knew that he was devoid of education, and had no talent except that of making money—which he considered a very easy thing to do. In his self-communings, after his advice or counsel had been sought by others, he would say, “Ay, Sam, thy money’s thy wit; loise one an’ t’ other goes wi’ it. A man’s wit is what he has; t’ lawyer’s his wig, an’ t’ parson’s his gown. There’s no wit in a poor man.” His wealth had not produced in him any of the vulgar pride which so often causes the man who has risen from the ranks to despise the grade from which he has come. He was still in heart and in manners one of the people, and he looked with undisguised and plain-spoken contempt upon such of his early acquaintances as had risen like himself, and had then assumed to themselves the style and haughtiness of those with whom they had nothing in common except wealth. After a visit to them, which he paid very seldom and reluctantly, he would, in allusion to the contrast between their luxury and their manners, say, “It wor war nor suppin’ porridge out o’ t’ dye-pan.”

His great “Boggart” was poor relations. He had no faith in their affection towards him. They were all to him plunderers, open or disguised. In his walks in the town, he would go a mile round rather than meet one, for with all his contempt for them he felt, as he expressed it, “that blood’s thicker nor water;” and however much he might rail at them, he never left them without some more pleasant and substantial proof of his kinship. It was perhaps from a sense of his weakness on this point that he carefully refrained from giving his nephew any information about his relations. To this nephew he was indulgent in all respects: perhaps because he never thwarted his will. He was determined that there should be no drawbacks to his nephew’s advancement in the world, or to his enjoyment in due time of the ease and pleasure which wealth can give. He should be able to take his place with the best in the land. His maxim was, “Th’ getter a man, an’ t’spender a gentleman,” and he spared no expense in the education of his nephew. Still he was careful that no idle or extravagant habits should be contracted by him, and maintained a strict superintendence over him. Hitherto he had had little occasion to find fault. Henry was perhaps too fond of his books, too slow in acquiring the tricks of trade, and too full of unsettled notions to altogether suit his uncle, but he was admitted to be on the whole “a steady decent lad, wi’ some queer notions.”

From the time of Henry’s last interview with Susan, there was a change in him which his uncle soon perceived, but which he could not account for. He came home at more irregular hours, he was abstracted and irritable, and sat by the fire for hours in moody silence. His uncle formed many an hypothesis as to the cause. He feared he had got into some pecuniary difficulty which he dare not confess, or that there had been some quarrel between him and his master. A little adroit inquiry of the latter satisfied him that this was not the case, but elicited the fact that Henry’s attendance to business had of late been irregular and open to comment. Bentley was determined to find out the cause, and mentioned the matter to his manager, telling him to make investigations and report the result. In a few days the manager came to him and stated that he had found out that “Henry was after a mill hand,” one famous in the town for her good looks.

If Bentley had had patience to listen on, he would have learnt that there was not that criminality which in the glow of his indignation he assumed there was, for the manager would have stated honestly the particulars of his discovery, and admitted that in his opinion no blame attached to the girl, or as yet to Henry. Bentley, however, started off in a mighty rage, vowing dreadful things against Henry and the girl, and swearing he would discard him and expose her. He went as quick as he could to the warehouse, where Henry ought to have been at work, and found he was not there, and that no one knew where he was. He had therefore to nurse his rage until evening, when Henry would return home. During the day he became, by dwelling upon the hateful subject, greatly excited, and communicated to more than one of his acquaintances the resolution to turn Henry adrift in the world if he ventured to show his face again. Idle words; the mere fume of a troubled affection, but which brought forth fruit.

At the time Bentley went in search of Henry, the latter was in search of Susan. He had past many weary hours in hanging about Mrs. Womersley’s house in hopes of again seeing Susan; he had covertly made inquiries, all without success, and was despairing of again meeting with her, when, from a casual observation by one of his companions, he obtained a clue to her residence. He immediately went out to ascertain the accuracy of the information, and learnt that Susan was lodging at the low end of the town, in one of the dingy and not very reputable streets below the Old Church with a factory girl, who did not, even amongst her own class, bear the best of characters. This surprised him. He had formed a bright idea of Susan’s purity and worth, which this fact seemed to destroy, and the soft beaming and transparent gaze which seemed to him to know no thought that man could condemn, or woman reprove, might be but a snare and a delusion. The thought was maddening. He could not give her up, and with this fearful doubt he could not seek her. The truth, be it what it might, must and should be known instantly. Instead of returning to his employment, he went into a neighbouring public-house to spend the few hours of the afternoon until the factories should close. He would&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3127" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|maxwidth=535px}}{{border/s|maxwidth=525px|style=padding:10px}}{{rh|{{sc|Jan}}. 12, 1861.]|THE DYING HEROES, FROM UHLAND.|71}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;head he wore an immense wig, unpowdered and unkempt, which nearly hid his face, and surmounted it with a shabby old three-cornered hat, and proceeding to the Café de Procope, while the play was yet in progress, he called for a small roll of bread, a ''bavaroise'', and the Gazette.

This café, which stood opposite the Comédie Française, seems to have borne some humble resemblance to Wills’s, and one or two other London coffee-houses of nearly the same period, though bearing a more exclusively theatrical character; for there, we are told, “had been held for upwards of sixty years, the tribunal of these self-styled aristarchs, who fancied they could pass judgment without appeal on plays, authors, and actors.” And to the judgment of such a tribunal, on the ''second'' appearance of his work, was Voltaire satisfied to submit himself! and up till eleven o’clock, at which time the self-constituted critics had dispersed, did he sit there in silence, spectacles on nose, pretending to read the Gazette, and drinking in every word of praise or blame, as if on the breath of this gang of idlers depended his fame or obscurity!

The affair of his “Confession” speaks for itself, especially followed, as it was, by his delight that the applause given by the multitude to the passages against the clergy in Irène, produced not many days after, should ''do away with the bad effect of the Confession on the public!''

Of the same spirit smacks his never-ceasing mortification at the coldness of the king and court, whom he pretended, individually, to despise; but not till all hope, of softening or winning them to receive and notice him, had departed.

But, perhaps, in a little speech to d’Alembert, is more epigrammatically expressed than anywhere else this passion of his for general applause.

“If you meet,” said he, as d’Alembert was quitting Ferney, after a six weeks’ visit, “any ''dévots'' on your way, tell them that I have finished my church; and if you meet any ''gens aimables'', tell them that I have finished my theatre.”

{{right|{{sc|Marguerite A. Power.}}|2em}}


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{{c|{{larger|THE DYING HEROES, FROM UHLAND.}}}}


{{large image|[[File:The dying heroes (OAW).png|500px|center]]|max-width=80%|style=margin: 20px auto;}}
{{block center/s}}
{{sc|The}} Scandinavian swords rose midst the host,&lt;br /&gt;
Like billows toss’d;&lt;br /&gt;
{{gap|1.5em}}And in the moonlight, on that bloody plain,&lt;br /&gt;
The noble twain,&lt;br /&gt;
Mightier than all, amidst the dead and dying,&lt;br /&gt;
The beauteous Sven and aged Ulf were lying.
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{{c|{{fine|SVEN.}}}}
{{fqm|“}}Oh, Father! must I, in my youth’s bright day,&lt;br /&gt;
Thus pass away?&lt;br /&gt;
No more a mother’s hand my locks of gold&lt;br /&gt;
Will fondly hold;&lt;br /&gt;
No more my love, whilst other maids are sleeping,&lt;br /&gt;
Will watch for me—her sweet eyes dim with weeping.”
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{{rh|{{sc|Jan}}. 5, 1861.]|LAST WEEK.|55}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of the House at all hazards, the advantage would be a very questionable one in a national point of view.

What does become of those enormous sums which are annually contributed to charitable institutions? It is not too much to say that a very uneasy feeling is growing up on this subject;—with the exception, perhaps, of the cases of our great hospitals. Where the wisdom of parliament and the charity of individuals has made such ample provision for the poor and destitute of this metropolis, it is too bad that our feelings should be so constantly harrowed up by tales of distress; and still more by the consciousness that all we hear represents but a portion of the misery actually existing during seasons such as the present. He would do the country good service who would look carefully into the matter, and tell us how the expenditure of these charities is directed, controlled, and checked. Meanwhile, as above all things it is desirable to avoid vain declamation, and the idle cant of philanthropy, the best recommendation we can give to our readers is to be upon the watch for the misery which may fairly come under their notice, and to relieve it as best they may. He would not have spent his Christmas ill who had enabled two or three poor families to tide it over the starving time until employment is again forthcoming. It is much to be feared that the sufferings of the London poor have formed a gloomy back-ground to the Christmas merriment of {{sc|Last Week}}.

The subject has been canvassed again and again by every British fire-side, but still we cannot pass over in absolute silence the Chinese intelligence which reached England in the last days of last year. Politically it is well enough. We may fairly hope to be rid for ever of those Chinese wars which seemed to be as completely a part of our institutions as November fogs, or a fight with the Kaffirs once every five years. The prestige of that old semi barbarian Court at Pekin is at an end. Henceforward the Emperor of China and his Privy Council are to us much the same as the former King of Oude, or the actual Sovereign of Nepaul. We are of a higher race, and of a higher civilisation, and the proof of the assertion is to be found in the results of the collision between China and Europe. The sacrifice of thousands of lives has been the consequence of our deference to the susceptibilities of our sentiment-mongers. Let us ask from the Chinese, and take from the Chinese, only what is just, and let us weigh this by an European, not by a Chinese measure of justice. We do not want their territory—we do not want to be their masters, as a planter of South Carolina is the master of his slaves—but we say that a section of the globe so important that it affords means of support to one-third of the human race, shall not be sealed up against the remaining two-thirds. The late Dr. Arnold was the first public writer of any note, who had the courage to blow to the four winds the old fallacy that a parcel of savages had the right to block out the civilised races of mankind from a fair and fertile island or continent, about which they were running naked and useless. Providence never intended that the fable of the Dog in the Manger should be the great parable for the instruction of the human race. It may be presumed that China—according to the cant phrase—is now opened, and it will be our own fault if it is ever closed again. The Chinese difficulty has turned out in practice to be even as one of those palaces inhabited by a wicked necromancer of which we read in Ariosto. It is apparently surrounded by moats and drawbridges—guarded by monstrous shapes which brandish the most terrific weapons, and by dragons which belch forth poisonous exhalations from their uncouth jaws. Who is to get in there? Nobody save the peerless knight who will not look behind him. Hundreds come and try the adventure, but they are not peerless knights, and they do look behind them, and are lost. At last a young straightforward gentleman in chain armour, who has only one idea in his head, and that one connected with a young lady who is a prisoner in the castle, puts his lance in rest, and charges full at dragons, giants, moats, portcullises, and all the necromantic arrangements, and hey, presto! they fade into empty air. Nothing remains but a beautiful damsel coyly eager to “crown the flame” of the enraptured young man. This has been just the history of our Chinese wars. We have been ever looking behind, when we should have ridden a course with single mind at the very stronghold of the Delusion. Let honour be given where honour is due. Where our statesmen and diplomatists failed, one private Englishman hit upon the true solution of the question, and in season and out of season hammered away at it, till he had fairly battered it into the minds of his countrymen.

The capture of Pekin is the practical illustration of Mr. Wingrove Cooke’s Chinese letters to the “Times.” ''Sic vos non vobis'' is an old motto where public affairs are in question. The goal is reached, but nobody now thinks of the man who was the first to point out the way. Would that the satisfaction had come to us without alloy! The thought of our murdered countrymen who are now sleeping their last sleep in the Russian cemetery at Pekin is so bitter that it even poisons our feeling of relief at being at last delivered from the old Chinese incubus. There must be something terribly true about such an emotion as this when it thrills throughout a nation. The murder at Hango Sound did more to embitter our feelings towards the Russians than the deaths of all our countrymen who fell in the open field and in honourable fight. It is so with this wretched Chinese story. Years must pass away before we think with common patience of these cruel, half-barbarous men who took the lives of our poor countrymen in so wanton and so stupid a way, after the infliction of torture which one shudders but to think of. The names of Anderson and De Norman, of Bowlby and Brabazon, will remain for years to come watchwords of hostility and irritation between ourselves and the Chinese. Meanwhile, some reparation has been exacted. The poor victims have been buried with military honours. The Chinese or Tartars have been compelled to attend at the ceremony as mourners—and amongst them ceremonies are more considered than in Europe. An indemnity of 100,000''l''. has been exacted for the families of the murdered gentlemen. The Emperor’s palace has been sacked&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rh|{{sc|Jan}}. 5, 1861.]|THE SOLDIER AND SAILOR.|35}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;to the Hotel Marie, Boulevard des Capucins, telling him where to find them. M. Silvain was desolated not to have been able to come sooner, but his perfumery had not arrived, and he had been obliged to send a special messenger after it.

It was a well-learned story, but what is the use of a lover if he cannot learn anything his mistress orders! It was a bold falsehood, but what is the use of an ally who is timid? At any rate it sent Mr. Lygon away from Versailles.
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{{c|{{larger|THE SOLDIER AND SAILOR:}}&lt;br /&gt;{{fine|THEIR HEALTH.}}|}}
{{dhr}}
{{sc|In}} former days it would have been a dreary task to describe the condition and prospects of our Soldiers and Sailors in regard to health. Neither the men themselves, nor society in general, knew that the perils of warfare and of wind and weather were less to be dreaded than those of disease in the barrack and the ship; but there was some general notion of the ravages of ship fever, and of epidemics in camps abroad. The Walcheren expedition in 1809 has ever since been regarded as an illustration of the very worst circumstances in which a body of soldiers can find themselves; but, till we had warning from the Crimean war, we were not fully aware that the calamities of the Walcheren expedition might be reproduced at any time, and that a mortality quite as needless, though less excessive, was always going on, wherever the British army was distributed over the world. We know all about it now; and this is the same thing as saying that such mischief can never happen again.

I can just remember the sending out of those forty thousand men to Walcheren, nearly the worst known place for marsh fever in the world: yet no precautions were taken, no special provision of doctors, nurses, medicines, and comforts was made, because it was to be a secret where the force was going. So the men sank down by hundreds in a day, among the slimy sands on which they slept, and the stagnant water, alive with insects, which was all they had to drink; and within three months there were only four thousand of the forty thousand men fit for duty. What reinforcements were sent, I do not know; and the records of the Walcheren camp are actually lost, for want of understanding the value of experience; but we are in possession of the astounding fact that, after the thousands of deaths on the spot, there were 35,500 of the Walcheren soldiery admitted into the hospitals at home, in the course of the next winter and spring.

The mischief did not end even here. Lord Wellington was conducting the Peninsular war at that time. All his resources were scanty—men, supplies, money, and everything; and yet he had, on an average, twenty-one men ill in every hundred. The poor fellows were not only useless but dreadfully burdensome. They could not be moved; they occupied healthy men in taking care of them, and they were a prodigious expense. How was it that nearly a quarter of his force was always ill? It was partly owing to the general ignorance of the management of health on a large scale; but it was yet more because the Walcheren patients were sent out to Portugal as soon as they were able to go. The voyage and the southern climate, it was thought, would set them up completely; but the first broiling noon or night dew prostrated them again; and they lay, as ill as ever, in every village along the march of the British army.

Where there is a constant low state of health, there is a constant low state of morals; and it is no wonder that the British soldier was, in those days, a rather disreputable member of society. It always hurt the national feeling, to say so: but it was undeniably true. Wellington’s despatches show that he thought so; and he caused great offence in the army by the plainness with which he spoke in his public orders. The wonder would have been if the case had been otherwise. Sickly men, reckless of life because they do not expect to live, always do, and always will, make their short life what they call a merry one: and so our soldiers in the Peninsula, always brave in battle, were mischievous at other times—breaking into the wine cellars, and indulging in every kind of excess. The natural consequence of such conduct was punishment by the lash; and the consequence of that punishment was debasement and further recklessness, disease, and death.

This was not the way to make the British army a safe defence at home, or an honour to our country abroad; and in fact the evil reputation which has hitherto attached to the ordinary soldiery of all countries, was the lot of the English soldier half a century ago, and up nearly to the present time. Even at this day it is but too true that the scamp element is large in our army. All our soldiers are volunteers; and till very recently there have been drawbacks in the lot of the soldier which deterred thousands of men who would have been a great advantage to the national defence, while their proper place has been filled by worthless fellows who have entered the army as a refuge, or for swindling purposes. Even now the amount of desertion is shocking, because it shows how many thieves have got into the force. These rogues enlist, desert, and sell their outfit, and enlist again under another name. They are not only an affliction in themselves, but they deter good men from entering. They have seriously lowered the character of the whole force; and it will take some time to bring up the general character of the British soldier to a level with his reputation for valour. But the condition and prospects of the soldier are immeasurably superior to what they were five years ago; and there is no longer the excuse for recklessness that the soldier’s life is of less value than that of others.

We may remember that, about a dozen years ago, there was a stir in the public mind about improving the mind and life of the soldier. We heard of a good deal of effort to supply the men with instruction in regimental schools, and with books and newspapers for evening reading. Much kind feeling was called forth, valuable suggestions were offered; and not a little good was really effected. If it had been only that the soldiers saw that their fellow-citizens cared for them, in peace as well as in war, the benefit would not have been small. But experience has since shown us that we had not then got hold of the right handle. The&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1970" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rh|vi|PREFACE.|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The plain facts of Plutarch's own life may be given in a very short compass. He was born, probably, in the reign of Claudius, about {{asc|A.D.}} 45 or 50. His native place was Chæronea, in Bœotia, where his family had long been settled and was of good standing and local reputation. He studied at Athens under a philosopher named Ammonius. He visited Egypt. Later in life, Bome time before {{asc|A.D.}} 90, he was at Rome &quot;on public business,&quot; a deputation, perhaps, from Chæronea. He continued there long enough to give lectures which attracted attention. Whether he visited Italy once only, or more often, is uncertain. He was intimate with Sosius Senecio, to all appearances the same who was four times consul. The acquaintance may have sprung up at Rome, where Sosius, a much younger man than himself,&lt;ref&gt;Unless the expression &quot;my sons your companions&quot; ought to be taken as a piece of pleasantry.&lt;/ref&gt; may have first seen him as a lecturer; or they may have previously known each other in Greece.

To Greece and to Chæronea he returned, and appears to have spent in the little town, which he was loth &quot;to make less by the withdrawal of even one inhabitant,&quot; the remainder of his life. He took part in the public business of the place and the neighborhood. He was archon in the town, and officiated many years as a priest of Apollo, apparently at Delphi.

He was married, and was the father of at least five children, of whom two sons, at any rate, survived to manhood. His greatest work, his Biographies, and several of his smaller writings, belong to this later period of his life, under the reign of Trajan. Whether he survived to the time of Hadrian is doubtful. If {{asc|A.D.}} 45 be taken by way of conjecture for the date of his birth, {{asc|A.D.}} 120, Hadrian's fourth year, may be assumed, in like manner, as pretty nearly that of his death. All that is certain is that he lived to be old; that in one of his fictitious&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Plutarch's Lives (Clough, v.1, 1865).djvu/15</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2710124</id>
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      <text bytes="1934" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rh||LIFE OF PLUTARCH.|vii}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;dialogues he describes himself as a young man conversing on philosophy with Ammonius in the time of Nero's visit to Greece, {{asc|A.D.}} 66–67; and that he was certainly alive and still writing in {{asc|A.D.}} 106, the winter which Trajan, after building his bridge over the Danube, passed in Dacia. &quot;We are told,&quot; he says, in his Inquiry into the Principle of Cold, &quot;by those who are now wintering with the Emperor on the Danube, that the freezing of water will crush boats to pieces.&quot;


To this bare outline of certainties, several names and circumstances may be added from his writings; on which indeed alone we can safely rely for the very outline itself. There are a few allusions and anecdotes in the Lives, and from his miscellaneous compositions, his Essays, Lectures, Dialogues, Table-Talk, etc., the imagination may furnish itself with a great variety of curious and interesting suggestions.

The name of his great-grandfather, Nicarchus, is incidentally recorded in the life of Antony. &quot;My great-grandfather used,&quot; he says, &quot;to tell, how in Antony's last war the whole of the citizens of Chæronea were put in requisition to bring down corn to the coast of the gulf of Corinth, each man carrying a certain load, and soldiers standing by to urge them on with the lash.&quot; One such journey was made, and they had measured out their burdens for the second, when news arrived of the defeat at Actiuin.&lt;ref&gt;There appears, however, to be no sure reason for saying that Plutarch himself remembered seeing his great-grandfather, and hearing him tell the story.&lt;/ref&gt; Lamprias, his grandfather, is also mentioned in the same life. Philotas, the physician, had told him an anecdote illustrating the luxuriousness of Antony's life in Egypt. His father is more than once spoken of in the minor works, but never mentioned by his name.

The name of Ammonius, his teacher and preceptor at Athens,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Plutarch's Lives (Clough, v.1, 1865).djvu/450</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="3552" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rh|410|APPENDIX.|}}{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Eleusis, and others, in the list of the twelve old Attic towns or townships, all independent of each other.

Page 18.—''Theseus, Piritholis, mighty sons of gods'', is from [[Odyssey]], XI. 630.

Page 25.—The pillar is mentioned by Strabo, who says it was removed when the Dorians of Peloponnesus invaded the Ionian country, and settled themselves in Megara. The translation should be altered; the original does not refer to the inscription as a still existing thing.

Page 32.—Cora, or the girl, is another name for Proserpine; the whole account being (like the story of Taurus), a late transformation of fable into something that might seem like history

Page 35.—''Æthra'' and ''Clymene'' are the two handmaids who attend Helen (''[[Iliad]], III.'', 143) from her chamber, when she goes to seek Priam and the elders of the city upon the walls at the Scæan gate.

{{sc|Life of Romulus}}, page 49.—Remuria or Remoria is the name found elsewhere, instead of Remonium or Rignarium. The line from [[Author:Æschylus|Æschylus]] below is out of [[Suppliants (Aeschylus)|The Suppliants]] (223).

Page 56.—''Sextius Sylla, the Carthaginian'', was one of Plutarch's personal friends. He is one of the two speakers in the Dialogue on Controlling Anger; and in the [[Symposiaca]] (''VIII.'' 7) he gives a dinner of welcome on Plutarch's returning, after some absence, to Rome. Plutarch says, ''Greek words not yet being overpowered by Italian'', on the theory that the early language was Greek, which was gradually corrupted. By the ''Questions'' he means his little book of inquiry into points of Roman antiquity, his Roman Questions.

Page 64.—''Caius Caesar'' is the emperor Caligula.

Page 66.—''Periscylacismus'', from ''peri'', around, and ''scylax'', a dog.

Page 69.—''The wood called Ferentina'', should be ''the gate''. There was a wood (''hulē'' in Greek), a Lucus Ferentinus, as well as a gate (''pulē''), but there seems no reason to change the latter into the former.

Page 74.—The story of Aristeas comes from [[Author:Herodotus|Herodotus]] (''IV.'' 14, 15), that of Cleomedes, the hero of the islet of Astypalæa, is told also by {{sc|Pausanias}} (''VI.'' 9), who says the thing happened in the 71st Olympiad, 496 ({{asc|B. C.}}). The passage from [[Author:Pindar|Pindar]] is quoted by Plutarch at greater length elsewhere (in his Consolation to Apollonius on the death of his son), as a part of one of his Funeral Odes. &quot;These all with happy lot attain the end that releases from labor. And the body, indeed, in all cases, is taken by overmastering death; but a living shape (or image or form) yet remains of the life; (or of the unending existence;) this alone being from the gods; while our limbs are stirring, it slumbers, but when we sleep, in sundry dreams it foreshows good and evil things to come.&quot; Fragment 96, in Boeckh. Another piece which he quotes just before from these funeral songs or ''Threni'', describes the Blessed as ''walking in their beautiful flowery suburb, diverting themselves with horses and gymnastics, games of draughts and the harp, and with converse on what has happened, and what is.''&quot;—Fragment 95.

Page 79.—{{sc|Comparison.}} The philosopher Polemon, one of the early successors of Plato, was the author of this ''definition'' of ''love''; so Plutarch tells us, quoting it again in one of his Essays (''Ad Principem Ineruditum'', c. 3).

{{sc|Life of Lycurgus}}, page 88.—Creophylus is the correct name, which tho&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>5hwjho7cz6o1aq0p5edg1scrp1dzo38</sha1>
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      <text bytes="3551" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rh|410|APPENDIX.|}}{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Eleusis, and others, in the list of the twelve old Attic towns or townships, all independent of each other.

Page 18.—''Theseus, Piritholis, mighty sons of gods'', is from [[Odyssey]], XI. 630.

Page 25.—The pillar is mentioned by Strabo, who says it was removed when the Dorians of Peloponnesus invaded the Ionian country, and settled themselves in Megara. The translation should be altered; the original does not refer to the inscription as a still existing thing.

Page 32.—Cora, or the girl, is another name for Proserpine; the whole account being (like the story of Taurus), a late transformation of fable into something that might seem like history

Page 35.—''Æthra'' and ''Clymene'' are the two handmaids who attend Helen (''[[Iliad]], III.'', 143) from her chamber, when she goes to seek Priam and the elders of the city upon the walls at the Scæan gate.

{{sc|Life of Romulus}}, page 49.—Remuria or Remoria is the name found elsewhere, instead of Remonium or Rignarium. The line from [[Author:Æschylus|Æschylus]] below is out of [[Suppliants (Aeschylus)|The Suppliants]] (223).

Page 56.—''Sextius Sylla, the Carthaginian'', was one of Plutarch's personal friends. He is one of the two speakers in the Dialogue on Controlling Anger; and in the [[Symposiaca]] (''VIII.'' 7) he gives a dinner of welcome on Plutarch's returning, after some absence, to Rome. Plutarch says, ''Greek words not yet being overpowered by Italian'', on the theory that the early language was Greek, which was gradually corrupted. By the ''Questions'' he means his little book of inquiry into points of Roman antiquity, his Roman Questions.

Page 64.—''Caius Caesar'' is the emperor Caligula.

Page 66.—''Periscylacismus'', from ''peri'', around, and ''scylax'', a dog.

Page 69.—''The wood called Ferentina'', should be ''the gate''. There was a wood (''hulē'' in Greek), a Lucus Ferentinus, as well as a gate (''pulē''), but there seems no reason to change the latter into the former.

Page 74.—The story of Aristeas comes from [[Author:Herodotus|Herodotus]] (''IV.'' 14, 15), that of Cleomedes, the hero of the islet of Astypalæa, is told also by {{sc|Pausanias}} (''VI.'' 9), who says the thing happened in the 71st Olympiad, 496 ({{asc|B.C.}}). The passage from [[Author:Pindar|Pindar]] is quoted by Plutarch at greater length elsewhere (in his Consolation to Apollonius on the death of his son), as a part of one of his Funeral Odes. &quot;These all with happy lot attain the end that releases from labor. And the body, indeed, in all cases, is taken by overmastering death; but a living shape (or image or form) yet remains of the life; (or of the unending existence;) this alone being from the gods; while our limbs are stirring, it slumbers, but when we sleep, in sundry dreams it foreshows good and evil things to come.&quot; Fragment 96, in Boeckh. Another piece which he quotes just before from these funeral songs or ''Threni'', describes the Blessed as ''walking in their beautiful flowery suburb, diverting themselves with horses and gymnastics, games of draughts and the harp, and with converse on what has happened, and what is.''&quot;—Fragment 95.

Page 79.—{{sc|Comparison.}} The philosopher Polemon, one of the early successors of Plato, was the author of this ''definition'' of ''love''; so Plutarch tells us, quoting it again in one of his Essays (''Ad Principem Ineruditum'', c. 3).

{{sc|Life of Lycurgus}}, page 88.—Creophylus is the correct name, which tho&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Plutarch's Lives (Clough, v.1, 1865).djvu/31</title>
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      <text bytes="2632" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Einstein95&quot; /&gt;{{rh||LIFE OF PLUTARCH.|xxiii}}
{|{{ts|ma|w80|lh1}}
|{{ts|ac}}| {{x-smaller|Date.&lt;br/&gt;A. D.}} ||{{ts|ac}}| {{x-smaller|OCCURRENCES.}} ||colspan=2 {{ts|ac}}| {{x-smaller|AUTHORS.}}
|-
{{nopt}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 81 || Accession of Doniitian. ||{{ts|w0|pr0}} rowspan=2| {{brace2|4|l}} || rowspan=2 | Quintilian.&lt;br/&gt;Statius.&lt;br/&gt;Silius Italicus.&lt;br/&gt;Martial.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 90 || The Philosophers are again expelled from Rome, after the death of Rusticus.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 96 || Accession of Nerva. ||{{ts|w0|pr0}} rowspan=10| {{brace2|8|l}} || rowspan=10 | ''Dio Chrysostom.''&lt;br/&gt;Tacitus, born about {{asc|A.D.}} 60.&lt;br/&gt;''Plutarch.''&lt;br/&gt;''Epictetus.''&lt;br/&gt;''Arrian.''&lt;br/&gt;Pliny the Younger, born, {{asc|A.D.}} 61.&lt;br/&gt;Juvenal, born {{asc|A.D.}} 59.&lt;br/&gt;''Favorinus.''&lt;br/&gt;Suetonius, born about {{asc|A.D.}} 70.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 98 || Accession of Trajan.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 100 || Pliny's Panegyric.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 103 || Epictetus is teaching at Nicopolis, Arrian attending him.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 104 || Pliny in Bithynia.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 106 || Trajan winters on the Danube; alluded to by Plutarch, On the Principle of Cold.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 113 || Erection of Trajan's Column.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 114 || Trajan's Parthian Victories. Plutarch had written his life of Antony before these.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 117 || Accession of Hadrian.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| {{ditto|117|&amp;nbsp;}} || In Hadrian's third year, Plutarch, according to Eusebius, was still alive.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 138 || Accession of Antoninus. ||{{ts|w0}} rowspan=3| {{brace2|6|l}} || rowspan=3| ''Ptolemy.''&lt;br/&gt;''Appian.''&lt;br/&gt;''Paumnias.''&lt;br/&gt;''Galen.''&lt;br/&gt;''Lucian.''&lt;br/&gt;''Athenaeus.''&lt;br/&gt;''Dion Cassius.''
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 161 || Accession of Marcus Aurelius.
|-
|{{ts|ar}}| 181 || Accession of Commodus.
|}

{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Note.}}—''The authors whose names are printed in italics are Greek writers.''}}}}

The fault which runs through all the earlier biographies, from that of Rualdus downward, is the assumption, wholly untenable, that Plutarch passed many years, as many, perhaps as forty, at Rome. The entire character of his life is of course altered by such an impression. It is, therefore, not worth while reprinting here the life originally prefixed by Dryden to the translations which, with more or less of alteration, follow in the present volumes. One or two characteristic extracts may be sufficient. The first may throw some light on a subject which to modern readers is a little obscure. Dryden is wrong in one or two less important points, but his general view of the ''dæmonic'' belief which pervades Plutarch's writings is tolerably to the purpose.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Shakespeare Collection of Poems.djvu/114</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2718680</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508291</id>
      <parentid>12487187</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:31:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1415" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{#ifexpr: {{SUBPAGENAME}} mod 2||{{#expr:{{SUBPAGENAME}}-12}}}}| ''The Rape of'' Lucrece. |{{#ifexpr: {{SUBPAGENAME}} mod 2|{{#expr:{{SUBPAGENAME}}-12}}|}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{ppoem|start=stanza|end=follow|The little birds that tune their mornings joy,
Make her mones mad with their sweet melody,
For mirth doth search the bottome of annoy,
Sad Souls are slaine in merry company,
Grief best is pleased with griefs society:
{{em}}True sorrow then is feelingly suffiz'd
{{em}}When with like semblance it is simpathiz'd.

'Tis double death to drowne in ken of shore,
He ten times pines, that pines beholding food,
To see the salve doth make the wound ake more,
Great grief grieves most at that would do it good;
Deep woes roul forward like a gentle floud,
{{em}}Who being stopt, the bounding banks oreflows,
{{em}}Grief dallied with, nor law nor limit knows.

You mocking birds (quoth she) your tunes intomb
Within your hollow swelling feathered breasts,
And in my hearing be you ever dumb,
My restlesse discord loves no stops nor rests;
A woful hostesse brooks not merry guests:
{{em}}Relish your nimble notes to pleasing ears,
{{em}}Distresse likes dumps when time is kept with tears.

Come ''Philomele'', that singst of ravishment,
Make thy sad grove in my disheveld hair:
As the danke earth weeps at thy languishment;
So I at each sad strain will straine a tear,
And with deep grones the ''Diapason'' bear:}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|For}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>9w86pb7j1nt43pugsb3sb51ijzqr081</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Shakespeare Collection of Poems.djvu/115</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2718682</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508292</id>
      <parentid>9216564</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:33:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1445" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Phe-bot&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{#ifexpr: {{SUBPAGENAME}} mod 2||{{#expr:{{SUBPAGENAME}}-12}}}}| ''The Rape of'' Lucrece. |{{#ifexpr: {{SUBPAGENAME}} mod 2|{{#expr:{{SUBPAGENAME}}-12}}|}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{ppoem|start=follow|end=follow|{{em}}For burthen-wise I'll hum on Tarquin still,
{{em}}While thou on Tereus descant'st better skill.

'And whiles against a thorn thou bear'st thy part,
To keep thy sharp woes waking, wretched I,
To imitate thee well, against my heart
Will fix a sharp knife, to affright mine eye;
Who, if it wink, shall thereon fall and die.
{{em}}These means, as frets upon an instrument,
{{em}}Shall tune our heart-strings to true languishment.

'And for, poor bird, thou sing'st not in the day,
As shaming any eye should thee behold,
Some dark deep desert, seated from the way,
That knows not parching heat nor freezing cold,
Will we find out; and there we will unfold
{{em}}To creatures stern sad tunes, to change their kinds:
{{em}}Since men prove beasts, let beasts bear gentle minds.'

As the poor frighted deer, that stands at gaze,
Wildly determining which way to fly,
Or one encompass'd with a winding maze,
That cannot tread the way out readily;
So with herself is she in mutiny,
{{em}}To live or die which of the twain were better,
{{em}}When life is sham'd, and Death reproach's debtor.

'To kill myself,' quoth she, 'alack! what were it,
But with my body my poor soul's pollution?
They that lose half with greater patience bear it,}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|Than}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508303</id>
      <parentid>12508292</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:41:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1443" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{#ifexpr: {{SUBPAGENAME}} mod 2||{{#expr:{{SUBPAGENAME}}-12}}}}| ''The Rape of'' Lucrece. |{{#ifexpr: {{SUBPAGENAME}} mod 2|{{#expr:{{SUBPAGENAME}}-12}}|}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{ppoem|start=follow|end=follow|{{em}}For burthen-wise I'le hum on ''Tarquin'' still,
{{em}}While thou on ''Tereus'' descants better skill.

And whiles against a thorne thou bearst thy part,
To keep thy sharp woes waking, wretched I
To imitate thee well, against my heart
Will fix a sharpe knife, to affright mine eye;
Who, if it winke, shall thereon fall and die.
{{em}}These means as frets upon an instrument,
{{em}}Shall tune our heart-strings to true languishment.

And for poor bird, thou singst not in the day,
As shaming any eye should thee behold,
Some dark deep desart seated from the way,
That knows not parching heat, nor freezing cold,
Will we find out; and there we will unfold
{{em}}To creatures stern, sad tunes to change their kinds,
{{em}}Since men prove beasts, let beasts bear gentle minds.

As the poor frighted Deer that stands at gaze,
Wildly determining which way to fly,
Or one incompast with a winding maze,
That cannot tread the way out readily:
So with her self is she in mutiny,
{{em}}To live or die which of the twain were better,
{{em}}When life is sham'd, and Death reproaches debter.

To kill my self, quoth she, alacke what were it,
But with my body my poore souls pollution?
They that lose halfe with greater patience bear it,}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|Than}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Mind (Old Series) Volume 11.djvu/205</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2737243</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506971</id>
      <parentid>10297221</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:21:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3395" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|194|{{asc|G. S. FULLERTON:}}|}}{{smaller block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;in effect, the same and undistinguishable; but still view them in different aspects, according to the resemblances of which they are susceptible. When we would consider only the figure of the globe of white marble, we form in reality an idea both of the figure and colour, but tacitly carry our eye to its resemblance with the globe of black marble: and in the same manner, when we would consider its colour only, we turn our view to its resemblance with the cube of white marble. By this means we accompany our ideas with a kind of reflection, of whiccustom renders us, in a great measure, insensible. A person who desires us to consider the figure of a globeh  of white marble without thinking on its colour, desires an impossibility; but his meaning is, that we should consider the colour and figure together, but still keep in our eye the resemblance to the globe of black marble, or that to any other globe of whatever colour or substance.&quot; (''Treatise of Human Nature'', i. 7.){{smaller block/e}}

It is not hard to see that we cannot distinguish in a body figured &quot;many different resemblances and relations,&quot; without bringing the resembling elements in some sense singly into thought: if the mental complex which we call an object were an indissoluble unit, we might affirm a general likeness or unlikeness between it and other objects, but we could not affirm that the resemblance lay in the figure, or colour. If, as Hume asserts, the figure and colour &quot;are, in effect, the same and undistinguishable,&quot; why do we find the one susceptible of the one class of resemblances, and the other of another class? If we take the words literally, should not the figure, viewed in one aspect, be susceptible of resemblances of figure, and viewed in another, of colour? And similarly, if the colour is one with the figure the same and undistinguishable, should not the colour, viewed in one aspect, be susceptible of resemblances of colour, and viewed in another, of figure? Hume's admission that the two elements are known as giving different resemblances in itself refutes his previous assertion that they are undistinguishable. If colour be recognised as like colour, and figure like figure, the two qualities are distinguished as different, and are in reality separately grasped. 

I will now take a passage from [[Author:John Stuart Mill|J. S. Mill]]'s ''[[Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy]]'' (c. xvii.): 

{{smaller block/s}}&quot;The formation, therefore, of a Concept, does not consist in separating the attributes which arc said to compose it, from all other attributes of the same object, and enabling us to conceive those attributes, disjoined from any others. We neither conceive them, nor think them, nor cognise them in any way as a thing apart, but solely as forming, in combination with numerous other attributes, the idea of an individual object. But, though thinking them only as part of a larger agglomeration, we have the power of fixing our attention on them, to the neglect of the other attributes with which we think them combined. While the concentration of attention actually lasts, if it is sufficiently intense, we may be temporarily unconscious of any of the other attributes, and may really, for a brief interval, have nothing present to our mind but the attributes constituent to the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smaller block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Mind (Old Series) Volume 11.djvu/237</title>
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{{c|{{sc|Table III.}}&lt;ref&gt;To save space in this and some other Tables, I only give the average of the mean-variation for the several series (AV).&lt;/ref&gt;}}

{{table missing}}

the time of the second observer's reaction on the sound, and by subtracting this from the entire time, we have the reaction-time of the first observer with his speech-organs. When the average of several series is taken the error becomes very small. A further application of this method will be found below. For our present purposes it was to a large extent superseded by the use of the lip-key and sound-key. There are however certain difficulties in the way of using these instruments, especially in the case of inexperienced persons, children or the insane, for example. The method could further be applied to determining the reaction-time, etc., of the lower animals, and also the length of certain reflex processes where the motion can with difficulty be registered. I give in Table IV. the results of four series of reactions made in this way, Mr. H. Wolfe making reactions on the sound. 

{{c|{{sc|Table IV.}}}}

{{table missing}}

Mr. Wolfe's reaction-time on sound was about 150α. The series made on 30 I. seem to have given rather long times, the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/13</title>
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{{sc|The}} subject of my lectures—&quot;Nestorius and his position in the history of Christian Doctrine&quot;—seems at the first glance to have little interest for us modern men. Almost 1500 years have passed since Nestorius played his rôle in history. And this role was in the orthodox church a very transitory one.

For the Persian-Nestorian or Syrian-Nestorian church (as the language of this church was Syriac) Nestorius, it is true, became a celebrated saint; and still to-day small remains of this once far-reaching church are to be found in the vicinity of the Urmia Lake in the north-west of Persia and south of it in the mountains of Turkish Kurdistan. But in the orthodox church Nestorius was even in his own time an ephemeral appearance. In the year 428 {{sc|a.d.}} he became bishop of Constantinople and as early as 431 he was deposed. Four years later he was banished to Oasis in Egypt, and up to a few years ago the common opinion was that he died soon after in his exile.

For the orthodox church he remained merely one of the most condemned heretics. He was reproached not&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|L. N.}}||1}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/29</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2782072</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507220</id>
      <parentid>9325301</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:39:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>2973212</id>
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      <text bytes="1634" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|RECENTLY AWAKENED}}|right=17}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Cyril. But he does not make pretentious claims for his person or hope for another turn of his fortune. He has no more interest in the world. For ''e.g.'' after having said that one might ask him why the bishops of the Antiochian party had given assent to his deposition he answers&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Bedjan}}, p. 451; {{sp|Nau}}, p. 289.&lt;/ref&gt;: ''Well you must ask him'' (meaning Cyril), ''apparently also those'' (meaning the Antiochians). ''If you want to learn anything else of me, then I will speak of what is now gradually coming to the knowledge of the whole world, not in order to find approbation or assistance among men—for earthly things have but little interest for me. I have died to the world and live for Him, to whom my life belongs;—but I will speak to those who took offence'' etc. He writes in exile in the deserts of Egypt and has no prospect but of death. ''As for me'', so he concludes the treatise&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Bedjan}}, p. 520&amp;nbsp;f.; {{sp|Nau}}, p. 331.&lt;/ref&gt;, ''I have borne the sufferings of my life and all that has befallen me in this world as the sufferings of a single day; and I have not changed all these years. And now I am already on the point to depart, and daily I pray to God to dismiss me—me whose eyes have seen his salvation. Farewell Desert, my friend, mine upbringer and my place of sojourning, and thou Exile, my mother, who after my death shalt keep my body until the resurrection comes in the time of God's pleasure! Amen.''

We knew previously that Nestorius had to endure&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|L. N.}}||2}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/45</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2782116</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507222</id>
      <parentid>9325379</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:39:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
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      <text bytes="1798" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|OF NESTORIUS' LIFE}}|right=33}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;which in his statement needs explanation—that the real cause of the controversy is to be found in the intrigues of Cyril of Alexandria&lt;ref&gt;Comp. above, [[#29|p. 29]].&lt;/ref&gt;. These intrigues on their part, according to what Nestorius tells in the continuation of the above-quoted passage&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Bedjan}}, p. 152&amp;nbsp;f.; {{sp|Nau}}, p. 92.&lt;/ref&gt;, originated in accusations which were brought against Cyril himself. Cyril is regarded by Nestorius as having framed the dogmatic controversy for no other reason than to keep these accusations in the background. Nestorius raised this reproach against Cyril as early as in the late summer of 430 in a letter to the bishop of Rome&lt;ref&gt;{{lang|la|ep. ad Caelest.}} 3, {{lang|la|''Nestoriana''}}, p. 181, 10&amp;nbsp;f.&lt;/ref&gt;; and that this reproach was well grounded, I tried to show as far back as 1903 by pointing to a letter, written by Cyril to his clerical agents in Constantinople&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Hauck'}}s {{lang|de|''Real-Encyklopädie''}}, {{sc|xiii}}, 745, 30&amp;nbsp;ff.; comp. 743, 28&amp;nbsp;ff.&lt;/ref&gt;. After long explanations about the perverted doctrine of Nestorius he says in this letter: ''I had till now no quarrel with him and wish him betterment; but for supporting my enemies he shall give answer before God. No wonder if the dirtiest persons of the city, Chairemon, Victor and others, speak ill of me. May he, who incites them, learn that I have no fears about a journey or about answering them. Often the providence of the Saviour brings it about that little things cause a synod to be held, through which His church is purified. But even if others and honourable men should accuse me on his instigation—that wretched''&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|L. N.}}||3}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/61</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2782132</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507223</id>
      <parentid>9325406</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:40:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2191" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|OF NESTORIUS' LIFE}}|right=49}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;emperor when at about the end of July&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Hefele}}, {{sc|ii}}, 219, note 2.&lt;/ref&gt; he sent to Ephesus a second commissioner, the count John, one of his confidants, was not yet on Cyril's side: the royal order delivered by count John confirmed all three depositions, that of Nestorius, of Cyril and of Memnon&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Mansi}}, iv, 1395&amp;nbsp;f.&lt;/ref&gt;, and when John committed all three into close custody, he consigned Nestorius to the care of count Candidianus, who was inclined towards him, while Cyril seems to have been treated in a less friendly manner&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Mansi}}, {{sc|iv}}, 1398&amp;nbsp;{{sc|b}} = {{sc|v}}, 780&amp;nbsp;{{sc|e}}; comp. {{lang|la|''Liber Heraclidis''}}, {{sp|Bedjan}}, p. 387&amp;nbsp;f.; {{sp|Nau}}, p. 248&amp;nbsp;f.&lt;/ref&gt;. The question of the doctrine was regarded by the court as still open; and as count John was not able to bring the parties at Ephesus to an understanding with one another, in the second half of August&lt;ref&gt;A letter written by the Antiochian delegates immediately after their arrival at Chalcedon dates from {{lang|la|''Gorpiaei mensis undecimo''}}, (Mansi, {{sc|v}}, 794&amp;nbsp;{{sc|b}} = {{sc|iv}}, 1406&amp;nbsp;{{sc|e}}), i.e. according to {{sp|Tillemon}}t (edition of Venice, {{sc|xiv}}, 776&amp;nbsp;f) the 4th or the 11th of September: and although each of these dates seems to me open to controversy (comp. {{sp|Pauly'}}s {{lang|de|''Real-Encyclopädie''}}, 2nd edition, {{sc|vii}}, 1664), we can and must let the matter rest. Nearly the same time, as given by both dates, is indicated by the course of events.&lt;/ref&gt; delegates of each group were called to the capital, or rather to the neighbouring city of Chalcedon, for further negotiations. But as regards the persons one decision was given just at this time: the emperor resolved about the end of August&lt;ref name=p49&gt;Eight days before the letter mentioned in the preceding note was written ({{sp|Mansi}}, {{sc|v}}, 794&amp;nbsp;{{sc|a}}).—The Alexandrian report in {{sp|Mansi}}, {{sc|v}}, 255 and 658&amp;nbsp;f., connecting the imperial order regarding Nestorius—&lt;/ref&gt; to send&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|L. N.}}||4}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/77</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2782347</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507225</id>
      <parentid>11716752</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:40:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1687" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|OF NESTORIUS}}|right=65}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;that a man with such characteristics was not exactly suited to the taste of the court and especially of the circle of that most pious lady, the ''Augusta'' Pulcheria; he was not cut out for a courtier. But even if the ground of his misfortune were to be found here, his life should nevertheless be called a tragedy, for his sufferings would have been too harsh a punishment. We can, however, hardly assume that the characteristics we discussed were the cause of Nestorius' unhappy fate. For he enjoyed the favour of the court as long as he lived in Constantinople and even longer, and his enemies never pretended, as far as I know, that his guilt rested in his personal character.

His enemies condemned him for his teaching. It is, therefore, his teaching that we must examine.

Nestorius was an Antiochian as regards his theological upbringing. I do not believe that he was a personal pupil of [[Author:Theodore of Mopsuestia|Theodore of Mopsuestia]]—the chronology contradicts this, and there are no convincing arguments for this assumption&lt;ref&gt;Comp. {{sp|Walch}}, {{lang|de|''Ketzerhistorie''}} {{sc|v}}, 315&amp;nbsp;f.&lt;/ref&gt;. But that he was educated in the traditions of the Antiochian school is without doubt.

The Antiochian Christology is most easily comprehended, if we contrast it with Apollinarism, condemned by the church about fifty years before Nestorius became bishop of Constantinople. [[Author:Apollinaris of Laodicea|Apollinaris of Laodicea]] is well known to have taught that a real incarnation and a real unity of the historical person of Christ was&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|L. N.}}||5}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/93</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2782846</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507227</id>
      <parentid>9326886</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:40:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
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      <text bytes="2056" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|OF NESTORIUS}}|right=81}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;is apart from the very natures which are united here. ''I know'', he says, ''nothing which would suit a union of different natures except a single'' {{polytonic|πρόσωπον}} ''by which and in which the natures are seen, while they are giving their characteristics to this'' {{polytonic|πρόσωπον}}&lt;ref&gt;B. 230 = N. 138&amp;nbsp;f.&lt;/ref&gt;.

For the detailed explanation of this thought an idea is important which Professor {{sp|Bethune-Bake}}r has already noted&lt;ref&gt;p. 97.&lt;/ref&gt; in the ''Treatise of Heraclides'', viz. the idea that in Christ ''the manhood is the'' {{polytonic|πρόσωπον}} ''of the Godhead, and the Godhead the'' {{polytonic|πρόσωπον}} ''of the manhood''&lt;ref&gt;B. 144 = N. 168.&lt;/ref&gt;. Reading Professor {{sp|Bethune-Baker'}}s book one could think that this idea appeared only once or at least seldom. Really, however, it recurs again and again&lt;ref&gt;Comp. e.g. B. 78ff. = N. 50 ff.; B. 289 = N. 183; B. 305 = N. 193 f.; B. 334 = N. 203, etc.&lt;/ref&gt;. It is the leading idea of Nestorius that the natures of Christ made reciprocate use of their {{polytonic|πρόσωπα}}&lt;ref&gt;Comp. ''e.g.'' B. 341&amp;nbsp;f. = N. 219: {{lang|fr|''Pour nous, dans les natures, nous disons un autre et un autre, et, dans l'union, un prosôpon pour l'usage de l'un avec l'autre'' (''ou: pour leur usage mutuel'')}}; B. 289 = N. 183: {{lang|fr|''l'humanité utilisant le prosôpon de la divinité et la divinité le prosôpon de l'humanité''}}; B. 307 = N. 195: {{lang|fr|''Ils prennent le prosôpon l'un de l'autre''}}; B. 334 = N. 213: {{lang|fr|''Elles'' (''les natures'') ''se servent mutuellement de leurs prosôpons respectifs''}}.&lt;/ref&gt;, the Godhead of the form of a servant, the manhood of the form of God&lt;ref&gt;''e.g.'' B. 81 = N. 52; B. 90&amp;nbsp;f. = N. 59; B. 241 = N. 145.&lt;/ref&gt;. In this sense in the one {{polytonic|πρόσωπον}} of Christ, according to Nestorius, ''a union of the'' {{polytonic|πρόσωπα}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|L. N.}}||6}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/15</title>
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{{c|{{larger|PREFACE}}}}
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{{dropcap|A}}LL we know of Ishoʿdad is that he was a native of Merv, and became Bishop of Ḥadatha in Assyria, being much admired for his erudition, wisdom, and splendid personal appearance. We gather from [[Author:Giuseppe Simone Assemani|Assemani]] and [[Author:Gregory Bar Hebraeus|Bar-Hebraeus]] that after several untoward experiences in the election of their Patriarchs, who were speedily removed by death, all the Christians in {{sc|a.d.}} 852 committed the choice to Abraham bin Noah, who nominated Ishoʿdad. But Bochtjesoʿ, the physician of the Caliph Mutawakkil, persuaded his master to appoint Theodosius, and the Christians rejoiced in the interest which the prince condescended to shew in their affairs. Abraham tried in vain to move him in Ishoʿdad's favour. It was not long before certain Arians gained the ear of the prince, and prejudiced him against both Bochtjesoʿ and the new Patriarch, saying that they were conspiring with the Greeks. The latter was summoned to Baghdad, where he was kept in chains for three years, and excommunicated Bochtjesoʿ. A severe persecution of the Christians followed. We may hope that Ishoʿdad had reason to consider himself more fortunate than his rival. He wrote Commentaries on most of the books of both Testaments. Assemani expressly mentions the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Samuel, David (the Psalms), Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, and Job, all of which books were supposed by the Syrians to have been translated into their language in the time of Solomon, at the request of his friend Hiram king of Tyre.

It is now nearly seven years since [[Author:James Rendel Harris|Dr Rendel Harris]] suggested that I might edit Ishoʿdad's Commentary on the Gospels; and the printing has gone on for six years and a half. I have had three manuscripts to work from; one in the Cambridge University Library, which I have named Codex C a still better one, kindly lent me by the Rev. [[Author:David Samuel Margoliouth|Professor D. Margoliouth]] of Oxford, which I have called Codex M; and a transcript of a MS. now at Ooroomiah, lent me by Dr Rendel Harris. This third one I adopted as the text, for the great convenience of printing, though the fact has come to light during the process of collation, that Codex M is the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|G. I.}}||''b''}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/47</title>
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{{c|{{larger|ISHOʿDAD ON THE GOSPELS.}}
{{dhr|67%}}

ST MATTHEW.}}
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{{sc|In}} the strength of our Lord Jesus the Christ we begin to write the Commentary of the books of the New Testament, which was laboriously collected from many writings of expositors and teachers of the Holy Church, by the holy and doctrine-loving Mar Ishoʿdad of Maru&lt;ref&gt;''In margin.'' That is a place.&lt;/ref&gt; Bishop of Hadatha in Assyria. Lord, help me and strengthen me, and make me wise, and lead me to the completion by Thy grace.

In the very name of {{sc|I am that I am}} and the Leader of the Two Covenants, we are moving from the Elysian fields, the Old Testament, to the meadows of asphodel&lt;ref&gt;''In margin.'' That is a white root or sandalwood.&lt;/ref&gt;, the New Testament, and we interpret the meanings thereof concisely in some kind of expansion&lt;ref&gt;{{polytonic|πρόσθεσις}} for {{polytonic|προσθαφαίρησις}} of the MS.&lt;/ref&gt;, that is, in a sort of little supplement in the middle of the lines of the body of the Scripture. Lord Christ, lead Thy servant to the completion by grace from Thyself, Amen.

{{c|''The Preface to the Book.''}}

&lt;ref group=&quot;t&quot;&gt;Gannat Busamé, p. 55; Acts 17. 28&lt;/ref&gt;''Evangel'' is a Greek word. It is interpreted in Syriac, good Hope, our life and motion and breath. It is called the ''Evangel'', that is to say, the ''good tidings'', because it announced a myriad of good things to the world. For even Expectation is different from Hope, inasmuch as Expectation indicates good and evil things at the same time, whereas Hope {{right sidenote|p. {{syriac|ܒ}}}} is about good things only. And it is very aptly called the ''Good Hope'', a word which is not even read in any place in the Old Testament; so therefore the New Testament possesses an immense difference from the Old Testament; inasmuch as that served as the shadow, but this carries the true body; and that one instructed babes in carnal knowledge, but this speaks spiritual wisdom among them that are of full age.&lt;ref group=&quot;t&quot;&gt;1 Cor. 2. 6&lt;/ref&gt; I speak of the Kingdom of Heaven, and of the blessings and the delights incomprehensible and unspeakable that are there, as also [[Author:Basil of Caesarea|Basil]], the basis&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}} 
{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|G. I.}}||1}}|width=95%}}{{rule}} {{smallrefs|group=t}}{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/23</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2782922</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506915</id>
      <parentid>11714021</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:04:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <text bytes="3126" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|INTRODUCTION}}|right=xv}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Another eminent Syrian writer, [[Author:Moses Bar-Kepha|Moses bar Kepha]], is said to have had as his natural parent Simeon Kepha, who was from the village of Mashhad al-Koḥail, which is situated on the Tigris opposite al-Ḥadithah&lt;ref&gt;Hoffmann, {{lang|de|''Auszüge''}}, p. 190.&lt;/ref&gt;. This reference may perhaps help us to identify the exact position of Newtown.

It has already been pointed out that Ishoʿdad interpreted both the Old and New Testaments. With the former we are not concerned here; indeed I have never come across any copy of his comments on the Pentateuch&lt;ref&gt;I think there is one amongst the recent acquisitions at the British Museum.&lt;/ref&gt;. But with regard to the New Testament, there is no doubt that besides the volumes which illustrated the Gospel and are here reproduced, he wrote a series of annotations upon the Acts and the Pauline Epistles. A copy of these latter commentaries was, until recently, in my possession (Cod. Syr. Harris 60), having been transcribed for me in the East in the year 1893. It is now in the Library of the Semitic Museum at Harvard University. It was copied, I believe, in Ooroomiah&lt;ref&gt;Probably its archetype may be found in Cod. 9 of the Ooroomiah Library (American Mission), which is described in their catalogue as {{syriac|ܢܘܗܪܐ ܕܥܠ ܚܕܬܐ}}, the author being identified as Ishoʿdad.&lt;/ref&gt;.

Another copy, perhaps from the same archetype, is found at the end of the MS. in my possession which Mrs Gibson has used for her text (Cod. Syr. Harris 130). This MS. is also now transferred to the Harvard Library. Besides Prof. Margoliouth's copy and the one in the Sachau collection, I have come across traces of a copy amongst the Syrians of Southern India, but have not succeeded in obtaining a copy of it.

In view of the loans which Ishoʿdad makes from earlier writers, especially [[Author:Ephrem the Syrian|Ephrem]] and [[Author:Theodore of Mopsuestia|Theodore]], it would be well to have the commentaries upon the Acts and Pauline epistles published. They would not be as interesting or important as Ephrem's commentaries on the Pauline Epistles (preserved in Armenian), but they would be sure to furnish valuable matter to the student of the Syriac literary tradition.

We come now to the authors quoted by Ishoʿdad in the Gospel commentaries; for it is in this direction that his great value lies. It was the observation made by [[Author:Richard James Horatio Gottheil|Prof. Gottheil]]&lt;ref&gt;''Journal of Biblical Literature and Exegesis'', Vol. {{sc|xii.}} 1892, Pt i. pp. 68—71.&lt;/ref&gt; and [[Author:Isaac Hollister Hall|Dr Isaac H. Hall]]&lt;ref&gt;''Ibid.'', Vol. {{sc|xi.}} 1891, Pt ii. pp. 153—155.&lt;/ref&gt;, of New York, as to the existence of quotations from the Diatessaron of [[Author:Tatian|Tatian]] in the pages of Ishoʿdad, which first brought this commentary into public notice; and this observation of one of the oldest forms of Syriac Gospel as an outcrop in the pages of Ishoʿdad led to the further observation that&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}
{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|G. I.}}||''c''}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/109</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2782947</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507216</id>
      <parentid>9330493</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <text bytes="2634" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE}}|right=97}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Cyrillian tradition, but Leo asserted in his letter, that the unity of Christ's person was seen &quot;in two natures&lt;ref&gt;Ch. 5, {{sp|Mansi}}, {{sc|v}}, 1379&amp;nbsp;{{sc|b}}: {{lang|la|''Propter hanc unitatem personae in utraque natura intelligendam''}} (comp. the preceding note).&lt;/ref&gt;,&quot; and especially blamed Eutyches for not having been willing to concede the duality of the natures after the incarnation, while allowing the term {{polytonic|ἐκ δύο φύσεων εἶς}}&lt;ref&gt;Ch. 6, {{sp|Mansi}}, {{sc|v}}, 1386&amp;nbsp;f.&lt;/ref&gt;. The Roman legates, therefore, energetically opposed the phrase {{polytonic|ἐκ δύο φύσεων}} in the draft of the creed&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Mansi}}, {{sc|vii}}, 101&amp;nbsp;{{sc|a b}}; comp. above, [[#cite_note-p96-10|p. 96&amp;nbsp;f. note 6]].&lt;/ref&gt; and they succeeded in substituting {{polytonic|ἐν δύο φύσεσιν}} for {{polytonic|ἐκ δύο φύσεων}}&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Hahn}}, {{lang|de|''Bibliothek der Symbole''}}, 3rd edition, p. 166; {{sp|Hefele}}, {{lang|de|''Conciliengeschichte''}}, 2nd edition, {{sc|ii}}, 470&amp;nbsp;f. note 1.&lt;/ref&gt;. One self-consistent view, therefore, could not be attained in Chalcedon; a compromise had to be made. And it was made by recognising as standards of faith at the same time Leo's letter and Cyril's {{lang|la|''epistola dogmatica''}} and {{lang|la|''epistola ad Orientales''}}&lt;ref&gt;{{sp|Mansi}}, {{sc|vii}}, 113&amp;nbsp;{{sc|b c}}. The meaning of the sentence {{polytonic|τὰς τοῦ μακαρίου Κυρίλλου … συνοδικὰς ἐπιστολὰς πρός τε Νεστόριον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς τῆς ἀνατολῆς … ἐδέξατο}} is illustrated by the fact, that Cyril's {{lang|la|''epistola dogmatica''}} and {{lang|la|''epistola ad Orientales''}}, but not his {{lang|la|''epistola synodica''}}, were previously ({{sp|Mansi}}, {{sc|vi}}, 959&amp;nbsp;{{sc|a b}}, 959&amp;nbsp;{{sc|d}}, 971&amp;nbsp;{{sc|a b}}, 973&amp;nbsp;{{sc|c}}) approved. Comp. [[#cite_note-16|p. 98 note 1]].&lt;/ref&gt;. Cyril's {{lang|la|''epistola synodica''}}, which understood the {{polytonic|ἕνωσις καθ’ ὑπόστασιν}} in the sense of a {{polytonic|ἕνωσις φυσική}}, was not&lt;ref follow=p96&gt;{{lang|la|''definitio … ex duabus naturis habet''}}, and 106&amp;nbsp;{{sc|c}}: {{lang|la|''Dioscorus dicebat: &quot;Quod ex duabus naturis est, suscipio, duas non suscipio&quot;; sanctissimus autem archiepiscopus Leo duas naturas dicit esse in Christo … Quem igitur sequimini? sanctissimum Leonem, aut Dioscorum?''}}&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|L. N.}}||7}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/31</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2782973</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506917</id>
      <parentid>9327134</parentid>
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      <contributor>
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        <id>2973212</id>
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      <text bytes="2612" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|INTRODUCTION}}|right=xxiii}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to the carrying of a staff by the apostles on their first mission: we will quote the passage at length:

{{quote|{{fine block|p. 132. Matthew says 'Nor even a staff,' {{syriac|ܕܐܦܠܐ ܫܒܛܐ}} but Mark here, 'Save a staff only,' {{syriac|ܐܢ ܠܐ ܫܒܛܐ}}: our Lord signifies this, that from others to whom they should go they should take nothing; that these might not suppose that they were sent for trade: that He might show that He is supplying all that they require; therefore this of Mark is not contrary to that of Matthew; because both of them admonish not to borrow from others, lest they should appear covetous; for they are not prevented from taking from their houses, because they need these things on the way: viz. a ''stick'' {{syriac|ܚܘܛܪܐ}} for leaning on, and ''sandals'' {{syriac|ܛܠܪ̈ܐ}} for the hardness of the road, and the thorns.

Others say that because Matthew had formerly been a publican, and had experienced the hardness of the passion of covetousness, he fitly removed them from this passion. Others say that in both of them they are forbidden a stick, and they read that ''Ell Alla'' which is interpreted ''not even'':

{{c|{{syriac|ܘܩܪܘ ܠܣܘ ܐܸܠܵܐ ܐܲܠܐ ܕܡܪܓܡ ܐܦܠܐ}}}}}}}}

Here Ishoʿdad does not seem to be explaining the Old Syriac. He has before him the same difficulty in the Peshiṭta text as we have in the Greek; viz. that Matt, says the disciple is not to take a staff, and Mark says he is to take nothing except a staff: the same Syriac word {{syriac|ܫܒܛܐ}} in either case for {{polytonic|ῥάβδον}}.

The first explanation which he gives is a piece of exegetical subtlety: one is not to take a staff, in the sense of taking one from someone else (Matthew's doctrine); but you may take one from your own house, and in fact it is necessary (Mark's doctrine): similarly for the sandals. To which is added a perversely ingenious remark that Matthew was the proper person to preach against covetousness.

Then comes the remark that perhaps the difficulty has arisen from a misunderstanding of an unpointed Syriac text, which could be read either

{{c|''and not a staff''

or

''except a staff.''}}

It is not quite clear whether the MS. of Ishoʿdad has the correct pointing: should it not be

{{c|'And they read Alla Ellō' which is translated {{polytonic|μηδέ}}?}}

In this explanation Ishoʿdad really appears to be on the right track: it is one of the commonest confusions in Syriac, to have the two senses&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|G. I.}}||''d''}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/55</title>
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      <text bytes="3188" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{sidenotes begin}}{{running header|center={{asc|MATTHEW 1. 7—11}}|right=9}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;wicked Jezebel; and Joash, because he, too, was her son's son; Amazia, again, because his race was also descended from thence. And we say against them, that if he left these out on account of their wickedness, then why does he mention those wicked people, Ahaz, and Manasseh, etc.? and if it were thus, it would have been right first not to mention Joram, because he took the wicked wife; it was in his power not to take [her]; whereas those people had no means of not being born of such. However the ''Interpreter'' says that it was an error of a careless scribe, {{right sidenote|{{fine|'''G. B. p. 59'''}}}} and it was not the Evangelist who left it out, because the similarity and proximity of the name caused him to put instead of Ahazia, Uzzia, because there is no ''ain'' nor any ''heth'' in Greek, but instead of both of them he wrote ''alif'' {{syriac|.ܬ.ܓ.ܓ.ܬ..ܚܬ.}} for they are both equal in the number of letters and in form. Nor did he do this in order to measure the number {{right sidenote|f. 6 a}} of fourteen generations from David until the carrying away to Babylon, for behold while from the carrying away to Babylon until the Christ there were thirteen generations, it does not prevent him from saying that there were fourteen, as it was not about the sum of the numbers that it mattered to him in the division of the generations into three parts, but they say it {{right sidenote|p. {{syriac|ܝܗ}}}} was an error of the scribe; whilst others say that the Evangelist, forsooth, wished to leave them out, and it is clear that unless the Evangelist left them out, he would not say at the conclusion that from David to the carrying away to Babylon were fourteen generations, but rather eighteen; for behold also in the last part, between Salathiel and Zorobabel he leaves out {{right sidenote|{{fine|'''1 Chron. 3. 19''' ''Peshiṭta''&lt;br&gt;'''G. B. p.&amp;nbsp;62'''}}}} one, that is to say, Nedabia, that he may fix the number of fourteen with Mary and the Christ, because that Mary has come into the generations instead of her father. And it is clear also that the Evangelist left them out, from this, that his book was in existence in Caesarea of Palestine, and everyone acknowledges that he wrote it with his hands in Hebrew&lt;ref&gt;C Greek.&lt;/ref&gt;; and these names are not in it; and we say also, that Athalia was not the daughter of Jezebel, but the daughter of Omri. And because the Evangelist knew what a wrong idea there was among the people about these names, because of that he left them out. Nevertheless that idea of the ''Interpreter'' the whole school receives. Let us say now, why Matthew said that {{right sidenote|{{fine|'''G. B. p.&amp;nbsp;59'''}}}} Josia begat Jeconia and his brethren. But Josia did not beget Jeconia, but Jehoahaz, him that was called Shaleem, and Eliakim, him that was called Jehoiakim, and Mathia, who was called by Nebuchadnezzar Zedekia. And Jeconia was the son of Eliakim, and he called his uncles his brethren as is the custom of the Scriptures, and son's sons [he called]&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|G. I.}}|||2}}|width=95%}}{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/63</title>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="3016" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{sidenotes begin}}{{running header|center={{asc|MATTHEW II. 2}}|right=17}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;say, the Ram, the Hull, the Twins, the Crab, the Lion, the Virgin&lt;ref&gt;Literally, the [Ear]bearer.&lt;/ref&gt;, the Balance, the Scorpion, the Archer&lt;ref&gt;Literally, the Great sign.&lt;/ref&gt;, the Goat, the Water-bearer, and the Fish; and of those seven they say that they go from west to east, but that these twelve go round from east to west, that is to say, they revolve with the body of the heavens which revolves like a wheel and an axis round the earth; and the earth stands in the middle as a centre, and like a grain of sesame standing in the middle &lt;ref name=p17n3&gt;Literally, 'of a bladder in which wind is blown.’&lt;/ref&gt;of an inflated bladder&lt;ref name=p17n3 /&gt;. And to the days of the week they assign Planets. The first day of the week, it is said, is the day of the Sun; the second day of the Moon; the third of Ares (Mars); the fourth of Hermes (Mercury); the fifth of Bel; Friday of Aphrodite; and the Sabbath of Kronos (Saturn). And also the parts of the human body, it is said, these created; the Sun the Brain; the Moon the Skin; Ares the Blood; Hermes the Nerves and the Veins; Bel the Bones; Venus the Flesh; Saturn the Hair. And also those twelve signs of the zodiac they call types of the twelve months of the year, some of them male, and some of them female. They say {{right sidenote|p. {{syriac|ܟܛ}}}} of every one of these that it regulates one of the parts of a man. The Ram is male, and it establishes the Head; the Bull is female, and it made the Neck; the Twins are male, and they made the Hands; the Crab is female, and it establishes the Breast; the Lion is male, and it establishes the Sides; the Virgin is female, and it created the Lumbar-bone; the Balance is male, and it created the Belly; the Scorpion is female, and it establishes around the Bladder; the Archer is male, and he fixed the Thighs; the Goat is female, and it formed the Knees; the Water-bearer is male, and he stretched out the Legs. The Fish is female, and it establishes {{right sidenote|f. 11 a}} the Feet.

By means of a Star, then, He announced to them the birth of the Messiah; for many reasons; first, because it was His custom many times to shew His guidance by means of strangers, and by what was true amongst them; as was done with Balaam, and with that woman who evoked spirits, the Endorite, and with Paul's Pythoness, etc.; second, that {{right sidenote|{{fine|'''Num. 24.17&lt;br&gt;Is. 42. 6, 49. 6&lt;br&gt;Mal. 4. 2&lt;br&gt;Jer. 33. 15&lt;br&gt;John 8. 12'''}}}} even our Lord was called by Balaam a Star, and by Isaia a Light, and by Malachi a Sun, and by Jeremia a Branch of Righteousness; and our Lord calls Himself the Light of the World; third, that so they might be led to the Sun by means of a star: in order therefore that in proportion as the Magians approached the Sun the star hid the properties of the Sun and of the stars, and was never again seen by them hence&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|G. I.}}||3}}|width=95%}}{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/125</title>
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      <text bytes="1827" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{running header|center={{asc|OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE}}|right=113}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;There was, it is true, a difference between western and Antiochian thinking, for, while all Antiochians, Nestorius included, even when starting with the ''Logos'' endeavoured to make {{sp|intelligibl}}e the oneness of the person of Christ, that is, to use Melanchthon's&lt;ref&gt;''Loci'' of 1521, ''Corpus Ref.'' 21, 85.&lt;/ref&gt; words, to explain the {{lang|la|''modus incarnationis''}}, the Westerners did not trouble themselves with this difficulty. The oneness of the person of the Jesus of history—&quot;{{lang|la|''persona''}}&quot; being here more than the {{polytonic|πρόσωπον}} of the Antiochians and nearer to what we understand by &quot;''person''&quot;—was with the western theologians an indisputable fact, which was presupposed in all their christological explanations. About this one person they asserted, that it was the {{lang|la|''filius dei incarnatus''}} and also that two distinct ''substances'' or ''natures'' were clearly to be seen in it&lt;ref&gt;Comp. above p. 111, note 4.&lt;/ref&gt;. The speculative question as to how this was to be conceived did not occupy the western church; the doctrine of two natures meant here nothing more than that only afterwards one discerned in this one person the two natures; and the presupposition of the oneness of the person of him who was God and man together was here regarded without any efforts of thought as so certain, that because of this oneness of the person the phrases {{lang|la|''deus natus est''}} and {{lang|la|''crucifixus est''}} were used in early times&lt;ref&gt;Tertullian, {{lang|la|''de carne Christi''}} 5; Damasus, {{lang|la|''epigramma''}} 91, ed. M. {{sp|Ihm}}, p. 94; {{sp|Reuter}}, {{lang|de|''Augustinische Studien''}}, p. 205&amp;nbsp;ff.&lt;/ref&gt;.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{block center|{{rh|{{asc|L. N.}}||8}}|width=95%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Green Bag (1889–1914), Volume 14.pdf/289</title>
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he sees that faith triumphant, and in turn facing a new enemy in its own household, heresies without number; history spreads its panorama; with the speed of Puck, Mr. Kidd girdles the earth, and everywhere &quot;Projected Efficiency&quot; is at work. With swimming head, the poor reader, like Emerson's Jacobin, who has heard too much of George Washington, cries, &quot;Damn Projected Efficiency.&quot;
But more dispassionately let us interview this claimant to universal empire, and adjudge his claims.
Mr. Kidd sees &quot; in the midst of our Western Civilization,&quot;. . . &quot; a vast process of change.&quot; . . . &quot;Hitherto all systems of political and social philosophy have revolved around one principle; namely, the interests of existing individuals.&quot; 


a rivalry in which the best organizations, the best methods, the best skill, the best abilities, the best government, and the best standards of action and belief, shall have the right of universal opportunity. ... It is the ideal which in its ultimate form must reach the limits of a stateless competition of all the individuals of every land, in which the competitive potentiality of all natural powers shall be completely enfranchised.&quot; Mr. Kidd strikes a noble and stirring note in his demand for the emancipation of every human power. He demands &quot;a free conflict of forces towards equality of conditions, of  rights and of opportunities.&quot; But, he insists, that is not the freedom of unregulated competition sought by the Manchester School of political economy. The doctrine of laissez-faire


There is going on now, a shifting of the centre competition means a free fight in which unof significance in the evolutionary hypothesis. scrupulousness gains the day, choking all com
&quot;It is not the interests of those existing indi
petition, bringing us &quot; to the now universal
viduals, but the interests of the future &quot; that tendency in modern industry to monopoly owner
make the new centre of significance. Up to the ship, with the resulting accumulation of vast
time of Mr. Kidd, evolutionary philosophers private fortunes through the enforced disadvan
supposed that the fittest who survived in the tage of classes, of whole communities, and even
struggle for life were those who best adapted of entire nations.&quot;
themselves to the conditions of a present environ
From the period of remorseless monopoly, now
ment. This is still necessary but another factor upon us, Mr. Kidd hopefully points to an &quot; era
is now added — adaptation to a future environ
in which increments in the private ownership of
ment. Thus the &quot; efficiency &quot; which makes for the instruments and materials of production
survival is &quot; projected &quot; into the future. This, which are unearned in terms of social utility
in a nutshell, is Mr. Kidd's discovery. The shall form part of a common inheritance to
&quot;winning qualities in the evolutionary process which the energies and abilities of the individual
are those by which the interests of the existing shall be applied in conditions tending towards
individuals have been most efftctively subordi
equal economic opportunity.&quot; This is the only
nated to those of the generations yet to be born.&quot; really free competition. It will mean &quot;the
This enables Mr. Kidd to present a striking gradual organization and direction through the
antinomy. Between the interests of the present state of the activities of industry and produc
tion.&quot; This looks like Socialism, but Mr. Kidd
and the interests of the future there is an irrecon
cilable break. A sacrifice of the former to the has nothing in common with the current pro
latter is demanded. Yet this demand must not posals of confiscation, and the regimentation of
impair efficiency in the present. Just how Mr. society. It is to be reached by the survival of
Kidd would sacrifice the present without impair those who adapt themselves to the conditions of
ing present efficiency, he does not make clear, this nobler future. Natural selection will destroy
however.
all opposing individuals and tendencies.
The future must be &quot; born out of a free con
Would that we could share this faith! But
flict of forces such as has never been in the whether or not Mr. Kidd is the Moses to lead
world before.&quot; Here Mr. Kidd makes one feel us out of the wilderness of present conditions
he is walking on solid ground. He sees that .into that Promised Land where all will enjoy
the ideal toward which the world is being car
equal opportunities, he, at least, is a prophet,
ried &quot; is that of a fair, open, and free rivalry of holding up an ideal, and spurring us on to its
all Ihe forces within the social consciousness — attainment.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="4628" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;James500&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{rh|254|''The Green Bag.''|}}

he sees that faith triumphant, and in turn facing a new enemy in its own household, heresies without number; history spreads its panorama; with the speed of Puck, Mr. Kidd girdles the earth, and everywhere &quot;Projected Efficiency&quot; is at work. With swimming head, the poor reader, like Emerson's Jacobin, who has heard too much of George Washington, cries, &quot;Damn Projected Efficiency.&quot;

But more dispassionately let us interview this claimant to universal empire, and adjudge his claims.

Mr. Kidd sees &quot; in the midst of our Western Civilization,&quot;. . . &quot; a vast process of change.&quot; . . . &quot;Hitherto all systems of political and social philosophy have revolved around one principle; namely, the interests of existing individuals.&quot; There is going on now, a shifting of the centre of significance in the evolutionary hypothesis. 

&quot;It is not the interests of those existing individuals, but the interests of the future&quot; that make the new centre of significance. Up to the time of Mr. Kidd, evolutionary philosophers supposed that the fittest who survived in the struggle for life were those who best adapted themselves to the conditions of a present environment. This is still necessary but another factor is now added — adaptation to a future environment. Thus the &quot; efficiency &quot; which makes for survival is &quot; projected &quot; into the future. This, in a nutshell, is Mr. Kidd's discovery. The &quot;winning qualities in the evolutionary process are those by which the interests of the existing individuals have been most effectively subordinated to those of the generations yet to be born.&quot; 

This enables Mr. Kidd to present a striking antinomy. Between the interests of the present and the interests of the future there is an irreconcilable break. A sacrifice of the former to the latter is demanded. Yet this demand must not impair efficiency in the present. Just how Mr. Kidd would sacrifice the present without impairing present efficiency, he does not make clear, however.

The future must be &quot;born out of a free conflict of forces such as has never been in the world before.&quot; Here Mr. Kidd makes one feel he is walking on solid ground. He sees that the ideal toward which the world is being carried &quot;is that of a fair, open, and free rivalry of all the forces within the social consciousness — a rivalry in which the best organizations, the best methods, the best skill, the best abilities, the best government, and the best standards of action and belief, shall have the right of universal opportunity. ... It is the ideal which in its ultimate form must reach the limits of a stateless competition of all the individuals of every land, in which the competitive potentiality of all natural powers shall be completely enfranchised.&quot; Mr. Kidd strikes a noble and stirring note in his demand for the emancipation of every human power. He demands &quot;a free conflict of forces towards equality of conditions, of  rights and of opportunities.&quot; But, he insists, that is not the freedom of unregulated competition sought by the Manchester School of political economy. The doctrine of laissez-faire competition means a free fight in which unscrupulousness gains the day, choking all competition, bringing us &quot; to the now universal tendency in modern industry to monopoly ownership, with the resulting accumulation of vast private fortunes through the enforced disadvantage of classes, of whole communities, and even of entire nations.&quot;

From the period of remorseless monopoly, now upon us, Mr. Kidd hopefully points to an &quot;era in which increments in the private ownership of the instruments and materials of production which are unearned in terms of social utility shall form part of a common inheritance to which the energies and abilities of the individual shall be applied in conditions tending towards equal economic opportunity.&quot; This is the only really free competition. It will mean &quot;the gradual organization and direction through the state of the activities of industry and production.&quot; This looks like Socialism, but Mr. Kidd  has nothing in common with the current proposals of confiscation, and the regimentation of society. It is to be reached by the survival of those who adapt themselves to the conditions of this nobler future. Natural selection will destroy all opposing individuals and tendencies.
Would that we could share this faith! But whether or not Mr. Kidd is the Moses to lead us out of the wilderness of present conditions into that Promised Land where all will enjoy equal opportunities, he, at least, is a prophet, holding up an ideal, and spurring us on to its attainment.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Green Bag (1889–1914), Volume 14.pdf/473</title>
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part of February. They became somewhat
friendly and Cream took him to his rooms
and showed him some samples of pills and
patent medicines. Opening a cash box Cream
took out a wide-mouthed bottle containing
strychnine and boasted of his ability to poison
without detection. McCullough very naively
testified, &quot; I lost confidence in him {sic)
through a conversation about an American
who had come over with plenty of money.
Cream said he ought to have had that man's
money and I asked him, ' How is that? ' and
he said, ' I could give that man a pill and put
him to sleep and his money would have been
mine.' I said, ' You would not kill a man for
$2,000, would you? ' and he regretted he had
not done so.&quot;
Through the photographer Armstead,
Cream procured an introduction to Sergeant
Mclntyre of Scotland Yard to whom in the
middle of May he complained of being shad
owed and asked whether it was because of any
belief as to his connection with the Donworth,
Marsh, and Shrivell cases. (This &quot;shadow
ing &quot; seems to have been a delusion pure and
simple on Cream's part, as he was in no way
suspected.) Mclntyre, after communicating
with his superiors, arranged for a meeting at
the Pheasant public-house. They talked the
poisoning cases over. &quot; Doctor,&quot; said Mcln
tyre, &quot; you appear to be pretty well posted in
these matters.&quot; &quot; Yes,&quot; answered Cream, &quot; I
have followed them closely in the medical jour
nal. Being a medical man I take an interest in
affairs of this kind.&quot; Mclntyre then asked
him for a general statement as to where he
had stayed since his arrival in England and
Cream promised to have it prepared on the
following morning. loiter, Mclntyre was
furnished with a partial statement and on
the 26th the two met in the Lambeth Place
Road. &quot; I am going away to-day,&quot; said
Cream, &quot; at three o'clock. Will I be arrested
if I do? &quot; Mclntyre told him that he could

not say, but that if he would accompany him
to Scotland Yard, inquiries would be made.
They proceeded together for a short dis
tance, when Cream stopped and said, &quot; I am
suspicious of you and I believe you are play
ing me double.&quot; He declined to go further
and threatened to consult a solicitor. So far
removed was the criminal from any suspicion,
that the police thought at first that he was
being made the victim of a blackmailing at
tempt similar to that which had been prac
tised on Drs. Broadbent and Harper. It was
only his subsequent behavior which caused
him to become a marked man. The many
letters charging the use of strychnine, how
ever, did have the effect of causing the police
to suspect that the true cause of Matilda
Clover's death was not alcoholism as assigned.
Dr. Stevenson, lecturer on medical jurispru
dence at Guy's Hospital and one of the
analysers employed by the government, in
the early part of May performed an autopsy
on the exhumed body and discovered upon
quantitative analysis, out of nearly two
pounds of material, one-sixteenth of a grain
of strychnine.
Toward the end of May, Inspector Tunbridge, to whom the case had been entrusted
in consequence of Cream's complaint that he
was being watched, called on the latter.
Cream showed him a medicine case in which
was contained a bottle labelled, &quot; one-six
teenth grain strychnine.&quot; It was nearly full
of pills. Tunbridge asked, &quot; What are those
pills composed of? &quot; and Cream answered,
&quot;One-sixteenth of a grain of strychnine and
sugar coating only.&quot; &quot; At that rate,&quot; the in
spector said, &quot; this bottle contains quite a
large quantity of strychnine and it would be
highly dangerous that they should fall into the
hands of the public in any quantity.&quot; Cream,
who claimed to be the agent of a wholesale
drug house, answered that it was not intended
to sell them to the public directly but only&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508064</id>
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        <id>1511</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>spacing fixes</comment>
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      <text bytes="3766" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;James500&quot; /&gt;{{rh|430|''The Green Bag''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;part of February. They became somewhat friendly and Cream took him to his rooms and showed him some samples of pills and patent medicines. Opening a cash box Cream took out a wide-mouthed bottle containing strychnine and boasted of his ability to poison without detection. McCullough very naively testified, &quot; I lost confidence in him (''sic'') through a conversation about an American who had come over with plenty of money. Cream said he ought to have had that man's money and I asked him, 'How is that?' and he said, 'I could give that man a pill and put him to sleep and his money would have been mine.' I said, 'You would not kill a man for $2,000, would you?' and he regretted he had not done so.&quot;

Through the photographer Armstead, Cream procured an introduction to Sergeant Mclntyre of Scotland Yard to whom in the middle of May he complained of being shadowed and asked whether it was because of any belief as to his connection with the Donworth, Marsh, and Shrivell cases. (This &quot;shadowing &quot; seems to have been a delusion pure and simple on Cream's part, as he was in no way suspected.) Mclntyre, after communicating with his superiors, arranged for a meeting at the Pheasant public-house. They talked the poisoning cases over. &quot; Doctor,&quot; said Mclntyre, &quot; you appear to be pretty well posted in these matters.&quot; &quot; Yes,&quot; answered Cream, &quot;I have followed them closely in the medical journal. Being a medical man I take an interest in affairs of this kind.&quot; Mclntyre then asked him for a general statement as to where he had stayed since his arrival in England and Cream promised to have it prepared on the following morning. loiter, Mclntyre was furnished with a partial statement and on the 26th the two met in the Lambeth Place Road. &quot; I am going away to-day,&quot; said Cream, &quot; at three o'clock. Will I be arrested if I do? &quot; Mclntyre told him that he could not say, but that if he would accompany him to Scotland Yard, inquiries would be made. They proceeded together for a short distance, when Cream stopped and said, &quot; I am suspicious of you and I believe you are play ing me double.&quot; He declined to go further and threatened to consult a solicitor. So far removed was the criminal from any suspicion, that the police thought at first that he was being made the victim of a blackmailing at tempt similar to that which had been practised on Drs. Broadbent and Harper. It was only his subsequent behavior which caused him to become a marked man. The many letters charging the use of strychnine, how ever, did have the effect of causing the police to suspect that the true cause of Matilda Clover's death was not alcoholism as assigned. Dr. Stevenson, lecturer on medical jurisprudence at Guy's Hospital and one of the analysers employed by the government, in the early part of May performed an autopsy on the exhumed body and discovered upon quantitative analysis, out of nearly two pounds of material, one-sixteenth of a grain of strychnine.

Toward the end of May, Inspector Tunbridge, to whom the case had been entrusted in consequence of Cream's complaint that he was being watched, called on the latter. Cream showed him a medicine case in which was contained a bottle labelled, &quot; one-six teenth grain strychnine.&quot; It was nearly full of pills. Tunbridge asked, &quot; What are those pills composed of? &quot; and Cream answered, &quot;One-sixteenth of a grain of strychnine and sugar coating only.&quot; &quot; At that rate,&quot; the in spector said, &quot; this bottle contains quite a large quantity of strychnine and it would be highly dangerous that they should fall into the hands of the public in any quantity.&quot; Cream, who claimed to be the agent of a wholesale drug house, answered that it was not intended to sell them to the public directly but only&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/66</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2808529</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506846</id>
      <parentid>10904810</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:22:53Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1465" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|48|ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;probable that those of Gamaliel, from their connexion with so remarkable a legend, were regarded with much veneration. Lucian, as it is stated, wrote the relation of this miraculous discovery, and his narrative was translated into Latin by his contemporary, the Spanish priest, Avitus, then at Jerusalem, the friend of St. Jerome. It may be found in the Edition of the Works of St. Augustine, published by the Benedictines, and it has been given by Baronius.&lt;ref&gt;Bede records the discovery of these reliques, and cites the narration of Lucian. See Bede, Chronicon de sex Ætatibus, under the year 426.&lt;/ref&gt;

The &quot;caput auripictum,&quot; with jewels around the shoulders, was doubtless one of those singular reliquaries, in form of busts, of life-size, wherein the crania of holy persons are preserved, as seen at Cologne, and in many continental churches.&lt;ref&gt;Three such reliquaries formerly existed at St. Denis, and are represented in Felibien's History of the Abbey; the head of St. Loup at Troyes was preserved in like manner (Voyage de deux Benedictins, t. i. p. 92), and a very remarkable example existing in Switzerland is figured in the valuable History of Sacred Architecture in the dioceses of Geneva, Lausanne and Sion, by Blavignac, recently published.&lt;/ref&gt; A curious example, brought from Italy, was placed in the Museum formed during the Meeting of the Institute at Salisbury. 
{{float right|{{asc|A. W.}}|2em}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/72</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2808536</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506841</id>
      <parentid>10909439</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:20:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3418" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|54|{{asc|PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS OF}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{block center|{{sm|I.H.D.D.D. NEPT. L. VERVS. AVG. PR. PROV.&lt;br&gt;
GER. ET BRIT. ET HEREN. APOL. ES.&lt;br&gt;
ET C. LVC. ET HER. BRIT. F.V.S.L.L.M.}}}}
which may be read,—''In honorem Domus Divinæ Deo Neptuno Lucius Verus Augustalis Procurator Provinciarum Germaniæ et Britanniæ et Herennia Apollinaris è suo et Caius Lucius et Herennius Britannicus filii votum solverunt læti libentes merito''. It appears that L. Verus was the Imperial Procurator for the Provinces of Germany and Britain, and that his life was endangered on a voyage from one province to the other. He called on Neptune to rescue him, and promised to dedicate a valuable present to the god, if his life were preserved. On reaching home he fulfilled his vow, his wife, Herennia Apollinaris, uniting with him in this expression of pious gratitude, the cost of which they defrayed out of their common property. They moreover showed their parental regard to their two sons, Caius Lucius and Herennius Britannicus, by associating them with themselves in what they considered as a becoming act of devotion, and possibly the ''acerra'' was carried at the sacrifice by C. Lucius, the elder son, in the manner beautifully represented on Trajan's Column at Rome.

The date of this box is probably about {{asc|A.D.}} 200. A similar ''acerra'', with a Medusa's head at one end, made, however, of bronze, formerly belonged to Paciaudi and Count Caylus, and it is now the property of John Disney, Esq. of the Hyde in Essex.&lt;ref&gt;See Caylus Recueil, tome iv. p. 281, pl. 86; and Museum Disneianum, part ii. London, 1848. p. 177—180, pl. 78.&lt;/ref&gt;

Mr. Yates also exhibited a plaster-cast from a Roman comb, lately found at Mayence. The original is said to have been purchased there by an English traveller. In the middle of the comb, between the two rows of teeth, is a bas-relief representing Jupiter between Mars and Mercury. Under it is the inscription,—

{{c|{{sm|I. M. M.&lt;br&gt;
O. M.}}}}

which may be read, ''Jovi'', ''Marti'', ''Mercurio'', ''optime meritis''. A similar comb of bone, with a bas-relief representing the three Graces, is now in the possession of Mr. Boöcke, of London. This sculptured relique also was found at Mayence.

Mr. {{sc|Yates}} also gave an account of the discovery of a gold torc at Stanton, in Staffordshire, midway between Blore and Ellaston, in a field near the Stone Pits, about a foot beneath the surface. It was found early in the year 1853, and had been shown to Mr. Yates in July last by the Rev. H. Bainbrigge, of Stanton. As far as is known the field had never before been ploughed or dug. It was stated that when the finder first perceived the treasure, like a glittering serpent, to which possibly the elasticity of the object gave apparently a quivering motion, his alarm was so great that he ran home, and it was some time before he could summon up courage to return to the field and secure the prize. The weight is 5 oz. 18 dwts. 5{{fs70|{{sfrac|2}}}} gr.; the length 1 metre, 16 centim. (ab. 3 ft, 9{{fs70|{{sfrac|2}}}} in.) The section of the twist is a cross ({{larger|+}}). The extremities are hooked about 2 in. in length, gradually increasing in size towards the ends which are cut off obtusely, as shown by the representations of the extremities of a gold torc in the British Museum, given in Mr. Birch's Memoir &quot;On the Torc of the Celts,&quot; in this&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>9wuuxaowahxr7slaaes2uory56l1wk9</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506847</id>
      <parentid>12506841</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:23:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3420" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|54|{{asc|PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS OF}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{block center|{{asc|I.H.D.D.D. NEPT. L. VERVS. AVG. PR. PROV.&lt;br&gt;
GER. ET BRIT. ET HEREN. APOL. ES.&lt;br&gt;
ET C. LVC. ET HER. BRIT. F.V.S.L.L.M.}}}}
which may be read,—''In honorem Domus Divinæ Deo Neptuno Lucius Verus Augustalis Procurator Provinciarum Germaniæ et Britanniæ et Herennia Apollinaris è suo et Caius Lucius et Herennius Britannicus filii votum solverunt læti libentes merito''. It appears that L. Verus was the Imperial Procurator for the Provinces of Germany and Britain, and that his life was endangered on a voyage from one province to the other. He called on Neptune to rescue him, and promised to dedicate a valuable present to the god, if his life were preserved. On reaching home he fulfilled his vow, his wife, Herennia Apollinaris, uniting with him in this expression of pious gratitude, the cost of which they defrayed out of their common property. They moreover showed their parental regard to their two sons, Caius Lucius and Herennius Britannicus, by associating them with themselves in what they considered as a becoming act of devotion, and possibly the ''acerra'' was carried at the sacrifice by C. Lucius, the elder son, in the manner beautifully represented on Trajan's Column at Rome.

The date of this box is probably about {{asc|A.D.}} 200. A similar ''acerra'', with a Medusa's head at one end, made, however, of bronze, formerly belonged to Paciaudi and Count Caylus, and it is now the property of John Disney, Esq. of the Hyde in Essex.&lt;ref&gt;See Caylus Recueil, tome iv. p. 281, pl. 86; and Museum Disneianum, part ii. London, 1848. p. 177—180, pl. 78.&lt;/ref&gt;

Mr. Yates also exhibited a plaster-cast from a Roman comb, lately found at Mayence. The original is said to have been purchased there by an English traveller. In the middle of the comb, between the two rows of teeth, is a bas-relief representing Jupiter between Mars and Mercury. Under it is the inscription,—

{{c|{{asc|I. M. M.&lt;br&gt;
O. M.}}}}

which may be read, ''Jovi'', ''Marti'', ''Mercurio'', ''optime meritis''. A similar comb of bone, with a bas-relief representing the three Graces, is now in the possession of Mr. Boöcke, of London. This sculptured relique also was found at Mayence.

Mr. {{sc|Yates}} also gave an account of the discovery of a gold torc at Stanton, in Staffordshire, midway between Blore and Ellaston, in a field near the Stone Pits, about a foot beneath the surface. It was found early in the year 1853, and had been shown to Mr. Yates in July last by the Rev. H. Bainbrigge, of Stanton. As far as is known the field had never before been ploughed or dug. It was stated that when the finder first perceived the treasure, like a glittering serpent, to which possibly the elasticity of the object gave apparently a quivering motion, his alarm was so great that he ran home, and it was some time before he could summon up courage to return to the field and secure the prize. The weight is 5 oz. 18 dwts. 5{{fs70|{{sfrac|2}}}} gr.; the length 1 metre, 16 centim. (ab. 3 ft, 9{{fs70|{{sfrac|2}}}} in.) The section of the twist is a cross ({{larger|+}}). The extremities are hooked about 2 in. in length, gradually increasing in size towards the ends which are cut off obtusely, as shown by the representations of the extremities of a gold torc in the British Museum, given in Mr. Birch's Memoir &quot;On the Torc of the Celts,&quot; in this&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>7jsqcph1xgwei06ny4awetx46otcboc</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/105</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2808577</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506839</id>
      <parentid>11919791</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:19:29Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3654" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.}}|87}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The author of the work, as the editor remarks, appears to have held similar, but not identical, doctrines with those of the Gnostic author of the &quot;Pistis Sophia.&quot; He seems to have acknowledged the religion of the Hebrews as well as those of Persia and Greece, but his fundamental doctrines appear to have been Egyptian; indeed, there is little doubt that he was a priest or magician of Egypt and that he lived during the second century of the Christian era, or at no great distance of time from that period. His work is among the oldest of its kind and connects the Gnostic heresy with the ancient Egyptian religion, while it affords us some insight into what must have been the magic of the days of the Pharaohs.

The papyrus consists of a series of invocations accompanied by directions. The first of these, entitled &quot;a Sarapian divination,&quot; is directed to be wrought by help of &quot;a boy, with a lamp, a bowl, and a pit,&quot; and it is related that a throne should be seen to be brought in. These and other like particulars, coupled with the manner in which this mode of divination is said to have been conducted, on other ancient authority, indicates, as the editor observes, a very similar performance to that which Mr. Lane describes in his Modern Egyptians (vol. ii. c. xii.), as practised at the present day in Egypt. It is not a little remarkable that this magical rite should have continued in use throughout a period of near two thousand years, if not for a far longer time, while Egyyt has twice changed its religion and once its language, so that superstition has survived nationality.

Passing over the second and third divinations as of minor importance, we find in the fourth the magician calling himself Moses, and invoking the God of Israel in words that indicate some acquaintance with the history and literature of the Hebrews. In the tenth, likewise, we find a similar incantation. Both are evidences that the magicians thought all religions serviceable, and were unwilling to alter foreign names, as one of the Zoroastrian precepts commands not to change barbarous names, for that they had a great efficacy in the mysteries. When they did not use foreign names, they called on those whom they wished to propitiate, in a strange series of meaningless words, chiefly formed of the vowels, of which we find many examples here.

The remaining invocations are curious and well deserving a careful examination. Perhaps the most remarkable of them is that wherein the magician threatens to divulge the most hidden mysteries, and otherwise pretends to terrify the gods, calling himself Thoth, the Egyptian Hermes, that he may obtain what he desires. Porphyry ridicules this kind of magic in his letter to Anebo, but it appears to have been very prevalent among the so-called philosophers of that time who were addicted to magic, and recalls to mind the menaces which have been offered in other countries and later times to persons held sacred and their images.

We cannot conclude without expressing a hope that Mr. Goodwin, and others as well qualified for the task, will continue the investigation of this remarkable subject, and lay fresh material before the public.
{{right|{{sm|R. S. P.}}|2em}}

{{rule|12em}}
{{dhr}}
{{hi|{{sm|ILLUSTRATIONS OF ANCIENT ART, selected from objects discovered at Pompeii and Herculaneum. By the Rev. Edward Trollope, F.S A. Loudon: George Bell, 1854. Forty-five Plates, of which two are printed in colours.}}}}

We have now before us one of the most satisfactory fulfilments of the promise held forth in an attractive prospectus that has issued from the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>f4b3lpt1man5mlcly3l9ia6itwv825t</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506845</id>
      <parentid>12506839</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:22:31Z</timestamp>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3655" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.}}|87}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The author of the work, as the editor remarks, appears to have held similar, but not identical, doctrines with those of the Gnostic author of the &quot;Pistis Sophia.&quot; He seems to have acknowledged the religion of the Hebrews as well as those of Persia and Greece, but his fundamental doctrines appear to have been Egyptian; indeed, there is little doubt that he was a priest or magician of Egypt and that he lived during the second century of the Christian era, or at no great distance of time from that period. His work is among the oldest of its kind and connects the Gnostic heresy with the ancient Egyptian religion, while it affords us some insight into what must have been the magic of the days of the Pharaohs.

The papyrus consists of a series of invocations accompanied by directions. The first of these, entitled &quot;a Sarapian divination,&quot; is directed to be wrought by help of &quot;a boy, with a lamp, a bowl, and a pit,&quot; and it is related that a throne should be seen to be brought in. These and other like particulars, coupled with the manner in which this mode of divination is said to have been conducted, on other ancient authority, indicates, as the editor observes, a very similar performance to that which Mr. Lane describes in his Modern Egyptians (vol. ii. c. xii.), as practised at the present day in Egypt. It is not a little remarkable that this magical rite should have continued in use throughout a period of near two thousand years, if not for a far longer time, while Egyyt has twice changed its religion and once its language, so that superstition has survived nationality.

Passing over the second and third divinations as of minor importance, we find in the fourth the magician calling himself Moses, and invoking the God of Israel in words that indicate some acquaintance with the history and literature of the Hebrews. In the tenth, likewise, we find a similar incantation. Both are evidences that the magicians thought all religions serviceable, and were unwilling to alter foreign names, as one of the Zoroastrian precepts commands not to change barbarous names, for that they had a great efficacy in the mysteries. When they did not use foreign names, they called on those whom they wished to propitiate, in a strange series of meaningless words, chiefly formed of the vowels, of which we find many examples here.

The remaining invocations are curious and well deserving a careful examination. Perhaps the most remarkable of them is that wherein the magician threatens to divulge the most hidden mysteries, and otherwise pretends to terrify the gods, calling himself Thoth, the Egyptian Hermes, that he may obtain what he desires. Porphyry ridicules this kind of magic in his letter to Anebo, but it appears to have been very prevalent among the so-called philosophers of that time who were addicted to magic, and recalls to mind the menaces which have been offered in other countries and later times to persons held sacred and their images.

We cannot conclude without expressing a hope that Mr. Goodwin, and others as well qualified for the task, will continue the investigation of this remarkable subject, and lay fresh material before the public.
{{right|{{asc|R. S. P.}}|2em}}

{{rule|12em}}
{{dhr}}
{{hi|{{sm|ILLUSTRATIONS OF ANCIENT ART, selected from objects discovered at Pompeii and Herculaneum. By the Rev. Edward Trollope, F.S A. Loudon: George Bell, 1854. Forty-five Plates, of which two are printed in colours.}}}}

We have now before us one of the most satisfactory fulfilments of the promise held forth in an attractive prospectus that has issued from the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/94</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2809474</id>
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      <id>12506859</id>
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      <text bytes="2180" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|64|{{asc|SOME REMARKS ON SEALS.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;belonged to the Duke of Modena. On it is represented St. George in armour, standing, and piercing a dragon at his feet. On his right is his charger; at the side of the head is an inscription in Greek. A few of the principal outlines of the figures are represented by very broad bands of metal, which appear to be part of the solid background. The remainder of the lines are very fine fillets of copper, set on edge, and gilt. The enamels are opaque. A portion of the border of gilt metal remains, representing scrolls and figures of saints and angels, with Greek inscriptions.

These are the only specimens of this kind of enamel which appear to be undoubtedly of Greek workmanship. I shall reserve for a future occasion such specimens as seem to have been executed by artists of the Byzantine school in other countries, or by the native artists themselves.
{{right|{{asc|A. W. FRANKS.}}|2em}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Enamels&quot;/&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Remarks on Seals&quot;/&gt;{{dhr}}
{{rule|12em}}{{rule|12em}}
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{asc|SOME REMARKS ON SEALS, WITH SUGGESTIONS FOR 
A PRACTICAL MODE OF CLASSIFYING THEM.}}}}

{{sc|Seals}}, in some of their various kinds, have now, for a considerable time, deservedly held a distinguished place in the estimation of those who have been engaged in antiquarian researches. They present a wide field for investigation and speculation. The reader, who may be curious to learn something of its extent, or of their history, may consult with advantage the treatise contained in the fourth volume of the ''Nouveau Traité de Diplomatique''. The medieval use of them, originally in the form of rings, so convenient for an unlettered age and race, may be traced to an early period of the Frankish and Germanic history. But among the Anglo-Saxons the general practice of authenticating writings, even the most formal and important, was by signing them with a cross. Edward the Confessor, however, had a seal, and other instances of Anglo-Saxon seals have been alleged, which some antiquaries have regarded with suspicion; and it is foreign to the present purpose to enter upon the question of their authenticity. Certainly seals did&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/104</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2809537</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506857</id>
      <parentid>11132344</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2687" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|74|{{asc|MEDIÆVAL SEALS.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;similar cases. If the designation of any head should, from its brevity, seem obscure, probably such obscurity will be dissipated on calling to mind, that no head is intended to comprise what is clearly comprehended under any other which is numbered in the same series. For a purpose of this kind, it is not unreasonable, and has been found most convenient, to ''assume'' all seals to be lay which do not show themselves to be otherwise; and therefore the term &quot;lay seals&quot; has been made to comprise all seals that do not appear to be ecclesiastical; and in this sense these words must be understood in the last division of that class.
{{right|{{asc|W. S. W.}}|2em}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Remarks on Seals&quot;/&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Examples of Seals&quot;/&gt;{{dhr}}
{{rule|12em}}{{rule|12em}}
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{asc|EXAMPLES OF MEDIÆVAL SEALS.}}}}

{{sc|It}} has been proposed to bring together, from time to time, notices of the numerous impressions and matrices of seals communicated at the meetings of the Institute. Such collections towards the History of Seals, occasionally illustrated by woodcuts, will, it is hoped, be more acceptable to the readers of the ''Journal'' than the incidental mention of them in the Reports of the meetings. They will form a suitable sequel to the foregoing scheme for their classification, the want of which has long been felt by the collector.
{{dhr}}
{{rule|10em}}
{{dhr}}
{{fs90/s}}
1. Common seal of the Benedictine Priory of St. Mary of Hurley, Berks, founded in the reign of the Conqueror by Geoffrey de Magna-villa. The conventual church, of which a portion, the western door, with chevrony mouldings, still exists, is said to have been dedicated by Osmond, Bishop of Salisbury, {{asc|A.D.}} 1086. The Priory was a cell to the Abbey of Westminster.

The impression, from which the accompanying illustration has been taken, is appended to a deed whereby Prior Alexander and the convent granted their manor in Harefield, Middlesex, to Richard Weltekart of Louth (de Luda), Thomas his son, and Florence the wife of the same Thomas, to hold to them and the heirs of Thomas, of the chief lords of the fee, by the accustomed services, for ever. It was found by Mr. William F. Vernon amongst the evidences pertaining to his estate at Harefield, and communicated, by his kind permission, to the Institute. The deed is without date, but it may be assigned to the reign of the first or second Edward. The principal device is the Annunciation; between the angel Gabriel and the Virgin there is a vase with a lily, placed upon the apex of a pointed arch, which forms a compartment in the lower part of the seal; within this is a kneeling&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fs90/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/110</title>
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{{fs90/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Sir Francis Palgrave observes, in regard to the mass of ancient correspondence in the Treasury of the Exchequer, that in the fourteenth century the wax was left uncovered: in the fifteenth it became the practice to cover it by a wrapper of paper; this protected the seal, but necessarily injured the sharpness of the impression. When the seal was not thus covered, other devices were adopted to preserve the fragile wax. A rush ring surrounding the impression was not unfrequently used. Sometimes neat bands of plaited paper were employed for this purpose; leaves of trees—the beech, the bay, and the oak—were also placed over the seals to keep them from injury.&lt;ref&gt;Kalendars of Exch., Introd., vol. i., p. cxxxvii.&lt;/ref&gt; The example given by Sir Francis, in the plates of Illustrations, is of rather late date. It occurs on a letter (written upon paper) from James IV. of Scotland to Henry VII., dated July 12, 1502. The seal is encircled by a twist of rush, like the torse of a crest.&lt;ref&gt;Paston Letters, orig. edit., vol. ii., pl. xiv.&lt;/ref&gt;

This peculiar usage commenced possibly rather earlier than has been stated by the eminent antiquary above cited. Specimens are not wanting from about 1380 to the reign of Henry VIII. It prevailed chiefly during the reign of Henry IV. and the two succeeding sovereigns. Several curious examples are given in the plates accompanying the Paston Letters; for instance, the seals of John, Lord Lovell, t. Henry VI., of Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, and of William Yelverton, about 1450.&lt;ref&gt;Archæologia, vol. xxx., p. 545, pl. xxiii.&lt;/ref&gt;

Another specimen is pointed out by Sir Frederic Madden. It occurs on a warrant signed by Edward V., and countersigned by the Duke of Gloucester as Protector. It is dated 1483. The impression is unfortunately lost, but the torse of rush remains which had encircled it.&lt;ref&gt;Ibid., pl. iv.&lt;/ref&gt;

It has been observed, that seals protected by this &quot;fender&quot; of rush, to prevent the wax being flattened by pressure, are of more frequent occurrence affixed to a plain surface, such as a sheet of paper, than as appended seals, such as that here represented. It is probable that the practice originated with the use of seals thus applied, and their liability to injury by pressure.

The document which has supplied this interesting example was communicated by Dr. Kidd, through the kindness of the President of Trinity College, the Rev. J. Wilson. It is a letter of attorney from John Hampdene, of Hampdene, Richard Restwolde, and Andrew Sperlynge, to John Uptone and John Whytynge, to receive seisin of the manors of Nortone (Somerset), Connoke (Wilts), and Ramrugge (Hants), according to the form and effect of a certain writing from William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, to them, John Hampdene, Richard and Andrew. Dated Aug. 6th, 11 Hen. VI. (1433).)

11. The following seals were communicated by {{sc|Mr. Majendie}}.—A brass matrix, of the fourteenth century, recently found at Great Yeldham, Essex, the device a hare blowing a hunting-horn, and mounted on a hound:—*SOHOV ROBIN. Date about 1320.

12. Seal found at East Bourne; it bears an escutcheon, semy of cross crosslets, fitchy, a lion rampant, the arms of the Sussex family named Levett. Inscription, * SIG'. IOHANNIS· LIVET. The owner of this seal, as Mr. Walford has suggested, was probably the John Livet, certified Lord of the township of Firle, Sussex, in 1316. (Parl. Writs, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 335).
{{fs90/e}}{{right|{{asc|A. W.}}|2em}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 4.djvu/70</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2812415</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506854</id>
      <parentid>12305037</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:27:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2384" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|58|{{asc|GRAVE-STONES DISCOVERED IN THE FOUNDATIONS, &amp;C.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;moved, and only the intermediate ones left, as in No. 16; but these are of rare occurrence. Examples with six members, instead of four or eight, are still more rare, as No. 7. Some irregular varieties, as Nos. 4 and 8, can hardly be reduced to any rule.

These remains are also interesting as shewing the early use of head-stones with the sacred symbol cut upon them, being probably among the oldest examples yet discovered in this country, and in greater number and variety than has yet been noticed.

Of these head-stones, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, are in Mr. Bateman's possession; they are rudely cut, and appear to be of very early date. No. 4 is an ancient form of the cross, of which probably the device upon No. 16 of the flat grave-stones may be considered to be a modification, and of which many examples, both with and without circular bands, and with a great variety in the detail of their ornaments, may be observed in Norman carved work; as in St. Peter's church at Northampton, before alluded to, the nave of Rochester cathedral, and some other of the older churches. It would be an interesting subject for enquiry, whether this form of cross, which resembles what is commonly called a St. Andrew's cross, may have had its origin in the Greek letter X, as used in the abbreviation of the name of our Lord from a very remote period. It is certainly remarkable that the device which is cut upon a large portion of the earlier tombs in the catacombs at Rome is not the cross, but the sacred monogram, composed of X and P, the two first letters of {{polytonic|Χριστος}}. And in some later examples a kind of short shaft is added, so as to resemble in some measure the form of the cross, and the whole figure surrounded by a wreath or circle. Nos. 2, 6, have the same device on both sides. No. 7 is represented somewhat too large, being about the size of No. 6.

These stones have been considered as head-stones, because it seemed most probable they had been used for that purpose. It ought however to be stated, that about the period to which they maybe referred, crosses were sometimes placed at the foot of the grave as well as at the head. Some examples of head-stones, with inscriptions upon them as early as the sixth or seventh century, are said to exist in Ireland.
{{right|{{asc|F. C. PLUMPTRE.}}|2em}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 4.djvu/82</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2812428</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506856</id>
      <parentid>12310233</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:27:20Z</timestamp>
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        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
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      <text bytes="2806" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|70|{{asc|ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;sued by the bailiff, who caught and decapitated four of their number. This victory achieved, that officer took the stolen chattels into his custody and rode with his company towards Lichfield; but in the interim Rideware, having rallied his band, and being reinforced by Sir Walter de Rideware&lt;ref&gt;Sir Walter de Ridware, lord of Hamstall Ridware, co. Stafford; his lady was a widow in 32 Edw. III.&lt;/ref&gt; and others, came up with the bailiff between Blithebury and Ridware Parva&lt;ref&gt;Likewise called Ridware Media, and Pipe Ridware.&lt;/ref&gt;, and recovered his plunder by a sudden onslaught.

These conflicts seem to have occurred on Sunday. The bailiff having thus failed to obtain redress for the petitioners, they went on the following Thursday to Stafford to shew their grievance, but there, posted at the gates, were followers of the robbers, who would not suffer them to enter the town, and from whom they scarcely escaped without grievous harm. In conclusion William Drakelowe and Richard Hormiglowe represent, that they and many of the Lichfield folk are so menaced by the said robbers and their maintainers that they dare not venture out of the town. Into all which matters they pray the earl of Arundel to cause enquiry to be made at his first session at Lichfield, the felony having been committed within the franchise of the bishop of Chester.

This interesting document is preserved among the miscellaneous petitions in the Tower of London.
{{right|{{asc|T. H. T.}}|2em}}
{{dhr}}{{fs90/s}}
A treshonurable seguur si ly pleise counte Darundel justice nostre segneur le Roy moustrent William de Drakelowe e Richart de Hormiglowe marchauns de Lichefeld qe le vendredy in la feste de la Purification nostre dame lan du regne nostre segneur le Rey [E.] tierce puys le Conquest quinzisime les avantditz William et Richart manderent lur garsuns ove deus chivals ove deus fardels de especerie et mercerie pris de xl. liveres dancresce au marche Destafford le samady proschein suaunt. E sire come les avantditz garsuns ove lur chivals e fardels vindrent desout le boys del Canoke entre le dit boys e lewe de Trente parentre Wolseleye e Hoywode de dens la franchise nostre segneur levesqe de Cestre illeqes vint sire Robert de Rideware chivaler e deus valletz ove ly e les ditz garsuns chivals e fardels felonessement encountre la pees pristrent e les amienerent tantqe a la priorie de Lappeleye, mes lun garsun eschapa. E en la dite priorie troverent sire Johan de Oddyngeseles, Esmon de Oddyngeseles e pluseurs autres auxi bien chivalers come autres gentz desconus de lur cumpanye e de lur covyne, e entre eux tons departirent les avantditz mercerie e especerie, chescun de sa porcion solump sun estat. E sire le sammady proschein suant tote la&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fs90/e}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/150</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2812966</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506849</id>
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      <text bytes="2255" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|128|{{asc|ANTIQUITIES FOUND AT WOODPERRY, OXON.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;fragment of moulding, compared with Hearne's report in 1732, that there was a tradition, and a tradition only, all remembrance being lost, &quot;that there had been once a town here,&quot; over which he describes timber trees then to grow, would give us limits, and not very wide ones, for the period of its destruction.

The abbat and canons of Oseney had a portion of tithes here, small indeed, as being worth at the Dissolution only 10s. per annum, but sufficient to give them an interest in the place, and justify their application to Richard, or a less wealthy proprietor, for assistance in raising the house of God. And as no traces of an established ecclesiastical benefice appear, it is probable that the cure was served, as was not unusual, by members of their house; and that those who rest under the three tombstones, yet remaining within the limits of the walls of the edifice, may have been chaplains who ended their days in the performance of their duties on the spot.

It should be observed that the greater part of the encaustic pavement was not set as before an altar, but between the tombstones represented; many smaller fragments being found dispersed. It had on the east side a border of similar tiles, each 5 inches square, and marked checquer-wise across the middle, so as to form four divisions, which were coloured alternately yellow and black, or very deep brown. The effect was by no means pleasing; but it is a curious fact, that the same border is found represented on some painted glass, known from several circumstances to be of very high antiquity, now placed in the church of Rivenhall, Essex. It was purchased from a church near Lisieux in Normandy, and fixed where it may be seen at present, at the expense of the Rev. Bradford Hawkins, curate of the parish.

{{figure | image=Archaeological Journal, Volume 3, 0150.png | width=450px | position=center | bottomcaption={{c|{{smaller|Border Tiles.}}}} }}
The intersecting and diagonal lines do not seem to be merely ornamental, but were made before the tile was burnt, for the purpose, it is supposed, of enabling the mason to break off with his trowel certain portions of a prescribed shape.
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    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/241</title>
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      <text bytes="1974" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|HANGING OF BELLS WITHOUT TOWERS.}}|213}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;than either of the others, and comparatively little known; these consist of a sort of niche or canopy, projecting from the face of the wall to protect and contain the bell; a beautiful example of this occurs at Cleeve Abbey, (15) Somersetshire. Other examples occur at Welborne, (16) Norfolk, both of which are very elegant and beautiful work, and at Godshill, (14) in the Isle of Wight, which is more clumsy, and seems to be of earlier character.

Mention may also be made of a sort of small west towers, which may be considered as intermediate between bell-turrets and regular towers; the west wall of the church is carried up and forms the west side of the tower, but the other three sides are carried up only from the roof of the church, and supported within on tall and slender piers and arches ; these have been frequently introduced at a date subsequent to that of the church, as at Wood-Eaton and Black-Bourton, Oxfordshire; but sometimes this arrangement is original, as at Nun-Monkton, Yorkshire, a very beautiful specimen of Early English work. In this instance there are three lancet windows in the west end, the centre the highest, carried up into the tower, and opening within under a very tall tower-arch, the two side windows also opening within on each side of the piers of this arch; there being no aisles the effect is singular, but must have been strikingly beautiful when perfect.

For some of the sketches made use of to illustrate this paper we are indebted to the kindness and liberality of Mrs. Willoughby Moore. {{right|{{asc|I. H. P.}}|2em}}
{| style=&quot;margin: auto;&quot;
| {{ts|vbm}} |{{figure | image=Archaeological Journal, Volume 3, 0241a.png | width=200px | position=center | bottomcaption={{c|{{sm|15. Cleeve Abbey, Somerset.}}}} }}
| {{gap}}
| {{figure | image=Archaeological Journal, Volume 3, 0241b.png | width=275px | position=center | bottomcaption={{c|{{sm|16 Welborne, Norfolk.}}}} }}
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/250</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2813078</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506851</id>
      <parentid>12431526</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2108" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|222|{{asc|NOTICES OF THE PRIORY OF SOUTHWICK.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;dated July 16, in the same year, which may be taken as corroborative evidence of the statements of Fabyan and Holinshed: the privileges and immunities granted in these charters are so ample as to shew that the king had some special reason for bestowing on the priory an extraordinary measure of his royal bounty and favour.

From this period to the time of Bishop Fox the annals of the priory are entirely destitute of interest. During his episcopate, in the 10th year of Henry VIII., 1519, the priory church was struck by lightning, and during the repairs it fell in. It was restored by public contributions. The sum raised for this purpose was £530. The name of Bishop Fox occurs among the contributors.

This was an ominous foreboding of that more fatal storm which was soon to burst over the priory, and to scatter its inmates for ever. At its dissolution the site was granted to John White, Esq., of Southwick, in consideration of £251. 13s. 4d., from whom it has descended, through the Nortons, to Thomas Thistlethwayte, Esq., its present possessor. Its revenues at the dissolution were valued at £324. 17s. 10{{sfrac|2|font-size=60%}}d. in the gross; £257. 4s. 4d. net. The present remains of its buildings consist of little more than foundations of a few walls.

{{figure | image=Archaeological Journal, Volume 3, 0250.png | width=200px | position=right | bottomcaption={{c|{{smaller block|Seal of the Priory of Southwick or Portsea.}}}} }}

Amongst the &quot;Chartæ Antiquæ,&quot; preserved in the Augmentation Office, there is a document, dated A.D. 1189, to which an impression of the common seal of the priory is appended. It bears no legend, and exhibits a church, with its porch, nave, and tower. The counter-seal was an intaglio, bearing the device of an eagle, with the legend {{asc|SPIRAT . VERVM . VICTVS . SPIRAT.}} Of the ancient matrix of the Southwick seal, now preserved in the British Museum, a representation is submitted to our readers, as an interesting addition to these notices of the priory.
{{right|{{asc|W. H. GUNNER.}}|2em}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/261</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2813089</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506852</id>
      <parentid>12433402</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:25:06Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2536" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|CORPORATION ARCHIVES AT SOUTHAMPTON.}}|233}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;10''d''. by the day; while for a ride to Sarum, and home again in one day, he was to receive 16''d''. for that day and not above.

Many other curious notices deserve attention, and I may mention a few items of expenditure, of peculiar interest from the occasions on which they occur or the names with which they are associated. Thus, in 1462, there are entries of 1''s''. having been paid to a man for riding to Winchester &quot;to warn the mayor of the fleet of schyppys that were under the ''Wyth'', (Wight);&quot; of a pipe of wine sent to the &quot;erle of Kent, that time he hied to seward,&quot; (towards the sea,) which cost 3''l''. 6''s''. 8''d''.; of the cost of a guild dinner, in the early part of the reign of Edward IV., which amounted to 2''l''. 2''s''. 10{{sfrac|2|font-size=60%}}''d''.; and of various presents made to the king (Edward IV.) and principal nobility, to the former a hogshead of red and white wine, which cost respectively 1''l''. 3''s''. 4''d''. and 16''s''. 8''d''., a gallon of Ypocras 2''s''. 8''d''.; to Lord Rivers, two gallons of white wine and the same quantity of red wine, which was valued at 2''s''. 8''d''. There is also a note, that 2''l''. 12''s''. 6''d''. was expended by the mayor and his retinue when, in 1469, &quot;he rode to London, to reckon with the erle of Warwick, and was there twelve days.&quot;

I will add only the following notices, extracted from some of the miscellaneous papers, which do not seem strictly to fall under any of the heads under which I have arranged my previous selections.

One of them relates to the suspicion, against a widow, of witchcraft, 1579, on which occasion an order was given &quot;that five or six honest matrons doe see her stripped, to the end to see whether she have any bludy mark on her body, which is a common token to know all witches by.&quot; In 1577, a charge is preferred against the brewers, and they &quot;are commanded to use no more iron-bound carts, for that it is great decay not only of the paved streate, but also causeth his beere to work uppe, in such sort that as his barrel seemeth to be full when they are brought, and when they are settled, they lack, some a gallon of beer and some more, to the enriching of the brewers, and the great defayte and hindrance of the town.&quot; And there is a singular order, &quot;that the barbers henceforth shall not trym anie person on the Sabbath day, unless it be such gentlemen-strangers as shall on that day resort to the town.&quot; 
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/267</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2813094</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506853</id>
      <parentid>12434061</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2342" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|AT HORSTED KEYNES, SUSSEX.}}|239}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;engraved in Hutchins's Dorset, iii. 278. Tenbury, Gloucestershire,—cross-legged effigy in mailed armour, 4 ft. long, represented as holding a heart. Ayot St. Lawrence, Herts,—effigy 2 ft. 3 in. long, supposed to have held a heart between the hands, now broken. Bottesford, Leicestershire—effigy 22 in. long, Nichols, ii. 23. Dartington, Devon,—an ecclesiastic, 2 ft. 8 in. long. Other instances may be found at Little Easton, Essex (Gough), Cobberly, Gloucestershire, Anstey, Herts., and Long Wittenham, Berks. An interesting little effigy of white marble, now preserved in the abbey church of St. Denis, near Paris, represents Blanche d'Artois, grand-daughter of Louis VIII., who espoused, in 1269, Henry, king of Navarre, and, after his death, Edmond, earl of Lancaster, brother of Edward I. She died A.D. 1302, and was buried in Paris: her heart being deposited in the choir of the conventual church of the Minoresses at Nogent l'Artault, in Champagne, founded by her. On the destruction of that establishment, the effigy, which measures about 2 ft. in length, was preserved, and subsequently placed amongst the royal memorials at St. Denis. {{float right|{{asc|W. S. W.}}|2em}}


{{rule|5em}}

&lt;section end=&quot;Effigy&quot;/&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Chess&quot;/&gt;
{{c|{{larger|ANCIENT CHESS-MEN,}}

{{smaller block|WITH SOME REMARKS ON THEIR VALUE AS ILLUSTRATIONS OF&lt;br /&gt;MEDIEVAL COSTUME.}}}}

{{sc|It}} may merit observation, that the chief interest in the careful examination of objects of medieval date, fabricated even for the most trivial and homely purposes, appears to consist in their conformity to certain established conventional models of form or ornamentation, at each successive period. The singular truth with which their decorative accessories are invariably designed, as regards the costume of the times, the usual forms of letter employed for inscriptions, or similar details, stamp the antiquities of that age, inferior as they may be in comparison with the graceful proportion and chaste design of classical remains, with an attractive character, pleasing even to the eye of the inexperienced observer. 

Productions of the highest class of antique art attract our admiration on account of their ideal beauty, and the combination of imaginative conception with perfect mechanical skill&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/371</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2813523</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506842</id>
      <parentid>10952462</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:20:38Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2749" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|EARL OF HEREFORD AND ESSEX.}}|345}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;evidently an object rare and highly prized. Amongst the valuable effects of Henry V., according to the inventory taken A.D. 1423, are enumerated a musk-ball of gold, weighing eleven ounces, and another of silver-gilt. At a later period the pomander was very commonly worn as the pendant of a lady's girdle: a receipt for compounding it may be found in the &quot;Treasury of Commodious Conceits,&quot; 1586&lt;ref&gt;See Privy Purse expenses of the Princess Mary, edited by Sir F. Madden. The derivation of the word pomander is noticed by Minsheu and Skinner. Elyot renders ''diapasma'', &quot;a swete perfume or pomeambre.&quot; Librarie. 1542.&lt;/ref&gt;. The ''peres de Eagle'' were the stones called ætites, supposed to be found in the nest of the eagle, to which various medicinal and talismanic properties were attributed, especially during child-birth.

The wooden table &quot;painted for an altar&quot; among the effects of Alianore de Bohun is worthy of remark: it formed a part of the moveable chapel-furniture (''capella'') which persons of rank took with them on their journeys, or used when through infirmity, the badness of roads, or some other cause valid in those days, they were prevented from attending public worship. Licenses to use such portable altars are of frequent occurrence on the older episcopal registers&lt;ref&gt;They are very numerous in the registers at York.&lt;/ref&gt;. I am not cognisant of an earlier mention of coral than that which occurs in this inventory; the Paternoster of coral with gilded ''gaudeez''&lt;ref&gt;The larger beads. One of the same material is named in the will of Eleanor de Bohun, duchess of Gloucester, in 1399.&lt;/ref&gt;, which belonged to Margaret de Bohun, and the three branches of coral which Alianore possessed, are the instances to which I refer.

The library of the carl of Hereford consisted of only one secular volume, but one that was in great repute in his age; the book which the fabulous king Boctus caused to be written on all the sciences by the equally fabulous Sydrac&lt;ref&gt;Printed by Verard in 1586. See also Les Manuscrits François de la Bibliothèque du Roi, par Paulin Paris, vi. p. 14. There are several MSS. of this work in the British Museum.&lt;/ref&gt;. The collection of books for the service of the chapel of Denney is very complete, and among other furniture there may be noticed the cloths for covering the lettern or lectron.

In conclusion I would observe, that the portions of the Inventory which are omitted, enumerate merely rings, brooches, and other articles of jewellery and plate, which, although they shew the wealth of the Bohun family, are common to similar documents as well of earlier as of later date.
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    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/382</title>
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      <text bytes="1567" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|356|{{asc|NOTICE OF A ROMAN VILLA, &amp;C.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The most remarkable fragments discovered have been collected by Mr. Sanders, and arranged in the National School House at Wheatley. The coins found are as follows:— 
{{fs90/s}}{{hi/s}}
{{asc|MAXIMUS . NOB . CAES.}} Head of Maximianus, to the right; laureate; armour on shoulders. 

{{bar|2}} {{asc|GENIO . POPVLI . ROMANI.}} Figure, to the left; in right hand cornucopiæ, and in the left a patera. (2nd brass.)

{{asc|SALONINA . AVG.}} Bust of Salonina, to right, on crescent.

{{bar|2}} {{asc|PVDICITIA.}} Female, seated to left. (3rd brass.)

{{asc|IMP . CONSTANTINVS . AVG.}} Head of Constantine helmeted, to left; in 
the right hand a hand spear resting on his left shoulder.

{{bar|2}} {{sc|Victoria}} ...... Two victories supporting a shield, on which {{asc|XII}} is inscribed. (3rd brass.)

{{asc|D. N. GRATIANVS . AVG . NOB}}. Head of Gratianus, to right, diademed.

{{bar|2}} {{asc|GLORIA . EX}} ...... Emperor standing, to left; in his right hand a spear, surmounted by a Christian monogram; at his side, a shield; below, {{asc|TEC}}. (3rd brass.)
{{hi/e}}{{fs90/e}}
Another coin was discovered, which is illegible, but appears to be of the period of Constantine; also a large brass coin, which had been hammered into a shapeless mass. {{float right|{{asc|W. B.}}|2em}}

{{figure | image=Archaeological Journal, Volume 2, 0382.png | width=450px | position=center | bottomcaption={{c|{{smaller|General Plan, by Mr. Sanders, shewing all the remains at present discovered&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;a The Foundation Tiles.}}}} }}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/392</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2813543</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506844</id>
      <parentid>11035685</parentid>
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      <text bytes="2672" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|364|{{asc|THORNTON ABBEY, LINCOLNSHIRE.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the change of style was in rapid progress, and that works previously commenced were finished in the earlier style, while new buildings then begun were in the later.

For the drawings of details which illustrate this article we are indebted to Mr. T. J. Willson, of Lincoln. The plate is from a drawing by Mr. Mackenzie.
{{float right|{{asc|I. H. P.}}|2em}}
{{dhr}}
The chronological history of Thornton abbey is preserved among Tanner's manuscripts in the Bodleian Library. It is a small folio, written on paper, and was probably compiled between the years 1500 and 1536. Two leaves in different parts of the book, relating to the abbacy of Thomas Gretham, have been torn out for the reason already assigned, although Tanner's note applies only to one of them. From the accounts at the end of the volume, which seem to be imperfect, the following extracts referring to the works of the church have been selected as affording useful dates. It may be remarked that the manuscript is very inaccurately written.
{{fs90/s}}
A.D. 1262&lt;ref&gt;At this period Walter Hotoft, afterwards abbot, was &quot;master of the fabric.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;. In uno lapide ad magnum altare. viiij. s. In coopertorio dormitorii v. s. In xliiij. cimentariis. In fractione Mccccc. lapid. xix. s. viij. d.

A.D. 1263—1264. In xij. operariis circa fundamentum ecclesie. xlj. s. viij. d.

A.D. 1265. operariis circa fundamentum ecclesie iij. li. iiij. s.

A.D. 1295 Carpentariis circa tesaurariam.

A.D. 1308. Cimentariis circa pavimentum capituli.

A.D. 1313. In ij. carectariis terre de Ledes&lt;ref&gt;Earth from Leeds in Yorkshire.&lt;/ref&gt; pro tegula ecclesie coloranda. x. s. iiij. d.

A.D. 1315. In Dccc. foliis auri. vj&lt;sup&gt;c&lt;/sup&gt;. foliis argenti. xij. li. plumbi rubei. xl. li. plumbi albi pro celatura chori. l.s. ij.d. Pictori chori xlvj. Sept.&lt;ref&gt;For 46 weeks.&lt;/ref&gt; iij. li. xvj.d.

A.D. 1325. In fundamento columpnarum ecclesie. vij. s. vij. d.

A.D. 1328. In stipendio pictoris pro choro, coloribus et aliis necessariis circa deping'. x. li. precium pictoris. x. li. xij. s. ij. d.

A.D. 1391. Willelmo Carpentario de Riping in partem volte ecclesie x. li. Magistro Willelmo Rypon Carpentario in plenam solucionem et ultimam pro celatura&lt;ref&gt;Apparently the wooden roof.&lt;/ref&gt; corporis ecclesie. x. li.

A.D. 1393. Item solutum tegulatoribus facientibus tegulas pro pavimento ecclesie. lx. s. Item ij. M. tegulis pro pavimento ecclesie. c. s.

A.D. 1492—1517. Abbot John Lowthe &quot;fecit voltum que est sub campanile . . Et due Crosyles&lt;ref&gt;The transepts.&lt;/ref&gt; ex utraque parte campanile et tres partes claustri fecit cooperire cum plumbo.
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    <title>Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/410</title>
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{{fs90/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ensemblement ove les Noveles de devers vous. Donées souz nostre privé seal à Aberdour le iij. jour de Marz, lan de nostre regne xxxij.
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{asc|TRANSLATION.}}}}

Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland and duke of Aquitaine, to our faithful and liege Robert de Brus, earl of Carrick, and to all our other good people who are in his company, greeting. We have heard that it is agreed between you and Sir John de Segrave, and our other good people of his company, to follow the enemy, and that you desire we should hold you excused if you come not to us on the day appointed: Know that for the great diligence and that you have used and do use in our affairs from day to day, and for that you are thus agreed to follow the enemy we thank you as earnestly as we can, and pray and require especially, as we confide in you who are our good people, and have well begun the said business, that you will complete it, and that you leave not either for Parliament or for any other thing until you diligently your intention to pursue the enemy, and to put an end to affairs before your departure from those parts. For if . . . . . .&lt;ref&gt;Probably &quot;you accomplish.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt; that which you have there begun, we shall hold the war ended by your deed, and all the land of Scotland gained. So we pray you again, as much as we can, that whereas the Robe is well made you will be pleased to make the Hood&lt;ref&gt;The long robe (cape) worn at this period was not complete without a hood (''chaperon'').&lt;/ref&gt;. And by your letters, and by the bearer of these, send back unto us your answer hereupon without delay, together with the news of your parts. Given under our privy seal at Aberdour, the third day of March, the thirty- second year of our reign.
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    <title>Page:Mexico under Carranza.djvu/60</title>
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      <text bytes="1617" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ineuw&quot; /&gt;{{rh|44|MEXICO UNDER CARRANZA|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|tached|attached}} to which were various documents to which the Secretary refers. says [the italics throughout In this letter the Secretary are the author's]:

{{Dhr}}

&lt;div {{ts|mc|width:90%;|lh13|aj|bc|bgt}}&gt;
&quot;(1) The government at present existing in Mexico is a ''de facto'' government established by military power which ''has definitely committed itself to the holding of popular elections upon the restoration of domestic peace.''

&quot;(2) This ''de facto'' government of Mexico, of which General Venustiano Carranza is the chief executive, was recognized by the Government of the United States on October 19, 1915.

{{***|3}}

&quot;It cannot be said that the ''de facto'' government of Mexico is a constitutional government. The ''de facto'' government, like the majority of revolutionary governments is of a military character, but, as already stated, ''that government has committed itself to the holding of elections, and it is confidently expected that the present government will within a reasonable time, be merged in or succeeded by a government organized under the constitution and laws of Mexico.''

{{***|3}}

(6) With regard to the settlement of American claims against the Mexican Republic for injuries to the lives or property of American citizens, the undersigned has the honour to direct your attention to the copy of a letter from Mr. Arredondo (the ''de facto'' government's agent in Washington), dated October 7, 1915, and its enclosures heretofore referred to and hereto appended No. 4 and its annexes.

(7) With reference to the assurances given by&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Div end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&lt;div {{ts|mc|aj|lh13|pl1|pr1|bc|bgt}}&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;taken the lives and destroyed the property of American citizens, sometimes carrying American citizens across the international boundary with the booty seized.

{{Dhr}}

&quot;American garrisons have been attacked at night, American soldiers killed and their equipment and horses stolen. American ranches have been raided, property stolen and destroyed, and American trains wrecked and plundered. The attacks on Brownsville, Red House Ferry, Progreso Post Office, and Las Peladas, all occurring during September last, are typical. ''In these attacks on American territory, Carrancista adherents, and even Carrancista soldiers, took part in the looting, burning, and killing.'' Not only were these murders characterized by ruthless brutality, but uncivilized acts of mutilation were perpetrated. Representations were made to General Carranza, and he was emphatically requested to stop reprehensive acts in a section which he has long claimed to be under the complete dominion of his authority. Notwithstanding these representations and the promise of General Nafaratte to prevent attacks along the international boundary, in the following month of October a passenger train was wrecked by bandits, and several persons killed, seven miles north of Brownsville, and an attack was made upon United States troops at the same place several days later.

&quot;Since these attacks, leaders of the bandits, well known both to Mexican civil and military authorities, as well as to American officers, have&lt;noinclude&gt;{{div end}}
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    <title>Page:Mexico under Carranza.djvu/233</title>
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&lt;div {{ts|mc|aj|lh13|pl1|pr1|bc|bgt}}&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;unethical the means employed to accomplish it might be.

{{***|3}}

&lt;div {{ts|mc|aj|lh13|pl1|pr1|bc|bgt}}&gt; The passion for stealing was so ingrained that it became the life and soul, the warm, coursing blood, the master passion of the nation.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;&quot;The Whole Truth about Mexico;&quot; Bulnes, page 149.&lt;/ref&gt; {{div end}}

{{Dhr}}

This dark picture would appear incredible if we did not find it repeated by various authorities and if we did not see it being reënacted with its darkest shades accentuated by the looting that characterizes the government which has been recognized by the United States. The story of Carranza has been written from day to day in the columns of Mexican newspapers, in the discussions in congress, in the operation of public utilities, such as the national railroads, where plunder, rather than public service, have been the end achieved by public officials. It must be always borne in mind that when the government of Mexico has been mentioned, government by the Latin minority race is always referred to. The bureaucrats denounced by Bulnes, the army paymasters who have robbed their pay chests, the railroad superintendents who have demanded bribes for transporting merchandise, the army officers who have been found selling the munitions placed in their hands by the national government to the&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{Dhr}}
&lt;/div&gt;
{{bar|4}}

{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&lt;div {{ts|mc|aj|lh13|pl1|pr1|bc|bgt}}&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;unethical the means employed to accomplish it might be.

{{***|3}}

&lt;div {{ts|mc|aj|lh13|pl1|pr1|bc|bgt}}&gt; The passion for stealing was so ingrained that it became the life and soul, the warm, coursing blood, the master passion of the nation.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;&quot;The Whole Truth about Mexico;&quot; Bulnes, page 149.&lt;/ref&gt; {{div end}}{{div end}}

{{Dhr}}

This dark picture would appear incredible if we did not find it repeated by various authorities and if we did not see it being reënacted with its darkest shades accentuated by the looting that characterizes the government which has been recognized by the United States. The story of Carranza has been written from day to day in the columns of Mexican newspapers, in the discussions in congress, in the operation of public utilities, such as the national railroads, where plunder, rather than public service, have been the end achieved by public officials. It must be always borne in mind that when the government of Mexico has been mentioned, government by the Latin minority race is always referred to. The bureaucrats denounced by Bulnes, the army paymasters who have robbed their pay chests, the railroad superintendents who have demanded bribes for transporting merchandise, the army officers who have been found selling the munitions placed in their hands by the national government to the&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{Dhr}}

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{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506735</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:51:55Z</timestamp>
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        <id>8435</id>
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&lt;div {{ts|mc|aj|lh13|pl1|pr1|bc|bgt}}&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;unethical the means employed to accomplish it might be.
{{div end}}
{{***|3}}

&lt;div {{ts|mc|aj|lh13|pl1|pr1|bc|bgt}}&gt; The passion for stealing was so ingrained that it became the life and soul, the warm, coursing blood, the master passion of the nation.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;&quot;The Whole Truth about Mexico;&quot; Bulnes, page 149.&lt;/ref&gt; {{div end}}

{{Dhr}}

This dark picture would appear incredible if we did not find it repeated by various authorities and if we did not see it being reënacted with its darkest shades accentuated by the looting that characterizes the government which has been recognized by the United States. The story of Carranza has been written from day to day in the columns of Mexican newspapers, in the discussions in congress, in the operation of public utilities, such as the national railroads, where plunder, rather than public service, have been the end achieved by public officials. It must be always borne in mind that when the government of Mexico has been mentioned, government by the Latin minority race is always referred to. The bureaucrats denounced by Bulnes, the army paymasters who have robbed their pay chests, the railroad superintendents who have demanded bribes for transporting merchandise, the army officers who have been found selling the munitions placed in their hands by the national government to the&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{Dhr}}

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{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Once a Week Dec 1860 to June 61.pdf/593</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506994</id>
      <parentid>9633944</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:31:57Z</timestamp>
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        <id>8435</id>
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      <text bytes="6504" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Levana Taylor&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|maxwidth=535px}}{{border/s|maxwidth=525px|style=padding:10px}}{{rh|582|ONCE A WEEK.|[{{sc|May}} 18, 1861.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;Fond, however, as the English are of their gardens, they would appear to be excelled in this respect by the Japanese. Every one of these singular people, both rich and poor, are said to have a garden; the latter, if possible, both in front as well as in the rear of their cottages. In them they cultivate the plum and the cherry, not for the fruit, but for the flower. By a peculiar treatment they improve them so much as to make the flowers become as large as roses. Indeed it is stated that plum blossoms have been seen four times the size of our common cabbage roses. In the season, when they are in full blossom, these trees afford a delightful sight in the gardens, and about the temples, and public walks.

They also practise the art of dwarfing trees to a great extent. Le Baron Léon de St. Denys, in his work entitled “Recherches sur L’Agriculture et L’Horticulture des Chinois,” Paris, 1850, contains some valuable information on the method of producing these interesting and miniature plants. The system is not confined to a few sorts of plants, for they can dwarf all. A box was offered for sale in which were flourishing a fir-tree, a bamboo, and a plum-tree, the latter in blossom. The box was only three inches long and one inch wide. 1,200 florins was asked for it. The florin varies so much that I am not aware what this would amount to in English money. Another very small box contained miniature specimens of every tree that grows on the Japan Islands.

They also enlarge their trees in an extraordinary manner. For instance, when the branches of some of them spring to the height of seven or eight feet from the ground, they are led out across ponds and supported on props, so as to afford a shade and covering of 300 feet in circumference.

The Japanese also pay great attention to their forest trees. They do not allow either their firs or cypress-trees to be cut down without the permission of the local magistrate. The cedars grow to a large size, some of them being eighteen feet in girth: Sir Edward Belcher, when making his surveys in the Japanese seas, was supplied with a quantity of spars, all of cedar, which measured ninety-six feet in length. All the temples in Japan are approached through thick avenues of evergreen trees. I think it was Pope who said that a tree was a nobler object than a prince in his coronation robes. This appears to have been the idea of the Japanese, from the care they take of them. They also enjoy that soft, fascinating, and what may be called poetical odour, which emanates from groves of cypress, clumps of cedar, and other evergreen trees. This odour may be considered as a natural, living, and growing incense offered up to Heaven at all seasons of the year, and at all times, by night as well as by day.

We are indebted to the Japanese for our beautiful camellias, and I am not sure whether this is not the case with my favourite Pœonia Moutan, or Chinese Peony, as representations of it may be seen on some of the Japan fans. It is certainly not indigenous at, or propagated in Canton, from which place, however, most of our varieties have been imported. It will always hold the first rank amongst flowers. It is a curious fact, that almost all the plants we have hitherto derived from Japan are either hardy or nearly so. For instance, the Pyrus Japonica is not only a beautiful but perfectly hardy shrub, and it is to be wondered at that it is not oftener planted as a protective hedge in flower and kitchen gardens, instead of Hornbeam or Laurel.

There is another very pretty shrub in Japan, called the Subacki, and I am not aware whether it has yet found its way into this country. It grows to rather a large size, and bears flowers not unlike large roses. The Japanese are said to give 900 different names to the varieties of this plant. It is to be hoped that increased intercourse with this singular people will add considerably to the riches of our flower gardens. This, however, is not likely as long as their trade is restricted to the Dutch. They are an honourable but very jealous nation, and attribute the late and present disastrous state of China to their having admitted strangers into their country for the purpose of trade. The consequence is that at present Japan may be considered as shut up from the rest of the world, and we are chiefly indebted to Dutch merchants for what little we know of it, and from whose writings some of these extracts have been taken. At all events, they appear a happy and contented people, strictly honest, and their wives and daughters eminently virtuous. They abound with schools for their children. Their cottages are picturesque, and few gardens are without a small rivulet, which, by the use of little contrivances, they make a source of enjoyment, as well as of beauty, by means of rocks and stones. It is evident, however, that they consider trees as among the most ornamental objects of scenery, and, as we have seen, they cultivate them with the greatest care. Indeed, what would our English scenery be, with its rivers, hills, and rocks, without the accompaniment of groups of trees?

It is probable that this interesting country will soon be better known, and that steam will be productive of that intercourse which cannot but end in our mutual advantage.

Those who have read the interesting works of Mr. Fortune on China, will see what great progress the inhabitants of that country have made in floriculture. They, like the Japanese, dwarf plants, and by a curious process of grafting, produce an immense quantity of the Chinese Peony, one of the finest and most beautiful flowers imported into this country. With a little winter protection, they will flourish well in this country, especially if planted in a rich loam. Some have grown from six to eight feet in height, and formed a bush from eight to ten feet in diameter. 
{{right|{{sc|Edward Jesse.}}|2em}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
{{rule|width=20em}}
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;

{{c|{{larger|THE DIRGE OF ADONIS.}}}}

{{c|({{fine|FROM THE GREEK OF BION.}})}}
{{dhr|175%}}
{{block center/s|width=34.5em}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Ai}}! ai! wail for Adonis!—the young Loves wail for him, ai! ai!
Hurt on the hill lies Adonis the beautiful; torn with the boar’s tusk,
Torn on the ivory thigh with the ivory tusk, his low gasping&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}
{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Once a Week Jul - Dec 1859.pdf/120</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>2883994</id>
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      <id>12506995</id>
      <parentid>9572332</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:32:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
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      <text bytes="5923" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Levana Taylor&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|maxwidth=535px}}{{border/s|maxwidth=525px|style=padding:10px}}{{rh|{{sc|August}} 6, 1859.]|BARON JAUÏOZ.|109}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;Milton, Chaucer, Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and Spenser. Down the wall hung little miniature engravings of Sir R. Inglis, Mr. Poole, Rogers, Wordsworth, Charles Lamb, and Armstrong. Next to them Chantry’s bust of the poet, an engraving of Haydon’s picture with open collar and bare neck, and some sketches of Sir George Beaumont. Over the old oaken sideboard was a bust of Scott, and near it engravings of the Queen and the royal children, given by her Majesty.

&lt;p style=&quot;margin-bottom:1.1%&quot;&gt;The rarest piece of furniture in the room was an old almery carved over with circles emblematic of the Trinity and the monogram I. H. S. It bore this inscription:&lt;/p&gt;

{{block center|width=85%|{{fine block|Hoc opus fiebat anno Domino {{smaller|M.CCCXXV.}} ex sumtu Wilhelmi Wordesworth filii W. Fil. Joh. Fil. W. Fil. Mich. viri Elizabeth Filiæ et Heredis W. Proctor de Penyrston quorum animabus propitietur Deus.}}}}

&lt;p style=&quot;margin-top:1.1%&quot;&gt;Within reach of the fire-place were Cottonian volumes, and volumes of his own poems, which Wordsworth carried with him, mused over, pencilled, and (unfortunately) altered.&lt;/p&gt;

Ascending the staircase, were two pictures of Giordano Bruno, of remarkable tone and beauty; Endymion asleep, with his dogs and hunting-spear; and Godfrey lying wounded, with Armida fondly bending over him; in the blue distance is Jerusalem.

Hush! here is a room which has never been opened for months. Here William Wordsworth died; and here died Mary Wordsworth, in a calm and good old age. The room is of an austere simplicity: on that sofa Wordsworth was lifted out to die: and in a niche close to the window is the cross which blind old Mrs. Wordsworth asked to feel before she died. “Vale, vale, iterumque valete.”

&lt;p style=&quot;margin-bottom:1.1%&quot;&gt;Let us pass into the garden, which glossy laurels make all the year cheerful. To the right a terrace leads to an arbour lined with fir-cones and overhung with pines. You pass along a winding walk, and there the little lake shines below in all its beauty. In spring, daffodils light the ground at your feet, and you hear the wild dove “brooding over his soft voice” in the woods below. Below is a garden flush with anemonies, and below that a field which bears the name of the poet’s daughter. There are the trees which he planted, and his favourite flowers. Over a little pool in which some golden fish were set free, an oak, all knotted and gnarled, hangs. In one of its arms grows a mountain ash and a holly. Everything in the grounds sings of liberty, and a mossy stone records a wish we cannot but echo:—&lt;/p&gt;

{{block center|{{fine block|{{ditto|When here the|}}Time will come&lt;br /&gt;
When here the tender-hearted&lt;br /&gt;
May heave a gentle sigh for him&lt;br /&gt;
As one of the departed.}}}}

{{right|{{sc|Thomas Blackburne.}}|2em}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
{{rule|20em}}
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;

{{c|{{larger|BARON JAUÏOZ.}}&lt;br /&gt;({{fine|FROM THE BRETON.}})}}
{{dhr|175%}}
{{block center/s|width=25em}}
&lt;poem&gt;{{sc|As}} I was washing, the stream hard by,
{{gap|1em}}Sudden I heard the death-bird’s cry.

{{fqm|“}}Wot you, Tina, the story goes,
{{gap|1em}}You are sold to the Lord of Jauïoz?”

{{fqm|“}}Is’t true, dear mother, the thing I’m told?
{{gap|1em}}Is’t true that to Lord Jauïoz I’m sold?”

{{fqm|“}}My poor little darling, nought I know,—
{{gap|1em}}Go, ask your father if this be so.”

{{fqm|“}}Father, dear father, say is it true
{{gap|1em}}That Lord Jauïoz I am sold unto?”

{{fqm|“}}My darling daughter, nought I know,
{{gap|1em}}Go, ask your brother if it be so.”

{{fqm|“}}Lannick, my brother, oh, tell me, pray!
{{gap|1em}}Am I sold to that Lord the people say?”

{{fqm|“}}You are sold to that Lord the people say,
{{gap|1em}}You must up and ride without delay;

You must up and ride to his castle straight,
{{gap|1em}}For your price has been paid by tale and weight:

Fifty crowns of the silver white,
{{gap|1em}}And as many crowns of the gold so bright.”

{{fqm|“}}Now tell me, tell me, mother dear,
{{gap|1em}}What clothes is’t fitting I should wear?

My gown of grain, or of grey, shall’t be,
{{gap|1em}}That my sister Helen made for me?

My gown of grain, or my gown of white,
{{gap|1em}}And my bodice of samite so jimp and tight?”

{{fqm|“}}Busk thee, busk thee, as likes thee best,
{{gap|1em}}Small matter, my child, how thou art drest.

A bonny black horse is tied at the gate,
{{gap|1em}}And there till the fall o’ the night he’ll wait,—

Till the fall o’ the night that horse will stay,
{{gap|1em}}All fairly saddled to bear thee away.”&lt;/poem&gt;
{{dhr|110%}}
{{c|{{fine|II.}}}}

&lt;poem&gt;Short space had she rode when the bells of St. Anne,—
{{gap|1em}}Her own church bells—to ring began.

Then sore she wept, as she sat in selle:
{{gap|1em}}“Farewell, Oh sweet St. Anne, farewell!

Farewell, dear bells of my own countrie,
{{gap|1em}}Dear bells of the church I no more shall see!”

As on she rode by the lake of Pain,
{{gap|1em}}’Twas there she saw of ghosts a train,—

A train of ghosts all robed in white,
{{gap|1em}}That in tiny boats on the lake shone bright,—

A crowd of ghosts—that all for dread
{{gap|1em}}Her teeth they chatter’d in her head.

As on she rode through the valley of Blood,
{{gap|1em}}The ghosts stream’d after like a flood;

Her heart it was so sad and sore,
{{gap|1em}}That she closed her eyes to see no more;

Her heart it was so full of woe,
{{gap|1em}}That she fell in swoon as she did go.&lt;/poem&gt;
{{dhr|110%}}
{{c|{{fine|III.}}}}

&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm|“}}Now, draw anigh, and take a seat,
{{gap|1em}}Until ’tis time to go to meat.”

The Baron he sat in the ingle-place,
{{gap|1em}}And black as a raven was his face;&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}
{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Once a Week Jul - Dec 1859.pdf/149</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507000</id>
      <parentid>9570021</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:35:18Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ShakespeareFan00</username>
        <id>8435</id>
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      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="4018" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Levana Taylor&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|maxwidth=535px}}{{border/s|maxwidth=525px|style=padding:10px}}{{rh|138|ONCE A WEEK.|[{{sc|August}} 13, 1859.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;is a place to which after sailing many many days a ship comes. Here is the ship’s track on the map. The men and women there dress according to this pattern which I show. The skies the people see are so and so. Their fields are thus and thus. Their houses are built in this style. In that land the tea we use is got. The fact of tea being the leaf of a plant, prepared after such and such a fashion, can form no difficulty which you cannot easily conceive removed by reference to plants within reach.”

“Analogy, then,” we observe, satisfied with our light, “is your main dependence. You show how the things and persons they know resemble or differ from those you desire to teach them about. Now, what do you do with all these children when they grow up?”

“Oh, as to that,” he adds, in a changed voice, as if dismounted from his hobby, which was evidently the schoolwork, “they are fit for most of the common handicraft employments by which men make a living. It is sometimes difficult to get one apprenticed, undoubtedly; but a fair proportion of them afterwards do well, and support themselves creditably.”

“Deaf persons are very eccentric, are they not?” we inquire.

“As how?” he asks.

“I have heard very curious stories of them,” we reply, “as to their inquisitiveness, and odd ways they take to gratify it. I have been told, too, that they prefer their condition, and would rather not be made to hear.”

“Ask one of them,” observes our Mentor.

The question is written—“Whether would you be made able to hear or remain deaf?” In a moment the boy underlines the words—''able to hear''.

“The fact is,” the master proceeds improving the subject, “that deaf human beings are very similar to others, liking what people commonly like, and disliking what is commonly thought irksome. Now and then odd tastes may show themselves, but whatever is odd—whatever departs from the common standard by which we regulate preferences and aversions—is exceptional. If a deaf person prefers deafness, his case, to say the least of it, is singular. I never knew or heard of an instance of the kind, and can more easily imagine a mistake as to the spirit (for deaf persons are not devoid of drollery), in which a preference of the sort was expressed, than gravely accept your statement that in a deaf person taste so manifested itself as a fact to be reasoned from.”

“What number of persons now in all England may be deaf and dumb?”

“Speaking in round numbers, ten thousand.”

Surely a class of schools which essays to put into ten thousand poor dumb mouths an available substitute for the speech we with reason prize so much, constitutes a section of England’s educational apparatus deserving proper recognition. 

May its work prosper!
{{right|{{sc|John Clyne.}}|2em}}

&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
{{rule|20em}}
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;

{{c|{{larger|MILFORD HAVEN.}}}}
{{dhr}}
{{overfloat image
 | image = [[File:MIlford Haven - Weedon.png|center|500px]]
 | width = 500
 | item1 = {{block right|width=234px|{{sc|e}} had embarked at Bristol in one of the fine large Irish steamers, }}
 | hpos1 = right
 | y1    = 259
}}
{{block center/s|width=500px|style=margin-top:7px}}
uncertain whether we should tarry at Pembroke Dock or be satisfied with the glance at Milford Haven obtained by running up and down it on our way to Waterford, thence to explore the beauties of southern Ireland. The day was gloriously fine; and though on land quite equal in heat to the Bahamas, yet stationed on the bridge which spans the huge paddle boxes, and meeting the fresh westerly breeze blowing right in our faces from the Atlantic, we were in no need of shelter from the sun’s rays. It was late in the afternoon when, hugging the shore to keep in the slack of the tide, we ran past Govan&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS&lt;br /&gt;CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 
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{{c|{{sc|Copyright {{o s|1900}} By}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{sc|John Dewey}}
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All Rights Reserved}}
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{{sc|{{ditto|Eleventh Impression|First Edition|l}}}}—{{o s|1,000 copies. Printed November, 1899}}.&lt;br /&gt;
{{sc|{{ditto|Eleventh Impression|Second Impression|l}}}}—{{o s|1,500 copies. Printed February, 1900}}.&lt;br /&gt;
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{{sc|{{ditto|Eleventh Impression|Sixth Impression|l}}}}—{{o s|1,000 copies. Printed August, 1907}}.&lt;br /&gt;
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{{c|{{x-smaller block|Composed and Printed By&lt;br /&gt;The University of Chicago Press&lt;br /&gt;Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.}}}}
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TO&lt;br /&gt;
MRS. EMMONS BLAINE&lt;br /&gt;
TO WHOSE INTEREST IN EDUCATIONAL&lt;br /&gt;
REFORM&lt;br /&gt;
THE APPEARANCE OF THIS BOOK&lt;br /&gt;
IS DUE
}}
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      <text bytes="655" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|PUBLISHER'S NOTE}}

{{sc|The}} three lectures presented in the following pages were delivered before an audience of parents and others interested in the University Elementary School, in the month of April of the year {{o s|1899}}. Mr. Dewey revised them in part from a stenographic report, and unimportant changes and the slight adaptations necessary for the press have been made in his absence. The lectures retain therefore the unstudied character as well as the power of the spoken word. As they imply more or less familiarity with the work of the Elementary School, Mr. Dewey's supplementary statement of this has been added.
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    <title>Page:The School and Society.djvu/19</title>
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      <text bytes="1202" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|AUTHOR'S NOTE}}

{{sc|A second}} edition affords a grateful opportunity for recalling that this little book is a sign of the coöperating thoughts and sympathies of many persons. Its indebtedness to Mrs. Emmons Blaine is partly indicated in the dedication. From my friends, Mr. and Mrs. George Herbert Mead, came that interest, unflagging attention to detail, and artistic taste which, in my absence, remade colloquial remarks until they were fit to print, and then saw the results through the press with the present attractive result—a mode of authorship made easy, which I recommend to others fortunate enough to possess such friends.

It would be an extended paragraph which should list all the friends whose timely and persisting generosity has made possible the school which inspired and defined the ideas of these pages. These friends, I am sure, would be the first to recognize the peculiar appropriateness of especial mention of the names of Mrs. Charles R. Crane and Mrs. William R. Linn.

And the school itself in its educational work is a joint undertaking. Many have engaged in shaping it. The clear and experienced intelligence of my wife is wrought everywhere into its&lt;noinclude&gt;
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    <title>Page:The School and Society.djvu/20</title>
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      <text bytes="468" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;texture. The wisdom, tact and devotion of its instructors have brought about a transformation of its original amorphous plans into articulate form and substance with life and movement of their own. Whatever the issue of the ideas presented in this book, the satisfaction coming from the coöperation of the diverse thoughts and deeds of many persons in undertaking to enlarge the life of the child will abide.

{{smaller|{{o s|January 5, 1900}}}}
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      <text bytes="1228" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|I

THE SCHOOL AND SOCIAL PROGRESS}}

We are apt to look at the school from an individualistic standpoint, as something between teacher and pupil, or between teacher and parent. That which interests us most is naturally the progress made by the individual child of our acquaintance, his normal physical development, his advance in ability to read, write, and figure, his growth in the knowledge of geography and history, improvement in manners, habits of promptness, order, and industry—it is from such standards as these that we judge the work of the school. And rightly so. Yet the range of the outlook needs to be enlarged. What the best and wisest parent wants for his own child, that must the community want for all of its children. Any other ideal for our schools is narrow and unlovely; acted upon, it destroys our democracy. All that society has accomplished for itself is put, through the agency of the school, at the disposal of its future members. All its better thoughts of itself it hopes to realize through the new possibilities thus opened to its future self. Here individualism and socialism are at one. Only by being true to the full growth of all the individuals who make it up, can&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sm|{{o s|19}}}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1354" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{o s|20}}|''THE SCHOOL AND SOCIETY''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;society by any chance be true to itself. And in the self-direction thus given, nothing counts as much as the school, for, as Horace Mann said, &quot;Where anything is growing, one former is worth a thousand re-formers.&quot;

Whenever we have in mind the discussion of a new movement in education, it is especially necessary to take the broader, or social view. Otherwise, changes in the school institution and tradition will be looked at as the arbitrary inventions of particular teachers; at the worst transitory fads, and at the best merely improvements in certain details—and this is the plane upon which it is too customary to consider school changes. It is as rational to conceive of the locomotive or the telegraph as personal devices. The modification going on in the method and curriculum of education is as much a product of the changed social situation, and as much an effort to meet the needs of the new society that is forming, as are changes in modes of industry and commerce.

It is to this, then, that I especially ask your attention: the effort to conceive what roughly may be termed the &quot;New Education&quot; in the light of larger changes in society. Can we connect this &quot;New Education&quot; with the general march of events? If we can, it will lose its isolated character, and will cease to be an affair which&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1395" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''THE SCHOOL AND SOCIETY''|{{o s|21}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;proceeds only from the over-ingenious minds of pedagogues dealing with particular pupils. It will appear as part and parcel of the whole social evolution, and, in its more general features at least, as inevitable. Let us then ask after the main aspects of the social movement; and afterwards turn to the school to find what witness it gives of effort to put itself in line. And since it is quite impossible to cover the whole ground, I shall for the most part confine myself to one typical thing in the modern school movement—that which passes under the name of manual training, hoping if the relation of that to changed social conditions appears, we shall be ready to concede the point as well regarding other educational innovations.

I make no apology for not dwelling at length upon the social changes in question. Those I shall mention are writ so large that he who runs may read. The change that comes first to mind, the one that overshadows and even controls all others, is the industrial one—the application of science resulting in the great inventions that have utilized the forces of nature on a vast and inexpensive scale: the growth of a world-wide market as the object of production, of vast manufacturing centers to supply this market, of cheap and rapid means of communication and distribution between all its parts. Even as to its&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1379" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{o s|22}}|''THE SCHOOL AND SOCIETY''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;feebler beginnings, this change is not much more than a century old; in many of its most important aspects it falls within the short span of those now living. One can hardly believe there has been a revolution in all history so rapid, so extensive, so complete. Through it the face of the earth is making over, even as to its physical forms; political boundaries are wiped out and moved about, as if they were indeed only lines on a paper map; population is hurriedly gathered into cities from the ends of the earth; habits of living are altered with startling abruptness and thoroughness; the search for the truths of nature is infinitely stimulated and facilitated and their application to life made not only practicable, but commercially necessary. Even our moral and religious ideas and interests, the most conservative because the deepest-lying things in our nature, are profoundly affected. That this revolution should not affect education in other than formal and superficial fashion is inconceivable.

Back of the factory system lies the household and neighborhood system. Those of us who are here today need go back only one, two, or at most three generations, to find a time when the household was practically the center in which were carried on, or about which were clustered, all the typical forms of industrial occupation.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1397" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''THE SCHOOL AND SOCIETY''|{{o s|23}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The clothing worn was for the most part not only made in the house, but the members of the household were usually familiar with the shearing of the sheep, the carding and spinning of the wool, and the plying of the loom. Instead of pressing a button and flooding the house with electric light, the whole process of getting illumination was followed in its toilsome length, from the killing of the animal and the trying of fat, to the making of wicks and dipping of candles. The supply of flour, of lumber, of foods, of building materials, of household furniture, even of metal ware, of nails, hinges, hammers, etc., was in the immediate neighborhood, in shops which were constantly open to inspection and often centers of neighborhood congregation. The entire industrial process stood revealed, from the production on the farm of the raw materials, till the finished article was actually put to use. Not only this, but practically every member of the household had his own share in the work. The children, as they gained in strength and capacity, were gradually initiated into the mysteries of the several processes. It was a matter of immediate and personal concern, even to the point of actual participation.

We cannot overlook the factors of discipline and of character-building involved in this: training in habits of order and of industry, and in&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1434" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{o s|24}}|''THE SCHOOL AND SOCIETY''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the idea of responsibility, of obligation to do something, to produce something, in the world. There was always something which really needed to be done, and a real necessity that each member of the household should do his own part faithfully and in coöperation with others. Personalities which became effective in action were bred and tested in the medium of action. Again, we cannot overlook the importance for educational purposes of the close and intimate acquaintance got with nature at first hand, with real things and materials, with the actual processes of their manipulation, and the knowledge of their social necessities and uses. In all this there was continual training of observation, of ingenuity, constructive imagination, of logical thought, and of the sense of reality acquired through first-hand contact with actualities. The educative forces of the domestic spinning and weaving, of the saw-mill, the grist-mill, the cooper shop, and the blacksmith forge, were continuously operative.

No number of object-lessons, got up ''as'' object-lessons for the sake of giving information, can afford even the shadow of a substitute for acquaintance with the plants and animals of the farm and garden, acquired through actual living among them and caring for them. No training of sense-organs in school, introduced for the sake of training, can begin to compete with the alertness&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1905" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{rh|vi|{{sm|CONTENTS.}}}}{{dhr}}{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 7|CHAPTER VII.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||Influence of the Religious Element; its Development.—National Character of the Church; its Isolation.—Differences from Catholic and Protestant Churches.—Popes.—Development of Church and State in Russia.—Church Government.|&lt;noinclude&gt;Page&amp;nbsp;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{DJVU page link|137|15}}|entry-width=95%}}
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{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 8|CHAPTER VIII.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||The Clergy, Black and White.—Monasticism and Monasteries.—Parish Priests.|djvupage=160|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 9|CHAPTER IX.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||The Raskol.—Early Heresies.—Attempted Reforms in Church.—Nikon.—Peter the Great.—The Popovtsi and the Bezpopovtsi.—Political Aspect of the Raskol.|djvupage=179|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 10|CHAPTER X.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||The Raskol, Socially and Politically.—Praobrajenski and Rogojski.—Organization of Popovtsism and Bezpopovtsism.—Attempts at Reconciliation with the Church.—The Edinovertsi.—Modification of the Raskol; its Extreme Sects.|djvupage=208|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 11|CHAPTER XI.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||Sects not belonging to the Raskol.—Mystical and Rationalistic Sects.—Erratic Sects.—Recent Sects.—Vitality of Sectarian Split.—Attitude of Government towards Dissent.|djvupage=250|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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{{Dotted TOC page listing||{{sc|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Index|Index]]}}|djvupage=299|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <parentid>12506741</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1906" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Nizolan&quot; /&gt;{{rh|vi|{{sm|CONTENTS.}}}}{{dhr}}{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 7|CHAPTER VII.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||Influence of the Religious Element; its Development.—National Character of the Church; its Isolation.—Differences from Catholic and Protestant Churches.—Popes.—Development of Church and State in Russia.—Church Government.|&lt;noinclude&gt;Page&amp;nbsp;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{DJVU page link|137|15}}|entry-width=95%}}
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{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 8|CHAPTER VIII.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||The Clergy, Black and White.—Monasticism and Monasteries.—Parish Priests.|djvupage=160|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 9|CHAPTER IX.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||The Raskol.—Early Heresies.—Attempted Reforms in Church.—Nikon.—Peter the Great.—The Popovtsi and the Bezpopovtsi.—Political Aspect of the Raskol.|djvupage=179|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 10|CHAPTER X.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||The Raskol, Socially and Politically.—Praobrajenski and Rogojski.—Organization of Popovtsism and Bezpopovtsism.—Attempts at Reconciliation with the Church.—The Edinovertsi.—Modification of the Raskol; its Extreme Sects.|djvupage=208|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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{{c|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Chapter 11|CHAPTER XI.]]}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||Sects not belonging to the Raskol.—Mystical and Rationalistic Sects.—Erratic Sects.—Recent Sects.—Vitality of Sectarian Split.—Attitude of Government towards Dissent.|djvupage=250|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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{{Dotted TOC page listing||{{sc|[[The Russian Church and Russian Dissent/Index|Index]]}}|djvupage=299|djvupageoffset=15|entry-width=95%}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Once a Week Jun to Dec 1864.pdf/85</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1730" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{border/s|maxwidth=535px}}{{border/s|maxwidth=525px|style=padding:10px}}{{rh|70|ONCE A WEEK.|[{{sc|July}} 9, 1864.}}{{rule}}{{dhr}}
{{block center/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{large image|[[File:The Bride of an Hour - Frederick Eltze.png|500px|center]]|style=margin-top:25px;margin-bottom:25px}}
{{center block/s|width=24em}}
&lt;poem&gt;A mile from yonder cot there lies 
{{gap|1em}}A glassy pool by wave scarce ruffled,
Silent and still, yet you may hear 
{{gap|1em}}The sound of falling water muffled. 

For ’neath the earth the stream flows on 
{{gap|1em}}Under full many an emerald meadow,
Under dank rock and mossy cave, 
{{gap|1em}}All sleeping in eternal shadow. 

And though the waters seem to flow 
{{gap|1em}}A measured slowly-gliding current, 
A hundred yards or two below
{{gap|1em}}They issue forth a foaming torrent:

From that dark pool, when early dew
{{gap|1em}}Makes opal all the crimson heather,
She used to bear a brimming jar, 
{{gap|1em}}And on her wedding-day went thither. 

She ne’er returned; yet how she died 
{{gap|1em}}No trace remained, no tale or tiding: 
And yonder stream seemed still the same, 
{{gap|1em}}Onwards, yet ever onwards gliding. 

Hugh, though to outward eye the same 
:(And few could tell his heart was broken), 
Thither, for ever searching, came, 
:And prayed of his lost bride some token. 

One day, about the lower fall 
{{gap|1em}}He lingered,—and his search was ended! 
A sunbeam, through the torrent wave, 
{{gap|1em}}Lit on a skeleton suspended. 

My tale is told: how she had died, 
{{gap|1em}}This was the ghastly tale and tiding: 
Yet yonder stream is still the same, 
{{gap|1em}}Onwards, yet ever onwards gliding. &lt;/poem&gt;

{{right|{{sc|Beauséant.}}}}
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{center block/s|width=24em}}
&lt;poem&gt;A mile from yonder cot there lies 
{{gap|1em}}A glassy pool by wave scarce ruffled,
Silent and still, yet you may hear 
{{gap|1em}}The sound of falling water muffled. 

For ’neath the earth the stream flows on 
{{gap|1em}}Under full many an emerald meadow,
Under dank rock and mossy cave, 
{{gap|1em}}All sleeping in eternal shadow. 

And though the waters seem to flow 
{{gap|1em}}A measured slowly-gliding current, 
A hundred yards or two below
{{gap|1em}}They issue forth a foaming torrent:

From that dark pool, when early dew
{{gap|1em}}Makes opal all the crimson heather,
She used to bear a brimming jar, 
{{gap|1em}}And on her wedding-day went thither. 

She ne’er returned; yet how she died 
{{gap|1em}}No trace remained, no tale or tiding: 
And yonder stream seemed still the same, 
{{gap|1em}}Onwards, yet ever onwards gliding. 

Hugh, though to outward eye the same 
:(And few could tell his heart was broken), 
Thither, for ever searching, came, 
:And prayed of his lost bride some token. 

One day, about the lower fall 
{{gap|1em}}He lingered,—and his search was ended! 
A sunbeam, through the torrent wave, 
{{gap|1em}}Lit on a skeleton suspended. 

My tale is told: how she had died, 
{{gap|1em}}This was the ghastly tale and tiding: 
Yet yonder stream is still the same, 
{{gap|1em}}Onwards, yet ever onwards gliding. &lt;/poem&gt;

{{right|{{sc|Beauséant.}}}}
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Once a Week Dec 1860 to June 61.pdf/194</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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&lt;section begin=&quot;Illustration&quot; /&gt;
{{FI|file=Once a Week Dec 1860 to June 61 - p194.png|caption=Frost Fair on the Thames, {{smaller|A.D.}} 1814; from one or two prints of the time.|width=100%|cstyle=max-width:500px;margin-top:20px;margin-bottom:20px;}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Illustration&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;Frost1&quot; /&gt;we learn from one of the doggerel broadsides of the day:

{{block center/s|width=22em}}{{fine block/s}}
Like Babel, this fair’s not built with brick or stone,&lt;br /&gt;
Though here, I believe, is a great confusion.&lt;br /&gt;
Now blankets are forced a double duty to pay,&lt;br /&gt;
As beds all the night, and for houses all day.
{{fine block/e}}{{block center/e}}

The booths supplied every conceivable kind of commodity, such as goldsmiths’ work, books, toys, cutlery, ornaments, and refreshments, for which they charged exorbitant prices, a fact the rhyming historians of the scene have not failed duly to chronicle:

{{block center/s|width=22em}}{{fine block/s}}
And such a fair I never yet came near,&lt;br /&gt;
Where shop-rents were so cheap and goods so dear.
{{fine block/e}}{{block center/e}}

Coals and wood, which even on land were nearly up to famine prices, brought enormous gains to the purveyors, and were conveyed over the ice on sledges, or on men’s backs. Provisions were daily cooked in the booths, one of which, by way of speciality, took the title of “the Roast-beef Booth;” and a whole ox (of which the king and queen are said to have partaken) was roasted on the ice, in an enclosed space, to which the public were admitted on payment. Carts and horses, and horsemen, moved to and fro as upon a high road; and private coaches crossed and re-crossed, amongst them the coach of Mr. Evelyn, which passed over from Lambeth to the horse-ferry at Millbank, and a coach and six which was driven from Whitehall nearly to London Bridge, the day before the ice broke up. Hackneys also plied for hire up and down the available extent of the river, supplying the place of the watermen, who, driven from their legitimate occupation, endeavoured to find employment by dragging boats on the ice, or setting up what the poet just quoted calls “fuddling tents:”

{{block center/s|width=22em}}{{fine block/s}}
And those that used to ask where shall I land ye?&lt;br /&gt;
Now cry, what lack ye, sir, beer, ale, or brandy?
{{fine block/e}}{{block center/e}}

Several lines or stands of hackneys were established at the different stairs, and the familiar sounds of “Westward, ho!” and “Eastward, ho!” might be heard along the banks, without the professional addition of “Sculler, sir?” “Oars, sir?” The watermen were very sensitive to this usurpation of their calling, and in a ballad in which they afterwards celebrated the “melting of the Thames,” they dwelt with particular satisfaction upon the resumption of those turbulent cries which formed a characteristic feature of the life of the river:

{{block center/s}}{{fine block/s}}
{{gap|3em}}Let’s tune our throats&lt;br /&gt;
{{gap|3em}}To our usual notes,&lt;br /&gt;
Of Twitnam, Richmond, hey!&lt;br /&gt;
{{gap|3em}}Sir, sculler, sir? oars, sir?&lt;br /&gt;
{{gap|3em}}Loudly roar, sir,&lt;br /&gt;
Here’s Dick, sir, you won’t pass him by?&lt;br /&gt;
{{fine block/e}}{{block center/e}}

Bartholomew at its prime was inferior in variety of humours to this “Freezland Fair or Icy Bear Garden,” as it is designated in one of the ballads. There was some humour even in the signs and announcements of the tents. One was the “Horns Tavern,” indicated by the antlers of a stag hoisted over the entrance; another was the “Phœnix, insured against fire as long as the foundation lasted.” The diversions were endless, not the least extraordinary of them being horse and coach races. There were show-booths for rope-dancing, conjuring, and puppet-plays; music booths and lottery booths, a miniature bear-garden, a ring for bull-baiting, close under the Temple Gardens, and not far off might be enjoyed the singular pastime of hunting a fox on the ice, an incident selected for particular admiration by one of the river poets:

{{block center/s}}{{fine block/s}}
&lt;p&gt;There was fox-hunting on this frozen river,&lt;br /&gt;
Which may a memorandum be for ever, &lt;br /&gt;
For I do think, since Adam drew his breath, &lt;br /&gt;
No fox was hunted on the ice to death.&lt;/p&gt;
{{fine block/e}}{{block center/e}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders.djvu/374</title>
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      <text bytes="3070" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|352|{{asc|INDEX}}.}}{{smaller block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|Ash: child’s first nail-parings buried under; always a sacred tree; the Yggdrasil of Norsemen; attracts lightning; old rhyme, 17; Christ first washed and dressed at Bethlehem by fire of its wood, 64; faggots used in Devonshire at Christmas, ''ib.''; weather prediction from its leafing, 76; leaf, if even, lucky—rhymes on, 110–11}}
{{hi|Ash (mountain), ''see'' Mountain-ash}}
{{hi|Ash Wednesday, eating grey peas on, insures money all the year, 114}}
{{hi|Ashes of dead person’s bed, divination by, 51}}
{{hi|Aspen tree: charm for ague; used for Cross and therefore trembles; another (German) reason for its trembling, 151–2; anciently sacred; used for marriage-torches by Romans, and for wishing-rods in Germany, 152}}
{{hi|Atkinson (Rev. J. C.), on Yorkshire witch, 210; on mountain-ash, 225; on Padfoot, 274}}
{{hi|Augury: from cry of cuckoo, 93; from birds among ancients; traces still existing here among upper classes, 128; Alcuin ({{asc|A.D.}} 735) on such prognostics, ''ib.''; ''see'' Portents}}
{{hi|Aurora borealis, termed the Derwentwater Lights, 307}}
{{dhr|1em}}
{{hi|Bacon’s (Francis) ''Natural History'' on lardskin charm for warts, 140}}
{{hi|Bahrgeist (spirit of the bier), ''see'' Barguest}}
{{hi|Baker’s (Sir R.) ''Meditations upon Lord’s Prayer'' on praying aloud to fright the Devil, 280}}
{{hi|Bamburgh, bridal parties there jump over a stool at church door, 38–9}}
{{hi|Banshee of Loch Nigdal: a sprite in green silk, 270}}
{{hi|Baptism, ''see'' Child: baptism}}
{{hi|Barguest, Bahrgeist, Boguest, or Boggart: a spirit presaging death, 275; proverb: “to roar like a Barguest;” appears in various forms; three mentioned, ''ib.''}}
{{hi|Baring-Gould (S.), ''see'' Gould (S. B.)}}
{{hi|Barrow, Mount, or Hill Folk: descendants of fallen angels (Denmark), 248}}
{{hi|Bat: its flight indicates the witches’ hour, 125–6}}
{{hi|Battles: their sites haunted by echoes of the fight, 309}}
{{hi|Bawkie-bird, the bat, ''q. v.''}}
{{hi|Bean-geese: the Gabriel hounds, 130}}
{{hi|Bedeguar of dogrose; ''see'' Robin Redbreast’s Cushion}}
{{hi|Beds containing feathers of pigeons, game birds, and cocks, make death difficult, 60}}
{{hi|Bee’s ''Diary'' on a spectral coach drawn by swine, 327}}
{{hi|Bees: sympathy between them and their owners, 309; will not thrive in a quarrelsome family, ''ib.''; swarm settling in dead tree forebodes a death, ''ib.''; strange swarm settling brings good fortune, ''ib.''; when stolen never thrive; love children; making nest in roof unlucky for girls of family; should not be bought, ''ib.''; must be told of a death and taste the funeral feast, 310; also warned of a marriage, ''ib.''; reverenced as producers of wax for altar-lights, ''ib.''; created white, they turned brown at the Fall, ''ib.''; story of their building a chapel, ''ib.''; Mr. Hawker has versified a similar legend, 311; a Jesuit Father on their honouring the Host, ''ib.''; hum a hymn on Christmas Eve, ''ib.''}}
{{hi|Beetham, a vicar of, laid the sprite Capelthwaite, 276}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders.djvu/396</title>
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      <text bytes="3269" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|374|{{sm|INDEX}}.}}{{smaller block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|Luther (Martin), a prey to superstition, 7; his ''Table Talk'' quoted on changelings, ''ib.''}}
{{hi|Lykewake: a gathering of neighbours to watch a corpse after dark, 54; ''see'' Death}}
{{dhr|1em}}
{{hi|Macabée (Chasse), the name of the Wild Hunt at Blois, 133}}
{{hi|Mackenzie family, a bull sacrificed, {{asc|A.D.}} 1678, for recovery of a member of the, 148}}
{{hi|Magpie, an ominous bird; did not go into the ark; protected by superstition in Sweden; its form taken by witches; helps the devil in haymaking, 126; rhyme on meeting; ill-luck diverted by sign of cross or moving the hat—or by sight of a crow, 127; strange relic of ancient pagan ideas in a Christian country, 128}}
{{hi|Maiden’s Castle: treasure there guarded by a hen; an attempt to seize it failed, 320}}
{{hi|Malton, cauff-riddling there on St. Mark’s Eve, 52}}
{{hi|{{sc|[[Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders/Chapter 1|Man, Life and Death of]]}}, {{SIC|1|9}}–{{SIC|8|63}}}}
{{hi|Maple: confers longevity on child passed through its branches; one much used in Sussex, 17}}
{{hi|March: last three days, called “borrowing days,” and indicate weather of the year; “blind days” in Devon, and held unlucky for sowing, 94–5}}
{{hi|Marcoux: seventh sons in France; have power of curing the king’s evil, 305}}
{{hi|Marecco (Professor) on sacrifice of an ox, 148; on charm for bite of mad dog, 179; on selling a cat to the devil, 208; on marks on pig’s leg, 313}}
{{hi|Maree (Loch), sacrifices on an island in, 148; ''see'' St. Malruba}}
{{hi/s}}Marriage: days of week bring varying luck; Durham rhymes; Thursday auspicious in Scandinavia—in England and Germany the reverse; Friday most unfortunate, 33; also any day in Lent and the month of May in Scotland; Sir Walter Scott respected the prejudice in his daughter’s case; statistics of Glasgow marriages in 1874; proverb, “Marry in May, rue for aye;” unlucky for swine to cross the path of wedding party—proverb, “The swine’s run through it;” presence of bride’s mother inauspicious; a wet day also; green not worn lest fairies should resent the insult, 34; exclusion of all green things from Scotch wedding dinner; fowls indispensable—brides have side-bone; rubbing shoulders with bride or bridegroom an augury of speedy marriage; the next bride indicated by bride’s gift of cheese; struggle for the bride’s knife; “shapings” of wedding dress used in divinations; bride should wear something borrowed, 35; short-bread thrown over bride’s head on entering her new home—pieces secure dreams; plate of cake thrown in Yorkshire—augury from fate of plate; ladle and door-key placed in husband’s hands, tongs and keys in wife’s (Scotland); dreaming on wedding-cake; throwing a shoe: its symbolism, 36; Swedish bridal Folk-lore; wild mirth in the North on the occasion—“running the braize or brooze,” 37—firing guns; offering handful of money to clergyman; leaping over stone at Belford—the “louping” or “petting” stone; over bench at Embledon; bride jumping over stick (Coquetdale) and bridal party over stool—the parting-stool at Bamburgh, 38; kissing the bride the parson’s privilege and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Treatise on Medical Astrology.djvu/54</title>
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      <text bytes="1423" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;ShakespeareFan00&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{asc|MEDICAL ASTROLOGY}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|ing|aching}} pain in the stomach.

{{sc|China}}.—Stomach feels full and tight; aversion to food; weak and debilitated.

{{sc|Lycopodium}}.—Canine hunger; disgust of warm food; bloated after eating; heartburn; desire for oysters.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Nux vom.|Nux vomica}}}}—Bitter taste in the morning; cramp-like pain in the stomach, worse after meats; suitable after stimulants.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Puls.|Pulsatilla}}}}—Tongue coated white or yellow; fatty food, pork, sweets, and ice cream disagrees; nightly diarrhoea.

{{sc|Sulphur}}.—Acidity of the stomach; feels weak and faint about 11 {{asc|A.M.}}

For acidity of the stomach, give {{sc|Sepia}} or {{sc|Sulphur}}. For heartburn, {{sc|{{tooltip|Carbo veg.|Carbo vegetablis}}}}–{{sc|China}} and {{sc|{{tooltip|nux vom.|nux vomica}}}} For aching and burning in the stomach, {{sc|{{tooltip|arn.|arnica}}}}–{{sc|{{tooltip|ars.|arsenicum}}}}–{{sc|{{tooltip|bell.|belladonna}}}}
{{c|{{larger|HEARTBURN}}.}}
{{sc|{{tooltip|Carbo veg.|Carbo vegetablis}}}}—Water brash, especially at night; burning in the stomach.

{{sc|China}}.—Heartburn after every meal; great fullness after eating.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Nux vom.|Nux vomica}}}}—Belching of bitter fluids at night; vomiting after meals.

{{sc|Sepia}}.—Burning in the stomach.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Phos.|Phosphorus}}}}—Belching of bitter water; very sleepy after dinner.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|52}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Treatise on Medical Astrology.djvu/56</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1448" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{asc|MEDICAL ASTROLOGY}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|els|bowels}} after eating: worse in warm weather, in the evening, after eating, while standing.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Carbo veg.|Carbo vegetablis}}}}—If caused by cold drinks, fat food, and after sickness.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Cham.|Chamomilla}}}}—If caused from taking cold; from coffee, or tobacco; suitable for children.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Antim. crud.|Antimony crude}}}}—After bathing; overheat; cold water, or cold food.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Coloc.|Colocynthis}}}}—After eating cold, sour things; after anger; gripping {{SIC|paing|pains}}; relieved by coffee, or smoking.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Dulc.|Dulcamara}}}}—From taking-cold; during cold changes of the weather; worse at night.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Lycop.|Lycopodium}}}}—From milk; oysters; worse about 4 {{asc|P.M.}}, a little food seems to fill the stomach full; bloated; flatulence.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Mercury sol.|Mercury solubilus}}}}—In hot weather; sour smelling night-sweats; dysentery.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Podoph.|Podophyllum}}}}—Greenish, watery stools; worse after eating or drinking; gripping colic.

{{sc|{{tooltip|Pulsat.|Pulsatilla}}}}—If caused from meat, ice cream, fruit, or tobacco; gripping pain in the bowels; chilliness; worse from warmth.
{{c|{{larger|CONSTIPATION}}.}}
{{sc|Bryonia}}.—Constipation in hot weather; stools hard and dry, look as if burnt.

{{sc|Alumina}}.—Stools dry and light colored; inactivity of the bowels.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|54}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A History of Wood-Engraving.djvu/226</title>
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:By {{sc|[[Author:Samuel Greene Wheeler Benjamin|S. G. W. Benjamin]]}}. Copiously Illustrated. 8 vo., Cloth, Illuminated and Gilt, $3.50; Half Calf, $5.75.
{{larger|'''[[Art in America]]'''}}.
:By {{sc|[[Author:Samuel Greene Wheeler Benjamin|S. G. W. Benjamin]]}}. Illustrated. 8 vo, Cloth, Illuminated and Gilt. $4.00.
{{larger|'''[[Cyprus: its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples]]'''}}.
:A Narrative of Researches and Excavations during Ten Years' Residence in that Island. By General {{sc|[[Author:Luigi Palma di Cesnola|Louis Palma di Cesnola]]}}, Mem. of the Royal Academy of Sciences, Turin; Hon. Mem. of the Royal Society of Literature, London, &amp;c. With Appendix containing a Treatise on &quot;The Rings and Gems in the Treasure of Kurium,&quot; by {{sc|[[Author:Charles William King|C. W. King]]}}, M. A.; a &quot;List of Engraved Gems found at Different Places in Cyprus;&quot; a Treatise &quot;On the Pottery of Cyprus,&quot; by {{sc|[[Author:Alexander Stuart Murray|A. S. Murray]]}}; Lists of &quot;Greek Inscriptions,&quot; &quot;Inscriptions in the Cypriote Character,&quot; and &quot;Inscriptions in the Phœenician Character.&quot; With Portrait, Maps, and 400 Illustrations. Third Edition. 8 vo, Cloth, Gilt Tops and Uncut Edges, $7.50.
{{larger|'''[[Caricature and other Comic Art]]'''}},
:In all Times and Many Lands. By {{sc|[[Author:James Parton|James Parton]]}}. With 203 Illustrations. 8 vo, Cloth, Gilt Tops and Uncut Edges, $5.00.
{{larger|'''[[Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians|Ancient Egyptians]]'''}}.
:A Popular Account of the Ancient Egyptians. Revised and Abridged from his larger Work. By Sir {{sc|[[Author:John Gardner Wilkinson|J. Gardner Wilkinson]]}}, D. C. L, F. R. S., &amp;c. With 500 Illustrations. 2 vols, 12 mo, Cloth, $3.50.
{{larger|'''[[Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas|Peru]]'''}}.
:Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas. By {{sc|[[Author:Ephraim George Squier|E. G. Squier]]}}, M. A., F. S. A., late U. S. Commissioner to Peru; Author of &quot;The States of Central America,&quot; &quot;Nicaragua: its People, Scenery, Monuments, Resources, Condition, and Proposed Canal,&quot; &amp;c. With Map and 258 Illustrations. 8 vo, Cloth, $5.00.
{{larger|'''[[The Mikado's Empire]]'''}}.
:Book I. History of Japan, from 660 {{asc|B.C.}} to 1872 {{asc|A.D.}} Book II. Personal Experiences, Observations, and Studies in Japan, 1870–1874. By {{sc|[[Author:William Elliot Griffis|William Elliot Griffis]]}}, A. M., late of the Imperial University of Tōkiō, Japan. Copiously Illustrated. 8 vo, Cloth, $4.00.
{{larger|'''[[A Hand-Book of Pottery Painting]]'''}}.
:By {{sc|[[Author:John Charles Lewis Sparkes|John C. L. Sparkes]]}}. 32 mo, Paper, 20 cents; Cloth, 35 cents.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Guide through Carlsbad and its environs.djvu/11</title>
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      <text bytes="984" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jan.Kamenicek&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger|'''A GUIDE TO CARLSBAD.'''}}
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{{larger|I.—{{letter-spacing|0.1em|HISTOR|Y}}.}}}}

The oldest document on record about Carlsbad is dated {{asc|A. D.}} 1325, and of this we only know that it was entitled: “King John’s Privilege, or rather, Breve Testatum and Bill of Rights, about the ‘Thiergarten’, sub anno 1325.” This shows conclusively that Carlsbad first owed its prosperity mainly to King John. Previously, it was called “{{lang|cs|Wary}},” a Czechian word, meaning warm-bath. The name of Carlsbad was given to it in honour of the Emperor [[Author:Charles IV|Charles IV.]], who first brought it to a prominent position as a curative agent. Consequently, it is only a myth that attributes the discovery of the Carlsbad springs to the said Emperor while out stag-hunting.

The first ''written'' document about the great curative power of the mineral waters is a fine Latin Ode: {{lang|la|In thermas Caroli IV.}}, by Bohuslaw&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Once a Week Jun to Dec 1864.pdf/178</title>
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{{rh|{{sc|July}} 30, 1864.]|ONCE A WEEK.|163}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;had lived, he would have been getting on for nine years old. This, you may see, isn't seven.&quot;

&quot;I can't think who he's like,&quot; remarked Judith, again looking attentively at the child.

&quot;He is the very model of somebody, some face that's familiar to me; but I can't call to mind whose.&quot;

&quot;I know nobody he's like when he's asleep,&quot; said Mrs.&amp;nbsp;Smith, also regarding the boy. &quot;Asleep and awake, it is not the same face—not a bit; I have often noticed that; it must be the eyes and the expression that make the difference.&quot;

&quot;Has he light eyes?&quot; inquired Judith.

&quot;No; dark. But now, do just tell me what you can, about that horrible death. Was it a mistake, or was it wilful?&quot;

&quot;That's what people are unable to decide,&quot; said Judith.

&quot;That old nurse is not very explicit; she speaks of one doctor and speaks of another, mixing the two up together. I want to know who really was attending her.&quot;

&quot;Mr.&amp;nbsp;Stephen Grey had been attending her—he is Sir&amp;nbsp;Stephen Grey now; and Mr.&amp;nbsp;Carlton had seen her once or twice; the night of her death, and the night before it.&quot;

&quot;Was she ill enough to have two doctors?&quot;

&quot;Not at all. Mr.&amp;nbsp;Carlton was to have attended her, but when she was taken ill he was away from South Wennock, so the other came for him. Mr.&amp;nbsp;Carlton was to have taken her the next day.&quot;

&quot;Were they both married men?&quot;

&quot;Mr.&amp;nbsp;Grey was; had been a long while; and Mr.&amp;nbsp;Carlton married directly after. He married a peer's daughter. But I can't stay to talk now.&quot;

&quot;Oh, do stay! I want you to tell me all that passed; you'll do it clearer than that woman. Step in, and take a cup of tea with us.&quot;

&quot;You might as well ask me to stay for good,&quot; returned Judith. &quot;My lady will wonder, as it is, what is keeping me. I'll get an hour's leave, and come up another time.&quot;

&quot;Just one word before you go, then; I hear of Messrs.&amp;nbsp;Grey and Lycett, and I hear of Mr.&amp;nbsp;Carlton; which would be the most skilful to call in, in case my child gets worse? I am a stranger here, and don't know their characters. &quot;

&quot;I believe they are all clever; all skilful men. I like Mr.&amp;nbsp;Grey best; I am most used to him.&quot;

&quot;It doesn't matter much, then, as far as skill goes, which I call in?&quot;

&quot;As far as skill goes, no,&quot; replied Judith. And she said good afternoon, and left.

She went home, pondering on the likeness she had traced in the boy's face; she could not recollect who it was he resembled. Her suspicions had been aroused that it might be the same child, in spite of the apparent difference in the age; but, even allowing that Mrs.&amp;nbsp;Smith had deceived her in saying it was not, and Judith did not see why she should, the fact would not have helped her, since it was certainly not the deceased lady's face that the child's struck her as being like.

But all in a moment, as Judith was turning in at the gate of Cedar Lodge, a face flashed on her mind's remembrance, and she saw whose it was that the boy's resembled. The fact seemed to stagger her; for she started aside amidst the trees as one who has received a blow. And when she at length went in-doors, it was with a perplexed gaze and knitted brow.
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{fine|[[Once a Week (magazine)/Series 1/Volume 11/Lord Oakburn's daughters - Part 21|(''To be continued.'')]]}}}}
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&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{larger|THE SAVOY.}}}}
{{image}}
The Savoy Chapel.

{{sc|Down}} a narrow street leading somewhat circuitously from the Strand to the river, just before you reach the approach to Waterloo Bridge going eastward, the ruins of a recent fire, walls left standing without a roof, are visible through the railings of a small, well-ordered churchyard, whose scattered headstones are shadowed by the foliage of a few trees. From the old-world aspect of the place, its odd, irregular outline, and its air of quaint seclusion, the passer-by would conjecture that the building thus destroyed, whatever it was,&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Once a Week Dec 1860 to June 61.pdf/149</title>
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{{rh|138|ONCE A WEEK.|[{{sc|Jan}}. 26, 1861.}}{{rule}}{{dhr}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|LAST WEEK.}}}}
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{{sc|Last Week}} commenced under happy auspices, inasmuch as on Wednesday last—the l6th of January—there was reported in our public journals the decision of the Court of Queen’s Bench in the matter of John Anderson, the fugitive slave, now lying in Toronto gaol. An affidavit was presented to this Court on the part of L. A. Chamerovzow, the secretary of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, in which it was stated in substance that John Anderson, of the city of Toronto, in her Majesty’s province of Canada, a British subject, domiciled there, was illegally detained in the gaol of that city against his will; that he was not legally accused, tried, or sentenced for the commission of any crime or offence against the laws of Canada, or recognised by the laws of that province, or in any other part of the Queen’s dominions; and that unless a peremptory writ of ''habeas corpus'' should issue, the life of the said John Anderson was in the most imminent and immediate danger.

The application was based primarily on the ground that John Anderson was a British subject domiciled at Toronto. The law presumes ''primd facie'' that the place of a man’s actual residence is the place of his domicile. This presumption may, of course, be rebutted by positive proof that he has either come to live in a foreign land for a limited time, or for a special purpose; or, in legal phrase, that he has not in point of fact an ''animus manendi'', or an intention of making that country his place of permanent abode. Clearly in the case of John Anderson the proof confirms the presumption. There can be little doubt, indeed, that any suggestion to the effect that Anderson contemplated either presently, or at any period, however remote, a return to the province of Missouri, in the United States, would be disposed of readily enough.

We must crave the indulgence of our readers if we venture to introduce for once the jargon of lawyers into the columns of {{sc|Once a Week}}. The interests of humanity, and the fair name, and honourable reputation of this country, are involved in the decision to be pronounced in the case of this poor coloured man. The contest must be decided by lawyers, and in courts of law; it may not therefore be amiss to examine in popular language the chief points which have fallen, or which may fall under their consideration. These are the tools with which we must work in this matter—it is as well to understand their use.

The Canadian Court having decided, as we think (and as we stated a fortnight back, immediately upon receipt in England of the intelligence), erroneously, that the fugitive slave Anderson should be handed back to the agents of the United States, the next point was, as far as the Canadian judges were concerned, that they should discuss his right of appeal. If this were granted, the ultimate decision of the case would lie with the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London. There would be little to fear from any conclusion at which this learned body might arrive; but, meanwhile, the Canadian judges may go wrong in the affair of the appeal, as they have gone wrong according to all probability in their original decision.

Under these circumstances the application was made {{sc|Last Week}} to the Court of Queen’s Bench here in London that a ''habeas corpus'' might issue, directed to the Governor of the Province of Canada—to the sheriff of Toronto—and to the keeper of the gaol there—commanding them to bring up the body of John Anderson, together with a statement as to the cause of his detention.

It seems to be correct law—at least we now have it upon the authority of the Chief Justice Cockburn, and the Judges of the Queen’s Bench—that such a writ may issue in the Queen’s name to Canada. Lord Mansfield had previously laid down the law upon the subject in the following words: &quot;There is no doubt of the power of this Court where the place is under the subjection of the Crown of England. The only question is as to the propriety. To foreign dominions which belong to a Prince who succeeds to the Throne of England, this Court has no power to send a writ of any kind. We cannot send a ''habeas corpus'' to Scotland, or to the Electorate; but to Ireland, the Isle of Man, the Plantations, and (as since the loss of the Duchy of Normandy, they have been considered as annexed to the Crown in some respects) to Guernsey, and Jersey we may: and formerly it lay to Calais, which was a conquest, and yielded to the Crown by the Treaty of Bretigny.” The Chief Justice and his fellows considered {{sc|Last Week}} that nothing short of a legislative enactment could deprive our Courts here of concurrent jurisdiction in such a matter, even where local legislatures and local Courts of Justice had been established. In the absence of such enactment it is a question of concurrent jurisdiction.

Such, then, is the way in which Anderson will be brought to England. But in considering his case we must disabuse our minds of the old honourable clap-trap about a slave’s recovery of liberty, as soon as his foot touches English soil. Anderson is not claimed by the United States under the Extradition Treaty, because he is a Fugitive Slave, but because he is a Fugitive Murderer.

The facts are, that being held in slavery in Missouri, he was endeavouring to effect his escape, but that one Digges endeavoured to interrupt his flight;—that Anderson, being otherwise unable to escape from his assailant and would-be captor, resisted with all his might, and in the course of the struggle struck Digges with some weapon, or instrument. The wound proved mortal, and Digges died. It does not appear that Digges held any special warrant for the arrest of Anderson, or that he was employed in carrying out the process of any Court when he attempted to capture Anderson. There is, however, a law in the State of Missouri which empowers, and, we believe, ''requires'' all citizens of the State to arrest any slave who may be found at a certain distance from his master’s house and plantations. Digges was acting under the authority of this municipal regulation when he endeavoured to capture Anderson, and in so doing met with his own death.

Let it not be forgotten that such is the law of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{border/e}}{{border/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957</title>
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|title=Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957
|author=Strom Thurmond
|section=
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|year=1957
|notes=Strom Thurmond’s filibuster against certain provisions of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1957, at 24 hours, 18 minutes in length, was the longest ever given in the U. S. Senate. It is recorded in the ''[[Congressional Record]]'', vol. 103, part 12, pp. 16263–16456.
}}

&lt;div class=prose style=&quot;text-indent:1em&quot;&gt;
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, earlier this morning we had scheduled speakers for the day, and attempted to estimate the number of speakers. In connection with the next speaker, we had estimated that we would reach him about 9 o’clock. We are running a little ahead of schedule. Therefore, there are no speakers available at this time. We do not desire to have a vote on the bill until every Senator has had an opportunity to express himself, and we do not wish to take advantage of any Senator, or inconvenience any Senator more than is necessary.

Therefore I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 8:45 p. m. At 8:45 p. m. we will reconvene and I shall suggest the absence of a quorum. I assume that by 9 o’clock the speaker will be ready to proceed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Texas?

There being no objection, the Senate (at 7 o’clock and 38 minutes p. m.) took a recess until 8:45 p. m.
{{c|{{sm|AFTER RECESS}}}}
On the expiration of the recess, the Senate reassembled, when called to order by the Vice President.

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secretary will call the roll.

The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. McNAMARA. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Without objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise to speak against the so-called voting-right bill H. R. 6127, which bill was passed by the House of Representatives. It came to the Senate without being referred to a committee and was placed on the Senate Calendar, which is something unusual and out of ordinary procedure. The bill was then amended by the Senate and returned to the House, after which time the House amended it again by adopting what was called a compromise. The compromise as well as the bill is entirely unreasonable, and I hope that the Senate will not pass the bill.

There are mainly three reasons why I feel the bill should not be passed. The first is that it is unnecessary.
{{c|{{sm|STATE LEGISLATION PROTECTING THE VOTING RIGHTS OF CITIZENS}}}}
Every State has enacted some legislation making it unlawful to intimidate a voter or to hinder him in the exercising of his voting rights. Penalties have been provided for such violations.

I now expect to take up the voting laws in each of the 48 States and show that each of the States affords adequate protection to the voting right. The first is Alabama.

Alabama: Unless otherwise designated, references are to the code, 1940, title 17:
{{smaller block|Intimidating or hindering voter: It Is a corrupt practice for any person on election day to intimidate an elector or an election officer, or to obstruct, hinder, or prevent or to attempt to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of the voters awaiting their turn to enter the election booths (sec. 285).}}
{{smaller block|It is a corrupt practice for any person directly or indirectly to hire a person to take a place in line or to otherwise obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of the line of voters awaiting their turn to enter the polling place (sec. 286).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any person who does any act declared to be a corrupt practice under the election laws of the State shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, must be fined not more than $500, and may also be imprisoned in the county jail or sentenced to hard labor for the county for not more than 6 months at the discretion of the court (sec. 332).}}
{{smaller block|Attempt to influence voter: Any person who by corrupt means attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or deter him from giving the same, or to disturb, or to hinder him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, at any election, must, on conviction, be fined not less than $50 nor more than $500 (sec. 304).}}
{{smaller block|Disturbing elector on election day: Any person who, on election day, disturbs or prevents or attempts to prevent any elector from freely casting his ballot, must, on conviction be fined not less than $500 nor more than $1,000, and also be sentenced to hard labor for the county, or be imprisoned in the county jail for not less than 6 months nor more than 1 year (sec. 306).}}
{{smaller block|Employer intimidating employee: Any employer or officer of an employer corporation, who attempts by coercion, intimidation, or threats, to discharge or lessen wages, to influence the vote of an employee, or who demands an inspection of employee’s ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not less than $500 (secs. 317, 318).}}
Arizona: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, Annotated, 1956, title 16:
{{smaller block|Coercion or intimidation of elector: It is unlawful for a person, directly or indirectly, to use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or in any other manner, to intimidate a person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure, or to commit such acts on account of a person’s having voted or refrained from voting at an election.}}
{{smaller block|It is unlawful for a person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent device, to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or to compel him to either vote or refrain from voting at an election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure. Violation of this provision by a person, whether acting in his individual capacity or as an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (secs. 16–1303, 16–1305).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of elector by employer: It is unlawful for an employer to place written or printed material in pay envelopes or, within 90 days prior to an election, to put up notices or placards, etc., in the place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision by an employer, whether an individual or an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (sec. 16–1304).}}
{{smaller block|Changing vote of elector by corrupt means: It is unlawful for a person, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, either directly or indirectly, to attempt to influence an elector in casting his vote, or to deter him from casting his vote, or to attempt to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, or to defraud an elector by deceiving him and causing him to vote for a different person or measure than he intended. A person violating this provision is guilty of a felony (sec. 16–1307).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: The penal provisions involving crimes against the elective franchise apply to general, primary, and special elections (sec. 16–1311).}}
Arkansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes 1947, Annotated, 1956 replacement:
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to threaten or attempt to intimidate any elector or his family, his business, or his profession, and it shall also be unlawful to attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting at any primary election. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (sec. 3–1414).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: No person shall coerce, intimidate, or unduly influence any elector to vote for or against the nominee of any political party or for or against any question or candidate, by threat of personal violence or of ejectment from rented premises, of foreclosure of mortgage, of discharge from employment, of any action at law or equity or of expulsion from membership in any church or society. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 3 years (sec. 3–1415).}}
California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:
{{smaller block|Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation to compel a person to vote or refrain from voting at any election (sec. 1158).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter; or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).}}
{{smaller block|Election officers: Any election officer who induces or attempts to induce any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony (sec. 11583).}}
{{smaller block|Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or actions of employees, or who within 90 days before an election exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (sees. 11584, 11585).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).}}
{{smaller block|Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).}}
Colorado: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1953, chapter 49:
{{smaller block|Intimidation unlawful: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict or threaten to inflict any injury, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation, to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, for any particular person or measure at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means to impede or prevent or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise of any voter. It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether corporation, firm, or person, to enclose material in the pay envelopes, containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees, or within 90 days before an election, to display placards in the place of employment, containing such threats (sec. 49–21–5).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any person convicted of violating the above provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine of not over $1,000 or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both (secs. 49–21–5, 49–21–9).}}
{{smaller block|Discharge or promotion illegal: It shall be unlawful for any corporation, or any of its officers, to influence, or attempt to influence, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or by discharging from employment, or promoting in employment, or by other intimidation, any employee to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor and shall be punishable as outlined in the “Penalty” provision, above. In addition, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 49–21–6).}}
Connecticut: Unless otherwise designated, references are to 1955 Supplement to the General Statutes:
{{smaller block|Interference with electors in voting: Any person who does any act which invades or interferes with the secrecy of the voting, or causes the same to be invaded or interfered with, shall be imprisoned for not more than 5 years (sec. 843d).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Any person who influences or attempts to influence the vote or speech of any person in a primary caucus, or convention, by force or threat, shall be fined not less than $25, nor more than $100, or imprisoned not less than 7 days nor more than 3 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 821d).}}
{{smaller block|Employers’ threats: Any person who, within 60 days before an election, attempts to influence any employee in his vote, by threats of withholding employment, or who dismisses an employee because of the way he voted at an election, shall be fined from $100 to $500 or be imprisoned for from 6 to 12 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 842d).}}
Delaware: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code, Annotated, 1953, title 15:
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: An election officer, who, in any way, attempts to intimidate or coerce any voter in the marking of his ballot, or in the choice of the candidates for whom he votes, or who willfully discloses the manner in which any person has voted, shall be guilty of willful and malicious perjury (as violating his oath of office) and in addition to the penalties for perjury, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be imprisoned for not more than 2 years (sec. 5125).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: If any person or corporation hinders, controls, coerces, or intimidates any employee in the exercise of his right to vote at any general, special, or municipal election by threats of depriving him of employment, every elector, so aggrieved, may bring a civil action and recover $500 from such employer (secs. 5162, 5163).}}
{{smaller block|Civil remedy: Any qualified elector who is prevented from voting at any election because of intimidation or threats, or because of the requirement of unconstitutional qualifications, may bring a civil action against the person who promoted such interference, and the court or jury may give exemplary damages (sec. 5304).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Whoever, at any primary election, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, by force, threat, or intimidation, or prevents or hinders or attempts to prevent or hinder any qualified voter from exercising the rights of suffrage, shall for each offense, be fined not more than $200 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or shall both be fined and imprisoned (sec. 3168 (a)).}}
Florida: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1955 Supplement:
{{smaller block|Corruptly influencing voting: Whoever, by bribery, menace, threat, or other corruption whatsoever, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence or deceive an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or disturbs or interferes with him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage at any election, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor upon the first conviction and of a felony upon the second conviction (sec. 104.061).}}
{{smaller block|Felony penalty: The penalty for every felony under the election laws, not otherwise specifically provided, shall be imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 1 year or a fine of not more than $5,000, or both (sec. 104.40).}}
{{smaller block|Threats of employers: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee for voting or not voting in any State, county, or municipal election for any candidate or measure. Any person violating this provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. If a firm or corporation violates this provision, each officer or agent who participated in the violation shall be punished for a misdemeanor, and the firm or corporation, shall, in addition, be fined not more than $1,000 (sec. 104.081).}}
Georgia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1936:
{{smaller block|Improper voting; disorderly conduct: No person outside a voting room or voting booth shall, in any manner, either by words or gestures, attempt to influence or interfere with any voter who is in said room or booth preparing his ballot; nor shall any person enter any booth while a voter is in there; nor shall any person commit any act of disorder, or be guilty of any disorderly conduct in or near the voting rooms or booths (sec. 34–1909).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be a misdemeanor (sec. 34–9918).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: All penal laws relating to illegal practices in general elections are extended to all primary elections held for State, county, or municipal offices (1955 Supp., sec. 34–9933).}}
Idaho: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1948:
{{smaller block|Intimidation, corruption, and frauds: Every person, who, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote or to deter him from giving same, or to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or defrauds an elector at an election by deceiving him and causing him to vote differently than he intended, or who, being an officer of any election, induces, or attempts to induce, any elector, by menace or reward, to vote differently than he desired, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 18–2305), punishable by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than 6 months, or by a fine of not over $300, or by both (sec. 18–113).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with election: Any person who willfully disturbs any election place, or is guilty of riotous conduct near such place, with intent to disturb same, or interferes with the access of electors to the polling place, or interferes in any manner with the free exercise of the election franchise of any of the voters there assembled, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable as stated above (sec. 18–2313).}}
{{smaller block|Attempt to influence vote: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of any elector by means of a promise of a favor, or by means of violence or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a suit or criminal process, or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him, or by any other means (sec. 18–2319). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison not exceeding 5 years, or by both (sec. 18–2315).}}
Illinois: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Smith–Hurd Annotated Statutes, 1944, chapter 46:
{{smaller block|Offenses involving polling places: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court, for each offense. It shall be the duty of judges of election to enforce this provision (sec. 29–14).}}
{{smaller block|Miscellaneous offenses: Any person, who, at a primary or any election, shall (1) by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or otherwise unlawfully, directly or indirectly, induce or attempt to induce any voter or any person to exercise the right of franchise, or to vote for or against any person or measure, or (2) intentionally practice any fraud on any elector regarding his ballot, or (3) otherwise defraud him of his vote, or (4) by unlawful means prevent or attempt to prevent any voter from attending or voting at an election or primary, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or imprisoned in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 29–16).}}
Indiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Burma Statutes Annotated, 1949, replacement:
{{smaller block|Using violence, threats, or restraint: Whoever, for the purpose of influencing a voter, by violence or threats, seeks to enforce the payment of a debt, or ejects or threatens to eject a person from any house he may occupy, or begins a criminal prosecution, or injures the business or trade of a person, or threatens to withhold the wages of or to dismiss from service, any laborer in his employ, or refuses to allow such employee time to vote, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5941).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by election board officer: Any member of a precinct election board, who attempts, by persuasion, menace, or reward to induce any elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5935).}}
{{smaller block|Defrauding voter: Whoever fraudulently causes or attempts to cause any voter, at any election, to vote for a different person than he intended, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5938).}}
{{smaller block|Bribery or threat by candidate: Whoever gives or offers a bribe or makes a threat to procure his election to any office, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5907).}}
{{smaller block|Threats by employer: Every employer who places written or printed material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election or primary, exhibits placards, etc., in his place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of such employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5711).}}
{{smaller block|Felonies, penalty: A person, convicted of a felony under the election laws, shall be imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years in either the State prison or the reformatory, as may be required by law, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period, to which may be added a fine of from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 29–5964).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanors, penalty: Any person convicted of a misdemeanor under the election laws may either be fined from $1 to $500, or be imprisoned in either the county jail or the State farm for from 30 days to 1 year, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period not to exceed 5 years (sec. 29–5965).}}
Iowa: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Prohibited acts: Interrupting, hindering, or opposing any voter while in or approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting, or interfering, or attempting to interfere, with a voter, when inside the closed space, or when marking his ballot, are prohibited on any election day (sec. 49.107).}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $5 to $100, or by imprisonment for from 10 to 30 days in the county jail, or by both (sec. 49.108).}}
{{smaller block|Duress to prevent voting: If any person unlawfully, and by force, or threats of force, prevents, or attempts to prevent, an elector from giving his vote at any public election, he shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, and fined not more than $200 (sec. 738.13).}}
{{smaller block|Procuring vote by duress: If any person, by means of violence, threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing the payment of debts, or bringing a civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to procure the vote of any elector, at any election, or the influence of any person over other electors, either for himself or for or against any candidate, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 738.15).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: Any employer who shall refuse to allow an employee 2 hours to vote at a general election or who shall reduce his wages for such privilege, or who shall attempt to influence an employee’s vote by reward or by threats of discharge, or shall otherwise attempt to intimidate an employee from exercising his right to vote, shall be fined not less than $5 nor more than $100 (sec. 49.110).}}
Kansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Unlawful attempt to deter voting: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or hinders him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, at any election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 21–815).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Any person who shall willfully hinder the voting of others shall be punished by a fine of from $10 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days or by both (sec. 25–1717).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters at polls: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $25 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days, or by both such fine and imprisonment, for each offense (sec. 25–1719).}}
Kentucky: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Kentucky Revised Statutes, 1953:
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who unlawfully prevents or attempts to prevent any voter from casting his ballot, or intimidates, or attempts to intimidate, a voter to prevent him from casting his ballot, shall be confined in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years for each offense (sec. 124.140).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall coerce an employee to vote for any political party or candidate for nomination or election to any office in the State, or threaten to discharge an employee for exercising his right of suffrage or for voting for any candidate, nor shall an employer circulate statements that employees are expected to vote for any candidate, party, or measure (sec. 123.110 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who violates this provision shall be fined from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 123.990 (13)).}}
Louisiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, West’s, 1951:
{{smaller block|Primary: No person shall intimidate any voter at a primary election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 and imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years (sec. 18.369 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: No person shall willfully and without lawful authority obstruct, hinder, or delay any voter on his way to a polling place to vote in an election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.587, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Prior to or during an election, no person shall willfully hinder the voting of others. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.736, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Public intimidation: The use of violence, force, or threats upon a voter in a general, primary, or special election to influence his conduct, is deemed public intimidation, and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment with or without hard labor for not more than 5 years, or both (sec. 14.122 (4)).}}
Maine: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1954, chapter 5:
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall interfere or attempt to interfere with any voter while inside the voting enclosure or while marking his ballot shall be fined from $5 to $100. Election officers shall report any such person to a police officer or constable, whose duty it shall be to see that the offender is duly brought before the proper court (sec. 107).}}
{{smaller block|Corruption at elections: Whoever, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to induce him to withhold his vote, or hinders or disturbs him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned for not more than 11 months, and shall be ineligible to office for 10 years (sec. 109).}}
Maryland: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Annotated Code of Maryland, Flack, 1951, article 33.
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: If, at any general, special or primary election, any person shall by force, threat, menace, intimidation, or bribery, either directly or indirectly influence or attempt to influence any voter in giving his vote, or hinder, or attempt to hinder, a voter from freely voting or induce him to vote, such person shall be imprisoned in jail or in the penitentiary for from 6 months to 5 years (sec. 179).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether an individual or a corporation, who shall deny an employee time off for voting at a general, special, or primary election, or shall directly or indirectly hinder him from exercising his right to vote freely or shall attempt to influence his vote by threats concerning his employment, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable, for each offense, by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in jail for not over 6 months, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 180).}}
Massachusetts: Unless otherwise specified, references are to Annotated Laws, Michie, 1953 edition.
{{smaller block|Corrupt practice by candidate: A candidate is deemed to have committed a corrupt practice if he fraudulently and willfully obstructs and delays a voter in a general election, primary or caucus (ch. 55, secs. 27, 29).}}
{{smaller block|If five or more persons have reason to believe that a corrupt practice has been committed by any successful candidate, other than a candidate for the United States Congress or the general court, such voters may apply to a justice of the superior court sitting in equity in Suffolk County, for leave to bring an election petition declaring the election of such candidate void (ch. 55, sec. 28).}}
{{smaller block|A candidate found guilty, upon an election petition, of such corrupt practice, who forfeits his office, or who is convicted in a criminal proceeding of violating a law relating to corrupt practices in elections, shall be disqualified to hold office, and to vote, for 3 years (ch. 55, sec. 37).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Whoever willfully and without lawful authority hinders, delays, or interferes with a voter while on his way to a primary, caucus, or election, or while within the guardrail, or while marking his ballot, or while voting, or attempting to vote, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 29).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voting: Whoever willfully obstructs the voting at a primary, caucus, or election shall be fined not more than $100 (ch. 56, sec. 30).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall, by threats to discharge or to reduce wages, or promises of rewards, attempt to influence his employee to either give or withhold a vote, nor shall he discharge an employee, or reduce his wages, because he gave or withheld a vote. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment for not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 33).}}
Michigan: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1956 Revision, title 6.
{{smaller block|Violation deemed felony: Any person who shall, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempt to influence any elector in giving his vote or to deter him from or interrupt him in giving same at any general or primary election, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 6.1932 (a)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1935).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose written or printed matter in the pay envelopes, or within 90 days before a primary or general election, to exhibit a placard, etc., in establishment where his workers will see it, containing express or implied threats concerning employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 6 .1912). Violation of this provision is deemed a misdemeanor (sec. 6.1931 (d)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 90 days, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1934).}}
Minnesota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1946.
{{smaller block|Coercing voters: Any person who, within or without any polling place, directly or indirectly uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or causes, or threatens to cause, damage, harm, or loss to any person, with intent to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, or to vote in a particular way at any election, or who, by abduction, duress, or other fraudulent device, impedes the free exercise of the right of franchise at any election, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 210.05).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence by candidate: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, loss, or harm, upon any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, in any particular way; nor shall anyone, by abduction, duress, or fraudulent means, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any voter at a primary or election, or to induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at a primary or election (sec. 211.12). Violation of this provision is deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30).}}
{{smaller block|Refusing employee election privilege: Any person who, as principal or as agent for another, shall directly or indirectly refuse, abridge, or interfere with the election privileges of an employee, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 210.11).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer, or his agent, shall make any verbal or written, express or implied threats against his employees, involving their employment, with the intention of influencing their political opinion or action (sec. 211.24). Violation of this provision by any person as an individual shall be deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30). Violation by an officer or agent of a corporation shall be punished by a fine of from $100 to $5,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years or by both (sec. 211.28). Violation by an officer shall be deemed ''prima facie'' evidence of violation by the corporation. It is made the duty of the county attorney to conduct prosecutions under this chapter (211) on proper complaint.}}
Mississippi: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1942.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Whoever shall procure, or endeavor to procure, the vote of any elector, or the influence of any person over electors, at any election, by violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing a debt, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or of inflicting any injury, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or shall be fined not more than $1,000, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 2032).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Any person who shall by illegal force, or threats of force, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any elector from giving his vote, shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for not more than 2 years, or in a county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not over $500, or by both fine and imprisonment (sec. 2106).}}
{{smaller block|Coercing employees in primary: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to directly or indirectly coerce his employees to vote for any particular person or party in a primary election, by express or implied threats involving their employment (sec. 3172). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or both, and if violation is by a candidate, he shall forfeit his nomination (sec. 3193 (a)).}}
Missouri: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Annotated Statutes, 1952.
{{smaller block|Violence to influence voter: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, or loss upon or against any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any elector, or shall thereby induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 129.050).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, attempts to influence any qualified voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or to disturb or hinder him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, he shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.430).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter, when inside the guardrail, or when marking his ballot, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.880).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every person, whether an individual employer or an officer or agent of a firm or corporation, who shall directly or indirectly discharge, or attempt to discharge, any employee for his political opinions, or who shall coerce, or threaten to coerce, intimidate, or bribe any employee in an attempt to influence him to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate or measure at any election, shall be deemed guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 2 to 5 years (sec. 129.080).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision by a corporation shall be held as a forfeiture of its charter or franchise, which may be so adjudged in a suit brought by the county or circuit prosecuting attorney or by the attorney general (sec. 129.070).}}
{{smaller block|Denial of time to vote: Any person or corporation who shall deny an employee a certain time for voting without a penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (1956 Supp., sec. 129.060).}}
Montana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Codes, 1947.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Every person who, directly or indirectly, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb any elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of not over 1 year, or both (sec. 94–1411).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meetings of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in a public meeting for the consideration of public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 94–1419).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether individual or corporation, to enclose printed or written material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election, to display placards, etc., in his working establishment, containing express or implied threats or promises regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or actions of his employees. Violation of this provision by an individual is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $25 to $500, and imprisonment for not over 6 months in the county jail. Violation by a corporation is punishable by a fine of not over $5,000, or forfeiture of its charter, or both (sec. 94–1424).}}
Nebraska: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1943, reissue of 1952.
{{smaller block|Registration: If at any registration of voters, any person, by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or other unlawful means, shall prevent, hinder, or delay any qualified person from being registered, he shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 32–1224 (7)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voters: It shall be unlawful for any person to willfully or wrongly obstruct or prevent persons from voting who have the right to do so, at any election. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor, punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 to 6 months. This shall apply to all elections and caucuses (sec. 32–1237 (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to coerce, or attempt to coerce, an employee in his voting at any caucus, convention, or election, by threats concerning his employment. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $100, or imprisonment in the county jail for not over 30 days (sec. 32–1223).}}
Nevada.
{{smaller block|Coercion of voters: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or other means, or who shall inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm, or publish, or threaten to publish, any fact concerning a person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, or by threats to discharge an employee, impede or prevent a voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, shall be guilty of undue influence and shall be punished as for a gross misdemeanor (Laws, 1951, ch. 242, p. 360).}}
{{smaller block|Time off to vote: Any employer who shall deny an employee certain time for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (Laws, 1955, ch. 203, p. 301).}}
New Hampshire: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: If any person shall, directly or indirectly, by threats, intimidation, or bribery, induce, or attempt to induce, any voter to stay away from, or to avoid voting at, or to vote for or against any candidate in any town meeting, primary, or election, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned for not more than 3 months (sec. 69: 11).}}
New Jersey: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1940, title 19.
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: A person who shall, on election day, obstruct or interfere with any voter, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment for not more than 1 year, or both (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–6).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular person, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–28).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Whoever shall, at any election, in any way, willfully hinder or prevent a voter from casting his legal vote, knowing such person to have a right to vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of $500, or imprisonment in the State prison for 3 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–20).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall, by abduction, duress, force, or fraud, impede, prevent, or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 19: 34–29, 19: 34–31). An employer who shall so act toward an employee shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by fine of not over $2,000, or imprisonment for not over 5 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–27), and any corporation so acting, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 19: 34–31).}}
{{smaller block|Expenditures prohibited: No person shall contribute money toward the hiring of a person to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of voters awaiting their turn to enter a polling place to vote (sec. 19: 34–38d).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert written or printed material into the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days before an election, shall exhibit placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relative to their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 19: 34–30).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is punishable as for Interfering with voter, above.}}
New Mexico: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1953, Annotated.
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Any person who shall willfully coerce, browbeat, intimidate, or threaten any voter within a polling place, or shall attempt to do so, in order to influence the voter in marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $200, imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–8–29).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, damage, or loss on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of his right of suffrage by any elector, shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years, or by both (sec. 3–8–17).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who shall, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee, on account of his political opinion, or who shall, by corrupt means, attempt to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate or measure, shall be fined from $100 to $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–18–15).}}
New York: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Penal Law (McKinney’s), 1949.
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Any person who willfully and unlawfully hinders or delays, or aids in obstructing or delaying, an elector on his way to register or vote, or while he is attempting to register or vote in a general or special election, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 764 (3)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of elector in military service: Any person, who, directly or indirectly, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to control an elector in the military service of the United States in the exercise of his election rights, or who annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he exercises those rights, is guilty of a misdemeanor for which he may be tried in the future when in the State, and upon conviction of which he shall thereafter be ineligible to any office in the State (sec. 771).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. Violation of this provision shall be punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not over 1 year, or both (sec. 772–a (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation of voters: Any person or corporation who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or threatens to inflict any injury, damage, or loss on, or otherwise intimidates, any person, in order to induce him to vote, or to refrain from voting, at any election, for or against any person or measure, or to refrain from registering to vote, or for having registered and voted, or for having refrained from registering and voting, or who, by abduction, duress, or fraud, interferes with his free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor and, if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (1), (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer who inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter, or, within 90 days before a general election displays placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, is guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (3)).}}
North Carolina: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes, 1952 Recompilation.
{{smaller block|Interference with voters: Any person who shall interfere with, or attempt to interfere with, any voter when inside enclosed polling space or when marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–176).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, in connection with any primary or election, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, from employment, or otherwise intimidate or oppress any qualified voter on account of any vote such voter may cast, or intend to cast or not to cast, or which he may have failed to cast, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–196 (6)).}}
North Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code of 1943.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Every person who, by force, threat, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote at any election, or to deter him from giving his vote, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or to induce him to vote differently than he intended to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year, and shall forever be disfranchised and ineligible to any office of trust or profit within the State (sec. 12–1106).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector: Every person who willfully, and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1111).}}
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence: Every person, who, willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, and violence, threats of violence, intimidation, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing payment of debts, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to prevent an elector from freely giving his vote at any election, or hinders him from voting, or attempts to influence his vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1121).}}
Ohio: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, Page’s, 1951.
{{smaller block|Congregating at the polls: Nobody shall congregate in or about a voting place during the voting, so as to hinder an elector in registering or casting his ballot, after having been ordered by the election officer to disperse. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $20 to $300, or imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3599.30).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: No person shall before, during or after any primary, convention, or election, attempt by intimidation, coercion, ​or other unlawful means to induce a delegate or an elector to register or to vote, or to refrain from registering or from voting for a particular person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is deemed bribery and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of from 1 to 3 years, or both, and if offender is a candidate for office or has been elected to office, he shall forfeit such nomination or office (1956 supp., sec. 3599.01 (B)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert in pay envelopes or shall post on placards, etc., any express or implied threats concerning their employment, with intent to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a corrupt practice, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000 (sec. 3599.05).}}
{{smaller block|Second offense: Any person who is again convicted of a violation of the election laws, whether for the same offense or not, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000, or imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years, or both, and in addition shall be disfranchised (1956 Supp., sec. 3599.39).}}
Oklahoma: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Ann., 1937, title 21.
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector on way to polls: Every person who willfully and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on the way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 186).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meeting: Every person, who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in, or prevents an elector from attending public meeting to consider public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 212, 213).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Every person who willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, violence, threats, or intimidation, prevents or, attempts to prevent, an elector from freely giving his vote at an election or attempts to hinder him from voting or to cause him to vote for any person or candidate, shall be fined from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 214).}}
{{smaller block|Illegally influencing vote: Every person who procures, or attempts to procure, the vote of any elector, either for himself, or for or against any candidate, by means of violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, of enforcing payment of debts, of bringing civil or criminal action, or any other threats of injury, shall be fined not more than $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for not over 6 months (sec. 215).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidations: If any person in any manner intimidates or attempts to intimidate or deter anyone from voting at a general or primary election, he shall be fined not less than $10, or be imprisoned for not more than 3 months (title 26, sec. 479).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who denies employees certain time for voting in an election, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 for each elector so denied, and every agent of employer who violates this provision, shall in addition to the fine, be imprisoned in the county jail for from 2 to 6 months (title 26, sec. 438).}}
{{smaller block|Employer corporation: Any corporation which attempts to influence the votes of its employees or of other persons by threat, intimidation, bribe, or other corrupt means, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $5,000, and the person acting as its agent, who so acts, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for from 60 to 120 days (title 26, sec. 440).}}
Oregon: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1955.
{{smaller block|Undue influence: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or inflict, or threaten to inflict, harm or damage on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure. No minister, priest, or officer of a church, shall otherwise than by public speech or print persuade any voter to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, or measure. No person shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent any voter in the free exercise of the franchise in any election.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be punished as for a corrupt practice (sec. 260.300), by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not more than $5,000 or both (sec. 260.510).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: No person shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter when inside the enclosed space or when marking his ballot (sec. 260.640 (4)). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $200 (sec. 260.640 (6)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voter: No person shall, by menace, threat, or violence, whether armed or unarmed, intimidate or prevent any person from voting, or attempt to do so. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year (sec. 260.720).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person or corporation shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, harm, or loss, on any of his employees, to compel them to register or to vote, or refrain from registering or from voting, at any election, or for or against any person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|No person or corporation shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, attempt to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|No such employer shall insert in the pay envelopes any written or printed matter, or within 90 days before a general election display placards, etc., which shall contain express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 260.730), punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and if a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter in addition (sec. 260.740).}}
Pennsylvania: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Purdon’s Statutes Annotated, 1938, title 25.
{{smaller block|Interference with primaries and election: If any person shall block up the avenue to the door of any polling place, or shall attempt to do so, or shall use intimidation, threats, force, or violence, to unduly influence or overawe any elector, or to prevent him from voting or to restrain his freedom of choice at a primary or election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of from 6 months to 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3527).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation: Any person or corporation who directly or indirectly (a) uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, injury, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to register or vote or refrain from registering or from voting at any election, or for or against any person or measure, or for having so registered, voted, or refrained, or (b) by abduction, fraud, or duress impedes or hinders any voter from freely exercising his right of suffrage, or (c) being an employer, inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter or within 90 days before an election or primary exhibits placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of the offending officers or agents for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3547).}}
Rhode Island: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Laws of 1938, chapter 325.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use any threat, or employ any means of intimidation, for the purpose of influencing an elector to vote, or withhold his vote, at any election, for or against any candidate or measure, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years or by both in the discretion of the court, and shall be disfranchised (sec. 5).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person, being an employer, who, within 90 days before a general election, inserts written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or exhibits placards in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court, and shall thereafter be disfranchised and ineligible for public office. If employer is a corporation, it shall forfeit its charter (sec. 5).}}
South Carolina: South Carolina constitution election provisions:
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9:}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9: SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10: ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5: APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8: REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15: RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–73. Appeal from denial of registration''}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–74. Proceedings in court of common pleas''}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–75. Further appeal to supreme court''}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–100. Right to vote''}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats''}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct''}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally''}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
South Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1939.
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence of voters: Every person who, directly or indirectly, willfully, by force or violence, or unlawful arrest, or abduction, duress, damage, harm, or loss, or by fraud, or by threats to use any such means, or by threats to bring civil or criminal action, or to withdraw trade or to enforce payment of debts, or to inflict any injury on the voter or other person, attempts to intimidate a voter into voting, or refraining from voting, for any candidate or measure, or who does any of these things because a voter has already voted or refrained from voting for any candidate or measure, or who willfully and without lawful authority obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0913).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing public meeting of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful force or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meeting for considering public questions, or who so hinders or prevents any elector from attending any such meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0915).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: Any person who shall in any way obstruct the voting of any elector at a primary election, or intimidate any elector from attending a primary or voting thereat shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9907).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person who shall deny an employee certain time for voting at a general election without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9922). This shall only apply in the case of an employee who does not have a period of 2 consecutive hours during the time the polls are open when he is not required to be at work (Laws, 1955, ch. 57, p. 157).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall insert written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or shall within 90 days prior to an election exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 13.0914).}}
Tennessee: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It is a misdemeanor for any person, directly or indirectly, by force or threats, to prevent or attempt to prevent an elector from voting at a primary or general election or to inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm or other means of intimidation upon any person in order to compel him to vote or refrain from voting for any person or measure or because he has already so voted or refrained from voting (sec. 2–2211).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer to coerce or direct any employee or to threaten to discharge him, in order to induce him to vote or refrain from ​​voting for any candidate at a primary or general election or for any measure. It shall be unlawful to discharge an employee for his having voted, or refrained from voting, or for his having voted for or against any candidate or measure. Violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisonment in the county jail or workhouse for not more than 6 months, or both, and in addition thereto, if employer is a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 2–2236).}}
{{smaller block|It is a misdemeanor for an employer, within 90 days of an election or primary, to display placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 2–2237).}}
Texas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Penal Code, Annotated 1951.
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: Any election officer who shall, by violence or threats of violence, attempt to influence the vote of an elector for or against any particular candidate, shall be fined not over $1,000 (art. 220).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: Whoever shall by force or intimidation, obstruct or influence, or attempt to obstruct or influence, any voter in his free exercise of the elective franchise, shall be fined from $100 to $500, and in addition thereto, may be imprisoned in jail for not more than 1 month (art. 256, 255).}}
{{smaller block|Election for constitutional amendments: Any election officer or any other person within 100 feet of the voting box on election day, who shall intimidate or attempt to intimidate any qualified voter from voting on any question submitted to the people for amending the constitution of the State, or who shall attempt to influence his vote, shall be fined from $50 to $500 (art. 272).}}
{{smaller block|Person in service of United States: Any person in the civil or military service of the United States in Texas, who by threats, bribery, menace, or other corrupt means, controls, or attempts to control, the vote of an elector, or annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he has exercised his right of elective franchise, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be arrested and tried at any future time when he may be found in Texas (art. 258).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Whoever shall deny an employee the privilege of attending the polls without penalty or deduction of wages, shall be fined not more than $500 (art. 209).}}
Utah: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1953.

The following provisions apply to general, special, and primary elections (sec. 20–13–20):
{{smaller block|Disturbance: Any person who so interferes with the voters at any election as to prevent such election from being fairly held, is guilty of a felony (sec. 20–13–3), punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years or by both (sec. 20–13–4).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any person or measure at any election, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, fraud, or duress, to impede, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter. Violation of these provisions is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose in pay envelopes of employees, written or printed matter, or within 90 days of any election, to exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful for any corporation or its agent to influence or attempt to influence any employee, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury or damage, or by discharging from employment or promoting in employment, or by any other form of intimidation, to vote, or not to vote, at any election, or for any person or measure. Violation of this chapter is a misdemeanor, in addition to punishment for which, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 20–13–7).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who shall refuse to allow an employee certain time off for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. This shall not apply to employees who are paid by the hour (sec. 20–13–18).}}
Vermont: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Revision of 1947.
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: A person who interferes with a voter when inside the guardrail, shall be fined $50. The election officers shall see that the offender is duly prosecuted (sec. 379).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence: A person who attempts by bribery, threats, or any undue influence to dictate, or control, or alter the vote of a freeman about to be given at a general election shall be fined not more than $200 (sec. 388).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voting: A person who willfully hinders the voting of others during an election, shall be fined $50 (art. 390).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: The above provisions under “undue influence” and “hindering voting” shall also apply to primary elections (sec. 391).}}
Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1950.
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: If it shall appear at an election that the voters are being intimidated or coerced from any source in the exercise of their suffrage by bystanders about the polling place, or that voters are being hindered or tampered with in any way so as to prevent their casting a secret ballot, the judges of election may order the person engaged in so intimidating, coercing, or hindering the voters, to cease such action, and if he does not forthwith desist, the judges or a majority of them may order the arrest of such person by anyone authorized to make arrests, and may confine him in the county or city jail for not over 24 hours, and such person, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished as for a misdemeanor (sec. 24–190).}}
{{smaller block|Voting offenses: If any person, by threat or bribery, attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or attempts to deter him from giving his vote, he shall be confined in jail for not more than 1 year and fined not over $1,000 (sec. 24–450).}}
{{smaller block|Registration: Any registration officer who willfully or maliciously rejects from registering any person, contrary to law, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 24–453).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanor: A misdemeanor, under the election laws, unless otherwise specified, is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 12 months, or both (sec. 24–455).}}
Washington: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, 1951, title 29.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Any person who uses menace, force, threat, or corrupt means, at or prior to any election, toward any elector, to hinder or deter him from voting at such election, or authorizes another to do so, shall be guilty of a felony. Any election officer who, by menace, persuasion, or reward, attempts to induce an elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 29.85.060).}}
{{smaller block|Influencing voter: Any person who directly or indirectly, by menace or other corrupt means, attempts to influence a person in giving or refusing to give his vote in any election, or deters, disturbs, hinders, persuades, threatens, or intimidates any person from giving his vote therein, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $250 or by imprisonment for 6 months or both (sec. 29.85.070).}}
{{smaller block|Recall: Every person shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor, who by any corrupt means or by threats or intimidation, interferes with or attempts to interfere with the right of any legal voter to sign, or not to sign, any recall petition, or to vote for or against any recall (1953 Supp., sec. 29.82.220 (5)).}}
West Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1955, Annotated (Michie).
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall, by any manner of force, fraud, menace, or intimidation, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any voter from attending any election or from freely exercising his right of suffrage thereat, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or by confinement in the county jail for not over 1 year, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 164).}}
{{smaller block|Threat of violence: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, or on account of his having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, prevent or impede any voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, or shall thereby compel him to either vote, or refrain from voting, for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (c)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual or corporation, who prints on pay envelopes of employees or on placards, etc., in his establishment, express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of corrupt practices, punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $20,000, or by imprisonment in jail for not more than 1 year, or both (sec. 169 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall give any notice or information to his employees containing any threat, either express or implied, intended to influence the political view or actions of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (d)).}}
Wisconsin: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1951.
{{smaller block|Threats: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, in order to compel any person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise at any election, or shall thereby induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at any election for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be punished by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 346.17, renumbered sec. 12.52 by Laws, 1955, ch. 696, sec. 160).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall distribute among his employees any printed or written matter containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, calculated to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 12.19). Penalties for violation of this provision refer to violations by candidates or their committees (sec. 12.28).}}
Wyoming: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Wyoming Compiled Statutes Annotated, 1945.
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who shall, during an election, willfully hinder the voting of others, shall be fined from $25 to $100 (sec. 31–2309).}}
{{smaller block|Misconduct: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of election by means of violence, or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing trade, or enforcing payment of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a civil or criminal action or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him (sec. 31–2312 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|No person shall prevent or attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting (sec. 31–2312 (10)).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of these provisions is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not over 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or both (sec. 31–2312 (22)).}}
Mr. President, I have read the election laws.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have read the election laws of every State in the Union, from Alabama to Wyoming, showing that the States now have, on their statute books and in their constitutions, provisions to protect the right to vote. The accuracy of the statutes which I have just recited is confirmed by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress.

No one can say that any State, from Alabama through Wyoming, does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

The bill before the Senate is called a right-to-vote bill. Why is it called that? Every State has statutes to protect the right to vote. The sovereign States are protecting their citizens in the right to vote. Yet there is a big cry and a big hue about a voting law. As a matter of fact, the only thing that instigated this bill was the desire of both parties, the Democratic and the Republican, to play to minority votes. That is the purpose of the bill. It is purely political. Why do we need a Federal law when every State has a statute to protect the right to vote? And who is in a better position to protect the right to vote than the officials of the States?

Suppose the voting laws of all the States were abrogated and violated. Does the Federal Government have a police system which would enable it to send officials into every State to police the election laws of every State? If so, it would change our entire conception of the Government of this Nation.

The Constitution of the United States was written in 1789, in Philadelphia. It was ratified by nine Colonies which made them States and created the Union; 2 years later the Bill of Rights was adopted; and in the 10th amendment, which is a part of the Bill of Rights, it is provided that all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States. There is nothing in the Constitution that delegates those powers to the Federal Government. Therefore, those rights are reserved to the States, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for Congress to attempt to pass a law that will set up an administration which will attempt to bring about a policing of all the elections in all the 48 States of this Nation.

Some persons say, “Well, the States won’t enforce the voting laws. We have got to have a Federal law. Some States deny the vote to citizens.” I question that. Has there been a single instance brought before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the United States and proof presented that anyone has been denied the vote? From my understanding, and from the minority report which was submitted by some members of the Judiciary Committee, that has not been the case. So why does the Federal Government want to enter a field into which it has no constitutional authority to enter? As a matter of fact, the Federal Government already has a statute, I say to those who say the States are not protecting the right to vote. I am wondering if the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives have overlooked the Federal statute. I shall read that statute, so that Senators can know that we now have a Federal statute to protect the right to vote.

I shall read several provisions. The last one is the most applicable, and one on which I shall comment a little more, but I want to start with chapter 29 of title 18 of the Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

That is the United States Code, Criminal Code, and Criminal Procedure. Chapter 29 is entitled “Elections and Political Activities.”

Section 591 reads:
{{smaller block|Definitions:}}
{{smaller block|When used in sections 597, 599, 602, 609, and 610 of this title—}}
{{smaller block|The term “election” includes a general or special election, but does not include a primary election or convention of a political party.}}
But under a decision of the Supreme Court, in a case which went up from my own State of South Carolina, it was held that the primary election was a part of the election machinery; and the decision was rendered on that subject.
{{smaller block|The term “candidate” means an individual whose name is presented for election as Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress of the United States, whether or not such individual is elected;}}
{{smaller block|The term “political committee” includes any committee, association, or organization which accepts contributions or makes expenditures for the purpose of influencing or attempting to influence the election of candidates or presidential and vice presidential electors (1) in two or more States, or (2) whether or not in more than one State if such committee, association, or organization (other than a duly organized State or local committee of a political party) is a branch or subsidiary of a national committee, association, or organization;}}
{{smaller block|The term “contribution” includes a gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make a contribution, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “expenditure” includes a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make an expenditure, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “person” or the term “whoever” includes an individual, partnership, committee, association, corporation, and any other organization or group of persons;}}
{{smaller block|The term “State” includes Territory and possession of the United States. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 9, 63 Stat. 90.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 592. Troops at polls.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer of the Army or Navy, or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 593. Interference by Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States, prescribes or fixes or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, prevents, or attempts to prevent, by force, threat, intimidation, advice, or otherwise any qualified voter of any State from fully exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, orders or compels or attempts to compel any election officer in any State to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election in a State, different from those prescribed by law; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, interferes in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of his duties—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces from exercising the right of suffrage in any district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State of such district. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
I shall now comment on section 594, which is entitled “Intimidation of Voters.” I cannot help but believe that Members of Congress in some way must have overlooked this statute, if they believe a Federal statute is essential on this subject, which I do not. This is the way the section reads:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 594. Intimidation of voters.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
Mr. President, I do not think this statute is constitutional, in section 594, because I think the question is a matter reserved to the States. Since evidently there were people who thought the Federal Government did need to enter this field and who must have felt that it would not be unconstitutional for the Federal Government to enter it, this section was adopted. This section provides, as I have just read, for the punishment of anyone who attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose.

What is the purpose of the bill now under consideration, H. R. 6127? It is called the right-to-vote bill. The Federal statute here, in section 594 of title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure, is just as plain on the subject as it can be. There is the Federal statute on the question of voting. I do not like it, because I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field, but we have the statute, in section 594.

If there has been any violation of voting rights in this country, if there has been a single case of any person who claims that he has been intimidated or threatened or coerced to vote, the Federal Government has the power, under that statute, to punish anyone if he is convicted for such offense.

Either this statute has not been enforced, if there have been violations, or else there have been no violations. So when the Federal Government asks that another voting law be passed, such as House bill 6127, it is admitting 1 of 2 things: Either there have been no violations of the rights of people to vote, or the Justice Department is not enforcing the law on this subject.

I do not see what good it would do to enact another statute. What good would another statute do, if we have a statute already on the books? I have heard of no cases brought under this statute. There must not have been any violations. If there have been violations, the Federal Government has failed to prosecute violators, which it could do under this law.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 595. Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial governments.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a person employed in any administrative position by the United States, or by any department or agency thereof, or by the District of Columbia, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, or by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States, or any political subdivision, municipality, or agency thereof, or agency of such political subdivision or municipality (including any corporation owned or controlled by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States or by any such political subdivision, municipality, or agency), in connection with any activity which is financed in whole or in part by loans or grants made by the United States, or any department or agency thereof, uses his official authority for the purpose of interfering with, or affecting, the nomination or the election of any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner from any Territory or possession, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prohibit or make unlawful any act by any officer or employee of any educational or research institution, establishment, agency, or system which is supported in whole or in part by any State or political subdivision thereof, or by the District of Columbia or by any Territory or possession of the United States; or by any recognized religious, philanthropic, or cultural organization. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 596. Polling Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, within or without the Armed Forces of the United States, polls any member of such forces, either within or without the United States, either before or after he executes any ballot under any Federal or State law, with reference to his choice of or his vote for any candidate, or states, publishes, or releases any result of any purported poll taken from or among the members of the Armed Forces of the United States or including within it the statement of choice for such candidate or of such votes cast by any member of the Armed Forces of the United States, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned for not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|The word “poll” means any request for information, verbal or written, which by its language or form of expression requires or implies the necessity of an answer, where the request is made with the intent of compiling the result of the answers obtained, either for the personal use of the person making the request, or for the purpose of reporting the same to any other person, persons, political party, unincorporated association or corporation, or for the purpose of publishing the same orally, by radio, or in written or printed form. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 597. Expenditures to influence voting.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever makes or offers to make an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote, or to vote for or against any candidate; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits, accepts, or receives any such expenditure in consideration of his vote or the withholding of his vote—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 598. Coercion by means of relief appropriations.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever uses any part of any appropriation made by Congress for work relief, relief, or for increasing employment by providing loans and grants for public-works projects, or exercises or administers any authority conferred by any appropriation act for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing any individual in the exercise of his right to vote at any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 599. Promise of appointment by candidate.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a candidate, directly or indirectly promises or pledges the appointment, or the use of his influence or support for the appointment of any person to any public or private position or employment, for the purpose of procuring support in his candidacy shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 600. Promise of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, directly or indirectly, promises any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit, provided for or made possible in whole or in part by any act of Congress, to any person as consideration, favor, or reward for any political activity, or for the support of or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 601. Deprivation of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, except as required by law, directly or indirectly, deprives, attempts to deprive, or threatens to deprive any person of any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, on account of race, creed, color, or any political activity, support of, or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62, Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 602. Solicitation of political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, or a candidate for Congress, or individual elected as, Senator, Representative, Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, or an officer or employee of the United States or any department or agency thereof, or a person receiving any salary or compensation for services from money derived from the Treasury of the United States, directly or indirectly solicits, receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose whatever, from any other such officer, employee, or person, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 603. Place of solicitation.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by any person mentioned in section 602 of this title, or in any navy yard, fort, or arsenal, solicits or receives any contribution of money or other thing of value for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722; October 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (b), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 604. Solicitation from persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits or receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose from any person known by him to be entitled to, or receiving​ compensation, employment, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 605. Disclosure of names of persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, for political purposes, furnishes or discloses any list or names of persons receiving compensation, employment, or benefits provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating, or authorizing the appropriation of funds for work relief or relief purposes, to a political candidate, committee, campaign manager, or to any person for delivery to a political candidate, committee, or campaign manager; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever receives any such list or names for political purposes—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 606. Intimidation to secure political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being one of the officers or employees of the United States mentioned in section 602 of this title, discharges, or promotes, or degrades, or in any manner changes the official rank or compensation of any other officer or employee, or promises or threatens so to do, for giving or withholding or neglecting to make any contribution of money or other valuable thing for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 607. Making political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States or any department or agency thereof, directly or indirectly gives or hands over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator or Member of or Delegate to Congress, or Resident Commissioner, any money or other valuable thing on account of or to be applied to the promotion of any political object, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 608. Limitations on political contributions and purchases.}}
{{smaller block|(a) Whoever, directly or indirectly, makes contributions in an aggregate amount in excess of $5,000 during any calendar year, or in connection with any campaign for nomination or election, to or on behalf of any candidate for an elective Federal office, including the offices of President of the United States and presidential and vice presidential electors, or to or on behalf of any committee or other organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not apply to contributions made to or by a State or local committee or other State or local organization or to similar committees or organizations in the District of Columbia or in any Territory or possession of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|(b) Whoever purchases or buys any goods, commodities, advertising, or articles of any kind or description, the proceeds of which, or any portion thereof, directly or indirectly inures to the benefit of or for any candidate for an elective Federal office including the offices of President of the United States, and presidential and vice-presidential electors or any political committee or other political organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not interfere with the usual and known business, trade, or profession of any candidate.}}
{{smaller block|(c) In all cases of violations of this section by a partnership, committee, association, corporation, or other organization or group of persons, the officers, directors, or managing heads thereof who knowingly and willfully participate in such violation, shall be punished as herein provided.}}
{{smaller block|(d) The term “contribution,” as used in this section, shall have the same meaning prescribed by section 591 of this title. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina. The Senator may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue by reading section 609:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 609. Maximum contributions and expenditures.}}
{{smaller block|No political committee shall receive contributions aggregating more than $3 million, or make expenditures aggregating more than $3 million, during any calendar year.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section, any contributions received and any expenditures made on behalf of any political committee with the knowledge and consent of the chairman or treasurer of such committee shall be deemed to be received or made by such committee.}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of this section by any political committee shall be deemed also to be a violation by the chairman and the treasurer of such committee and by any other person responsible for such violation and shall be punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment of not more than 1 year, or both; and, if the violation was willful, by a fine of not more than $10,000, or imprisonment of not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 610. Contributions or expenditures by national banks, corporations, or labor organizations.}}
{{smaller block|It is unlawful for any national bank, or any corporation organized by authority of any law of Congress, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election to any political office, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any political office, or for any corporation whatever, or any labor organization, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which presidential and vice-presidential electors or a Senator or Representative are, or a Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress are to be voted for, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate, political committee, or other person to accept or receive any contribution prohibited by this section.}}
{{smaller block|Every corporation or labor organization which makes any contribution or expenditure in violation of this section shall be fined not more than $5,000; and every officer or director of any corporation, or officer of any labor organization, who consents to any contribution or expenditure by the corporation or labor organization, as the case may be, and any person who accepts or receives any contribution, in violation of this section, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section “labor organization” means any organization of any kind, or any agency or employee representation committee or plan, in which employees participate and which exist for the purpose, in whole or in part, of dealing with employers concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay, hours of employment, or conditions of work. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 10, 63 Stat. 90; Oct. 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (c), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 611. Contributions by firms or individuals contracting with the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, entering into any contract with the United States or any department or agency thereof, either for the rendition of personal services or furnishing any material, supplies, or equipment to the United States or any department or agency thereof, or selling any land or building to the United States or any department or agency thereof, if payment for the performance of such contract or payment for such material, supplies, equipment, land, or building is to be made in whole or in part from funds appropriated by the Congress, during the period of negotiation for, or performance under such contract or furnishing of material, supplies, equipment, land, or buildings, directly or indirectly makes any contribution of money or any other thing of value, or promises expressly or impliedly to make any such contribution, to any political party committee, or candidate for public office or to any person for any political purpose or use; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever knowingly solicits any such contribution from any such person or firm, for any such purpose during any such period—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 612. Publication or distribution of political statements.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever willfully publishes or distributes, or causes to be published or distributed, or for the purpose of publishing or distributing the same, knowingly deposits for mailing or delivery, or causes to be deposited for mailing or delivery, or, except in cases of employees of the Post Office Department in the official discharge of their duties, knowingly transports or causes to be transported in interstate commerce any card, pamphlet, circular, poster, dodger, advertisement, writing, or other statement relating to or concerning any person who has publicly declared his intention to seek the office of President, or Vice President of the United States, or Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress, in a primary, general, or special election, or convention of a political party, or has caused or permitted his intention to do so to be publicly declared, which does not contain the names of the persons, associations, committees, or corporations responsible for the publication or distribution of the same, and the names of the officers of each such association, committee, or corporation, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724; Aug. 25, 1950, ch. 784, sec. 2, 64 Stat. 475.)}}
Mr. President, I have read those Federal statutes to show that we have in title 18, chapter 29, provision for elections and political activities, and the specific section to which I referred and attempted to emphasize, section 594, provides especially for the punishment of anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces any other person for interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. That is in the Federal statutes.

Again I ask, Why does the Congress need to pass another law when we have a law, a law with teeth in it, a law that provides a punishment of as much as $1,000 or imprisonment for as long as one year, or both? In other words, under this statute, the Federal Government, through the Justice Department, can prosecute any person who intimidates, threatens, or coerces another person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote and to vote as he chooses. If we have that kind of law on the books now, why do we need another law? As I stated a few moments ago, I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field. But they have entered this field, and laws on the subject have been enacted. Section 594 gives the Federal Government all the authority it needs to protect the right to vote in any State of this Nation. Section 594 makes provision for specific punishment if anyone violates the section and attempts to deny the right to vote, or threatens, intimidates, or coerces one in his right to vote and to vote as he chooses.

So with every State in the Nation having laws on the subject to protect the right to vote, and with the Federal Government having laws on this subject to protect the right to vote, why do we need to pass another bill, another bill which is unconstitutional, another bill which violates the Constitution of the United States? I will come to that later on in my address. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States.

I am going to take up after a while a decision which shows that criminal contempt is a crime, and if criminal contempt is a crime, then it falls within the category of the provision of the Constitution of the United States which says that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. It does not specify by degree. If he is entitled to a jury trial, he is entitled to it. The Senate passed a bill with an amendment providing for jury trial. The bill went back to the House, the House amended it, and added a provision that the judge in his discretion could try the case if the punishment was not over 45 days or a fine of $300. That is not what the Constitution says. The Constitution does not provide that a man is entitled to a jury trial under certain conditions, if the House had fixed the fine at $1 instead of $300 and denied a man the right of a trial by jury, in my opinion it still would have been unconstitutional. I shall develop that more as my address goes on.

Mr. President, I shall now take up specific points of the proposed compromise on the jury trial provisions of H. R. 6127, so as to point out the lack of constitutionality of the provisions in connection with contempt of court proceedings.

A so-called compromise has been reached among advocates of civil-rights legislation—H. R. 6127—whereby a jury trial would be given in certain criminal contempts of Federal courts.

The purpose of this speech is to point out the objectionable features of the proposed compromise and to show conclusively that it is unconstitutional.

The proposed jury-trial amendment, being part V of H. R. 6127, reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|PART V—TO PROVIDE TRIAL BY JURY FOR PROCEEDINGS TO PUNISH CRIMINAL CONTEMPTS OF COURT ARISING OUT OF CIVIL-RIGHTS CASES AND TO AMEND THE JUDICIAL CODE RELATING TO FEDERAL JURY QUALIFICATIONS}}}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 151. In all cases of criminal contempt arising under the provisions of this act, the accused, upon conviction, shall be punished by fine or imprisonment or both: ''Provided, however'', That in case the accused is a natural person the fine to be paid shall not exceed the sum of $1,000, nor shall imprisonment exceed the term of 6 months: ''Provided further'', That in any such proceeding for criminal contempt, at the discretion of the judge, the accused may be tried with or without a jury: ''Provided further, however'', That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of the $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury, which shall conform as near as may be to the practice in other criminal cases.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not apply to contempts committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice nor to the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders, or process of the court.}}
{{smaller block|Nor shall anything herein or in any other provision of law be construed to deprive courts of their power, by civil contempt proceedings, without a jury, to secure compliance with or to prevent obstruction of, as distinguished from punishment for violations of, any lawful writ, process, order, rule, decree, or command of the court in accordance with the prevailing usages of law and equity, including the power of detention.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 152. Section 1861, title 28, of the United States Code is hereby amended to read as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“1861. Qualifications of Federal jurors.}}
{{smaller block|“Any citizen of the United States who has attained the age of 21 years and who has resided for a period of 1 year within the judicial district, is competent to serve as a grand or petit juror unless:}}
{{smaller block|“(1) He has been convicted in a State or Federal court of record of a crime punishable by imprisonment for more than 1 year and his civil rights have not been restored by pardon or amnesty.}}
{{smaller block|“(2) He is unable to read, write, speak, and understand the English language.}}
{{smaller block|“(3) He is incapable, by reason of mental or physical infirmities, to render efficient jury service.”}}
Mr. President, those are the provisions of the so-called compromise.

I wish to have all other Members of the Senate and all other citizens of these United States know just what the compromise provides.

First, Mr. President, this amendment is clearly unconstitutional because of vagueness.

It is an established principle of constitutional law that crimes must be clearly defined. If this amendment were enacted, persons charged with contempt would be deprived of their liberty and property without due process of law, in violation of the 14th amendment to the Federal Constitution. Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under a statute by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them.

This point is clearly brought out in Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, in the second edition, third volume, at page 1727. Here is what this great authority on the Constitution has to say on this point:
{{smaller block|1142. Crimes must be clearly defined.}}
{{smaller block|Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under statutes by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them. “A statute which either forbids or requires the doing of an act in terms so vague that men of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ as to its application violates the first essential of due process of law.” ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' (269 U. S. 385).}}
The first sentence of the proposed amendment—section 151—refers to criminal contempt and provides for punishment upon conviction. The first ''proviso'' of the first sentence refers to natural persons; and for such natural persons, the fine is limited to $1,000 or—in the alternative—imprisonment is limited to 6 months. This first ''proviso'' is obviously drafted to bring the offense within the present definition of “misdemeanor,” as classified by the Congress in the adoption of title 18 of the United States Code on June 25, 1948. Section 1 of title 18, United States Code, classifies offenses against the United States as follows:
{{smaller block|1. Offenses classified:}}
{{smaller block|Notwithstanding any act of Congress to the contrary:}}
{{smaller block|(1) Any offense punishable by death or imprisonment for a term exceeding 1 year is a felony.}}
{{smaller block|(2) Any other offense is a misdemeanor.}}
{{smaller block|(3) Any misdemeanor, the penalty for which does not exceed imprisonment for a period of 6 months or a fine of not more than $500, or both, is a petty offense.}}
The second ''proviso'' of the first sentence still refers to criminal contempt, and vests in the Federal district judge the discretion to determine whether the person accused of contempt is to be tried with or without a jury.

The third proviso of the first sentence, still referring only to criminal contempts, says that where the district judge proceeds summarily—without benefit of a jury—to convict the accused and fine him or her for more than $300 or imprison him or her for more than 45 days, then the person so convicted—fined or imprisoned—may demand a trial ''de novo''. It is assumed that trial ''de novo'' contemplates a trial anew of the entire controversy, including the hearing of evidence, as though no previous action had been taken. In ''Pittsburgh S. S. Co.'' v. ''Brown'' ((1948 Ct. App. Ill.) 171 Fed. 2d. 175, 177), “trial ''de novo''” is defined as an entirely new trial, but that was a civil case. The term “trial ''de novo''” nowhere appears in criminal cases referred to in volume 42 A, Words and Phrases, 1952 edition or 1957 supplement.

The second sentence of the amendment, without any reference to “criminal contempt” or without defining or differentiating between “criminal contempt” and “civil contempt,” proceeds to make the provisions of the first sentence inapplicable to those contempts “committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice” and likewise inapplicable to “misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders or process of the court.” In other words, this second sentence deals with certain “contempts” and with “misbehavior of any officers of the court” and excludes such “contempts” and “misbehavior of any officer of the court” from the provisions of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. In other words, the second sentence says that if any contempt is committed in the presence of the court, or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice, it is not dealt with in the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. Likewise excluded from coverage by the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127—would be “the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court” in respect to any writ, order, or process of court issued presumably under authority of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127.

The last sentence of the amendment—section 151—simply tries to restate the proposition now appearing in section 401 of title 18, United States Code, that a court of the United States has power to punish contempts of its authority. However, in restating that proposition, this last sentence refers to “civil contempts,” whereas section 401 refers to “contempt of its”—the court’s—“authority.” Thus we see the last sentence of the amendment, section 151, refers to “civil contempt,” as distinguished from the first sentence, which deals with “criminal contempt.”

Nowhere in the amendment is any definition given of either “criminal contempt” or “civil contempt;” nor has Congress ever attempted to draw any such distinction. The sole provision attempting to draw a distinction between criminal and civil contempt is contained in rule 42 (b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in the requirement that the notice with respect to a criminal contempt shall describe it as such. The Advisory Committee on Rules, appointed by the United States Supreme Court pursuant to the act of June 29, 1940—Fifty-fourth United States Statutes at Large, page 686—to assist in the preparation of rules of pleading, in their notes indicate that the requirement of notice written into rule 42 (b) was “intended to obviate the frequent confusion between criminal and civil contempt proceedings” pursuant to the suggestion made in ''McCann'' v. ''New York Stock Exchange'' ((2d Cir., 1935) 80 F. 2d 211). See Civil and Criminal Contempt in the Federal Courts, report of Los Angeles Bar Association, 17 Federal Rules Decisions 167–182—1955. The Supreme Court itself has belabored the distinction between civil and criminal contempts. For the Court’s distinction see ''Bessette'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' ((1904) 194 U.S. 324, 328).

A contempt statute certainly comes within the due process of law requirements of the Constitution. To substantiate this point, I refer again to Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, page 1727, section 1141. In this section Willoughby points out that a contempt which is not committed in open court does require due process of law for the defendant. The United States Supreme Court, in an opinion by Chief Justice Taft, held on April 13, 1925, that all the guaranties of due process of law are available to a person charged with contempt. ''Cooke'' v. ''United States'' ((1925) 267 U.S. 517.) Thus it is quite clear that the amendment—section 151—as now drafted, would subject a person to criminal prosecution for a statutory offense so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable him to determine whether or not he is committing that offense. ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' ((1926) 269 U. S. 385); ''International Harvester Co.'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 216); ''Collins'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 634).

Second. This amendment is unconstitutional, in violation of the fifth amendment prohibiting double jeopardy.

That provision of the amendment which permits the accused to be tried a second time by a jury for the same offense following conviction in a summary proceeding violates the fifth amendment to the United States Constitution, which declares “nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb.”

In ''ex parte'' Grossman the Supreme Court stated that contempt is an “offense” within the meaning of the pardoning power of the President granted in article II, section 2, clause 1 of the enumerated powers of the President. Clause 1 declares the President “shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons of offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.” Chief Justice Taft in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1925) 267 U. S. 87, 107) quoting ''Myers'' v. ''United States'' ((1924) 264 U. S. 95, 104–105).

If contempt is an offense when it comes to the pardoning power of the President, it certainly is an offense under the fifth amendment. Thus reading the language of the amendment—section 151—''in pari materia'' with the decisions in ''ex parte'' Grossman and ''Myers'' against ''United States'', for the Congress to grant a second trial following conviction, with the same defendant, the same charges, and the same evidence, would place the defendant in double jeopardy.

The proposal—section 151—even if it were not in violation of the fifth amendment, would place Congress in the position of gambling with the rights of our citizens. Suppose a judge tries a man or woman and finds the person guilty. The press reports this fact to the public and such cases are bound to stir the public interest. The person so convicted is then tried again on the same evidence. Any jury is bound to be influenced.

In addition, what basis or standard of conduct is to be the determining factor as to whether the judge imposes the lesser fine or sentence and lets his verdict stand or imposes the greater fine or punishment and moves the case along to a jury trial. There would be no uniformity in the application of the proposed statute—section 151—and the entire procedure would be awkward, cumbersome, and impracticable.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', a note is made of an interruption in Mr. Thurmond’s speech, regarding the results of a special election for a Senator, upon which several pages of the ''Record'' are used to record the reading of documents and the discussion of matters relevant thereto. As this is not a constituent portion of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, it is absent from this record. However, following this notice, several other parliamentary procedures are maintained, and other matters are dealt with; the ''Record'' then replaces the remainder of Mr. Thurmond’s speech to the records of the succeeding day, beginning on p. 16383. This record begins again from this section.''

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I now wish to take up Chief Justice Taft’s opinion on jury trials in contempt cases. Considerable has been said about what Chief Justice Taft said concerning contempt and jury trials. Chief Justice Taft was at one time President of the United States, and he was Chief Justice of the United States. He was a great man and a great American. His opinions are highly revered, but some of his opinions have been quoted out of context or when not applicable. I wish to take up at this time his opinions on jury trials in contempt cases.

On June 5, 1957, at his White House press conference, President Eisenhower, in answer to a question asked by the National Negro Press Association as to how he stood on the jury-trial amendment to the so-called civil-rights bill, quoted President Taft, as being opposed to a jury trial in contempt cases. President Eisenhower stated that Mr. Taft made this statement when he was President in 1908 and there is no evidence that he ever changed his mind.

In the first place the statement was not made by Mr. Taft while President. The statement was made by Mr. Taft in a political speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on Tuesday, July 28, 1908, in acceptance of the Republican nomination for President. Mr. Taft at the time was Secretary of War. He did not become President until March 4, 1909.

In this political speech Mr. Taft also said a trial by jury in contempt cases was never known in the history of the jurisprudence of England, or America, except in the constitution of Oklahoma. See Presidential Addresses and Papers, William H. Taft, 1910 ed., page 26.

Also in this speech Mr. Taft said the popular impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, may be affected by a personal feeling was unfounded.

Did Mr. Taft change his mind when he became Chief Justice? He most assuredly did. He not only changed his mind on the subject of whether jury trials were had at common law in contempt cases but also changed his mind about judges having personal vindictiveness in contempt orders.

While Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Mr. Taft delivered the opinion in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1924) 267 U. S. 87) and cited eight cases at common law to show that in England a jury trial was had in contempt cases. This decision was rendered by him in upholding a pardon granted by President Hoover to a man imprisoned by a United States district judge in Illinois for contempt in a summary proceeding. Chief Justice Taft declared at page 118 of volume 267, United States Reports:
{{smaller block|The King of England before our Revolution, in the exercise of his prerogative, had always exercised the power to pardon contempts of court, just as he did ordinary crimes and misdemeanors and as he has done to the present day. In the mind of a common-law lawyer of the 18th century the word pardon included within its scope the ending by the King’s grace of the punishment of such derelictions, whether it was imposed by the court without a jury or upon indictment, for both forms of trial for contempts were had. ''Thomas of Chartham'' v. ''Benet of Stamford'' ((1313), 24 Selden Society, 185); ''Fulwood'' v. ''Fulwood'' ((1585), Toothill, 46); ''Rex'' v. ''Buckenham'' ((1665), 1 Deble 751, 707, 852); Anonymous (1674), Cases in Chancery (238); ''King and Codrington'' v. ''Rodmap'' ((1630), Cr. Car. 198); ''Bartram'' v. ''Dannett'' ((1676), Finch, 253); ''Phipps'' v. ''Earl of Angelsea'' ((1721), 1 Peere Williams, 696).}}
In all probability Mr. Taft was induced to recognize the fact that jury trials were customarily had at common law in contempts as a result of research conducted by the distinguished historian of English law, Mr. W. S. Holdsworth. The efforts of this great historian were first made public in 1909 after Mr. Taft had made his earlier statement.

Mr. Holdsworth declared that the only cases in which contempts were punished summarily was where the contemnor confessed his guilt. If he did not confess the accused was tried by the ordinary course of law which meant trial by jury. To quote Mr. Holdsworth:
{{smaller block|A History of English Law, volume III., pages 392–393. * * * But all through the medieval period, and long afterwards, the courts, though they might attack persons who were guilty of contempts of court, could not punish them summarily. Unless they confessed their guilt, they must be regularly indicted and convicted. Mr. Fox has given a list of 40 cases of various contempts—insults to the judges, an assault on the attorney general, beating jurors, striking a witness, trampling on a writ of prohibition—in all of which the offender was tried by the ordinary course of law. That this was the correct course to pursue was stated by Anderson, C. J., in 1599.}}
In another opinion while Chief Justice Mr. Taft changed his mind about the immunity of Federal judges from vindictiveness in issuing contempt orders.

On November 19, 1923, in a concurring opinion in ''Craig'' v. ''Hecht'' (263 U. S. 255 at p. 279), the Chief Justice said:
{{smaller block|The delicacy there is in the judge’s deciding whether an attack upon his own judicial action is mere criticism or real obstruction, and the possibility that impulse may incline his view to personal vindication, are manifest. But the law gives the person convicted of contempt in such a case the right to have the whole question on facts and law reviewed by three judges of the circuit court of appeals who have had no part in the proceedings, and if not successful in that court, to apply to this Court for an opportunity for a similar review here.}}
Mr. President, on June 10, 1957, the Supreme Court delivered an opinion in the case of [[Reid v. Covert (354 U.S. 1)|''Reid'' against ''Covert'']]. Since this opinion deals with the question “the right of trial by jury,” I think it is advisable for the Senate to consider this decision of the Supreme Court. I shall read a number of pages from the opinion and a concurring opinion by Justice Frankfurter.

Some of the material in this opinion necessarily discusses the background of the cases. However, I believe it appropriate to read this material because it is necessary to a full understanding of this decision which upheld the constitutional right of trial by jury which H. R. 6127 would deny under certain conditions. I read from the opinion of the Court:
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Black announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan join.}}
{{smaller block|These cases raise basic constitutional issues of the utmost concern. They call into question the role of the military under our system of government. They involve the power of Congress to expose civilians to trial by military tribunals, under military regulations and procedures, for offenses against the United States thereby depriving them of trial in civilian courts, under civilian laws and procedures and with all the safeguards of the Bill of Rights. These cases are particularly significant because for the first time since the adoption of the Constitution wives of soldiers have been denied trial by jury in a court of law and forced to trial before courts-martial.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701 Mrs. Clarice Covert killed her husband, a sergeant in the United States Air Force, at an airbase in England. Mrs. Covert, who was not a member of the armed services, was residing on the base with her husband at the time. She was tried by a court-martial for murder under Article 118 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The trial was on charges preferred by Air Force personnel and the court-martial was composed of Air Force officers. The court-martial asserted jurisdiction over Mrs. Covert under Article 2 (11) of the UCMJ, which provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The following persons are subject to this code:}}
{{smaller block|“(11) Subject to the provisions of any treaty or agreement to which the United States is or may be a party or to any accepted rule of international law, all persons serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces without the continental limits of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|Counsel for Mrs. Covert contended that she was insane at the time she killed her husband, but the military tribunal found her guilty of murder and sentenced her to life imprisonment. The judgment was affirmed by the Air Force Board of Reviews (16 CMR 465) but was reversed by the Court of Military Appeals (6 USCMA 48), because of prejudicial errors concerning the defense of insanity. While Mrs. Covert was being held in this country pending a proposed retrial by court-martial in the District of Columbia, her counsel petitioned the district court for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to set her free on the ground that the Constitution forbade her trial by military authorities. Construing this court’s decision in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), as holding that “a civilian is entitled to a civilian trial,” the district court held that Mrs. Covert could not be tried by court-martial and ordered her released from custody. The Government appealed directly to this court under, title 28, United States Code, section 1252. See Three Hundred and Fiftieth United States Reports, page 985.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713 Mrs. Dorothy Smith killed her husband, an Army officer, at a post in Japan where she was living with him. She was tried for murder by a court-martial and despite considerable evidence that she was insane was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. The judgment was approved by the Army Board of Review (10 CMR 350, 13 CMR 307), and the Court of Military Appeals (5 USCMA 314). Mrs. Smith was then confined in a Federal penitentiary in West Virginia. Her father, respondent here, filed a petition for ''habeas corpus'' in a district court for West Virginia. The petition charged that the court-martial was without jurisdiction because article 2 (11) of the UCMJ was unconstitutional insofar as it authorized the trial of civilian dependents accompanying servicemen overseas. The district court refused to issue the writ (137 F. Supp. 806), and while an appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit we granted ''certiorari'' at the request of the Government (350 U. S. 986).}}
{{smaller block|The two cases were consolidated and argued last term and a majority of the Court, with 3 Justices dissenting and 1 reserving opinion, held that military trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert for their alleged offenses was constitutional. Three hundred and fifty-first United States Reports, page 470, 487. The majority held that the provisions of article III and the fifth and sixth amendments which require that crimes be tried by a jury after indictment by a grand jury did not protect an American citizen when he was tried by the American Government in foreign lands for offenses committed there and that Congress could provide for the trial of such offenses in any manner it saw fit so long as the procedures established were reasonable and consonant with due process. The opinion then went on to express the view that military trials, as now practiced, were not unreasonable or arbitrary when applied to dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces overseas. In reaching their conclusion the majority found it unnecessary to consider the power of Congress “to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces” under article I of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Subsequently, the Court granted a petition for rehearing. Three Hundred and Fifty-second United States Reports, page 901. Now, after further argument and consideration, we conclude that the previous decisions cannot be permitted to stand. We hold that Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert could not constitutionally be tried by military authorities.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|I}}}}
{{smaller block|At the beginning we reject the idea that when the United States acts against citizens abroad it can do so free of the Bill of Rights. The United States is entirely a creature of the Constitution. Its power and authority have no other source. It can only act in accordance with all the limitations imposed by the Constitution. When the Government reaches out to punish a citizen who is abroad, the shield which the Bill of Rights and other parts of the Constitution provide to protect his life and liberty should not be stripped away just because he happens to be in another land. This is not a novel concept. To the contrary, it is as old as government. It was recognized long before Paul successfully invoked his right as a Roman citizen to be tried in strict accordance with Roman law. And many centuries later an English historian wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“In a settled colony the inhabitants have all the rights of Englishmen. They take with them, in the first place, that which no Englishman can by expatriation put off, namely, allegiance to the Crown, the duty of obedience to the lawful commands of the Sovereign, and obedience to the laws which Parliament may think proper to make with reference to such a colony. But, on the other hand, they take with them all the rights and liberties of British subjects; all the rights and liberties as against the prerogative of the Crown, which they would enjoy in this county.”}}
{{smaller block|The rights and liberties which citizens of our country enjoy are not protected by custom and tradition alone, they have been jealously preserved from the encroachments of Government by express provisions of our written Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Among those provisions, article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments are directly relevant to these cases. Article III, section 2, lays down the rule that—}}
{{smaller block|“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth amendment declares:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|And the sixth amendment provides:}}
{{smaller block|“In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.”}}
{{smaller block|The language of article III, section 2, manifests that constitutional protections for the individual were designed to restrict the United States Government when it acts outside of this country, as well as here at home. After declaring that all criminal trials must be by jury, the section states that when a crime is “not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.” If this language is permitted to have its obvious meaning, section 2 is applicable to criminal trials outside of the States as a group without regard to where the offense is committed or the trial held. From the very first Congress, Federal statutes have implemented the provisions of section 2 by providing for trial of murder and other crimes committed outside the jurisdiction of any State “in the district where the offender is apprehended, or into which he may first be brought.” The fifth and sixth amendments, like article III, section 2, are also all inclusive with their sweeping references to “no person” and to “all criminal prosecutions.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court and other Federal courts have held or asserted that various constitutional limitations apply to the Government when it acts outside the continental United States. While it has been suggested that only those constitutional rights which are “fundamental” protect Americans abroad, we can find no warrant, in logic or otherwise, for picking and choosing among the remarkable collection of “Thou shalt nots” which were explicitly fastened on all departments and agencies of the Federal Government by the Constitution and its amendments. Moreover, in view of our heritage and the history of the adoption of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, it seems peculiarly anomalous to say that trial before a civilian judge and by an independent jury picked from the common citizenry are not fundamental rights. As Blackstone wrote in his Commentaries:}}
{{smaller block|“The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * [I]t is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals.”}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
{{smaller block|The keystone of supporting authorities mustered by the Court’s opinion last June to justify its holding that article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments did not apply abroad was ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). The Ross case is one of those cases that cannot be understood except in its peculiar setting; even then, it seems highly unlikely that a similar result would be reached to-day. Ross was serving as a seaman on an American ship in Japanese waters. He killed a ship’s officer, was seized and tried before a consular court in Japan. At that time, statutes authorized American consuls to try American citizens charged with committing crimes in Japan and certain other non-Christian countries. These statutes provided that the laws of the United States were to govern the trial except:}}
{{smaller block|“Where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.”}}
{{smaller block|The consular power approved in the Ross case was about as extreme and absolute as that of the potentates of the non-Christian countries to which the statutes applied. Under these statutes consuls could and did make the criminal laws, initiate charges, arrest alleged offenders, try them, and after conviction take away their liberty or their life—sometimes at the American consulate. Such a blending of executive, legislative, and judicial powers in one person or even in one branch of the Government is ordinarily regarded as the very acme of absolutism. Nevertheless, the Court sustained Ross’ conviction by the consul. It stated that constitutional protections applied “only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad.” Despite the fact that it upheld Ross’ conviction under United States laws passed pursuant to asserted constitutional authority, the Court went on to make a sweeping declaration that “[t]he Constitution can have no operation in another country.”}}
{{smaller block|The Ross approach that the Constitution has no applicability abroad has long since been directly repudiated by numerous cases. That approach is obviously erroneous if the United States Government, which has no power except that granted by the Constitution, can and does try citizens for crimes committed abroad. Thus the Ross case rested, at least in substantial part, on a fundamental misconception and the most that can be said in support of the result reached there is that the consular court jurisdiction had a long history antedating the adoption of the Constitution. The Congress has recently buried the consular system of trying Americans. We are not willing to jeopardize the lives and liberties of Americans by disinterring it. At best, the Ross case should be left as a relic from a different era.}}
{{smaller block|The Court’s opinion last term also relied on the Insular Cases to support its conclusion that article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments were not applicable to the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. We believe that reliance was misplaced.}}
{{smaller block|The Insular Cases can be distinguished from the present cases in that they involved the power of Congress to provide rules and regulations to govern temporarily territories with wholly dissimilar traditions and institutions whereas here the basis for governmental power is American citizenship. None of these cases had anything to do with military trials and they cannot properly be used as vehicles to support an extension of military jurisdiction to civilians. Moreover, it is our judgment that neither the cases nor their reasoning should be given any further expansion. The concept that the Bill of Rights and other constitutional protections against arbitrary government are inoperative when they become inconvenient or when expediency dictates otherwise is a very dangerous doctrine and if allowed to flourish would destroy the benefit of a written Constitution and undermine the basis of our Government. If our foreign commitments become of such nature that the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority, or inclination, to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|II}}}}
{{smaller block|At the time of Mrs. Covert’s alleged offense, an executive agreement was in effect between the United States and Great Britain which permitted United States military courts to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over offenses committed in Great Britain by American servicemen or their dependents. For its part, the United States agreed that these military courts would be willing and able to try and to punish all offenses against the laws of Great Britain by such persons. In all material respects, the same situation existed in Japan when Mrs. Smith killed her husband. Even though a court-martial does not give an accused trial by jury and other Bill of Rights protections, the Government contends that section 2(11) of the UCMJ, insofar as it authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces in Great Britain and Japan, can be sustained as legislation which is necessary and proper to carry out the United States obligations under the international agreements made with those countries. The obvious and decisive answer to this, of course, is that no agreement with a foreign nation can confer power on the Congress, or on any other branch of Government, which is free from the restraints of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI., the supremacy clause of the Constitution, declares:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in this language which intimates that treaties and laws enacted pursuant to them do not have to comply with the provisions of the Constitution. Nor is there anything in the debates which accompanied the drafting and ratification of the Constitution which even suggests such a result. These debates as well as the history that surrounds the adoption of the treaty provision in article VI. make it clear that the reason treaties were not limited to those made in pursuance of the Constitution was so that agreements made by the United States under the Articles of Confederation, including the important peace treaties which concluded the Revolutionary War, would remain in effect. It would be manifestly contrary to the objectives of those who created the Constitution, as well as those who were responsible for the Bill of Rights—let alone alien to our entire constitutional history and tradition—to construe article VI. as permitting the United States to exercise power under an international agreement without observing constitutional prohibitions. In effect, such construction would permit amendment of that document in a manner not sanctioned by article V. The prohibitions of the Constitution were designed to apply to all branches of the National Government and they cannot be nullified by the executive or by the executive and the Senate combined.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing new or unique about what we say here. This court has regularly and uniformly recognized the supremacy of the Constitution over a treaty. For example, in ''Geofroy'' v. ''Riggs'' (133 U. S. 258, 267), it declared:}}
{{smaller block|“The treaty power, as expressed in the Constitution, is in terms unlimited except by those restraints which are found in that instrument against the action of the Government or of its departments, and those arising from the nature of the Government itself and of that of the States. It would not be contended that it extends so far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids, or a change in the character of the Government or in that of one of the States, or a cession of any portion of the territory of the latter, without its consent.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court has also repeatedly taken the position that an act of Congress, which must comply with the Constitution, is on a full parity with a treaty, and that when a statute which is subsequent in time is inconsistent with a treaty, the statute to the extent of conflict renders the treaty null. It would be completely anomalous to say that a treaty need not comply with the Constitution when such an agreement can be overridden by a statute that must conform to that instrument.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in ''Missouri'' v. ''Holland'' (252 U. S. 416), which is contrary to the position taken here. There the Court carefully noted that the treaty involved was not inconsistent with any specific provision of the Constitution. The Court was concerned with the 10th amendment which reserves to the States or the people all power not delegated to the National Government. To the extent that the United States can validly make treaties, the people and the States have delegated their power to the National Government and the 10th amendment is no barrier.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, we conclude that the Constitution in its entirety applied to the trials of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. Since their court-martial did not meet the requirements of article III., section 2, or the fifth and sixth amendments, we are compelled to determine if there is anything within the Constitution which authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces overseas.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|III}}}}
{{smaller block|Article I., section 8, clause 14, empowers Congress “To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” It has been held that this creates an exception to the normal method of trial in civilian courts as provided by the Constitution and permits Congress to authorize military trial of members of the armed services without all the safeguards given an accused by article III. and the Bill of Rights. But if the language of clause 14 is given its natural meaning, the power granted does not extend to civilians—even though they may be dependents living with servicemen on a military base. The term “land and naval forces” refers to persons who are members of the armed services and not to their civilian wives, children, and other dependents. It seems inconceivable that Mrs. Covert or Mrs. Smith could have been tried by military authorities as members of the land and naval forces had they been living on a military post in this country. Yet this constitutional term surely has the same meaning everywhere. The wives of servicemen are no more members of the land and naval forces when living at a military post in England or Japan than when living at a base in this country or in Hawaii or Alaska.}}
{{smaller block|The Government argues that the necessary and proper clause, when taken in conjunction with clause 14, allows Congress to authorize the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert by military tribunals and under military law. The Government claims that the two clauses together constitute a broad grant of power without limitation authorizing Congress to subject all persons, civilians and soldiers alike, to military trial if necessary and proper to govern and regulate the land and naval forces. It was on a similar theory that Congress once went to the extreme of subjecting persons who made contracts with the military to court-martial jurisdiction with respect to frauds related to such contracts. In the only judicial test a Circuit Court held that the legislation was patently unconstitutional. ''Ex parte'' Henderson (11 Fed. Cas. 1067, No. 6349).}}
{{smaller block|It is true that the Constitution expressly grants Congress power to make all rules necessary and proper to govern and regulate those persons who are serving in the land and naval forces. But the necessary and proper clause cannot operate to extend military jurisdiction to any group of persons beyond that class described in clause 14—“the land and naval forces.” Under the grand design of the Constitution civilian courts are the normal repositories of power to try persons charged with crimes against the United States. And to protect persons brought before these courts, article III. and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments establish the right to trial by jury, by indictment by a grand jury, and a number of other specific safeguards. By way of contrast the jurisdiction of military tribunals is a very limited and extraordinary jurisdiction derived from the cryptic language in article I., section 8, and, at most, was intended to be only a narrow exception to the normal and preferred method of trial in courts of law. Every extension of military jurisdiction is an encroachment on the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and, more important, acts as a deprivation of the right to jury trial and of other treasured constitutional protections. Having run up against the steadfast bulwark of the Bill of Rights, the necessary and proper clause cannot extend the scope of clause 14.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing said here contravenes the rule laid down in ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, at 421), that:}}
{{smaller block|“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.”}}
{{smaller block|In McCulloch this Court was confronted with the problem of determining the scope of the necessary and proper clause in a situation where no specific restraints on governmental power stood in the way. Here the problem is different. Not only does clause 14, by its terms, limit military jurisdiction to members of the land and naval forces, but article III., section 2 and the fifth and sixth amendments require that certain express safeguards, which were designed to protect persons from oppressive governmental practices, shall be given in criminal prosecutions—safeguards which cannot be given in a military trial. In the light of these as well as other constitutional provisions, and the historical background in which they were formed, military trial of civilians is inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Further light is reflected on the scope of clause 14 by the fifth amendment. That amendment which was adopted shortly after the Constitution reads:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|Since the exception in this amendment for cases arising in the land or naval forces was undoubtedly designed to correlate with the power granted Congress to provide for the government and regulation of the armed services, it is a persuasive and reliable indication that the authority conferred by clause 14 does not encompass persons who cannot fairly be said to be in the military service.}}
{{smaller block|Even if it were possible, we need not attempt here to precisely define the boundary between civilians and members of the land and naval forces. We recognize that there might be circumstances where a person could be in the armed services for purposes of clause 14 even though he had not formally been inducted into the military or did not wear a uniform. But the wives, children, and other dependents of servicemen cannot be placed in that category, even though they may be accompanying a serviceman abroad at Government expense and receiving other benefits from the Government. We have no difficulty in saying that such persons do not lose their civilian status and their right to a civilian trial because the Government helps them live as members of a soldier’s family.}}
{{smaller block|The tradition of keeping the military subordinate to civilian authority may not be so strong in the minds of this generation as it was in the minds of those who wrote the Constitution. The idea that the relatives of soldiers could be denied a jury trial in a court of law and instead be tried by courts-martial under the guise of regulating the Armed Forces would have seemed incredible to those men, in whose lifetime the right of the military to try soldiers for any offenses in time of peace had only been grudgingly conceded. The founders envisioned the Army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds. Their fears were rooted in history. They knew that ancient republics had been overthrown by their military leaders. They were familiar with the history of 17th century England, where Charles I. tried to govern through the army and without Parliament. During this attempt, contrary to the common law, he used courts-martial to try soldiers for certain nonmilitary offenses. This court-martialing of soldiers in peacetime evoked strong protests from Parliament. The reign of Charles I. was followed by the rigorous military rule of Oliver Cromwell. Later, James II. used the army in his fight against Parliament and the people. He promulgated articles of war (strangely enough relied on in the Government’s brief) authorizing the trial of soldiers for nonmilitary Crimes by courts-martial. This action hastened the revolution that brought William and Mary to the throne upon their agreement to abide by a bill of rights which, among other things, protected the right of trial by jury. It was against this general background that two of the greatest English jurists, Lord Chief Justice Hale and Sir William Blackstone—men who exerted considerable influence on the founders—expressed sharp hostility to any expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. For instance, Blackstone went so far as to assert:}}
{{smaller block|“For martial law, which is built upon no settled principles, but is entirely arbitrary in its decisions, is, as Sir Matthew Hale observes, in truth and reality no law, but something indulged rather than allowed as a law. The necessity of order and discipline in an army is the {{SIC|ony|only}} thing which can give it countenance; and therefore it ought not to be permitted in time of peace, when the king’s courts are open for all persons to receive justice according to the laws of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|The generation that adopted the Constitution did not distrust the military because of past history alone. Within their own lives they had seen royal governors sometimes resort to military rule. British troops were quartered in Boston at various times from 1768 until the outbreak of the Revolutionary War to support unpopular royal governors and to intimidate the local populace. The trial of soldiers by courts-martial and the interference of the military with the civil courts aroused great anxiety and antagonism not only in Massachusetts but throughout the colonies. For example, Samuel Adams in 1768 wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“[I]s it not enough for us to have seen soldiers and mariners forejudged of life, and executed within the body of the county by martial law? Are citizens to be called upon, threatened, ill-used at the will of the soldiery, and put under arrest, by pretext of the law military, in breach of the fundamental rights of subjects, and contrary to the law and franchise of the land? * * * Will the spirits of people as yet unsubdued by tyranny, unawed by the menaces of arbitrary power, submit to be governed by military force? No! Let us rouse our attention to the common law—which is our birthright, our great security against all kinds of insult and oppression.”}}
{{smaller block|Colonials had also seen the right to trial by jury subverted by acts of Parliament which authorized courts of admiralty to try alleged violations of the unpopular Molasses and Navigation Acts. This gave the admiralty courts jurisdiction over offenses historically triable only by a jury in a court of law and aroused great resentment throughout the colonies. As early as 1765 delegates from nine colonies meeting in New York asserted in a declaration of rights that trial by jury was the inherent and invaluable right of every citizen in the colonies.}}
{{smaller block|With this background it is not surprising that the Declaration of Independence protested that George III. had affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power and that Americans had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. And those who adopted the Constitution embodied their profound fear and distrust of military power, as well as their determination to protect trial by jury, in the Constitution and its amendments. Perhaps they were aware that memories fade and hoped that in this way they could keep the people of this Nation from having to fight again and again the same old battles for individual freedom.}}
{{smaller block|In the light of this history, it seems clear that the founders had no intention to permit the trial of civilians in military courts, where they would be denied jury trials and other constitutional protections, merely by giving Congress the power to make rules which were necessary and proper for the regulation of the land and naval forces. Such a latitudinarian interpretation of these clauses would be at war with the well-established purpose of the founders to keep the military strictly within its proper sphere, subordinate to civil authority. The Constitution does not say that Congress can regulate the land and naval forces and all other persons whose regulation might have some relationship to maintenance of the land and naval forces. There is no indication that the founders contemplated setting up a rival system of military courts to compete with civilian courts for jurisdiction over civilians who might have some contact or relationship with the Armed Forces. Courts-martial were not to have concurrent jurisdiction with courts of law over nonmilitary America.}}
{{smaller block|On several occasions this Court has been faced with an attempted expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. ''Ex parte'' Milligan (4 Wall. 2), one of the great landmarks in this Court’s history, held that military authorities were without power to try civilians not in the military or naval service by declaring martial law in an area where the civil administration was not deposed and the courts were not closed. In a stirring passage the Court proclaimed:}}
{{smaller block|“Another guaranty of freedom was broken when Milligan was denied a trial by jury. The great minds of the country have differed on the correct interpretation to be given to various provisions of the Federal Constitution; and judicial decision has been often invoked to settle their true meaning; but until recently no one ever doubted that the right of trial by jury was fortified in the organic law against the power of attack. It is now assailed; but if ideas can be expressed in words, and language has any meaning, this right—one of the most valuable in a free country—is preserved to everyone accused of crime who is not attached to the Army, or Navy, or militia in actual service.”}}
{{smaller block|In ''Duncan'' v. ''Kahanamoku'' (327 U. S. 304), the Court reasserted the principles enunciated in ''Ex parte'' Milligan and reaffirmed the tradition of military subordination to civil authorities and institutions. It refused to sanction the military trial of civilians in Hawaii during wartime despite Government claims that the needs of defense made martial law imperative.}}
{{smaller block|Just last term, this Court held in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), that military courts could not constitutionally try a discharged serviceman for an offense which he had allegedly committed while in the Armed Forces. It was decided (1) that since Toth was a civilian he could not be tried by military court-martial, and (2) that since he was charged with murder, a crime in the constitutional sense, he was entitled to indictment by a grand jury, jury trial, and the other protections contained in article III., section 2 and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments. The Court pointed out that trial by civilian courts was the rule for persons who were not members of the Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|There are no supportable grounds upon which to distinguish the ''Toth'' case from the present cases. Toth, Mrs. Covert, and Mrs. Smith were all civilians. All three were American citizens. All three were tried for murder. All three alleged crimes were committed in a foreign country. The only differences were: (1) Toth was an exserviceman while they were wives of soldiers; (2) Toth was arrested in the United States while they were seized in foreign countries. If anything, Toth had closer connection with the military than the two women for his crime was committed while he was actually serving in the Air Force. Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith had never been members of the Army, had never been employed by the Army, had never served in the Army in any capacity. The Government appropriately argued in Toth that the constitutional basis for court-martialing him was clearer than for court-martialing wives who are accompanying their husbands abroad. Certainly Toth’s conduct as a soldier bears a closer relation to the maintenance of order and discipline in the Armed Forces than the conduct of these wives. The fact that Toth was arrested here while the wives were arrested in foreign countries is material only if constitutional safeguards do not shield a citizen abroad when the Government exercises its power over him. As we have said before, such a view of the Constitution is erroneous. The mere fact that these women had gone overseas with their husbands should not reduce the protection the Constitution gives them.}}
{{smaller block|The Milligan, ''Duncan'', and ''Toth'' cases recognized and manifested the deeply rooted and ancient opposition in this country to the extension of military control over civilians. In each instance an effort to expand the jurisdiction of military courts to civilians was repulsed.}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of decisions in the lower Federal courts which have upheld military trial of civilians performing services for the Armed Forces in the field during time of war. To the extent that these cases can be justified, insofar as they involved trial of persons who were not members of the Armed Forces, they must rest on the Government’s war powers. In the face of an actively hostile enemy, military commanders necessarily have broad power over persons on the battlefront. From a time prior to the adoption of the Constitution the extraordinary circumstances present in an area of actual fighting have been considered sufficient to permit punishment of some civilians in that area by military courts under military rules. But neither Japan nor Great Britain could properly be said to be an area where active hostilities were underway at the time Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert committed their offenses or at the time they were tried.}}
{{smaller block|The Government urges that the concept in the field should be broadened to reach dependents accompanying the military forces overseas under the conditions of world tension which exist at the present time. It points out how the war powers include authority to prepare defenses and to establish our military forces in defensive posture about the world. While we recognize that the war powers of the Congress and the Executive are broad, we reject the Government’s argument that present threats to peace permit military trial of civilians accompanying the Armed Forces overseas in an area where no actual hostilities are underway. The exigencies which have required military rule on the battlefront are not present in areas where no conflict exists. Military trial of civilians in the field is an extraordinary jurisdiction, and it should not be expanded at the expense of the Bill of Rights. We agree with Colonel Winthrop, an expert on military jurisdiction, who declared: “A statute cannot be framed by which a civilian can lawfully be made amenable to the military jurisdiction in time of peace.”}}
{{smaller block|As this Court stated in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), the business of soldiers is to fight and prepare to fight wars, not to try civilians for their alleged crimes. Traditionally, military justice has been a rough form of justice emphasizing summary procedures, speedy convictions, and stern penalties with a view to maintaining obedience and fighting fitness in the ranks. Because of its very nature and purpose the military must place great emphasis on discipline and efficiency. Correspondingly, there has always been less emphasis in the military on protecting the rights of the individual than in civilian society and in civilian courts.}}
{{smaller block|Courts-martial are typically ''ad hoc'' bodies appointed by a military officer from among his subordinates. They have always been subject to varying degrees of command influence. In essence, these tribunals are simply executive tribunals whose personnel are in the executive chain of command. Frequently, the members of the court-martial must look to the appointing officer for promotions, advantageous assignments, and efficiency ratings—in short, for their future progress in the service. Conceding to military personnel that high degree of honesty and sense of justice which nearly all of them undoubtedly have, the members of a court-martial, in the nature of things, do not and cannot have the independence of jurors drawn from the general public or of civilian judges.}}
{{smaller block|We recognize that a number of improvements have been made in military justice recently by engrafting more and more of the methods of civilian courts on courts-martial. In large part these ameliorations stem from the reaction of civilians, who were inducted during the two World Wars, to their experience with military justice. Notwithstanding the recent reforms, military trial does not give an accused the same protection which exists in the civil courts. Looming far above all other deficiencies of the military trial, of course, are the absence of trial by jury before an independent judge after an indictment by a grand jury. Moreover, the reforms are merely statutory; Congress—and perhaps the President—can reinstate former practices, subject to any limitations imposed by the Constitution, whenever it desires. As yet it has not been clearly settled to what extent the Bill of Rights and other protective parts of the Constitution apply to military trials.}}
{{smaller block|It must be emphasized that every person who comes within the jurisdiction of courts-martial is subject to military law—law that is substantially different from the law which governs civilian society. Military law is, in many respects, harsh law which is frequently cast in very sweeping and vague terms. It emphasizes the iron hand of discipline more that it does the even scales of justice. Moreover, it has not yet been definitely established to what extent the President, as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, or his delegates, can promulgate, supplement, or change substantive military law as well as the procedures of military courts in time of peace, or in time of war. In any event, Congress has given the President broad discretion to provide the rules governing military trials. For example, in these very cases a technical manual issued under the President’s name with regard to the defense of insanity in military trials was of critical importance in the convictions of Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith. If the President can provide rules of substantive law as well as procedure, then he and his military subordinates exercise legislative, executive, and judicial powers with respect to those subject to military trials. Such blending of functions in one branch of the Government is the objectionable thing which the draftsmen of the Constitution endeavored to prevent by providing for the separation of governmental powers.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, “it still remains true that military tribunals have not been and probably never can be constituted in such way that they can have the same kind of qualifications that the Constitution has deemed essential to fair trials of civilians in Federal courts.” In part this is attributable to the inherent differences in values and attitudes that separate the Military Establishment from civilian society. In the military, by necessity, emphasis must be placed on the security and order of the group rather than on the value and integrity of the individual.}}
{{smaller block|It is urged that the expansion of military jurisdiction over civilians claimed here is only slight, and that the practical necessity for it is very great. The attitude appears to be that a slight encroachment on the Bill of Rights and other safeguards in the Constitution need cause little concern. But to hold that these wives could be tried by the military would be a tempting precedent. Slight encroachments create new boundaries from which legions of power can seek new territory to capture. “It may be that it is the obnoxious thing in its mildest and least repulsive form; but illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing in that way; namely, by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure. This can only be obviated by adhering to the rule that constitutional provisions for the security of person and property should be liberally construed. A close and literal construction deprives them of half their efficacy, and leads to gradual depreciation of the right, as if it consisted more in sound than in substance. It is the duty of courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the citizen, and against any stealthy encroachments thereon.” Moreover we cannot consider this encroachment a slight one. Throughout history many transgressions by the military have been called slight and have been justified as reasonable in light of the uniqueness of the times. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that today the peoples of many nations are ruled by the military.}}
{{smaller block|We should not break faith with this Nation’s tradition of keeping military power subservient to civilian authority, a tradition which we believe is firmly embodied in the Constitution. The country has remained true to that faith for almost 170 years. Perhaps no group in the Nation has been truer than military men themselves. Unlike the soldiers of many other nations, they have been content to perform their military duties in defense of the Nation in every period of need and to perform those duties well without attempting to usurp power which is not theirs under our system of constitutional government.}}
{{smaller block|Ours is a Government of divided authority on the assumption that in division there is not only strength but freedom from tyranny. And under our Constitution courts of law alone are given power to try civilians for their offenses against the United States. The philosophy expressed by Lord Coke, speaking long ago from a wealth of experience, is still timely:}}
{{smaller block|“God send me never to live under the law of conveniency or discretion. Shall the soldier and justice sit on one bench, the trumpet will not let the cryer speak in Westminster Hall.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701, ''Reid'' v. ''Covert'', the judgment of the district court directing that Mrs. Covert be released from custody is affirmed.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713, ''Kinsella'' v. ''Krueger'', the judgment of the district court is reversed and the case is remanded with instructions to order Mrs. Smith released from custody. Reversed and remanded.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Whittaker took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.}}
{{rule|3em}}
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Frankfurter, concurring in the result.}}
{{smaller block|These cases involve the constitutional power of Congress to provide for trial of civilian dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces abroad by court-martial in capital cases. The normal method of trial of Federal offenses under the Constitution is in a civilian tribunal. Trial of offenses by way of court-martial, with all the characteristics of its procedure so different from the forms and safeguards of procedure in the conventional courts, is an exercise of exceptional jurisdiction, arising from the power granted to Congress in article I., section 8, clause 14, of the Constitution of the United States—“To make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” ''Dynes'' v. ''Hoover'', (20 How. 65); see ''Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11); Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d ed. 1896), 52. Article 2(11) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, 64th United States Statutes at Large, pages 107, 109, title 50, United States Code, section 532, and its predecessors were passed as an exercise of that power, and the agreements with England and Japan recognized that the jurisdiction to be exercised under those agreements was based on the relation of the persons involved to the military forces. See the agreement with Great Britain (57 Stat. 1193, E. A. S. No. 355) and the United States of America (Visiting Forces) Act (1942, 5 and 6 Geo. 6, ch. 31); and the 1952 administrative agreement with Japan (3 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 3341, T. I. A. S. No. 2492).}}
{{smaller block|Trial by court-martial is constitutionally permissible only for persons who can, on a fair appraisal, be regarded as falling within the authority given to Congress under article I. to regulate the “land and naval forces,” and who therefore are not protected by specific provisions of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. It is, of course, true that, at least regarding the right to a grand-jury indictment, the fifth amendment is not unmindful of the demands of military discipline. Within the scope of appropriate construction, the phrase “except in cases arising in the land and naval forces” has been assumed also to modify the guaranties of speedy and public trial by jury. And so, the problem before us is not to be answered by recourse to the literal words of this exception. The cases cannot be decided simply by saying that since these women were not in uniform, they were not “in the land and naval forces.” The Court’s function in constitutional adjudications is not exhausted by a literal reading of words. It may be tiresome, but it is nonetheless vital, to keep our judicial minds fixed on the injunction that “it is a Constitution we are expounding.” ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, 407). Although Winthrop in his treatise states that the Constitution “clearly distinguishes the military from the civil class as separate communities” and “recognizes no third class which is part civil and part military—military for a particular purpose or in a particular situation, and civil for all other purposes and in all other situations. * * *” Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d edition 1896), 145, this Court, applying appropriate methods of constitutional interpretation, has long held, and in a variety of situations, that in the exercise of a power specifically granted to it, Congress may sweep in what may be necessary to make effective the explicitly worded power. See ''Jacob Ruppert'' v. ''Caffey'' (251 U. S. 264) especially 289 and following; ''Purity Extract Co.'' v. ''Lynch'' (226 U. S. 192, 201); ''Railroad Commission'' v. ''Chicago, Burlington, &amp; Quincy R. Co.'' (257 U. S. 563, 588). This is the significance of the necessary and proper clause, which is not to be considered so much a separate clause in article I., section 8, as an integral part of each of the preceding 17 clauses. Only thus may be avoided a strangling literalness in construing a document that is not an enumeration of static rules, but the living framework of Government designed for an undefined future. ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316); ''Hurtado'' v. ''California'' (110 U. S. 516, 530–531).}}
{{smaller block|Everything that may be deemed, as the exercise of an allowable judgment by Congress, to fall fairly within the conception conveyed by the power given to Congress “to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces” is constitutionally within that legislative grant and not subject to revision by the independent judgment of the Court. To be sure, every event or transaction that bears some relation to “the land and naval forces” does not ''ipso facto'' come within the tolerant conception of that legislative grant. The issue in these cases involves regard for considerations not dissimilar to those involved in a determination under the due process clause. Obviously, the practical situations before us bear some relation to the military. Yet the question for this Court is not merely whether the relation of these women to the “land and naval forces” is sufficiently close to preclude the necessity of finding that Congress has been arbitrary in its selection of a particular method of trial. For although we must look to article I., section 8, clause 14, as the immediate justifying power, it is not the only clause of the Constitution to be taken into account. The Constitution is an organic scheme of government to be dealt with as an entirety. A particular provision cannot be dissevered from the rest of the Constitution. Our conclusion in these cases therefore must take due account of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must weigh all the factors involved in these cases in order to decide whether these women dependents are so closely related to what Congress may allowably deem essential for the effective “government and regulations of the land and naval forces” that they may be subjected to court-martial jurisdiction in these capital cases, when the consequence is loss of the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|We are not concerned here even with the possibility of some alternative nonmilitary type of trial that does not contain all the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must judge only what has been enacted and what is at issue. It is the power actually asserted by Congress under article I., section 8, clause 14, that must now be adjudged in the light of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. In making this adjudication, I must emphasize that it is only the trial of civilian dependents in a capital case in time of peace that is in question. The Court has not before it, and therefore I need not intimate any opinion on, situations involving civilians, in the sense of persons not having a military status, other than dependents. Nor do we have before us a case involving a noncapital crime. This narrow delineation of the issue is merely to respect the important restrictions binding on the Court when passing on the constitutionality of an act of Congress. “In the exercise of that jurisdiction, it is bound by two rules, to which it has rigidly adhered, one, never to anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it; the other never to formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to be applied. These rules are safe guides to sound judgment. It is the dictate of wisdom to follow them closely and carefully.” ''Steamship Co.'' v. ''Emigration Commissioners'' (113 U. S. 33, 39).}}
{{smaller block|We are also not concerned here with the substantive aspects of the grant of power to Congress to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces. What conduct should be punished and what constitutes a capital case are matters for Congressional discretion, always subject, of course, to any specific restrictions of the Constitution. These cases involve the validity of procedural conditions for determining the commission of a crime in fact punishable by death. The taking of life is irrevocable. It is in capital cases especially that the balance of conflicting interests must be weighted most heavily in favor of the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights. Thus, in ''Powell'' v. ''Alabama'' (287 U. S. 45, 71), the fact “above all that they stood in deadly peril of their lives” led the Court to conclude that the defendants had been denied due process by the failure to allow them reasonable time to seek counsel and the failure to appoint counsel. I repeat. I do not mean to imply that the considerations that are controlling in capital cases involving civilian dependents are constitutionally irrelevant in capital cases involving civilians other than dependents or in noncapital cases involving dependents or other civilians. I do say that we are dealing here only with capital cases and civilian dependents.}}
{{smaller block|The Government asserts that civilian dependents are an integral part of our Armed Forces overseas and that there is substantial military necessity for subjecting them to court-martial jurisdiction. The Government points out that civilian dependents go abroad under military auspices, live with military personnel in a military community, enjoy the privileges of military facilities, and that their conduct inevitably tends to influence military discipline.}}
{{smaller block|The prosecution by court-martial for capital crimes committed by civilian dependents of members of the Armed Forces abroad is hardly to be deemed; under modern conditions, obviously appropriate to the effective exercise of the power to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces when it is a question of deciding what power is granted under article I. and, therefore, what restriction is made on article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. I do not think that the proximity, physical and social, of these women to the land and naval forces is, with due regard to all that has been put before us, so clearly demanded by the effective Government and regulation of those forces as reasonably to demonstrate a justification for court-martial jurisdiction over capital offenses.}}
{{smaller block|The Government speaks of the “great potential impact on military discipline” of these accompanying civilian dependents. This cannot be denied, nor should its implications be minimized. But the notion that discipline over military personnel is to be furthered by subjecting their civilian dependents to the threat of capital punishment imposed by court-martial is too hostile to the reasons that underlie the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights for those safeguards to be displaced. It is true that military discipline might be affected seriously if civilian dependents could commit murders and other capital crimes with impunity. No one, however, challenges the availability to Congress of a power to provide for trial and punishment of these dependents for such crimes. The method of trial alone is in issue. The Government suggests that if trial in an article III. court subject to the restrictions of the fifth and sixth amendments is the only alternative, such a trial could not be held abroad practicably, and it would often be equally impracticable to transport all the witnesses back to the United States for trial. But although there is no need to pass on that issue in this case, trial in the United States is obviously not the only practical alternative and other alternatives may raise different constitutional questions. The Government’s own figures for the Army show that the total number of civilians (all civilians serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces overseas and not merely civilian dependents) for whom general courts-martial for alleged murder were deemed advisable was only 13 in the 7 fiscal years, 1950–56. It is impossible to ascertain from the figures supplied to us exactly how many persons were tried for other capital offenses, but the figures indicate that there could not have been many. There is nothing to indicate that the figures for the other services are more substantial. It thus appears to be a manageable problem within the procedural restrictions found necessary by this opinion.}}
{{smaller block|A further argument is made that a decision adverse to the Government would mean that only a foreign trial could be had. Even assuming that the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, (4 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 1792, T. I. A. S. No. 2846) covering countries where a large part of our Armed Forces are stationed, gives jurisdiction to the United States only through its military authorities, this court cannot speculate that any given nation would be unwilling to grant or continue such extraterritorial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in capital cases if they were to be tried by some other manner than court-martial. And even if such were the case, these civilian dependents would then merely be in the same position as are so many Federal employees and their dependents and other United States citizens who are subject to the laws of foreign nations when residing there. See also the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, ''supra'', article VII., sections 2, 3.}}
{{smaller block|The Government makes the final argument that these civilian dependents are part of the United States military contingent abroad in the eyes of the foreign nations concerned and that their conduct may have a profound effect on our relations with these countries, with a consequent effect on the Military Establishment there. But the argument that military courts-martial in capital cases are necessitated by this factor assumes either that a military court-martial constitutes a stronger deterrent to this sort of conduct or that in the absence of such a trial no punishment would be meted out and our foreign policy thereby injured. The reasons why these considerations carry no conviction have already been indicated.}}
{{smaller block|I therefore conclude that in capital cases the exercise of court-martial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in time of peace cannot be justified by article I., considered in connection with the specific protections of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|Since the conclusion thus reached differs from what the Court decided last term, a decent respect for the judicial process calls for reexamination of the two grounds that then prevailed. The court sustained its action on the authority of the cases dealing with the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for the territories, reinforced by ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453), in which this Court, in 1891, sustained the criminal jurisdiction of a consular court in Japan. These authorities grew out of, and related to, specific situations very different from those now here. They do not control or even embarrass the problem before us.}}
{{smaller block|Legal doctrines are not self-generated abstract categories. They do not fall from the sky; nor are they pulled out of it. They have a specific judicial origin and etiology. They derive meaning and content from the circumstances that gave rise to them and from the purposes they were designed to serve. To these they are bound as is a live tree to its roots. Doctrines like those expressed by the Ross case and the series of cases beginning with ''American Insurance Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511), must be placed in their historical setting. They cannot be wrenched from it and mechanically transplanted into an alien, unrelated context without suffering mutilation or distortion. “If a precedent involving a black horse is applied to a case involving a white horse, we are not excited. If it were an elephant or an animal ''ferae naturae'' or a chose in action, then we would venture into thought. The difference might make a difference. We really are concerned about precedents chiefly when their facts differ somewhat from the facts in the case at bar. Then there is a gulf or hiatus that has to be bridged by a concern for principle and a concern for practical results and practical wisdom.” Thomas Reed Powell, Vagaries and Varieties in Constitutional Interpretation 36. This attitude toward precedent underlies the whole system of our case law. It was thus summarized by Mr. Justice Brandeis: “It is a peculiar virtue of our system of law that the process of inclusion and exclusion, so often employed in developing a rule, is not allowed to end with its enunciation and that an expression in an opinion yields later to the impact of facts unforeseen.” ''Jaybird Mining Co.'' v. ''Weir'' (271 U. S. 609, 619 (dissenting)). Especially is this attitude to be observed in constitutional controversies.}}
{{smaller block|The Territorial cases relied on by the Court last term held that certain specific constitutional restrictions on the Government did not automatically apply in the acquired Territories of Florida, Hawaii, the Philippines, or Puerto Rico. In these cases, the Court drew its decisions from the power of Congress to “make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory * * * belonging to the United States,” for which provision is made in article IV., section 3. The United States from time to time acquired lands in which many of our laws and customs found an uncongenial soil because they ill accorded with the history and habits of their people. Mindful of all relevant provisions of the Constitution and not allowing one to frustrate another—which is the guiding thought of this opinion—the Court found it necessary to read article IV., section 3 together with the fifth and sixth amendments and article III. in the light of those circumstances. The question arose most frequently with respect to the establishment of trial by jury in possessions in which such a system was wholly without antecedents. The Court consistently held with respect to such Territory that Congressional power under article IV., section 3 was not restricted by the requirement of article III., section 2, clause 3, and the sixth amendment of providing trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|“If the right to trial by jury were a fundamental right which goes wherever the jurisdiction of the United States extends; or if Congress, in framing laws for outlying territory belonging to the United States, was obliged to establish that system by affirmative legislation, it would follow that, no matter what the needs or capacities of the people, trial by jury, and in no other way, must be forthwith established, although the result may be to work injustice and provoke disturbance rather than to aid the orderly administration of justice. If the United States, impelled by its duty or advantage, shall acquire territory peopled by savages, and of which it may dispose or not hold for ultimate admission to statehood, if this doctrine is sound, it must establish there the trial by jury. To state such a proposition demonstrates the impossibility of carrying it into practice. Again, if the United States shall acquire by treaty the cession of territory having an established system of jurisprudence, where jury trials are unknown, but a method of fair and orderly trial prevails under an acceptable and long-established code, the preference of the people must be disregarded, their established customs ignored, and they themselves coerced to accept, in advance of incorporation into the United States, a system of trial unknown to them and unsuited to their needs. We do not think it was intended, in giving power to Congress to make regulations for the territories, to hamper its exercise with this condition.” ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138, 148.)}}
{{smaller block|The fundamental right test is the one which the Court has consistently enunciated in the long series of cases—''e. g.'', ''American Ins. Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511); ''De Lima'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 1); ''Downes'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 244); ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138); ''Balzac'' v. ''Porto Rico'' (258 U. S. 298)—dealing with claims of constitutional restrictions on the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for governing the unincorporated territories. The process of decision appropriate to the problem led to a detailed examination of the relation of the specific territory to the United States. This examination, in its similarity to analysis in terms of due process, is essentially the same as that to be made in the present cases in weighing Congressional power to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces against the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|The results in the cases that arose by reason of the acquisition of exotic territory do not control the present cases for the territorial cases rest specifically—on article IV., section 3, which is a grant of power to Congress to deal with territory and other Government property. Of course the power sought to be exercised in Great Britain and Japan does not relate to territory. The Court’s opinions in the territorial cases did not lay down a broad principle that the protective provisions of the Constitution do not apply outside the continental limits of the United States. This Court considered the particular situation in each newly acquired territory to determine whether the grant to Congress of power to govern territory was restricted by a specific provision of the Constitution. The territorial cases, in the emphasis put by them on the necessity for considering the specific circumstances of each particular case, are thus relevant in that they provide an illustrative method for harmonizing constitutional provisions which appear, separately considered, to be conflicting.}}
{{smaller block|The Court last term relied on a second source of authority, the consular court case, ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). Pursuant to a treaty with Japan, Ross, a British subject but a member of the crew of a United States ship, was tried and convicted in a consular court in Yokohama for murder of a fellow seaman while the ship was in Yokohama Harbor. His application for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to a United States circuit court was denied, 44 F. 185, and on appeal here, the judgment was affirmed. This Court set forth the ground of the circuit court, “the long and uniform acquiescence by the executive, administrative, and legislative departments of the Government in the validity of the legislation,” 140th United States Reports, at page 461, and then stated:}}
{{smaller block|“The circuit court might have found an additional ground for not calling in question the legislation of Congress, in the uniform practice of civilized governments for centuries to provide consular tribunals in other than Christian countries * * * for the trial of their own subjects or citizens for offenses committed in those countries, as well as for the settlement of civil disputes between them; and in the uniform recognition, down to the time of the formation of our Government, of the fact that the establishment of such tribunals was among the most important subjects for treaty stipulations. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The treatymaking power vested in our Government extends to all proper subjects of negotiation with foreign governments. It can, equally with any of the former or present governments of Europe, make treaties providing for the exercise of judicial authority in other countries by its officers appointed to reside therein.}}
{{smaller block|“We do not understand that any question is made by counsel as to its power in this respect. His objection is to the legislation by which such treaties are carried out * * *.}}
{{smaller block|“By the Constitution a government is ordained and established ‘for the United States of America,’ and not for countries outside of their limits. The guarantees it affords against accusation of capital or infamous crimes, except by indictment or presentment by a grand jury, and, for an impartial trial by a jury when thus accused, apply only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad. * * * The Constitution can have no operation in another country. When, therefore, the representatives or officers of our Government are permitted to exercise authority of any kind in another country, it must be on such conditions as the two countries may agree, the laws of neither one being obligatory upon the other. The deck of a private American vessel, it is true, is considered for many purposes constructively as territory of the United States, yet persons on board of such vessels, whether officers, sailors, or passengers, cannot invoke the protection of the provisions referred to until brought within the actual territorial boundaries of the United States.” (140 U. S., at 462–464.)}}
{{smaller block|One observation should be made at the outset about the grounds for decision in Ross. Insofar as the opinion expressed a view that the Constitution is not operative outside the United States—and apparently Mr. Justice Field meant by “United States” all lands over which the United States flag flew, see John W. Burgess, How May the United States Govern Its Extra-Continental Territory? (14 Pol. Sci. Q. 1 (1899))—it expressed a notion that has long since evaporated. Governmental action abroad is performed under both the authority and the restrictions of the Constitution—for example, proceedings before American military tribunals, whether in Great Britain or in the United States, are subject to the applicable restrictions of the Constitution. See opinions in ''Burns'' v. ''Wilson'' (346 U. S. 137).}}
{{smaller block|The significance of the Ross case and its relevance to the present cases cannot be assessed unless due regard is accorded the historical context in which that case was decided. Ross is not rooted in any abstract principle or comprehensive theory touching constitutional power or its restrictions. It was decided with reference to a very particular, practical problem with a long history. To be mindful of this does not attribute to Mr. Justice Field’s opinion some unavowed historical assumption. On behalf of the whole court, he spelled out the considerations that controlled it:}}
{{smaller block|“The practice of European governments to send officers to reside in foreign countries, authorized to exercise a limited jurisdiction over vessels and seamen of their country, to watch the interests of their countrymen and to assist in adjusting their disputes and protecting their commerce, goes back to a very early period, even preceding what are termed the Middle Ages. * * * In other than Christian countries they were, by treaty stipulations, usually clothed with authority to hear complaints against their countrymen and to sit in judgment upon them when charged with public offenses. After the rise of Islamism, and the spread of its followers over eastern Asia and other countries bordering on the Mediterranean, the exercise of this judicial authority became a matter of great concern. The intense hostility of the people of Moslem faith to all other sects, and particularly to Christians, affected all their intercourse, and all proceedings had in their tribunals. Even the rules of evidence adopted by them placed those of different faith on unequal grounds in any controversy with them. For this cause, and by reason of the barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted in those countries, and the frequent use of torture to enforce confession from parties accused, it was a matter of deep interest to Christian governments to withdraw the trial of their subjects, when charged with the commission of a public offence, from the arbitrary and despotic action of the local officials. Treaties conferring such jurisdiction upon these consuls were essential to the peaceful residence of Christians within those countries and the successful prosecution of commerce with their people.” One Hundred and Fortieth United States Reports, at page 463.}}
{{smaller block|“It is true that the occasion for consular tribunals in Japan may hereafter be less than at present, as every year that country progresses in civilization and in the assimilation of its system of judicial procedure to that of Christian countries, as well as in the improvement of its penal statutes; but the system of consular tribunals * * * is of the highest importance, and their establishment in other than. Christian countries, where our people may desire to go in pursuance of commerce, will often be essential for the protection of their persons and property” (''id.'', at 480).}}
{{smaller block|It is important to have a lively sense of this background before attempting to draw on the Ross case. Historians have traced grants of extraterritorial rights as far back as the permission given by Egypt in the 12th or 13th century {{asc|B. C.}} to the merchants of Tyre to establish factories on the Nile and to live under their own law and practice their own religion. Numerous other instances of persons living under their own law in foreign lands existed in the later pre-Christian era and during the Roman Empire and the so-called Dark and Middle Ages—Greeks in Egypt, all sorts of foreigners in Rome, inhabitants of Christian cities and states in the Byzantine Empire, the Latin kingdoms of the Levant, and other Christian cities and states, Mohammedans in the Byzantine Empire and China, and many others lived in foreign lands under their own law. While the origins of this extraterritorial jurisdiction may have differed in each country, the notion that law was for the benefit of the citizens of a country and its advantages not for foreigners appears to have been an important factor. Thus, there existed a long-established custom of extraterritorial jurisdiction at the beginning of the 15th century when the complete conquest of the Byzantine Empire by the Turks and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire substantially altered political relations between Christian Europe and the Near East. But commercial relations continued, and in 1535 Francis I. of France negotiated a treaty with Suleiman I. of Turkey that provided for numerous extraterritorial rights, including criminal and civil jurisdiction over all disputes among. French subjects. (1 Ernest Charriere, Negotiations de la France dans le Levant 283.) Other nations and eventually the United States in 1830 (8 Stat. 408), later negotiated similar treaties with the Turks. (For a more complete history of the development of extraterritorial rights and consular jurisdiction, see 1 Calvo, Le Droit International Theorique et Pratique (5th ed., Rousseau, 1896), 2–18, 2 ''id.'', 9–12; Hinckley, American Consular Jurisdiction in the Orient, 1–9; 1 Miltitz, Manuel des Consuls passim; Ravndal, The Origin of the Capitulations and of the Consular Jurisdiction, S. Doc. No. 34, 67th Cong., 1st sess. 5–45, 56–96; Shih Shun Liu, Extraterritoriality, 23–66; Twiss, The Law of Nations (1884 ed.), 443–457.)}}
{{smaller block|The emergence of the nation-state in Europe and the growth of the doctrine of absolute territorial sovereignty changed the nature of extraterritorial rights. No longer were strangers to be denied the advantages of local law. Indeed, territorial sovereignty meant the exercise of sovereignty over all residents within the borders of the state, and the system of extraterritorial consular jurisdiction tended to die out among Christian nations in the 18th and 19th centuries. But a new justification was found for the continuation of that jurisdiction in those countries whose systems of justice were considered inferior, and it was this strong feeling with respect to Moslem and Far Eastern countries that was reflected, as we have seen, in the Ross opinion.}}
{{smaller block|Until 1842, China had asserted control over all foreigners within its territory (Shih Shun Liu, ''op. cit.'', ''supra'', 76–89) but, as a result of the Opium War, Great Britain negotiated a treaty with China whereby she obtained consular offices in five open ports and was granted extraterritorial rights over her citizens. On July 3, 1844, Caleb Cushing negotiated a similar treaty on behalf of the United States (8 Stat. 592). In a letter to Secretary of State Calhoun, he explained: “I entered China with the formed general conviction that the United States ought not to concede to any foreign state, under any circumstances, jurisdiction over the life and liberty of a citizen of the United States, unless that foreign state be of our own family of nations—in a word a Christian state.” Quoted in 7 Op. Atty. Gen. 495, 496–497. Later treaties continued the extraterritorial rights of the United States, and the treaty of 1903 contained the following article demonstrating the purpose of those rights:}}
{{smaller block|“The Government of China having expressed a strong desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of western nations, the United States agrees to give every assistance to such reform and will also be prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant it in doing so” (33 Stat. 2208, 2215).}}
{{smaller block|The first treaty with Japan was negotiated by Commodore Perry in 1854 (11 Stat. 597). It opened two ports, but did not provide for any exercise of judicial powers by United States officials. Under the treaty of 1857 (11 Stat. 723), such power was given, and later treaties, which opened up further Japanese cities for trade and residence by United States citizens, retained these rights. The treaty of 1894, effective on July 17, 1899, however, ended these extraterritorial rights and Japan, even though a non-Christian nation, came to occupy the same status as Christian nations (29 Stat. 848). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction by consuls over United States citizens was also provided for, at one time or another, in treaties with Borneo (10 Stat. 909, 910); Siam (11 Stat. 683, 684); Madagascar (15 Stat. 491, 492); Samoan Islands (20 Stat. 704); Korea (23 Stat. 720, 721); Tonga Islands (25 Stat. 1440, 1442) and, by virtue of most-favored-nation clauses; in treaties with Tripoli (8 Stat. 154); Persia (11 Stat. 709); the Congo (27 Stat. 926); and Ethiopia (33 Stat. 2254). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction was also provided for in a treaty with Morocco (8 Stat. 100), by virtue of a most-favored-nation clause and by virtue of a clause granting jurisdiction if “any citizens of the United States * * * shall have any disputes with each other.” The word “disputes” has been interpreted by the International Court of Justice to comprehend criminal as well as civil disputes. ''France'' v. ''United States'' (I. C. J. Rept. 1952, p. 176, 188–189.) The treaties with Algiers (8 Stat. 133, 224, 244); Tunis (8 Stat. 157); and Muscat (8 Stat. 458) contained similar disputes clauses.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial power exercised by consuls was defined by statute and was sweeping:}}
{{smaller block|“Jurisdiction in both criminal and civil matters shall, in all cases, be exercised and enforced in conformity with the laws of the United States, which are hereby, so far as is necessary to execute such treaties, respectively, and so far as they are suitable to carry the same into effect, extended over all citizens of the United States in those countries, and over all others to the extent that the terms of the treaties, respectively, justify or require. But in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.” (Rev. Stat. sec. 4086.)}}
{{smaller block|The consuls, then, exercised not only executive and judicial power, but legislative power as well.}}
{{smaller block|The number of people subject to the jurisdiction of these courts during their most active periods appears to have been fairly small. In the Chronicle &amp; Directory for China, Japan, and the Philippines, for the year 1870, there is a listing of the total number of foreign, not just United States, residents in these three places. The list is 81 pages long, with a total of some 4,500 persons (pp. 54–134). This same publication gives the following information about Japan. “The number of foreigners settled in Japan is as yet very small. At the end of the year 1862, the foreign community at Kanagawa, the principal of the three ports of Japan open to aliens, consisted of * * * 38 Americans * * * and in the latter part of 1864 the permanent foreign residents at Kanagawa had increased to 300, not counting soldiers, of which number * * * about 80 [were] Americans. * * * At Nagasaki, the second port of Japan thrown open to foreign trade by the Government, the number of alien settlers was as follows on the 1st of January 1866: * * * American citizens, 32. * * * A third port opened to European and American traders, that of Hakodadi, in the north of Japan, was deserted, after a lengthened trial, by nearly all the foreign merchants settled there * * *.” (Appendix, p. 353.) The statesman’s Yearbook of 1890 shows: China at the end of 1888: 1,020 Americans (p. 411); Japan in 1887, 711 Americans (p. 709); Morocco; 1889 estimate: “The number of Christians is very small, not exceeding 1,500” (p. 739). The Statesman’s Yearbook of 1901 shows: China at the end of 1899: 2,335 Americans (p. 484); Japan, December 31, 1898, just before the termination of our extraterritorial rights: 1,165 Americans (p. 809); Morocco: “The number of Christians does not exceed 6,000; the Christian population of Tangier alone probably amounts to 5,000” (p. 851). These figures of course do not include those civilians temporarily in the country coming within consular jurisdiction.}}
{{smaller block|The consular court jurisdiction, then, was exercised in countries whose legal systems at the time were considered so inferior that justice could not be obtained in them by our citizens. The existence of these courts was based on long-established custom and they were justified as the best possible means for securing justice for the few Americans present in those countries. The Ross case, therefore, arose out of, and rests on, very special, confined circumstances, and cannot be applied automatically to the present situation, involving hundreds of thousands of American citizens in countries with civilized systems of justice. If Congress had established consular courts or some other nonmilitary procedure for trial that did not contain all the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments for the trial of civilian dependents of military personnel abroad, we would be forced to a detailed analysis of the situation of the civilian dependent population abroad in deciding whether the Ross case should be extended to cover such a case. It is not necessary to do this in the present cases in view of our decision that the form or trial here provided cannot constitutionally be justified.}}
{{smaller block|The Government, apparently recognizing the constitutional basis for the decision in Ross, has, on rehearing, sought to show that civilians in general and civilian dependents in particular have been subject to military order and discipline ever since the colonial period. The materials it has submitted seem too episodic, too meager, to form a solid basis in history, preceding and contemporaneous with the framing of the Constitution, for constitutional adjudication. What has been urged on us falls far too short of proving a well-established practice—to be deemed to be infused into the Constitution—of court-martial jurisdiction, certainly not in capital cases, over such civilians in time of peace.}}
Mr. President, the decision which I have read in the {{sc|Record}} is in the case of Curtis Reid, Superintendent of the District of Columbia Jail, Appellant, against Clarice B. Covert, and Nina Kinsella, Warden of the Federal Reformatory for Women, Alderson, W. Va., petitioner, against Walter Krueger. The opinion, which was written by Mr. Justice Black, was concurred in by the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan. It pointed out clearly that even though the court-martial so provided, the jury trial could not be denied to civilians accompanying the Armed Forces. It is very clear on that point.

There was a concurring opinion, which I have just included in the {{sc|Record}}, by Justice Frankfurter, which upholds that contention.

There is no question that under the United States Constitution citizens are entitled to a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the discretion of a Federal judge to say whether he is going to grant a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the Congress to say that if the punishment is only a $300 fine or 45 days imprisonment we will let the judge try the case, but if it is above that the defendant can get a jury trial. That simply does not make sense. It violates the Constitution and is in derogation of the administration of justice in this country. As someone has said, it is a split-level statute.

Mr. President, on May 9, 1957, before the mountain and plain regional meeting of the American Bar Association in Denver, Colo., Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., of the Supreme Court, made an address on our judicial systems. In this address he discussed the advantages of our traditional jury-trial system. Because of the clear, straightforward nature of this address, I want to quote the following statement made by Justice Brennan. This is what he said:
{{smaller block|We hear much, for example, of the proposal that we turn all automobile-accident litigation over to an administrative agency. The idea is that, because automobile litigation accounts for a major part of court business, the simple solution is to dispose of the problem by throwing it out the window. What an abject abdication of our profession’s responsibility to provide judicial justice for our citizens. But, at best, there is utterly no hope for that idea, at least not in our lifetimes, when the job of judicial reform must be done. It will be a long day before our society will pay the price of damages for every automobile injury or death without regard to the fault of the person injured or killed. There is no true analogy between compensation for the injured workman who helps produce goods or services for profit, where the cost is passed on to the consumer in the price of the goods or services, and compensation to the automobile victim, where the cost would have to be borne by all of us.}}
{{smaller block|Another nostrum is that, because jury trials take more time than trials before a judge without a jury, the easy answer to calendar congestion is to get rid of jury trials in automobile accident cases. Actual studies are being made to prove that the average jury trial in a negligence case takes more time than a nonjury trial of a negligence case. I question the need for a study to prove something that every judge and lawyer knows. Of course jury trials usually take more time than nonjury trials. But those who propose this suggest also that fairer justice will result if a judge, unprejudiced for one side or the other—they really mean that juries are prejudiced in favor of plaintiffs—disposes of them. I doubt that that proposition can withstand analysis. As a trial judge I was always interested in how often the jury brought in the same verdict on liability that I would have reached. And that seems to be the experience of trial judges generally. A recent survey proved that in upwards of 85 percent of the cases the trial judge reported that the jury reached the result on liability that he would have reached. Moreover, the idea that juries go haywire in fixing damages where plaintiffs prevail should be looked at a little more closely. I think at least that judge-decided verdicts under the Federal Tort Claims Act (no jury trial is had under that act) do not persuade the Department of Justice that juries are any less conscientious in fixing damages. I know that at times juries do go overboard. But I can count on the fingers of one hand the instances in my time as a trial judge when I felt it necessary to set aside verdicts because they had done so. My experience left me with the definite impression that jurors almost always do try to fix damages within allowable limits.}}
{{smaller block|I think, at all events, this proposal to abolish jury trials in automobile accident cases also faces an almost insurmountable hurdle. The success of our British brothers in abolishing jury trials should not mislead us. American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. Perhaps the emotion generated by proposals to modify or deny the right has its roots in the Jacksonian era of distrust of the legal profession and the insistence upon the people’s control of the administration of justice. Perhaps it is a survival of the same thing which gave us the elective system of judges in most States and in some, as in my own, New Jersey, actual lay participation on the bench. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of the preservation of their liberties. The road of him who would take away jury trial in automobile accident cases is a long and rocky one.}}
{{smaller block|I submit that it is a sorry response to the litigant who suffers from long delay in having his accident suit tried that we can offer no relief beyond “let’s throw accident litigation out of the courts,” or “let’s deny the victim the right of a jury trial.” Our profession must stand up and reject those nostrums. We know now that there are judicial structures and techniques of judicial administration which not only can cope with problems of calendar control but to far more {{SIC|signficant|significant}} purposes can also measurably assist in our ceaseless striving to give better justice. Our need is to get up our courage to fight for these things and to do battle with the powerfully entrenched opponents of any reform who too often take their position out of self-interest without sufficient consideration of what is best in the people’s interest. It doubtless is true that achievement of a modernized, efficient judicial structure requires far-reaching legislative and constitutional changes in most jurisdictions. But, far better to do the arduous labor of getting that essential job done than to promote equally drastic changes which are nothing more than a humiliating confession of defeat.}}
{{smaller block|Let us not forget that the integrity and efficiency of the judicial process is the first essential in a democratic society. The confidence of the people in the administration of justice is a prime requisite for free representative government. The public entrusts the legal profession with the sacred mission of dealing with the vital affairs that affect the whole pattern of human relations and certainly has a stake entitling it to demand not only that judges dispense justice impartially and fairly but also that judicial business shall be handled and disposed of by a modernized process which assures a minimum of friction and waste, for such a process also plays a large role in the achievement of impartial and fair justice for all litigants. There is actually no difference between the business of judicial administration and the business of running an industrial or commercial enterprise in the sense that the efficient and businesslike conduct of each means better service for the public. An inefficient and wasteful judicial administration actually can and often does result in a denial of justice, however earnestly an honest and upright judge may strive to prevent that lamentable result.}}
{{smaller block|I think it is not difficult to account for today’s heightened interest on the part of the general public throughout our Nation and, indeed, the Free World in the improvement of the process for administering justice. That growing interest is in large measure a product of the tumultuous times in which we live. For these are not only times which have produced a monstrous threat to all freedom, but, by the very reason of that threat, are times which have induced in free peoples everywhere an ever intensifying critical self-examination of the institutions upon which their freedoms depend—an insistence upon exposure of the imperfections of those institutions, a peremptory demand upon those who are entrusted with those institutions to improve and strengthen them the more surely to withstand the onslaught bent upon their destruction. It is but natural then that the judicial process should come under examination, for never was it more true than today that “Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.”}}
Mr. President, I submit, just as Justice Brennan has quoted here, which never was more true than today:
{{smaller block|Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.}}
I contend that since our forefathers placed in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights provisions which are so plain it seems no one could misinterpret them, providing for trial by jury in criminal cases, there can be no question that jury trials are not only desirable but are demanded under the Constitution. There should be no doubt in the mind of anyone, if he studies the Constitution, that the so-called compromise which tends to compromise the Constitution of the United States is not a just, is not a fair, is not a wise, and is not a constitutional provision, and that this bill should be killed.

Mr. President, one of the most interesting books ever written on the American system of Government was by Alexis de Tocqueville, a young Frenchman who wrote a book entitled “Democracy in America” after visiting this country during the 1830s. One of the chapters of his book was entitled “Trial by Jury in the United States Considered as a Political Institution.”

I shall read excerpts from this chapter because it provides an excellent insight into the prestige attained by the system of jury trial from the observation of an unbiased observer.
{{smaller block|[From de Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America,” written after visiting America in the 1830s.]}}
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Trial by Jury in the United States Constitution as a Political Institution}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury, which is one of the forms of the sovereignty of the people, ought to be compared with the other laws which establish that sovereignty: Composition of the jury in the United States; effect of trial by jury upon the national character; it educates the people; how it tends to establish the influence of the magistrates and to extend the legal spirit among the people.}}
{{smaller block|Since my subject has led me to speak of the administration of justice in the United States, I will not pass over it without referring to the institution of the jury. Trial by jury may be considered in two separate points of view: as a judicial, and as a political institution. * * *}}
{{smaller block|My present purpose is to consider the jury as a political institution; any other course would divert me from my subject. Of trial by jury considered as a judicial institution I shall here say but little. When the English adopted trial by jury, they were a semi-barbarous people; they have since become one of the most enlightened nations of the earth, and their attachment to this institution seems to have increased with their increasing cultivation. They have emigrated and colonized every part of the habitable globe; some have formed colonies, others independent states; the mother country has maintained its monarchial constitution; many of its offspring have founded powerful republics; but everywhere they have boasted of the privilege of trial by jury. They have established it, or hastened to reestablish it, in all their settlements. A judicial institution which thus obtains the suffrages of a great people for so long a series of ages, which is zealously reproduced at every stage of civilization, in all the climates of the earth, and under every form of human {{SIC|govment|government}}, cannot be contrary to the spirit of justice.}}
{{smaller block|But to leave this part of the subject. It would be a very narrow view to look upon the jury as a mere judicial institution; for however great its influence may be upon the decisions of the courts, it is still greater on the destinies of society at large. The jury is, above all, a political institution, and it must be regarded in this light in order to be duly appreciated.}}
{{smaller block|By the jury I mean a certain number of citizens chosen by lot and invested with a temporary right of judging. Trial by jury, as applied to the repression of crime, appears to me an eminently republican element in the government, for the following reasons.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury may be aristocratic or democratic, according to the class from which the jurors are taken; but it always preserves its republican character, in that it places the real direction of society in the hands of the governed, or of a portion of the governed, and not in that of the government. Force is never more than a transient element of success, and after force comes the notion of right. A government able to reach its enemies only upon a field of battle would soon be destroyed. The true sanction of political laws is to be found in penal legislation; and if that sanction is wanting, the law will sooner or later lose its cogency. He who punishes the criminal is therefore the real master of society. Now, the institution of the jury raises the people itself, or at least a class of citizens, to the bench of judges. The institution of the jury consequently invests the people, or that class of citizens, with the direction of society.}}
{{smaller block|In England the jury is selected from the aristocratic portion of the nation; the aristocracy makes the laws, applies the laws, and punishes infractions of the laws; everything is established upon a consistent footing, and England may with truth be said to constitute an aristocratic republic. In the United States the same system is applied to the whole people. Every American citizen is both an eligible and a legally qualified voter. The jury system as it is understood in America appears to me to be as direct and as extreme a consequence of the sovereignty of the people as universal suffrage. They are two instruments of equal power, which contribute to the supremacy of the majority. All the sovereigns who have chosen to govern by their own authority, and to direct society instead of obeying its directions, have destroyed or enfeebled the institution of the jury. The Tudor monarchs sent to prison jurors who refused to convict, and Napoleon caused them to be selected by his agents.}}
{{smaller block|However clear most of these truths may seem to be, they do not command universal assent; and in France, at least, trial by jury is still but imperfectly understood. If the question arises as to the proper qualification of jurors, it is confined to a discussion of the intelligence and knowledge of the citizens who may be returned, as if the jury was merely a judicial institution. This appears to me the least important part of the subject. The jury is preeminently a political institution; it should be regarded as one form of the sovereignty of the people; when that sovereignty is repudiated, it must be rejected, or it must be adapted to the laws by which that sovereignty is established. The jury is that portion of the nation to which the execution of the laws is entrusted, as the legislature is that part of the nation which makes the laws; and in order that society may be governed in a fixed and uniform manner, the list of citizens qualified to serve on juries must increase and diminish with the list of electors. This I hold to be the point of view most worthy of the attention of the legislator; all that remains is merely accessory.}}
{{smaller block|I am so entirely convinced that the jury is preeminently a political institution that I still consider it in this light when it is applied in civil causes. Laws are always unstable unless they are founded upon the customs of a nation; customs are the only durable and resisting power in a people. When the jury is reserved for criminal offenses, the people witness only its occasional action in particular cases; they become accustomed to do without it in the ordinary course of life, and it is considered as an instrument, but not as the only instrument, of obtaining justice.}}
{{smaller block|When, on the contrary, the jury acts also on civil causes, its application is constantly visible; it affects all the interests of the community; everyone cooperates in its work; it thus penetrates into all the usages of life, it fashions the human mind to its peculiar forms, and is gradually associated with the idea of justice itself.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury, if confined to criminal causes, is always in danger; but when once it is introduced into civil proceedings, it defies the aggressions of time and man. If it had been as easy to remove the jury from the customs as from the laws of England, it would have perished under the Tudors, and the civil jury did in reality at that period save the liberties of England. In whatever manner the jury be applied, it cannot fail to exercise a powerful influence upon the national character; but this influence ts prodigiously increased when it is introduced into civil causes. The jury, and more especially the civil jury, serves to communicate the spirit of the judges to the minds of all the citizens; and this spirit, with the habits which attend it, is the soundest preparation for free institutions. It imbues all classes with a respect for the thing judged and with the notion of right. If these two elements be removed, the love of independence becomes a mere destructive passion. It teaches men to practice equity; every man learns to judge his neighbor as he would himself be judged. And this is especially true of the jury in civil causes; for while the number of persons who have reason to apprehend a criminal prosecution is small, everyone is liable to have a lawsuit. The jury teaches every man not to recoil before the responsibility of his own actions and impresses him with that manly confidence without which no political virtue can exist. It invests each citizen with a kind of magistracy; it makes them all feel the duties which they are bound to discharge toward society and the part which they take in its government. By obliging men to turn their attention to other affairs than their own, it rubs off that private selfishness which is the rust of society.}}
{{smaller block|The jury contributes powerfully to form the judgment and to increase the natural intelligence of a people; and this, in my opinion, is its greatest advantage. It may be regarded as a gratuitous public school, ever open, in which every juror learns his rights, enters into daily communication with the most learned and enlightened members of the upper classes, and becomes practically acquainted with the laws, which are brought within the reach of his capacity by the efforts of the bar, the advice of the judge, and even the passions of the parties. I think that the practical intelligence and political good sense of the Americans are mainly attributable to the long use that they have made of the jury in civil causes.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know whether the jury is useful to those who have lawsuits, but I am certain it is highly beneficial to those who judge them; and I look upon it as one of the most efficacious means for the education of the people which society can employ.}}
{{smaller block|What I have said applies to all nations, but the remark I am about to make is peculiar to the Americans and to democratic communities. I have already observed that in democracies the members of the legal profession and the judicial magistrates constitute the only aristocratic body which can moderate the movements of the people. This aristocracy is invested with no physical power; it exercises its conservative influence upon the minds of men; and the most abundant source of its authority is the institution of the civil jury. In criminal causes, when society is contending against a single man, the jury is apt to look upon the judge as the passive instrument of social power and to mistrust his advice. Moreover, criminal causes turn entirely upon simple facts, which commonsense can readily appreciate; upon this ground the judge and the jury are equal. Such is not the case, however, in civil causes; then the judge appears as a disinterested arbiter between the conflicting passions of the parties. The jurors look up to him with confidence and listen to him with respect, for in this instance, his intellect entirely governs theirs. It is the judge who sums up the various arguments which have wearied their memory, and who guides them through the devious course of the proceedings; he points their attention to the exact question of fact that they are called upon to decide and tells them how to answer the question of law. His influence over them is almost unlimited.}}
{{smaller block|If I am called upon to explain why I am but little moved by the arguments derived from the ignorance of jurors in civil causes, I reply that in these proceedings, whenever the question to be solved is not a mere question of fact, the jury has only the semblance of a judicial body. The jury only sanctions the decision of the judge; they sanction this decision by the authority of society which they represent, and he by that of reason and of law.}}
{{smaller block|The jury, then, which seems to restrict the rights of the judiciary does in reality consolidate its power; and in no country are the judges so powerful as where the people share their privileges. It is especially by means of the jury in civil causes that the American magistrates imbue even the lower classes of society with the spirit of their profession. Thus the jury, which is the most energetic means of making the people rule, is also the most efficacious means of teaching it how to rule well.}}
Mr. President, de Tocqueville contributed a great deal to literature and to society. He was a Frenchman who came to our country and studied our form of government. He was so impressed that he wrote the chapter on trial by jury, in which he emphasized the fact that the jury is the heart of the administration of justice in a democracy.

On Friday, July 5, 1957, there was printed in the State, a newspaper published in Columbia, S. C., an article quoting the then president of the American Bar Association, Mr. David F. Maxwell, on the subject of jury trials.

I believe Mr. Maxwell is a member of the Philadelphia bar, of which our distinguished Presiding Officer [Mr. {{sc|Clark}}] is also a member. I am sure that the Presiding Officer, as well as the Senate, will be interested in what Mr. Maxwell had to say on the subject of jury trials, and that the views expressed by him will be of interest to everyone who believes in constitutional government. I read as follows:
{{smaller block|The president of the American Bar Association today answered charges that trial by jury is an outmoded, time-consuming process which can be replaced by more efficient legal procedure.}}
{{smaller block|David F. Maxwell, of Philadelphia, who heads the lawyers organization, said instead that jury trials are the ultimate protection against invasion of personal freedom.}}
{{smaller block|He spoke at the diamond jubilee celebration of the State Bar of Texas.}}
{{smaller block|“Too many persons today are prone to view trial by jury solely as a factfinding device, and hence expendable, if as good or better a method can be devised,” he said.}}
{{smaller block|These critics are influenced, Maxwell said, by the late Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who wrote that an experienced judge should be able to represent the commonsense of the community far better than the average jury.}}
{{smaller block|The Pennsylvania attorney said, “Such a contention presupposes the ability of the trial judge to discard foibles and prejudices built up within himself through his personal experience and background,” adding that a group of average citizens can mete out more even justice than can the most competent and experienced judge.}}
{{smaller block|“So let us in this country take warning,” he said. “The jury alone is able to function as the thin wedge of reserved power that separates our system of law from the monolithic, totalitarian despotism behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.”}}
Mr. President, an editorial appeared in the Greenville (S. C.) News of June 6, 1957. It is entitled “Jury Trial Is at Heart of Rights Issue” and has this to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{smaller block|The day after it was reported from Washington that the administration would protest the southern claim that the so-called civil-rights bill would deny the right to trial by jury, the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate approved an amendment intended to guarantee that right to persons who might come under an injunction authorized in the proposed law.}}
{{smaller block|In his several appearances before the Senate and House committees studying the various proposals, Attorney General Brownell tried to claim that a trial by jury would not be denied. He had rough going, and at times was downright evasive, when Senator {{sc|Sam. J. Ervin}}, of North Carolina, began to cross-examine him on his statements.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|Ervin}}, an eminent lawyer and a former member of his State’s supreme court, is of the opinion that trial by jury not only would not be guaranteed under the bills as submitted, but could be denied. Certainly, it would be possible for the courts to deny a jury hearing and a judge, if he chose, could sit in judgment on the testimony as well as the law.}}
{{smaller block|Speaking for the administration, Attorney General Brownell is taking his case to the House of Representatives, but the action of the Senate committee on Monday indicates that even a number of northern Democrats and Republicans have been convinced of the facts.}}
{{smaller block|The jury trial issue came up in this way:}}
{{smaller block|Among the bills included in the civil rights packages (various versions of which have been offered by the administration and by individuals and groups of Democratic and Republican Members of Congress) is one which would set up a special civil rights division of the Department of Justice.}}
{{smaller block|It would be manned by a number of assistants to the Attorney General and would have the authority to initiate civil suits against persons accused of violating the civil rights of others or whom it might have reason to believe were about to violate such rights.}}
{{smaller block|(At present, it is a criminal offense to violate the civil rights of another. But a person accused of violating such laws has the right to be arraigned before a grand jury and to be tried by a petit jury.)}}
{{smaller block|The administration proposal—and members of both parties have supported this or made similar proposals of their own—is to transfer civil rights cases from the criminal to the civil side of the Federal courts. The Government itself would bring such suits, with or without the request of the allegedly injured persons.}}
{{smaller block|The Government could ask for and obtain an injunction forbidding anyone to do certain things, such as to refuse a voting certificate to a certain person or to oppose an integration order issued against a certain school. Such action on the part of the defendant might be a violation of an injunction or it might be a violation of a criminal law on civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|But in such cases, the Government would bring the individual before the judge on a charge of contempt. And the judge could convict and sentence the individual without a trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|That is what prompted the southern amendment to the bill aimed at assuring a jury trial. And that is the principle Mr. Brownell is assailing in his statements to Congress.}}
{{smaller block|He does not deny that trial by jury would be denied the defendants. He merely says the amendment would make the bill ineffective and would weaken the power of the Federal courts to enforce their orders. He says this power to punish for contempt has long been available to the Government in other Federal cases.}}
{{smaller block|That much is true. When the Government brings a civil suit and obtains an injunction, contempt can be adjudged and punished without a jury. But these are cases entirely different from those Mr. Brownell proposes to bring in the name of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|In this instance, Mr. Brownell is trying to do in a roundabout way what the Constitution forbids him to do directly; that is, try and convict a person for an alleged crime without a jury.}}
Mr. President, here is an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of April 17, 1957. It is entitled “Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} Understands Threat to Liberty in Civil-Rights Bill” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Speaking at the annual banquet of the Hibernian Society in Charleston, March 18, 1947, Senator {{sc|Joseph C. O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, stressed the fact that the United States has repudiated the doctrine of arbitrary power.}}
{{smaller block|This week, 10 years after he made this statement, Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} gave evidence that he believes what he said. The Democratic Senator lined up with southern critics of the so-called civil-rights bill. He said he was in favor of a civil-rights bill but one that is conceived in justice and freedom rather than in any thought of punishment.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} told reporters that the proposed Presidential Civil Rights Commission to investigate complaints of civil-rights violations could easily do more harm than good. And with respect to another part of the bill vigorously opposed by southern Senators, he said, “I don’t think we should be afraid of a jury trial in matters of this kind.” In announcing his stand on the legislation, he said that the South has made many striking advances in racial relations, while such relations in some other parts of the country have worsened.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}’s stand on the civil-rights bill is of major significance. His statement shows that the South is gaining ground in its battle to convince other regions that the force bills are a threat to the liberties of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is not a western conservative like, say, Senator {{sc|Barry Goldwater}}, Republican, of Arizona, who might be expected to line up with southern conservatives. The Senator from Wyoming is a western liberal and an old-time supporter of the New Deal. Hence his acceptance of some of the southern constitutional arguments is all the more meaningful.}}
{{smaller block|If Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is convinced that the right to jury trial and other parts of our heritage are being threatened by the civil-rights bill, the likelihood of convincing other northern and western Senators is considerable.}}
{{smaller block|In order to overcome the propaganda barriers of the NAACP and convince these Senators, the South must continue to argue its case—and on the highest level. Senator {{sc|Sam Ervin}} of North Carolina has done especially fine work this session in accomplishing just that.}}
{{smaller block|The other task facing southerners is that of insisting on respect for law and order throughout our region. The enemies of the South must not have any excuse for urging Federal intervention. Hoodlumism must be put down. The ignorant elements who join the Ku Klux Klan must be made to realize they are under the eyes of local and State police. Responsible men must stay active in movements such as the citizens council, and prevent infiltration by troublemakers or hotheads.}}
{{smaller block|If the South can speak with dignity in Washington and act with honesty and good sense at home, there will be more Senator O’Mahoneys who will realize southerners are fighting the good fight for American liberties.}}
Mr. President, here is another article from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Trial by Jury Right of All Americans” and it appears in the June 5, 1957, issue of the News and Courier, and has this to say:
{{smaller block|A guaranty of trial by jury, squeezed into a civil-rights law by vote of a Senate subcommittee, has been hailed as a southern victory.}}
{{smaller block|This victory—though it is little more than solace in a string of defeats—in fact belongs to the American Republic. Southerners are not alone in danger. If the Federal Government can deprive southerners of the right of trial by jury, on the ground that they are unfair to Negroes, it can do the same to citizens of other regions on equally flimsy grounds.}}
{{smaller block|Thanks to the NAACP and its political allies, defense of Negroes’ civil rights is popular today. Even at the sacrifice of rights of all citizens, restrictive laws have won serious support. The News and Courier finds biting irony in the need for Congress to guarantee the right of trial by jury. Americans have been brought up in the belief that the United States Constitution meant what it said in guaranteeing them this right.}}
{{smaller block|Nowadays, the ruling clique no longer trusts ordinary people to govern themselves. Juries, they fear, will bring in unjust verdicts. The bosses prefer to entrust such delicate matters as civil rights to hand-picked Federal judges, who are screened by the Department of Justice and appointed by the President. With both national parties committed to the NAACP program, no lawyer who takes a strong stand against that program stands much chance of appointment. As older judges die or retire, Attorney General Brownell will make sure, insofar as he is able, that replacements have a “liberal” view of race.}}
{{smaller block|With administration of election laws removed from the hands of elected State officials and placed under Federal appointees, government is being removed ever further from the people. The jury system, safeguard of Anglo–Saxon liberty, may yet be a victim of alien notions now gathering power in our Republic.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the May 10, 1957, issue of the Charleston, (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “The Civil-Rights Fight and Trial-by-Jury Issue” and was written by the distinguished southern newspaperman, Dr. John Temple Graves. Here is what it has to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm|“}}Backward, turn backward,
O Time in thy flight * * *”&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}
{{smaller block|Time accommodates.}}
{{smaller block|Its comment on jury trials last week overlooked the Federal march of time.}}
{{smaller block|Admitting that the trial-by-jury issue has come to dominate the civil-rights fight, the magazine pontificated that “the contempt citation is the judiciary’s historic enforcement tool.” It avowed that “jury trials in contempt cases have absolutely no basis in equity or constitutional law and precious little legislative sanction.”}}
{{smaller block|The trick in this extraordinary statement is in Time’s small print at the bottom of the page. It explains that “with a single exception (the Norris–La Gaurdia Act covering labor disputes) trial by jury has never been required in contempt cases to which the United States has been a party.” With the United States Government proposing now to be a party to just about everything in heaven, earth, and the waters beneath—a new situation exists.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution loves the principle of trial by jury and says so over and over again. That great basic principle, rather than any technicality, is what is involved for the South.}}
{{smaller block|Call it contempt or something else, let the Government be a party or not a party, what concerns us and what concerned the makers of the Constitution is that citizens in handcuffs shall not be adjudged by those who put the handcuffs on them, that the right of an accused to be properly tried in the Anglo–Saxon ideal shall not be abridged in the name of contempt or participation of the Government.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution speaks for this principle in article 3. The fifth amendment speaks for it, and the sixth, and the seventh.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing in the whole instrument is more emphatic.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the April 8, 1957, issue of South, the news magazine of Dixie. It is entitled “Force Bill ‘Liberals’ Would Kill Jury Trial.” Here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|It is incredible that those who like to boast that they are liberals and protectors of individual rights are crying the loudest for the currently misnamed civil-rights legislation which would deny alleged violators the right to trial by jury. The politically inspired anti-South force bill package has induced such a state of hypnosis in the self-styled liberals that they want to replace constitutional guarantees of civil liberties with their own false notions of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|If the question of race were not at issue, the very people who are pressing for passage of this abominable travesty on constitutional principle would be the first to denounce it for discarding the sacred right of trial by jury. At the outset the legislation violates the rights spelled out in article III., section 3, and by the seventh amendment, one of the historic ten making up the Bill of Rights. It would empower the United States Attorney General to seek injunctions against persons suspected of being about to violate the so-called civil-rights measure. Then a Federal judge, acting also as prosecutor and jury, would decree a whole community or State in contempt. An individual cited for contempt would be tried without a jury by the judge who cited him.}}
{{smaller block|The proponents of this evil proposal know exactly what they are doing. By design they are taking away the right of jury trial. In fact, they are bold to say that if they did not set aside the right of trial by jury, they could not get convictions in the South. To allow jury trials, they say, would be to gut the bill. Attorney General Brownell is horror-struck at the thought that the no-jury-trial provision be stricken. President Eisenhower, who violates a campaign pledge made at Miami by pushing this legislation, says he would have to get Brownell’s opinion as to whether to sign or veto a civil-rights bill containing the assurance of jury trial in contempt cases. The civil strife proponents protest that this guaranty—in the Constitution which Eisenhower, Brownell, and all Congressmen are sworn to uphold—would cripple the bill. Has the President so soon forgotten that he said at Miami, 2 weeks before the election, that civil-rights problems should be handled to the greatest extent on a local and State basis?}}
{{smaller block|Surely our liberals know that Hitler, Mussolini, and all tyrants from the time of King John (until forced to sign the Magna Carta) opposed jury trials because they would cripple their programs.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the April 14, 1957, issue of the Greenville, S. C., News. It is entitled “Jackie Robinson on Meet the Press: Negro Athlete Favors Jury Trials” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Jackie Robinson, Negro baseball star, when asked if he favored jury trials for civil-rights defendants, said Sunday night he would personally prefer a jury trial.}}
{{smaller block|The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People strongly opposes a jury trial guaranty in criminal injunction cases arising under the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Robinson is leading the NAACP’s freedom-fund campaign for a million dollars to attain first-class citizenship for all members.}}
{{smaller block|The former Brooklyn Dodger told an NBC Meet the Press television panel that he did not know what the million dollars would be spent for—possibly for lawsuits against school segregation.}}
{{smaller block|He said he favored the civil-rights bill but knows very little about it.}}
{{smaller block|Frank Van Der Linden, this newspaper’s Washington correspondent, asked the questions about the civil-rights bill.}}
This is a man, Mr. President, who favors the civil-rights bill, but even he says he favors a trial by jury.

That is what the House did on this so-called compromise. In effect, they have nullified the right of trial by jury. There are very, very few instances in which a judge, when he finds a man guilty of contempt, would give a sentence of more than 45 days in prison or a fine of more than $300. That simply means the practical effect is that the jury trial has been completely nullified.

As I have said earlier, and as I will say later in my address, the right of jury trial is something the Constitution grants to the citizens of the United States. The Congress does not have the authority to take the jury trial away from the people of America.

Mr. President, I have an excerpt from an editorial from the August 26, 1957, issue of the Columbia (S. C.) Record. It is entitled “Jury-Trial Compromise No Compromise,” and this is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|The “compromise” on the jury-trial amendment to the civil-rights bill, worked out between the House and Senate leaders of both parties, is anything but a genuine compromise. It is a nullification of the jury-trial principle, for which the southern Democrats fought so valiantly in the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|The amendment written into the bill by the Senate provided that in all cases of criminal contempt defendants should be entitled to jury trials, guaranteed by the Constitution to all persons accused of crime. This applied not only to criminal contempt charges growing out of voting-right cases, but also to other criminal contempt proceedings as well.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called compromise allows jury trials only in voting-rights cases and then only after a defendant has been tried and convicted without a jury trial and sentenced to more than 45 days’ imprisonment and a $300 fine. In such a case the defendant could ask for a jury trial and the case would then be tried ''de novo'' before a jury. But no jury, of course, could try such a case ''de novo'' in fact. Every juror would know that the defendant had been found guilty by a judge and given more than a minimum sentence. This is a condition precedent to a jury trial in these voting-right cases. And no jury trial under such circumstances is anything approaching the right of trial by jury guaranteed by the Constitution.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the August 25, 1957, issue of the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Jury Trial ‘Compromise’ Is False Bait in Wicked Trap for Liberty,” and here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|A proposed compromise now pending in Congress is as wicked and immoral, in our opinion, as total denial of trial by jury under Federal election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Reports from Washington indicate a likelihood that the civil rights force bill may be rammed through Congress with this compromise to grease the way. Perhaps the northern scrambles for Negro votes and their “liberal” southern allies have the power in Congress to enact this hateful law. They should not get even silent support from anyone who loves the American Republic.}}
{{smaller block|The compromise is really no compromise at all. It would grant the opportunity to seek a new trial before a jury by a defendant in an election case who had received a sentence greater than a $1,000 fine or 45 days in jail.}}
The amount there, incidentally, Mr. President, should be corrected. Instead of a $1,000 fine, it should be a $300 fine.
{{smaller block|But the size of a fine and the duration of imprisonment are not the key issue in this legislation. Penalties may be amended once the principle is set up. Besides, imprisoning State election officials even for a short time could rig the outcome of voting.}}
{{smaller block|The key issue here is whether the liberty of a citizen, and the constitutional rights of the States to conduct free elections, should be sacrificed for the sake of current political advantage of national parties and politicians.}}
As I have said before, Mr. President—to digress there—the only purpose of this so-called right-to-vote bill is to advance the cause of the national political parties with the minorities and to advance the cause of certain politicians. If it were not for the purpose of both parties playing to the minorities and advancing the cause of certain politicians to high offices, I do not believe this bill would ever have been introduced. It is a disgrace to the United States even to have the Congress consider such an abominable and obnoxious bill.
{{smaller block|Behind this force bill lies a game of power politics. Both national parties are struggling to control the votes of herded Negroes in big northern cities and their liberal allies. These bloc voters are believed to hold the balance of political power in the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Buried beneath the nauseating political greed that has produced this force bill are principles once dear to Americans. The bill has many of the earmarks of totalitarian government that the Constitution was built to prevent.}}
Among these earmarks are Federal control of elections, seizing the power of the ballot box from the people most likely to be affected; substitution of judges for juries in enforcement of the law; and secrecy in working up prosecutions.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would set up a powerful commission on the phony pretense of guarding voting rights of minority groups. This Commission’s actions would be shielded from public view. Persons are forbidden under penalties to make known what it is doing. The Star Chamber—a tyrannous device once used by English Kings—thus would be imposed for the first time on the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Southerners may be overwhelmed by superior force, but they should go down fighting every step of the way.}}
{{smaller block|In honorable defeat they may sound an alarm to fellow Americans not yet awake to dangers to the Republic. Passage of the civil-rights force bill would be a defeat for all citizens of whatever race or region, for it would help to set the stage for dictatorship and oppression. The compromise on which passage now seems to hinge is only a deceptive detail in a dirty business.}}
Mr. President, I have here an excellent editorial from the Washington Evening Star of July 12, 1957. It is an editorial full of quotes, but the editor made his point well in this editorial without even having to insert his own comments. Here is what the editorial says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Brownell}} ''v.'' {{sc|Norris}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Attorney General Brownell (in a letter explaining the civil-rights bill):}}
{{smaller block|“Enactment of legislation providing for jury trial in contempt cases arising out of governmental litigation would undermine the authority of the Federal courts by seriously weakening their power to enforce their lawful orders. The effect of adopting current proposals for jury trial would be to weaken and undermine the authority of the Federal courts by making their every order, even when issued after due hearing and affirmed on appeal, reviewable by a local jury. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“Furthermore the proposed amendment to existing procedures that is being advocated under the innocuous slogan of jury trial would permit practical nullification of the effectiveness of the proposed civil-rights legislation. The enforcement of any court order may require prompt and vigorous action if it is to be effective. Prompt action will often be vital in civil-rights cases, especially election cases, where the registration period or the election may pass while enforcement is delayed. The injection of a jury trial between an order of a court enjoining discrimination against Negroes in an election, and the enforcement of that order would provide numerous opportunities for delay beyond the time when the order could have practical effect.”}}
{{smaller block|The late Senator George W. Norris (insisting on the right of trial by jury, by Congressional enactment, in every case of indirect contempt):}}
{{smaller block|“I agree that any man charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.”}}
I wish to repeat that statement. He said:
{{smaller block|I agree that any many charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.}}
Under the proposed compromise amendment which came from the House, the people will not get a jury trial. In 99 percent of the cases the judge will sentence people without a jury trial. It is said, “Well, they are able to get a jury trial if the fine is more than $300 or if the imprisonment is for more than 45 days.”

That is not the point. The point is that in 99 percent of the cases the compromise would deny to the citizens a jury trial, which is guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Congress should not be a party to violating the Constitution of the United States by passing the compromise amendment.

I continue to read from the editorial:
{{smaller block|“It is no answer to say that there will sometimes be juries which will not convict. That is a charge which can be made against our jury system. Every man who has tried lawsuits before juries, every man who has ever presided in court and heard jury trials, knows that juries make mistakes, as all other human beings do, and they sometimes render verdicts which seem almost obnoxious. But it is the best system I know of. I would not have it abolished; and when I see how juries will really do justice when a biased and prejudiced judge is trying to lead them astray I am confirmed in my opinion that, after all, our jury system is one which the American people, who believe in liberty and justice, will not dare to surrender. I like to have trial by jury preserved in all kinds of cases where there is a dispute of facts.”}}
Mr. President, I have before me an editorial from the Greenville (S. C.) News of March 29, 1957, entitled “How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?”

It reads:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Rather smugly, perhaps, we Americans have taken for granted our right to a trial before a jury when we stand accused of violating the law.}}
{{smaller block|So fixed in our system of jurisprudence and our common concepts of justice is the jury trial that few of us ever have stopped to consider the difference between having our guilt or innocence determined by a group of ordinary citizens and having a judge, a creature of the Government, mete out justice singlehandedly, as he alone sees it.}}
{{smaller block|Article III., section 2 of the United States Constitution, says that “the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.”}}
{{smaller block|The sixth amendment, article VI. of the Bill of Rights, spells out further the right to the accused in criminal proceedings “to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|It goes on to guarantee the accused the right to be informed specifically of the charges against him, to confront the witnesses against him, to subpena witnesses in his favor, and to be represented by counsel.}}
{{smaller block|The seventh amendment, article VII. of the Bill of Rights, provides that in suits at common law the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.}}
{{smaller block|One would think that, with all these references in the Constitution, the right to a jury trial would be secure. But liberal elements, including our own Department of Justice, advocating passage of proposed civil-rights legislation are teaching us that this basic right is not so secure as we might have thought.}}
{{smaller block|For the bills now before the Congress would, in fact, deny persons accused of violating the civil rights of others the right of a trial by a jury of citizens of their State and district. And the NAACP and Attorney General Brownell are insisting on this provision of the bill. Attempts of southern Senators and Congressmen to write into it a guaranty of that right have thus far been beaten down.}}
{{smaller block|If the bill is enacted, the Government would be empowered to bring civil, rather than criminal charges, against an individual accused of violating someone else’s rights. He would be prosecuted by a Government attorney before a Federal judge, who might be sent in from outside his State, who would pass on the facts as well as the law and would pass sentence.}}
{{smaller block|The accused would be just as apt to go to jail on the civil charge as he would if he were charged with a criminal offense in which the jury trial would be guaranteed. Indeed, the chances of his going to jail might be even greater.}}
{{smaller block|But that is only part of it.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint. If the individual did complain, the Government would bear the whole cost of prosecuting his case.}}
{{smaller block|The defendant, on the other hand, would find himself faced with the necessity of hiring a lawyer and, perhaps, of going through a long series of court proceedings that could very well break him financially.}}
{{smaller block|This could become vicious persecution instead of reasonable prosecution.}}
{{smaller block|This threat of persecution is no less real in another phase of the proposed civil-rights legislation relating to the creation of a commission empowered to investigate alleged incidents of discrimination, economic boycotts, and the like.}}
{{smaller block|If this plan became a reality, a citizen accused of discriminating against a member of a minority, or of applying economic pressure against him, could be ordered to report to a place in Washington at a given time and be subjected to an investigation. His need for counsel and, hence, the expense of defending himself, could be just as great as it would be if he were accused of some crime.}}
{{smaller block|All of this is being proposed in the name of civil rights by persons calling themselves liberals.}}
{{smaller block|How can we create rights by destroying rights? And how liberal is it?}}
Mr. President, I wish to repeat a paragraph in the editorial which I believe is most important. It should appeal to every lawyer, and, in fact, to every citizen. It reads:
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint.}}
Mr. President, I believe we are setting a very dangerous precedent when the Government can bring suits of the kind provided in the civil-rights bill, even if an individual does not complain. The Government can file a suit in behalf of an individual, even if the individual has not complained, and it can bring a suit for an individual who has complained. In either case, the Government can substitute its name in behalf of the defendant in bringing the case.

Furthermore, the Government would bear the cost of prosecuting the case. The poor defendant must pay his own expense. If an individual wishes to bring a case in court, why should he not pay his own expense? Why should the Federal Government bear the expense of a person whose statement may be true or which may not be true? I can foresee untold litigation. I can see all kinds of fabrications being made in order to have cases brought. It is a dangerous bill, Mr. President. It is far more dangerous than I believe the average man on the street has been able to understand. The average man in the street does not realize what is in the bill. I cannot imagine why Members of Congress would even consider passing such a bill. Again I say that it would not even have been introduced, in my opinion, or given any consideration at all, if it were not purely a political bill.

Mr. President, I have an editorial published in the Greenville (S. C.) News of February 26, 1957, entitled “Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty.”
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty}}}}}}
{{smaller block|({{sc|Editor’s Note}}.—The following editorial is taken from a statement prepared by the editor of the News at the request of the Governor of South Carolina. The statement is to be offered to the subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon by representatives of this State who are appearing in opposition to the civil-rights bills.)}}
{{smaller block|The civil-rights bills of 1957, like those proposed during the last 20 years and more by individuals of both parties and by administrations of both parties, are anachronistic.}}
{{smaller block|An anachronism is something that is misplaced in time. In this instance, it is a throwback to a more primitive age which is, at best, a misfit and, at worst, a destructive force in the age in which it occurs.}}
{{smaller block|And when intelligent and otherwise dedicated men ignore more pressing and more serious problems and pass up greater opportunities for service to deliberately create such an anachronism, the result is bound to be tragic.}}
{{smaller block|Even if we could assume, which we cannot, that the broad and untested powers these proposed laws would confer on an already oversized and unwieldy Federal bureaucracy would always be wisely and fairly administered, the need for them, if it ever existed, has long since passed.}}
{{smaller block|The purposes now claimed for them have been better served by processes springing from the people themselves than ever they can be by pressure and threat of punishment imposed upon the people by an omnipotent and omnipresent “Big Brother” sort of government.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, the instruments now proposed to protect liberty and to uplift men are such as to be capable of being used to destroy liberty and to oppress men.}}
{{smaller block|To appreciate the origin of the civil-rights bills and the natural resistance to them in many parts of the country, especially the South, one must consider them in their proper perspective with past history and present trends.}}
{{smaller block|To put it bluntly, this legislation grows out of a latter-day extension of the overzealous efforts of the abolitionists, who profited and were exalted during the era preceding the War Between the States. It is being pushed in the same sort of spirit that motivated the vengeant and vindictive planners and executors of the reconstruction.}}
{{smaller block|Not even during the tragic and oppressive reconstruction did a Congress, which was dominated by radicals and in which the conquered South had few friends and spokesmen, see fit to enact such laws as now proposed.}}
{{smaller block|There was military occupation and corrupt government imposed from Washington, but there was no permanent board of inquisitors that could be turned into an agency of harassment and intimidation. There was injustice, but there was no permanent overturning of the processes of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|Purged by bloodshed of the sin of slavery, which was not his alone, nor his country’s alone, the southern white resisted the reconstruction. He resisted it because he feared, with justification, that it was intended to take from him in order to give to the Negro. He resists court-decreed integration and the civil-rights proposals for the same reason—again with justification for his fears.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NEGRO IS MISLED}}}}
{{smaller block|The Negro was misled in those days, and he is being misled now.}}
{{smaller block|The end of the abominable institution of slavery was inevitable, and it could have been accomplished without fratricide and without threatening the Union and creating abiding bitterness. At its end, the Negro was led to believe he could switch from the status of slave to that of master. In some instances, for a time, he did. In others, he was promised “40 acres and a mule,” but more often than not he didn’t know what to do with the 40 acres and he never got the mule.}}
{{smaller block|The Negro again is being falsely led to believe that integration will solve all of his remaining problems and that all he needs to realize the millennium is a few more court decrees and Federal laws. He has been led to believe that political largesse will bring to him those things that he can best realize by earning and exercising the rights and privileges already available to him.}}
{{smaller block|Until fairly recent decades, southern whites and Negroes engaged in a pathetic sort of competition for the lesser degree of poverty, but they have made progress together and they have achieved a mutual understanding. Education and a rising prosperity were easing the old bitterness and misunderstanding and improving relations between the races at a rate that has been positively amazing.}}
{{smaller block|The tragedy of this era is that, since 1954, with the Supreme Court decision in the school cases, and especially since the renewal of agitation of civil-rights legislation with almost virulent vigor, this progress has been slowed down. And the Negro stands to lose the most. The bitterness and the old suspicions are being revived.}}
{{smaller block|A few years ago in a prosperous South Carolina industrial city, a joint committee of white and Negro citizens conducted a survey of the needs of the Negro community, ranging from health and housing to transportation and recreation. Much progress came of it.}}
{{smaller block|Also, a few years ago, with the help of the newspapers and interested white citizens, certain racial barriers in the public hospital were broken down and qualified Negro doctors were granted staff privileges for the first time on full equality with their white colleagues.}}
{{smaller block|Along about the same time, the newspapers and interested white citizens campaigned for better housing for Negroes. City substandard housing laws were strengthened and better enforcement machinery established. The improvement in rental property has been marked.}}
{{smaller block|Also, it was urged that property be made available to Negroes of means who wanted to build better homes away from congested areas in which Negroes tend to congregate. Subsequently, a fairly exclusive Negro residential section, near white neighborhoods, was started. There were no objections.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|PROGRESS IS SLOWED}}}}
{{smaller block|This sort of things would be more difficult now, if not impossible, in no small part because the Negro is reluctant to cooperate. Both he and his white friends are subject to pressure and unpleasantness from radical elements among their respective races. The Negro apparently has been led to believe the moon may be within his grasp; and lawless and more extreme whites have been aroused.}}
{{smaller block|In many cities in the South, the newspapers have sought for years to treat the Negro with the dignity any citizen deserves in their handling of the news. Special sections devoted to news of the Negro community, often prepared by Negro reporters, were started. Until recently, there was no protest. Now there are murmurs, direct protests, and anonymous letters.}}
{{smaller block|None of this has to do with integration. Neither race is ready for integration, and may never be. But if they become so it will be on the only basis of successful close human association—natural affinity, mutual appreciation, and individual choice. Neither court decrees nor laws can create these conditions.}}
{{smaller block|In his speech on conciliation with the American Colonies in 1775, Edmund Burke said, “I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.”}}
{{smaller block|With the help of the proposed legislation, and the injunctive process, the Federal courts may one day find such a method, but the result will be the destruction, not the preservation of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|Burke also said in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontent in 1770 that, “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”}}
{{smaller block|This cause is not the South’s alone. The extension of the judicial process into areas it was not intended to reach and stretching it for purposes it is incapable of serving; the striking down of the police power of the States in field after field; the unprecedented use of the injunctive power without jury trial to punish for contempt persons not before the court; all of these, as able judges and lawyers are solemnly warning, threaten the future security of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|The granting of the powers the Justice Department is now asking can only hasten this process. Even the layman can see that. The proposed commission, with power to investigate and harass at its own will could, in the wrong hands, become an instrument of coercion and intimidation.}}
{{smaller block|Like other Americans, no southerner of good conscience condones the denial of rights, either by violation of the law or by threat or violence. But the atmosphere created by agitation is not only inciting lawless elements to violence, but is making such incidents even harder to deal with.}}
{{smaller block|Of laws we have aplenty. The Federal Government has ample power to deal with the violations the Attorney General alleges but doesn’t specify. The States have laws against violence, and many of them, like South Carolina, have laws making violation of any citizen’s rights a crime.}}
{{smaller block|They should be left free to enforce them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Orangeburg (S. C.) Times and Democrat of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “On Jury Trials.” This is what it has to say on this subject:
{{smaller block|The committee in the Senate which has been considering the civil-rights bill has added an amendment to the bill which would allow persons accused of contempt to be given jury trials. Many Senators who were and are in favor of the civil-rights bill are supporting this amendment.}}
{{smaller block|We do not see how Congress can go wrong in providing jury trials for persons accused of contempt. While we do not wish to join in a wholesale assault on the judiciary of this Nation, it is nevertheless true that the judiciary—like the other branches of the Government—must have its limitations.}}
{{smaller block|No one branch of our Government functions perfectly, nor is it made up of perfect citizens. The judicial branch has assumed increasing power in recent years and it would be wise to safeguard the right of persons to a trial by jury because of what might follow if this right is denied citizens. It may be that only one issue is involved at present, but the future might well turn up an undesirable situation in which the principle wherein judges who find American citizens guilty of contempt, exercise such unlimited powers concerning various issues and freedom that any bill limiting the right of jury trial would be a tragedy and result in injustice to many Americans.}}
{{smaller block|We do not believe that any one section of the country has a monopoly on all the good people in the United States. We believe that trial by jury is the best possible system establishing guilt and that the people themselves, who make up our juries, will come nearer seeing that justice is done than any group, acting individually, no matter how talented the various individuals may be.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Columbia (S. C.) State of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “A Wise Provision,” and here is what it has to say on the question of jury trials:
{{smaller block|Administration forces fell before six Democrats and a Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee who insisted upon including in the so-called civil-rights bill a proviso guaranteeing trial by jury to persons accused in court in civil-rights cases. In supporting the amendment as a poor substitute for killing the bill, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} explained that the section would give civil-rights defendants the same right now enjoyed by trade unionists in labor injunction cases.}}
{{smaller block|The development does not, however, meet with the approval of Attorney General Brownell, who has been playing out of position before now in lobbying for controversial and doubtful legislation, arraying section against section and class against class. He complains the proviso would permit practical nullification of proposed civil-rights legislation. In the words of Orphan Annie, “Would that be bad?”}}
{{smaller block|One wonders just what the advocates of such legislation are after. Could they be seeking to destroy the Constitution?}}
{{smaller block|Everything considered, the section guaranteeing jury trials to defendants in civil-rights cases follows the orderly procedure defined by the Founding Fathers as to the rights and dignity of the individual. Trial by jury is one of the cardinal triumphs of our Constitution as inherited from Magna Carta. There is no reason why any exception should be made to gratify the unilateral zeal of special interests of self-appointed reregulators.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, of July 10, 1957. Here is what it has to say:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|A Principle of Rights: South Making Its Point}}}}}}
{{smaller block|More Senators, it appears, are seeing the validity of the South’s insistence on trial by jury as a fixed point of law and due process—{{SIC|bone|borne}} of contention with the civil-rights brigade. They are seeing, surely, what logic underscores: that if this principle falls under the impact of biased thinking against the South, it falls for all. It is not, therefore, a regional issue, but national. The southern protest is not addressed to a narrow, selfish view, but to a view exactly as broad as the Constitution—and as far reaching.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, has paid tribute to the fairness of southern colleagues—having spoken out prior to this showdown for the stated right of due process; and recognizing the progress already made, and voluntarily, on race relations. As a further point of edification, the fact of voting rights enjoyed and practiced in the South should be laid before him.}}
{{smaller block|Who, influenced by propaganda to the contrary, has bothered to examine the record in State after State? By what process of competent investigation have these civil-rights firebrands arrived at a conclusion of wholesale indictment?}}
{{smaller block|Voting is a privilege, as well as a duty, of citizenship, asserted and protected by law. With that principle there can be no quarrel. The issue is invasion by Federal authority, and methods of enforcement begetting strife by the measures of force contemplated in this iniquitous legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There are States, outside the South, where people of voting age are denied the right to vote—Indians, for example. Negro citizens do vote, under the same rules of eligibilty applied in the case of white citizens; and if any Senator doubts that, he should come this way and watch.}}
{{smaller block|In Tennessee, and other Southern States, he would find Negroes holding public office. In Nashville they elect their own representatives to city council; they have membership on the school board. They staff their schools. They are employed on the police department and the fire department.}}
{{smaller block|Facts, it appears, are coming out in the Senate and registering—and they are facts answering organized diatribe; substantiating both the concept of justice and of constitutional law.}}
{{smaller block|The South does not stand at the bar of public opinion convicted—just accused. It is not on the defensive. It is defending a basic right of responsible treatment, and the place of that defense is the floor of the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|As manifested by the implied readiness of opponents to concede the trial-by-jury point, its stand to date is influencing that decision. It cannot compromise any principle to the detriment of established, constitutional rights, much less yield to the whip of caprice.}}
A column written by Dr. John Temple Graves, one of the outstanding men in the South and in the Nation, printed in the Charleston, S. C., News and Courier of July 8, 1957, is entitled “South’s Most Civil Right Is Right To Be Let Alone,” reads as follows:
{{smaller block|“The right to be let alone.”}}
{{smaller block|That is our most civil liberty.}}
{{smaller block|Remember it and be of good cheer as Senators from the South fight against the so-called civil-liberty bill.}}
{{smaller block|Civil liberty is indivisible.}}
{{smaller block|It is the whole Constitution, the whole ideal. When you sacrifice one part for another you decrease and endanger the total. When the right to jury trial is impeached to save the right to vote there is net loss, and the same loss runs the whole constitutional gamut.}}
{{smaller block|Basically, all American rights are civil rights. States’ rights are civil. The rights of Congress against the Supreme Court are civil, and of the executive against each, and vice versa.}}
{{smaller block|And when the Federal Government (or the State) invades areas never intended or authorized there is violation of the most civil right of all—the right to be let alone.}}
{{smaller block|If the Founding Fathers made a mistake, if they failed to look ahead enough, if they should have anticipated a future so social and interrelated that nothing short of a totalitarian central government and law would serve, we should face it and get a new Constitution. Certainly we should not undertake to cover the situation by ignoring the Constitution in one place and insisting on it in another, sacrificing one civil right to make another safe.}}
{{smaller block|Most of us believe no mistake was made, that liberty and justice can still be had in the great terms of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If the President could just be reached on this jury-trial issue in the civil-force bill many of us who go on liking him believe he would see the South’s case as the Nation’s. The Baltimore Sun nails it thus: “The injunction contemplated would forbid actions already forbidden under Federal criminal laws. This being so, the injunction procedure is obviously a judicial shortcut, and one which would deprive those cited for contempt of a right which would be guaranteed them under the Federal Constitution (if they) were indicted for the same offense. It is proposed to assure one right—the right to vote—by ignoring another right—the right to a jury trial.”}}
{{smaller block|As pointed out here many times, jury trials should be stretched just as far as contempt is stretched, you would think. The civil-rights bill would stretch contempt into areas that ordinarily involve jury trial. It should not be permitted to deny jury trial, therefore, on the plea that contempt cases don’t allow for them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of July 4, 1957, entitled &quot;“Unless Citizens Fight Against Tyranny Independence Will Perish in the United States of America:”
{{smaller block|The 181st anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 today finds independence at low ebb in these United States.}}
{{smaller block|There is a real question as to whether Americans of this day are capable of keeping whatever measure of independence is left to them, let alone restoring lost liberties.}}
{{smaller block|The original Independence Day was celebrated a long time ago.}}
{{smaller block|The national memory of what it means is dim. There is a certain amount of speechifying by political leaders. And the White House will hand reporters a mimeographed Fourth of July statement, written by one of the President’s ghostwriters.}}
{{smaller block|But the deep meaning of the day will not be especially clear to millions of Americans who are looking forward to a long weekend at the beach or other pleasure resorts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason why the Fourth of July should be a long-faced affair. Nor is there any reason why it should be just another holiday—another day for family picnics, parties, and romping in the surf.}}
{{smaller block|Except for a few lines of it embodied in newspaper stories, no one will read the Declaration of Independence. And yet our ancestors read it with the greatest care, for it touched their lives.}}
{{smaller block|It is an angry document, full of resentment toward a government that was steadily pushing Americans into a corner. Finally, in the Declaration, the people said they had enough.}}
{{smaller block|Throughout June 1957 the American people were being pushed into a corner, precisely as the people of the province of South Carolina and 12 other colonies were being pushed in the broiling summer of 1776. No one attacked Sullivan’s Island last month, except possibly mosquitoes. But liberties of South Carolinians and their fellow citizens in 47 States were under attack.}}
{{smaller block|Who knows it? Who cares? Today Fort Moultrie, which should be a national shrine, is padlocked and the grounds overgrown with grass. Today, grass is growing over American liberties.}}
{{smaller block|Americans cared in 1776. Of George III., the signers said: “The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.”}}
{{smaller block|And so they submitted the facts. They said that King George “has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation; for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; for suspending our legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.”}}
{{smaller block|Does this have a familiar ring?}}
{{smaller block|Is not the Congress, on recommendation of the President, preparing a civil-rights bill that would deny trial by jury to some Americans? Isn’t the Supreme Court striking down State laws, abolishing important laws of Congress and altering fundamental forms of our State and Federal governments? Isn’t the Supreme Court legislating school laws for the South?}}
{{smaller block|The answer to all these questions is “Yes.”}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence says that it is the duty of a free people, when a design to reduce them to despotism has been perceived, to provide new guards for their future security.}}
{{smaller block|That is what Americans living in 1957 must do. There is no need for flag-waving demonstrations—nothing of that sort. All that is needed is for millions of Americans to halt one moment, in the midst of holiday pleasure, to resolve that they will support their elected representatives in setting up new guards against tyranny.}}
{{smaller block|Unless there is such a resolve, there won’t be much independence to celebrate in the years ahead.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the July 9, 1957, Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier entitled “People Should Accept No Compromise on States’ Control of Elections:”
{{smaller block|Talk about compromise on civil rights force bills before Congress is in the news from Washington. What goes on behind the scenes the public seldom knows at the time, and doesn’t always find out later. We speak with no knowledge other than what we read in press dispatches.}}
{{smaller block|The comment of Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, Republican, of South Dakota, who has predicted a compromise in time to let the Senate adjourn by mid-August, is especially interesting. He said the compromise would be one “for which the South can’t vote, but one with which the South can live.” The terms of the compromise would be to guarantee the right of Negro and other minority groups to vote without harassment.}}
{{smaller block|Qualified Negroes, like qualified white people, already have a right to vote. Race agitators from time to time dig up cases of alleged intimidation of Negro voters in the South. No doubt there are voting irregularities in the South, as in other regions of the country. In the areas that the News and Courier knows about, Negroes register and vote without hindrance. If there is widespread violation of anybody’s civil rights we are not aware of it. The big question is not so much whether and where violations may occur, but who has authority to enforce guaranties of the rights.}}
{{smaller block|Heretofore in our country the States have set up and supervised elections within their borders. We strongly believe that the future of the American Republic depends on saving a balance of power between State and Federal authorities. Control of the ballot and voting procedures is essential to that balance.}}
{{smaller block|The force bill now before Congress, generally known as the civil-rights bill, would set up new Federal machinery, armed with power to imprison without trial by jury, to manage racial aspects of elections. It would be a short step to amend this law to put other, perhaps all, election machinery into Federal hands. Thus some of the safeguards—precious few of them remaining—would disappear.}}
{{smaller block|Compromise on the force bill is a compromise with freedom. Today the Southern States may seem to be the target. But the danger exists for all 48 States.}}
{{smaller block|Perhaps the danger cannot be avoided in the present mood of our Government. Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, in the past a stanch supporter of States’ rights, has forecast a compromise “with which the South can live,” even though it cannot vote for the compromise.}}
{{smaller block|The South could not live with Reconstruction after the Civil War. Some of the proposals today seem designed to revive the spirit of Reconstruction. The News and Courier does not believe the South can live with that spirit now any better than it could live with it 80 years ago.}}
{{smaller block|For that reason we reject any compromise with basic rights and basic freedom.}}
{{smaller block|If the South loses to superior power, either in the form of votes in Congress or any other form of force, let it not be said that the South gave its consent. Someday, if it is not then too late, the rest of the country may come to its senses. The South may be able to hasten that day by resisting wreckers of the Republic. If the people of the United States realized what was being done to their country, they would not offer up the South as a sacrifice, nor compromise with liberty.}}
{{smaller block|The South might be able to live with compromise, but not at the same time with pride and self-respect.}}
Mr. President, there have been a number of occasions on which I have spoken before the subcommittees of the Committees on the Judiciary of the House and Senate, and on the floor of the Senate, in opposition to the provisions of H. R. 6127 and the other so-called civil-rights bills which were introduced both in the House and in the Senate. The first of these statements was made before the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives on February 26. Because a good portion of the statement was made with reference to certain so-called civil-rights bills then being considered, but which are not now before the Senate, I have edited out portions of the statement. I now read my statement as edited.
{{smaller block|I am here today to oppose the so-called civil-rights bills.}}
{{smaller block|Tyranny by any other name is just as bad.}}
{{smaller block|In other countries tyranny has taken the forms of fascism, communism, and absolute monarchy. I do not want to see it foisted on the American people under the alias of “civil rights.”}}
{{smaller block|Real civil rights and so-called civil rights should not be confused. Everybody favors human rights. But it is a fraud on the American people to pretend that human rights can long endure without constitutional restraint on the power of government.}}
{{smaller block|The actual power of the Federal Government should not be confused with power longed for by those who would destroy the States as sovereign governments.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY JUDICIARY}}}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of instances of attempted and real usurpation of power by the Federal Government, which these pending bills would attempt to legalize, expand, and extend.}}
{{smaller block|The most notorious illustration of this type of usurpation is the May 17, 1954, school segregation decision by the United States Supreme Court. Since that time there have been several other decisions by the Court which I think have wakened people all over the country who previously paid little attention, or cared little, what the result might be in the school segregation cases.}}
{{smaller block|There are two recent cases. One arose in Pennsylvania and one in New York. The Pennsylvania case is ''Pennsylvania'' v. ''Steve Nelson'', decided April 2, 1956, dealing with the right of the State to take action against a Communist. The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that because there was a Federal sedition law, the State of Pennsylvania had no authority in that field. The laws of 42 States were invalidated by the decision. Even the protest of the Department of Justice that the laws of the States did not interfere with enforcement of the Federal law did not stop the Court.}}
{{smaller block|The author of the Federal law, the Honorable {{sc|Howard Smith}}, Of Virginia, has stated there was no intent embodied in the Federal act to prohibit the States from legislating against sedition.}}
{{smaller block|The second case to which I refer arose when the city of New York dismissed from employment a teacher who had refused to disclose whether he was a Communist when questioned by duly constituted authority.}}
{{smaller block|Here again the United States Supreme Court ruled against the power and authority of the local government contained in the charter of the city of New York.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY EXECUTIVE}}}}
{{smaller block|Now let me refer briefly to some attempts at usurpation of the rights of the States by the executive branch of the Federal Government. Administrators in some Federal departments and agencies have issued directives having the effect of laws which have never been enacted by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|A specific illustration is that of the Civil Aeronautics Administration issuing a directive last year to withhold Federal funds from facilities in the construction of airports where segregation of the races is practiced.}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no basis in law for this administrative action, but by use of a directive or an edict the administrator effected a result just as though a law had been enacted.}}
{{smaller block|Other attempts at Federal interference from the executive branch with the rights of the individual citizen is demonstrated by the Contracts Compliance Commission. This Commission has dictated that contractors working on Federal projects must employ persons of both the white and Negro races, whether the contractors wish to do so or not. The strength of the Commission lies in the power to withhold contracts, or threatening to do so, if a contractor fails to carry out the dictates of the Commission.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ATTEMPTED USURPATION BY CONGRESS}}}}
{{smaller block|I can think of no better {{SIC|ilustration|illustration}} of attempted usurpation of the rights of the States by the legislative branch of the Federal Government than what is going on here now. I believe that the Congress, by attempting to enact these so-called civil-rights bills, is invading the rights of the States.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NO DOUBT AS TO CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|Wherever a person lives in this country, whatever political faith he holds, whatever he believes in connection with any matter of interest, he has one firm basis for knowing his rights. Those rights are enumerated in the Constitution of the United States. I believe in that document. I believe that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less.}}
{{smaller block|If American citizens cannot believe in the Constitution, and know that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less, then there is no assurance that our representative form of government will continue in this country.}}
{{smaller block|I believe that people all over the country are beginning to realize that steps should be taken to preserve the constitutional guaranties which are being infringed upon in many ways.}}
{{smaller block|I believe we should also take steps to regain for the States some of the powers previously lost in unwarranted assaults on the States by the Federal Government.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE OFFICIALS UNDERSTANDING}}}}
{{smaller block|The administration of laws relating to civil rights is being carried out much more intelligently at the local levels of government than they could ever possibly be administered by edicts handed down from Washington. State officials and county officials know the people and know the problems of those people. Most officials of the Federal Government in Washington know much less about local problems than do the public officials in the States and in the counties.}}
{{smaller block|If these so-called civil-rights bills should be approved, then we must anticipate that the Federal Government, having usurped the authority of local government, will try to send Federal detectives snooping throughout the land. Federal police could be sent into the home of any citizen charged with violating the civil-rights laws.}}
{{smaller block|If there are constitutional proposals here which any of the States wish to enact, I have no objection to that. Every State has the right to enact any constitutional law which has not been specifically delegated to the Federal Government in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|On the other hand, I am firmly opposed to the enactment by Congress of laws in fields where the Congress has no authority, or in fields where there is no necessity for action by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|From my observations, I have gained the strong feeling that most of the States are performing their police duties well. I believe that the individual States are looking after their own problems in the field of civil rights better than any enactment of this Congress could provide for, and better than any commission appointed by the Chief Executive could look after them.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question, with the understanding that he will not lose his right to the floor, and the understanding that it will not be considered a second speech or jeopardize the Senator’s right to the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. If unanimous consent is granted, under the conditions which the distinguished Senator has outlined, I will be pleased to yield.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from California? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I shall preface my question by this brief statement of fact, namely, since the House has adopted a ''sine die'' adjournment resolution, and there is no fixed period for adjournment, and the Senate can, and in my judgment will, continue in session as long as it is necessary to complete its business, I put these questions in all seriousness to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina:

First. What is the Senator’s purpose by his interesting but prolonged remarks? Is it a matter of education of the Senate or of the country?

Second. Is it to establish a record of discussion on the floor of the Senate?

Third. Is it merely to delay a vote on the civil rights bill, which is the pending business?

Fourth. Is it to prevent a final vote on H. R. 6127, the so-called civil rights bill?

Fifth. Is it to make friends and to influence other Senators in the southern position?

Sixth. Is it to emphasize to the Senate the need for a change, beginning in January, of rule XXII.?

There may be other reasons, but I should be very much interested—and I believe the Senate would be interested also—if the Senator from South Carolina would agree to indicate the purpose of his prolonged address.

Mr. THURMOND. I would merely say that my purpose in making the extended address is for educational purposes—to educate the Senate and the people of the country. There is no question in my mind that the so-called civil-rights bill violates the Constitution of the United States. I do not believe the Senator was in the Chamber when I spoke earlier and cited a decision pointing out that criminal contempt has been held to be a crime and that under the Constitution of the United States it is provided that a man charged with crime shall get a jury trial.

The so-called compromise bill provides that if a person is sentenced by a judge by being fined more than $300 or imprisoned for more than 45 days, he will get a jury trial. The Constitution does not say that. The Constitution provides that if he is charged with a crime, he shall get a jury trial.

I believe in the Constitution. I believe that the Constitution is clear. I hope the Senator will take the time one of these days—probably he will not have an opportunity soon—to read the address I have made in which I have gone into these matters and have tried to delineate them and point them out for the benefit of the American people, as well as for the benefit of the Senate.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am confident that the pending bill is a dangerous bill in a number of ways. I have pointed out that it is necessary that every State in the Nation have laws to protect the right to vote. The Senator’s own State of California has such laws. I started with the State of Alabama and read the laws for every State. Those laws were confirmed to be accurate by the Library of Congress. I read the State laws beginning with Alabama and ending with Wyoming. Every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote.

I say there is no need for the pending bill. This is a matter that comes under the Constitution, and it should be left to the States. It is a State matter. It is not a Federal matter.

Furthermore, the Federal Government has invaded the field. It has already invaded the field. I believe it made a mistake when it did so.

I should like to invite the attention of the Senator—again I do not believe he was in the Chamber when I referred to it previously—section 594 of chapter 29 of title 18 of the United States Code. That section provides:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield again under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. That is the Federal law today. If anyone is being denied his right to vote today he has recourse to that statute. If anyone is being denied the right to vote and complains about it, the Justice Department fails to do its duty if it fails to prosecute under that section of the Federal statute. Either that condition exists or there are no just complaints. The Committee on the Judiciary held hearings for months on the question, and it did not have before it one valid complaint. It had some fictitious complaints from a parish in Mississippi. It turned out that they asked a witness to return the next day, but he did not return, and it proved that the whole testimony was a fabrication, according to the chairman of the committee.

Therefore, there are State laws which protect the right to vote, and there is a Federal law which protects the right to vote. Under that act, if a man is tried, he would have a right to trial by jury. Under the so-called compromise, if he is tried, he would not have the right of trial by jury if the sentence were less than $300 or if the imprisonment were for less than 45 days.

Ninety-nine percent of all the criminal contempt cases would fall within that sphere. I was a circuit court judge for 8 years and heard cases all over South Carolina. I cannot remember the case of even one man who was sentenced by me or by any other circuit court judge in South Carolina for contempt of court for longer than 45 days in jail.

Therefore, the effect of the so-called compromise is to deny to the citizens of South Carolina and of the United States the right to a jury trial, as is guaranteed in several places in the Constitution. That is the reason I have made this extended address. It is to call to the attention of the Senate and to the people of the Nation that the pending bill is a dangerous bill. In my opinion, it is purely a political bill.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions as heretofore stated?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I can assure the Senator, whether we make that proviso in our remarks back and forth, the Senator will be fully protected in his rights to the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield to the Senator from California under those conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I did listen to the earlier part of the Senator’s address. I was in the Chamber at the time. I must confess that for several hours I did get some sleep and was able to freshen up and to change my clothes, and I am now back in the Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. I notice that the Senator looks very fresh at about 6:45 in the morning.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Yes. I am glad to be here with the Senator. Of course, the question which obviously disturbed a majority of the two Houses of Congress was that the statutes which are now on the statute books were not effective in protecting those constitutional rights. The Senators who felt that way are just as sincere as the Senator from South Carolina. I know the Senator from South Carolina has a deep conviction and is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. However, I refer to the provisions of section 1 of the 15th amendment to the Constitution, which provides:
{{smaller block|The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.}}
Section 2 of the 15th amendment reads:
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.}}
Both sections point up the fundamental constitutional right of American citizens and clearly underscore the fact that Congress not only has the right, but the responsibility in this field.

The Senator may feel that in his State or perhaps in other States—and I have no doubt it is true in many areas of the South—there is no problem relative to the voting rights of American citizens.

But at least the predominant opinion in Congress indicates that there is also a strong feeling that in many areas—and this may not be related only to the South, for that matter—the full rights under the 15th amendment are not being effectively implemented. It was for that reason that the House, by a vote, I believe, of more than 2 to 1, and the Senate finally by a very substantial majority, passed the bill, which is now going through another legislative process. It finally came back to the Senate floor after the House had concurred and amended the Senate version, as the House had a right to do.

My only point is that obviously the Senate of the United States is going to stay in session and complete work on the proposed legislation. It may sit for the remainder of the week, and it may sit next month and, if necessary, the month after that. I wish to emphasize to the Senator from South Carolina that, so far as the recommendations of the minority leader might be followed—and I know of no difference of opinion so far as the majority is concerned, although I cannot speak for the majority, and I would not attempt to do so—there will be no ''sine die'' adjournment resolution adopted by the Senate which would permit Congress to adjourn the first session of the 85th Congress until we have completed the work on the pending legislation, which is the civil-rights bill, and completed the work on the proposed legislation dealing with the mutual aid appropriation bill. Therefore, there is no fixed hour and date of adjournment.

I was wondering, therefore, why the Senator was making his extended address, and that is the reason I asked the questions I asked of him. He said he was making the address for the purpose of an educational campaign, for the benefit of the country and the Senate. I was wondering whether he hoped to prevent passage of the bill or merely delay its passage, or whether he had some other reason in mind.

Mr. THURMOND. In answer to the distinguished Senator, I wish to say that I should be highly pleased if the bill did not pass. I should like to ask the Senator this question: Under the statute which I have just read—and that is not a State statute, but a Federal statute, which provides “whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote as he may choose,” and so forth, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both—is there any deficiency in the statute? Is that not as clear as it can be? If anyone interferes with another’s right to vote, or intimidates, or if he threatens or coerces, he shall be punished. Is that not what it says? If that is the case, why does the Senator believe we should have another statute on voting added to it? Is this statute deficient? The Senator says the present laws are defective, as I understand. The statute I have read is a criminal statute. It will punish a guilty person by fining him for as much as $1,000 and could send him to jail for a year. In what respect does the Senator believe the statute is defective?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I shall not at this hour get into a detailed legal argument, because I am not a lawyer, but a newspaperman; furthermore, I would not attempt to put myself up against the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, who has been a judge in his own State and has been for a long time a distinguished member of the bar. I have listened to the arguments on the floor of the Senate. I have read a number of the reports and the proceedings, and I have had some discussions with people who are familiar with the circumstances connected with the subject. I do know that those in the Department of Justice who have been concerned with this problem apparently feel that that statute is not effective so far as the constitutional rights of American citizens are concerned.

Secondly, I am not in a position to argue with the Senator relative to what the legal definition of coercion is. I do say to the Senator that I believe there are various forms of coercion, some of which might be very difficult to prove in a court of law, but which might still be equally effective in keeping people from exercising their voting rights.

The coercion might consist of economic pressure, or there might be some difficulty about finding work in a community or there might be the difficulty of a small merchant maintaining his business. It might be very difficult to trace such things to the fact that a person had tried to go to a voting place on voting day to cast his vote. Nevertheless, such coercion could be quite effective in keeping a person from exercising his right to the voting franchise.

It is also true that in the debate which has taken place on the floor of the Senate it was disclosed that in one of the parishes or voting districts in a Southern State which had been mentioned on the floor of the Senate, there had been the situation where certain facts were laid before a grand jury in that particular State, and the facts were very clear, but still no action was taken in that particular situation.

I will say to the Senator that it should be remembered that the bill has now been stripped practically to a voting-rights bill.

Furthermore, I certainly believe that the fundamental right of an American citizen in this day and age should be protected, because every citizen has the right to vote. If that right is assured to a citizen, in time he may help himself secure the other civil rights to which he is entitled and which are guaranteed to him by the 14th amendment. The bill before us, as I say, is primarily a voting-rights bill. Those who have had some responsibility in this field—and I think some knowledge of it also—feel that the procedure outlined in the bill would at least facilitate the exercise of the voting rights of American citizens in all sections of the country.

Mr. THURMOND. I might say to the distinguished Senator that he is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. Even though he is not a lawyer, he knows a statute when he hears one read. The criminal statute I have read is just as plain as any criminal statute can be. I am in favor of having every qualified voter enjoy the right of franchise. I want to say that in my State every qualified voter has that privilege. No one—white, colored, or anyone else—is denied the right to vote in South Carolina. The statute I have read protects people from being coerced and intimidated and threatened in any way. If there is any violation of law now, a person who is discriminated against may go to the Department of Justice, and under the statute I have read a violator of that statute will be either sent to jail or fined or both. What the proposed compromise would do would be to take away that right of trial by jury.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say that both the original bill as passed by the two Houses and the final form now before us are not intended to deprive anyone of his vote, but to encourage the constitutional right of people to enjoy the right to vote. The fact of the matter is that quite a due process procedure is set up. If a person comes forward and alleges that he has been denied the right, there is a procedure set up by which he may go into Federal court, under his constitutional right, under the 15th amendment and the other constitutional rights he has, and make certain allegations. The judge must make certain findings. If he finds the facts are correct, he issues a court order, directed to what we in our State would call the registrar of voters, but what in other States might be the county clerk, or whatever else he might be, and says, in effect, “You are violating the constitutional rights of this man. He is being discriminated against under the laws of this State. Put him on the registration rolls.”

If the local official complies with the law and complies with the Constitution, nobody is fined, and nobody goes to jail. It is only if the local official or the local individuals involved in the case ignore the order of the court and, in effect, say that “we will not comply with the order seeking to protect the constitutional rights of American citizens,” that the judge may, under either civil contempt, which may be used in most cases, and may in most cases be effective, or under the criminal contempt provisions, impose the penalties.

So this bill is not seeking to punish people. To the contrary, it is seeking to gain for American citizens the very fundamental right to vote. If nobody is denied the right to vote in the State of the Senator from South Carolina, there will not be a single citizen in the State of South Carolina who will be involved in either a civil or criminal contempt. If nobody is being denied the right to vote in any other State, there will not be a single citizen, man or woman, who will be involved in either civil or criminal contempt under this bill. There will not be large numbers of persons who will be fined or jailed for 10 days or 30 days or 45 days, to force compliance with the constitutional rights of American citizens. That is going to be so only if the conditions which the Senator says prevail in his State do not prevail in other areas of the country and large numbers of American citizens are denied their constitutional rights. It seems to me it is all clear and simple. The Senator has nothing to fear in his own State or in any other State, because if nobody is being denied the right to vote, nobody can be punished by either civil or criminal contempt proceedings under the bill.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to say, in reply to that statement, whether a single person in South Carolina would be affected by the bill or not would not change my opinion about the bill, because the bill as passed by the House affects American citizens everywhere. The bill the Senate passed delineated and made a distinction between civil contempt, the purpose of which is to bring about compliance with an order, and criminal contempt, the purpose of which is to punish for a crime.

A criminal contempt has been held, in a court decision which I cited earlier today, to be a crime. Criminal contempt is a crime. The bill as passed by the House provides for punishment for criminal contempt and provides that a judge can try the case, in his discretion. The defendant does not get a jury trial for a criminal contempt unless the punishment goes beyond 45 days or beyond a $300 fine. I am not concerned about the people of South Carolina violating the voting rights of citizens, because I do not think anybody in South Carolina is violating anyone’s voting rights. I presume this bill is aimed chiefly at helping the Negroes, is it not, Senator?

Mr. KNOWLAND. No. The bill would be aimed at any American citizen, without regard to race, creed, or color, whose voting rights under the 15th amendment would be denied.

Mr. THURMOND. As a matter of fact, it is the Negro whom it is chiefly aimed to help. Is that not a fact?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I suppose most allegations of a denial of voting rights come from colored citizens of the United States, but I assume the same situation might apply to Indians, in some instances, or might apply to others who might be entitled, under the Constitution, to the right to vote; but it is not aimed at any one race or one section of the country. The Constitution, as the Senator well knows, and I think would not dispute, applies to all 48 States of the Union, and not merely to a part of the Union.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is correct, but I refer to the practical purpose of the bill. I understood that was so admitted, and one reason why the right of trial by jury was attempted to be taken away was that southern juries would not convict in cases involving the right of Negroes to vote.

For the Senator’s information, in my State I would like him to know that in the 1952 election President Eisenhower lacked just a few votes of carrying the State. The Negroes voted in heavy numbers. The Negro newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer, of Columbia, S. C., published by and for Negroes, bragged about the fact that they were responsible for winning the State for Stevenson. It said that more than 80,000 of them had voted in that election, and that represented about one-fourth of the entire votes cast in that general election. The Negroes of our State comprise only 40 percent of the population. If they voted to the extent of almost one-fourth of all the votes cast in that election—and they probably voted more, because they admitted they cast that many—think it is indicative that the Negroes are voting in large numbers. Of course, they are not so well qualified to vote as are the White people. I do not know of a Negro in South Carolina who is qualified and wants to vote who is denied that privilege. So Negroes are voting in my State.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I might say to the Senator I was in his State in 1952. I happened to travel with then General Eisenhower, who was a candidate for the presidency before he became President of the United States. I attended meetings with the President-to-be. The point I want to make perfectly clear is that I do not dispute the fact, as stated by the distinguished Senator, that a large number—perhaps a good majority—of the Negro citizens of this country or of his State may be registered Democrats. I think they may continue to vote for the Democratic ticket, so far as that is concerned. They may have been responsible, as the Senator says, for having carried South Carolina for Stevenson—

Mr. THURMOND. That is what they said.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Or, at least, that is what they said; but that would not change my viewpoint in the slightest, as a Republican, if they were entitled as American citizens to vote, even though they were responsible for the defeat of my party in that State. I might say that in the northern areas, the heavily populated areas, with large Negro populations, for the most part Negroes have voted the Democratic ticket, and generally for New Deal candidates, and it certainly is not politically advantageous to my party when they vote that way. That still would not change my viewpoint that, if they, are American citizens and if under the Constitution they are entitled to the right of any other citizen to vote, which the Constitution clearly gives them, both the Senate and the House, as well as the executive branch of the Government and the local public officials and the national public officials, have the responsibility to see that they are not denied the right to vote and to exercise their constitutional rights, whether the citizens may be predominantly Democratic, predominantly Republican, or predominantly Independent.

That point is not at issue here. The issue is whether they are entitled, under the qualifications of the State laws, and under the Constitution of the United States, to vote. If they are, they should be assured that every public official who raises his hand to support both the State and National Constitution has the responsibility to see that citizens get the right to vote when they want to exercise it. In this country, we do not have coerced voting, where citizens have to go to the polls. But if citizens want to do so, they should be allowed to do so, without any direct intimidation or without any of the more subtle, indirect intimidations or coercions which sometimes can be practiced, as the distinguished Senator knows.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator if he has had evidence presented to him which has convinced him that there is a need for this bill to be passed, in spite of all the laws the States have to protect the right to vote, and in spite of section 594 of the United States criminal code which protects the right to vote. Has the Senator ever had evidence presented to him that convinced him it is necessary to pass the bill, in spite of the laws of the States and the Federal statutes?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator if I did not feel that it was both necessary and desirable to pass the bill, I would not have supported it. I believe there have been sufficient facts presented to indicate that a bill of this type is both necessary and desirable.

I have never taken the position on the floor, or publicly or privately, in which I have made a blanket indictment and stated that southern juries would not convict, because I have the highest respect for the people of the South, for their responsibilities of citizenship, for their loyalty to this country, and for the fact that they have served in uniform side by side with citizens from other sections of the country in fighting off our enemies in the various struggles in which this Nation has been engaged. I have never suggested that there should be a blanket indictment of a whole people under any circumstances. I do not now say that the facts outlined by the Senator from South Carolina, with respect to his own State, are not correct. Of course, I do not know his State as well as does the Senator from South Carolina, but if he tells me that there are no cases where a person is deprived of his right to vote, where a Negro citizen, if he possesses precisely the same qualifications that would be expected of a white citizen—

Mr. THURMOND. None that I know about.

Mr. KNOWLAND. That he has exactly the same rights to register, exactly the same rights to vote, I take the Senator’s word for it, because I have great respect for him. I will say, however, that in the facts presented by the Attorney General’s office before the committee, relative to another State in the broad general area of the South—I might say the same thing might apply in an area of the North or the West, for that matter, because what we are seeking to protect is the rights of American citizens in all 48 States of the Union—it was shown that large numbers of persons who had been registered were purged from the registration rolls. The predominant number, if not all of the purgees, were members of the Negro race, with very few, if any, members of the white race. Purely on the law of averages, to a reasonable man, one would not have to be a lawyer to know that it does not seem to be a matter of chance. Then when they sought to re-register, according to the facts presented, the local registrar indicated, though there were several thousand of them, he could not register more than 50 a day. That meant those persons had to stand in line for long periods of time, which would naturally be a discouraging thing in trying to get back on the registration rolls.

There was used the apparently rather interesting and novel provision of verbal question. I doubt very much whether many, if any, Members of the Senate could have answered some of the questions which were asked. If a question was answered one way, that apparently was not the right answer. If the question was answered the other way, which any reasonable person might have done, that apparently was not the right answer. Perhaps the same position would have been taken by the local registrar if the citizen involved had been of any other race, but, again, to a reasonable person it seems that there was at least an effort made to discourage American citizens from exercising the right of franchise.

I again reiterate that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that occurrence did not take place in the State of South Carolina.

The Senator has made a very fine statement of the rights the citizens of his State enjoy. I think all Americans will rejoice in that fact. I want to say there is nothing in the proposal before the Senate which will in the least change the power of the States to prescribe the qualifications of their voters. They have that right under our Federal system. I think, however, the States have the obligation not merely to give lip service to, but to follow both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and that whenever such qualifications are prescribed, whatever they may be, they should be applied impartially and equitably to every American citizen, regardless of his race, color, creed, or previous condition of servitude.

Those are the words of the Constitution. Those are the words that every citizen occupying a position as a registrar, a county clerk, or a local voting commissioner has a full obligation to comply with. Such persons should not apply one rule to one group of citizens and a different rule to a different group of citizens. If they will apply the laws with equity and with impartiality, then they have nothing to fear in the slightest in the way of either civil or criminal contempt under this bill, at least in my judgment.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator from California one more question, and with that I will desist.

Although the Senator is not a lawyer, he is one of the best read men in the United States. I imagine he is an expert on the Constitution, also, because he is a very deep student.

I wonder how the Senator could agree to this compromise, which would deprive people in criminal contempt cases of the right to a trial by jury, when the Constitution is so clear on that point?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator that I will leave the matter to the lawyers, to debate later the specific point which the Senator mentions. I, at least, have heard of no section of the country where there is a provision for a trial by jury in an equity proceeding where there is a contempt of the court.

Mr. THURMOND. I am speaking of criminal contempt.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I know, but I am speaking also of a contempt of the court in carrying out its order in an equity proceeding.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to that I will say to the Senator I agree that in civil contempt cases under the present law the court has the right to use its power to bring about compliance with an order, in civil contempt cases. However, I am speaking of criminal contempt cases, which are provided for in the compromise bill. The bill provides for criminal contempt actions.

Criminal contempt is a crime. I have here a decision which sustains that point. Since criminal contempt is a crime, there is a right to a trial by jury.

The Constitution of the United States in article III., section 2, says this:
{{smaller block|The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases or Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; * * *.}}
The sixth amendment reads:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions—}}
That is what we are referring to. We refer to a criminal prosecution for criminal contempt. It is a prosecution by the judge, who is the prosecutor, the legislature, the judge, and the jury.

The court has held that criminal contempt is a crime, and the Constitution makes reference to all criminal prosecutions. We refer here to a criminal prosecution.

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, * * *.}}
And so forth.

In the seventh amendment to the Constitution there is also a reference to a jury trial. The amendment I have read is exactly to the point.

If the Senator had provided in the compromise bill that the judge could impose a sentence of imprisonment for 1 day—not 45 days, but even 1 day—or a fine of even $1 in a criminal-contempt case, he would be giving the judge the power to try a man without a jury in violation of the Constitution, even though the punishment would be negligible.

What I am opposed to is the fact that the compromise bill, the way it is written and the way it has come to the Senate, violates the Constitution of the United States. I am vitally concerned about that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the Senator will yield further, then I shall not interrupt him any more.

All I can say to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is that the highest law officers of the Government of the United States are the Attorney General of the United States and representatives of the Department of Justice. They, too, have sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States. The most able lawyers in the Department of Justice have looked over the proposed legislation, as well. In their judgment, it is constitutional and it does not violate the Constitution of the United States.

The Senator is entitled, of course, to make the assertion that in his judgment the provision is not constitutional. Such arguments come up even before the Supreme Court of the United States, as the distinguished Senator knows, from time to time, as well as before other courts. Sometimes the judges can agree by a unanimous vote as to what they think is constitutional or what they think is unconstitutional. However, over the long period of our history there have been many notable cases relative to the constitutionality of some act of Congress or the constitutional rights of some individual as to which the Supreme Court of the United States, which is the highest judicial tribunal of the land, has divided on a 5-to-4 decision.

The Senator’s assertion that the provision is not constitutional—I am sure the Senator would be the first to admit—does not make it unconstitutional. I quite admit that the assertion of any qualified lawyer on this side, who might make the assertion the provision was constitutional, would not, by that assertion, make it so. Nor would the opinion of the Attorney General make it so.

At least I do not want the record to show that merely by having the Senator make the assertion that in his judgment it is not constitutional, necessarily, ''ipso facto'', that assertion makes a fact.

Mr. THURMOND. Of course, we remember also that the Attorney General in the original bill wanted to transfer these matters to the equity side of the court to deprive citizens of the right of jury trial. We have to keep that in mind.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the distinguished Senator will yield further, I wish to thank him for his courtesy in yielding. I hope he has enjoyed our discussion as much as I have. I hope perhaps it has been a brief respite to him, under all the circumstances. I would stay to listen to the Senator, but I have a breakfast engagement with the President at the White House. I know under those circumstances the distinguished Senator will excuse me.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to yield to the distinguished Senator, for whom I have such high admiration.

Mr. President, I continue to read my statement:
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS GUARANTIES}}}}
{{smaller block|Before taking up specific provisions of several of the bills pending before the committee, I should like to read for you two of the basic provisions in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|The ninth amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”}}
{{smaller block|The 10th amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”}}
{{smaller block|Those last two amendments of the Bill of Rights make clear the intent of the Founding Fathers. Their intent was that all rights not specifically listed, and all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government, would be held inalienable by the States, and the people.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS UNALTERED}}}}
{{smaller block|This basic concept of the Bill of Rights has never been constitutionally amended, no matter what the Federal courts have done, no matter what the executive branch of the Federal Government has done, and no matter what the Congress might have done or attempted to do in the past. The people and the States still retain all rights not specifically delegated to the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|Let us also consider these proposals from a practical standpoint.}}
{{smaller block|What could be accomplished by a Federal law embodying provisions which are already on the statute books of the States that cannot be accomplished by the State laws? I fail to see that any benefit could come from the enactment of Federal laws duplicating State statutes which guarantee the rights of citizens. Certainly the enactment of still other laws not approved by the States could result only in greater unrest than has been created by the recent decisions of the Federal courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|MR. DOOLEY WAS RIGHT}}}}
{{smaller block|The truth is very much as Mr. Dooley, the writer-philosopher, stated it many years ago, that the Supreme Court follows the election returns.}}
{{smaller block|If he were alive today, I believe Mr. Dooley would note also that the election returns follow the Supreme Court.}}
{{smaller block|And now it looks as if some people are trying to follow both the Supreme Court and the election returns. Having made these general comments, I would like to comment specifically on some of the pending proposals. First, on the proposal for the establishment of a Commission on Civil Rights.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|COMMISSION UNNEEDED}}}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no reason for the establishment of such a commission. The Congress and its committees can perform all of the investigative functions which would come within the sphere of constitutional authority.}}
{{smaller block|I do not believe the members of any commission, however established, could represent the views of the people of this country as well as the Members of Congress can. I hope that the members of this committee and the Members of the Congress will not permit themselves to be persuaded that anyone else can look after the problems of the people any better, or as well, as the Congress can.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, there is no justification for an investigation in this field.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will recommend against the establishment of such a commission.}}
{{smaller block|Another bill would provide for an additional Assistant Attorney General to head a department given by the Attorney General last year. I have searched the testimony given by the Attorney General last year before the committees of the Congress with regard to this proposal, and I have found no valid reason why an additional Assistant Attorney General is needed.}}
{{smaller block|I can understand how an additional Assistant Attorney General might be needed if the Congress were to approve a Civil Rights Division and enact some of the other proposals in the so-called civil-rights bills. But they are proposals not dealing with criminal offenses—they deal with efforts of the Justice Department to enter into civil actions against citizens.}}
{{smaller block|If the Justice Department is permitted to go into the various States to stir up and agitate persons to seek injunctions and to enter suits against their neighbors, then the Attorney General might need another assistant. However, the Justice Department should avoid civil litigation, instead of seeking to promote it.}}
{{smaller block|I hope the members of this committee will recognize this proposal as one which could turn neighbor against neighbor, and will treat it as it deserves by voting against it.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|WORSE THAN ''EX POST FACTO''}}}}
{{smaller block|Another proposal of the so-called civil-rights bills is closely related to the one I have just discussed. It would provide that—}}
{{smaller block|“Whenever any persons have engaged or about to engage in any acts or practices which would give rise to a cause of action * * * the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States but for the benefit of the real party in interest, a civil action or other proper proceeding or redress or preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order.”}}
{{smaller block|Now that proposal is one which I would label as even more insidious than any ''ex post facto'' law which could possibly be imagined.}}
{{smaller block|An ''ex post facto'' law would at least apply to some real act committed by a person which was not in violation of law at the time. The point is, however, in such instance the person would actually have committed the act.}}
{{smaller block|This proposal would permit the Justice Department to secure an injunction from a Federal judge or to institute a civil suit on behalf of some person against a second person when the latter had committed no act at all. An injunction might be secured from a Federal judge charging a violation of the law without any evidence that a person even intended to do so.}}
{{smaller block|How any person could support by oath a charge as to whether another person was about to engage in violating the law is beyond my understanding.}}
{{smaller block|Many of the pioneers who settled this new continent came because they wanted to escape the tyranny of European despots. They wanted their families to live in a new land where everybody could be guaranteed the right to trial by jury, instead of the decrees of dictators.}}
{{smaller block|Congress, as the directly elected representatives of the people, should be the last to consider depriving the people of jury trials. We should never consider it at all. But, if this proposal to strengthen the civil-rights statutes is approved, that would be its effect.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|AGENTS COULD MEDDLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Under this provision, the Attorney General could dispatch his agents throughout the land. They would be empowered to meddle with private business, police elections, intervene in private lawsuits, and breed litigation generally. They would keep our people in a constant state of apprehension and harassment. Liberty quickly perishes under such government, as we have seen it perish in foreign nations.}}
{{smaller block|A further provision of that same proposal would permit the bypassing of State authorities in such cases. The Federal district courts would take over original jurisdiction, regardless of administrative remedies, and the right of appeal to the State courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE COURTS STRIPPED}}}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and vest the Federal courts with that authority.}}
{{smaller block|Still another proposal among the so-called civil-rights bills would “provide a means of further securing and protecting the right to vote.” I have had a search made of the laws of all 48 States and the right to vote is protected by law in every State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION PROTECTS VOTER}}}}
{{smaller block|In South Carolina, my own State, the constitution of 1895 provides in article III., section 5, that the general assembly shall provide by law for crimes against the election laws and, further, for right of appeal to the State supreme court for any person denied registration.}}
{{smaller block|The South Carolina election statute spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court. It also requires a special session of the court if no session is scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|Article II., section 15 of South Carolina’s constitution, provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State.}}
{{smaller block|In pursuance of the constitutional provisions, the South Carolina General Assembly has passed laws to punish anyone who shall threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. Anyone who violates any of the provisions in regard to general, special, or primary elections, is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|In this proposed Federal bill to “protect the right to vote,” a person could be prosecuted or an injunction obtained against him based on surmise as to what he might be about to do. The bill says that the Attorney General may institute proceedings against a person who has engaged or “is about to engage in” any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege concerned with voting.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|UNCONSTITUTIONAL AMENDING}}}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enactment of such legislation as these proposals would be to alter our form of government, without following the procedures established by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enacting these bills into law would be to take from the States power and authority guaranteed to them by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|In recent years there have been more and more assaults by the Federal Government on the rights of the States, as the Federal Government has seized power held by the States. In many instances, I believe, this has been done without a constitutional basis.}}
{{smaller block|The States have lost prestige. But more important, the States have lost a part of their sovereignty whenever the Federal Government has taken over additional responsibilities. That loss might seem unimportant at the time, but gradually it could become a major part of the sovereignty of the States.}}
{{smaller block|Officials of the Federal Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or the judicial branch, should not forget to whom they owe their allegiance. Each of us owes his allegiance to the Constitution and to the people—not to any agency, department, or person. We have taken an oath to support and defend the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|We must take into account the facts as they really are, and not be panicked by the organized pressures which so often beset public officials.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATES CREATED UNION}}}}
{{smaller block|We must not lose sight of the fact that the States created the Federal Union; the Federal Government did not create the States.}}
{{smaller block|All of the powers held by the Federal Government were delegated to it by the States in the Constitution. The Federal Government had no power, and should have no power, which was not granted by the States in the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If this Congress approves the legislation embodied in the bills pending before the committee, it will be an unwarranted attempt to seize power not rightfully held by the Congress or by any branch of the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will consider these facts and recommend the disapproval of these bills.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement I made before the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives on February 26.

Mr. President, on August 6 I made my third address on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced my vigorous objections to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127, as amended by the Senate, which was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of this bill.

I shall now repeat my several objections to this milder form of the bill as I stated them on August 6. These were my words at that time:
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I am opposed to the creation of a Commission on Civil Rights as proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127.}}
{{smaller block|To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a Commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, such an investigation should be conducted by the States or by an appropriate committee of the Congress, acting within the jurisdiction of Congressional authority. It should not be done by a commission.}}
{{smaller block|I also object to part I. of H. R. 6127 because of the fact that it places duties upon the Commission and endows it with powers which no governmental commission should have.}}
{{smaller block|In fact, Mr. President, the language of the bill proposing to establish this Commission is so broad and so general that it may encompass more evils than have yet been detected in it.}}
{{smaller block|Under its duties and powers the Commission would be able to subpena citizens to appear before it to answer questions on many subjects outside the scope of elections and voting rights.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(1) Investigate allegations in writing under oath or affirmation that certain citizens of the United States are being deprived of their right to vote and have that vote counted by reason of their color, race, religion, or national origin; which writing, under oath or affirmation, shall set forth the facts upon which such belief or beliefs are based.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, the bill, in part IV., contains an additional protection of the voting right of citizens above and beyond present State and Federal laws. Provision is made for enforcement of part IV., and there were already sufficient enforcement provisions to carry out the intent of the existing State and Federal laws. I do not see how a commission could enhance officers nor the powers of law enforcement officers nor the enforcement and punitive authority of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|I can see no valid reason why a commission should be created, in addition to the legal enforcement procedures, unless the purpose is for the Commission to stir up litigation among our people.}}
{{smaller block|This bill has been advertised, promoted, and ballyhooed as a right-to-vote bill. However, I want to cite two paragraphs which give broad authority for investigations other than alleged violations of a person’s right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|“(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|Instead of limiting the power of the Commission, these two paragraphs provide it with ''carte blanche'' authority to probe into and meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals which the Commission and members of its staff could conjure up.}}
{{smaller block|I want to call particular attention to a divergence in language between paragraphs 2 and 3. Paragraph 2 refers to a study of “legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection.” Paragraph 3 says “appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection.”}}
{{smaller block|The significant thing here is the omission of the specific intent of paragraph 2. Although the language of paragraph 2 is obscure and omits a governmental reference, it obviously must refer to State and local governments, else it would be redundant and have no meaning at all.}}
{{smaller block|Also, as I pointed out, investigations conducted under paragraphs 2 and 3 could go far afield from the question of voting rights. The Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools, and elsewhere, under the authorization of these two paragraphs. Combining its authority to investigate on an unlimited scale and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions, the Commission would have a powerful weapon.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I do not believe the people of this country realize the virtually unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. While the Commission would have no power to implement its desires, I do not believe the people of this country want such a totalitarian type of persuasion imposed upon them.}}
{{smaller block|Part I. of H. R. 6127 purports to create a Civil Rights Commission. Actually, it would create a traveling investigation commission.}}
{{smaller block|Section 103(b) of part I. also would place tremendous power within the grasp of the Attorney General with reference to members of the Commission “otherwise in the service of the Government.” The clear implication is that whoever drafted this scheme to send traveling agents over the country intended to make use of certain members of the executive branch of the Federal Government. I don’t believe it would be necessary to look further than the Justice Department to determine where Commission members already in Government service would be secured. By placing his employees on the Commission, the Attorney General would transform the traveling agents into an additional investigative arm of the Justice Department.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I next call attention to the potential abuse found in section 102(g) under the innocuous title, “Rules of Procedure of the Commission.” That section provides that “no evidence or testimony taken in executive session may be released or used in public sessions without the consent of the Commission. Whoever releases or uses in public without the consent of the Commission evidence or testimony taken in executive session shall be fined not more than $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 1 year.”}}
{{smaller block|In an editorial of July 26, 1957, the Washington Post very correctly pointed out how this section could be used to imprison reporters and other citizens for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them.}}
{{smaller block|This editorial provides a penetrating and enlightening criticism of this section. Because of its pertinency and fine analysis, I shall read the last three paragraphs of the editorial which is entitled “Open Rights Hearings,” which states:}}
{{smaller block|“The bill contains an invitation to the Commission to operate behind closed doors. It provides that ‘if the Commission determines that evidence or testimony at any hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, it shall * * * receive such evidence or testimony in executive session * * *.’ Some closed sessions may be necessary to avoid unfair reflections upon individuals, but these should certainly be an exception to the general rule. In our opinion, this section ought to be rewritten in more positive vein to provide that sessions of the Commission should be open to the public, unless it should find that closed hearings were essential to avoid unfairness.}}
{{smaller block|“The House also wrote into the bill a dangerous section providing for the fining or imprisonment for not more than 1 year of anyone who might ‘release or use in public,’ without the consent of the Commission, any testimony taken behind closed doors. If the Commission should choose to operate under cover, without any valid reason to do so, newspaper reporters and other citizens could be jailed for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them. This is a penalty that has been shunned even in matters affecting national security. Such a provision is an invitation to abuse and a serious menace to the right of the people to know about the activities of governmental agencies.}}
{{smaller block|“It is well to remember that this would not be merely a study commission. In addition it would be under obligation to investigate allegations that persons were being deprived of their rights under the 14th and 15th amendments. It could subpena witnesses and documents and appeal to the courts for enforcement of such edicts. Its powers would be such that it should be held to scrupulous rules of fairness. To encourage the Commission to operate in secret, and then to penalize news mediums and citizens for disclosing what should have been public in the first place, would be the sort of mistake that Congress ought to avoid at the outset.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I think the points made in the editorial are clear and valid. Secrecy in the activities of such a Commission could only lead to a denial of the rights of an individual rather than to protection of his rights.}}
{{smaller block|Another subject which must not be passed over is the subpena power of the Commission. Section 105(f) provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the production of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding Commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Neither would the power contained in section 105(g) which provides that Federal courts shall have the power, upon application by the Attorney General, to issue “an order requiring” a witness to answer a subpena of the Commission and “any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.”}}
{{smaller block|The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority of the traditional American factfinding commission. I look with suspicion upon such a Commission so endowed with authority, and I object to its establishment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to discuss another reason, briefly, why I would be opposed to the establishment of the Commission proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127. Every appropriation bill which has come before the Senate this year has been reduced by the Senate below the budget request. The people of this country have called upon the Members of Congress to reduce the costs of government, not to increase them by creating new agencies or commissions.}}
{{smaller block|The advocates of the Commission might argue that the cost of its operation would not be great, but nowhere in the records of the hearings have I found an estimate of what the total cost would be. If the Commission were to exist only for the 2 years provided in the bill, the compensation and ''per diem'' allowance of Commission members would amount to more than a quarter of a million dollars, not counting their travel allowances.}}
{{smaller block|Since there is no limitation on the number of personnel which might be appointed by the Commission, there is no way to estimate the ultimate cost of personnel salaries and expenses. Since the Commission is designed to travel over the country at will, very heavy travel expenses undoubtedly would be incurred.}}
{{smaller block|The taxpayers would never know how many of their tax dollars were wasted by virtue of the seemingly innocuous language in section 105(e). Unknown, concealed costs are not, however, the only dangers lurking in that subsection. A serious departure from sound legislative procedure is also involved.}}
{{smaller block|In the past, when creating an agency or commission, Congress retained control of its creation by the appropriation power. This is a wonderful check, Mr. President, against the abuse or misuse of Commission authority. Scrupulous care should be taken to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|However, section 105(e) provides that “all Federal agencies shall cooperate fully with the Commission to the end that it may effectively carry out its functions and duties.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the Civil Rights Commission could call on the other governmental agencies to perform many of its tasks. Congressional control over the Commission would be much less than if the Commission had to depend on its own appropriations and would not be permitted to use the resources of other agencies. Once the commission is created, only another law can check its activity during the period of its existence.}}
{{smaller block|Another thing that concerns me about this Commission is the fact that once a Government agency or commission is established, nothing else on earth so nearly approaches eternal existence as that Government agency or commission. Mr. President, I feel that the 2-year limitation placed upon the Commission in this bill would simply be a starting point, and the people of this country should realize that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|With further reference to section 104(a), I want to point out the use of the mandatory word shall. This word requires the Commission to investigate all sworn allegations submitted to the Commission of any citizen allegedly being deprived of his right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|But the provision neglects to require that such allegations be submitted by parties in interest—not simply by some meddler who seeks to create trouble between other persons. This is another provision of this bill similar to section 131(c) which would permit the Attorney General to make the United States a party to a case without the consent of the party actually involved.}}
{{smaller block|Another objection to 104(a) is that under this provision a person could make an allegation to the Commission against a person who was not even a citizen of the same State. Even so, under the mandatory language of section 104(a), the Commission would be required to make an investigation of the charges.}}
{{smaller block|Since the Commission is limited by section 102(k) to subpenaing witnesses to hearings only within the State of residence of the witness, there would be no opportunity in such a situation for the accused to confront his accuser. Charges against a person should not be accepted by the Commission unless the accuser is a citizen of the same State as the person he is charging with a violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|Also, Mr. President, once the Commission has received the sworn allegation, there is no requirement that other testimony received relating to the allegation be taken under oath. Failure to make all persons giving testimony subject to perjury prosecutions in the event they testify to falsehoods would surely destroy the value of any such testimony received.}}
{{smaller block|The Commission could and might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony; but I should not like to see the Senate leave that point to the discretion of the Commission because, in my judgment, the Congress should require that practice to be followed.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, as I stated earlier, it is my view that an inquiry into the field of civil rights, or so-called civil rights, is entirely unnecessary at this time. The laws of the States and the Federal laws are being enforced effectively.}}
{{smaller block|Should there come a time when information might be needed on this subject, the Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with deliberation and care. The appropriate committees of the Congress itself should hold hearings limited to the jurisdiction of the Congress, and the Congress should make its own determination as to the need for legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There is no present indication that any such study will be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Part II. of the bill still provides for the appointment of one additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. As I have stated in previous addresses, there is absolutely no need for an additional Attorney General to be appointed at a cost to the taxpayers of $20,000 per year.}}
{{smaller block|Of course, that would merely be a small part of the total cost because a large staff of lawyers would also be employed.}}
{{smaller block|The other provisions of the bill do not necessitate the establishment of a civil-rights division in the Justice Department, because there is no indication there would be any substantial increase in such cases with which the Department should be concerned.}}
{{smaller block|As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have admitted time and again here in the Senate that there has been a steady decrease in the number of civil-rights cases throughout the country.}}
{{smaller block|Since there has been a decrease in civil-rights cases, and since there is no indication that any increase should be expected, I can see absolutely no reason for the expansion of the present civil-rights section of the Justice Department into a Civil Rights Division with an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the fact that sufficient justification has not been presented for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, I hope the Senate will not approve such additional expenditures as would be required for this purpose. In my opinion, the Attorney General has failed entirely to show a need for an additional assistant.}}
{{smaller block|Part III. of the bill as amended has been thoroughly discussed and I shall not dwell on that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|Part IV., which is the section dealing with what the advocates of the bill have said was the entire purpose of the bill, still has provisions which are objectionable to me. Section 131(c) still contains language which, to me, borders on an effort at thought control instead of providing an unneeded additional guaranty of the right to vote. Also, it gives the Attorney General undue authority. The section reads as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“(c) Whenever any person has engaged, or there are reasonable grounds to believe that any person is about to engage, in any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege secured by subsection (a) or (b), the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States, a civil action or other proper proceeding for preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order. In any proceeding hereunder the United States shall be liable for costs the same as a private person.”}}
{{smaller block|As long ago as February 26, when I appeared before the special Judiciary Subcommittee of the House of Representatives to testify against pending civil-rights bills, I expressed my opposition to the language contained in the section I. have just quoted. I do not believe it possible for the Attorney General, for any of his representatives, or for anybody else to determine what is in another person’s mind and whether he is about to engage in some violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|If the Attorney General should attempt to ascertain what is going on in the minds of other persons, he will need soothsayers and prophets instead of an additional Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|I object to this language because I do not believe it possible for any witness to testify truthfully that he knows another person was about to violate the law, unless some overt action had been taken by the accused person.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, an attempt to apply this provision against American citizens would be completely out of keeping with the guaranties of personal freedom contained in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|I object also to the authority granted the Attorney General in section (c) to “institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States,” a civil action or other court proceeding on behalf of a person without the consent of that person. Individuals have adequate legal remedies which they themselves may institute on their own behalf. It is not necessary to give the Attorney General this extreme power of absolute discretion to be exercised as he desires on behalf of some individual who may not wish to take court action or to have anybody else take such action on his behalf.}}
{{smaller block|If one of the duties of the proposed additional Assistant Attorney General would be to seek out persons and insist upon entering the courts on their behalf, this provision, combined with part II., provides another objection to the appointment of an Assistant Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|The American system has never condoned the idea that a third party should stir up trouble between two other persons. Instead, the American system abhors troublemakers, especially when troublemaking takes the form of barratry. This form of troublemaking has been looked down upon much in the same way other lawyers look down upon their colleagues who chase ambulances.}}
{{smaller block|The United States Government should not be placed in this position of disrepute and certainly it should not be called upon to bear the expenses of such court proceedings.}}
{{smaller block|Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which provides that—}}
{{smaller block|“(b) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.”}}
{{smaller block|No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States, should not be exhausted prior to Federal district courts taking jurisdiction in election-law violations.}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 have spoken out strongly on behalf of the Federal courts during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them.}}
{{smaller block|The laws of all the 48 States contain provisions protecting the right to vote. No additional protection is needed beyond existing State and Federal laws.}}
{{smaller block|In my own State of South Carolina, the constitution of 1895 required the general assembly to provide by law for the punishment of crimes against the election laws. That has been done. The State constitution further required a provision to permit a person to appeal to the State supreme court if he should be denied registration. The election law spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court, and requires that the court hold a special session if one is not scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|South Carolina’s constitution also provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State. In pursuance of this constitutional provision, the South Carolina General Assembly has enacted laws for the punishment of anyone who threatens, mistreats, or abuses any voter in an effort to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. These laws apply to all elections. Anyone who violates these laws is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the existing laws of the States and the existing Federal laws, I now contend, as I have contended since the so-called civil-rights bills were introduced, that any qualified voter in the United States is fully protected in his right of suffrage.}}
{{smaller block|This bill, H. R. 6127, is unnecessary. It is an encroachment upon the rights of the States, and it infringes upon the rights of individuals when the Attorney General is empowered to take action on the behalf of any person without his consent.}}
{{smaller block|I believe this bill should be rejected, because of the various unnecessary and unconstitutional provisions which I have discussed.}}
{{smaller block|Part V. of the bill, which was added to insure and provide for trial by jury in proceedings to punish criminal contempts, is an amendment which I approved and voted for, but I do not consider it as strong as desirable. In my opinion, the bill which the senior Senators from Mississippi and Virginia and I introduced in the Senate last March should be approved, to provide best for the right of trial by jury for every American citizen.}}
{{smaller block|However, the addition of part V. to the bill makes it much less objectionable than the bill would have been without the assurance of trial by jury in criminal-contempt proceedings contained in part V.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to reiterate my previous assertions that this bill is unnecessary, and in some respects unconstitutional.}}
{{smaller block|H. R. 6127 in its original form carried the label of being a right-to-vote bill; but when we unwrapped the package here in the Senate and examined it carefully, as we have, we found the label was entirely misleading.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called civil-rights bill should have been entitled “A bill to empower the Attorney General to deprive certain citizens of their right to trial by jury.” Also, it should have been labeled as an implement intended to be used to force integration of the races in the public schools.}}
{{smaller block|Happily, we examined the contents of the package, stripped off the old label, and advertised the deception so that every citizen could recognize the dangers wrapped in the package.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments which have been enacted have reduced the power which was intended to be placed in the hands of the Attorney General. They have removed the authority for the use of military forces in cases of alleged civil-rights violations. They have made the proposed Commission answerable to Congress as well as to the President, and have provided for the members to be subject to confirmation by the Senate. They have better defined and narrowed the powers of Federal judges in contempt proceedings. All of these amendments have vastly ameliorated the original obnoxiousness of H. R. 6127. However, nothing could entirely remove the objectionable features of this packaged bill of goods, submitted to the American people under a deceptive label.}}
{{smaller block|I shall vote against passage of H. R. 6127, because I believe that in so doing I shall be casting a vote for the preservation of our liberties, and for the preservation of constitutional government in this country.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement which I made on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced vigorous objection to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127 as amended by the Senate.

Of course, the Senate bill was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of the bill.

Mr. President, I now wish to discuss part IV. of H. R. 6127 and the 15th amendment to the Constitution.
{{smaller block|PART IV.—TO PROVIDE MEANS OF FURTHER SECURING AND PROTECTING THE RIGHT TO VOTE}}
Part IV. of the proposed civil-rights bill confers on the Attorney General the right to bring civil action and seek an injunction in a Federal district in the name of the United States if he believes any person is violating or about to violate either of two laws presently existing for the protection of voters.

Let us examine the two laws the Attorney General seeks to enforce by civil suit or injunction.

The first of these laws, presently appearing as section 2004 of the Revised Statutes of 1874—title 42, United States Code, section 1971—is actually section 1 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870—Sixteenth United States Statutes at Large, page 140. This bill, S. 810 and H. R. 1293, passed the respective Houses of Congress without debate on its merits under the rule on motion. This bill as it passed Congress contained in its second section a definite provision that civil damages to the aggrieved might be recovered through civil suit in the Federal courts. Furthermore, it provided for the obtaining of political office by civil suit through ''quo'' warrant proceedings in Federal courts.

On May 20, 1870, an attempt was made in the Senate to allow third parties to sue in behalf of the aggrieved party. This is the same proposal contained in the present bill whereby the Attorney General would be allowed to bring civil action and seek injunctions.

Even this radical 41st Congress would not accept any such proposition providing double penalties. The proposition in the present bill would provide double penalties because present law contained in both title 18, Section 242—Deprivation of Rights Under Color of Law—and title 42, Section 1971—Race, Color, or Previous Condition Not To Affect Right to Vote—afford appropriate criminal and civil remedy.

To show how the Senate in 1870 rejected such an idea of double penalties, let us examine the colloquy in the Senate on the proposal to allow someone other than the aggrieved to bring civil suit—Congressional Globe, volume 93, 41st Congress, 2d session, 1870, pages 3563–3564:
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I understand I am in order in offering to amend the amendment.}}
{{smaller block|The {{sc|Presiding Officer}}. The amendment to the amendment is in order.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I will repeat it, then, for the information of the Senate. I move to amend the Senate bill in section 2, line 15, by striking out the words “the person aggrieved thereby” and inserting “any person who shall sue for the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. I hope that this amendment will not be agreed to. There are now two views taken of this branch of the bill as it stands. One is that there ought not to be any provision at all for the party aggrieved; that it ought all to be out; and another view is that taken by my friend from Alabama, that it does not go far enough; that we ought not to confine this redress to the person whose vote is refused. The committee considered both those views, and thought, in analogy to State legislation and to the simple proprieties of justice, that this middle ground was the true one.}}
{{smaller block|If a voter is deprived of his right to vote by the misconduct of an official, it is a personal grievance to him, an actionable injury, for which all civilized laws give him redress in some form. It is true that in most States and countries no specific amount of damages is allowed, for the reason that it is thought safer, inasmuch as that might be a matter of speculation, to leave it under the circumstances of each case to be great or small, as a jury shall think it wise to make it. But in applying the 15th amendment, which is intended to secure the rights of a large class of the population of the United States, and to secure their rights in courts which may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, by juries who may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, in communities where the local officers are found to be those who deny the rights that the 15th amendment secures, we thought it wise not to leave it to an unfriendly jury to give only 1 penny damages, if a man under the 15th amendment was deprived of a right he had, but to fix the sum the party should be entitled to recover as his damages; and on the other hand, in a community where juries might be very favorable to the party aggrieved, we thought it right to impose upon juries a limit above which they ought not to go; so that they should not either give no damages at all nor excessive damages.}}
{{smaller block|This branch of the section, therefore, is framed upon that theory. It is to give to the person aggrieved, as damages for the deprivation of his rights as a citizen, a private right of his own, a right to sue, which all laws give; it would not be necessary to put that into the statute—he would have the right of action; but to fix the amount for each specific wrong to him {{SIC|whch|which}} he should be entitled to recover. Then we provide in another part of the bill, and perhaps in the same section, just as we ought to do if we are to have any law at all, that the officer guilty of this wrong to the citizen is also guilty of an offense against the public, a criminal misdemeanor, for which he may be indicted and fined, of course within certain limits, in the discretion of the court. I submit to my friend from Alabama whether, on the whole, this middle ground, which is defensible both by philosophy and by analogy, is not the true one.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I desire to make this bill as effective for the purpose intended as possible. The persons who will be aggrieved, particularly in our section of the country, will in the main be ignorant and timid persons, who will be afraid to sue. The fact that they may be afraid to go to the polls and vote is evidence that they will not perhaps have the courage and fearlessness to sue; but there may be some third party who would be willing to enforce the penalty. I think in the great majority of cases the person aggrieved would not avail himself of this provision.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Then, I suggest to my friend that he would not be entitled to any action at all under this section, because this is not a section to give every man $500 who is afraid to offer to do what he has a right to do; but it is to give him as damages the sum of $500 for a positive and specific denial to him of the exercise of a right that he attempts to exercise; otherwise, he would have no cause of action. You cannot give a right of action to anybody because he is intimidated. The intimidation part of the law must be purely criminal, and is found in another part of the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. But my amendment would give a remedy by enabling any other person than the party aggrieved to enforce the penalty. The party aggrieved I think in most cases would fail to enforce it; but some other party might.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Some other party may in his name.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I desire to say a word in regard to the particular amendment now pending. This bill is for the purpose of enforcing the 15th amendment, which applies to colored voters, most of whom reside in the section of the country from which the Senator from Alabama and myself come. The great and most effectual means used to interfere with their exercise of the right secured to them by the 15th amendment is by intimidation, by violence. I think that the penalty which is named in this second section, to be enforced by the party aggrieved, would never be put into operation at all. The purpose of the bill is to protect those citizens against intimidation from voting.}}
{{smaller block|I confess that there is something in the suggestion of the Senator from Vermont, that there is no intimidation in this particular section aimed at. But, sir, it is perfectly sure that the very same means of intimidation which prevents a colored citizen from voting will be resorted to to prevent him from bringing this penal action, and unless the section is amended as suggested by the Senator from Alabama, I do not believe that an action will ever be brought in those States, because it is much more difficult for one of those citizens to bring and maintain a criminal action than it is for him to perform the single act of voting.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Will my friend permit me to make a suggestion right there?}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. Certainly.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. If you take out this penalty, as it is called, really liquidated damages, from the person who is aggrieved, whose right is denied, and who has suffered injury, and give it to anybody who will sue for it, it becomes a pure penalty. Then the question is, whether you can have a bill which contains double penalties; whether you are to punish, in the strict sense of punishment, a man twice for the same offense; because my friend will see that the section, in addition to giving these damages to the party aggrieved as damages, makes it a criminal misdemeanor, punishable on indictment and conviction by a fine of not less than $500 and imprisonment not less than a month nor more than a year. I suggest to my friend, who is a cultivated and educated lawyer, whether he would not in court find himself in great difficulty with a bill of double penalties, which were purely such.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I have never examined that question under the laws of the United States. I only know that is frequently done in my own State. We have statutes with double penalties, as referred to by the Senator, and we have never had any difficulty in that State with regard to them.}}
{{smaller block|But I understood the committee to mean by this section that there was danger in the States where it is principally to apply of not being able to obtain a grand jury who will find a bill of indictment, and that in the event no bill of indictment could be found before a grand jury the party aggrieved, or, if amended as the Senator from Alabama suggests, any person in the community may still punish the offender by bringing a penal action. It seems I had mistaken the purpose of the committee entirely from what is said by the Senator from Vermont. I think, nevertheless, the amendment had better be made, unless there really be that legal objection which the Senator suggests as to double penalties, so that it could not, under the laws of the United States and the practice of the United States courts, be enforced. If that were so, it would be conclusive that the amendment ought not to be adopted. I did not understand the Senator as expressing the positive opinion that such could not be done.}}
Now, Mr. President, I shall discuss injunctions issuing from Federal district judges on the question of a person’s qualification for voting.

The civil-rights bill in part IV. confers on the district courts of the United States jurisdiction to issue injunctions in civil-rights actions and it is to be assumed that these injunctions will concern, among other supposed rights, the right to vote.

Actually appropriate remedy already exists where a person’s civil rights are violated. Section 242 of title 18, United States Code, provides a penalty and damages may be recovered in a civil action. The West Virginia Jehovah’s Witnesses case is a typical example of adequate remedy existing in such cases. In this case, the United States attorney was unable to get an indictment by the grand jury. He therefore proceeded to prosecute by information, as provided by rule 7(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and subsequently got a conviction. The information charged that two public officers, acting under color of law, had willfully deprived their victims of the Federal rights of free speech, freedom of religion, the right not to be deprived of liberty without due process of law, and the right to equal protection of the laws. The conviction was upheld by the United States court of appeals—''Catlette'' v. ''U. S.'' ((1943) 132 F. 2d 902). Civil suits were brought by the Witnesses against their prosecutors—those who had deprived them of their rights—and a settlement was made totaling $1,170 in damages which was paid.

How can the Congress vest jurisdiction in Federal courts to determine the qualifications of voters and allow Federal judges to issue injunctions in effect requiring that certain persons—the judge thinks are qualified—shall be registered and allowed to vote?

The qualifications of voters are fixed and enumerated in the constitution of each sovereign State. For purposes of determining who is entitled to vote in each State for United States Representatives and Senators, the Federal Constitution simply adopts such qualifications as the State has fixed for voting for members of that State’s legislature.

The language of article I., section 2, clause 3 of the United States Constitution reads:
{{smaller block|The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.}}
Similarly, the 17th amendment adopts for the purpose of electing United States Senators such qualifications as the States have fixed:
{{smaller block|The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 2 Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for 6 years; and each Senator shall have 1 vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.}}
In the fixing of qualifications of voters the States are limited only by the 15th amendment and the 19th amendment in that the right to vote may not be denied because of race or color or sex, respectively.

That the respective States determine who are entitled to vote has never been seriously controverted. The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly declared that the right to vote comes from the State. In declaring sections 3 and 4 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, unconstitutional, the Supreme Court in 1875 said—''U. S.'' v. ''Reese'' ((1875) 92 U. S. 214, 217, 218); also ''Butts'' v. ''Merchants and Miners Transportation Co.'' ((1913) 230 U. S. 126):
{{smaller block|The 15th amendment does not confer the right of suffrage upon anyone. It prevents the States, or the United States, however, from giving preference, in this particular, to one citizen of the United States over another on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Before its adoption, this could be done. It was as much within the power of a State to exclude citizens of the United States from voting on account of race, etc., as it was on account of age, one race having certain qualifications are permitted by law to vote, those of another having the same qualifications must be. Previous to this amendment, there was no constitutional guaranty against this discrimination; now there is. It follows that the amendment has invested the citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. This, under the express provisions of the second section of the amendment, Congress may enforce by appropriate legislation.}}
This leads us to inquire whether the act now under consideration is appropriate legislation for that purpose. The power of Congress to legislate at all upon the subject of voting at State elections rests upon this amendment. The effect of article I., section 4, of the Constitution, in respect to elections for Senators and Representatives, is not now under consideration. It has not been contended, nor can it be, that the amendment confers authority to impose penalties for every wrongful refusal to receive the vote of a qualified elector at State elections. It is only when the wrongful refusal at such an election is because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, that Congress can interfere, and provide for its punishment: If, therefore, the third and fourth sections of the act are beyond that limit, they are unauthorized.}}
Thus, if the 15th amendment has not conferred the right to vote upon anyone, how can Congress give a Federal judge authority to confer that right by injunction?

The Attorney General knows that it is a settled principle of law that an injunction will not issue to prevent a crime. At the present time the laws governing enforcement of civil rights are criminal statutes and as such he seeks to have them reenacted as civil statutes so he can secure injunctions. An injunction is really a serious proposition.

Actually an injunction is a proceeding in equity and not of law and under this principle since all of the States have adequate procedure for determining the qualifications of voters in courts of law, injunctions cannot issue in such cases.

An injunction is actually the giving of validity to a judge’s own individual opinion. The injunction had its origin during the reign of Henry VIII., when Cardinal Wolsey augmented the authority of the Court of Chancery in exercising his equitable authority over everything that could be a matter of judicial inquiry. Both Wolsey and his successor, Sir Thomas More, were severely criticized by the English judiciary for issuing injunctions in equity and thereby substituting their individual opinions for the verdict of a jury in a common law court—the Law magazine, London, volume XXVII., 1870, pages 1–25.

Such great importance is attached to the issuance of an injunction that Lord Correnham in his judgment in ''Brown'' v. ''Newall'' ((1870), 2 M. and C. 558, 570), said:
{{smaller block|Now, that that ''ex parte'' injunction was an order which ought not to have been made, is not in dispute. It has been subsequently dissolved, and nothing is attempted (570) to be said in support of it at the bar; and it is impossible that it could have been sustained. The order was a departure from the known and established rule and practice of this court. Nothing is so difficult as to bring within any general rule every case in which a special injunction ought to be granted; but, when an action has regularly proceeded, and is on the very eve of trial, an ''ex parte'' injunction to stop it is an order such as I have not before seen. The vice chancellor appears to have stated that the order was made under some misapprehension of the facts; and indeed it is quite obvious that it must have been so, for the vice chancellor could not have made the order if the facts had been thoroughly understood. It is very probable that some facts were then supposed to exist which did not actually exist.}}
{{smaller block|I am not entitled, however, to assume that the order was made upon any other grounds than those stated in the affidavit which was used upon the application for the injunction; and I am, therefore, to see whether, on that affidavit, the parties have suppressed or misrepresented facts in such a way as was calculated to induce the court to grant the injunction.}}
{{smaller block|I am most unwilling to lay down any rule which should limit the power and discretion of the court as to the particular cases in which a special injunction should or should not be granted; but I have always felt—and since I have been upon the bench I have seen no reason to alter my opinion—that extreme danger attends the exercise of this part of the jurisdiction of the court, and that it is a jurisdiction which is to be exercised with extreme caution. It is absolutely necessary that the power should exist, because there are cases in which it is indispensable; but I believe that practically it does as much injustice as it promotes (571) justice; and it is, therefore, to be exercised with extreme caution. The court can have no ground upon which it can proceed, in granting an ''ex parte'' injunction, but a faithful statement of the case; and where the court has found a party misstating the case, either by misrepresentation or suppression, the court has always exercised its jurisdiction, for the purpose of repressing that practice; and I am desirous to abstain from putting, by anticipation, a limit to that power. The extent to which the court is to go in so doing is only to be determined by the case itself; but then it must appear, upon the affidavits, that there was such misrepresentation. Now the affidavit upon which the ''ex parte'' injunction was obtained certainly does not state all the facts; but the question is, whether there was any such suppression or misstatement as to lead the court to grant the injunction. I do not find on that affidavit that description of misrepresentation or suppression which, in my opinion, presented a case likely to procure a judgment on the application, but different from the case which really existed.}}
Thus we can easily see, even if we had the power, that it would be a dangerous experiment to allow Federal district judges to issue injunctions on simple ''ex parte'' affidavits as is proposed in the present bill. And it might be possible under this proposal to assign New York or Vermont Federal judges to a crowded injunction calendar in Virginia to determine who is qualified to vote in that State. Section 134 of title 26, United States Code, simply requires that a district judge reside in the district or one of the districts for which he is appointed and does not preclude his assignment to another district. In fact, Chief Justice Warren under section 292 of the Judicial Code—title 28, United States Code—may assign California judges to South Carolina:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 292. District judges:}}
{{smaller block|(a) The chief judge of a circuit may designate and assign one or more district judges within the circuit to sit upon the court of appeals or a division thereof whenever the business of that court so requires. Such designations or assignments shall be in conformity with the rules or orders of the court of appeals of the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(b) The chief judge of a district may, in the public interest, designate and assign temporarily any district judge of the circuit to hold a district court in any district within the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(c) The Chief Justice of the United States may designate and assign temporarily a district judge of one circuit for service in another circuit, either in a district court or court of appeals, upon presentation of a certificate of necessity by the chief judge or circuit justice of the circuit wherein the need arises. (June 25, 1948, ch. 646, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 901.)}}
The Federal Enforcement Act of 1870 attempted to do just what this bill seeks to do, that is, take away from the States the control of their elections and place that control in the hands of federally appointed officials. If anyone has any doubts about the failure of the Enforcement Act or even its constitutionality he should read the various decisions of the United States Supreme Court declaring almost every section of the act unconstitutional. When Congress finally got around to repealing that act in 1893 here are some of the frauds cited in Congress as reasons for repeal. They included 19,000 fraudulent naturalization certificates being issued by a single judge in New York State. They included payment in fees from the United States Treasury to a single Federal supervisor of elections and commissioner of the Federal court the sum of $145,000. Interestingly enough, repeal was initiated by a New York Congressman. See {{sc|Congressional Record}}, Volume 25, pages 1959, 1808.

Mr. President, on Tuesday afternoon, August 27, I made a motion in the Senate to have H. R. 6127 in its so-called compromise form referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. I pointed out that I believed it to be a dangerous procedure to allow bills to come over from the House of Representatives and be placed on the calendar of the Senate without being referred to the appropriate committee. However, my motion was voted down 66 to 18, so the bill is now before the Senate for consideration.

Since very few Members of the Senate were present at that time to hear my objections to the present version of H. R. 6127, I shall present my arguments again.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution because that would be the result insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common-law cases.

These guaranties were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historic document their complaints against denial of the right of trial by jury.

That document was the Declaration of Independence.

After declaring that all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the signers of the Declaration pointed out that the King had a history of “repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object to the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States.” Then they proceeded to the listing of a bill of particulars against the King.

He was charged with “depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.”

That is what the Declaration of Independence contained. The King was charged, among other things, with depriving the American people of the benefit of trial by jury. That is the very thing I am fighting for—the right of trial by jury, which is contained in the Constitution, and embodied in it in quite a number of places. The compromise bill which comes from the House attempts to compromise the Constitution of the United States. The bill does not provide for a trial by jury unless the penalty is more than 45 days’ imprisonment or more than a $300 fine. That is a compromise of the Constitution.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

When the original Constitution was written there was placed in it article III., section 2, which guarantees the right of trial by jury. Then the Bill of Rights was adopted, and that right was provided in three different places.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights.

A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and onetime Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him. “The Bill of Rights,” he declared, “denies the power of any government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.”

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic law if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes, in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

When our forefathers met in 1787 in Philadelphia they wrote in article III., section 2, of the Constitution that in all crimes except treason a man shall be entitled to a jury trial. In several places in the Bill of Rights they wrote it again, with special emphasis in the sixth amendment that a man is entitled to a jury trial. Yet the compromisers brought forth a compromise which {{SIC|attemps|attempts}} to compromise the Constitution of the United States. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States. The compromise would have been unconstitutional if it had provided that if a judge wanted to punish for criminal contempt he could sentence the defendant to serve 1 day or fine him $1. He has no right to fine him $1 or give him 1 day’s punishment in prison without a jury trial, because the Constitution says that in a criminal case a man charged with crime is entitled to a jury trial.

I cited last night a decision which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and this so-called compromise which has come to the Senate is an effort of the Senate and the House of Representatives to get together, but in the effort to get together and pass a political bill—and that is all it is—they have  been willing to compromise the Constitution of the United States.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says, “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says, “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.”

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved.

If the Constitution had had an exception in it and read, “This shall not apply to criminal contempt or crimes of criminal contempt,” then there would be some basis for the Congress to legislate. But it did not make such an exception. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “The trial of ''all'' crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

What right has a Federal judge to use his discretion and tell a man he can be tried by a jury? The Constitution says if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to be tried by a jury if he wants to be tried by a jury. In the Constitution there is no exception of criminal contempt or any exception that gives a judge the power to try a man so charged rather than a jury.

We are dealing with the basic rights of the people of this Nation and we should be careful to protect those precious rights which have been handed down to us by our forefathers. This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted. We cannot make trial by jury a matter of degree. If the Constitution gives a man the right of trial by jury, he has that right and we cannot take it away from him. The Congress cannot take it away. Furthermore, this compromise pretends to let the judge try the case if he wants to do so, in his discretion. Then if he finds the defendant ought to be punished by a fine in excess of $300 or by imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the man is entitled to a trial by jury. Do you not know, Mr. President, that if a judge has already tried a man, and then the defendant asks for a jury trial, the judge’s decision is bound to affect the jury in the case strongly, even if it were constitutional for that to be done, which it is not?

Under this proposal if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days in prison he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of punishment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. I realize that Congress may want to get away from Washington. We have had a long, hard session. I also realize that both national parties are playing to the minorities by means of the right-to-vote bill, when each State in the Nation has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and section 594 of the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure protects the right to vote. Yet, as a political gesture, both parties are making this play to try to claim credit. Watch my prediction that in the elections of 1958 both parties will try to claim that they got the civil-rights bill through the Congress.

Why are we not more interested in preserving the Constitution? Are we going to violate the Constitution by passing a political civil-rights bill in order to give thunder and political fodder to politicians to enable them to garner votes? Which is more important, the Constitution of this country or the political parties vying for the votes of minorities?

I wish to see the right to vote exercised by every man who is qualified to vote and who wants to vote. If he is entitled to vote, I want to see him vote. But the true purpose of this bill is not to insure the right to vote, because we have statutes in every State, and we have statutes on the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure now already that punish people interfering with anybody trying to vote. If the statutes we now have on the books are not being enforced, what good will it do to put another statute on the books? If the Justice Department is claiming that there are any individuals who have been denied their right to vote, why does it not prosecute them under the present law, which is completely adequate? And if no people have been denied the right to vote, then why is it claimed that this bill is necessary? The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents and in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

Perhaps the House and the Senate wanted to get together and they thought this was the only way they could do it, but I want to tell the American people when they did get together and brought forth this compromise they violated the Constitution of the United States. This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill. Like father, like son; a chip off the old block. Both are bad.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of the fine—or even 1 cent—and if a day, or even an hour, were added to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial, and a jury would decide the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

The proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was passed by the Senate.

The inclusion by the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, made the bill a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, the present unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope a majority of the Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the ''bloc'' voting of the pivotal states. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.

Those are the words of Stewart Alsop; and he is not a southerner, so far as I know.

To explain his point, he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States, Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.

The following four paragraphs are quoted directly from Mr. Alsop’s column:
{{smaller block|In 1954, Averell Harriman was elected Governor of New York by less than 15,000 votes over Senator {{sc|Irving Ives}}. According to Harris’ analysis, Harriman polled a whopping 79 percent of the Negro vote. Negro voters thus supplied Harriman with his margin of victory several times over. Two years later, the Democrats had dropped some 90,000 Negro votes to the Republicans—or about 6 times the number of votes {{sc|Ives}} needed to defeat Harriman.}}
{{smaller block|Or take another close race—the victory of Senator {{sc|Joseph Clark}}, of Pennsylvania, over the Republican incumbent, Senator James Duff, in 1956. Again, {{sc|Clark}} just squeaked in, with a plurality of less than 18,000 votes. {{sc|Clark}}, despite the Supreme Court, carried the Negro vote by a huge 76 percent margin, which was worth about 150,000 votes to him. Suppose the Negro vote had dropped off as sharply in Pennsylvania as it did in Illinois, where it nosedived from 75 percent in 1952 to 58 percent in 1956. Then Duff would be in the Senate by a comfortable majority, and {{sc|Clark}} would be practicing law.}}
{{smaller block|Other examples could be cited, like that of Senator {{sc|Paul Douglas}}, of Illinois, who owes about 60 percent of his 1954 plurality to the Negro vote. But the lesson is clear enough. If the Republicans can attract something approaching half the Negro vote in the Northern States, the Republican Party will then be the normal majority party in those States.}}
{{smaller block|Read the role of big States in which the Negroes can be expected to poll 5 percent or more of the total vote—not only New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, but such States as Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, and California. It then becomes clear what is at stake in the civil-rights struggle—nothing less than the future balance of political power in the Nation.}}
But, Mr. President, are we going to compromise the Constitution, whether we lose an election or not? Which is more important—to win an election or to preserve the Constitution? It is about time that both parties began to consider the welfare of the country and to determine whether the Constitution is of more importance, or whether winning an election is of more importance.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today; but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law, eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of the bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily.

Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law.

Under the provisions of the compromise, jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge, so long as the sentence he metes does not exceed the maximum limit set for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of the bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim, the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges.

No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When the bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted the great legal mind of 18th century England, Blackstone. Because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him again at this time. This is what Blackstone had to say:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
That is what Blackstone, the leading legal light the world has known, had to say. I wish to repeat one of his sentences:
{{smaller block|And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
Mr. President, a trial by jury is one of the bedrocks of this democracy. It is one of the bedrocks of this Nation. It is one of the bedrocks of this Government. When we talk to people in the street and to laymen generally about taking away their right of trial by jury, they cannot understand it, because they know that the Constitution provides that a man shall have a trial by jury when he is charged with the commission of a crime.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen, chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth, and the surest guardians of public justice. For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan of the United States Supreme Court delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, that is a significant statement to me, coming from a member of the present Supreme Court. I will not predict what the Court might do when the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury as embodied in this so-called compromise is presented to the Court.

However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the people of this Nation want Federal judges to have the power to punish persons for criminal contempt by sentences of either days, weeks, or months in jail, or by fines of dollars, they can amend the Constitution and provide for it. If the people of this country want Federal judges to have the discretion of determining whether a person shall have a jury trial or not, then they can amend the Constitution and so provide. There is no provision and no exception for either instance in the present Constitution.

That is certainly a clue to what might be expected from the Court when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

I think what the Supreme Court did in the ''Reid'' against ''Covert'' case might be a clue to what it might do, or what might be expected of the Court, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all of the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State. A summary of these laws was submitted to me, and I request that this summary be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks.

As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote.

The people of my State vote. I am in favor of qualified people voting. All the people of my State vote if they are qualified.

Whence comes this hue and cry? Those raising it have not presented the matter to the Judiciary Committee, so the chairman of that committee may hold hearings. They have held hearings for weeks and months on the subject, and the proponents of the bill have failed to present evidence to show that people do not have the right to vote.

It is inescapable, as I have said, that this is a political bill and not a bill to provide the right to vote. The people already have that privilege.

If any such incident as a refusal to permit a citizen to vote had occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina.

The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice. The people of the States are interested in justice just as are the officials of the Federal Government, but I shall return to that subject in a few minutes and go into the matter of the Federal statutes a little more fully.

We have Federal statutes to protect the right to vote, if the voters are not satisfied with the State statutes, and certainly the Federal statutes protect them.

I say that the Negro citizens in South Carolina are safeguarded in their rights; and the payment of a poll tax is not required.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. As I have said, South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. Registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that the poll tax be repealed as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature acted promptly and submitted the matter to the people, and the people voted in favor of repeal of the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature approved it, and we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina, if proof is desired, can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia, S. C., Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that “estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina constitution which protect a citizen’s right to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9, suffrage: The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 10, elections free and open: All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 5, appeal; crimes against election laws: Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 8, registration provided; elections; board of registration; books of registration: The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 15, right of suffrage free: No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the record to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Code, title 23}}}}}}
{{smaller block|23–73. Appeal from denial of registration.}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|23–74. Proceedings to court of common pleas.}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as Calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{smaller block|23–75. Further appeal to supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
In other words, in our State, if anybody has an appeal and it goes before the trial judge and he denies it, the supreme court will go into session in order to hear such a case so as to be sure that nobody is deprived of the right to vote.
{{smaller block|23–100. Right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{smaller block|23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{smaller block|23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guard rail; assistance.}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guard rail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{smaller block|23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats.}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct.}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{smaller block|23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{smaller block|23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally.}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State. Also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, proves that there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right-to-vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a Commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise. Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an unusual grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people.

This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so.

If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A Civil Rights Division in the Justice Department is not needed because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed, and he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country.

Since conditions have improved, and there is no indication that conditions will change unless the Attorney General and the Civil Rights Commission create trouble, there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of civil-rights matters in the Department of Justice.

Mr. President, permit me to digress in order to discuss certain matters pertaining to the Bill of Rights.

I have before me a book entitled “Our Bill of Rights: What It Means To Me—A National Symposium,” edited by James Waterman, Wisconsin:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Things of the spirit never die. They flame anew each time they are under fire. They are flaming high at this moment.}}
{{smaller block|Bombs may blow the body to bits, but they bind the soul together.}}
{{smaller block|This book is testimony to the spirit of man; to his personality; to his right to be decent.}}
{{smaller block|From the beginning of time men have had to fight for this sort of life. The fight has never been easy, but it has always been won.}}
{{smaller block|As long as men believe in freedom they will achieve it. The Dark Ages shall not return.}}
{{smaller block|When freedom dies man lives on his knees. When freedom lives man walks erect.}}
{{smaller block|The Bill of Rights is our prayer book and our promise of salvation. The cause of freedom is the cause of God. That is the dedication of this volume.}}
{{smaller block|None of us is wise enough to say finally what one event is the greatest in our history. There are some that cry aloud for that description:}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence; the Treaty of Paris, ending the Revolutionary War; the adoption of the Constitution; the pronouncement of the Monroe Doctrine; the Emancipation Proclamation; the end of the War Between the States; the war for freedom and democracy, begun in 1917—and still going on.}}
{{smaller block|I have left to the last, although it belongs at the top, the formulation and adoption of the Bill of Rights—the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, adopted by the baby nation December 15, 1791.}}
{{smaller block|In this group of principles are to be found the soul and spirit of the Constitution. With the Bill of Rights added, the Constitution becomes nearly a perfect thing. Without the bill, the seven articles of the original draft are largely given over to the protection of property.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson, shocked by the omissions in the Constitution, as promulgated in 1789, while he was United States Minister to France (another type of France than Vichy represents today), drafted the additions to our great charter. Thus we were given the four freedoms by which we grew strong in self-reliance, in courage, in independence, and in self-respect.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments gave us free speech, free press, free worship, free assembly, and also the right to petition. They gave us full protection Of the citizen against oppression; the right of trial by jury and, generally, the right of the individual against the state. Jefferson said himself, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount, Magna Carta, and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|Herbert Bayard Swope}}}},{{em|6}}&lt;br /&gt;
''Chairman, Bill of Rights Sesquicentennial Committee''.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson himself said, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments; the Sermon on the Mount; Magna Carta; and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{***|5}}
{{smaller block|America is face to face with certain grim realities. It is apparent that the expense attached to the defense effort will run into an appalling sum. The sweeping readjustments that will eventually reach every family are becoming clearer by the day. The need for redirection of our whole economy in order to supply plants which manufacture implements of war with an abundance of raw materials is now painfully obvious.}}
{{smaller block|Yes, the world that we know is being re-fashioned. But so be it, and although the disappearance of familiar patterns and habits of living brings a momentary shock, there must be no regrets, no longing backward glances. Neither can we afford to hang our heads, wring our hands and insist that we cannot defend democracy without destroying it. After all, the only disaster that will overtake us is the disaster that comes from indecision and inaction.}}
{{smaller block|I like to remind myself of the origin of the Bill of Rights. It came into being at a time of great distress and clearly represented the desires of the people who had paid a high price for their independence, and were determined to keep it. Since that time it has weathered an internal conflict, foreign wars, periods of economic depression. Even during these emergencies there has been no foreshortening of the scope of the Bill of Rights, nor has its fundamental character been altered. Invariably after these crises have passed each American has turned his face homeward and found, to his intense joy, his personal liberty inviolate. This augurs well for the future. Perhaps the destructive forces loose in the world will assume more awesome proportions than any yet seen; perhaps the dangers and hardships of the civilian population will be greater than ever before; but I cannot believe that these new developments will serve to swerve us from our course any more than the vicissitudes of the past.}}
{{smaller block|Undoubtedly it will mean a vigilant citizenry constantly on guard. But we have that. Undoubtedly it will mean leadership of the highest quality, but we have that, too. In fact, I can think of no more impressive reiteration of belief in the Bill of Rights than that made by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his message to Congress last January:}}
{{smaller block|“In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.}}
{{smaller block|“The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The third is freedom from want. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The fourth is freedom from fear. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.}}
{{smaller block|“This Nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads, and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.}}
{{smaller block|“To that high concept there can be no end save victory.”}}
Mr. President, those were the words of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in speaking of the Bill of Rights, which guarantees a jury trial to the people of the United States, but which the so-called compromise civil-rights bill would deprive the people of.

I read further:
{{smaller block|We accept our liberty, as we do our health, pretty much as a matter of course, hardly giving it a thought until we begin to lose it. Then we become conscious of how much it means.}}
{{smaller block|Experience throughout the long period of human history teaches that liberty must be won in every generation and can be held only by eternal vigilance. As foes of freedom the aggressors reappear with different weapons, but always with the same aim—to destroy the souls of freemen.}}
{{smaller block|That religion and democracy are closely linked together is a truism proved amply in the history of our country. The American colonies were settled by men and women seeking a free life, as well as a home for freedom. Religion was written prominently into their agreements, covenants, pacts, and constitutions, but the early colonists made no provision for the the free exercise of religion. Those who had fled before the demands of conformity later determined by law that others must conform or get out of the colony. It was said of Governor Endicott of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, if he had found toleration in his dictionary, he would have cut the word out, just as he drew his sword and cut the red cross out of the English flag because it represented the ancient Catholic faith of England. This attitude, formulated into law and supported by stern preaching, led to the founding of Rhode Island by Roger Williams and his associates. They were the first ones to put into practice the principle of the independence of the individual conscience even beyond the grants of liberty by the State. Maryland was founded by a small company of Catholics seeking freedom of worship in 1634, only 14 years after the Protestant Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth.}}
{{smaller block|Under Lord Baltimore’s liberal rule there developed a large degree of freedom in religion, as well as a remarkable advance in democratic procedure. The people of Maryland not only took part in making their laws but were given power to originate laws. No other colony at the time enjoyed quite as much freedom, and in 1649 the assembly passed the Toleration Act which confirmed by law these liberties. Following this action, Maryland became the refuge not only for the oppressed Catholics from England, but Protestants from some of the other American colonies, Puritans from Virginia, Quakers, and others who found congenial homes in this colony.}}
It is true that the Toleration Act was not very broad in that it tolerated only those of the Christian religion, but it was a step forward on the road to liberty and marked a greater advance than anything even in England at the time. It remained for the colony at Providence, R. I., to advance the act of toleration by granting full religious freedom to Christians and Jews and even to those without any religious affiliation or belief. The act affirmed “that men of all religions should live unmolested so long as they behaved themselves.”

The Bill of Rights provides for freedom of religion. Our Bill of Rights provides for many vital rights which we enjoy.

The study of the Constitution should be an essential part not only of the education of the American youth, but of all Americans, and especially those who have become naturalized citizens of this great Nation. While all of us cannot be trained in the technicalities of the law, we should have some idea of our fundamental institutions. We need to know their relationship to our daily life, the reasons for their existence, and the benefits we derive from them, as well as the importance to ourselves of their perpetuation. The Constitution is not self-perpetuating by any means; if it is to survive it will be because it has the support of the people—not passive, but active public support. This means making adequate sacrifice to maintain that which is of the greatest benefit to the greatest number.

The Constitution has its roots in the great and heroic past of the English-speaking race. Today, under that Constitution which was adopted through the blood and sweat of the pioneers of our country, the safeguard of personal liberty is ever present. Under our great Bill of Rights our governmental power is divided into three parts. The first is the power granted to the Central Government; the second that reserved to the States; and the third, and by far the most important, although at times the fact may not be generally recognized, the power reserved to the people under the many inhibitions upon both State and Federal legislation.

In the turmoil which now seems to have engulfed the entire world, the citizens of the United States should well remember particularly that it is the people, those who go to make up the great cross-section of this country, who must guard the ramparts from the ever-increasing dangers of nazism, fascism, and communism. Our Constitution is the final safeguard of every right that is enjoyed by any American citizen. So long as it is observed, those rights will be secure, but should it fall into disrespect or disrepute the way of orderly, organized government as we have known it for the past 150 years will be at an end.

When the Federal Constitution was, on September 28, 1787, submitted by Congress to the legislatures of the several States for ratification, there was very strong opposition to its adoption in all the States. The Democrats, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, feared that the provisions of the instrument would unduly abridge States rights and result in a Government too highly centralized for their views. It was necessary for nine States to ratify the Constitution before it could take effect. It was not until June 21, 1788, that the ninth State, New Hampshire, gave its approval. The States which had not ratified up to that time were Virginia, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island. Virginia and New York gave their assent in 1788. When President Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, on the steps of the Federal Hall in New York, neither North Carolina nor Rhode Island had ratified and, therefore, were not States of the United States. These two reluctant States did, however, come into line. North Carolina ratified on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The Bill of Rights was a pacer in the democratic movement in America and as such is entitled to all the prestige of leadership. Yet it really took a century after its enactment for American women to procure the 19th amendment to the Federal Constitution which compelled reluctant States to grant them the basic right of the free—the right to vote. Non-Christian men and freethinkers of their sex more readily wrested from State legislatures the guaranty of their civil rights.

But even the original Bill of Rights would have been a dead letter if dauntless men and women, risking death, had not taught the public to listen without rioting to opinions which it abhorred. That educational process enabled the letter of the law to live in practice, or application, for the American way of life. In celebrating the original Bill of Rights now, we should celebrate with it the courage and skill of the men and the women who made tolerance a fact as well as a principle of law. The open forum, so characteristic of American democracy, owes its inception and its continuation to persons of both sexes who insisted that law and practice were parts of the same thing.

That rights carry duties has become a third aspect of democratic evaluations, nurtured on free debates. It is increasingly understood in America that liberty could become license; that rights if viewed as extreme personal privileges could reduce society to anarchy. There is today, in connection with rights, the wide prevalence of the philosophy that rights are granted to individuals in order that they may develop their talents for competent voluntary cooperation in the thought and action essential to the strength of society, to general welfare, and to the very endurance of civil liberties themselves.

A history of civilization could be written around the derivation of the privileges that constitute our Bill of Rights. The emphasis would be not on rulers and governments but on the struggle mankind has waged for centuries to obtain recognition of the rights of individual men. These rights are guaranties necessary to any people who wish to live in the free atmosphere of liberty. They are the foundation of any government that exists by the free will of the governed and not by the military force of self-appointed rulers.

The history of our own Bill of Rights is fired with the determination of the American people to preserve their liberties as individuals living in a free state. It is significant that these first 10 amendments in our Constitution were drawn from earlier declarations of rights which a number of the Original Thirteen States had formulated for themselves before they joined the Union. They not only served as models for our Federal Constitution but became basic patterns for new democracies all over the world.

Today there is abroad in the world a monstrous force that would set the clock back and reestablish regimes that rank the state above the individual. Already in many lands fundamental rights have been destroyed; and the existence of our own is threatened. Such crises have occurred before in the history of man but never with such ruthless vehemence and on such a worldwide scale.

Mr. President, there are many objections to H. R. 6127, but the strongest objection is the failure to give a jury trial. I wish now to present to the Senate some information on the jury trial and I shall go into the historical development of the jury system. This information is coming from the History of the Jury System, by Maximus A. Lesser, instructor of political science, New York Evening High School. Some very important points are brought out here about the jury system which are pertinent to this debate.
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Historical Development of the Jury System}}}}}}
{{c|{{sm|(By Maximus A. Lesser)}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JURY}}}}
{{smaller block|The subject we propose to investigate is the historical genesis and gradual development of an institution which, today is an inseparable element of English jurisprudence and an important factor in the administration of justice, wherever the English or common law, “* * * the State’s collected will, o’er thrones and globes elate, sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.”}}
{{smaller block|This purpose is not free from difficulties, for, while the nature and functions of the tribunal, as today existent, are sufficiently well comprehended, still the origin of that institution and the successive steps by which it was evolved are less clearly understood and subject to considerable misconception, as is evinced by the many and conflicting theories advanced in explanation thereof. It is the object of this treatise to reconcile, as far as may be, these various views, to give to each well sustained suggestion its proper weight and effect during the formative period, and to trace its influence in the production of the result. The method of treatment is, in general, chronological; for the English jury is so closely interwoven with the historical and political development of the English nation, that every component which contributed to the formation and completion of the latter had a concomitant effect upon the former; accordingly, the history and features of each foreign factor will be described in connection with that period of our history at which it first made itself felt. For to the jury may be truly applied, what Maine says of law, that it is a matter of growth, the result of the needs of the community in which it originated; and an institution—as another writer well observes—which “does not owe its existence to any positive law; it is not the creature of an act of Parliament establishing the form and defining the functions of the new tribunal. It arose * * * silently and gradually out of the usages of a state of society which has forever passed away.” We will, in the first place, regard its general aspect and characteristics as beheld today, and then proceed to consider whether, and in what respects, it is resembled by institutions of early days. The body with which we have to deal—in the language of an able Scotch jurist—“is the institution by which disputed facts are to be decided for judicial purposes in the administration of civil or criminal justice, and which is in modern times familiar to us under the denomination of trial by jury. * * * The etymological derivation of the term is obviously from ''juro'', to swear, whence we find this institution called in forensic Latin ''jurata'', and the persons composing it ''jurati''. * * * When the object is inquiry only, this tribunal is sometimes called an inquest or inquisition, as in the instance of a grand jury or coroner’s inquest; but when facts are to be determined by it for judicial purposes, it is always styled a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|This board of inquiry, then, is composed of “a body of men taken from the community at large, summoned to find the truth of disputed facts. Their office is to decide upon the effect of evidence and thus inform the court truly upon the question at issue, in order that the latter may be enabled to pronounce a right judgment. But they are not the court itself nor do they form part of it; and have nothing to do with the sentence which follows the delivery of their verdict.” While, concerning the third characteristic element of our jury, De Lolme wrote that they who have the power to discriminate between disputed facts and “to whom the law has thus exclusively delegated the prerogative of deciding that a punishment is to be inflicted—those men without whose declaration the executive and the judicial powers are both thus bound down to inaction, do not form among themselves a permanent body, who may have had time to study how their power can serve to promote their private views or interest; they are men selected at once from among the people, who perhaps never were before called to the exercise of such a function, nor foresee that they ever shall be called to it again.”}}
{{smaller block|In other words, the jury is the sole judge of the weight of evidence adduced and the arbiter of compensation for contracts broken or injuries sustained, and is composed of men selected by lot and “sworn to declare the facts of a case as they are delivered from the evidence placed before them”—its province being to determine the truth of facts or the amount of damages in civil, and the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal, cases.}}
{{smaller block|This province is confined by the following limitations:}}
{{smaller block|(1) It is restricted to the consideration of matters proved by evidence at the trial;}}
{{smaller block|(2) It is subject to the instructions of the judge, concerning the rules of law applicable;}}
{{smaller block|(3) It is influenced by the directions of the judge, as to weight, value, and materiality of evidence;}}
{{smaller block|(4) It is affected by the selection of the jurors from the locality of the action, whence they discharge their duties with a certain amount of independent local knowledge, whilom “counted on, and deemed essential to a just consideration of the case.”}}
{{smaller block|Two other qualifications may be added. After the rendition of a verdict in a civil case, it is still within the power of the trial judge to modify or even annul the same, in a proper case; for instance, “because the verdict is for excessive or insufficient damages, or otherwise contrary to the evidence or contrary to law.”}}
{{smaller block|Again, in a criminal case, a verdict of conviction, even when accompanied by a recommendation of mercy, does not control the sentence to be meted out by the presiding magistrate, who may impose the highest or lowest or any intermediate penalty prescribed by law as proper for the offense committed.}}
{{smaller block|How, then, did this institution, whose features as currently administered have just been described, originate? What are the sources from whence it arose, and the forces by which it was developed? Did it spring forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, ready for action and fully equipped with forensic vesture and legal armament, or was its development the result of the gradual accretion of successive strata of growth? As stated above, various and conflicting theories are advanced to answer these queries.}}
{{smaller block|“Many writers of authority,” says Canon Stubbs, “have maintained that the entire jury system indigenous in England, some deriving it from Celtic tradition based on the principles of Roman law, and adopted by the Anglo-Saxons and Normans from the people they had conquered, others have regarded it as a product of that legal genius of the Anglo-Saxons of which Alfred is the mythic impersonation, or as derived by that nation from the customs of primitive Germany or from their intercourse with the Danes. Nor even, when it is admitted that the system of recognition was introduced from Normandy, have legal writers agreed as to the source from which the Normans themselves derived it. One scholar maintains that it was brought by the Norsemen from Scandinavia; another, that it was derived from the processes of the Canon Law; another, that it was developed on Gallic soil from Roman principles; another, that it came from Asia through the Crusades.” An American authority insists that it “is undoubtedly a development of English institutions and civilization.” Again, it is suggested that it was borrowed by the Angles and Saxons from their Slavonic neighbors in northern Europe; it has been traced to the assises de Jerusalem of Godfrey de Bouillon; it is even claimed to be of divine origin; and, finally, a French scholar despairingly exclaims: “Son origine se perd dans la niut de temps.”}}
{{smaller block|According to Robertson, “the true answer is, that forms of trial resembling the jury system in various particulars are to be found in the primitive institutions of all [Aryan] nations. That which comes nearest in time and character to trial by jury is the system of recognition by sworn inquest, introduced into England by the Normans * * * the instrument which the lawyers in England ultimately shaped into trial by jury.” The name “Recognition,” Bracton tells us, is deduced from the fact that the participants “acknowledged” a disseisin or dispossession by their verdict, and the inquest itself was “directly derived from the Frank capitularies, into which it may have been adopted from the fiscal regulations of the Theodosian Code and thus own some distant relationship with the Roman jurisprudence.” This is the system which, Lord Campbell writes, “in the fifth Norman reign had nearly superseded the simple juridical institutions of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors;” while an eminent American jurist, after observing that investigation has shown among Norman legal usages traces more closely resembling our form of jury trial than anything afforded by the system of the Anglo-Saxons, concludes:}}
{{smaller block|“We regard it, therefore, as certain that all these influences contributed to establish this mode of trial in England, and to shape it as we know it to exist there. Indeed, it was not until all of them had had an opportunity of completing their work, that we find what we should now call a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|A due regard for the definiteness of legal phraseology calls for some comment on the meaning of “law and fact,” terms so frequently employed in the course of this work. Law, in its widest sense, is a rule of action; in its technical sense, it is a general rule of human action, taking cognizance only of external acts, enforced by a determinate human authority paramount within a state. Whether the rule so enforced be moral or pernicious, is impertinent to the question. “The existence of law is one thing, its merit or demerit another.” Again, “although human actions are the subject-matter about which law is conversant, they are not essential to its existence; for the rule is the same, whether its application is called forth or not. * * * The rule continues in abstraction and theory, until an act is done on which it can attach. * * * The maxim, ''ex facto oritur jus'' must be understood in this sense; and the duty of judicial tribunals, consequently, embraces the investigation of doubtful or disputed facts, as well as the application of the principles of jurisprudence to such as are ascertained.”}}
{{smaller block|Fact is a term most difficult to define—so much so that Mr. Justice Stephen (in the third edition of his Digest of the Law of Evidence) abandoned the attempt previously made. Webster’s definition (ed. 1859) is: “Anything done, or that comes to pass; an act; a deed; an effect produced or achieved; an event.” Negatively, a learned American jurist suggests that “nothing is a question of fact which is not a question of the existence, reality, truth of something.” Anything which is the subject of testimony is “matter of fact,” while “matter of law” is the general law of the land of which courts take judicial cognizance. Evidence is the means or method by which a fact under judicial examination may be proved or disproved. “Whether there be any evidence, is a question for the judge. Whether sufficient evidence, is for the jury.”}}
{{smaller block|In any event, it is clear that the formula of Coke, hereinabove quoted, “was never meant to be taken absolutely. * * * It relates to issues of fact, and not to the incidental questions that spring up before the parties are at issue. The jury has to do with only a limited class of questions of fact, namely, questions of ultimate fact.” “In general, issues of fact, and only issues of fact, are to be tried by jury; when they are so tried, the jury and not the court are to find the facts, and the court and not the jury is to give the rule of law; the jury are not to refer the evidence to the judge and ask his judgment upon that, but are to find the facts which the evidence tends to establish, and may only ask the court for judgment upon these.”}}
Mr. President, I shall next take up the history of the jury system of the Anglo-Saxons:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Chapter VI.—The System of the Anglo-Saxons}}}}}}
{{smaller block|As regards the manner of men who now directed the destinies of England—for under that name (derived from the Angles) the island is henceforth known—and who indelibly impressed their characteristics upon it, and concerning their status in the scale of civilization, a graphic description is afforded us by the same historian. They “were little removed from the original state of nature; the social confederacy among them was more martial than civil; they had chiefly in view the means of attack and defense against public enemies, not those of protection against their fellow citizens; their possessions were so slender and so equal that they were not exposed to great danger, and the natural bravery of the people made every man trust to himself and to his particular friends for his defense. * * * An insult upon any man was regarded by his relations and associates as a common injury; they were bound by honor, as well as by a sense of common interest, to revenge his death or any violence which he had suffered; they retaliated on the aggressor by like acts of violence; and if he were protected, as was natural and unusual, by his own clan, the quarrel was spread still wider and bred endless disorders in the nation.”}}
{{smaller block|Such, then, was the state of civilization which the Saxons enjoyed, and such the social and political structure which superseded the administration of the Romans. For almost four centuries the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms—true to the characteristics of their founders—present a history of uninterrupted warfare, bloodshed and internecine strife, though Christianity had meanwhile prevailed among them. Wessex, however, gradually acquired the hegemony, and in A. D. 827 its King Egbert succeeded in securing his acknowledgment as supreme head of the heptarchy, with which event the history of the English nation properly begins.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning their civil and social condition, at this period, after a sojourn of 400 years on English soil, it appears that “though they had been so long settled in the island [they] seem not as yet to have been much improved beyond their German ancestors, either in arts, civility, knowledge, humanity, justice, or obedience to the laws. * * * Bounty to the church atoned for every violence against society.” It cannot be doubted that, under ordinary circumstances, nationalization would have paved the way to improvements in the administration of justice, which, under the primitive system and the constant wars of the Saxons, had sadly degenerated. For, since “their language was everywhere nearly the same, their customs, laws, institutions, civil and religious * * * a union also in government opened to them the agreeable prospect of future tranquility. * * * But these flattering views were soon overcast by the appearance of the Danes, who, during some centuries, kept the Anglo-Saxons in perpetual inquietude, committed the most barbarous ravages upon them, and at last reduced them to grievous servitude.”}}
{{smaller block|The first great landmark in the history of English law is the reign of King Alfred (871–901), who, after he had restored peace, and either settled the Danes in or expelled them from the country, turned his attention to the administration of justice, which had become a mere name. His political and juridical institutions are recorded by Hume, as follows: “That he might render the execution of justice strict and regular, he divided all England into counties; these counties he divided into hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings. Every householder was answerable for the behavior of his family. * * * Ten neighboring householders were formed into one corporation, who, under the name of a tithing, decennary, or fribourg, were answerable for each other’s conduct, and over whom one person, called a tithingman, headbourg, or borsholder, was appointed to preside. Every man was punished as an outlaw who did not register himself in some tithing.}}
{{smaller block|“By this institution, every man was obliged from his own interest to keep a watchful eye on the conduct of his neighbors; and was in a manner surety for the behavior of those who were placed under the division to which he belonged. Whence these decennaries received the name of frankpledges. The barsholder summoned together the whole decennary to assist him in deciding any lesser difference which occurred among the members. In appeals from the decennary, or in controversies arising between members of different decennaries, the case was brought before the hundred, which consisted of 10 decennaries or 100 families of freemen, and which was regularly assembled once in 4 weeks for the deciding of causes. (Leg. Edw. c. 2.)}}
{{smaller block|“Their method of decision deserves to be noted, as being”—at least in our historian’s opinion—“the origin of juries. * * * Twelve freeholders were chosen, who, having sworn (together with the hundred or presiding magistrate of that division) to administer impartial justice, proceeded to the examination of that cause which was submitted to their jurisdiction. And besides these monthly meetings of the hundred, there was an annual meeting appointed * * * for the inquiry into crimes, the correction of abuses, and other matters of public concern. If a further appeal were desired, or in controversies between members of different hundreds, the case was brought before the freeholders of the county (or shire) over whom the bishop together with the alderman presided. A final appeal lay to the King himself.}}
{{smaller block|“Formerly the alderman possessed both the civil and military authority; but Alfred * * * appointed also a sheriff in each county, who enjoyed a coordinate authority with the former in his judicial (as distinguished from the military) function. His office also empowered him to guard the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy the fines imposed.”}}
{{smaller block|Such was the system established by Alfred, and adhered to by his successors as far as those turbulent times permitted. For its promotion and perpetuation, as well as for the guidance of the magistrates, on whom the duty to administer it was incumbent, the same king—according to our historical guide—“framed a body of laws which, though now lost, served long as the basis of English jurisprudence, and is generally deemed the origin of what is denominated the common law.” While his judgment concerning the paternity of the system is, that “the similarity of these institutions to the customs of the ancient Germans, and to the Saxon laws during the heptarchy, prevents us from regarding Alfred as the sole author of this plan of government, and leads us rather to think that he contented himself with reforming, extending, and executing the institutions which he found previously established.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus far Hume, whose profound historical researches, combined with his early legal training, certainly entitle his opinion to much weight. But the existence, among the Saxons, of any institution resembling the jury has been hotly contested, and the dispute whether it was known to the Anglo-Saxons or introduced as a result of the Norman conquest, may be thus summarized: Coke (in his Institutes), Spelman (Glossarium Archaiologicum), Blackstone (Com. III., ch. 23), Nicholson (preface to Wilkin’s Anglo-Saxon Laws), and Turner (Hist. Anglo-Saxons, IV., book XI., ch. 9) ascribe it to Saxon paternity. On the other hand, Hickes (Dissert. Epist. p. 34), Reeves (Hist. Eng. Law, I., 22, 24), and Palgrave (Rise and Progress of Commonwealth, I, 243) claim with equal confidence that it was introduced by or at least derived from the Normans and was not of Anglo-Saxon origin.}}
{{smaller block|So Judge Cooley (Am. Cycl. IX. 722) approvingly observes that “so many of the attendant circumstances indicate that it was a Norman institution, bestowed upon his English subjects by a Norman king, that Sir Francis Palgrave has not hesitated to consider our jury trial as derived directly from Norman law” and Mr. Macclachlan (Eng. Cycl. III., 24) remarks: “Without entering minutely into this controversy, it may be stated that the traces of the trial by jury, in the form in which it existed for several centuries after the conquest, are more distinctly discernible in the ancient customs of Normandy than in the few and scanty fragments of Anglo-Saxon law which have descended to our time.”}}
{{smaller block|The conclusion reached by Mr. Forsyth affords perhaps the fairest statement of the case, and may be advantageously quoted in this place: “It may be confidently asserted that trial by jury was unknown to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors; and the idea of its existence in their legal system has arisen from a want of attention to the radical distinction between the members or judges composing a court, and a body of men set apart from that court, but summoned to attend in order to determine conclusively the facts of the case in dispute. This is the principle on which is founded the intervention of a jury; and no trace whatever can be found of such an institution in Anglo-Saxon times.}}
{{smaller block|“If it has existed,” he continues, “it is utterly inconceivable that distinct mention of it should not frequently have occurred in the body of Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporary chronicles which we possess, extending from the time of Ethelbert (568–616) to the Norman Conquest (1066). Those who have fancied that they discover indications of its existence during that period, have been misled by false analogies and inattention to the distinguishing features of the jury trial which have been previously pointed out. While, however, we assert that it was unknown in Saxon times, it is nevertheless true that we can recognize the traces of a system which paved the way for its introduction, and rendered its adaptation at a later period [the reign of Henry II.] neither unlikely nor abrupt. * * * Of the exact mode in which trials were conducted in these [ante-Norman] courts, we know little; but the Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporaneous annals make frequent mention of two classes of witnesses, who play a most important part in the judicial proceedings of the time.” These are compurgators and official witnesses, who, together with other features of their system, will be more fully considered hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|With the demise of King Alfred, his system gradually lost ground. “During the reign of eight kings who succeeded Alfred,” wrote Gilmans, “the country suffered constant invasions from Denmark, which became so oppressive that in 991 the King, Ethelred II., agreed to pay the Danes 10,000 pounds, called danegelt, to buy immunity. This sum was raised by a tax on land, the first one recorded in English history.” Eleven years later the same King planned and partly executed a general massacre of foreigners in the island (Danemort) which led to a fierce attack from the Danes, to the expulsion of the King, and to the establishment of Sweyn as ruler of England. His son Canute married Ethelred’s widow, a sister of the Duke of Normandy, in order, as it were, to legitimize his title, to strengthen his alliances, and to make secure the succession of his line.}}
{{smaller block|When Canute, the Dane, mounted the English throne (1014) it might be supposed that he would transplant to, and incorporate in the system of, England the Danish quasi-jury or Nævninger—an institution common, with modifications, to all the Scandinavian nations—which derived its appellation from the fact of being composed of a fixed number of men (usually 12) named by the inhabitants of each district; a majority of those so chosen was competent to render a decision (subject to the ratification of the bishop and 8 best men of the district) in civil suits; while in criminal cases the accuser was obliged to convince the Nævn by sworn evidence of the truth of his charge, before the accused would be subjected to a public trial—this institution thus combining the functions of grand and petit jury with the exercise of judicial powers.}}
{{smaller block|Canute, however, who was a lineal descendant of Alfred, and desirous of emulating that monarch, adopted a policy of conciliation toward the English. He had his succession to the throne ratified by a general assembly (Witenagemot) and publicly consented to restore and observe the Saxon customs and laws. In 1030, he addressed a letter “To all the Nations of the English”—under which designation he also meant to include the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians—in which he said: “Be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to God, to govern my kingdom with justice, and to observe the right in all things.” That is, he refrained from making any essential innovations or alterations in the systems (political or judicial) to which his several dominions were accustomed, and in consequence Danish rule had no tangible formative effect on English jurisprudence.}}
{{smaller block|The last of the Saxon line who ruled in England—chosen by the people when Sweyn’s family became extinct—was Edward the Confessor (1042–66) whom Hume deems commendable for his attention to the administration of justice, and his compiling for that purpose a body of laws which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for the laws that pass under Edward’s name were composed afterward) was long the object of affection to the English nation.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER VII.—FORMS OF TRIAL AND TRIBUNALS AMONG THE SAXONS}}}}
{{smaller block|Having examined the social and political status of the Saxons in England, as evidenced by their history and environment, we may expect to find, on considering the judicial institutions, their personal characteristics reflected therein. Here, as there, we distinguish the same primitive system of administration, the same rudimentary ideas of right, the same regard for the efficacy of clerical absolution, the same adherence to old and meaningless forms, and the same reverence for the vis major.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial system of the Anglo-Saxons depended for its administration on, and consisted of, four distinct factors or elements: these were, sectatores or suitors of court, the secta or suit of witnesses, official witnesses, and compurgators. These have been generally confounded or at least not clearly distinguished, and the misconception of their proper functions has given rise to many ingenious theories. In general it may be said that of all these functionaries the first class only performed judicial duties; the second and the third were species of witnesses; the fourth officiated (at least originally) in criminal cases only, while none of them were jurors. A delineation of the functions of each will be given, and a distinction attempted.}}
{{smaller block|The name of sectatores is applied by Forsyth to the limited number of freemen “who attended the hundred, county, and manorial courts, to try offenses and determine disputes there; * * * and the obligation to attend was in the nature of a tenure, for neglect of which they might be distrained to appear.” For, in accordance with the customs of those days, “to do suit at a county or other inferior court was * * * one of the common tenures by which land was held, and the suitors, called sectatores, or * * * at a later period pares, were therefore bound to give their attendance.” Anciently their number appears to have depended on chance or convenience; nor do they appear to have acted always under the sanction of an oath; for to Reeves “it seems that causes in the county and other courts were heard and determined by an indefinite number of persons called sectatores,” of whom “the frequent mention,” he continues, “is no proof of juries, properly so-called, being known to our Saxon ancestors.” It would seem that this form of judicial tribunal was the modified outcome of a feature of the elaborate county system established by Alfred, and a result of the alterations necessitated and the encroachments caused by the incessant warfare prevalent after the death of that monarch, which must have greatly affected his system of government. The whole matter, however, is involved in much obscurity, and will be resumed, to some extent, in the chapter treating of the ''judicium parium''.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning the second of the four classes, Professor Robertson observes: “The trial ''per sectam'' * * * resembled in principle the system of compurgation. The plaintiff proved his case by vouching a certain number of witnesses (secta) who had seen the transaction in question, and the defendant rebutted the presumption thus created by vouching a larger number of witnesses on his own side.” It was thus an application to civil suits of the principle, which governed the system of compurgation in relation to criminal causes. At a later period in Saxon history, however, it seems that compurgation was also extended to (and thus superseded the use of the secta in) * * * civil proceedings; or, at least, that the term “compurgation” was employed to designate both the criminal and the civil (''i. e.'', the sectatory) method. Indeed, the very name of secta became an alternative term for sectatores—the judges above described—which led to the confounding of the one with the other, and bred endless confusion and mistake.}}
{{smaller block|At a more advanced period of the Anglo-Saxon dominion, when the defects of their mode of evidence and system of trial became perceptible even to their untutored minds, an attempt was made to partially remedy these defects by the official appointment in each district of sworn witnesses, whose duty it was to attest therein all sales, endowment of a woman ''ad ostium ecclesiae'', and the execution of charters. They were not subject to cross-examination, and their oath was decisive in case of dispute. Later, persons peculiarly qualified by circumstances (though not preappointed), were similarly sworn to prove age, ownership of chattels, and the death of one in whose estate dower was claimed. Hence in the Year Books (16 Edw. II., 507, A. D. 1323) we read complaint that one “may name ses cosyns et ses auns, who by his procurement will decide against us.”}}
{{smaller block|The most important of the four elements, and that destined to play the largest part in the development of trial by jury, was compurgation. Under the Saxon system, in criminal cases the charge of the prosecutor or accuser sufficed to put the accused on his defense.}}
{{smaller block|This defense was by means of the process of compurgation, which was in vogue among the various Teutonic nations (12 being the usual number) and rested on the maxim: “Nobilis homo ingenuus—cum duodecim ingenuis se purget.” Compurgators may be defined as persons, who supported by their oaths the credibility of the party accused, pledging their belief in the latter’s denial of the charge brought against him.}}
{{smaller block|These were in no sense witnesses, for they might be wholly ignorant of the real facts in dispute; nor were they a jury, for no evidence was submitted to their consideration. They were merely friends of the party who summoned them; they knew his character, and by their united oaths they at once attested that character and their confidence in his truthfulness and the justice of his cause.}}
{{smaller block|This mode of trial was brought into England by the Saxons, and Judge Cooley thus describes it: “Then the party accused—or, in later times, the party plaintiff or defendant—appeared with his friends, and they swore, he laying his hand on theirs and swearing with them, to the innocence of the accused, or to the claim or defense of the party. Little is certainly known either of the origin or of the extent, in point of time or of country, over which the trial by compurgators prevailed; but it must have had great influence over the subsequent forms of procedure. It fixed the number of the traverse (''i. e.'', the petit or trial) jury at 12, that being the common number of compurgators * * * and this was a great improvement on the varying and sometimes very large number in Greece and Rome.”}}
{{smaller block|Where the compurgators coincided in a favorable declaration, there was a complete acquittal. But if the accused was unable to present a sufficient number of these purgers; or, “if the party had been before accused of larceny or perjury, or had otherwise been rendered infamous and was thought not worthy of credit—he was driven to make out his innocence by an appeal to heaven, in the trial by ordeal,” which was practiced either by the boiling water or the red-hot iron; the former being supplied to the common people, while the latter was reserved for the nobility. The nature of this institution is so curious and interesting, and its peculiarities throw so much light on the character of that age, as to warrant a fuller consideration of this primitive predecessor and sometime competitor of our criminal jury.}}
{{smaller block|If the accused was sentenced to undergo the ordeal by hot water, “he was to put his head into it or his whole arm, according to the degree of the offense: if it was by cold water, his thumbs were tied to his toes, and in this posture he was thrown into it. If he escaped unhurt by the boiling water (which might easily be contrived by the art of the priests), or if he sunk in the cold water, which would certainly happen, he was declared innocent. If he was hurt by the boiling water or swum in the cold, he was considered as guilty.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator tell me the name of the case he is reading?

Mr. THURMOND. It is the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. This so-called amendment that came from the House does not provide for a jury trial unless the judge in his discretion sees fit to give one; or unless he imposes punishment of more than 45 days’ imprisonment or a fine of more than $300.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator quoting at this point from a particular case, and, if so, will the Senator give us the name of the case?

Mr. THURMOND. I am not quoting from a case at this particular time. I am going back into the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And to show how through the life of this Nation the jury trial has developed.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And how our forefathers in writing the Constitution put into it by article III., section 2, under which a man charged with a crime is entitled to a trial by jury.

To remove any further doubt, when the Bill of Rights was written the same provision was made in several places. The sixth amendment of the Bill of Rights guarantees a man charged with a crime the right to a jury trial.

During the night, probably about 4 or 5 o’clock this morning, I did cite a case holding that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man who is being tried for criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know whether it has ever been held that criminal contempt is not a crime under the law of the Nation?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not know of any decision in the courts where criminal contempt has not been considered a crime, and I have had all the authorities and ran them down. Criminal contempt is a crime. We have a decision on that point. When a man is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a trial by jury. However, under this proposal, the so-called compromise which came from the House, he will not get a jury trial unless the judge, out of the goodness of his heart, says “I think you are entitled to a jury trial, and I am going to give you one.”

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Or unless the judge tries him first and finds him guilty and finds that he should be punished by more than 45 days’ imprisonment or $300 fine, in which event he can give him a new trial. The judge tries him once, and then he will be tried again. I think there again the so-called compromise is unconstitutional because you cannot put a man in jeopardy two times. If he is tried once, he has been in jeopardy and he cannot be put in jeopardy again.

The whole thing is a concoction to get a compromise on something for civil rights. It is purely an endeavor to get some kind of compromise; but it violates the Constitution, and I hope the Senate and the Congress will not pass it. Even people who believe in civil rights and have fought for civil rights are of that opinion.

The distinguished Senator from Minnesota [Mr. {{sc|Humphrey}}] has made many speeches on civil rights. I remember one he made in 1948 at the Democratic Convention in Philadelphia, which I did not like at all because I am a States righter and not a so-called civil righter. I believe in real civil rights, but not the kind of civil rights which are being alleged here.

I do not know how Senators who really believe in civil rights and who know the Constitution can vote for a bill which flatfootedly violates several provisions of the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know of any greater civil right any person possesses in any nation than the right to a trial by a jury of his peers and his neighbors when he is accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot imagine any civil right I would rather possess were I charged with a crime. I do not know of any civil right that is more vital to the people of the United States than the right of trial by jury. I do not know of any civil right that one could envision that could be more important. The right of trial by jury is most important because a man may be tried for his life. If he is not tried for his life, he can be put in prison. He can have his liberty taken away from him.

It is only after trial by jury that a man in this Nation can have his liberty taken away from him. I do not want a judge to try me if I ever have to be tried. I want 12 of my peers, 12 of my fellow countrymen, as the Constitution provides.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Is not the right to trial by jury, in which a person accused of a crime to challenge any prejudiced person who might be on the jury venire one of the possible differences between the free system of government that exists in this Nation and other free nations as compared to the system of government that exists in Communist nations?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Senator has the vision to see and realize the importance of what jury trial means to the people of this Nation.

I quoted during the night Associate Justice Brennan of the Supreme Court. I do not think a man could have made a stronger address than he made on the jury-trial question. Justice Brennan made a powerful argument for a jury trial even in automobile-accident cases. Even where property is involved—not liberty, not life, but property—he believed there should be protection to the citizen through jury trial. Under the so-called compromise civil-rights bill a judge can put a man in jail for 45 days, and some judges will do so if they have the opportunity. They will make it exactly 45 days if they want to punish a man.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Under the facts stated in regard to the situation in Washington Parish, La., it was contended that more than 1,000 colored people were denied voting rights. I am not sure if that was correct or not. Perhaps those people should or should not be on the rolls. But assuming the charge was correct, it would be possible for a judge in that case to put a person in jail for {{SIC|4,500|45,000}} days without a jury trial, alleging that there were 1,000 different offenses.

Mr. THURMOND. I see no reason why he could not, if he tries the defendant on each separate offense, which I think he would have to do to sentence him for more than 45 days. If he tries the accused for one act of depriving a person of his right to vote, there would be only one act, and 45 days in my opinion would be the limit. But if a judge saw fit to try a man and sentence him to prison for 45 days, he could try him again on another charge with respect to a man who claims his rights were violated in connection with voting and the defendant could be given another 45 days. I do not think there is any limit to that. I think he could keep filing them.

Mr. LONG: Is it not conceivable following such a procedure a judge could put a man in jail for his natural lifetime without a jury trial? Suppose he alleges that the defendant prevented 2,000 people from registering. That would be 90,000 days he could put the man in jail without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. While I think theoretically that is possible, I do not think actually it would be practicable. But it is theoretically possible to do that.

I wish to read the distinguished Senator what Associate Justice Brennan said:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it.}}
What is the Congress doing here if they let a judge try a man for criminal contempt, which is a crime?

I quote Associate Justice Brennan further:
{{smaller block|One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence—}}
In my State they cannot comment on the evidence and I do not believe they can in the State of the Senator from Louisiana, can they? In a few cases I believe they can.

Mr. LONG. No; not in a criminal case.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not believe they can even instruct the jury except as the parties request instruction. In some States the judge cannot charge the jury at all except where the parties request him to instruct, so jealously is the right of trial by jury regarded, leaving to the 12 fellow countrymen, 12 peers of the defendant, the authority to decide the case.

I wish to quote further from Associate Justice Brennan:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies, and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question to my distinguished colleague from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. I regret that because of my ill health, of which the Senator is aware, I was unable to be here.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sorry, too. I thought about the distinguished Senator a great deal and inquired about him.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure during the night sometime the distinguished Senator from South Carolina discussed how the jury system came into being; is that correct? The divine right of kings principle was set aside and the jury system installed in its place.

Mr. THURMOND. That is right. I am going now into the history of the jury system. That is the very thing I am discussing now.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that in the State of South Carolina—and, I might say, it is true in some of the other States—the higher courts have set aside verdicts of guilty because of the presence of prejudiced jurors or jurors who did not tell the truth on their examination, when they were asked if they knew anything about the facts.

We have always been extremely jealous under the Constitution to see that every defendant receives a fair and honest trial. I know that there have been such cases in the State of South Carolina as the type to which I have referred.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. I was a trial judge for 8 years, and came into close contact with jurors. I know how jurors feel. I know how the people feel. The citizens of this country believe in the jury system. It is a part of their nature to believe in the jury system. Those who have talked with me do not like the fact that the bill provides for compromising the Constitution in order to get a compromise civil-rights bill. We should not compromise the Constitution. That is exactly what this so-called compromise bill does, on the jury-trial question.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure that when the distinguished Senator was a judge, if any efforts were made to influence a jury, either by telephone or letter, if the judge became aware of it, he promptly declared a mistrial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is correct. Any judge would set aside a verdict if a juror were influenced.

Judges are human. Some people look upon a Federal judge as sacrosanct, so to speak—clothed with a robe, high, mighty, and arrogant. They are human, and they are subject to the errors of human nature, just as any other citizen is. They should not be entrusted with this great power, involving the liberty of our people, in violation of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that once in a while there is a dishonest judge. Is not that true?

Mr. THURMOND. I presume it is. However, I have never heard of any in South Carolina.

Mr. LANGER. We had a very dishonest Federal judge in the State of North Dakota at one time. I had personal experience with him. Time and again during my service in the Senate I have charged that judge with being dishonest. He is still alive. I did not rely upon Congressional immunity. I have made that statement often. I have never been sued for it, and I know very well that I never will be.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the distinguished Senator would not want such a judge to try him for criminal contempt, which is a crime. I am certain that the distinguished Senator from North Dakota would want a jury to try him. Is not that correct?

Mr. LANGER. That is certainly correct. I believe that in the State of South Carolina, or any other State, the people will insist not only on good, honest judges, but also on seeing to it that the jury system is kept unimpaired.

Mr. THURMOND. Some of the proponents of the bill think they are going to punish the South. However, the bill applies to every American. The bill will fly back in the faces of some of its proponents and their friends, and they will be surprised.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to discuss this question with the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

I was discussing the history of the jury system.

I continue to read from “History of the Jury System,” in the chapter entitled “Trials and Tribunals Among the Saxons.”
{{smaller block|It will be observed that it was the priests who had charge of administering these tests of innocence—termed ''judicia dei''—and they doubtless reaped a rich harvest from the monopoly of this privilege, commensurate with the wealth and the guilt of the accused.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator further yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In view of the fact that I mentioned a dishonest judge, I should like to give an illustration of how a dishonest judge operates.

In the first place, when it is desired to obtain a jury which is dishonest, a special assistant United States marshal will be appointed. The marshal will walk into a store, for example, and say, “Mr. Jones, I would like to have you take 100 subscriptions to a certain newspaper.” The man behind the counter might say, “Why should I take a hundred subscriptions?” The marshal may say, “We are fighting the Governor of the State.”

If the man takes 100 subscriptions, and pays $100, or $1 apiece for a year, his name goes into the jury box; and if he does not subscribe, his name does not go into the jury box.

In the case to which I have reference, the slips which were put into the box were different. The names of those who were prejudiced against a defendant would be written on wide slips. The names of those who were not so prejudiced were written upon narrow slips. A clerk was conniving with the judge. I may say that later the clerk went to the penitentiary. He would feel around until he felt a broad slip, and withdraw that slip.

A Federal judge has a vast amount of power. A judge may say, “I am not going to allow any of the defense lawyers to examine any prospective jurors. Let them write out their questions and submit them to me, and I will ask the prospective jurors whether or not they are prejudiced, or what answers they have to the questions.”

Two or three days might be consumed in the effort to get a fair jury; but because of the fact that the Federal judge will not allow the lawyers for the defendant to ask any questions, the judge will finally get a jury which has not been thoroughly examined from the viewpoint of the defendant.

That is not all. A dishonest judge, by the tone of his voice, can let the jury know what he himself thinks of the case. For example, the defendant may be giving testimony, and if the United States attorney interrupts him the Federal judge may say, “Well, let the defendant tell his story,” with a sneer on his face, for the benefit of the jury.

When it comes to his instructions, he may, in a very low tone of voice, give the instructions he is required to give which are favorable to the defendant. Then he raises his voice and makes gestures which let the jury know he does not believe the defendant to be innocent. He tries to impress the jury by his loud tone of voice and the things he says in his instructions, which tend to prejudice the jury.

I have seen it happen. I myself was a trial lawyer. I served at one time as attorney general of my State, and later as governor of the State.

As I have previously stated, a Federal judge has a vast amount of power. He can name special bailiffs is he decides that the number of bailiffs in the court is not sufficient. He can appoint half a dozen or a dozen more, and have them carry revolvers to impress the rank and file of the jurors with the great importance of the case.

A Federal judge can claim that his life is in danger, and he can have Federal troops escort him back and forth between the courthouse and the hotel. A Federal judge can have airplanes flying over the courthouse, to repel the mob, for the purpose of impressing the jury with the gravity of the case which is pending before it.

I have gone all through that experience. When I came to the Senate one of the charges brought against me was with respect to the four Federal cases in which I, as governor of the State, was tried.

A Federal judge who is dishonest, with all the power he has, need not be afraid of any governor, because he holds the position for life. During the history of the United States there have been only five impeachments of Federal judges.

I well remember a case which was brought before I became a Member of the Senate. Senator Josiah Bailey, a very distinguished Senator, said to me in connection with that case, “I voted ‘not guilty’ on all counts except the last one. I voted ‘guilty’ on the last one.”

It was the fact that he voted “guilty” on that count which resulted in the impeachment of the judge.

We must take into consideration the money that is required, the lawyers who are required, and so forth. The Senate does not like to take up an impeachment case. Yet, that is the only remedy a poor man has in the matter of impeaching a dishonest Federal judge.

I am frankly delighted that the distinguished Senator from South Caroline has been going into the history of how the jury trial originated. There was a great battle to obtain the right of trialby jury on behalf of the people of England before they ever achieved their goal. One of the very first of the English juries was sent out by the judge time and time again and asked to bring in a verdict of guilty, and the jury refused to do so. They were out for many hours defying the judge. Finally, the judge said he would put them in jail.

One of the greatest calamities that could possibly occur in this country or in any other country would be to have the “divine right of kings” come back and the jury system made inoperative. I wish to thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina for bringing the matter to the attention of the Senate.

Mr. THURMOND. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota is to be commended for his statement.

Mr. President, it is not a question of civil rights. They have hooked to it an unconstitutional provision. It is now a question of whether we shall vote for a bill that violates the Constitution and takes away from citizens the right to a trial by jury.

I believe it was at Runnymeade, in 1215, that there were wrenched from King John certain rights for the benefit of the people which were written into a paper known as the Magna Carta. One of the rights wrenched from King John and which the people had cherished so long and which had been denied them was the right of trial by jury.

Mr. President, our Declaration of Independence starts out by citing grievances, among which was the fact that in many instances the citizens of the Colonies had been tried without a jury. That was one of the grievances brought up and included in the Declaration of Independence.

When our Constitution was written our forefathers had heard their fathers speak of how in generations back the people had suffered persecution. That was why many of them came to these shores, to enjoy liberty and freedom. After studying the governments of the world at that time, our forefathers finally decided on the tripartite system of government, with its three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial, which could check on each other.

They did not stop with that, Mr. President. The States organized their governments on the same basis, so that what we have is what is known as a compound Republic. We have a division of power between the States and the Federal Government. We have a division of power between the different branches on the national level and on the State level. Our forefathers, when they wrote the Constitution in Philadelphia in 1787, were determined that one thing would be contained in it would be the right of trial by jury. It is found in article III., section 2, and it provides that the trial of all crimes except cases of impeachment shall be by jury. It does not make any other exceptions for civil rights or anything else. It provides that all crimes except that of impeachment shall be tried by jury and that the trial shall be held in the State in which the crime was committed.

Even after the Constitution was written, three distinguished men attending the Convention would not sign it. They were George Mason, of Virginia, who was the author of the Bill of Rights; John Randolph, of Virginia, another very prominent citizen; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. They refused to sign the Constitution even after it was written.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, would the Senator from South Carolina be willing to yield to me for the purpose of submitting a unanimous-consent request to the Senate to the effect that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears the telegram of the Governor of the State of Wisconsin may be read and the oath be administered by unanimous consent of the Senate, without my friend from South Carolina losing the floor thereby, and that his remarks thereafter shall not count as a second speech against him, and that this interruption be placed in another portion of the {{sc|Record}}?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield under those conditions.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears in the Chamber the clerk may read the telegram from the Governor of Wisconsin and that the Senate give its consent to the oath being administered to the Senator-elect.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous-consent request of the Senator from Texas? The Chair thinks it also includes the provision that the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}] shall not lose the floor.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. All the conditions enumerated, Mr. President.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, reserving the right to object—and, of course, I shall not object—I should like to be associated with the unanimous-consent request made by the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I make the request on behalf of the minority leader and myself. I wish to make it abundantly clear that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears consent will have already been given to his being sworn in after the telegrams have been read; and that the Senator from South Carolina will still retain the floor and will be protected in his right to the floor and in the fact that he has made only one speech on this subject. Also, Mr. President, I request that the interruption be placed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from South Carolina.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and the request is agreed to.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. I thank the Senator from South Carolina for yielding.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was engaged in colloquy with the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Langer}}] ,at the time when we were interrupted. I should like to continue the colloquy with him.

Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from North Dakota for his questions and for bringing out the points he did. What I started to say is that when the Constitution Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1787 for the purpose of writing a constitution, the deputies, as they were called then, were confronted with the very difficult proposition of how the States would have representation. The large States wanted representation in proportion to population; the small States wanted representation according to States, regardless of size. Of course, they reached a compromise, and we have the two bodies of Congress. The Senate has an equal number of Senators from each State, regardless of the size of the State, and the House of Representatives is based on population. That is only one of the many intricate problems which had to be fought and settled by the Convention. It was a very difficult task to bring about the adoption of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question at this point?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator from North Dakota, as the distinguished Senator from South Carolina knows, is very much interested in the small States. The two Senators from North Dakota are very much interested in the small States. They have been battling and fighting for the rights of the small States. Today there are six States which never have had any Cabinet members. For example, take the State of Florida. It has now for 107 years been a member of this Union. Yet the State of Florida has never had a member of the Cabinet, although the city of New York under Franklin Roosevelt at one time had six from the State of New York.

Take the State of Nevada. Nevada had an Ambassador. The State of South Dakota has never had one. Montana never has had one. Idaho never has had one. The Senator from North Dakota finally succeeded in getting one for North Dakota, the first one after 62 years of statehood. It seems to me that the Senators from these States and from the States of smaller population a long time ago ought to have gotten together and said to the State Department, “We demand that citizens of the States of lesser population also have some appointments as ambassadors, or occasionally have a man appointed to the Cabinet of the President of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree with the Senator, and what I said was by way of illustration.

Mr. LANGER. Yes.

Mr. THURMOND. The point I started to make was this: There were so many problems confronting the deputies in Philadelphia that they had a very hard time drafting a constitution, and even after it was drafted, it would not have been ratified if they had not promised the leading political leaders of the day that there would be a Bill of Rights. That is the only way they were able to have the Constitution adopted; and even then, George Mason, of Virginia; John Hancock, of Massachusetts; Elbridge Gary, of Massachusetts, refused to sign it. They did not want to take for granted any question about the rights to which the people were entitled, and one of the precious rights in which they were most interested was the right of trial by jury. The right of trial by jury was not only written in article III., section 2 of the Constitution, but in several places in the Bill of Rights. The right of trial by jury has been handed down to us as part of our Government as a great heritage, and we do not want to run the risk of losing that precious right.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true at the present time in one foreign country after another, to whom we have been sending foreign aid and with whom we fought in World War II., later in the Korean war—one of the very things we are advocating in these countries are reforms which will provide trial by jury. Is that not correct?

Mr. THURMOND. I understand we have been advocating that other countries, in which we have been trying to help the people to set up democratic governments, accord the right of trial by jury. It is going to look a little inconsistent to those people to whom we have held out trial by jury as the ideal, when we pass a bill which proposes to take away trial by jury.

Some persons do not feel this is important; some of them say, “Well it is a compromise. The House held to a certain idea and the Senate another; and it is a matter of getting together as best they could.”

But this is a vital question. There is nothing more important, no right more important than that of trial by jury.

Mr. LANGER. I assume the Senator means a fair trial, an honest trial.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. The experience the Senator has had as judge ably demonstrated that, did it not?

Mr. THURMOND. My experience has been that a jury will come nearer rendering a fair verdict than a judge will, because there are 12 men on the jury—and Mr. Justice Brennan concurs in this—who hear the evidence and reach a conclusion. It is a most important matter; yet here in this so-called civil rights bill—

Madam President, may we have order, please?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair). The Senate will be in order.

The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. The effect of the so-called civil-rights bill is to amend the Constitution. The Constitution says, in article III., section 2, that “the trial of all crimes, except cases of impeachment; shall be by jury,” and then in the sixth amendment to the Constitution the statement is made again. It says, “In all”—it does not say in some—it does not say in all but civil rights; it makes no exception. It says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and a public trial, by an impartial jury of the State * * * to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses.}}
And so forth. instead of that, this civil-rights bill now includes an amendment—which has been added by the House of Representatives—which gives the judge the power to make the decision, without a trial by jury, unless the fine exceeds a certain amount of money or unless the period of incarceration exceeds a certain number of days.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair) Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true that one of the arguments used when the right of women’s suffrage was asked for, was that women should have the right to sit on juries?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that women be allowed to sit on the juries. I think it is very wholesome to have that allowed. Such a law has not yet been passed in South Carolina, but I think it will be; in my opinion, that time will come.

Mr. LANGER. We who live in North Dakota have had such a law for many years, and it works very satisfactorily.

Mr. THURMOND. I so understand.

In some States, women are allowed to serve on juries, if they wish, but they are not forced to do so. In other States, women must serve on juries, if called. In other States, women do not have to serve at all on juries.

Madam President, the bill of rights—and the right of trial by jury is the heart of the bill of rights—is the most precious document of the American people.

Madam President, let me say to the distinguished Senator from North Dakota that when the Declaration of Independence was written, it included a very definite reference to trial by jury. I wish to read part of the Declaration of Independence, in order to remind the distinguished Senator from North Dakota of that fact.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, I shall be very glad to have the Senator from South Carolina do so.

Mr. THURMOND. Madam President, I read now from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.}}
{{smaller block|We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.}}
{{smaller block|He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.}}
{{smaller block|He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.}}
{{smaller block|He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.}}
A little later in the Declaration of Independence, we find the following—

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, it is very interesting to hear the Declaration of Independence read.

Mr. THURMOND. It is, indeed.

I read further from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.}}
{{smaller block|He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.}}
{{smaller block|He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.}}
{{smaller block|He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.}}
{{smaller block|He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.}}
{{smaller block|He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.}}
{{smaller block|He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.}}
{{smaller block|He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:}}
{{smaller block|For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:}}
{{smaller block|For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States:}}
{{smaller block|For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:}}
{{smaller block|For imposing taxes on us without our consent:}}
{{smaller block|For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
That was one of the cardinal points which was set forth in the Declaration of Independence, namely, that the King of England had deprived the colonists “in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.”

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}, in accordance with the previous unanimous-consent agreement, yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas, for the purpose of having the Senator-elect from Wisconsin take the oath of office. By agreement, the proceedings incident thereto appear in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

The VICE PRESIDENT. Pursuant to the order, the Chair recognizes the Senator from South Carolina.

The Senate will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a good many Senators were not here when I presented my views earlier during this debate, and I shall take a few minutes now to express a few points which I should like to have them hear.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution, because that would be the result, insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common law cases.

As I have stated earlier today, I cited a decision during this debate to show that criminal contempt is a crime. Since criminal contempt is a crime, a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no way, under the Constitution, by which a man charged with a crime can be denied a trial by jury.

Since the decision I have cited shows that criminal contempt is a crime, it simply follows that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

These guaranties to which I referred, in article III., section 2, of the Constitution, and in the fifth and seventh amendments, were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historical document their complaints against the denial of the right to trial by jury. That document was the Declaration of Independence. I am going to read the section of the Declaration of Independence in which our forefathers with courage and stamina severed their relations with the mother country, Great Britain, and established their own government. A list of grievances against the King was set forth in that document and among those grievances there was one pertaining to trial by jury. It reads as follows:
{{smaller block|Depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
In other words, those who signed the Declaration of Independence gave as one of the reasons for declaring their independence and for cutting loose from the King the fact that they had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. Therefore we can see with that incentive in mind in writing the Declaration of Independence why there was such a strong urge in writing the Constitution to include in it a provision for trial by jury, and then later in writing the Bill of Rights, to provide a trial by jury without the exceptions which are contained in this so-called compromise that came from the House of Representatives.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights. A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790. The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and one-time Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him.

The Bill of Rights, he declared—
{{smaller block|denies the power of any Government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.}}
Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional Government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic laws, if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes; in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.}}
The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “the trial of all crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days’ imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. In this day and time I wonder, sometimes, if there is not too much compromise. It does my heart good to see a man with strong convictions, a man who believes in something, a man who stands for something and who is not willing to compromise on everything when there is a vital principle at stake.

Mr. President, I realize that legislation to a large extent is compromise. That is perfectly legitimate when it does not involve the Constitution. But when it involves the Constitution, there should be no compromise. There should have been no compromise on this bill which comes back to the Senate from the House. There can be no compromise with reference to the manner in which the bill was amended.

The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of Government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was approved by the Senate.

The enactment in the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, was a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, this unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope that a majority of this Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the bloc voting of the pivotal States. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that—
{{smaller block|Behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.}}
'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', 12 members of the Italian Chamber of Deputies visit the Senate, and Mr. Thurmond’s is interrupted, so as to introduce the deputies appropriately. At the time in the ''Record'', several other matters are read into the ''Record'', namely, a “Message from the House,” the “House Bills and Joint Resolutions Referred,” and the “House Concurrent Resolution Referred.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, to explain his point Mr. Alsop cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the “Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States,” Mr. Alsop stated that it is “almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.”

In other words, Mr. Alsop says that the whole civil-rights fight is purely political, and the effect of it is that both parties are vying to get the Negro vote in the doubtful States.

To explain his point he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in those States. Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any Presidential candidate could lose those three States and win the election.

I shall not take any more further time to present the analysis he made, but he went into considerable detail.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today, but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of this bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily. Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether or not to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law. Jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge so long as he does not exceed the maximum limit prescribed for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of this bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges. No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected by it. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When this bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted that great legal mind of the 18th century of England, Blackstone, because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence.

I have also quoted heretofore and cited a case which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That is a decision I have heretofore reviewed. I might refer to it again for the benefit of any who missed it, because that is an important point. I do not believe that some of the lawyers in the Congress have realized that criminal contempt is a crime.

''Bessett'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' (194 U. S. 324) says a contempt proceeding is criminal in its nature. ''Ex parte'' Grossman (267 U. S. 87) says a criminal contempt committed by disobedience of an injunction issued by the district court to abate a nuisance in pursuance of the prohibition law is an offense against the United States, and within the pardoning powers of the President under article II. of the Constitution.

The ''Conkey'' case I just referred to, volume 194 United States Reports, page 324, defines civil and criminal contempt, pointing out that the latter, criminal contempt, is criminal and punitive in its nature, and the Government, the courts, and the people are interested in their prosecution.

If criminal contempt is a crime, as the United States Supreme Court decision holds it is, then under the Constitution of the United States a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury. There is no ifs, ands, and buts about it. There can be no exceptions.

Article III., section 2 of the Constitution provides:
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment in the Bill of Rights, it is provided:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
Mr. President, when this bill was previously debated in the Senate, I cited Blackstone as an authority, and I may cite him again today, but I want to refer to a portion of this bill, to show how it violates the Constitution on the jury trial question.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to my distinguished friend for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Could the Senator from South Carolina tell us how it happened that the Federal judges encroached upon the rights of defendants? How did they come to hold that contempt of court was not a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. There is a long story about contempt and how it arrived at where it is now. I might say, in brief, and that is what my distinguished friend is interested in, that under the present law a man charged with criminal contempt gets a jury trial unless the Government is a party to the suit, and in labor disputes defendants get a jury trial even if the Government is a party to the suit.

Under this so-called compromise which the House sent to the Senate, that will not be the case unless a judge in his discretion sees fit to give the defendant a jury trial, or the judge tries him and decides he wants to punish him to a greater extent than a $300 fine or a 45 days’ prison sentence, in which event he would then have a jury trial.

Mr. President, under the version of the bill which was passed by the House of Representatives, the Attorney General could substitute the government for a private party, and thereby could deprive an individual of a jury trial.

But the Senate amended the bill as passed by the House of Representatives; and the Senate sent the bill, as thus amended, back to the House of Representatives. The Senate, by means of one of its amendments, drew a distinction and delineated between civil contempt and criminal contempt. The amendment provided that if the purpose of the action the judge wished to obtain was compliance with his order, in the case of something to be done in the future, failure to comply with the order would constitute civil contempt; but if the purpose was to punish for something done in the past, failure to comply with the judge’s order would constitute criminal contempt.

The Senate amended the bill, as I have stated, and returned the bill, as thus amended, to the House of Representatives. Then the House of Representatives added the amendment which I believe violates the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. It has been a pleasure, I assure the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. President, because of the authoritative place that Blackstone holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him at this time. Every lawyer respects Mr. Blackstone. He said:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law.}}
That is what Blackstone said about trial by jury—that it is “the glory of the English law.”

Blackstone further said:
{{smaller block|And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under Providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
In other words, Rome, Sparta, and Carthage did not have trial by jury when their people lost their liberties.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen; chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth and the surest guardians of public justice, For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, that is what Mr. Blackstone said. No brighter legal mind ever shone in the brilliant galaxy of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence.

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied to another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court, delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and he made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. * * * One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions.}}
Mr. President, in my State the judge charges the jury as to the law, but he cannot comment on the facts. In some States a judge is not even permitted to charge the jury, unless the parties to the suit request it.

I read further from the address by Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials, because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, those are the words of Associate Justice Brennan, in speaking about jury trials. I do not know how he could have stated the matter in much stronger terms.

Mr. President, that statement by Associate Justice Brennan is most significant, to me, in that it comes from a member of the present Supreme Court of the United States. I shall not predict what the Court may do when the question of the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury, as embodied in the so-called compromise, is presented to the Court. However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill to be unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in the case of ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said—and this is the Supreme Court of the United States speaking:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Kennedy}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. If the Congress can say to the people of the United States that a Federal judge has absolute power to forbid a jury trial if the sentence is not more than 45 days in jail or a fine of not more than $300, and if such a law is held constitutional, what would there be to stop a future Congress from changing the amounts to 10 times those—in other words, let us say, to 450 days in jail and a fine of $3,000, or even more?

As I see it, the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is fighting for a principle.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. The principle—not the exact amount of the punishment or the exact amount of the fine—is the important consideration in this case.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, the Senator from South Carolina is chiefly concerned with the principle, rather than with the exact amount of the punishment—whether it be 45 days in jail or a fine of $300, or whether it be more than that; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. Certainly it is a fact that the Congress should not give to any Federal judge the power to levy fines of $300 or to imprison for 45 days, without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Congress does not have power to do it if it wants to.

Mr. LANGER. In my opinion, you certainly quoted excellent authority to sustain that view.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much.

These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the Constitution provided that a Federal judge could give to a defendant a jury trial if he wanted to do so, or to refuse it if he wanted to do that, then there would be authority for what the House sent to the Senate. If the Constitution provided that in cases of criminal contempt defendants would be excepted from the jury. trial, the House would have been legally justified in passing what they did. But there is no exception to the right of jury trial in the Constitution or in the Bill of Rights.

The Constitution will first have to be amended in order that this so-called compromise bill, which has passed the House and is before the Senate, can be upheld.

I cannot say what the Supreme Court will do, no one can say, but I do not see how they could make any other holding in view of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. That is certainly what may be expected from the Court, in view of the statement I just quoted from Justice Brennan, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State, and I spoke on them during the night, starting with Alabama, and covered every State, including Wyoming.

I cited the law and the section of the code, including North Dakota and all the States. They all have laws to protect the right to vote. In a few minutes, I am going to cite a Federal section to show that there is a Federal law already on the subject; so, if a Federal law were desired on the subject, we already have one.

I think it is a matter that ought to be left to the States, but if people disagree about that, and if it is within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, we already have a statute on the subject. But this bill is a violation of the Constitution on the right to a jury trial question, regardless.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Would the Senator be kind enough to read the statutes in South Carolina and Mississippi, if he has them?

Mr. THURMOND. Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote. I shall discuss them in a few minutes.

I do not know of a single case having arisen in South Carolina in which a potential voter has charged that he has been deprived of his right to vote. Had such an instance occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina. The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, on May 1, 1947, I recommended to the State legislature that it repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

The legislature took favorable action and submitted the question to a vote of the people at the next general election, which was in November 1948.

The people voted favorably on the amendment, and then in January 1949, or early in 1949, the legislature ratified the action of the people. Our poll tax was eliminated as a prerequisite to voting. So we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting. We have a school tax, but no one has to pay to vote. Moreover, registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina—if proof is desired—can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia (S. C.) Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that: “Estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution which protect a citizen’s tight to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9. SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10. ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5. APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8. REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the first of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15. RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the {{sc|Record}} to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–73. APPEAL FROM DENIAL OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–74. PROCEEDINGS IN COURT OF COMMON PLEAS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–75. FURTHER APPEAL TO SUPREME COURT}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make.}}
I do not know of any other State which gives this protection.
{{smaller block|If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
The supreme court will be called together to hear one man’s case on appeal. What more can we do than that? We have, first, the board of registration; next the court of common pleas, and then the supreme court. The supreme court will hold an extra session, if necessary, to hear the appeal, and even if there is only one man who feels that he has been disenfranchised, or disqualified, for any reason, to receive a registration certificate.
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–100. RIGHT TO VOTE}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
In other words, if he loses his certificate, or has any trouble with the board—the books are filed there—if his name is on the book, the clerk will give him a certificate. If it is not there, he can even go to the secretary of state at Columbia, if there is any local prejudice or other trouble. He can go to the State capital, and obtain a certificate from the secretary of state. That is the protection we give. We have some others. 
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–349. VOTER NOT TO TAKE MORE THAN 5 MINUTES IN BOOTH; TALKING IN BOOTH, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. A little while ago the distinguished Senator said that he had before him the election laws of all 48 States.

Mr. THURMOND. That is true.

Mr. LANGER. Are not the laws of South Carolina more liberal than those of other States?

Mr. THURMOND. I think they are more liberal with respect to voting. I think we have gone further than have most of the other States. We repealed the poll-tax requirement. We have given every opportunity to everyone to vote. I do not know of anyone in my State today who is denied the right to vote if he wishes to vote.

Our requirements are not too severe. The only requirement is that the voter must be able to read or write the Constitution. The Constitution was used in order to have reference to some document. Anyone who can read and write can read the Constitution as well as he can read anything else. Or if he cannot do that, he must own $300 worth of property. If he meets either requirement, he can vote.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator stated that there was a Federal law in this connection.

Mr. THURMOND. Yes.

Mr. LANGER. May we have the Federal statute read?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has just asked me about the Federal law on the books with regard to voting. I should like to have the Senator from North Dakota and other Senators hear this. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Case}}] and other Senators to listen to the statute I am about to read. Last night I made the point that every State in the Union has laws on this subject. Of course, if the Senator from South Dakota has already made up his mind, I do not wish to take his time. Will he give me his attention for just a moment?

Mr. CASE of South Dakota. The Senator from South Dakota is listening.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not wish to take the Senator’s time if his mind is made up. But if his mind is open, I want him to hear this. I made the statement last night that every State in the Nation has statutes to protect the right to vote. I called upon the Library of Congress to compile those statutes, and I read them into the {{sc|Record}}. They will be found in my speech. Starting with Alabama and going through Wyoming, every State has laws protecting the right to vote.

But some people say that we need Federal laws. I do not believe many people know that we have Federal statutes on the subject. For some reason or other they must have overlooked them. I wish to read the Federal law at this time to show that there is a Federal law on the statute books. It is designated as section 594 of chapter 29, title 18, of Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure. It reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|594. INTIMIDATION OF VOTERS}}}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the Office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
If anyone intimidates, threatens, or coerces another with respect to voting, or with respect to how he wishes to vote, or for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote, or to vote for whomever he chooses, there is a Federal statute under which a Federal judge can send him to jail for 1 year, or fine him $1,000. There is already a Federal statute on the subject. So why pass the bill coming from the House, or any other bill to provide the right to vote?

The statute which I have just read is a criminal statute. It enables the Federal Government, if it wishes to protect the right to vote, to protect any man’s right to vote, because it can put a man in jail for as long as 1 year, or fine him $1,000 if he interferes with the right of anyone to vote.

The only difference is that this is a criminal statute, and if a man were prosecuted under this statute he would get a jury trial. If we believe in the Constitution and in jury trials, we want to preserve that right anyway. The Constitution is clear on the question of jury trials. Article III., section 2, is specific on it. The Bill of Rights contains several references to it. The sixth amendment, in the Bill of Rights, is directly to the point.

I have before me a decision—I do not know whether the Senator heard it or not—which upholds the contention that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man is entitled to a trial by jury under the Constitution of the United States if he is charged with criminal contempt.

If there have been complaints to the Federal Government in any State of the Nation about people not being allowed to vote, why has not the Justice Department taken action under the statute to which I have just referred, and put offenders behind bars or fined them if they interfered with the right of other people to vote?

The Federal Government has the power to do it. It is not necessary for it to have more power. The accused should have a jury trial. This is a free country. The mere fact that a jury returns a verdict which one of the parties may not like is no excuse for abolishing the jury trial.

Either the Federal Government is not doing its duty in protecting people who have complained to it that they could not vote for one reason or another, or that voting has been interfered with for one reason or another, and has not given the proper protection to those people who complained to it, or there have been no complaints.

If there have been any complaints, it was the duty of the Department of Justice to take action, and they could take action under the statute I have cited. There is no use beating about the bush and saying there is a duty to pass a right to vote bill. There is such a law on the statute books. Every State in the Union has such a law. The United States Code contains a provision protecting the right to vote. Let the Attorney General enforce this statute I have cited. If he has received any complaint from South Carolina about any man not voting, or has received a complaint from any other State, it is his duty to take action under the statute, and see that the one who interferes is punished. He can be put in jail for a year or fined $1,000.

Mr. President, I am merely desiring to call this to the attention of Senators who are in the Chamber at this time, because so many of them do not seem to understand that we now have a Federal law on the books, section 594, which provides for the protection of voting rights. I do not know how it could be made any stronger.

The Senator from North Dakota was asking about the South Carolina statute. I read from the statutes:
{{smaller block|After the voter’s ballot has been prepared, the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–656. PROCURING OR OFFERING TO PROCURE VOTES BY THREAT}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–657. THREATENING OR ABUSING VOTERS, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–658. SELLING OR GIVING AWAY LIQUOR WITHIN 1 MILE OF VOTING PRECINCT}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–659. ALLOWING BALLOT TO BE SEEN, IMPROPER ASSISTANCE, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–667. ILLEGAL CONDUCT AT ELECTION GENERALLY}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, I believe what I have read covers the constitutional provisions and the statutory provisions. Does not the Senator from North Dakota think those provisions add to the protection of voters?

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator be kind enough to repeat the Federal statute?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am particularly interested in where the Federal statute states that one can be both fined and imprisoned.

Mr. THURMOND. It says “or both.”
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
But such person can get a jury trial, though. In other words, that is just another crime. It is like when a man is charged with murder or any other crime.

He will have a jury trial. If he is found guilty, then the judge can sentence him to $1,000 or 1 year in prison, or both. That is a strong statute.

Mr. LANGER. I want to thank the distinguished Senator for bringing that to the attention of the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is entirely welcome.

I think it is a statute that a good many people may have overlooked. There has been so much talk about the right to vote and people not having the right to vote protected until I thought the Senate and the people of the Nation ought to know that not only every State has laws protecting the right to vote, but the Federal Government also has on the statute books a statute protecting the right to vote. As I stated, that is section 594, of chapter 29, title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be glad to yield to my distinguished friend.

Mr. LANGER. For a question?

Mr. THURMOND. For a question.

Mr. LANGER. Have there been any decisions by the South Carolina Supreme Court on any of the statutes which the distinguished Senator has read?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall offhand that any cases have gone to the supreme court. In our State everybody registers and votes who wants to, and I guess that is probably the reason there have been no cases taken to the supreme court.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, prove there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right to vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise.

Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an {{SIC|unsual|unusual}} grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and non-political, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I should like to have the Senator hear this. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people, to involve neighbor against neighbor. This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others, to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so. If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make the testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate, before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A civil-rights division in the Justice Department is not needed, because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed; in fact, he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country. Since conditions have improved and since there is no indication that conditions will change—unless the Attorney General and the Civil-Rights Commission create trouble—there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of a Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department.

Part III. of the bill, as originally written—which was completely obnoxious—was removed. I have several times stated my views on part IV. I object to its grant of dictatorial power to the Attorney General. The Congress should never agree to place such authority in the hands of any one official of the Government.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which reads as follows:
{{smaller block|(d) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield to me?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. As I understand, in the case of the existing section 594, during all these years the Attorney General of the United States has had the power to enforce that section, and he has had the assistance of the United States attorneys in every State of the Union, and they have had the help of their assistants; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. In some of the States there are eastern districts, northern districts, southern districts, and western districts—for instance, as in the case of New York; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That also is correct.

Mr. LANGER. And each of those districts has United States attorneys and assistant United States attorneys and United States marshals; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. So all the necessary machinery for the enforcement of section 594, to protect the voting right of any citizen of the United States who may have had his voting right denied, has been in existence all during this period of time; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. Can the distinguished Senator from South Carolina name a single case in which the Attorney General of the United States has tried to enforce any of these statutes?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator, I will say that I do not know about the situation in other States; but as for the situation in my own State, I have not heard of such a case. However, I can see why that would be; I can understand why probably there would not be any such cases in South Carolina. That is because anyone in South Carolina who wishes to register to vote, has no trouble doing so. But I have not heard that any cases of this sort have been brought in other States. Such cases may have been brought in other States, but I have not heard of any.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I wish to ask what additional power the Attorney General will have, if a new Assistant Attorney General is appointed, inasmuch as the Attorney General already has the help of other Assistant Attorneys General and the help of United States attorneys, whose appointments have to be approved by the Senate; they cannot be appointed until the Congress has consented to the appointments.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question asked by the Senator from North Dakota, I would say that I see no need for an additional Assistant Attorney General—who, if appointed, would receive a large salary. I see no need for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, because the Department of Justice already has a civil-rights section; and there has been no evidence of any need for a big division, similar to the one now proposed to be created. I think the establishment of such a division would simply mean the payment of more salaries and a larger Federal payroll and more taxes on the backs of the American people.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, there has never been a time when, under present law, the Department of Justice could not have presented a case of that sort before a grand jury, if the Department had wished to do so; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. If there had been any complaint in either North Dakota or South Carolina, let us say, to the effect that someone had not been able to vote, although he was eligible to vote, all the Department of Justice would have had to do would have been to have the United States attorneys in those States look into the matter and take whatever action would have been appropriate under the circumstances.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator from North Dakota for his questions.

Mr. President, a moment ago I read the provisions of section 131(d). It simply means that the district courts can, under that provision, bypass the State procedures, the administrative remedies under the State laws, and can take action, and thus can cause much tension, embarrassment, and trouble although it is not necessary to do so. If anyone cannot obtain justice through the administrative remedies of his State, then of course he will be able to go to the district attorneys, and they can prosecute under the Federal statute I have just read. But the use of the existing remedies under the State laws should first be required—which is the usual procedure one would follow.

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States should not be exhausted prior to having Federal district courts take jurisdiction in cases of election-law violations.

In other words, I believe in letting the States run their business, if they will. A Federal statute already is in existence; and if there is need to use it, it can be used. But why not let the States handle the matter of voting and the other matters which are reserved to them under the Constitution? Let the States handle them. Then, if the States fail to do so or if they fall down in the performance of their duty, section 594 is in existence, and it can be used as a hammer with which they can be clubbed to death, if need be.

The present proposal could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority, and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 spoke strongly on behalf of the Federal courts, during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them. That is the point I made just a few minutes ago.

I shall not go into further details with reference to the provisions of this part of the bill, but I am just as strongly opposed to it as I was when it was first introduced. I shall continue to oppose such grants of power to the Attorney General or to any other official.

Mr. President, I based my opposition to H. R. 6127 throughout its consideration in the Senate on three principal points. I am convinced the bill is unconstitutional in several respects which I have cited. I know that it is unnecessary because the right to vote is fully protected in every State and under the laws of the United States where applicable.

Finally, I know that the enactment of such legislation is extremely unwise.

It is unwise because the sure result of passing this bill would be to destroy a great deal of the good feeling existing between the white and the Negro races, not only in the South but in every community where a substantial number of Negroes live. Nothing would be gained, but much would be lost.

The Civil Rights Commission, by using its powers to attempt to force integration of the races, is bound to create suspicion and tension between the races to an even greater degree than the suspicion and tension which was created by the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the school segregation cases.

Unbiased persons who are familiar with the segregation problem, and who observed the detrimental result of the Supreme Court decision, know that a traveling investigation commission and a meddling Attorney General could bring about chaos in racial relations.

The chaos would not be confined to the South because the provisions of this bill will apply to every citizen in every State. However, the Attorney General, in exercising the discretion granted him, along with the extraordinary powers also granted him, must be expected to confine his investigations and his court actions to the States of the South.

The South has often been derided and condemned on charges of sectionalism, but if the advocates of this legislation believe they will create greater unity instead of greater division in this country by the enactment of this bill, they are entirely mistaken.

George Washington in his Farewell Address used his strongest language against those who would divide our country and urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern, Atlantic, and western—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
H. R. 6127 is a blueprint for suspicion, confusion, and disunity.

The laws of the Nation are dependent upon the customs and traditions of the people. Unless law is based upon the will of the people, it will not meet with acceptance.

Government in this country derives no power except the power coming from the people. Laws which are not based on the Constitution, which is the basic statement of the will of the people, cannot be justified on any ground.

Mr. President, when there is so much evidence that this bill is unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unwise, it should never be approved. Force may subjugate the human body, but force by itself can never change the human mind. Laws, like leaders, must be of the people, by the people, and for the people.

H. R. 6127 fails to measure up by any standard. It should be rejected. I appeal to every Member of this body who believes in constitutional government and the sovereignty of the people to vote against this bill.

Mr. President, this bill, as I have stated before, has been widely called a right-to-vote bill. That is a completely misleading term. The bill, as I have stated, in my opinion, is unnecessary, because we have laws in every State to protect the right to vote. We have laws by the Federal Government to protect the right to vote. In the sections I have cited, a man can be punished severely for any interference with the right to vote.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}} yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas and other Senators, who requested the transaction of certain business, all of which appears in the {{sc|Record}} following Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, we have the finest Nation in the world. We have the finest Government in the world. In 1787 our forefathers met in Philadelphia and wrote a document called the Constitution. It was simply a compact between the States. Our forefathers came to this country to get away from tyranny. They had been punished many times without juries. They had been denied the right to worship as they pleased. They have been denied the right of freedom of speech. They had been denied the right of assemblage. They had been denied the right to petition the government, and they had been denied many other rights which we take as a commonplace in this country. They came here to enjoy the benefits of the Government they would establish to provide them those rights. After the States operating as colonies for a while felt the need of a central government for purposes of national defense, for purposes of commerce, for purposes of postal service, trade, and other reasons, they decided to form a union. They met in Philadelphia in 1787, and with deputies from all the 13 States attending that conferential meeting, all except Rhode Island—at that time Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals and ignored the whole proceeding—all with the exception of that one State, had deputies at the Constitutional Convention.

They wrote a document to delegate certain of their powers—there were States before there was a Federal union, of course—to the Federal Government for the purpose of forming a union and a central government which could do certain things for the States better than they themselves could do them.

At that convention there was a very difficult situation. The delegates had to start from scratch, so to speak, to write the basic law for a new nation. Much discussion and debate occurred there, but after working together for several months in Philadelphia they finally arrived at a document, or a compact, which was signed by the representatives of the States, delegating certain powers to the Central Government.

Three of the delegates attending the convention were not pleased, and did not sign it. I believe I stated this morning who they were. They were George Mason, of Virginia; John Randolph, of Virginia; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. The other delegates signed their names, except one, who left, but had his friend sign it.

The document was then presented to the States for ratification. Within due time ratification was had, but there was considerable opposition at the convention, and when the question of ratification arose, the main objection which was raised was that there was not spelled out in the Constitution a bill of rights. Some of the most powerful leaders in the States opposed ratification for that reason. Those who did not sign in Philadelphia opposed it chiefly, I understand, for that reason.

The Bill of Rights is a document which we cherish. The Bill of Rights is the finest civil-rights bill in the world. The Bill of Rights is a genuine civil-rights bill. That document provides us with the fundamental civil rights which we enjoy in this country today.

One of the bases of the Bill of Rights—and I like to call it the heart of the Bill of Rights—is the right of trial by jury. In the Bill of Rights, the sixth amendment is a trial-by-jury amendment. It provides specifically that any person charged with a crime shall be tried by a jury. I have previously brought out today that criminal contempt is a crime, and therefore, since it is a crime, a person charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

The bill which passed the House is a compromise, as most legislation is. Some people may have felt that that was the best the House and Senate could do, because the conferees got together and reconciled the differences between the two Houses. Ordinarily that principle would be sound in connection with legislation, but it is not sound here, because the effect of the so-called compromise would be to violate the Constitution of the United States.

If the so-called compromise had provided that a judge, in his discretion, could try a man for criminal contempt, I would have opposed it just as much if no punishment whatever were involved, because the Constitution says that a man is entitled to a trial by jury when he is prosecuted for a crime. There is no discretion in the Constitution. There is no ''proviso'' in the Constitution. There is no exception in the Constitution. The Constitution is perfectly clear on that point.

If the punishment provided in the bill in the House had called for 1 day’s imprisonment, or a fine of $1, I would be just as bitterly opposed to it. The Constitution of the United States provides that if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to a jury trial. Under the decision which I have cited here twice today, I believe, holding that criminal contempt is a crime, it is clear that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial.

I do not believe that the compromise amendment is valid. I do not think it is constitutional. The amendment of the distinguished Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] delineated and defined civil contempt and criminal contempt, and provided that civil contempt proceedings were for the purpose of bringing about compliance, in which case the order would be issued prior to the act, and that criminal contempt proceedings were to punish, in which case the order would be issued after the act. If the House had accepted it, the American people would be guaranteed trial by jury in the event of a charge of criminal contempt, which is a crime.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield to me for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to ask the Senator if I understood him correctly to say that in his opinion the so-called jury-trial provision of the bill which has been returned to us by the House is invalid and unconstitutional?

Mr. THURMOND. That is my opinion.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to say to the Senator from South Carolina that I completely agree with that opinion. It is impossible to govern the right of trial by jury by the discretion of the judge, according to the penalty he conceives he intends to inflict.

I should like to ask the Senator another question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the distinguished Senator.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina if he agrees with me that the question of jury trial should be reexamined as soon as conveniently possible, and that I would be doing a wise thing if, when the new session of Congress assembles, I should introduce a repetition of the general jury-trial amendment, firm in the belief that the advocates of civil rights, upon examination of the pretended amendment which has come to us from the House, will discover that they have bought a pigeon instead of a swallow.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question, I will say that I agree with him that the bill should be reexamined; but I think the reexamination should take place before Congress passes the bill, and not wait until next January.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. If the Senator will permit me to make this comment—will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND: I will yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I shall frame it in the form of a question. Does not the Senator agree that we are all weary and worn down; that most of us are almost as tired as is the Senator himself; and that perhaps when we return in January in the full vigor of our bodies and minds we shall be able to do a better job than we can do at this session of the Congress? I am going to introduce a jury-trial amendment in the next session in the firm belief that this jury-trial amendment accomplishes nothing; that it does not at all help the advocates of civil rights.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question I will say that I have been on my feet for the past 17 hours, and I still feel pretty good. But I agree that it has been a long, tough session. But even though it has been a long, tough session, I do not think we ought to quit now and pass a bill that the Senator and I both feel is unconstitutional. I think we should refer it to the committee, which I tried to do the other night, but was unsuccessful in my attempt. But I think this bill should not be passed at this session. I believe the Senator would prefer that it not be passed; but if it is passed, of course I should be delighted to have the Senator offer an amendment to correct the unconstitutional portion of it when we return in January. But I really do not see why we should have to pass an unconstitutional piece of legislation if we can avoid it.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for another question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. This question is a little different from the one I asked before. I am wondering if the Senator from South Carolina would cooperate with me in enabling me to pass a bill which does not involve any constitutional question. The Senate passed the bill without any opposition at all, and the House has returned it to the Senate with an amendment. I should like to move that the House amendment be concurred in by the Senate, and thus get the bill disposed of.

Mr. THURMOND. If the Senator will ask unanimous consent for me to yield to him on condition that I can retain the floor, and, further, that I shall not be charged with a second speech when I resume the discussion of the present subject—

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wyoming ask unanimous consent based on those conditions?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I do, Mr. President.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator from Wyoming this question: This is not a civil-rights bill, as I understand, is it?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. No; it is not.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Wyoming? The Chair hears none.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Mr. O’Mahoney, the “Approval of Contract with the Casper–Alcova Irrigation District, Wyoming,” is dealt with, as is a “Message from the House” and the “Enrolled Bills and Joint Resolution Signed.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was speaking a few moments ago about the States and the Federal Government. I should like to remind the people of this country that we had States before we had a union, and that the only power the Federal Government had and the only power the Union had was the power delegated by the States in Philadelphia in 1787 and in the amendments to the Constitution since that time. All other powers which have not been delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States or to the people.

I think the bill which is under consideration is unconstitutional. I think it is invalid. I think we are doing a useless thing. The proponents of the bill who feel that they are helping people, in my judgment, are going to find that there is just a lot of lost motion involved, because I do not believe the Supreme Court will hold this bill constitutional. I do not see how it could hold it constitutional. This compromise bill which came from the House leaves it entirely up to a Federal judge to say whether or not he is going to give a man a jury trial. That is not what our forefathers wrote into the Constitution. This bill provides that a judge shall decide whether he will grant a jury trial. Suppose he decides he will not grant a jury trial and then tries the defendant. Suppose he decides that the man ought to be imprisoned for more than 45 days or should pay a fine of more than $300. Then the case must be tried all over again.

That is another reason why I think the bill is unconstitutional. When we once try a man we put him in double jeopardy by trying him again.

So I think we are doing a useless thing here to pass a bill to provide that a judge can try a man and then, if he imposes above a certain sentence, the man can ask for a jury trial and then a jury can try the man. He would be tried twice. That is not only unconstitutional, it is also unfair, because if a judge tries the man himself and fines him more than $300 or sentence him to be imprisoned more than 45 days, then there is a trial ''de novo'', as they call it.

But the judge’s finding of guilt is bound to influence the jury when the jury tries him a second time. It is my opinion that the man can plead double jeopardy. The distinguished Presiding Officer was a distinguished judge in Texas. Any lawyer knows that we cannot try a man more than once for the same offense. The bill coming from the House would allow the man to be tried twice.

Mr. President, I want the American people to know what they are getting in this bill. They are getting a bill under which a judge can try a man and a jury can then try the same man. It is unconstitutional, in my opinion. Furthermore, I think it is extremely unfair, because the judge has already expressed his opinion, and if he is the judge who tries the case a second time he would be bound to show his feelings during the trial. Even if he did not show his feelings during the trial, in my opinion, his feelings would enter into the sentence after the trial.

Mr. President, there are many things in this bill. I am not against civil rights, and I am not against voting. As I have said, the finest civil rights are those in the Bill of Rights. I am for genuine civil rights, not this so-called political civil rights.

Both national parties that are pushing civil rights bills, this right to vote and other bills, are not doing it because they love the Negro. The southern white man does more for the Negro than any other man in any part of the country. This bill is motivated purely by politics. It is a political bill.

We might as well face the facts as they are. Both parties are trying to play to get the Negro vote, and, in some States, if the Negroes vote as a bloc, which they should not do, they are herded to the polls like sheep and voted. If they vote as individual citizens, which they should, this would not occur. But for some reason, both parties think that they are going to vote as a bloc. I do not know how a few leaders do it, or just how it is done. But it is unfortunate, and it is unfair to the Negro, because it takes him out of the category of an individual. It takes away his dignity. It takes away his sanctity as an individual, in which he can take pride in himself, his accomplishments and his race and not be led around like a bull with a ring in his nose. But that is the feeling of both parties in this country. They think they can vote the Negroes in a bloc, and they are making this play on these civil rights bills, so-called. They are not civil rights bills. They are so-called civil rights bills. The politicians are pushing these so-called civil rights bills to make a play and try to get the vote of the Negroes in certain doubtful States.

I have some good friends who are Negroes. I have helped many of them. I have represented them in lawsuits. I have loaned them money. I value the friendship of many Negroes, and I hate to see them treated like they are being treated. I hope that their real leaders, their genuine leaders, who are sincerely interested in them, will wake up some day and inform the members of their race just what is going on.

Mr. President, there is no need in the world to pass this bill. In the wee hours last night, when most Senators were sleeping, I was here talking, and after I had the Library of Congress, Legislative Section, prepare for me, and I put into the {{sc|Record}} at that time, statutes which provide voting rights in all the States of the Nation.

The {{sc|Congressional Record}} of last night contains those statutes of all the States from Alabama to Wyoming. In every one of the States of the Nation there are statutes that protect the right to vote. There is not a single one of the 48 States that does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

Why does the Federal Government have to have this bill passed? Is it not practically an insult to the States?

It is.

“We need it. The States will not enforce their laws?” If that be the case, all the Government has to do is to enforce the Federal statute I referred to today. Title 18, section 594, is the number of that Federal statute, which provides punishment for anyone who intimidates, coerces, or threatens any person for interfering with any other person in voting. That statute is as clear as a crystal. It provides for a fine of $1,000, or punishment of 1 year in prison, for anyone who interferes with the right of another citizen to vote. So, if there is anybody in this country today who is prevented from voting, all he has to do is to report it to the district attorney in his State, of if he prefers, to write the Justice Department. He can take that course, and action can be taken under that statute which is already on the books.

Why put another statute on the books? Why put another statute which the Supreme Court will very probably hold to be unconstitutional? I do not know what the Supreme Court will hold. I do not like to take any chances with the Supreme Court.

At any rate, the Constitution of the United States is clear, the wording is simple. Any seventh-grade child can read article III., section 2, of the Constitution of the United States and see that any citizen charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. He can also read the sixth amendment to the Constitution, one of the amendments in the Bill of Rights, and see that any man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial.

It is very difficult to understand why the Congress, which is supposed to be composed of the brightest intellects in the country, or some of the brightest intellects, would pass a bill of this kind.

Yet, if the Congress passes such a bill, this so-called compromise bill on voting rights, it will certainly amaze me if the Supreme Court does not hold it to be unconstitutional. I shall be badly disappointed if the Congress passes it.

Of course, under the pressure of different organizations, left-wing organization, ADA and NAACP, both parties are dancing like jitterbugs on the civil-rights question, because they want to carry the doubtful States where the Negroes, although only a small percentage, if they vote in a bloc, can swing a State.

I think it will be a great pity if the Congress passes this bill. I hate to see it pass such an unnecessary bill.

It seems to me that every Representative in Congress and every Senator is practically insulting his home State if he votes for this bill. He is practically saying to the governor of his State and the legislators of his State, “Although you have bills to protect voting rights, we have no confidence in you, and although we have one Federal law, we are going to pass another Federal law, and ram it down your throats whether or not you want it.” I think it is almost an insult to the States.

I suggest that they write the governors and see how many of them want this bill passed. I am wondering how many Senators in this body and how many House members have checked with the governors to find out if they want this unconstitutional monstrosity passed by the Congress.

I do not believe 10 percent of the governors of the Nation would say, “We are weaklings, and we want you to pass a strong civil-rights bill because we do not have the courage to do it. We do not have the courage to protect our people.”

As a matter of fact, Mr. President, the States already have laws on that subject, and I have read them into the {{sc|Record}}. The voting-rights statutes of the States have been read into the {{sc|Congressional Record}}, in the case of every State of the Union. Those who read the {{sc|Congressional Record}} will find them set forth there.

Mr. President, if any Senator, on either side of the aisle, can state why it is necessary to enact another Federal law to protect the right to vote, I should like to have him do so, provided I am able to yield for that purpose without losing the floor and without having the remarks I make after yielding for that purpose counted as a second speech by me. I challenge any Senator on either side of the aisle to answer this question: Why is another Federal law needed in order to protect the right to vote, when there is already on the statute books section 594, which reads, in part, as follows:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose.}}
In other words, one who intimidates, threatens, or coerces a voter, or even attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce him, may, under the provisions of this statute, be prosecuted. He may be prosecuted, not only if his purpose is to interfere with the right of such other person to vote, but also if his purpose is to interfere as to the person for whom such other person may wish to vote.

Mr. President, are there teeth in this statute? There certainly are. This statute provides that anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, or attempts to interfere with his voting for whomever he wishes to vote for, can be prosecuted in a Federal court and can be fined $1,000 or sentenced to a prison term of 1 year. Do not those provisions constitute teeth and strength in the existing law? Of course they do.

If there is in the United States, today, any person who is having any trouble in exercising his voting right, again I say that all he has to do is contact the Department of Justice or the district attorney in his home State, and action can be taken under this Federal law to punish any person who interferes with his right to vote.

Inasmuch as section 594 is an existing Federal statute on that subject, why is it necessary to enact another Federal statute dealing with the right to vote? It would be absolutely useless, unnecessary, and futile to enact another Federal statute on that subject; it would be a great mistake to do so, especially in view of the fact that such a statute would be unconstitutional.

Mr. President, please understand that I do not even concede that the Federal Government has a right to enter this field. Instead, I believe that these matters should be handled by the respective States. However, the Federal Government is already in this field—under the provisions of section 594, by means of which a person can be fined as much as $1,000 or put in jail for as long as one year, if her tries to interfere with the right of someone else to vote.

Since the Federal Government already is in this field, why should another Federal law on the same subject be enacted?

Mr. President, every day that passes, the Federal Government, here in Washington, D. C., is whittling away the rights of the States. It hurts me to see the Federal Government invade fields which are reserved to the States. I deeply regret that a bigger and more powerful Federal Government is being built up in Washington, D. C. This Central Government has become tremendously top-heavy. I should like to see the States have more power.

Since World War II., the Communists have taken over approximately 17 countries. In doing so, they did not invade by means of troops using bayonets and tanks; those countries were not taken over in that way by the Communists. Instead, the Communists proceeded by way of infiltration. Poland was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Poles. Czechoslovakia was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Czechs. China was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Chinese. The Communists have been able to infiltrate into the central governments; they have been able to worm their way into the police systems, and then into the election systems. Then, before one could realize it, the countries were taken over by the Communists.

Mr. President, why have the Communists been able to take over those countries? Since the end of World War II., they have been able to take over 17 countries, with populations totaling between 600 million and 800 million. The Communists have been able to do that because each of those countries has had a strong central government; and when the Communists obtained control of that central government, they were able to take over control of the entire country.

Mr. President, the more we in the United States build up power in a strong central government, the more risk we run from the standpoint of subversive activities and infiltration. If the people of the United States have the vision to keep the 48 States strong—each with its own election laws and its own police system—there will be no way by means of which the United States can be taken over by subversion. But if more and more power is given to our Central Government, after a while the States will be nothing but territories, and will not have any power.

Mr. President, the so-called civil-rights bill which the Congress is about to pass would simply take power a way from the States and would give it to the Federal Government.

A Senator might say, “I should vote for the bill because it will help me in the elections.” Mr. President, Senators had better begin to think more about the welfare and safety of their country, and less about the elections.

Mr. President, I am convinced that we must protect the States. The Constitution now protects them; but the Supreme Court and the Congress and the executive branch of the Government have been taking steps—by handing down decisions, passing laws, and issuing regulations and edicts—which violate the rights of the States and take away from the States the power they have.

Mr. President, this development cannot continue to occur, if our country is to be safe. I am disturbed for the safety of my country.

I am a brigadier general in the Army Reserve and if our country becomes engaged in an armed conflict, I am ready to serve. But we must keep our country stronger, or we shall find it engaged in conflict.

One of the ways to weaken it is to weaken the States, as we are doing today, and to keep taking away the powers of the States and building up a powerful Central Government in Washington. It is the greatest mistake in the world. It was not contemplated when our Constitution was written.

Our forefathers decided they would delegate a few powers to the Federal Government, and they spelled them out in the Constitution. All one has to do is to get the Constitution and read it. It spells out just what powers the Congress has, what powers the Federal Government has, but all other powers are reserved to the States and to the people thereof. At the rate we are going now, we will not have any States after a while. The Federal Government will have all the power.

Mr. President, some time ago I read a book by a man by the name of James Jackson Kilpatrick, of Richmond, Va., printed by the Henry Regner Co., of Chicago, entitled “The Sovereign States.”

I wish every American could read this book. I am going to read some excerpts from it today. I should like to have Senators listen to some of the passages in this book. This man is a great writer, a true patriot, and a great American.

First, I am going to read a passage by John C. Calhoun, one of the five all-time great Senators, recently selected to have his portrait placed in the Senate reception room. John C. Calhoun, I think, is one of the greatest men this country has produced. I nominated him to be selected to have his portrait placed here, and I am proud the committee selected it. He was a man who had keen vision and a proper conception of the Constitution.

There is one page in the beginning of the book by him that I want to read; it is very short.

This is what he says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|The great and leading principle is, that the General Government emanated from the people of the several States, forming distinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community; that the Constitution of the United States is, in fact, a compact, to which each State is a party, in the character already described; and that the several States, or parties, have a right to judge of its infractions; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of power not delegated, they have the right, in the last resort, to use the language of the Virginia resolutions, “to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.”}}
{{smaller block|This right of interposition, thus solemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may—state right, veto, nullification, or by any other name—I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system, resting on facts historically as certain as our revolution itself, and deductions as simple and demonstrative as that of any political or moral truth whatever; and I firmly believe that on its recognition depend the stability and safety of our political institutions.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|John C. Calhoun}}}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Fort Hill}}, ''July 26, 1831''}}.|1em}}
This was John C. Calhoun.

He wrote that at Fort Hill, and if any Senators want to know where it is, it is at Simpson College. In fact, his home was at the college.

Mr. President, my statement was that Fort Hill is at Simpson College in South Carolina. Of course, that is the greatest college in the United States.

This book on the sovereign State was written, as I have said, by James J. Kilpatrick. First, I want to take up his introduction, and then I want to present some excerpts from the book:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Introduction}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Among the more melancholy aspects of the genteel world we live in is a slow decline in the enjoyment that men once found in the combat of ideas, free and unrestrained. Competition of any sort, indeed, seems to be regarded these days, in our schools and elsewhere, as somehow not in very good taste. Under the curious doctrines of the Fair Trade Act, vigorous salesmanship is unfair, and retailers are enjoined against discommoding their fellows. Mr. Stevenson’s criticism of the administration’s foreign policy, during the last presidential campaign, was not that the policies were so very wrong: they were not bipartisan. With a few robust exceptions, our writers paint in pastels; our political scholars write a sort of ruffled-sleeve, harpsichord prose. We duel with soft pillows, or with buttoned foils; our ideas have lace on them; we are importuned to steer, with moderation, down the middle of the road.}}
{{smaller block|These chamber music proprieties I acknowledge, simply to say, now, that the essay which follows should not be misunderstood. May it please the court, this is not a work of history; it is a work of advocacy. The intention is not primarily to inform, but to exhort. The aim is not to be objective; it is to be partisan.}}
{{smaller block|I plead the cause of States rights.}}
{{smaller block|My thesis is that our Union is a Union of States; that the meaning of this Union has been obscured, that its inherent value has been debased and all but lost.}}
{{smaller block|I hold this truth to be self-evident: That government is least evil when it is closest to the people. I submit that when effective control of government moves away from the people, it becomes a greater evil, a greater restraint upon liberty.}}
{{smaller block|My object is not to prove that the powers and functions of government have grown steadily more centralized, more remote from the people, for that proposition requires no proof; it requires only that one open one’s eyes. Rather, my intention is to plead that the process of consolidation first be halted, then reversed, toward the end that our Federal Government may be strictly limited to its constitutional functions and the States may again be encouraged to look after their own affairs, for good or ill.}}
{{smaller block|A long time ago, the geometric mind of Edmund Pendleton offered a theorem. The State and Federal Governments, he said, must follow the path of parallel lines. Others have conceived the relationship in terms of spheres, separate but touching. The idea, when all this began, was that neither authority would encroach upon the other; and in the beginning, it was more feared that the States would usurp Federal powers than the other way around.}}
{{smaller block|Now the rights and powers of the States are being obliterated. The encroachments of the Federal Government have widened its road to a highway and narrowed the road of the States to a footpath. Having deceptively added a dimension to the Federal line, the broad constructionists declare their faithful adherence to the plans of the original draftsmen. Soon, a geometry unknown to Pendleton can proclaim the apparent miracle of parallels that meet this side of infinity.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know that the sovereign powers of the States may be regained at all. Justice Salmon P. Chase once remarked, with great satisfaction, that State sovereignty died at Appomattox. But I do most earnestly believe that an effort must be made to regain these powers. The alternative is for American Government to grow steadily more centralized, steadily more remote from the people, steadily more monolithic and despotic.}}
{{smaller block|Only the States themselves can make the effort; which is to say, only the people of the States. Only if the citizens of Virginia, as Virginians; or of Texas, as Texans; or of Iowa, as Iowans, insist upon a strict obedience to the spirit of the 10th amendment, can the Federal juggernaut be slowed. Only if the people evidence a determination once more to do for themselves can the essential vitality of a responsible and resourceful society be restored.}}
{{smaller block|I do not despair. So long as the I-beams and rafters of the Constitution remain undisturbed, the ravages of Federal encroachment may be repaired. A latent yearning for personal liberty, an inherited resentment against the authoritarian state, a drowsing spirit of independence—these may yet be awakened.}}
{{smaller block|But again, the States, as States, will have to do it.}}
{{smaller block|It will not be easy. In many influential quarters, it will not be popular. It is a sweet narcotic that centralists sell.}}
{{smaller block|Yet there is high example to be found in what the States have done before to preserve their identity. They have not always been spineless. In times past they have resisted, now successfully, now unsuccessfully; but even in their failures, something has been gained merely in the assertion of State convictions.}}
{{smaller block|My purpose here is first to examine the bases of State sovereignty; then to follow the State and Federal relationship from its beginnings under the Articles of Confederation through its refinement in the Constitution; next to review some of the comment on the role the States were expected to play. The place of the States scarcely had been fixed, it will be submitted, before advocates of consolidation began to whittle it down—first in the ''Chisholm'' case, which led to the 11th amendment, and more memorably in the Alien and Sedition Acts, which led to the “Doctrine of ’98” and the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of that year. It is proposed to follow this doctrine of the States’ “right to interpose,” in its various forms and applications down through the years, with particular emphasis upon the dangers of judicial encroachment and the need for State resistance against it. Finally, I have in mind to marshal some of the evidence which supports the case for the South in its immediate conflict with Federal authority, and to review other recent events that seem to me usurpations of the States’ reserved powers.}}
{{smaller block|So much, then for the plan of this book. The political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall will not care much for it.}}
{{right|{{sm|J. J. K}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Richmond, Va.}}, ''September 1956''.|1em}}
That was the introduction to the book The Sovereign States, by James J. Kilpatrick. James J. Kilpatrick is one of the greatest editors in the Nation today. I will read certain excerpts from the book, beginning on page 3. First I will read a quotation opposite page 3:
{{smaller block|The States within the limitations of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the 10th amendment, “reserved,” are as independent of the General Government as the General Government, within its sphere, is independent of the States. (Justice Samuel Nelson, ''Collector'' v. ''Day'' (1871).)}}
Mr. Kilpatrick has done a fine job and rendered a great service to this country in writing this book:
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to here yield to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana, for a question.

Mr. LONG. Did I correctly understand the Senator to make the statement that, according to the preface or introduction to the book, the book would be displeasing to those who agreed with Alexander Hamilton, who was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, the forerunner of the American Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. The editor said that the political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall would not care much for the book.

Alexander Hamilton was a great American, but his philosophy was different from that of Thomas Jefferson. They were both great Americans, but Alexander Hamilton believed more in the theory of a strong Central Government, with the power residing in Washington. Thomas Jefferson’s idea was that the power should remain with the States, and that only so much power should be given to the Federal Government as was necessary to perform its functions as delineated in the Constitution.

The Senator has probably read many books about Hamilton. In one of such books his philosophy is described in this way:
{{smaller block|Speaking of education, Alexander Hamilton’s thought was to select some of the brightest young men and educate them, to make them leaders. Thomas Jefferaon’s philosophy was to give all an opportunity, and let the leaders rise where they would.}}
So, when Kilpatrick wrote this statement I am confident that he was contrasting the philosophy of Hamilton more or less with that of Thomas Jefferson.

Hamilton was a very able man, one of the greatest Americans this country has produced; but his philosophy, as the Senator well knows from studying his life and history, was different from that of Thomas Jefferson.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it the view of the Senator that Alexander Hamilton would ever for a moment have approved of any proposal whereby an American accused of a crime would have been denied the right to present his case before a jury of impartial people who would hear the case, judge the evidence, and find him guilty or innocent?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply, I will say no. I think Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson both would have approved of trial by jury. They were both delegates to the Constitutional Convention, and they both rendered magnificent service in many ways.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, if the Senator will further yield, I believe he will find that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, did the Senator yield for a question or a statemen?

Mr. LONG. The Senator yielded for a question.

Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the Senator from Louisiana for a question.

The Senator is correct about Thomas Jefferson. I had in mind Madison.

Mr. LONG. Does not the Senator realize that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention? The Senator is perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the convention which adopted the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson was the drafter of the American Declaration of Independence. Is not, the Senator perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the fact that Thomas Jefferson was one of those who participated in drafting the Declaration of Independence? Thomas Jefferson was the American Ambassador to France at the time the Constitution was drafted.

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. Thomas Jefferson was Ambassador to France, but Alexander Hamilton was a delegate from New York State, and he signed the Constitution. In fact, he was the only delegate from New York State who signed the Constitution.

When I spoke a few minutes ago about Jefferson, I was thinking about Madison. Madison signed the Constitution, as did Blair. Both were from Virginia. George Washington presided over the Convention.

Mr. LONG. Is there any doubt in the Senator’s mind that, so far as Alexander Hamilton was concerned, he would never for a moment have contested the right of any citizen to be tried before a jury if he were accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree. If he had taken any other position, he would not have signed the Constitution.

As I have stated, Alexander Hamilton was the only delegate from the State of New York who signed the Constitution as representing the State of New York. In the original Constitution, article III, section 2, provided for jury trial.

Mr. LONG. Is it not, therefore, true that insofar as the right of a citizen to be tried by jury for a crime is concerned, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would have agreed 100 percent that the freedoms guaranteed Americans under their form of government included the right to be tried by a jury of their own neighbors, in the area where the crime was committed, in the event they were accused of committing a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I can yield only for a question. I shall be glad to express myself after the Senator has concluded. Let the Senator ask any question he wishes. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to state that, although the book from which the Senator is reading may not reflect the views of Alexander Hamilton, it is nevertheless correct to state that Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would both have agreed that anyone accused of a crime should have the right to be tried before a jury of his neighbors?

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree. In my judgment, if Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson were living today, and both were Members of the Senate, both would be fighting for the right to a jury trial, as provided in the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to say that so far as we can determine there has never been a man who served in this body, and who was regarded as a great statesman, who has ever at any time advocated that American citizens should be denied their right to be tried by a jury in the event they were accused of committing a crime against the United States or against a State?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the able Senator is eminently correct. I do not know of a great man in our history, any man whom I would consider great, whose name is on the lips of the people—I cannot think of a single one in our history who would take a position in opposition to jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Scott}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from Louisiana?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to paraphrase more or less the words of Shakespeare, that those American politicians who have fought against the freedom of Americans to be tried by a jury when accused of a crime have been politicians who more or less strutted and strutted their brief hour on the stage to be heard from no more?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not think any man who takes a stand against giving a person a jury trial will be long remembered after he has gone or when his record is searched and it is found that he opposed a jury trial. I think we would immediately call for a reappraisal of his whole life in the event he had been considered a great man previous to that time.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that men like George Norris, William Borah, and Robert M. La Follette, who fought through the years for the right of trial by jury, have statues standing in the Hall of Fame in the Capitol Building?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. In fact, there is a quotation from George Norris which I read last night. If I can put my hand on it I should like to read it to the Senator from Louisiana. I have never read a stronger statement in behalf of a jury trial. He said that in all cases a man should have a jury trial. The distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr. {{sc|Byrd}}] and the distinguished Senator from Mississippi [Mr. {{sc|Eastland}}] and I introduced a bill in March to provide the very type of jury trial which Senator Norris recommended.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. The Senator from South Carolina having made a great study of all these matters involving jury trials, the freedom of Americans, and States rights, can he now name from memory a single one of those Senators who made a fight down through the years to deny American citizens of the right of trial by jury?

Mr. THURMOND. I could not name a single man whom I considered a great man or a great Senator who opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator recall the names of any Americans who have served in this body and who have made a fight against the right of a man accused of a crime to be tried by a jury? Can the Senator offhand recall the name of any such person?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot recall the name of any American of any stature within my recollection who has opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator Borah’s statue is just outside the main entrance of the Senate Chamber, immediately outside the door?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. I see it every time I go through the door.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator William E. Borah, a great constitutional lawyer, even though he came from a very small Western State, population considered, was seriously considered by the Republican Party as its nominee for the Presidency of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. I have been told that. I did not know the Senator personally; only through reputation. But I know he was a great American. He declared on April 8, 1930:
{{smaller block|I am not contending here that labor organizations can at any time employ threats, force, or violence or intimidation. They must keep within the law—}}
He was referring there to jury trials in labor cases.

I have a long report including a speech by Senator Norris on May 2, 1930. I read it last night—

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question at that point?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that those who oppose the right of jury trials are basically those who do not believe in the freedoms that Americans enjoy under the Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. I certainly agree with the Senator. I think the jury trial is one of the greatest freedoms we have. I look upon it as the heart of the Bill of Rights.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

MT. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that persons who fear that juries may not convict guilty persons are those who really have very little confidence in the determination of people to uphold free government?

Mr. THURMOND. It seems to me they could not have much confidence in human nature; otherwise they would favor jury trials. To be tried by a man’s neighbors, his peers, his fellow men, is the fairest way a man could be tried. I sat on the bench for 8 years and tried many cases, but I always felt much better about it when a jury passed on the question. I watched closely the verdicts of juries. I was deeply impressed. I feel that juries come nearer to meting out justice to criminals than it can be done in any other way.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Recognizing the fact that it is possible for a jury to turn a guilty person free, is it not also true that the freedoms which Americans enjoy under their Constitution were calculated in such fashion as to express the philosophy that it is better to turn 9 guilty men free than to send 1 innocent man to the penitentiary or to his death?

Mr. THURMOND. I never did go on the theory of nine guilty ones being turned loose. There is no doubt that there is a common saying to that effect. If I had to make a decision as to whether I would turn 9 guilty ones loose, or put 1 innocent man in prison, I would turn the 9 loose. I think that would be the thinking and the feeling of the average American.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Does not this logic become conclusively clear when we contemplate for a moment a capital punishment case where it is possible to put an innocent man to death? In such a situation, would it not be better for the court to turn 9 culprits loose rather than to kill 1 innocent man?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. There is no question about it. Some juries make mistakes. Anybody in any kind of work makes mistakes. Everybody has weaknesses and there are bound to be errors. Judges make mistakes. Of course, often a judge’s philosophy is different.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that anyone can make mistakes, is it not somewhat better that the scales of justice should be weighted a little in favor of finding a person innocent when there is a considerable doubt as to whether the person is innocent or guilty?

Mr. THURMOND. Our law is based on the presumption that a man is innocent until he is proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. That is a common legal principle that any lawyer knows about who has practiced any criminal law. I do not know precisely what the Senator had in mind on that, though, for this reason: I do not think if a man is given a jury trial, a jury necessarily lets him go free. I think a jury is going to do what it thinks is right unless it is biased, or has been approached in some way, or influenced in some way. Of course, that happens sometimes. It does not happen often, but I think it does happen sometimes.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Can the Senator imagine a judge who issues an order ordering the entire world to comply with his injunction as being as fair and impartial as a jury before which a case involving a violation of his order should be tried?

Mr. THURMOND. When a judge hears a contempt case he is the legislator, he is the prosecutor, he is the judge, and he is the jury. If I were a judge and if such a law as is here proposed were on the books, if I were back on the bench, and if I had to act under this type law, I would submit it to the jury anyway.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that it is contemplated that a judge makes a law by issuing the injunction and then cites the individuals whom he cares to cite, can the Senator think of anything any more inappropriate than the judge who makes the law, addressed to individuals, should be the same person to try the same individuals for violating his own order? Does the Senator not believe that any judge worthy of the name would at least want to have a jury to prove that justice is being done to people who violated his own order?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the Senator is eminently correct. It is unfortunate that a judge who issues an order of contempt has to try the case, because he has already made up his mind to a certain degree. Of course, that might be removed. But still he has made up his mind, or he would not issue the order.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that a person who is responsible for issuing the edict and commanding people to do certain things at his discretion should be the last person to make the final decision on who should be punished for not obeying his order?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator. In fact, this is known as injunction-made law. That is what it is. It is injunction-made law, and it is bad law. It is much better to have a jury trial. That is the American way of doing things. That is one of the grievances complained of by those who signed the Declaration of Independence, as I have brought out, namely, that in a great many cases they were denied jury trials. Provisions for jury trial are embodied in several places in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, so there is no question about the whole intent of our judicial system. Our administration of justice has been based upon jury trials. I think it is one of the most fundamental principles embodied in our type of government.

If this so-called compromise amendment were to go a little bit further, it would sound more like a Communist amendment.

I do not believe I read what Senator Norris said about jury trial. He said:
{{smaller block|I wonder if a suffering people, whose forefathers fought for liberty, are going to give up the idea of it in this day and age, in this civilized day, and are going to submit to injunction-made law.}}
He was wondering whether they were going to submit to it.
{{c|{{x-smaller|1. THE BEGINNINGS}}}}
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
{{smaller block|This was on the sunny afternoon of Thursday, June 12, 1788, in the New Academy on Shockoe Hill in Richmond. The Virginia Convention had been grappling for 10 days with the new Constitution, and Edmund Pendleton, aging and crippled, had been sitting in dignified silence for as long as he could stand it. Patrick Henry, who was a hard man to live with at any time, was being especially difficult. Once before, on the 5th, Pendleton bad attempted to soothe him, but Henry was not to be soothed.}}
{{smaller block|The State and Federal Governments would be at war with one another, Henry had predicted, and the State governments ultimately would be destroyed and consolidated into the General Government. One by one their powers would be snatched from them. A rapacious Federal authority, ever seeking to expand its grasp, could not be confined by the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Notwithstanding what the worthy gentleman said,” remarked Mr. Pendleton with some warmth, for there were times when he regarded Mr. Henry as neither worthy nor a gentleman. “I believe I am still correct, and insist that, if each power is confined within its proper bounds, and to its proper objects, an interference can never happen. Being for two different purposes, as long as they are limited to the different objects, they can no more clash than two parallel lines can meet. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|They were big ifs that Edmund Pendleton, a judicious man, here used as qualifications. If the State and Federal Governments were each confined within its proper bounds, be said, the clash could never come. But the Federal Government could not be kept confined, even as Henry feared, and the clash did come. It continues to this day. Mr. Pendleton’s geometry was fine, but his powers of prophecy (for be believed that each government could be kept in check) were sadly in error.}}
{{smaller block|To understand how the parallel lines of State and Federal powers have turned awry, it is necessary to look back at the period before these lines were drawn. The acts of ratification by Virginia and her neighbors were acts of sovereign States. At stake was their consent to a written constitution. How, it may be inquired, did they come to be sovereign States? What is this concept of State sovereignty?}}
{{smaller block|It would be possible, in any such review, to go back to the great roots of Runnymede, but it will suffice to begin much later, in the turbulent summer of 1776. The startling commitments of Lexington and Concord were behind us then; the bitter trials of White Plains, Vincennes, Camden, and Yorktown still lay ahead. March and April and May had passed—a time of bringing forth of newness, of fresh hope—and great human events had run their course. Now, in June, a resurgent people made the solemn decision to dissolve the political bands which had connected them with another. Thus Jefferson’s draft began, thus the Continental Congress adopted it at Philadelphia; from this moment Americans unborn were to date the years of their independence.}}
{{smaller block|The eloquent beginning of the Declaration—the assertion of truths self-evident and rights beyond alienation—is well known: It is a towering irony that Jefferson, whose convictions were cemented in the inequality of man, should have his precise phrase corrupted by the levelers of a bulldozer society. The Declaration’s beginning is too much recited and too little read.}}
{{smaller block|What counts, for our present purpose, is not the first paragraph, but the last. Let us inquire, What, precisely, was it that we declared ourselves to be that Fourth of July? Hitherto there had been colonies subject to the King. That form of government would now be abolished. We would now solemnly publish and declare to a candid world—what? That the people of the colonies had formed a free and independent nation? By no means. Or that they were henceforth a free and independent people? Still no.}}
{{smaller block|This was the declaration: “That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.” Not one State, or one Nation, but in the plural—States; and again, in the next breath, so this multiple birth could not be misunderstood, “that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.”}}
{{smaller block|It had opened, this Declaration, as an enunciation of what often are termed the “human rights,” but it concluded, in the plainest terms, as a pronouncement of political powers—the political powers of newly created States. And these powers of war and peace, these powers of alliance and commerce, were published not as the powers of a national government, but as powers henceforth asserted by 13 free and independent states.}}
{{smaller block|To be sure, the States were united. Their representatives styled themselves Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, but it was not the spokesmen of a nation who gathered in parliament. These were States in Congress. “One out of many,” it is said. In a sense, yes. But the many remained—separate States, individual entities, each possessed, from that moment, of sovereign rights and powers.}}
{{smaller block|Certainly Jefferson so understood our creation. “The several States,” he was to write much later, “were, from their first establishment, separate and distinct societies, dependent on no other society of men whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|So Mr. Justice Samuel Chase comprehended it: He considered the Declaration of Independence, “as a declaration, not that the United Colonies Jointly, in a collective capacity, were independent States, etc., but that each of them was a sovereign and independent State, that is, that each of them had a right to govern itself by its own authority, and its own laws without any control from any other power on earth.” From the Fourth of July, said Chase, “the American States were ''de facto'' as well as ''de jure'' in the possession and actual exercise of all the rights of independent governments. * * * I have ever considered it as the established doctrine of the United States, that their independence originated from, and commenced with, the declaration of Congress, on the Fourth of July 1776; and that no other period can be fixed on for its commencement; and that all laws made by the legislatures of the several States, after the Declaration of Independence, were the laws of sovereign and independent governments.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, the sage and cool-minded Mr. Justice Cushing: “The several States which composed this Union * * * became entitled, from the time when they declared themselves independent, to all the rights and powers of sovereign States.”}}
{{smaller block|Even Marshall himself had no doubts: In the beginning, “we were divided into independent States, united for some purposes, but in most respects sovereign.” The lines which separate the States, he later remarked, were too clear ever to be misunderstood.}}
{{smaller block|And for a contemporary authority, it is necessary only to turn to Mr. Justice Frankfurter, who some years ago fell to discussing the dual powers of taxation preserved under the Constitution: “The States,” he said, “after they formed the Union”—not the people, but the States, “continued to have the same range of taxing power which they had before, barring only duties affecting exports, imports, and on tonnage.” Regrettably, Mr. Justice Frankfurter appears in more recent times to have lost his concept of States forming a Union.}}
{{smaller block|It is no matter. Evidence of the States’ individual sovereignty is abundantly available. Consider for example, the powers asserted on the part of each State in the Declaration “to levy War, conclude Peace, and contract Alliances.” Surely these are sovereign powers. The States exercised them, as States, in the Revolutionary War. But it is of value to note that New York also very nearly exercised her war powers to enter into formal hostilities with the State of Vermont. Tensions reached so grave a point that Massachusetts, in 1784, felt compelled to adopt a formal resolution of neutrality, enjoining her citizens to give “no aid or assistance to either party,” and to send “no provisions, arms, or ammunition or other necessities to a fortress or garrison” besieged by either belligerent. When New York adopted a resolution avowing her readiness to “ecur to force,”&quot; Vermont’s Governor Chittenden (whose son was to be heard from 30 years later in another row) observed that Vermont “does not wish to enter into a war with the State of New York.” But should this unhappy contingency result, Vermont “expects that Congress and the 12 States will observe a strict neutrality, and let the contending States settle their own controversy.”}}
{{smaller block|They did settle it, of course. New York and Vermont concluded a peace. The point is that no one saw anything especially remarkable in two separate sovereignties arraying themselves against each other. Vermont was then an individual political entity, as remote at law as any France or Italy. And New York, though a member of the Confederation, and hence technically required to obtain the consent of Congress before waging war, had every right to maintain a standing army for her own defense.}}
{{smaller block|The status of the individual States as separate sovereign powers was recognized on higher authority than the proclamations of Vermont and Massachusetts. It is worth our while to keep in mind the first article of the treaty of September 3, 1783, by which the war of the Revolution came to an end:}}
{{smaller block|“His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such.”}}
{{smaller block|More than 5 years earlier, a treaty of amity and commerce with France had established the same sovereign status of the contracting parties. Louis XVI. treated with the 13 American States, but he recognized each of them as a separate power. And it is interesting to note that Virginia, feeling some action desirable to complete the treaty, prior to action by Congress, on June 4, 1779, undertook solemnly to ratify this treaty with France on her own. By appropriate resolution, transmitted by Governor Jefferson to the French minister at Philadelphia, the sovereign Commonwealth of Virginia declared herself individually bound by the French treaty. In terms of international law, Virginia was a nation; in terms of domestic law, she was a sovereign State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|2. THE STATE}}}}
{{smaller block|To review the process by which the colonies became States is not necessarily to answer the basic question, What is a State? It is a troublesome word. The standard definition is that a State is “a political body, or body politic; any body of people occupying a definite territory and politically organized under one government, especially one that is not subject to external control.” Chief Justice Chase, in ''Texas'' v. ''White'', put it this way: “A State, in the ordinary sense of the Constitution, is a political community of free citizens, occupying a territory of defined boundaries, and organized under a government sanctioned and limited by a written constitution, and established by the consent of the governed.” In the Cherokee case, John Marshall described a State as “a distinct political society, separated from others, capable of managing its own affairs and governing itself.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, variously, a State is defined as a body, a community, and a distinct society. Plainly, mere boundary lines are not enough; a tract of waste and uninhabited land cannot constitute a State. Nor are people, as such, sufficient to constitute a State. James Brown Scott once offered this clear and succinct definition:}}
{{smaller block|“The State is an artificial person, representing and controlled by its members, but not synonymous or identical with them. Created for a political purpose, it is a body politic. It is a distinct body, an artificial person; it has a will distinct from its members, although its exercise is controlled by them; it has rights and duties distinct from its members, but subject to being changed by them; it may hold property distinct from its members, but in trust for them; it may act separately and distinctly from them and bind them by its acts, but only insofar as it is authorized by the law of its creation, and subject to being changed by the source of that power.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the State is seen as a continuing political being, controlled by its citizens and yet controlling them. The State can be bound in ways that its own people cannot be bound; it can exercise powers that no citizen or group of citizens may exercise for themselves. The State may buy, sell, hold, grant, convey; it may tax and spend; it may sue, and if it consent, be sued; it exists to create law and to execute law, to punish crime, administer justice, regulate commerce, enter into compacts with other States. Yet there is no State until a community of human beings create a State; and no State may exist without the will and the power of human beings to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|It is this combination of will and power which lies at the essence of the State in being. This is sovereignty. In the crisp phrase of John Taylor, of Caroline, sovereignty is “the will to enact, the power to execute.” Long books have been written on the nature of sovereignty, but they boil down to those necessities: The will to make, the power to unmake.}}
{{smaller block|It was this power, this will, that the people as States claimed for themselves in 1776. Henceforth, they said, we are sovereign: The State government is not sovereign, nor is any citizen by himself sovereign. By the “sovereign State” we mean us citizens, the State; we collectively, within our established boundaries; this community of people; we alone who are possessed of the power to create or to abandon.}}
{{smaller block|God knows it was a great, a priceless, power these people as Stat es claimed for themselves. True, not everyone saw it that way. Mr. Justice Story, for one, never grasped the concept of States. Nor did Jackson. Albert J. Beveridge, in his biography of Marshall, refers sneeringly to the States as “these pompous sovereignties,” but in a way, Beveridge’s is perhaps a high acknowledgment of the simple truth: These infant States were sovereignties, and the people within them were proudly jealous of the fact. They saw themselves, in Blackstone’s phrase, “a supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority.” This, among other things, was the aim they had fought for. It cannot be imagined that they ever would have relinquished this high power of sovereignty except in the most explicit terms.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|3. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION}}}}
{{smaller block|In time, the Continental Congress gave way to the Articles of Confederation. The articles merit examination with the utmost care; they are too little studied, and there is much to be learned from them.}}
{{smaller block|First proposed in 1778, the articles became binding upon all the States with Maryland’s ratification in 1781. Throughout this period, as the war ran on, each of the States was individually sovereign, each wholly autonomous. Mr. Justice Iredell was to observe, in 1795, that had the individual States decided not to unite together, each would have gone its own way, because each “possessed all the powers of sovereignty, internal and external * * * as completely as any of the ancient kingdoms or republics of the world which never yet had formed, or thought of forming, any sort of Federal union whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|But they did form a Federal union—a “perpetual union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.” They styled themselves, “The United States of America,” and in the very second article of their compact, they put this down so no one might miss it:}}
{{smaller block|“Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.”}}
{{smaller block|The third article is almost equally brief, and may be quoted in less space than would be required to summarize it:}}
{{smaller block|“The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|There will be seen, in these opening paragraphs, the genesis of constitutional provisions that were to follow in less than a decade. Here is the forerunner of the 10th amendment, with its reservation of undelegated powers to the State or to the people; here are the aims set forth of “common defense” and the “general welfare.”}}
{{smaller block|The fourth article advanced other phrases that have come down to us: The free inhabitants of each State (“paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted”) were to be entitled to “all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States.” Here, too, one finds the provision, later to be inserted substantially verbatim in article IV. of the Constitution of 1787, providing for the extradition of fugitives. Here the States mutually agreed that “full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth article provided for representation of the States in Congress. There were to be no less than 2, no more than 7 delegates from each State. They would assemble on the first Monday in November of every year. In this Congress, each State cast one vote; each State paid the salary and maintenance of its own delegates. These provisions, of course, were later abandoned; but we may note that the fifth article prohibited delegates to the Congress from “holding any office under the United States for which he or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind,” and also provided that “freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress.” Both provisions were to turn up later in article I., section 6, of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The sixth and seventh articles dealt generally with limitations upon the States in terms of foreign affairs and the waging of war. Again, many a familiar phrase leaps from this much-maligned compact of Confederation. No State, nor the Congress, was to grant a title of nobility; no two or more States were to enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance without the consent of the other States in Congress assembled; no State was to keep vessels of war in time of peace (“except such number as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled”), nor was any State to engaged in war without the consent of Congress “unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or * * * the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|The eighth article provided for defraying the expenses of war among the State “in proportion to the value of all land within each State,” and the ninth article dealt with the powers of Congress. Once more, the origin of a dozen specific phrases in our present Constitution is evident. Congress was given the “sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war.” It was to enter into treaties and alliances, establish certain courts, fix standard weights and measures, and establish post offices. But the Congress alone could do almost none of these things—it could exercise no important power—without the consent of nine of the member States.}}
{{smaller block|The remaining 4 articles are of less interest and concern, although it may be noted that in 3 places, the framers of the Articles of Confederation provided that their union was a permanent union. The articles were to be inviolably observed by the States the delegates respectively represented, “and the union shall be perpetual.”}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|4. WE, THE PEOPLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Of course, it wasn’t perpetual at all. Before 6 years had elapsed, the States came to recognize grave defects in the Articles of Confederation. And because they were sovereign States—because they had the will to enact and the power to execute, because they who had made could unmake—they set out to do the job again.}}
{{smaller block|What they made, this time, was the Constitution of the United States. So much has been {{SIC|writen|written}} of the deliberations that summer of 1787 in Philadelphia—so many critics have examined every word of the great document which came forth—that probably no new light can be shed upon it here. Yet the constitutions of most States command their citizens to recur frequently to fundamental principles and the commandment is too valuable an admonition to be passed by. There is much of interest to be found if one examines the Constitution, the debates and the commentaries of the time, in terms of the relationship there established between the States and the new Federal Government they formed.}}
{{smaller block|It may be inquired, was sovereignty here surrendered in whole or in part? What powers were delegated, what powers retained?}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I do not want the Senator to strain his voice, but I do have some responsibilities as minority leader. I do not think the Senator is making any motion, but I should at least like to know what is going on in the Senate Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield for a question if the Senator has a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. My question is, Would the Senator speak up? I do not want him to strain his voice, but I should like him to speak a little louder so I shall be sure no motions are being made or anything of that sort. I do have some responsibility here.

Mr. THURMOND. I suggest that the Senator move closer to me.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Under the rules of the Senate, which are now being strictly enforced, both Senators being in their respective seats, and this happening to be my seat as the minority leader, I urge my request of the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. We might get unanimous consent to allow the Senator to come closer to me if he wishes. I do not think my colleagues will raise any point. There is an excellent seat here, I may say to the Senator.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I am very well satisfied with the seat to which I am assigned.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I continue to read:
{{smaller block|What were the functions to be performed by the States in the future? Was it ever intended that the States should be reduced to the weakling role thrust upon them in our own time? We must inquire whether this proud possession of State sovereignty, so eloquently proclaimed in 1776, so resolutely affirmed in the articles of 1781, so clearly recognized in the events of the time, somehow vanished, died, turned to dust, totally ceased to exist in the period of the next 6 years.}}
{{smaller block|Now, the argument here advanced is this—it is the argument of John Taylor of Caroline and John Randolph of Roanoke—that sovereignty, like chastity, cannot be surrendered in part. This was the argument also of Calhoun: “I maintain that sovereignty is in its nature indivisible. It is the supreme power in a State, and we might just as well speak of half a square, or half a triangle, as of half a sovereignty.” This was the position, too, of the bellicose George Troup of Georgia, of Alexander H. Stephens, of Jefferson Davis. It is the position of plain commonsense: Supreme and ultimate power must be precisely that. Finality knows no degrees. In law, as in mountain climbing, there comes a point at which the pinnacle is reached; nothing higher or greater remains. And so it is with the States of the American Union. In the last resort, it is their prerogative alone (not that of Congress, not that of the Supreme Court, not that of the whole people) to make or unmake our fundamental law. The argument here is that the States, in forming a new perpetual union to replace their old perpetual union, remained in essence what they had been before: Separate, free, and independent States. They surrendered nothing to the Federal Government they created. Some of their powers they delegated; all of their sovereignty they retained.}}
{{smaller block|It is keenly important that this distinction be understood. There is a difference between sovereignty and sovereign power. The power to coin money, or to levy taxes, is a sovereign power, but it is not sovereignty. Powers can be delegated, limited, expanded, or withdrawn, but it is through the exercise of sovereignty that these changes take place. Sovereignty is the moving river, sovereign powers the stone at the mill. Only while the river flows can the inanimate stone revolve. To be sure, sovereignty can be lost—it can be lost by conquest, as in war; the extent or character of sovereignty can be changed, as in the acquisition or relinquishment of territory or the annexation of new peoples; sovereignty can be divided, when two States are created of one. But properly viewed, sovereignty is cause; sovereign powers, the effect: The wind that blows; the branches that move. Sovereignty is the essence, the life spirit, the soul: And in this Republic, sovereignty remains today where it was vested in 1776, in the people. But in the people as a whole? No. In the people as States.}}
{{smaller block|The delusion that sovereignty is vested in the whole people of the United States is one of the strangest misconceptions of our public life. This hallucination has been encouraged, if not directly espoused, by such eminent figures as Marshall, Story, and Andrew Jackson. It is still embraced by excessively literal and unthinking fellows who read “we the people” in the preamble to the Constitution, and cry triumphantly, “that means everybody.” It does not; it never did.}}
{{smaller block|The preamble to the abandoned Articles of Confederation, it was noted, declared the articles “binding between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York,” and so forth. The preamble offered by the Convention of 1787, reads:}}
{{smaller block|“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”}}
{{smaller block|The opening few words were questioned repeatedly by Patrick Henry in the Virginia Convention of 1788. He kept asking querulously, what was meant by “we the people,” but he got no very satisfactory answer for his pains. Governor Randolph ducked the question, and Pendleton missed the point. Pendleton asked, rhetorically, “who but the people have a right to form government?” and the answer, obviously, in America, is “no one.” Then Pendleton said this:}}
{{smaller block|“If the objection be, that the Union ought to be not of the people, but of the State governments, then I think the choice of the former very happy and proper. What have the State governments to do with it?”}}
{{smaller block|Again, the obvious answer is, “The State governments have nothing to do with it,” but that was not the question Henry asked. There is a plain distinction between “we the States” and “we the State governments,” for States endure while governments fall. It was Madison who came closest to answering the insistent Henry. Who are the parties to the Constitution? The people, said Madison, to be sure, are the parties to it, but “not the people as composing one great body.” Rather, it is “the people as composing 13 sovereignties.” And he added:}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina when he was a judge in South Carolina?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair cannot hear. Will the Senator speak a little louder?

Mr. THURMOND. From 1938 to 1946, 8 years.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator was a circuit judge, was he not?

Mr. THURMOND. Yes; in the highest trial court in the State. About half that time I was in the Army, overseas.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Continuing to quote from the Kilpatrick book:
{{smaller block|“Were it * * * a consolidated government, the assent of a majority of the people would be sufficient for its establishment; and, as a majority have adopted it already, we remaining States would be bound by the act of the majority, even if they unanimously reprobated it * * * But, sir, no State is bound by it, as it is, without its own consent.”}}
{{smaller block|Col. Henry Lee took the same point of view in responding to Patrick Henry. Lighthorse Harry spoke as other proponents of the Constitution did, in irritation and perplexity. He could not comprehend why Henry’s question should even be asked. Obviously, the “we the people” mentioned in the preamble—the “we the people” there and then engaged in ratifying the Constitution—were we “the people of Virginia.” If the people of Virginia “do not adopt it, it will always be null and void as to us.”}}
{{smaller block|Here Lee touched and tossed aside what doubtless was so clear to others that they could not understand what Henry was quibbling about. Of course, “we the people” meant what Madison and Lee found so obvious: It meant “we the people of the States.” Why argue the point? “I take this,” said Randolph testily, “to be one of the least and most trivial objections that will be made to the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|The self-evident fact, as plain as the buttons on their coats, was that the whole people, the mass of people from Georgia to New Hampshire, obviously had nothing to do with the ratification of the Constitution. The basic charter of our Union never was submitted to popular referendum, taken simultaneously among the 3 million inhabitants of the country on some Tuesday in 1788. Ratification was achieved by the people of the States, acting in their sovereign capacity not as “Americans,” for there is no “State of America,” but in their sovereign capacity as citizens of the States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and Georgia.}}
{{smaller block|This was the sovereign power that sired the new Union, breathed upon it, gave it life—the power of the people of the States, acting as States, binding themselves as States, seeking to form a more perfect union not of people, but of States. And if it be inquired, as a matter of drafting, why the preamble of the Articles of Confederation spelled out 13 States and the preamble of the Constitution referred only to “we the people,” a simple, uncomplicated explanation may be advanced: The framers of the Constitution, in the summer of 1787, had no way of knowing how many States would assent to the compact.}}
{{smaller block|Suppose they .had begun the preamble, as they thought of doing, “We the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island,” etc., and the State of Rhode Island had refused to ratify? It very nearly did. It was not until May 29, 1790, by a vote of 34 to 32, that Rhode Island agreed to join a union that actually had been created with New Hampshire’s ratification nearly 2 full years before. Given a switch of two votes, Rhode Island might have remained, to this day, as foreign to the United States (in terms of international law) as any Luxembourg or Switzerland.}}
{{smaller block|Some of these forebodings clearly passed through the minds of the delegates at Philadelphia. When the preamble first appears in the notes, on August 6, it reads: “We the people of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts,” etc., “do ordain, declare and establish the following Constitution.” In that form it was tentatively approved on August 7. But the preamble, in that form, never is mentioned again. When the document came back from the Committee on Style in early September, the preamble had been amended to eliminate the spelled-out names of States, and to make it read simply that “we the people” ordain and establish. The change was not haggled over. No significance was attached to it. Why arouse antagonism in New York or North Carolina (where there was opposition enough already) by presuming to speak, in the preamble, as if it were unnecessary for New York or North Carolina even to debate the matter? The tactful and prudent thing was to name no States. Only the people as States could create the Union; only the people in ratifying States would be bound, as States, by its provisions.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|5. THE STATES IN THE CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, that was the way the compact read. It bound States—“The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between”—between whom?—“between the States so ratifying the same.” Not among people; it was “between States.” And this proposal was put forward “by the unanimous consent,” not of delegates assembled or of people gathered, but by “the unanimous consent of the States present the 17th day of September in the year of our Lord 1787 * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|On the plain evidence of the instrument itself, it is therefore clear: States consented to the drafting of the Constitution; States undertook to bind themselves by its provisions. If 9 States ratified, the Constitution would bind those 9; if 10, those 10. Rhode Island had not even attended the convention; “poor, despised Rhode Island,” as Patrick Henry later was to describe her, could stay aloof if she chose. There was no thought here of people in the mass. There was thought only of people as States, and while the new Constitution would of course act directly upon people—that was to be its revolutionary change—it would reach those people only because they first were people of States.}}
{{smaller block|The one essential prerequisite was for the State, as a State, to ratify; then the people of the State would become themselves subject to the Constitution. No individual human being, in his own capacity, possibly could assent to the new compact or bind himself to its provisions. Only as a citizen of Virginia or Georgia or Massachusetts could he become a citizen also of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Madison recognized this. He acknowledged in his famed Federalist 39 that ratification of the Constitution must come from the people “not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong.” “Each State,” he said, in ratifying the Constitution, “is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.” This fact lay at the essence of the Federal Union being formed. The States, and within them their local governments, were to be “no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere.” The jurisdiction of the Federal Government was to extend “to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” Even the most casual reading of the Constitution, it may be submitted, abundantly supports Madison’s comment here.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield to the able Senator from North Dakota for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I should like to ask whether at any time in the history of South Carolina the courts permitted a defendant to be tried without a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In South Carolina anyone who wishes a jury may have one. There are a few instances where both sides agree to be tried without a jury, by the court. But a defendant is entitled to a jury trial in my State, as is the case in other States which follow the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. In what year was South Carolina admitted to the Union? It was one of the original colonies, was it not?

Mr. THURMOND. In 1789. It was the eighth State admitted to the Union.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further for a question?

Mr: THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Even at that time in South Carolina a defendant had the right to a jury trial, did he not?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. That has been the law continuously up to the present time?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. A defendant in South Carolina is always entitled to a jury trial when charged with a crime.

Mr. LANGER. Is that also true in North Carolina?

Mr. THURMOND. I would not attempt to speak for North Carolina, but I feel quite certain that that is a fact. I believe nine States ratified the Constitution before North Carolina did. So North Carolina came in after the Union was formed. So did Rhode Island. Rhode Island was the only State that did not send representatives to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. The reason for that was that Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals at that time and it did not send any deputies.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it true that in every State in the United States under our Constitution a defendant has the right to a trial by jury in a criminal case?

Mr. THURMOND. In every State of the United States a defendant charged with a crime has the right of trial by jury. Some persons confuse magistrate courts or minor courts; but even there, although we may not see it, there is a jury box.

Most persons, unless they are lawyers, do not know that defendants are entitled to a jury trial in those courts. There is a jury box hidden somewhere. Nine out of ten do not ask for a jury trial; that is, in cases where the punishment is a fine of $100 or 30 days. But even there if a man says “Wait a minute, Mr. Recorder; I want a trial before a jury,” it must be given to him.

Mr. LANGER. That is true, for example, if a man is arrested and charged with spitting on the sidewalk or with stealing one cent?

Mr. THURMOND. Any crime.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, trial by jury is fundamental?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct; and rightly so, because that was one of the grievances pointed out a little earlier today that our forefathers listed in the Declaration of Independence. That was one grievance charged against the King, that in many cases persons had been denied trial by jury. That is written definitely into the Constitution. The right of trial by jury was included in several places in the Bill of Rights. The sixth amendment provides that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That was because our forefathers were taking no chances on not having a jury trial assured to them under the Constitution.

In the seventh amendment it is provided, also, and there is another provision, I believe, in the fifth amendment, that a man must be indicted by a grand jury before he is tried.

Under the bill that came from the House a grand jury will not pass on the question at all. Under this so-called compromise, a man is taken before a judge and is tried. He is not even asked if he wants a trial by a jury. But in the usual procedure, when the Constitution is followed, a man has to be indicted by a grand jury. In my State 18 grand jurors have to agree to a true bill before a man can be brought up for trial. He has a trial before a petit jury. In Federal courts a man can be indicted by a grand jury or on information, but in State courts a man is indicted by a grand jury. But in all the history of judicial administration in this country it has been clear that the American people have been entitled to a jury trial, and it goes back even further than the Declaration of Independence. It goes back to the Magna Carta, when the citizens of England wrung from King John in the year 1215, at Runnymede, certain rights for the people. I presume you and I, Mr. President, would call them civil rights, more or less, or corresponding to our Bill of Rights. But the people wrung from King John certain rights, and one of those rights was that a man charged with a crime would be entitled to a jury trial. So, going back to the year 1215, on down to this time, our people have had a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a further question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it the opinion of the Senator from South Carolina that of all the 10 amendments in the Bill of Rights the very heart and very core of the 10 amendments is the right of the defendant to be tried by a jury?

Mr. THURMOND. All the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights are important, but I think the trial-by-jury provision as generally spoken of is the heart of the Bill of Rights. That is the importance attached to it. It is generally spoken of as the heart of the Bill of Rights. In other words, if there should be cut out of the Bill of Rights the right of a trial by jury you have cut the heart of the Bill of Rights out; it would be excised.

What is it to have freedom of speech or freedom of religion or freedom of the press or right to petition the Government or the right to assemble, all of which are guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, or to keep troops from being quartered in our homes, or all the other things guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, if some tyrant, whether a Federal district judge, or any other kind of tyrant, can take a man and himself try him without a jury and put him in prison; and, of course, if a man is in prison he cannot enjoy his civil rights?

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator. We have gotten down to the very core of this entire proposal.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much. I appreciate his deep interest in this matter. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota has manifested an unusual interest in the right of trial by jury. He has the vision to see the importance of trial by jury and to see how this proposed bill the House has passed is attempting to bypass the Constitution and in doing so, of course, is violating the Constitution and therefore is a bill the Congress ought to kill.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. For 4 years I was attorney general of my State.

Mr. THURMOND. I understand the Senator made a very distinguished record as attorney general of the State of North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. During that time, of course, I had a great deal to do with juries.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure the Senator did.

Mr. LANGER. And in every single case I submitted to a court a jury trial had been waived.

Mr. THURMOND. Every case the Senator tried I imagine was before a jury.

Mr. LANGER. That is correct.

I should like to ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina whether in his experience in South Carolina it is true that the average defendant can get better justice from a jury than he can from a judge, no matter how honest and fair the judge may be?

Mr. THURMOND. Regardless of how fair and impartial the judge is or wants to be, it is my judgment from my experience on the bench for 8 years—and as I said, for about half of that time I was in the Army during World War II.—and from my practice of law before then, since 1930 when I was admitted to the bar—and after I left the Governor’s office in January 1951, I practiced until I came to the Senate—I consider that juries give fair verdicts, and I think it would be destroying the administration of justice if we should take any step to hamper or injure or impair in any way the jury system of the United States.

Mr. LANGER. Again I want to thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I read further:
{{smaller block|But the Constitution ought not to be read casually. Viewed from the standpoint of State and Federal relations, what does the Constitution say and do? The rubrics do not demand, before an ordinary mortal may explore the question, that he be ordained a constitutional lawyer or put on the chasuble of the bench. Our Constitution is not the property of a juridical clergy only. The laity may read it too, and with equal acuity and understanding. The terms are not ambiguous.}}
{{smaller block|The first thing to note, perhaps, is that the words “State” or “States” appear no fewer than 94 times, either as proper nouns or pronominals, in the brief 6,000 words of the original 7 articles. The one theme that runs steadily through the whole of the instrument is the knitting together of States: It is a union that is being formed, and while the people are concerned for themselves and their posterity, the Constitution is to be established binding States.}}
{{smaller block|Legislative powers, to begin at the beginning, are vested not in one national parliament of the people, but in a Congress of the United States. The word “Congress” was chosen with precision; it repeated and confirmed the political relationship of the preceding 11 years, when there had been first a Continental Congress and then a Congress under the Articles of Confederation.}}
{{smaller block|This Congress is to consist of two Houses. The first is the House of Representatives, whose Members are to be chosen “by the people of the several States.” And here, in the very second paragraph, the framers encountered and opportunity to choose between a “national” and a “federal” characteristic: They might have established uniform national qualifications for the franchise, but they did not. Electors qualified to vote for candidates for the House of Representatives are to have “the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Representatives and direct taxes are to be apportioned—how? “Among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers.” How is this enumeration to be determined? The provision should be noted with care, for it is the first of four clauses that speaks eloquently of the plural nature of our Union: “The actual enumeration shall be made within 3 years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of 10 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct.” Now, the antecedent of they is not “Congress,” but “United States.” Nowhere in the whole of the Constitution or in any of the subsequent amendments is the United States an “it.” The singular never appears.}}
{{smaller block|What else sheds light in the second section of article I.? We find that “each State shall have at least one Representative,” whereupon follows a rollcall of the States themselves: “Until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse 3, Massachusetts 8,” and so forth. And when vacancies happen “in the representation from any State,” the Governor thereof is to issue a writ of election.}}
{{smaller block|The dignity and sovereignty of States are made still more evident in the composition of the Senate. It is to be composed “of two Senators from each State,” and whereas Representatives are required to be inhabitants of the States “in which” they shall be chosen, Senators must be inhabitants of the States “for which” they shall be chosen.}}
{{smaller block|It is in section 4 that the first grant of authority to the Federal Government appears: “The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but”—and here the qualified concession—“the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators.”}}
{{smaller block|The delegations of power to a federal government appear most fully, of course, in section 8, but it is worth noting that not all the powers delegated to Congress are exclusive and unqualified powers. Thus, the Congress may raise and support armies, “but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.” Thus, the Congress may provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of the militia as may be employed in the service of the United States, but there is reserved “to the States respectively” the appointment of officers and the authority to train their militia according to regulation established by Congress. Thus, too, Congress may exercise Federal authority over federally owned property within the States, but how is such property to be acquired? The authority of the Congress extends only to those places “purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be,” and this applies not only to military and naval installations but also to “other needful buildings.”}}
{{smaller block|Several provisions in section 9 merit attention. As a concession to the slave trade—one of the essential compromises without which the Constitution never would have come into being at all—it was provided that “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,” shall not be prohibited prior to 1808. Then follow seven paragraphs of specific restrictions upon the powers of Congress. The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended; no bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed; no direct tax shall be levied except according to the census of the people as a whole; no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported “from any State;” and—again emphasizing the separateness of the member States forming the Union—“no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue of the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.”}}
{{smaller block|In section 10, the States undertook to restrict themselves. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; no State shall coin money or make anything but gold and silver legal tender; no State shall make any law impairing the obligation of contracts. Yet even here, the prohibitions are not without qualification. Thus, the States reserved to themselves the right to levy tariffs on imports or exports sufficient to execute their inspection laws; and though the fact is often forgotten, the States even reserved to themselves the solemn power they had claimed under the Articles of Confederation, to “engage in war,” as States, if “actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.”}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Ellender}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am very curious. I ask the Senator from South Carolina whether he knows how the House of Representatives arrived at the decision to provide for a maximum of 45 days and $300 in this instance. Why did not the House of Representatives decide to make the maximum number of days 50, and why did it not choose, as the maximum amount of fine, $250 or $500?

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to answer the question the distinguished Senator asked, but I cannot do so. I was not consulted about this compromise. All I know about it is that I heard the majority leader made an announcement, following the taking of action in the House of Representatives. And then I read about it in the newspaper.

But I had understood—and the distinguished Senator from California [Mr. {{sc|Knowland}}] can correct me about this if I am mistaken—that there was an effort on the part of the Republicans to provide for 60 days. But, since the Senate had not voted for any provision of this sort, but had voted only for a straight jury-trial provision, 45 days was selected as a compromise. That is my understanding of the matter. I pass on to the Senator from North Dakota only what I heard. But perhaps the Senator from California can answer the question. At any rate, even if 60 days had been originally proposed, and finally 45 days was decided on, the Senate got the worst end of the bargain.

However, even if the provision had been for only 1 day, in my opinion the principle would be the same, because under the Constitution a citizen is entitled to a jury trial; and the Congress has no power to pass a law providing that a Federal judge or any other judge can deprive a citizen of a jury trial. However, under this proposal, a judge would be able, in two ways, to deprive a citizen of a jury trial. In the first place, the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to allow the person to have a jury trial in the first instance. If the judge decided that there could be a jury trial, the citizen would have a jury trial. If the judge decided that there would not be a jury trial, the judge himself would try the case.

Next, if the judge decided to try the case himself, without a jury, the judge would proceed to try it. If, at the conclusion of the case, the judge were to determine that the punishment he would mete would be more than 45 days imprisonment or a fine of more than $300, the judge would then give the citizen another trial. In other words, this provision of the compromise would give the judge the option of trying the citizen in the first place, and it would give the judge the option of deciding how much punishment he would mete, and then the amount of punishment imposed would determine whether the citizen would receive still another trial.

All those exceptions are entirely foreign to the Constitution. The Constitution provides that a man charged with the commission of a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That provision is as plain as can be. Any child in the fifth grade in school can read it and understand it; and there should not be any difficulty in understanding it.

However, as I have understood in arriving at the compromise an attempt was made to get together on some provision; and the result was a monstrosity. It turned out to be an unconstitutional provision, in my opinion.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield again?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. What I should like to know is this: Is there any precedent, anywhere in the entire United States, for a measure such as this, by means of which a defendant could be tried by a judge, if the sentence imposed were imprisonment for not more than 45 days, or any other number of days, or the imposition of a fine of any size; but that if the term of imprisonment were longer or the amount of the fine were greater, there must be a jury trial? Can the Senator from South Carolina name any precedent at all for such a provision?

Mr. THURMOND. I know of no place in the United States where a person charged with a crime does not have a jury trial. Even under the present criminal-contempt procedure, under existing law, if one is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no instance in any part of the United States, from Maine or the State of Washington on the north, to California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Louisiana, Florida, or any of the other States in the southern part of the Nation, in which one who is charged with the commission of a crime does not have a trial by jury. It seems to me that in the conference, some one or more of the conferees should have raised the point, “This provision would be contrary to the Constitution, and we cannot include such a provision.” It seems to me some of the conferees would have suggested that the Constitution provides to the contrary. There is a decision which can be cited on that point; I think I have called it to the attention of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota. The decision in that case holds that criminal contempt is a crime; and, since it is a crime, one charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. If there is to be passed a bill providing punishment for criminal contempt, it should provide for a jury trial. I know of no way to get around a jury trial in this matter because the Constitution has laid down the law. That is basic law.

The Constitution can be amended. Congress can submit an amendment to it. There are four ways to amend the Constitution, and it can be amended so as to provide that a Federal judge in his discretion can give a man a jury trial. Then the compromise would be legal, and what it proposes would be effective. It would be. valid.

As the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] said today, confirming my judgment, as it stands now it is not valid. I think it is unconstitutional. The Senator from Wyoming expressed his opinion likewise. We could amend the Constitution to provide for it. Congress could pass a law to provide that a Federal judge could punish a man for contempt, by so many days’ imprisonment, or by a fine of so many dollars. We could do that, but it has not been done. Until the Constitution is amended in the manner provided in the Constitution itself, we must abide by it. I know that many people in this country would like to get around the Constitution, and it looks as if they have been doing so.

The Supreme Court has been rewriting the Constitution in some cases, and other branches of the Government at times have encroached upon the Constitution because there is divisional power between the Federal Government and the State governments. When we cross the line of the State government, as here, without constitutional authority, we violate the Constitution.

The States entered into this pact, the Constitution, about which we are talking so much, and in this pact they delegated to the Union only certain things, and they are just as plain as they can be. They are listed in the Constitution. I should like to read to the distinguished Senator what the Constitution says on that point.

Article I., section 1, provides:
{{smaller block|All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in the Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.}}
I will not take the time to go through all that. I will skip to the pertinent portions.

Section 7 of article I. provides:
{{smaller block|All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.}}
{{smaller block|Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two-thirds—}}
I will skip to section 8. That is more pertinent. This is what the Congress has power to do. The powers are listed.
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To borrow money on credit of the United States;}}
{{smaller block|To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator suspend to receive a message from the President of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. Certainly.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Presiding Officer, the “Message from the President,” is dealt with, as is the “Executive Message Referred” and a “Message from the House.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to Senate amendments Nos. 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue to read from article I., section 2:
{{smaller block|To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.}}
Congress would not have the power to pass bankruptcy laws, indeed Congress could not pass a law on any subject except for the power given to it by the Constitution. This provision I have read is the basis for our bankruptcy law.
{{smaller block|To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To establish post offices and post roads.}}
That is your authority for the Federal Government to act in that field.
{{smaller block|To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.}}
{{smaller block|To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court.}}
That gives authority to Congress to establish certain courts of appeals and district courts. They are inferior tribunals, that is, inferior to the United States Supreme Court.
{{smaller block|To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations.}}
{{smaller block|To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.}}
{{smaller block|To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.}}
But no appropriation of money for that purpose shall be for a longer term than 2 years. We cannot appropriate money for the Defense Establishment for more than 2 years because the Constitution limits it. If we should attempt to do that, we would go beyond the Constitution.

I think that is a suggestion which may apply to foreign aid. If we should commit ourselves for 5 years or 10 years, I think that would be unconstitutional. But some of the defense items are classified under the term “foreign aid.”
{{smaller block|To provide and maintain a Navy;}}
{{smaller block|To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;}}
{{smaller block|To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
I want to read that last part again. I wish to call attention to a point:
{{smaller block|Reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
Do you not know, Mr. President, that if that section was not in the Constitution the Federal Government would be appointing the officers of the National Guard? That is the reason the Government cannot do it: the Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 10 miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;}}
For that reason the Federal Government cannot go to Louisiana, North Dakota, South Carolina, or New Hampshire and buy a piece of land until the legislature passes an act approving such purchase. Under the provision the State must approve the transaction with respect to property within its borders, whether it owns the property or not, before the Federal Government can get it. Of course, the Government could condemn it; but if it followed the Constitution it would not be able to take it. The Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 for each person.}}
{{smaller block|The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.}}
Regardless of what a State wishes to do, the United States Constitution provides that a writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended unless—note the exception—“unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”
{{smaller block|No bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed.}}
{{smaller block|No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.}}
We have the income-tax amendment to the Constitution. The 16th amendment to the Constitution provides that Congress can levy an income tax. That is the only authority in the Federal Government to levy an income tax. It does not inherently have that authority. The Federal Government can do only what the States gave it the authority to do when they entered into the compact in Philadelphia in 1787, and the amendments which have been adopted since then. Two years later, in 1789, the States adopted the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights, for which there was so much sentiment. I do not believe the Constitution would have been ratified if the delegates to the convention had not promised the Bill of Rights would be submitted, and it was submitted and adopted 2 years after the convention, in 1789.
{{smaller block|No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.}}
{{smaller block|No preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.}}
{{smaller block|No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.}}
That is the only reason the States do not impose duties on some articles; otherwise they would probably do it, but under the Constitution they cannot do it.
{{smaller block|No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.}}
In other words, if I were an ambassador in London and the Queen of England wished to confer on me a title or wished to give me extra compensation for some reason I could not take the title or compensation unless Congress permitted it. Congress would have to pass an act to permit it.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ''ex post facto'' law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.}}
In other words, that goes right down the line to support the point I make. So the Constitution provides exactly what the Federal Government can do. What hurts me is to see some distinguished Members of Congress, able men who believe in the division of powers between the Federal and State Governments—or I always thought they did—going along with the bill, because this is a bill that takes power away from the States and gives it to the Federal Government.

The matter of elections is left up to each State. That power was not delegated. The qualifications for electors, the holding of elections, and all relevant matters were reserved to the States. There has been a movement, I understand to get the Congress to pass a bill eliminating the poll tax. I believe I told the Senate this morning, or this afternoon, that when I was Governor, I recommended that the poll tax be removed in my State and it was removed. But Congress may not pass a law to do it. It could do it, but it would be unconstitutional for the reason that there is a provision of the Constitution which states that the qualifications of electors shall be left to each State. Therefore, New Hampshire has qualifications and if the people of that State wish to make as a qualification for voting in that State the payment of a poll tax, they have a right to do so. The only way such a measure could be enacted legally, if it were going to be the law nationwide, would be for Congress to submit an amendment to the Constitution eliminating the poll tax.

The Senator from Florida [Mr. {{sc|Holland}}] has now pending a proposed constitutional amendment to eliminate the poll tax, amending the Constitution. To do that would be legal; it would be constitutional, and it would be proper. Personally I think it is better to leave to each State the power to fix the qualifications for voting of its citizens. In my State, as I have said, we have very low qualifications. We have heard much about people in my State not voting. I believe more people vote in my State than vote in New York, because New York has a much higher standard for voting. That State requires, I believe someone said, a high-school education. Someone else said it requires a grade-school education. It is certainly one of the two. In my State we require only that a man be able to read and write the Constitution, or that he own $300 worth of assessed property. So our requirements for voting are not stringent. They are not nearly as strict as they are in New York. I do not know about the requirements in the State of the Senator from North Dakota.

A few years ago I was Governor of South Carolina. At that time a bill was pending in Congress to remove the poll tax on a nationwide basis. Congress was to do it. It would have been just as unconstitutional as this so-called compromise, whose proponents are trying to get it through the Congress, to deprive the people of a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. I thank my distinguished friend.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, I do not believe that American history is taught sufficiently in our high schools and colleges. I do not believe that a course in government is taught in our high schools and colleges. I come in contact with a great many intelligent people, people who have been educated, big financiers who have made a great deal of money, and many others; yet they do not know the fundamentals of the Constitution. It is because they have not studied it. I think the people of the country would be wise to study the Constitution. I think it is more important today than ever before for the people to study it and be able to delineate the powers of the Federal Government, and learn what the Federal Government has not the power to do.

For example, the Congress has no power to abolish the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting, because the qualifications of voters are left to each State. There are a great many things which Congress cannot do. Yet pressure is brought on Members of Congress, and they vote for certain measures anyway, because of the pressure.

Why do Senators think this so-called compromise on the civil rights bill is being pressed? Why is there any civil rights bill before us? Why call this measure a right-to-vote bill? It is a perfect farce. It is not a right-to-vote bill.

As I have stated, every State in the Union has statutes providing for the right to vote. The Federal Government has statutes providing for the right to vote.

Why is such a bill as this being considered at this time? Because there are pressures on Members of Congress to do so. Some Members of Congress attempted to do so, even though they were doubtful of the constitutionality of the measure. The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] stated earlier in the day that he did not think the jury trial amendment which was put in the compromise bill in the House was constitutional. He said he would offer an amendment in January to correct it.

I would rather see him vote against it now. If the bill should pass anyway, he could later offer his amendment. But if a bill is unconstitutional, I think it is better for us not to vote for it. I think Members of Congress must develop stamina, fortitude, and courage to resist pressures, and to stand by the Constitution. If we do not do so, as I stated earlier in the day, we shall keep whittling away the rights of the States until, after a while, the States will not have any rights. There will be a powerful Central Government—and it will be a powerful monster, too. Everything will radiate from Washington.

I understand there is a movement on foot to establish a national police system. It is desired to convert the FBI, which is purely an investigative agency, into a law-enforcement agency. It is not a law-enforcement agency. Congress would not have the right to establish a national police agency, because under the Constitution the police power is reserved to the States.

However, this investigative agency, the FBI, is in a different situation. It does not do police work. It apprehends criminals and works with the States, and cooperates in the execution of Federal laws, apprehending violators and bringing them to trial. But it is not a police agency. I am glad that Mr. J. Edgar Hoover said that he was opposed to a national police system. I am sorry to see that the President has been recommending a bill to provide Federal aid to education by way of construction of school buildings. I have been amazed at the fact that so many people are not acquainted with the fact that in the entire Federal Constitution there is not a sentence which contains the word “education.” The word “education” is not to be found in the United States Constitution. Therefore, since the States did not delegate the field of education to the Federal Government, the Federal Government has no jurisdiction in that field, unless we amend the Constitution and give the Federal Government jurisdiction in the field of education.

We can amend the Constitution. We can follow one of the four methods of amending the Constitution, and give the Federal Government authority in that field, if that is the wise thing to do, which I do not think it is. However, that is the way it must be done. We have no authority to appropriate money for Federal aid to education. I know that the President’s intentions are good. However, at Columbia University several years ago he was against Federal aid to education. At any rate, it would be a great mistake for the Federal Government to enter the field of education.

After we begin giving money for Federal aid to education by way of construction, the next demand from the powerful National Education Association, which I understand is building a tremendous office building in Washington, will be for a supplement to the salaries of teachers. The National Education Association will bring pressure on Members of Congress, as do other pressure organizations, and will say, “We need supplements to teachers’ salaries.”

When we enact legislation for Federal aid to construct the buildings, and to provide supplements to teachers’ salaries, the Federal Government will be asked to pay a larger share of such salaries, and there will be more and more control to go with it. Before we know it, there will be Federal control of education, and the parents of the Nation will find their children studying books selected in Washington, instead of by the people in Delaware, North Dakota, and South Carolina.

It is a great mistake for us not to follow the Constitution. If the Constitution needs amending, we can amend it. There is a provision for amending it, and it should be amended from time to time. There have been 22 amendments since it was adopted. In 1789 the first 10 amendments were adopted. Since then, 12 other amendments have been adopted. There are now 22 amendments to the Constitution.

We were talking about the 16th amendment awhile ago, the income-tax amendment. I think most people feel that it is necessary, although the income tax appears high. Therefore there had to be a way to bring it about. Congress could not pass an income-tax law. It had no authority to do so until the Constitution had been amended to give Congress the power to do it.

I think it is important to understand what we mean by the division of powers between the Federal Government and the State governments. We have a compound Republic. It is a compound Republic because there are Federal powers and State powers. There are three branches in the Federal Government, each of which checks on the others, with the exception of the Supreme Court. It has practically no check on it, and it has gone wild.

There are three branches in the State governments. Each is supposed to be a check on the others.

There are two checks on the Supreme Court. In the first place, we can impeach Supreme Court justices. However, the House must do the impeaching, and the Senate sits as a jury to hear the case. So, there is not much the Senate can do from that standpoint.

The other one is that, under the Constitution, the appellate power of the Supreme Court can be controlled by the Congress, so that if Congress saw fit to pass a bill to limit the {{SIC|appelate|appellate}} power of the Supreme Court, Congress would have that right. The Constitution gives it the power to do that. Many persons think we have to amend the Constitution before we can do that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Would the Senator say that would be a form of cruel and inhuman punishment to impose upon his colleagues?

Mr. THURMOND. I would say it is cruel and inhuman punishment to impose on the citizens of America if we pass a bill without providing for a jury trial.

(Manifestations of applause in the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The galleries will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. I have received letters from a number of States, and I have been in California. I spent a week there in the fall of 1953. Starting at Long Beach and ending up at San Francisco, I made addresses all the way up the coast. I even went to Bakersfield and saw an old friend of the Senator from California there. I talked with many persons there. Unless they have had a change in sentiment, they think, just as the people of South Carolina do, that there should be jury trials.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does not the distinguished Senator also think that the people of California are interested in the 15th amendment to the Constitution, assuring all American citizens the right to vote?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the people of California are, and I am sure the people of South Carolina are. The people of South Carolina have done something about it, just as have the people of California. Last night, when the distinguished Senator from California was resting comfortably, I was speaking here and trying to rouse the people of America concerning the dangers of taking away their right of trial by jury. I placed in the {{sc|Record}} the statutes of California on that subject, and here is what they provide:
{{smaller block|“California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:}}
{{smaller block|“Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders of prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).}}
{{smaller block|“Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other forms of intimidation, to compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election (sec 1158).}}
{{smaller block|“Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).}}
{{smaller block|“Election officers: Any election officer who induces, or attempts to induce, any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony. (sec. 11583).}}
{{smaller block|“Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or action of employees, or who, within 90 days before an election, exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (secs. 11584, 11585).}}
{{smaller block|“Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).}}
{{smaller block|“Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).}}
{{smaller block|“Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).”}}
Those are statutes of the State of California, and they are good statutes.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does the Senator not recognize the fact that under the voting rights bill which the Senate is attempting to pass but which the Senator from South Carolina has, for the moment, successfully prevented the Senate from passing, there is not a single individual who can be cited for either civil or criminal contempt if another American citizen is deprived of his right to vote under the Constitution? So, if the Senator is correct in his statement that no person is deprived of his right to vote in his State—and I feel certain that no American citizen is denied the right to vote in my State—neither California nor South Carolina would cite any public official or other person criminally unless they were depriving people of their right to vote under the laws of the State.

Mr. THURMOND. I think some part of the Union could nullify the Constitution, just as I think some juries turn loose some defendants who are guilty. Some judges will make mistakes, too. But why do we not let the States alone and let them handle their own problems? I know the southern people and I know they are doing all they can for the Negro.

I see my friend the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting next to the Senator from California. He feels that his State is doing all it can. I know the State of Mississippi, from which come my good friends, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} and Senator {{sc|Stennis}}, is doing all it can. We cannot change customs overnight. We have to let the local people work these things out. But Congress did not care to let the local people work these things out.

All that is necessary is to have enforcement of the Federal statute. There is a Federal statute, to which I called attention today. For the benefit of Senators who were not here at the time, I may say that this statute provides that whoever intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, is guilty of a crime, punishable by a $1,000 fine or by imprisonment of 1 year.

Mr. COOPER. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator know that there has never been any question, since the War Between the States, about the Negro population in Kentucky having the right to vote, and exercising that right?

Mr. THURMOND. I have never heard any question about it. I simply say that in my State the Negroes are voting in large numbers. They claimed the credit for carrying the election for Stevenson in 1952, and at that time there was a very close election. They claimed they cast more than 80,000 votes, which was about 25 percent of the total. Their own newspaper contained that information. I have a clipping from that newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer. So they are certainly voting in my State, and I am sure they are voting in the Senator’s State.

Is it not better to let the local people work out these problems, rather than to rush things on them, and try to change their customs overnight?

As a matter of fact, if you gentlemen want to take any action, however, if the proponents of this bill are not satisfied—I do not think the distinguished Senator is dissatisfied—with the enforcement by the governors of the States of the Nation—and the governors are the chief executive officers of the States and are responsible for enforcing the law—or if the Federal Government is not satisfied with the enforcement being given by the governors to the voting laws of the States to protect the rights of people to vote, then why do they not enforce the Federal statute, which is already on the books?

Mr. COOPER. Because of the Senator’s kind reference, I should like to ask a question as follows: Does the Senator know that in Kentucky all citizens, including all Negroes, have had, since the War Between the States, the right to vote, have exercised that right, and that it has never been questioned?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is the case, because I have heard that they vote there. They are voting in the South in larger numbers than ever before. No persons in my State are deprived of the right to vote. If they are qualified to vote, they are allowed to vote. Of course, no man who is not qualified ought to be allowed to vote. New York State has a much higher standard, as I said a while ago, than we have. If a person can merely read or write in my State, he can vote. In New York one has to be a high-school graduate, I believe, or at least has to meet a literacy test. So we are not nearly so strict in South Carolina as they are in New York.

The Senator comes from a border State. Kentucky is a great State. I suggest to the Senator, however, since he is from a border State that went in part with the North and in part with the South, that the Senator stick with the South.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I will ask the Senator if it is not true that Kentucky had to make that choice almost a hundred years ago and they chose to stick with the Union?

Mr. THURMOD. Mr. President, if there is any Member in the Senate who is not satisfied with the voting protection given by the governors and the other officials of the States of the Nation, again I say that all they have to do is to call upon the Justice Department to enforce section 594. It is now against the Federal law to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any voter, in any way, shape, or form. That is the Federal statute which is on the books now. Why not enforce that statute? What is the idea of coming here with a right-to-vote bill? That is a big, high-sounding word that does not mean anything. If we pass this bill, we will pass an unconstitutional bill. It will be all right if the Justice Department will enforce section 594. I believe they are enforcing it. Is there anyone that thinks they are not enforcing this law? Is there anyone who thinks the present administration is not enforcing section 594?

If the Justice Department are enforcing this law, they are protecting people in this matter now. If they are not enforcing this law, let them enforce it, and that will protect them. Either the Justice Department are not enforcing this law, if they have had complaints, or they have not had any complaints.

Has the Justice Department had complaints, such as we have been hearing about, that many people have been denied the right to vote? We hear that in the South many people are denied the right to vote. What is there now; what has there been in the past 5 years to keep the Attorney General from going to any Southern State to enforce this statute? It is a Federal statute. The Attorney General not only has the right to enforce it, but he has the duty. If there have been any complaints about people in the South not voting, I have not heard of them. But if there have been any complaints about them not voting, then the Justice Department ought to do something about it. If the Justice Department has taken no action to enforce this statute, it shows one of two things: The Department has not had anybody objecting, or, if there were objections, it ignored them and did not do its duty by enforcing the statute. The point is there is a Federal statute now, so why pass another bill? All the Congress needs to do is to follow the Constitution. If we will follow the line of demarcation in the Constitution between the powers delegated to the Federal Government and the powers reserved to the States, we will not get into difficulties about all these different things.

If a bill were introduced to repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting, there would not be any question but that the Congress would not consider it because it would be unconstitutional. The qualifications of voting are reserved to the States. Why can we not look at it from that viewpoint and not try to say whether it is a good bill or a bad bill? On the right to vote bill, should there be any question whether we are going to accept this compromise? I do not think there should be any question at all, because the Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The court decision which I have before me holds that criminal contempt is a crime.

Mr. President—

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). The Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I will proceed now, if there are no further questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina has the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. Article III., defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield to the able Senator for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it correct that under Federal statute 594 there can be imposed a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. The compromise right to vote bill cuts it down to a fine of $300 and 45 days in jail. If the judge determines that the defendant ought to suffer a greater penalty than that, the case has to go to a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator, I will say if this bill is passed, of course I am expecting it to be held unconstitutional as soon as it can be tested. But until that is done, they will have a choice.

There could be a prosecution under the Federal statute, which is section 594: or such a person could be taken before a Federal judge, and the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to try the case. If the judge decided he was in a hurry to take a vacation trip, he could simply say, “I will try the case myself.” Then, under the provisions of the compromise measure, the judge would try the case; and the person being tried could not complain.

Let me ask the Senator from North Dakota what he would do. Suppose he were to find himself in such a situation; and suppose the judge were to say to him, “Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I will not give you a jury trial. I will try you myself”—and then the judge would rear back on his haunches and would grin.

What would the Senator from North Dakota do under those circumstances? There would be nothing he could do, because the judge would have a right to try him under the provisions of the compromise measure which has come to us from the House of Representatives.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Inasmuch as section 594 is on the statute books, why is not this right-to-vote bill entirely superfluous?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has put his finger on exactly what I have been discussing in the Senate for—let me see, Mr. President, how long has it been?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Twenty-one hours.

Mr. THURMOND. No; Mr. President, it has been 22 hours and 10 minutes. [Laughter.] For 22 hours and 10 minutes I have been trying to emphasize that point—namely, why is this compromise necessary, when a Federal statute on this subject is already on the statute books? It provides for a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail.

If the Department of Justice is interested in the persons who are alleged to have been deprived of the right to vote—regardless of whether they are whites, Negroes, or others—why does not the Department of Justice take action to enforce section 594 and thus protect the right to vote? The Department of Justice can do that under section 594. That is up to the Department of Justice. I do not know what the Department will do; that is up to the Department of Justice.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. During the last 5 years, has anyone been arrested under section 594?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota, I wish to say that I have never heard that anyone in my State has been tried under that statute. So there is no use in having the representatives of the Department of Justice come to South Carolina and say that people there are deprived of the right to vote, because if anyone representing the Department of Justice does come to South Carolina and does make such a statement, I will tell him that it is his own fault, for those in the Department of Justice have failed to do their duty; they have a law under which they can punish such persons, but they have not done so. Either no one in South Carolina is deprived of the right to vote, or else the Department of Justice has failed to do its duty.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina. I get the point very clearly.

Mr. THURMOND. Let me ask whether there are any more questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I shall proceed. I am just trying to find a section of the Constitution to which I wish to refer.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, while the Senator from South Carolina is doing that, will he yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Can the Senator from South Carolina tell the Senate how many years ago section 594 was enacted into law?

Mr. THURMOND. I believe it was in 1939.

Mr. LANGER. Do I correctly understand that since that time, there has been no prosecution under that provision of law? Is that true, so far as the Senator from South Carolina knows?

Mr. THURMOND. I have not heard of a single prosecution in South Carolina under that statute.

Mr. LANGER. Has the Senator heard of one in any other State?

Mr. THURMOND. If there has been one, I have not heard of it. I would not say there has not been one in some other State, but I do not know of a case of that sort which has been tried in the Federal courts. Some have been tried in the State courts; we are enforcing our State laws.

But I have not heard of a case in which anyone has been tried under this Federal statute—which carries with it a heavy penalty, namely, a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment in jail for 1 year. I have never heard of anyone who has been tried under that law. But, Mr. President, of course I am not surprised at that, because in South Carolina, everyone who wishes to register to vote and to vote, does register and does vote, if he is qualified. So I do not think it likely that there would be any cases of that sort in South Carolina.

Mr. President, there have been insinuations to the effect that the Southern States are denying some people the right to vote. I think insinuations about any States should stop—whether that be Northern States, Southern States, Eastern States, or Western States. All of us are Americans. We have a great country. In all the wars the United States has ever fought, the United States has had brave soldiers from all sections of the country. It is very bad to have people in one section of the country try to snipe at people in another section of the country. That is the very thing George Washington warned against in his Farewell Address.

Mr. LANGER. Yes, I am familiar with that admonition by George Washington.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, if anyone in the South has been intimidated or coerced or threatened with regard to voting—if anyone in any Southern State has been treated in that way—the district attorney in the State can take action any day he wishes to; and if the Department of Justice does not do it, the Department is failing to perform its duty with respect to such violations; or else there are no violations of that sort. So evidently there have not been any violations of that sort in the State of South Carolina, or else no one has complained about them. As a matter of fact, I am quite sure that there have not been any violations of that sort in my State, because, as I have said, anyone in South Carolina who wishes to vote, and who is qualified to vote, and who registers, can vote.

Mr. President, I should like to read what George Washington said.

Sometimes, Mr. President, when I see the able Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting in his seat in this Chamber—so able a judge and lawyer, and a fine soldier in World War II.; and when I see in the Chamber the distinguished senior Senator from Michigan [Mr. {{sc|Potter}}], who lost both of his legs in that war; and when I see my other fellow veterans who are distinguished Members of this body or are distinguished Members of the House of Representatives, and then when I see matters of a sectional nature brought up here, and when one group wishes to try to have enacted into law a measure aimed at punishing another section of the country, it makes my heart ache. My colleagues who are veterans did not feel that way when they were serving in the Armed Forces overseas; they did not feel that way when they were in uniform. If the Members of Congress from various sections of the United States would just accord to all the other States the same respect that they expect to have accorded to their own States I am sure that we would not be having this trouble; and then I would not have been speaking here on this subject for more than 22 hours in an effort to arouse the American people.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. For 22 hours and 10 minutes.

Mr. THURMOND. No, Mr. President, for 22 hours and 20 minutes. [Laughter.]

I would not be trying to arouse the American people if it were not necessary. But why should the North want to pick on those of us who live in the South? Why do the people in New York want to pick on us? Why do the people in New Jersey want to pick on us? Or why do the people of any other section of the country want to pick on us? We think we are fairly good people. We think we are patriotic. The Members of Congress from the Southern States want to work together with all the other Members of Congress.

Mr. President, I want to extend every courtesy to every other Member of Congress, and I want to see those who live in any particular section of the country extend to the rest of the people of the country the same courtesy that they expect to have extended to themselves.

But, Mr. President, I can tell you this: This right-to-vote bill—and I say this because I know something about its history—is aimed at the South. It is aimed at the South; and it hurts me to see that done, because South Carolina is not guilty, and this bill should not be enacted. I do not believe the other Southern States are guilty. The Southern States have done their part in every way. As I have said, the people of the Southern States have fought for their country and have served in public office in every way. They have been honorable people.

Yet, in order to try to win the votes of certain minority blocs, some pressure groups are willing to punish us, to put us under the heel, and to grind and grind and grind us. I am getting tired of it.

(Manifestations of applause by the occupants of the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The doorkeepers must keep the galleries in order.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. COOPER. A minute ago the Senator spoke very generously of our association and friendship during World War II. I know that he did not mean to intimate that there was any intention upon the part of the Senator from Kentucky, in his vote on the civil-rights bill, to show any bias or prejudice toward his own people in the South.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that there was not, Senator.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator remember?

Mr. THURMOND. I remember, and I say to the Senator from Kentucky he is one of the finest and most gracious gentlemen I have known.

The Senator from Kentucky is not one of those ardent proponents of the bill who is trying to ram the bill home. I do not know how he is going to vote, but he is a good constitutional lawyer. I hope he will not vote for it. I hope he will think over the jury trial issue and not vote for it.

He has not been one of those who has been baiting the South.

Mr. COOPER. The Senator from Kentucky is a good friend of the Senator from South Carolina, but the Senator from Kentucky will vote for civil rights. He intends to vote for the bill this evening or at some later time.

In the debate he said again and again that he believes in the juries in the South, and that the people of the South would respect the law and would follow the law. I am sure the Senator from South Carolina knows that the Senator from Kentucky said that.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure he did say that.

The only thing is that if the Senator feels that the South obeys the law, I do not understand why he should want to have this bill passed.

I will get on with what George Washington said.

Mr. President, George Washington, in his Farewell Address, used his strongest language against those who would divide our country; he urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern—Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
That was George Washington speaking.

George Washington wanted to see the people from the North to the South, and to the East and the West, bound together with a fraternal feeling. He wanted a fraternal attitude manifested.

Why should we not manifest a fraternal attitude on these matters? Why should we not try to help another section, and not sponsor legislation which is aimed at any particular section, merely to try to get votes to win an election?

I have said, and I repeat, that since every State in the United States from Alabama to Wyoming has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and since the Federal Government has a statute on its books to protect the right to vote, there is no need for this bill.

I say, and I repeat, that I think the bill is purely political, and I think that both parties have been trying to grab the ball to see who could get the spotlight for the elections coming up in 1958.
{{smaller block|Article III, defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review. We may note, for example, two further uses of the plural: First, the judicial power is to extend “to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority.” Second, treason against the United States is to consist “only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies.” Because the authority of the Court will be considered at length in a later chapter, it will suffice here merely to point out that nowhere in article III is the Court given jurisdiction over controversies between a State and the United States. That proposal was specifically advanced during the convention, and specifically rejected.}}
{{smaller block|Every section—indeed, every paragraph—of article IV touches upon the Federal nature of the Union. Full faith and credit are to be given in each State, to the acts and judicial proceedings of every other State. If this were not a Federal Union, the provision would be nonsense. Beyond this, the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall be delivered upon demand to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.}}
{{smaller block|Then comes the provision that Northern States were to flout over a period of 30 years: “No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.”}}
{{smaller block|Finally, we may note in article IV the provision for admitting new States into this Union (not this Nation, but this Union): “No new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.”}}
{{smaller block|Article V had best be quoted in full. It has not been changed by so much as an apostrophe in the years since it came from Philadelphia in September of 1787. It still fixes and defines the sovereign power:}}
{{smaller block|Pause for a moment over this article of the Constitution. We are dealing here with Taylor’s “will to enact” and “power to execute;” we are dealing with Marshall’s “power to make and unmake.” It was plainly envisioned by the framers that their work would require amendment through the years. “That useful alterations will be suggested by experience, could not but be foreseen,” Madison was to write. There was a double aim in the provision, even a triple aim. {{SIC|Aricle|Article}} V, Madison tells us, was intended, first, to guard equally against too-easy amendment on the one hand and too-difficult amendment on the other. It was drafted, secondly, to permit amendments to originate both with the Federal and with the State Governments. But it was intended, finally, to leave the ultimate decision upon changing the Constitution to the sovereign States themselves—not to the people as a mass, nor even to a bare majority of the States as such. It was recognized that the great, overriding principle of protection for minorities should apply here as bindingly as it was to apply elsewhere. If one-fourth of the States plus one should object to a change in the Constitution—even if that change were desired by three-fourths minus one (and even if this larger fraction should include the great bulk of the total population)—the change could not be engrafted to the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI is brief. Its first provision covers debts and engagements entered into under the Articles of Confederation and continues these obligations under the proposed new Constitution; its third provision prohibits any religious test as a qualification for public office and requires an oath to support the Constitution of all public officers, both State and Federal.}}
{{smaller block|It is the second provision that merits brief attention in this summary review:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”}}
{{smaller block|Let us go back: What is to be supreme? Three things. First, “this Constitution.” Secondly, “laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof.” Third, treaties made “under the authority of the United States.” That is all. Not Executive orders of the President. Not even judgments of the Supreme Court. The Constitution, the laws made in pursuance thereof, the treaties.}}
{{smaller block|In passing, note the phrase “law of the land.” It stems originally from the Magna Carta; but as it appears in the Constitution, “law of the land” was merely a substitution, proposed by the committee on style, for “law of the several States and their citizens and inhabitants.” The object was to extend this new supreme law to Territories as well as to the States. And this phrase, “law of the land,” is as close as the Constitution ever comes to suggesting a “nation.” Actually the word “nation” or the word “national” never appears in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The aim, we will recall, was to form “a more perfect Union.” Representatives and taxes were to be apportioned among the several States which may be included “within this Union.” The militia may be called forth to execute “the laws of the Union.” The President is to provide Congress with information on the “state of the Union.” New States are to be admitted “into this Union.” The guaranty of a republican form of government goes “to every State in this Union.” But never, at any point, are the United States described, in the Constitution, as comprising a “nation.”}}
{{smaller block|This is not to contend, of course, that ours is not a Nation, or that the Federal Government does not operate nationally. It is only to suggest that the deliberate terms of the Constitution speak for themselves, and should be heeded: Our country is, first and foremost, originally and still, a Union of States. And when we speak of the law of the land, it should be kept steadily in mind that the land is a Federal Union, in which each of the States stands coequal with every other State. The Constitution is supreme not only in its authority over each State, but also in its protection over each State. And each State, each respective State, is entitled to rely upon the Constitution as embodying supreme law that all other States must adhere to with equal fidelity, like it or not, until the Constitution be changed by the States themselves.}}
{{smaller block|Note, too, the careful qualification that defines laws enacted by the Congress. Just any laws of the United States are not enough: Laws, to be binding, must be laws made in pursuance of the Constitution. Any attempted statutes that invade the residuary authority of the States, Hamilton tells us, “will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such.” And he adds, at another point, that:}}
{{smaller block|“There is no position which depends on clearer principles than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid.”}}
{{smaller block|Surely, it may be urged that precisely the same standard must be applied to other branches of the Federal Government—the executive and judicial no less than the legislative. By extension, thus, judgments of the Court, to be supreme law of the land, must be made pursuant to the Constitution. A judgment of the Court, so violative of the clear terms and understandings of the Constitution as to invade the residuary authority of the States, must also be regarded as a usurpation, and should deserve to be treated as such. The argument will be pursued at greater length hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|Finally, this brief examination of the Constitution from the standpoint of the States may be concluded with a second look at article VII. It should be read carefully; for this is the clause that binds: “The ratification of the conventions of 9 States”—not, again, the approval of a majority of the people in a popular referendum, but the ratification of 9 States—“shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, on September 17, the Convention concluded its work. George Washington, as President of the Convention, transmitted the document to the Congress. A prophetic sentence appeared in his letter, as he mentioned the compromises necessary for the surrender of sovereign powers: “It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved.” The States had done the best they could through their delegates. Eager to consolidate their Union, each State had been disposed “to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected.” They launched the ship.}}
{{smaller block|“Well, Doctor,” said the lady to Mr. Franklin, “what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?”}}
{{smaller block|“A republic,” replied the doctor, “if you can keep it.”}}
It is pretty hard to keep when bills are introduced to violate the Constitution by chipping off and whittling away the rights of the States in an effort, it seems, to reduce them to colonial status.

Continuing the quotation from the Kilpatrick book:
{{c|{{x-smaller|6. THE PROPHETIC MR. HENRY}}}}
{{smaller block|For the States’ understanding of what the Constitution was to mean to them, as States, we can look not only to the internal evidence of the Constitution itself, but to the debates in the ratifying conventions and to some of the contemporary criticism, notably in the Federalist papers. We can look, also, to some of the pronouncements of the Supreme Court from time to time, and to the writings of scholars of our own day.}}
{{smaller block|The evidence is overwhelming. By written compact, solemnly ratified, the States agreed mutually to delegate certain of their sovereign powers to a Federal Government. They enumerated these powers. All other powers they reserved to themselves, and these reserved powers did not need to be enumerated: the reserved powers constituted an inherent powers of sovereign States not specifically abridged.}}
{{smaller block|So plain was this understanding that the feeling most frequently encountered, in reading comments of the period, is one of incredulity that anyone should doubt it.}}
{{smaller block|“The proposed constitution,” said Hamilton, “so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, said Madison:}}
{{smaller block|“It is to be remembered that the General Government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administering laws. Its {{SIC|jursidiction|jurisdiction}} is limited to certain enumerated objects which concern all the members of the Republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate provisions of any. The subordinate governments, which can extend their care to all other objects which can be separately provided for, will retain their due authority and activity.”}}
{{smaller block|Neither Hamilton nor Madison could quite imagine the Federal Government ever seriously encroaching upon the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Allowing the utmost latitude to the love of power which any reasonable man can require,” said Hamilton, “I confess I am at a loss to discover what temptation the persons intrusted with the administration of the General Government could ever feel to divest the States of the authorities of that description. The regulation of the mere domestic police of a State appears to me to hold out slender allurements to ambition. Commerce, finance, negotiation, and war seem to comprehend all the objects which have charms for minds governed by that passion; and all the powers necessary to those objects ought, in the first instance, to be lodged in the national depository.”}}
{{smaller block|Then he added, with a singular absence of prophecy:}}
{{smaller block|“The administration of private justice between the citizens of the same State, the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation, can never be desirable cares of a general jurisdiction. It is therefore improbable that there should exist a disposition in the Federal councils to usurp the powers with which they are connected. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“It will always be far more easy for the State governments to encroach upon the national authorities, than for the National Government to encroach upon the State authorities.”}}
That is where he was wrong. In other words, Hamilton had no idea that the Federal Government would ever attempt to encroach on the rights of the states. In his day it looked to him as if it would be easier for the States to encroach on the rights of the Federal Government than for the Federal Government to encroach on the rights of the States. But in recent years do-gooders, welfare-staters, left-wingers, and other pressure groups are trying to transform this Government. They are trying to make of it a national government. It is not a national government; it is a Federal Government. The States came together in a federation and formed this Government. That is the conception which I hope we can get over to the people of the Nation, that our Government is not a national government; it is a Federal Government made by the States coming together and forming a federation and signing the compact which became the Constitution. Therefore we have a Federal Government, not a national government. I hope we shall never have a national government. We must stop the Federal usurpation that is now going on and has been going on for some years.
{{smaller block|Madison, also, imagined that the Federal Government would “be disinclined to invade the rights of the individual States, or the prerogatives of their governments.” For his part, Hamilton thought it more probable that the States would encroach upon the Federal Government, and he imagined that in such contests the State governments, because they “will commonly possess most influence” over the people, would dominate Federal agencies “to the disadvantage of the Union.” However, all such conjectures Hamilton viewed as “extremely vague and fallible.” He preferred to assume that the people “will always take care to preserve the constitutional equilibrium between the general and the State governments.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 45, Madison treated at considerable length the widespread apprehension that the States would be obliterated. Some of his comments have been outdated; what he has to say about the election of Senators, for example, unhappily has been superseded by the misfortune of the 17th amendment. Some of his other observations, dealing with functions of what was to become the Bureau of Internal Revenue, may occasion some wary reflection on the lengths by which even a Madison could miss his guess. But as contemporary evidence of the role guaranteed to the States, No. 45 justifies quotation at some length:}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments will have the advantage of the Federal Government, whet her we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them to the predilection and probable support of the people; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the Federal Government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the people, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the people obtains for themselves an election into the State legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the Federal Government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious than too overbearing toward them. On the other side, the component parts of the State governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the Federal Government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.}}
{{smaller block|“The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller than the number employed under the particular States. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side or the former than of the latter. The members of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments of 13 and more States, the justices of peace, officers of militia, ministerial officers of justice, with all the county, corporation, and town officers, for 3 millions and more of people, intermixed, and having particular acquaintance with every class and circle of people, must exceed, beyond all proportion, both in number and influence, those of every description who will be employed in the administration of the Federal system. Compare the members of the three great departments of the 13 States, excluding from the judiciary department the justices of peace, with the members of the corresponding departments of the single government of the Union; compare the militia officers of 3 millions of people with the military and marine officers of any establishment which is within the compass of probability, or, I may add, of possibility, and in this view alone, we may pronounce the advantage of the States to be decisive.}}
{{smaller block|“If the Federal Government is to have collectors of revenue, the State governments will have theirs also. And as those of the former will be principally on the seacoast, and not very numerous, whilst those of the latter will be spread over the face of the country, and will be very numerous, the advantage in this view also lies on the same side. It is true, that the confederacy is to possess, and may exercise, the power of collecting internal as well as external taxes throughout the States; but it is probable that this power will not be resorted to, except for supplemental purposes of revenue; that an option will then be given to the States to supply their quotas by previous collections of their own; and that the eventual collection, under the immediate authority of the Union·, will generally be made by the officers, and according to the rules, appointed by the several States. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the Federal Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.}}
{{smaller block|“The operations of the Federal Government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments in times of peace and security. As the former periods will probably bear a small proportion to the latter, the State governments will here enjoy another advantage over the Federal Government. The more adequate, indeed, the Federal powers may be rendered to the national defense, the less frequent will be those scenes of danger which might favor their ascendancy over the governments of the particular States.}}
{{smaller block|“If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of new powers to the union, than in the invigoration of its original powers. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the Articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them.”}}
{{smaller block|Even John Marshall, who did more than any man in our history to aggrandize the Federal Government and to weaken the States, never doubted the basic structure of divided powers. Consider, briefly, his comment in the famed case of ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland''. The case arose when Congress established the Bank of the United States, and Maryland undertook to levy a tax upon the bank’s Baltimore branch; James McCulloch, the cashier, refused to pay the tax, and Maryland sued.}}
{{smaller block|The legal questions were two: Did Congress have power to incorporate the bank, and secondly, did Maryland have power to tax it? Marshall answered the first one “Yes,” the second, “No.” With the bulk of his reasoning, strict constructionists and apostles of States rights will disagree: Marshall’s sophisticated mind did not boggle at stretching “necessary” to mean “convenient.” In considering the actual act of ratification by which the Union was formed, Marshall was not much impressed by the fact, which he could not escape, that the people met in State conventions. “Where else should they have assembled?” he asked. But even here, a couple of sentences merit quotation as evidence from the States greatest detractor:}}
{{smaller block|“It is true, [the people] assembled in their several States—and where else should they have assembled? No political dreamer was ever wild enough to think of breaking down the lines which separate the States, and of compounding the American people into one common mass. Of consequence, when they act, they act in their States.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall went on in his opinion to confuse “States” and “State governments,” thus setting up a convenient strawman to batter down. No one ever had contended that the Constitution was ratified by State governments, but Marshall, with a glittering display of intellectual swordsmanship, neatly skewered the nonexistent objection. Then he went on to say:}}
{{smaller block|“This Government is acknowledged by all to be one of enumerated powers. The principle that it can exercise only the powers granted to it would seem too apparent to have required to be enforced by all those arguments which its enlightened friends, while it was pending before the people, found it necessary to urge. That principle is now universally admitted. But the question respecting the extent of the powers actually granted is perpetually arising, and will probably continue to arise, as long as our system shall exist.”}}
{{smaller block|True enough, the question of “the extent of powers” does continue to arise to this day, though the doctrines of Marshall have so pervaded public thinking that it often is forgotten that the Federal Government has any limitations whatever. But the separateness of the States and the nature of their delegated powers were clearly recognized when the Constitution was created. The prophets who foresaw the trend toward consolidation—notably Patrick Henry and George Mason—were told they were old women, seeing ghosts.}}
{{smaller block|Consider, if you will, the debate on ratification in Virginia. The transcript offers some absorbing reading. If the clash of a Henry and a Mason with a Pendleton and a Madison does not prompt reflection upon subsequent corruption of the Constitution, at the very least their battle must lead to regrets at the decline in the quality of today’s legislative debates. There were giants in those days. This was, to paraphrase Marshall, a Constitution they were debating. What was said of the relationship of the States and the Federal Government?}}
{{smaller block|Go back in time. This was a sultry summer in Richmond. At least twice the brief convention was interrupted by thunder storms so severe the delegates were forced to recess. Tempers flared sharply. At one point Edmund Randolph, infuriated with Patrick Henry, was prepared to let their friendship “fall like Lucifer, never to rise again.” They began on Monday, June 2; they adjourned ''sine die'' on Friday, June 27. Into those 4 weeks, the Virginians of 1788 packed a world of profound reflection upon the meaning and intention of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Edmund Pendleton served as president of the Virginia convention. He was a remarkable man: lawyer, scholar, statesman, thinker. In advocating ratification, Pendleton was joined by James Madison, John Marshall, Edmund Randolph, and Light Horse Harry Lee. They carried the day against Patrick Henry and George Mason, as leading opponents of the proposition.}}
{{smaller block|The convention scarcely had begun before Henry established the broad spread of argument. He did not propose to abide by any parliamentary decision to debate one clause at a time. Before the convention in Philadelphia the previous summer, said Henry, a general peace and a universal tranquillity had prevailed. Now he was “extremely uneasy at the proposed change of government.” He swept the room with a cold eye: “Be extremely cautious, watchful, jealous of your liberty. Instead of securing your rights, you may lose them forever.”}}
{{smaller block|George Mason came to his side. He charged that the new Constitution would create “a national government, and no longer a confederation.” He especially denounced the authority proposed in the general government to levy direct taxes. This power, being at the discretion of Congress and unconfined, “and without any kind of control, must carry everything before it.” “The idea of a consolidated government,” he said, “is totally subversive of every principle which has hitherto governed us. This power is calculated to annihilate totally the State governments. * * * These two concurrent powers cannot exist long together; the one will destroy the other; the general government, being paramount to and in every respect more powerful than the State governments, the latter must give way to the former.”}}
{{smaller block|Then Mason voiced the argument that is as applicable in the mid-20th century as it was toward the end of the 18th:}}
{{smaller block|“Is it to be supposed that one national government will suit so extensive a country, embracing so many climates, and containing inhabitants so very different in manners, habits, and customs? It is ascertained, by history, that there never was a government over a very extensive country without destroying the liberties of the people. * * * Popular governments can only exist in small territories.”}}
{{smaller block|On Thursday, June 5, Pendleton undertook to respond to Henry and to Mason. Was the proposed government, he inquired, truly a consolidated government? Of course not. “If this be such a government, I will confess, with my worthy friend, that it is inadmissible. * * *” The proposed Federal Government, he said, “extends to the general purposes of the Union. It does not intermeddle with the local, particular affairs of
the States. * * * It is the interest of the Federal to preserve the State governments; upon the latter the existence of the former depends. * * * I wonder how any gentleman, reflecting on the subject, could have conceived an idea of the possibility of the latter.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry conceived it. He conceived it very clearly. The proposed Constitution, he felt, was “extremely pernicious, impolitic and dangerous.” He saw no jeopardy to the people in the Articles of Confederation; he saw great jeopardy in this new Constitution. And he had this to say:}}
{{smaller block|“We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty: Our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of every thing. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors: By that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, ts about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.”}}
{{smaller block|And note this prophetic observation:}}
{{smaller block|“There will be no checks, no real balances, in this government. What can avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope-dancing, chain-rattling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances?”}}
{{smaller block|What indeed? What have these ideal checks and balances availed the States in the 20th century? Henry saw the empty prospect: “This Constitution is said to have beautiful features; but when I come to examine these features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful. Among other deformities, it has an awful squinting; it squints toward monarchy; and does not this raise indignation in the breast of every true American?”}}
{{smaller block|It was monarchy, ''per se'', that Henry foresaw. And it was despotism at the hands of a general government that he feared.}}
{{smaller block|“What are your checks in this Government?” he kept asking.}}
{{smaller block|No one ever answered him accurately, though half a dozen members of the Convention undertook to refute Henry and to allay his apprehensions. Randolph, replying to the objection that the country soon would be too large for effective government from the capital, commented that “no extent on earth seems to me too great,” but he added, “provided the laws be wisely made and executed.” It has proved to be a large qualification.}}
{{smaller block|Madison also responded to Henry’s general objection that the liberty of the people was in danger: “Since the general civilization of mankind,” he said, “I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations.”}}
{{smaller block|Follow closely what Madison had to say next. He is expounding the relationship of the State and Federal Governments as he, above all men, understood it:}}
{{smaller block|“Give me leave to say something of the nature of the Government. * * * There are a number of opinions; but the principal question is, whether it be a federal or consolidated government. In order to judge properly of the question before us, we must consider it minutely in its principal parts. I conceive myself that it is of a mixed nature; it is in a manner unprecedented; we cannot find one express example in the experience of the world. It stands by itself. In some respects it is a government of a federal nature; in others it is of a consolidated nature. * * * Who are parties to it?”}}
{{smaller block|Note this, especially; it was quoted earlier, but it bears repetition:}}
{{smaller block|“The people—but not the people as composing one great body; but the people as composing 13 sovereignties.”}}
{{smaller block|Francis Corbin, one of the ablest political students of his time, then joined Madison, in soothing the growing fear that the Federal Government might one day absorb the State Governments. “The powers of the General Government,” he said, “are only of a general nature, and their object is to protect, defend, and strengthen the United States; but the internal administration of government is left to the State legisiatures, who exclusively retain such powers as will give the States the advantages of small republics, without the danger commonly attendant on the weakness of such governments.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry, undaunted, straightened his red wig and returned to the debate. “That government is no more than a choice among evils,” he remarked, “is acknowledged by the most intelligent among mankind, and has been a standing maxim for ages.” He could not accept the idea that this new government would be “a mighty benefit to us.”}}
{{smaller block|“Sir, I am made of so incredulous materials, that assertions and declarations do not satisfy me. I must be convinced, sir. I shall retain my infidelity on that subject till I see our liberties secured in a manner perfectly satisfactory to my understanding.”}}
{{smaller block|This exchange occurred on Friday, June 16. The following Monday, Henry renewed his assault:}}
{{smaller block|“A number of characters, of the greatest eminence in this country, object to this government for its consolidating tendency. This is not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If consolidation proves to be as mischievous to this country as it has been to other countries, what will the poor inhabitants of this country do? This government will operate like an ambuscade. It will destroy the State governments, and swallow the liberties of the people, without giving previous notice.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison came back with fresh replies and new remonstrances. The States were safely protected, he assured the Virginia convention. And renewing the arguments he had advanced in the Federalist, “There will be an irresistible bias toward the State governments.” It was utterly improbable—almost impossible—that the Federal Government ever would encroach upon the States. “The means of influence consist in having the disposal of gifts and emoluments, and in the number of persons employed by and dependent upon a government. Will any gentleman compare the number of persons which will be employed in the General Government with the number of those which will be in the State governments? The number of dependents upon the State governments will be infinitely greater than those on the General Government. I may say, with truth, that there never was a more economical government in any age or country, nor which will require fewer hands, or give less influence.”}}
{{smaller block|Pendleton again gained the floor to tackle Henry’s objection. We are told, he said, “that there will be a war between the two bodies equally our representatives, and that the State government will be destroyed, and consolidated into the General Government. I stated before, that this could not be so. The two governments act in different manners, and for different purposes—the General Government in great national concerns, in which we are interested in common with other members of the Union; the State legislature in our mere local concerns. * * * Our dearest rights—life, liberty and property—as Virginians, are still in the hands of our State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Patrick Henry remained unconvinced. His opinion and Madison’s were “diametrically opposite.” The mild-mannered Madison said the States would prevail. Henry, a dramatic and eloquent speaker, feared the Federal Government would prevail. Bring forth the Federal allurements, he cried, “and compare them with the poor, contemptible things that the State legislatures can bring forth. * * * There are rich, fat, Federal emoluments. Your rich, smug, fine, fat, Federal officers—the number of collectors of taxes and excises—will outnumber anything from the States. Who can cope with the excise man and the tax men?”}}
{{smaller block|Henry did not imagine that the dual governments could be kept each within its proper orbit. “I assert that there is danger of interference,” he remarked, “because no line is drawn between the powers of the two governments, in many instances; and where there is a line, there is no check to prevent the one from encroaching upon the powers of the other. I therefore contend that they must interfere, and that this interference must subvert the State government as being less powerful. Unless your government have checks, it must inevitably terminate in the destruction of your privileges.”}}
{{smaller block|William Grayson, burly veteran of the Revolution, was another member of the Virginia convention who clearly perceived the absence of effective checks and balances. “Power ought to have such checks and limitations,” he said, “as to prevent bad men from abusing it. It ought to be granted on a supposition that men will be bad; for it may eventually be so.”}}
{{smaller block|Grayson was here discussing his apprehensions toward the powers vested by article III in the Supreme Court of the United States. “This Court,” he protested, “has more power than any court under heaven.” The Court’s appellate jurisdiction, especially, aroused his alarm: “What has it in view, unless to subvert the State governments?”}}
Mr. President, only in the past few months this Court rendered a decision which struck down the sedition statutes in 48 States and two Territories, merely because the Federal Government had a statute on sedition. The Supreme Court held that because of that fact, the Federal Government had preempted the whole field, and struck down the State statutes on sedition. Sedition means overthrowing the Government. That is the practical effect of it.

Steve Nelson, in Pennsylvania, was convicted under Pennsylvania law. He appealed his case to the United States Supreme Court, and the Court turned him loose, on the ground that when the Federal sedition statute was enacted, that statute preempted the field. Thus it struck down all the State statutes on the subject. Forty-two States and two Territories had statutes on the subject.

Judge Howard Smith, in the House, who was the author of the bill, said there was no such intention on his part when he introduced the bill. There was even a provision in the bill that the State laws should not be affected. Yet the Supreme Court struck down the sedition statutes in 42 States and two Territories. Nine men overruled the legislatures of 42 States, and would have overruled the supreme courts in 42 States if their statutes had been tested.

In New York, a man named Slochower was employed by the City College of New York. The charter of the City College provides that if any schoolteacher takes refuge behind the fifth amendment, upon being asked by an official body about his Communist connections, he shall be automatically dismissed. He was questioned by an official body. He was automatically dismissed. But what happened? The Supreme Court reinstated him in his job. City College of New York cannot control its own faculty because of these nine men in Washington. Forty-eight State legislatures cannot have sedition statutes because of these nine men in Washington. Out in New Mexico a man applied for membership in the bar. A similar situation occurred in California. One of the men was admittedly a former Communist. The bar did not want him to become a member. Certainly the bar board should have discretion enough to determine whether a man had the character to be admitted. The board turned him down.

In the other case the man refused to answer questions about his Communist connections. Both of those men—one a former Communist, the other tied in with the Communists—were refused licenses to practice law, one in New Mexico and the other in California. But the nine men comprising the Supreme Court ordered those boards to give the applicants their licenses.

Also, in California there were 14 Communists convicted of actually organizing Communist cells. They were preaching the doctrine of communism. They were convicted in the California court. The case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court. What did that Court do? It turned five of them loose and gave the other nine a new trial. It virtually held, in fact, that one can preach communism all he wants to. So long as the organizing does not begin until a future day, it will be all right. In other words, there would have to be action to put it into effect immediately under the holding of the Court.

How are we going to protect this Government? How is the FBI going to protect it? How are the people of California going to protect it when they catch people who are actually organizing Communist cells and who are advocating communism and preaching communism, and then the Supreme Court turns them loose, laying down a dangerous doctrine—and it is a dangerous doctrine to which I just referred.

Then there is the Watkins case, Mr. President, which has hampered investigations by the Congress. The Supreme Court handed down a decision after Watkins had been convicted of contempt and turned him loose. The Court, in effect, held that a member of the counsel or someone who wanted to ask questions would have to explain the questions to the witness. A smart witness would never admit he understood or comprehended what was meant.

In the city of Washington, Mr. President, one of the most dangerous decisions, I think, that has ever been handed down involved the man Mallory, who raped a white woman. He was caught the next day. He was caught about 2 o’clock. Along about 8 or 9 o’clock he was given a lie-detector test, and he confessed the crime and admitted that he raped the white woman. The officers could not get hold of the United States Commissioner that night, and had to wait until the next morning, about 9 o’clock. They held the admitted criminal from about 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, and in the meantime he gave a confession to the police in Washington. He was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. He had confessed his crime. But the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. What did those nine men do with it? They reversed the decision and said the police had held the man too long.

What is going to happen in this Nation if police officers cannot hold criminals from 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, especially when those criminals have confessed to their crimes?

Heretofore in judicial administration there has been no particular time fixed. A person could be held a reasonable time before arraignment. Under this decision the man would have to confess at just about the time he was arrested, because the Supreme Court held that after he is arrested he is under coercion; and because he was held that short time the Supreme Court reversed the case, and the district attorney said there would not be any use to try it again; that the evidence depended on the confession.

As a result of that case, the Chief of Police in Washington said it would be very difficult to apprehend and detect criminals and arrest them hereafter and be able to make the evidence stand up in court. He called it a terrible handicap to law enforcement in such cases.

Mr. President, there are other decisions the Supreme Court has handed down about which I should like to tell the Senate. The Court seems to get its greatest delight out of turning loose Communists.

The record is disgraceful. The FBI, the law-enforcement agencies, police officers chase down Communists and narcotic people—and they are hard to catch. Then the Supreme Court reverses decisions and turns them loose and they walk the streets, as did the confessed rapist who was sentenced on his own confession. It is a disgrace to this Nation.

Mr. President, I still think this compromise bill is unconstitutional, but with the present Supreme Court no one can predict what they will do about it.
{{smaller block|It was John Marshall, who 15 years later would do so much to justify Mason’s apprehensions, who undertook to allay his fears now. The Federal Government, he insisted, certainly would not have the power “to make laws on every subject.” Could Members of the Congress make laws affecting the transfer of property, or contracts, or claims, between citizens of the same State?}}
{{smaller block|“Can they go beyond the delegated powers? If they were to make a law not warranted by any of the powers enumerated, it would be considered by the judges as an infringement of the Constitution which they are to guard. They would not consider such a law as coming under their jurisdiction. They would declare it void.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall saw no danger to the States from decrees of the Supreme Court: “I hope that no gentleman will think that a State will be called at the bar of the Federal court. * * * It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power should be dragged before a court.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison, Monroe, and others joined Marshall in defending the third article. Their debate was long and detailed. Much of it was concerned with questions of pleading and practice. But after several days, they went on to other aspects of the Constitution: The prospect of judicial despotism was recognized by the few, and denied by the many.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|7. THE STATES RATIFY}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, Virginia ratified. It was a close vote. A motion to postpone ratification until amendments, in the nature of a bill of rights, could be considered by “the other States in the American confederacy,” failed by 88 to 80. Then the main question was put, and this was what Virginia agreed to. It merits careful reading:}}
{{smaller block|“We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, * * * having fully and freely investigated and discussed the proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, be resumed by them whensoever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power, not granted thereby, remains with them, and at their will; that, therefore, no right, of any denomination, can be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by the Congress, by the Senate or House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by the President, or any department or officer of the United States, except in those instances in which power is given by the Constitution for those purposes; and that, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by any authority of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|The vote on that main question was 89 to 79, but even that narrow margin of approval was predicated upon a gentlemen’s agreement that the Virginia convention would recommend a number of amendments, in the form of a Bill of Rights, to be presented to the first Congress. And the first of these recommended amendments reads: “That each State in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|By the time Virginia completed ratification, of course her decision no longer carried compelling importance. The Virginia convention had opened on June 2, not quite 2 weeks after South Carolina, on May 23, had become the eighth State to ratify. But while the Virginians were debating the issue, New Hampshire, on June 21, had become No. 9: The new union had been formed, and the Constitution had become binding upon the nine States “ratifying the same.” It has ever been Virginia’s fate to make the right decisions, but to put off making them as long as possible.}}
{{smaller block|In this consideration of State and Federal relationships, there is something to be learned from the other resolutions of ratification. The easy ones came first: Delaware came first, on December 7, 1787, “fully, freely, and entirely” approving and assenting to the Constitution; and then, in quick succession, Pennsylvania on December 12, after a bitter fight; New Jersey on December 18, and Georgia—Georgians had not even read the Constitution—on January 2, 1788. Connecticut followed a week later, with a comfortable vote of 128 to 40.}}
{{smaller block|Then a month’s hiatus set in. Massachusetts did not become No. 6 until February 7, and her approval of this “explicit and solemn compact” was not unqualified:}}
{{smaller block|“It is the opinion of this convention that certain amendments and alterations in the said Constitution would remove the fears and quiet the apprehensions of many of the good people of this commonwealth, and more effectually guard against an undue administration of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|It will come as no surprise that the very first amendment recommended by Massachusetts was “that it be explicitly declared that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States to be by them exercised.”}}
{{smaller block|Two months later, on April 28, Maryland ratified. Then there was another lapse of nearly a month before South Carolina, on May 23, became No. 8; South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.” Then South Carolina added:}}
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
{{smaller block|New Hampshire, in voting its approval on June 21, closely paralleled the action of Massachusetts, but New Hampshire’s declaration as to reserved powers was even more explicit. The people of New Hampshire wanted it understood that all powers not “expressly and particularly delegated” were reserved.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield.

Mr. LANGER. Was the action of the South Carolina convention unanimous? [Laughter.]

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall, from reading the history of that matter, whether it was unanimous or not. The action of the South Carolina convention was not unanimous when it acted on the question of adopting the resolution of ratification for the admission of South Carolina to the Union. South Carolina was the eighth State to be admitted to the Union. New Hampshire was the ninth. New Hampshire’s action resulted in the formation of the Union; ratification by nine States was required in order to form the Union.

After that, Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island ratified the Constitution and became members of the Union.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I am not sure whether the action by the South Carolina convention was unanimous or not.

Mr. LANGER. I know the Senator from South Carolina, who has been a very distinguished governor of his State, is very well informed in regard to such matters.

Mr. THURMOND. As stated in the book, The Sovereign States—
{{smaller block|South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.”}}
Then South Carolina added:
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
I construe that declaration to be part of the resolution of ratification, which was not adopted unanimously.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have been glad, Mr. President, to have the Senator from North Dakota ask these questions.

Mr. President, a few years ago, when I was a young State senator, I made a commencement address in another county, about 40 miles from my home. The commencement was held in a long school building in which the acoustics were very bad. People in the rear could not hear, and looked as if they were going to sleep—and maybe they were. So I raised my voice, and said, “Ladies and gentlemen, I want you to know that I am speaking for the future citizens of South Carolina.” By raising my voice, I woke up the people in the rear of the room; and one fellow rose up, shook his head, and said, “Well, brother, if you speak much longer, they will soon be here, too.” [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I feel so good that I believe I could speak quite a long time. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I felt it my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort to emphasize the dangers of this bill.

I began speaking at 8:50 last night. It is now 5 minutes after 9. I shall conclude my remarks in a very few minutes.

Mr. President, in closing, I desire to remind the Senate that every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote; and the Federal Government has a statute which protects the right to vote. In my opinion, Mr. President, this bill is unconstitutional, for the reasons I have stated during this debate.

This so-called compromise, which came to the Senate from the House of Representatives, permits a Federal judge to decide whether he will try one who is charged with criminal contempt, or whether he will permit him to be tried by a jury. The bill further provides a Federal judge with the discretionary power—if he does not try the person without a jury—to decide what punishment he will impose. If he imposes a fine greater than $300 or imprisonment for more than 45 days, the defendant can then demand a jury trial. That process could result in two trials in the case of a defendant charged with criminal contempt. I believe that would be unconstitutional. Under our system of jurisprudence, a man can never be put in jeopardy more than once for the same offense. Furthermore, if a judge should find such a person guilty, as a result of the first trial, we can realize what effect that would have on the jury which would be used in the second trial.

Mr. President, I should like to remind the Senate of the decision I have cited today, which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That decision says criminal contempt is a crime. The Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The Constitution makes no exceptions.

The pending bill, which has come to the Senate from the House of Representatives, has now been amended in such a way that it could not conform to the Constitution.

Mr. President, in spite of the great amount of debate and discussion which previously have taken place on the subject of House bill 6127, I felt that this bill was of such importance to the citizens of the United States that it was my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort again to emphasize the dangers of the bill. I have spoken several times on it before.

Mr. President, I wish to say that my action was taken entirely on my own volition. I believe that every Senator must follow the dictates of his own conscience, in connection with such matters. I do not believe that the action of any other Senator should be judged according to the action I have taken.

Mr. President, if I have helped to bring home to the American people, the citizens of this Nation, the heartfelt conviction which I hold, namely, that this bill is unwise, unnecessary, and unconstitutional, then I shall have done what I believe to be my duty.

I should like to believe that some have been convinced by my arguments, and that my arguments have been accepted on the basis on which I intended them to be accepted—as arguments against what I am convinced is bad proposed legislation, proposed legislation which never should have been introduced, and which never should be approved by the Senate.

Mr. President, I urge every Member of this body to consider this bill most carefully. I hope the Senate will see fit to kill it.

I expect to vote against the bill. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I wish to extend my sincerest gratitude to the officials of the Senate, to those who have come in to listen to this debate, to the various Senators who have listened to this debate from time to time; to the clerks and the attachés, and to all who did everything they could to make me as comfortable as possible during the 24 hours and 22 minutes I have spoken.

Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for these courtesies, and again I want to thank the Presiding Officer and the others for their courtesies extended to me, and with this I now give up the floor, and suggest the absence of a quorum.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.

The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the rollcall be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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      <text bytes="868929" xml:space="preserve">{{header
|title=Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957
|author=Strom Thurmond
|section=
|previous=
|next=
|year=1957
|notes=Strom Thurmond’s filibuster against certain provisions of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1957, at 24 hours, 18 minutes in length, was the longest ever given in the U. S. Senate. It is recorded in the ''[[Congressional Record]]'', vol. 103, part 12, pp. 16263–16456.
}}

&lt;div class=prose style=&quot;text-indent:1em&quot;&gt;
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, earlier this morning we had scheduled speakers for the day, and attempted to estimate the number of speakers. In connection with the next speaker, we had estimated that we would reach him about 9 o’clock. We are running a little ahead of schedule. Therefore, there are no speakers available at this time. We do not desire to have a vote on the bill until every Senator has had an opportunity to express himself, and we do not wish to take advantage of any Senator, or inconvenience any Senator more than is necessary.

Therefore I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 8:45 p. m. At 8:45 p. m. we will reconvene and I shall suggest the absence of a quorum. I assume that by 9 o’clock the speaker will be ready to proceed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Texas?

There being no objection, the Senate (at 7 o’clock and 38 minutes p. m.) took a recess until 8:45 p. m.
{{c|{{sm|AFTER RECESS}}}}
On the expiration of the recess, the Senate reassembled, when called to order by the Vice President.

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secretary will call the roll.

The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. McNAMARA. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Without objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise to speak against the so-called voting-right bill H. R. 6127, which bill was passed by the House of Representatives. It came to the Senate without being referred to a committee and was placed on the Senate Calendar, which is something unusual and out of ordinary procedure. The bill was then amended by the Senate and returned to the House, after which time the House amended it again by adopting what was called a compromise. The compromise as well as the bill is entirely unreasonable, and I hope that the Senate will not pass the bill.

There are mainly three reasons why I feel the bill should not be passed. The first is that it is unnecessary.
{{c|{{sm|STATE LEGISLATION PROTECTING THE VOTING RIGHTS OF CITIZENS}}}}
Every State has enacted some legislation making it unlawful to intimidate a voter or to hinder him in the exercising of his voting rights. Penalties have been provided for such violations.

I now expect to take up the voting laws in each of the 48 States and show that each of the States affords adequate protection to the voting right. The first is Alabama.

Alabama: Unless otherwise designated, references are to the code, 1940, title 17:
{{smaller block|Intimidating or hindering voter: It Is a corrupt practice for any person on election day to intimidate an elector or an election officer, or to obstruct, hinder, or prevent or to attempt to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of the voters awaiting their turn to enter the election booths (sec. 285).}}
{{smaller block|It is a corrupt practice for any person directly or indirectly to hire a person to take a place in line or to otherwise obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of the line of voters awaiting their turn to enter the polling place (sec. 286).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any person who does any act declared to be a corrupt practice under the election laws of the State shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, must be fined not more than $500, and may also be imprisoned in the county jail or sentenced to hard labor for the county for not more than 6 months at the discretion of the court (sec. 332).}}
{{smaller block|Attempt to influence voter: Any person who by corrupt means attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or deter him from giving the same, or to disturb, or to hinder him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, at any election, must, on conviction, be fined not less than $50 nor more than $500 (sec. 304).}}
{{smaller block|Disturbing elector on election day: Any person who, on election day, disturbs or prevents or attempts to prevent any elector from freely casting his ballot, must, on conviction be fined not less than $500 nor more than $1,000, and also be sentenced to hard labor for the county, or be imprisoned in the county jail for not less than 6 months nor more than 1 year (sec. 306).}}
{{smaller block|Employer intimidating employee: Any employer or officer of an employer corporation, who attempts by coercion, intimidation, or threats, to discharge or lessen wages, to influence the vote of an employee, or who demands an inspection of employee’s ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not less than $500 (secs. 317, 318).}}
Arizona: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, Annotated, 1956, title 16:
{{smaller block|Coercion or intimidation of elector: It is unlawful for a person, directly or indirectly, to use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or in any other manner, to intimidate a person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure, or to commit such acts on account of a person’s having voted or refrained from voting at an election.}}
{{smaller block|It is unlawful for a person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent device, to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or to compel him to either vote or refrain from voting at an election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure. Violation of this provision by a person, whether acting in his individual capacity or as an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (secs. 16–1303, 16–1305).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of elector by employer: It is unlawful for an employer to place written or printed material in pay envelopes or, within 90 days prior to an election, to put up notices or placards, etc., in the place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision by an employer, whether an individual or an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (sec. 16–1304).}}
{{smaller block|Changing vote of elector by corrupt means: It is unlawful for a person, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, either directly or indirectly, to attempt to influence an elector in casting his vote, or to deter him from casting his vote, or to attempt to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, or to defraud an elector by deceiving him and causing him to vote for a different person or measure than he intended. A person violating this provision is guilty of a felony (sec. 16–1307).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: The penal provisions involving crimes against the elective franchise apply to general, primary, and special elections (sec. 16–1311).}}
Arkansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes 1947, Annotated, 1956 replacement:
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to threaten or attempt to intimidate any elector or his family, his business, or his profession, and it shall also be unlawful to attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting at any primary election. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (sec. 3–1414).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: No person shall coerce, intimidate, or unduly influence any elector to vote for or against the nominee of any political party or for or against any question or candidate, by threat of personal violence or of ejectment from rented premises, of foreclosure of mortgage, of discharge from employment, of any action at law or equity or of expulsion from membership in any church or society. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 3 years (sec. 3–1415).}}
California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:
{{smaller block|Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation to compel a person to vote or refrain from voting at any election (sec. 1158).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter; or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).}}
{{smaller block|Election officers: Any election officer who induces or attempts to induce any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony (sec. 11583).}}
{{smaller block|Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or actions of employees, or who within 90 days before an election exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (sees. 11584, 11585).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).}}
{{smaller block|Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).}}
Colorado: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1953, chapter 49:
{{smaller block|Intimidation unlawful: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict or threaten to inflict any injury, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation, to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, for any particular person or measure at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means to impede or prevent or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise of any voter. It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether corporation, firm, or person, to enclose material in the pay envelopes, containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees, or within 90 days before an election, to display placards in the place of employment, containing such threats (sec. 49–21–5).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any person convicted of violating the above provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine of not over $1,000 or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both (secs. 49–21–5, 49–21–9).}}
{{smaller block|Discharge or promotion illegal: It shall be unlawful for any corporation, or any of its officers, to influence, or attempt to influence, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or by discharging from employment, or promoting in employment, or by other intimidation, any employee to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor and shall be punishable as outlined in the “Penalty” provision, above. In addition, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 49–21–6).}}
Connecticut: Unless otherwise designated, references are to 1955 Supplement to the General Statutes:
{{smaller block|Interference with electors in voting: Any person who does any act which invades or interferes with the secrecy of the voting, or causes the same to be invaded or interfered with, shall be imprisoned for not more than 5 years (sec. 843d).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Any person who influences or attempts to influence the vote or speech of any person in a primary caucus, or convention, by force or threat, shall be fined not less than $25, nor more than $100, or imprisoned not less than 7 days nor more than 3 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 821d).}}
{{smaller block|Employers’ threats: Any person who, within 60 days before an election, attempts to influence any employee in his vote, by threats of withholding employment, or who dismisses an employee because of the way he voted at an election, shall be fined from $100 to $500 or be imprisoned for from 6 to 12 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 842d).}}
Delaware: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code, Annotated, 1953, title 15:
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: An election officer, who, in any way, attempts to intimidate or coerce any voter in the marking of his ballot, or in the choice of the candidates for whom he votes, or who willfully discloses the manner in which any person has voted, shall be guilty of willful and malicious perjury (as violating his oath of office) and in addition to the penalties for perjury, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be imprisoned for not more than 2 years (sec. 5125).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: If any person or corporation hinders, controls, coerces, or intimidates any employee in the exercise of his right to vote at any general, special, or municipal election by threats of depriving him of employment, every elector, so aggrieved, may bring a civil action and recover $500 from such employer (secs. 5162, 5163).}}
{{smaller block|Civil remedy: Any qualified elector who is prevented from voting at any election because of intimidation or threats, or because of the requirement of unconstitutional qualifications, may bring a civil action against the person who promoted such interference, and the court or jury may give exemplary damages (sec. 5304).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Whoever, at any primary election, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, by force, threat, or intimidation, or prevents or hinders or attempts to prevent or hinder any qualified voter from exercising the rights of suffrage, shall for each offense, be fined not more than $200 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or shall both be fined and imprisoned (sec. 3168 (a)).}}
Florida: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1955 Supplement:
{{smaller block|Corruptly influencing voting: Whoever, by bribery, menace, threat, or other corruption whatsoever, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence or deceive an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or disturbs or interferes with him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage at any election, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor upon the first conviction and of a felony upon the second conviction (sec. 104.061).}}
{{smaller block|Felony penalty: The penalty for every felony under the election laws, not otherwise specifically provided, shall be imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 1 year or a fine of not more than $5,000, or both (sec. 104.40).}}
{{smaller block|Threats of employers: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee for voting or not voting in any State, county, or municipal election for any candidate or measure. Any person violating this provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. If a firm or corporation violates this provision, each officer or agent who participated in the violation shall be punished for a misdemeanor, and the firm or corporation, shall, in addition, be fined not more than $1,000 (sec. 104.081).}}
Georgia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1936:
{{smaller block|Improper voting; disorderly conduct: No person outside a voting room or voting booth shall, in any manner, either by words or gestures, attempt to influence or interfere with any voter who is in said room or booth preparing his ballot; nor shall any person enter any booth while a voter is in there; nor shall any person commit any act of disorder, or be guilty of any disorderly conduct in or near the voting rooms or booths (sec. 34–1909).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be a misdemeanor (sec. 34–9918).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: All penal laws relating to illegal practices in general elections are extended to all primary elections held for State, county, or municipal offices (1955 Supp., sec. 34–9933).}}
Idaho: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1948:
{{smaller block|Intimidation, corruption, and frauds: Every person, who, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote or to deter him from giving same, or to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or defrauds an elector at an election by deceiving him and causing him to vote differently than he intended, or who, being an officer of any election, induces, or attempts to induce, any elector, by menace or reward, to vote differently than he desired, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 18–2305), punishable by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than 6 months, or by a fine of not over $300, or by both (sec. 18–113).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with election: Any person who willfully disturbs any election place, or is guilty of riotous conduct near such place, with intent to disturb same, or interferes with the access of electors to the polling place, or interferes in any manner with the free exercise of the election franchise of any of the voters there assembled, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable as stated above (sec. 18–2313).}}
{{smaller block|Attempt to influence vote: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of any elector by means of a promise of a favor, or by means of violence or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a suit or criminal process, or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him, or by any other means (sec. 18–2319). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison not exceeding 5 years, or by both (sec. 18–2315).}}
Illinois: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Smith–Hurd Annotated Statutes, 1944, chapter 46:
{{smaller block|Offenses involving polling places: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court, for each offense. It shall be the duty of judges of election to enforce this provision (sec. 29–14).}}
{{smaller block|Miscellaneous offenses: Any person, who, at a primary or any election, shall (1) by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or otherwise unlawfully, directly or indirectly, induce or attempt to induce any voter or any person to exercise the right of franchise, or to vote for or against any person or measure, or (2) intentionally practice any fraud on any elector regarding his ballot, or (3) otherwise defraud him of his vote, or (4) by unlawful means prevent or attempt to prevent any voter from attending or voting at an election or primary, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or imprisoned in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 29–16).}}
Indiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Burma Statutes Annotated, 1949, replacement:
{{smaller block|Using violence, threats, or restraint: Whoever, for the purpose of influencing a voter, by violence or threats, seeks to enforce the payment of a debt, or ejects or threatens to eject a person from any house he may occupy, or begins a criminal prosecution, or injures the business or trade of a person, or threatens to withhold the wages of or to dismiss from service, any laborer in his employ, or refuses to allow such employee time to vote, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5941).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by election board officer: Any member of a precinct election board, who attempts, by persuasion, menace, or reward to induce any elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5935).}}
{{smaller block|Defrauding voter: Whoever fraudulently causes or attempts to cause any voter, at any election, to vote for a different person than he intended, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5938).}}
{{smaller block|Bribery or threat by candidate: Whoever gives or offers a bribe or makes a threat to procure his election to any office, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5907).}}
{{smaller block|Threats by employer: Every employer who places written or printed material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election or primary, exhibits placards, etc., in his place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of such employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5711).}}
{{smaller block|Felonies, penalty: A person, convicted of a felony under the election laws, shall be imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years in either the State prison or the reformatory, as may be required by law, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period, to which may be added a fine of from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 29–5964).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanors, penalty: Any person convicted of a misdemeanor under the election laws may either be fined from $1 to $500, or be imprisoned in either the county jail or the State farm for from 30 days to 1 year, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period not to exceed 5 years (sec. 29–5965).}}
Iowa: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Prohibited acts: Interrupting, hindering, or opposing any voter while in or approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting, or interfering, or attempting to interfere, with a voter, when inside the closed space, or when marking his ballot, are prohibited on any election day (sec. 49.107).}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $5 to $100, or by imprisonment for from 10 to 30 days in the county jail, or by both (sec. 49.108).}}
{{smaller block|Duress to prevent voting: If any person unlawfully, and by force, or threats of force, prevents, or attempts to prevent, an elector from giving his vote at any public election, he shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, and fined not more than $200 (sec. 738.13).}}
{{smaller block|Procuring vote by duress: If any person, by means of violence, threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing the payment of debts, or bringing a civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to procure the vote of any elector, at any election, or the influence of any person over other electors, either for himself or for or against any candidate, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 738.15).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: Any employer who shall refuse to allow an employee 2 hours to vote at a general election or who shall reduce his wages for such privilege, or who shall attempt to influence an employee’s vote by reward or by threats of discharge, or shall otherwise attempt to intimidate an employee from exercising his right to vote, shall be fined not less than $5 nor more than $100 (sec. 49.110).}}
Kansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Unlawful attempt to deter voting: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or hinders him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, at any election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 21–815).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Any person who shall willfully hinder the voting of others shall be punished by a fine of from $10 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days or by both (sec. 25–1717).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters at polls: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $25 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days, or by both such fine and imprisonment, for each offense (sec. 25–1719).}}
Kentucky: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Kentucky Revised Statutes, 1953:
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who unlawfully prevents or attempts to prevent any voter from casting his ballot, or intimidates, or attempts to intimidate, a voter to prevent him from casting his ballot, shall be confined in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years for each offense (sec. 124.140).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall coerce an employee to vote for any political party or candidate for nomination or election to any office in the State, or threaten to discharge an employee for exercising his right of suffrage or for voting for any candidate, nor shall an employer circulate statements that employees are expected to vote for any candidate, party, or measure (sec. 123.110 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who violates this provision shall be fined from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 123.990 (13)).}}
Louisiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, West’s, 1951:
{{smaller block|Primary: No person shall intimidate any voter at a primary election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 and imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years (sec. 18.369 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: No person shall willfully and without lawful authority obstruct, hinder, or delay any voter on his way to a polling place to vote in an election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.587, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Prior to or during an election, no person shall willfully hinder the voting of others. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.736, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Public intimidation: The use of violence, force, or threats upon a voter in a general, primary, or special election to influence his conduct, is deemed public intimidation, and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment with or without hard labor for not more than 5 years, or both (sec. 14.122 (4)).}}
Maine: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1954, chapter 5:
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall interfere or attempt to interfere with any voter while inside the voting enclosure or while marking his ballot shall be fined from $5 to $100. Election officers shall report any such person to a police officer or constable, whose duty it shall be to see that the offender is duly brought before the proper court (sec. 107).}}
{{smaller block|Corruption at elections: Whoever, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to induce him to withhold his vote, or hinders or disturbs him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned for not more than 11 months, and shall be ineligible to office for 10 years (sec. 109).}}
Maryland: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Annotated Code of Maryland, Flack, 1951, article 33.
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: If, at any general, special or primary election, any person shall by force, threat, menace, intimidation, or bribery, either directly or indirectly influence or attempt to influence any voter in giving his vote, or hinder, or attempt to hinder, a voter from freely voting or induce him to vote, such person shall be imprisoned in jail or in the penitentiary for from 6 months to 5 years (sec. 179).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether an individual or a corporation, who shall deny an employee time off for voting at a general, special, or primary election, or shall directly or indirectly hinder him from exercising his right to vote freely or shall attempt to influence his vote by threats concerning his employment, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable, for each offense, by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in jail for not over 6 months, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 180).}}
Massachusetts: Unless otherwise specified, references are to Annotated Laws, Michie, 1953 edition.
{{smaller block|Corrupt practice by candidate: A candidate is deemed to have committed a corrupt practice if he fraudulently and willfully obstructs and delays a voter in a general election, primary or caucus (ch. 55, secs. 27, 29).}}
{{smaller block|If five or more persons have reason to believe that a corrupt practice has been committed by any successful candidate, other than a candidate for the United States Congress or the general court, such voters may apply to a justice of the superior court sitting in equity in Suffolk County, for leave to bring an election petition declaring the election of such candidate void (ch. 55, sec. 28).}}
{{smaller block|A candidate found guilty, upon an election petition, of such corrupt practice, who forfeits his office, or who is convicted in a criminal proceeding of violating a law relating to corrupt practices in elections, shall be disqualified to hold office, and to vote, for 3 years (ch. 55, sec. 37).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Whoever willfully and without lawful authority hinders, delays, or interferes with a voter while on his way to a primary, caucus, or election, or while within the guardrail, or while marking his ballot, or while voting, or attempting to vote, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 29).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voting: Whoever willfully obstructs the voting at a primary, caucus, or election shall be fined not more than $100 (ch. 56, sec. 30).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall, by threats to discharge or to reduce wages, or promises of rewards, attempt to influence his employee to either give or withhold a vote, nor shall he discharge an employee, or reduce his wages, because he gave or withheld a vote. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment for not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 33).}}
Michigan: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1956 Revision, title 6.
{{smaller block|Violation deemed felony: Any person who shall, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempt to influence any elector in giving his vote or to deter him from or interrupt him in giving same at any general or primary election, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 6.1932 (a)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1935).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose written or printed matter in the pay envelopes, or within 90 days before a primary or general election, to exhibit a placard, etc., in establishment where his workers will see it, containing express or implied threats concerning employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 6 .1912). Violation of this provision is deemed a misdemeanor (sec. 6.1931 (d)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 90 days, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1934).}}
Minnesota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1946.
{{smaller block|Coercing voters: Any person who, within or without any polling place, directly or indirectly uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or causes, or threatens to cause, damage, harm, or loss to any person, with intent to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, or to vote in a particular way at any election, or who, by abduction, duress, or other fraudulent device, impedes the free exercise of the right of franchise at any election, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 210.05).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence by candidate: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, loss, or harm, upon any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, in any particular way; nor shall anyone, by abduction, duress, or fraudulent means, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any voter at a primary or election, or to induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at a primary or election (sec. 211.12). Violation of this provision is deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30).}}
{{smaller block|Refusing employee election privilege: Any person who, as principal or as agent for another, shall directly or indirectly refuse, abridge, or interfere with the election privileges of an employee, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 210.11).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer, or his agent, shall make any verbal or written, express or implied threats against his employees, involving their employment, with the intention of influencing their political opinion or action (sec. 211.24). Violation of this provision by any person as an individual shall be deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30). Violation by an officer or agent of a corporation shall be punished by a fine of from $100 to $5,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years or by both (sec. 211.28). Violation by an officer shall be deemed ''prima facie'' evidence of violation by the corporation. It is made the duty of the county attorney to conduct prosecutions under this chapter (211) on proper complaint.}}
Mississippi: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1942.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Whoever shall procure, or endeavor to procure, the vote of any elector, or the influence of any person over electors, at any election, by violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing a debt, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or of inflicting any injury, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or shall be fined not more than $1,000, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 2032).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Any person who shall by illegal force, or threats of force, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any elector from giving his vote, shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for not more than 2 years, or in a county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not over $500, or by both fine and imprisonment (sec. 2106).}}
{{smaller block|Coercing employees in primary: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to directly or indirectly coerce his employees to vote for any particular person or party in a primary election, by express or implied threats involving their employment (sec. 3172). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or both, and if violation is by a candidate, he shall forfeit his nomination (sec. 3193 (a)).}}
Missouri: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Annotated Statutes, 1952.
{{smaller block|Violence to influence voter: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, or loss upon or against any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any elector, or shall thereby induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 129.050).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, attempts to influence any qualified voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or to disturb or hinder him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, he shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.430).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter, when inside the guardrail, or when marking his ballot, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.880).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every person, whether an individual employer or an officer or agent of a firm or corporation, who shall directly or indirectly discharge, or attempt to discharge, any employee for his political opinions, or who shall coerce, or threaten to coerce, intimidate, or bribe any employee in an attempt to influence him to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate or measure at any election, shall be deemed guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 2 to 5 years (sec. 129.080).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision by a corporation shall be held as a forfeiture of its charter or franchise, which may be so adjudged in a suit brought by the county or circuit prosecuting attorney or by the attorney general (sec. 129.070).}}
{{smaller block|Denial of time to vote: Any person or corporation who shall deny an employee a certain time for voting without a penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (1956 Supp., sec. 129.060).}}
Montana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Codes, 1947.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Every person who, directly or indirectly, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb any elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of not over 1 year, or both (sec. 94–1411).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meetings of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in a public meeting for the consideration of public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 94–1419).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether individual or corporation, to enclose printed or written material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election, to display placards, etc., in his working establishment, containing express or implied threats or promises regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or actions of his employees. Violation of this provision by an individual is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $25 to $500, and imprisonment for not over 6 months in the county jail. Violation by a corporation is punishable by a fine of not over $5,000, or forfeiture of its charter, or both (sec. 94–1424).}}
Nebraska: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1943, reissue of 1952.
{{smaller block|Registration: If at any registration of voters, any person, by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or other unlawful means, shall prevent, hinder, or delay any qualified person from being registered, he shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 32–1224 (7)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voters: It shall be unlawful for any person to willfully or wrongly obstruct or prevent persons from voting who have the right to do so, at any election. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor, punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 to 6 months. This shall apply to all elections and caucuses (sec. 32–1237 (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to coerce, or attempt to coerce, an employee in his voting at any caucus, convention, or election, by threats concerning his employment. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $100, or imprisonment in the county jail for not over 30 days (sec. 32–1223).}}
Nevada.
{{smaller block|Coercion of voters: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or other means, or who shall inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm, or publish, or threaten to publish, any fact concerning a person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, or by threats to discharge an employee, impede or prevent a voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, shall be guilty of undue influence and shall be punished as for a gross misdemeanor (Laws, 1951, ch. 242, p. 360).}}
{{smaller block|Time off to vote: Any employer who shall deny an employee certain time for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (Laws, 1955, ch. 203, p. 301).}}
New Hampshire: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: If any person shall, directly or indirectly, by threats, intimidation, or bribery, induce, or attempt to induce, any voter to stay away from, or to avoid voting at, or to vote for or against any candidate in any town meeting, primary, or election, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned for not more than 3 months (sec. 69: 11).}}
New Jersey: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1940, title 19.
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: A person who shall, on election day, obstruct or interfere with any voter, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment for not more than 1 year, or both (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–6).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular person, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–28).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Whoever shall, at any election, in any way, willfully hinder or prevent a voter from casting his legal vote, knowing such person to have a right to vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of $500, or imprisonment in the State prison for 3 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–20).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall, by abduction, duress, force, or fraud, impede, prevent, or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 19: 34–29, 19: 34–31). An employer who shall so act toward an employee shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by fine of not over $2,000, or imprisonment for not over 5 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–27), and any corporation so acting, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 19: 34–31).}}
{{smaller block|Expenditures prohibited: No person shall contribute money toward the hiring of a person to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of voters awaiting their turn to enter a polling place to vote (sec. 19: 34–38d).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert written or printed material into the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days before an election, shall exhibit placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relative to their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 19: 34–30).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is punishable as for Interfering with voter, above.}}
New Mexico: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1953, Annotated.
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Any person who shall willfully coerce, browbeat, intimidate, or threaten any voter within a polling place, or shall attempt to do so, in order to influence the voter in marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $200, imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–8–29).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, damage, or loss on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of his right of suffrage by any elector, shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years, or by both (sec. 3–8–17).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who shall, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee, on account of his political opinion, or who shall, by corrupt means, attempt to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate or measure, shall be fined from $100 to $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–18–15).}}
New York: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Penal Law (McKinney’s), 1949.
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Any person who willfully and unlawfully hinders or delays, or aids in obstructing or delaying, an elector on his way to register or vote, or while he is attempting to register or vote in a general or special election, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 764 (3)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of elector in military service: Any person, who, directly or indirectly, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to control an elector in the military service of the United States in the exercise of his election rights, or who annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he exercises those rights, is guilty of a misdemeanor for which he may be tried in the future when in the State, and upon conviction of which he shall thereafter be ineligible to any office in the State (sec. 771).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. Violation of this provision shall be punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not over 1 year, or both (sec. 772–a (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation of voters: Any person or corporation who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or threatens to inflict any injury, damage, or loss on, or otherwise intimidates, any person, in order to induce him to vote, or to refrain from voting, at any election, for or against any person or measure, or to refrain from registering to vote, or for having registered and voted, or for having refrained from registering and voting, or who, by abduction, duress, or fraud, interferes with his free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor and, if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (1), (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer who inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter, or, within 90 days before a general election displays placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, is guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (3)).}}
North Carolina: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes, 1952 Recompilation.
{{smaller block|Interference with voters: Any person who shall interfere with, or attempt to interfere with, any voter when inside enclosed polling space or when marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–176).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, in connection with any primary or election, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, from employment, or otherwise intimidate or oppress any qualified voter on account of any vote such voter may cast, or intend to cast or not to cast, or which he may have failed to cast, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–196 (6)).}}
North Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code of 1943.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Every person who, by force, threat, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote at any election, or to deter him from giving his vote, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or to induce him to vote differently than he intended to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year, and shall forever be disfranchised and ineligible to any office of trust or profit within the State (sec. 12–1106).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector: Every person who willfully, and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1111).}}
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence: Every person, who, willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, and violence, threats of violence, intimidation, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing payment of debts, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to prevent an elector from freely giving his vote at any election, or hinders him from voting, or attempts to influence his vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1121).}}
Ohio: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, Page’s, 1951.
{{smaller block|Congregating at the polls: Nobody shall congregate in or about a voting place during the voting, so as to hinder an elector in registering or casting his ballot, after having been ordered by the election officer to disperse. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $20 to $300, or imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3599.30).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: No person shall before, during or after any primary, convention, or election, attempt by intimidation, coercion, ​or other unlawful means to induce a delegate or an elector to register or to vote, or to refrain from registering or from voting for a particular person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is deemed bribery and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of from 1 to 3 years, or both, and if offender is a candidate for office or has been elected to office, he shall forfeit such nomination or office (1956 supp., sec. 3599.01 (B)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert in pay envelopes or shall post on placards, etc., any express or implied threats concerning their employment, with intent to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a corrupt practice, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000 (sec. 3599.05).}}
{{smaller block|Second offense: Any person who is again convicted of a violation of the election laws, whether for the same offense or not, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000, or imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years, or both, and in addition shall be disfranchised (1956 Supp., sec. 3599.39).}}
Oklahoma: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Ann., 1937, title 21.
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector on way to polls: Every person who willfully and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on the way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 186).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meeting: Every person, who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in, or prevents an elector from attending public meeting to consider public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 212, 213).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Every person who willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, violence, threats, or intimidation, prevents or, attempts to prevent, an elector from freely giving his vote at an election or attempts to hinder him from voting or to cause him to vote for any person or candidate, shall be fined from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 214).}}
{{smaller block|Illegally influencing vote: Every person who procures, or attempts to procure, the vote of any elector, either for himself, or for or against any candidate, by means of violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, of enforcing payment of debts, of bringing civil or criminal action, or any other threats of injury, shall be fined not more than $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for not over 6 months (sec. 215).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidations: If any person in any manner intimidates or attempts to intimidate or deter anyone from voting at a general or primary election, he shall be fined not less than $10, or be imprisoned for not more than 3 months (title 26, sec. 479).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who denies employees certain time for voting in an election, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 for each elector so denied, and every agent of employer who violates this provision, shall in addition to the fine, be imprisoned in the county jail for from 2 to 6 months (title 26, sec. 438).}}
{{smaller block|Employer corporation: Any corporation which attempts to influence the votes of its employees or of other persons by threat, intimidation, bribe, or other corrupt means, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $5,000, and the person acting as its agent, who so acts, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for from 60 to 120 days (title 26, sec. 440).}}
Oregon: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1955.
{{smaller block|Undue influence: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or inflict, or threaten to inflict, harm or damage on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure. No minister, priest, or officer of a church, shall otherwise than by public speech or print persuade any voter to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, or measure. No person shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent any voter in the free exercise of the franchise in any election.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be punished as for a corrupt practice (sec. 260.300), by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not more than $5,000 or both (sec. 260.510).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: No person shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter when inside the enclosed space or when marking his ballot (sec. 260.640 (4)). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $200 (sec. 260.640 (6)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voter: No person shall, by menace, threat, or violence, whether armed or unarmed, intimidate or prevent any person from voting, or attempt to do so. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year (sec. 260.720).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person or corporation shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, harm, or loss, on any of his employees, to compel them to register or to vote, or refrain from registering or from voting, at any election, or for or against any person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|No person or corporation shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, attempt to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|No such employer shall insert in the pay envelopes any written or printed matter, or within 90 days before a general election display placards, etc., which shall contain express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 260.730), punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and if a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter in addition (sec. 260.740).}}
Pennsylvania: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Purdon’s Statutes Annotated, 1938, title 25.
{{smaller block|Interference with primaries and election: If any person shall block up the avenue to the door of any polling place, or shall attempt to do so, or shall use intimidation, threats, force, or violence, to unduly influence or overawe any elector, or to prevent him from voting or to restrain his freedom of choice at a primary or election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of from 6 months to 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3527).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation: Any person or corporation who directly or indirectly (a) uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, injury, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to register or vote or refrain from registering or from voting at any election, or for or against any person or measure, or for having so registered, voted, or refrained, or (b) by abduction, fraud, or duress impedes or hinders any voter from freely exercising his right of suffrage, or (c) being an employer, inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter or within 90 days before an election or primary exhibits placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of the offending officers or agents for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3547).}}
Rhode Island: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Laws of 1938, chapter 325.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use any threat, or employ any means of intimidation, for the purpose of influencing an elector to vote, or withhold his vote, at any election, for or against any candidate or measure, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years or by both in the discretion of the court, and shall be disfranchised (sec. 5).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person, being an employer, who, within 90 days before a general election, inserts written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or exhibits placards in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court, and shall thereafter be disfranchised and ineligible for public office. If employer is a corporation, it shall forfeit its charter (sec. 5).}}
South Carolina: South Carolina constitution election provisions:
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9:}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9: SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10: ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5: APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8: REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15: RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–73. Appeal from denial of registration''}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–74. Proceedings in court of common pleas''}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–75. Further appeal to supreme court''}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–100. Right to vote''}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats''}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct''}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally''}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
South Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1939.
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence of voters: Every person who, directly or indirectly, willfully, by force or violence, or unlawful arrest, or abduction, duress, damage, harm, or loss, or by fraud, or by threats to use any such means, or by threats to bring civil or criminal action, or to withdraw trade or to enforce payment of debts, or to inflict any injury on the voter or other person, attempts to intimidate a voter into voting, or refraining from voting, for any candidate or measure, or who does any of these things because a voter has already voted or refrained from voting for any candidate or measure, or who willfully and without lawful authority obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0913).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing public meeting of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful force or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meeting for considering public questions, or who so hinders or prevents any elector from attending any such meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0915).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: Any person who shall in any way obstruct the voting of any elector at a primary election, or intimidate any elector from attending a primary or voting thereat shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9907).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person who shall deny an employee certain time for voting at a general election without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9922). This shall only apply in the case of an employee who does not have a period of 2 consecutive hours during the time the polls are open when he is not required to be at work (Laws, 1955, ch. 57, p. 157).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall insert written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or shall within 90 days prior to an election exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 13.0914).}}
Tennessee: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It is a misdemeanor for any person, directly or indirectly, by force or threats, to prevent or attempt to prevent an elector from voting at a primary or general election or to inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm or other means of intimidation upon any person in order to compel him to vote or refrain from voting for any person or measure or because he has already so voted or refrained from voting (sec. 2–2211).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer to coerce or direct any employee or to threaten to discharge him, in order to induce him to vote or refrain from ​​voting for any candidate at a primary or general election or for any measure. It shall be unlawful to discharge an employee for his having voted, or refrained from voting, or for his having voted for or against any candidate or measure. Violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisonment in the county jail or workhouse for not more than 6 months, or both, and in addition thereto, if employer is a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 2–2236).}}
{{smaller block|It is a misdemeanor for an employer, within 90 days of an election or primary, to display placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 2–2237).}}
Texas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Penal Code, Annotated 1951.
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: Any election officer who shall, by violence or threats of violence, attempt to influence the vote of an elector for or against any particular candidate, shall be fined not over $1,000 (art. 220).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: Whoever shall by force or intimidation, obstruct or influence, or attempt to obstruct or influence, any voter in his free exercise of the elective franchise, shall be fined from $100 to $500, and in addition thereto, may be imprisoned in jail for not more than 1 month (art. 256, 255).}}
{{smaller block|Election for constitutional amendments: Any election officer or any other person within 100 feet of the voting box on election day, who shall intimidate or attempt to intimidate any qualified voter from voting on any question submitted to the people for amending the constitution of the State, or who shall attempt to influence his vote, shall be fined from $50 to $500 (art. 272).}}
{{smaller block|Person in service of United States: Any person in the civil or military service of the United States in Texas, who by threats, bribery, menace, or other corrupt means, controls, or attempts to control, the vote of an elector, or annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he has exercised his right of elective franchise, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be arrested and tried at any future time when he may be found in Texas (art. 258).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Whoever shall deny an employee the privilege of attending the polls without penalty or deduction of wages, shall be fined not more than $500 (art. 209).}}
Utah: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1953.

The following provisions apply to general, special, and primary elections (sec. 20–13–20):
{{smaller block|Disturbance: Any person who so interferes with the voters at any election as to prevent such election from being fairly held, is guilty of a felony (sec. 20–13–3), punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years or by both (sec. 20–13–4).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any person or measure at any election, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, fraud, or duress, to impede, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter. Violation of these provisions is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose in pay envelopes of employees, written or printed matter, or within 90 days of any election, to exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful for any corporation or its agent to influence or attempt to influence any employee, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury or damage, or by discharging from employment or promoting in employment, or by any other form of intimidation, to vote, or not to vote, at any election, or for any person or measure. Violation of this chapter is a misdemeanor, in addition to punishment for which, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 20–13–7).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who shall refuse to allow an employee certain time off for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. This shall not apply to employees who are paid by the hour (sec. 20–13–18).}}
Vermont: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Revision of 1947.
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: A person who interferes with a voter when inside the guardrail, shall be fined $50. The election officers shall see that the offender is duly prosecuted (sec. 379).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence: A person who attempts by bribery, threats, or any undue influence to dictate, or control, or alter the vote of a freeman about to be given at a general election shall be fined not more than $200 (sec. 388).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voting: A person who willfully hinders the voting of others during an election, shall be fined $50 (art. 390).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: The above provisions under “undue influence” and “hindering voting” shall also apply to primary elections (sec. 391).}}
Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1950.
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: If it shall appear at an election that the voters are being intimidated or coerced from any source in the exercise of their suffrage by bystanders about the polling place, or that voters are being hindered or tampered with in any way so as to prevent their casting a secret ballot, the judges of election may order the person engaged in so intimidating, coercing, or hindering the voters, to cease such action, and if he does not forthwith desist, the judges or a majority of them may order the arrest of such person by anyone authorized to make arrests, and may confine him in the county or city jail for not over 24 hours, and such person, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished as for a misdemeanor (sec. 24–190).}}
{{smaller block|Voting offenses: If any person, by threat or bribery, attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or attempts to deter him from giving his vote, he shall be confined in jail for not more than 1 year and fined not over $1,000 (sec. 24–450).}}
{{smaller block|Registration: Any registration officer who willfully or maliciously rejects from registering any person, contrary to law, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 24–453).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanor: A misdemeanor, under the election laws, unless otherwise specified, is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 12 months, or both (sec. 24–455).}}
Washington: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, 1951, title 29.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Any person who uses menace, force, threat, or corrupt means, at or prior to any election, toward any elector, to hinder or deter him from voting at such election, or authorizes another to do so, shall be guilty of a felony. Any election officer who, by menace, persuasion, or reward, attempts to induce an elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 29.85.060).}}
{{smaller block|Influencing voter: Any person who directly or indirectly, by menace or other corrupt means, attempts to influence a person in giving or refusing to give his vote in any election, or deters, disturbs, hinders, persuades, threatens, or intimidates any person from giving his vote therein, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $250 or by imprisonment for 6 months or both (sec. 29.85.070).}}
{{smaller block|Recall: Every person shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor, who by any corrupt means or by threats or intimidation, interferes with or attempts to interfere with the right of any legal voter to sign, or not to sign, any recall petition, or to vote for or against any recall (1953 Supp., sec. 29.82.220 (5)).}}
West Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1955, Annotated (Michie).
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall, by any manner of force, fraud, menace, or intimidation, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any voter from attending any election or from freely exercising his right of suffrage thereat, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or by confinement in the county jail for not over 1 year, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 164).}}
{{smaller block|Threat of violence: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, or on account of his having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, prevent or impede any voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, or shall thereby compel him to either vote, or refrain from voting, for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (c)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual or corporation, who prints on pay envelopes of employees or on placards, etc., in his establishment, express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of corrupt practices, punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $20,000, or by imprisonment in jail for not more than 1 year, or both (sec. 169 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall give any notice or information to his employees containing any threat, either express or implied, intended to influence the political view or actions of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (d)).}}
Wisconsin: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1951.
{{smaller block|Threats: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, in order to compel any person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise at any election, or shall thereby induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at any election for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be punished by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 346.17, renumbered sec. 12.52 by Laws, 1955, ch. 696, sec. 160).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall distribute among his employees any printed or written matter containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, calculated to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 12.19). Penalties for violation of this provision refer to violations by candidates or their committees (sec. 12.28).}}
Wyoming: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Wyoming Compiled Statutes Annotated, 1945.
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who shall, during an election, willfully hinder the voting of others, shall be fined from $25 to $100 (sec. 31–2309).}}
{{smaller block|Misconduct: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of election by means of violence, or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing trade, or enforcing payment of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a civil or criminal action or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him (sec. 31–2312 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|No person shall prevent or attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting (sec. 31–2312 (10)).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of these provisions is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not over 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or both (sec. 31–2312 (22)).}}
Mr. President, I have read the election laws.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have read the election laws of every State in the Union, from Alabama to Wyoming, showing that the States now have, on their statute books and in their constitutions, provisions to protect the right to vote. The accuracy of the statutes which I have just recited is confirmed by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress.

No one can say that any State, from Alabama through Wyoming, does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

The bill before the Senate is called a right-to-vote bill. Why is it called that? Every State has statutes to protect the right to vote. The sovereign States are protecting their citizens in the right to vote. Yet there is a big cry and a big hue about a voting law. As a matter of fact, the only thing that instigated this bill was the desire of both parties, the Democratic and the Republican, to play to minority votes. That is the purpose of the bill. It is purely political. Why do we need a Federal law when every State has a statute to protect the right to vote? And who is in a better position to protect the right to vote than the officials of the States?

Suppose the voting laws of all the States were abrogated and violated. Does the Federal Government have a police system which would enable it to send officials into every State to police the election laws of every State? If so, it would change our entire conception of the Government of this Nation.

The Constitution of the United States was written in 1789, in Philadelphia. It was ratified by nine Colonies which made them States and created the Union; 2 years later the Bill of Rights was adopted; and in the 10th amendment, which is a part of the Bill of Rights, it is provided that all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States. There is nothing in the Constitution that delegates those powers to the Federal Government. Therefore, those rights are reserved to the States, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for Congress to attempt to pass a law that will set up an administration which will attempt to bring about a policing of all the elections in all the 48 States of this Nation.

Some persons say, “Well, the States won’t enforce the voting laws. We have got to have a Federal law. Some States deny the vote to citizens.” I question that. Has there been a single instance brought before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the United States and proof presented that anyone has been denied the vote? From my understanding, and from the minority report which was submitted by some members of the Judiciary Committee, that has not been the case. So why does the Federal Government want to enter a field into which it has no constitutional authority to enter? As a matter of fact, the Federal Government already has a statute, I say to those who say the States are not protecting the right to vote. I am wondering if the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives have overlooked the Federal statute. I shall read that statute, so that Senators can know that we now have a Federal statute to protect the right to vote.

I shall read several provisions. The last one is the most applicable, and one on which I shall comment a little more, but I want to start with chapter 29 of title 18 of the Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

That is the United States Code, Criminal Code, and Criminal Procedure. Chapter 29 is entitled “Elections and Political Activities.”

Section 591 reads:
{{smaller block|Definitions:}}
{{smaller block|When used in sections 597, 599, 602, 609, and 610 of this title—}}
{{smaller block|The term “election” includes a general or special election, but does not include a primary election or convention of a political party.}}
But under a decision of the Supreme Court, in a case which went up from my own State of South Carolina, it was held that the primary election was a part of the election machinery; and the decision was rendered on that subject.
{{smaller block|The term “candidate” means an individual whose name is presented for election as Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress of the United States, whether or not such individual is elected;}}
{{smaller block|The term “political committee” includes any committee, association, or organization which accepts contributions or makes expenditures for the purpose of influencing or attempting to influence the election of candidates or presidential and vice presidential electors (1) in two or more States, or (2) whether or not in more than one State if such committee, association, or organization (other than a duly organized State or local committee of a political party) is a branch or subsidiary of a national committee, association, or organization;}}
{{smaller block|The term “contribution” includes a gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make a contribution, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “expenditure” includes a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make an expenditure, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “person” or the term “whoever” includes an individual, partnership, committee, association, corporation, and any other organization or group of persons;}}
{{smaller block|The term “State” includes Territory and possession of the United States. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 9, 63 Stat. 90.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 592. Troops at polls.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer of the Army or Navy, or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 593. Interference by Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States, prescribes or fixes or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, prevents, or attempts to prevent, by force, threat, intimidation, advice, or otherwise any qualified voter of any State from fully exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, orders or compels or attempts to compel any election officer in any State to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election in a State, different from those prescribed by law; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, interferes in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of his duties—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces from exercising the right of suffrage in any district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State of such district. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
I shall now comment on section 594, which is entitled “Intimidation of Voters.” I cannot help but believe that Members of Congress in some way must have overlooked this statute, if they believe a Federal statute is essential on this subject, which I do not. This is the way the section reads:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 594. Intimidation of voters.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
Mr. President, I do not think this statute is constitutional, in section 594, because I think the question is a matter reserved to the States. Since evidently there were people who thought the Federal Government did need to enter this field and who must have felt that it would not be unconstitutional for the Federal Government to enter it, this section was adopted. This section provides, as I have just read, for the punishment of anyone who attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose.

What is the purpose of the bill now under consideration, H. R. 6127? It is called the right-to-vote bill. The Federal statute here, in section 594 of title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure, is just as plain on the subject as it can be. There is the Federal statute on the question of voting. I do not like it, because I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field, but we have the statute, in section 594.

If there has been any violation of voting rights in this country, if there has been a single case of any person who claims that he has been intimidated or threatened or coerced to vote, the Federal Government has the power, under that statute, to punish anyone if he is convicted for such offense.

Either this statute has not been enforced, if there have been violations, or else there have been no violations. So when the Federal Government asks that another voting law be passed, such as House bill 6127, it is admitting 1 of 2 things: Either there have been no violations of the rights of people to vote, or the Justice Department is not enforcing the law on this subject.

I do not see what good it would do to enact another statute. What good would another statute do, if we have a statute already on the books? I have heard of no cases brought under this statute. There must not have been any violations. If there have been violations, the Federal Government has failed to prosecute violators, which it could do under this law.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 595. Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial governments.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a person employed in any administrative position by the United States, or by any department or agency thereof, or by the District of Columbia, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, or by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States, or any political subdivision, municipality, or agency thereof, or agency of such political subdivision or municipality (including any corporation owned or controlled by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States or by any such political subdivision, municipality, or agency), in connection with any activity which is financed in whole or in part by loans or grants made by the United States, or any department or agency thereof, uses his official authority for the purpose of interfering with, or affecting, the nomination or the election of any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner from any Territory or possession, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prohibit or make unlawful any act by any officer or employee of any educational or research institution, establishment, agency, or system which is supported in whole or in part by any State or political subdivision thereof, or by the District of Columbia or by any Territory or possession of the United States; or by any recognized religious, philanthropic, or cultural organization. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 596. Polling Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, within or without the Armed Forces of the United States, polls any member of such forces, either within or without the United States, either before or after he executes any ballot under any Federal or State law, with reference to his choice of or his vote for any candidate, or states, publishes, or releases any result of any purported poll taken from or among the members of the Armed Forces of the United States or including within it the statement of choice for such candidate or of such votes cast by any member of the Armed Forces of the United States, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned for not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|The word “poll” means any request for information, verbal or written, which by its language or form of expression requires or implies the necessity of an answer, where the request is made with the intent of compiling the result of the answers obtained, either for the personal use of the person making the request, or for the purpose of reporting the same to any other person, persons, political party, unincorporated association or corporation, or for the purpose of publishing the same orally, by radio, or in written or printed form. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 597. Expenditures to influence voting.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever makes or offers to make an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote, or to vote for or against any candidate; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits, accepts, or receives any such expenditure in consideration of his vote or the withholding of his vote—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 598. Coercion by means of relief appropriations.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever uses any part of any appropriation made by Congress for work relief, relief, or for increasing employment by providing loans and grants for public-works projects, or exercises or administers any authority conferred by any appropriation act for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing any individual in the exercise of his right to vote at any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 599. Promise of appointment by candidate.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a candidate, directly or indirectly promises or pledges the appointment, or the use of his influence or support for the appointment of any person to any public or private position or employment, for the purpose of procuring support in his candidacy shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 600. Promise of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, directly or indirectly, promises any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit, provided for or made possible in whole or in part by any act of Congress, to any person as consideration, favor, or reward for any political activity, or for the support of or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 601. Deprivation of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, except as required by law, directly or indirectly, deprives, attempts to deprive, or threatens to deprive any person of any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, on account of race, creed, color, or any political activity, support of, or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62, Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 602. Solicitation of political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, or a candidate for Congress, or individual elected as, Senator, Representative, Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, or an officer or employee of the United States or any department or agency thereof, or a person receiving any salary or compensation for services from money derived from the Treasury of the United States, directly or indirectly solicits, receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose whatever, from any other such officer, employee, or person, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 603. Place of solicitation.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by any person mentioned in section 602 of this title, or in any navy yard, fort, or arsenal, solicits or receives any contribution of money or other thing of value for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722; October 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (b), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 604. Solicitation from persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits or receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose from any person known by him to be entitled to, or receiving​ compensation, employment, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 605. Disclosure of names of persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, for political purposes, furnishes or discloses any list or names of persons receiving compensation, employment, or benefits provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating, or authorizing the appropriation of funds for work relief or relief purposes, to a political candidate, committee, campaign manager, or to any person for delivery to a political candidate, committee, or campaign manager; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever receives any such list or names for political purposes—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 606. Intimidation to secure political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being one of the officers or employees of the United States mentioned in section 602 of this title, discharges, or promotes, or degrades, or in any manner changes the official rank or compensation of any other officer or employee, or promises or threatens so to do, for giving or withholding or neglecting to make any contribution of money or other valuable thing for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 607. Making political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States or any department or agency thereof, directly or indirectly gives or hands over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator or Member of or Delegate to Congress, or Resident Commissioner, any money or other valuable thing on account of or to be applied to the promotion of any political object, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 608. Limitations on political contributions and purchases.}}
{{smaller block|(a) Whoever, directly or indirectly, makes contributions in an aggregate amount in excess of $5,000 during any calendar year, or in connection with any campaign for nomination or election, to or on behalf of any candidate for an elective Federal office, including the offices of President of the United States and presidential and vice presidential electors, or to or on behalf of any committee or other organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not apply to contributions made to or by a State or local committee or other State or local organization or to similar committees or organizations in the District of Columbia or in any Territory or possession of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|(b) Whoever purchases or buys any goods, commodities, advertising, or articles of any kind or description, the proceeds of which, or any portion thereof, directly or indirectly inures to the benefit of or for any candidate for an elective Federal office including the offices of President of the United States, and presidential and vice-presidential electors or any political committee or other political organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not interfere with the usual and known business, trade, or profession of any candidate.}}
{{smaller block|(c) In all cases of violations of this section by a partnership, committee, association, corporation, or other organization or group of persons, the officers, directors, or managing heads thereof who knowingly and willfully participate in such violation, shall be punished as herein provided.}}
{{smaller block|(d) The term “contribution,” as used in this section, shall have the same meaning prescribed by section 591 of this title. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina. The Senator may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue by reading section 609:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 609. Maximum contributions and expenditures.}}
{{smaller block|No political committee shall receive contributions aggregating more than $3 million, or make expenditures aggregating more than $3 million, during any calendar year.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section, any contributions received and any expenditures made on behalf of any political committee with the knowledge and consent of the chairman or treasurer of such committee shall be deemed to be received or made by such committee.}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of this section by any political committee shall be deemed also to be a violation by the chairman and the treasurer of such committee and by any other person responsible for such violation and shall be punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment of not more than 1 year, or both; and, if the violation was willful, by a fine of not more than $10,000, or imprisonment of not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 610. Contributions or expenditures by national banks, corporations, or labor organizations.}}
{{smaller block|It is unlawful for any national bank, or any corporation organized by authority of any law of Congress, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election to any political office, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any political office, or for any corporation whatever, or any labor organization, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which presidential and vice-presidential electors or a Senator or Representative are, or a Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress are to be voted for, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate, political committee, or other person to accept or receive any contribution prohibited by this section.}}
{{smaller block|Every corporation or labor organization which makes any contribution or expenditure in violation of this section shall be fined not more than $5,000; and every officer or director of any corporation, or officer of any labor organization, who consents to any contribution or expenditure by the corporation or labor organization, as the case may be, and any person who accepts or receives any contribution, in violation of this section, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section “labor organization” means any organization of any kind, or any agency or employee representation committee or plan, in which employees participate and which exist for the purpose, in whole or in part, of dealing with employers concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay, hours of employment, or conditions of work. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 10, 63 Stat. 90; Oct. 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (c), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 611. Contributions by firms or individuals contracting with the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, entering into any contract with the United States or any department or agency thereof, either for the rendition of personal services or furnishing any material, supplies, or equipment to the United States or any department or agency thereof, or selling any land or building to the United States or any department or agency thereof, if payment for the performance of such contract or payment for such material, supplies, equipment, land, or building is to be made in whole or in part from funds appropriated by the Congress, during the period of negotiation for, or performance under such contract or furnishing of material, supplies, equipment, land, or buildings, directly or indirectly makes any contribution of money or any other thing of value, or promises expressly or impliedly to make any such contribution, to any political party committee, or candidate for public office or to any person for any political purpose or use; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever knowingly solicits any such contribution from any such person or firm, for any such purpose during any such period—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 612. Publication or distribution of political statements.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever willfully publishes or distributes, or causes to be published or distributed, or for the purpose of publishing or distributing the same, knowingly deposits for mailing or delivery, or causes to be deposited for mailing or delivery, or, except in cases of employees of the Post Office Department in the official discharge of their duties, knowingly transports or causes to be transported in interstate commerce any card, pamphlet, circular, poster, dodger, advertisement, writing, or other statement relating to or concerning any person who has publicly declared his intention to seek the office of President, or Vice President of the United States, or Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress, in a primary, general, or special election, or convention of a political party, or has caused or permitted his intention to do so to be publicly declared, which does not contain the names of the persons, associations, committees, or corporations responsible for the publication or distribution of the same, and the names of the officers of each such association, committee, or corporation, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724; Aug. 25, 1950, ch. 784, sec. 2, 64 Stat. 475.)}}
Mr. President, I have read those Federal statutes to show that we have in title 18, chapter 29, provision for elections and political activities, and the specific section to which I referred and attempted to emphasize, section 594, provides especially for the punishment of anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces any other person for interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. That is in the Federal statutes.

Again I ask, Why does the Congress need to pass another law when we have a law, a law with teeth in it, a law that provides a punishment of as much as $1,000 or imprisonment for as long as one year, or both? In other words, under this statute, the Federal Government, through the Justice Department, can prosecute any person who intimidates, threatens, or coerces another person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote and to vote as he chooses. If we have that kind of law on the books now, why do we need another law? As I stated a few moments ago, I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field. But they have entered this field, and laws on the subject have been enacted. Section 594 gives the Federal Government all the authority it needs to protect the right to vote in any State of this Nation. Section 594 makes provision for specific punishment if anyone violates the section and attempts to deny the right to vote, or threatens, intimidates, or coerces one in his right to vote and to vote as he chooses.

So with every State in the Nation having laws on the subject to protect the right to vote, and with the Federal Government having laws on this subject to protect the right to vote, why do we need to pass another bill, another bill which is unconstitutional, another bill which violates the Constitution of the United States? I will come to that later on in my address. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States.

I am going to take up after a while a decision which shows that criminal contempt is a crime, and if criminal contempt is a crime, then it falls within the category of the provision of the Constitution of the United States which says that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. It does not specify by degree. If he is entitled to a jury trial, he is entitled to it. The Senate passed a bill with an amendment providing for jury trial. The bill went back to the House, the House amended it, and added a provision that the judge in his discretion could try the case if the punishment was not over 45 days or a fine of $300. That is not what the Constitution says. The Constitution does not provide that a man is entitled to a jury trial under certain conditions, if the House had fixed the fine at $1 instead of $300 and denied a man the right of a trial by jury, in my opinion it still would have been unconstitutional. I shall develop that more as my address goes on.

Mr. President, I shall now take up specific points of the proposed compromise on the jury trial provisions of H. R. 6127, so as to point out the lack of constitutionality of the provisions in connection with contempt of court proceedings.

A so-called compromise has been reached among advocates of civil-rights legislation—H. R. 6127—whereby a jury trial would be given in certain criminal contempts of Federal courts.

The purpose of this speech is to point out the objectionable features of the proposed compromise and to show conclusively that it is unconstitutional.

The proposed jury-trial amendment, being part V of H. R. 6127, reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|PART V—TO PROVIDE TRIAL BY JURY FOR PROCEEDINGS TO PUNISH CRIMINAL CONTEMPTS OF COURT ARISING OUT OF CIVIL-RIGHTS CASES AND TO AMEND THE JUDICIAL CODE RELATING TO FEDERAL JURY QUALIFICATIONS}}}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 151. In all cases of criminal contempt arising under the provisions of this act, the accused, upon conviction, shall be punished by fine or imprisonment or both: ''Provided, however'', That in case the accused is a natural person the fine to be paid shall not exceed the sum of $1,000, nor shall imprisonment exceed the term of 6 months: ''Provided further'', That in any such proceeding for criminal contempt, at the discretion of the judge, the accused may be tried with or without a jury: ''Provided further, however'', That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of the $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury, which shall conform as near as may be to the practice in other criminal cases.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not apply to contempts committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice nor to the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders, or process of the court.}}
{{smaller block|Nor shall anything herein or in any other provision of law be construed to deprive courts of their power, by civil contempt proceedings, without a jury, to secure compliance with or to prevent obstruction of, as distinguished from punishment for violations of, any lawful writ, process, order, rule, decree, or command of the court in accordance with the prevailing usages of law and equity, including the power of detention.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 152. Section 1861, title 28, of the United States Code is hereby amended to read as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“1861. Qualifications of Federal jurors.}}
{{smaller block|“Any citizen of the United States who has attained the age of 21 years and who has resided for a period of 1 year within the judicial district, is competent to serve as a grand or petit juror unless:}}
{{smaller block|“(1) He has been convicted in a State or Federal court of record of a crime punishable by imprisonment for more than 1 year and his civil rights have not been restored by pardon or amnesty.}}
{{smaller block|“(2) He is unable to read, write, speak, and understand the English language.}}
{{smaller block|“(3) He is incapable, by reason of mental or physical infirmities, to render efficient jury service.”}}
Mr. President, those are the provisions of the so-called compromise.

I wish to have all other Members of the Senate and all other citizens of these United States know just what the compromise provides.

First, Mr. President, this amendment is clearly unconstitutional because of vagueness.

It is an established principle of constitutional law that crimes must be clearly defined. If this amendment were enacted, persons charged with contempt would be deprived of their liberty and property without due process of law, in violation of the 14th amendment to the Federal Constitution. Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under a statute by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them.

This point is clearly brought out in Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, in the second edition, third volume, at page 1727. Here is what this great authority on the Constitution has to say on this point:
{{smaller block|1142. Crimes must be clearly defined.}}
{{smaller block|Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under statutes by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them. “A statute which either forbids or requires the doing of an act in terms so vague that men of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ as to its application violates the first essential of due process of law.” ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' (269 U. S. 385).}}
The first sentence of the proposed amendment—section 151—refers to criminal contempt and provides for punishment upon conviction. The first ''proviso'' of the first sentence refers to natural persons; and for such natural persons, the fine is limited to $1,000 or—in the alternative—imprisonment is limited to 6 months. This first ''proviso'' is obviously drafted to bring the offense within the present definition of “misdemeanor,” as classified by the Congress in the adoption of title 18 of the United States Code on June 25, 1948. Section 1 of title 18, United States Code, classifies offenses against the United States as follows:
{{smaller block|1. Offenses classified:}}
{{smaller block|Notwithstanding any act of Congress to the contrary:}}
{{smaller block|(1) Any offense punishable by death or imprisonment for a term exceeding 1 year is a felony.}}
{{smaller block|(2) Any other offense is a misdemeanor.}}
{{smaller block|(3) Any misdemeanor, the penalty for which does not exceed imprisonment for a period of 6 months or a fine of not more than $500, or both, is a petty offense.}}
The second ''proviso'' of the first sentence still refers to criminal contempt, and vests in the Federal district judge the discretion to determine whether the person accused of contempt is to be tried with or without a jury.

The third proviso of the first sentence, still referring only to criminal contempts, says that where the district judge proceeds summarily—without benefit of a jury—to convict the accused and fine him or her for more than $300 or imprison him or her for more than 45 days, then the person so convicted—fined or imprisoned—may demand a trial ''de novo''. It is assumed that trial ''de novo'' contemplates a trial anew of the entire controversy, including the hearing of evidence, as though no previous action had been taken. In ''Pittsburgh S. S. Co.'' v. ''Brown'' ((1948 Ct. App. Ill.) 171 Fed. 2d. 175, 177), “trial ''de novo''” is defined as an entirely new trial, but that was a civil case. The term “trial ''de novo''” nowhere appears in criminal cases referred to in volume 42 A, Words and Phrases, 1952 edition or 1957 supplement.

The second sentence of the amendment, without any reference to “criminal contempt” or without defining or differentiating between “criminal contempt” and “civil contempt,” proceeds to make the provisions of the first sentence inapplicable to those contempts “committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice” and likewise inapplicable to “misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders or process of the court.” In other words, this second sentence deals with certain “contempts” and with “misbehavior of any officers of the court” and excludes such “contempts” and “misbehavior of any officer of the court” from the provisions of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. In other words, the second sentence says that if any contempt is committed in the presence of the court, or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice, it is not dealt with in the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. Likewise excluded from coverage by the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127—would be “the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court” in respect to any writ, order, or process of court issued presumably under authority of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127.

The last sentence of the amendment—section 151—simply tries to restate the proposition now appearing in section 401 of title 18, United States Code, that a court of the United States has power to punish contempts of its authority. However, in restating that proposition, this last sentence refers to “civil contempts,” whereas section 401 refers to “contempt of its”—the court’s—“authority.” Thus we see the last sentence of the amendment, section 151, refers to “civil contempt,” as distinguished from the first sentence, which deals with “criminal contempt.”

Nowhere in the amendment is any definition given of either “criminal contempt” or “civil contempt;” nor has Congress ever attempted to draw any such distinction. The sole provision attempting to draw a distinction between criminal and civil contempt is contained in rule 42 (b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in the requirement that the notice with respect to a criminal contempt shall describe it as such. The Advisory Committee on Rules, appointed by the United States Supreme Court pursuant to the act of June 29, 1940—Fifty-fourth United States Statutes at Large, page 686—to assist in the preparation of rules of pleading, in their notes indicate that the requirement of notice written into rule 42 (b) was “intended to obviate the frequent confusion between criminal and civil contempt proceedings” pursuant to the suggestion made in ''McCann'' v. ''New York Stock Exchange'' ((2d Cir., 1935) 80 F. 2d 211). See Civil and Criminal Contempt in the Federal Courts, report of Los Angeles Bar Association, 17 Federal Rules Decisions 167–182—1955. The Supreme Court itself has belabored the distinction between civil and criminal contempts. For the Court’s distinction see ''Bessette'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' ((1904) 194 U.S. 324, 328).

A contempt statute certainly comes within the due process of law requirements of the Constitution. To substantiate this point, I refer again to Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, page 1727, section 1141. In this section Willoughby points out that a contempt which is not committed in open court does require due process of law for the defendant. The United States Supreme Court, in an opinion by Chief Justice Taft, held on April 13, 1925, that all the guaranties of due process of law are available to a person charged with contempt. ''Cooke'' v. ''United States'' ((1925) 267 U.S. 517.) Thus it is quite clear that the amendment—section 151—as now drafted, would subject a person to criminal prosecution for a statutory offense so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable him to determine whether or not he is committing that offense. ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' ((1926) 269 U. S. 385); ''International Harvester Co.'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 216); ''Collins'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 634).

Second. This amendment is unconstitutional, in violation of the fifth amendment prohibiting double jeopardy.

That provision of the amendment which permits the accused to be tried a second time by a jury for the same offense following conviction in a summary proceeding violates the fifth amendment to the United States Constitution, which declares “nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb.”

In ''ex parte'' Grossman the Supreme Court stated that contempt is an “offense” within the meaning of the pardoning power of the President granted in article II, section 2, clause 1 of the enumerated powers of the President. Clause 1 declares the President “shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons of offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.” Chief Justice Taft in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1925) 267 U. S. 87, 107) quoting ''Myers'' v. ''United States'' ((1924) 264 U. S. 95, 104–105).

If contempt is an offense when it comes to the pardoning power of the President, it certainly is an offense under the fifth amendment. Thus reading the language of the amendment—section 151—''in pari materia'' with the decisions in ''ex parte'' Grossman and ''Myers'' against ''United States'', for the Congress to grant a second trial following conviction, with the same defendant, the same charges, and the same evidence, would place the defendant in double jeopardy.

The proposal—section 151—even if it were not in violation of the fifth amendment, would place Congress in the position of gambling with the rights of our citizens. Suppose a judge tries a man or woman and finds the person guilty. The press reports this fact to the public and such cases are bound to stir the public interest. The person so convicted is then tried again on the same evidence. Any jury is bound to be influenced.

In addition, what basis or standard of conduct is to be the determining factor as to whether the judge imposes the lesser fine or sentence and lets his verdict stand or imposes the greater fine or punishment and moves the case along to a jury trial. There would be no uniformity in the application of the proposed statute—section 151—and the entire procedure would be awkward, cumbersome, and impracticable.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', a note is made of an interruption in Mr. Thurmond’s speech, regarding the results of a special election for a Senator, upon which several pages of the ''Record'' are used to record the reading of documents and the discussion of matters relevant thereto. As this is not a constituent portion of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, it is absent from this record. However, following this notice, several other parliamentary procedures are maintained, and other matters are dealt with; the ''Record'' then replaces the remainder of Mr. Thurmond’s speech to the records of the succeeding day, beginning on p. 16383. This record begins again from this section.''

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I now wish to take up Chief Justice Taft’s opinion on jury trials in contempt cases. Considerable has been said about what Chief Justice Taft said concerning contempt and jury trials. Chief Justice Taft was at one time President of the United States, and he was Chief Justice of the United States. He was a great man and a great American. His opinions are highly revered, but some of his opinions have been quoted out of context or when not applicable. I wish to take up at this time his opinions on jury trials in contempt cases.

On June 5, 1957, at his White House press conference, President Eisenhower, in answer to a question asked by the National Negro Press Association as to how he stood on the jury-trial amendment to the so-called civil-rights bill, quoted President Taft, as being opposed to a jury trial in contempt cases. President Eisenhower stated that Mr. Taft made this statement when he was President in 1908 and there is no evidence that he ever changed his mind.

In the first place the statement was not made by Mr. Taft while President. The statement was made by Mr. Taft in a political speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on Tuesday, July 28, 1908, in acceptance of the Republican nomination for President. Mr. Taft at the time was Secretary of War. He did not become President until March 4, 1909.

In this political speech Mr. Taft also said a trial by jury in contempt cases was never known in the history of the jurisprudence of England, or America, except in the constitution of Oklahoma. See Presidential Addresses and Papers, William H. Taft, 1910 ed., page 26.

Also in this speech Mr. Taft said the popular impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, may be affected by a personal feeling was unfounded.

Did Mr. Taft change his mind when he became Chief Justice? He most assuredly did. He not only changed his mind on the subject of whether jury trials were had at common law in contempt cases but also changed his mind about judges having personal vindictiveness in contempt orders.

While Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Mr. Taft delivered the opinion in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1924) 267 U. S. 87) and cited eight cases at common law to show that in England a jury trial was had in contempt cases. This decision was rendered by him in upholding a pardon granted by President Hoover to a man imprisoned by a United States district judge in Illinois for contempt in a summary proceeding. Chief Justice Taft declared at page 118 of volume 267, United States Reports:
{{smaller block|The King of England before our Revolution, in the exercise of his prerogative, had always exercised the power to pardon contempts of court, just as he did ordinary crimes and misdemeanors and as he has done to the present day. In the mind of a common-law lawyer of the 18th century the word pardon included within its scope the ending by the King’s grace of the punishment of such derelictions, whether it was imposed by the court without a jury or upon indictment, for both forms of trial for contempts were had. ''Thomas of Chartham'' v. ''Benet of Stamford'' ((1313), 24 Selden Society, 185); ''Fulwood'' v. ''Fulwood'' ((1585), Toothill, 46); ''Rex'' v. ''Buckenham'' ((1665), 1 Deble 751, 707, 852); Anonymous (1674), Cases in Chancery (238); ''King and Codrington'' v. ''Rodmap'' ((1630), Cr. Car. 198); ''Bartram'' v. ''Dannett'' ((1676), Finch, 253); ''Phipps'' v. ''Earl of Angelsea'' ((1721), 1 Peere Williams, 696).}}
In all probability Mr. Taft was induced to recognize the fact that jury trials were customarily had at common law in contempts as a result of research conducted by the distinguished historian of English law, Mr. W. S. Holdsworth. The efforts of this great historian were first made public in 1909 after Mr. Taft had made his earlier statement.

Mr. Holdsworth declared that the only cases in which contempts were punished summarily was where the contemnor confessed his guilt. If he did not confess the accused was tried by the ordinary course of law which meant trial by jury. To quote Mr. Holdsworth:
{{smaller block|A History of English Law, volume III., pages 392–393. * * * But all through the medieval period, and long afterwards, the courts, though they might attack persons who were guilty of contempts of court, could not punish them summarily. Unless they confessed their guilt, they must be regularly indicted and convicted. Mr. Fox has given a list of 40 cases of various contempts—insults to the judges, an assault on the attorney general, beating jurors, striking a witness, trampling on a writ of prohibition—in all of which the offender was tried by the ordinary course of law. That this was the correct course to pursue was stated by Anderson, C. J., in 1599.}}
In another opinion while Chief Justice Mr. Taft changed his mind about the immunity of Federal judges from vindictiveness in issuing contempt orders.

On November 19, 1923, in a concurring opinion in ''Craig'' v. ''Hecht'' (263 U. S. 255 at p. 279), the Chief Justice said:
{{smaller block|The delicacy there is in the judge’s deciding whether an attack upon his own judicial action is mere criticism or real obstruction, and the possibility that impulse may incline his view to personal vindication, are manifest. But the law gives the person convicted of contempt in such a case the right to have the whole question on facts and law reviewed by three judges of the circuit court of appeals who have had no part in the proceedings, and if not successful in that court, to apply to this Court for an opportunity for a similar review here.}}
Mr. President, on June 10, 1957, the Supreme Court delivered an opinion in the case of [[Reid v. Covert (354 U.S. 1)|''Reid'' against ''Covert'']]. Since this opinion deals with the question “the right of trial by jury,” I think it is advisable for the Senate to consider this decision of the Supreme Court. I shall read a number of pages from the opinion and a concurring opinion by Justice Frankfurter.

Some of the material in this opinion necessarily discusses the background of the cases. However, I believe it appropriate to read this material because it is necessary to a full understanding of this decision which upheld the constitutional right of trial by jury which H. R. 6127 would deny under certain conditions. I read from the opinion of the Court:
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Black announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan join.}}
{{smaller block|These cases raise basic constitutional issues of the utmost concern. They call into question the role of the military under our system of government. They involve the power of Congress to expose civilians to trial by military tribunals, under military regulations and procedures, for offenses against the United States thereby depriving them of trial in civilian courts, under civilian laws and procedures and with all the safeguards of the Bill of Rights. These cases are particularly significant because for the first time since the adoption of the Constitution wives of soldiers have been denied trial by jury in a court of law and forced to trial before courts-martial.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701 Mrs. Clarice Covert killed her husband, a sergeant in the United States Air Force, at an airbase in England. Mrs. Covert, who was not a member of the armed services, was residing on the base with her husband at the time. She was tried by a court-martial for murder under Article 118 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The trial was on charges preferred by Air Force personnel and the court-martial was composed of Air Force officers. The court-martial asserted jurisdiction over Mrs. Covert under Article 2 (11) of the UCMJ, which provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The following persons are subject to this code:}}
{{smaller block|“(11) Subject to the provisions of any treaty or agreement to which the United States is or may be a party or to any accepted rule of international law, all persons serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces without the continental limits of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|Counsel for Mrs. Covert contended that she was insane at the time she killed her husband, but the military tribunal found her guilty of murder and sentenced her to life imprisonment. The judgment was affirmed by the Air Force Board of Reviews (16 CMR 465) but was reversed by the Court of Military Appeals (6 USCMA 48), because of prejudicial errors concerning the defense of insanity. While Mrs. Covert was being held in this country pending a proposed retrial by court-martial in the District of Columbia, her counsel petitioned the district court for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to set her free on the ground that the Constitution forbade her trial by military authorities. Construing this court’s decision in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), as holding that “a civilian is entitled to a civilian trial,” the district court held that Mrs. Covert could not be tried by court-martial and ordered her released from custody. The Government appealed directly to this court under, title 28, United States Code, section 1252. See Three Hundred and Fiftieth United States Reports, page 985.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713 Mrs. Dorothy Smith killed her husband, an Army officer, at a post in Japan where she was living with him. She was tried for murder by a court-martial and despite considerable evidence that she was insane was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. The judgment was approved by the Army Board of Review (10 CMR 350, 13 CMR 307), and the Court of Military Appeals (5 USCMA 314). Mrs. Smith was then confined in a Federal penitentiary in West Virginia. Her father, respondent here, filed a petition for ''habeas corpus'' in a district court for West Virginia. The petition charged that the court-martial was without jurisdiction because article 2 (11) of the UCMJ was unconstitutional insofar as it authorized the trial of civilian dependents accompanying servicemen overseas. The district court refused to issue the writ (137 F. Supp. 806), and while an appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit we granted ''certiorari'' at the request of the Government (350 U. S. 986).}}
{{smaller block|The two cases were consolidated and argued last term and a majority of the Court, with 3 Justices dissenting and 1 reserving opinion, held that military trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert for their alleged offenses was constitutional. Three hundred and fifty-first United States Reports, page 470, 487. The majority held that the provisions of article III and the fifth and sixth amendments which require that crimes be tried by a jury after indictment by a grand jury did not protect an American citizen when he was tried by the American Government in foreign lands for offenses committed there and that Congress could provide for the trial of such offenses in any manner it saw fit so long as the procedures established were reasonable and consonant with due process. The opinion then went on to express the view that military trials, as now practiced, were not unreasonable or arbitrary when applied to dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces overseas. In reaching their conclusion the majority found it unnecessary to consider the power of Congress “to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces” under article I of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Subsequently, the Court granted a petition for rehearing. Three Hundred and Fifty-second United States Reports, page 901. Now, after further argument and consideration, we conclude that the previous decisions cannot be permitted to stand. We hold that Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert could not constitutionally be tried by military authorities.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|I}}}}
{{smaller block|At the beginning we reject the idea that when the United States acts against citizens abroad it can do so free of the Bill of Rights. The United States is entirely a creature of the Constitution. Its power and authority have no other source. It can only act in accordance with all the limitations imposed by the Constitution. When the Government reaches out to punish a citizen who is abroad, the shield which the Bill of Rights and other parts of the Constitution provide to protect his life and liberty should not be stripped away just because he happens to be in another land. This is not a novel concept. To the contrary, it is as old as government. It was recognized long before Paul successfully invoked his right as a Roman citizen to be tried in strict accordance with Roman law. And many centuries later an English historian wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“In a settled colony the inhabitants have all the rights of Englishmen. They take with them, in the first place, that which no Englishman can by expatriation put off, namely, allegiance to the Crown, the duty of obedience to the lawful commands of the Sovereign, and obedience to the laws which Parliament may think proper to make with reference to such a colony. But, on the other hand, they take with them all the rights and liberties of British subjects; all the rights and liberties as against the prerogative of the Crown, which they would enjoy in this county.”}}
{{smaller block|The rights and liberties which citizens of our country enjoy are not protected by custom and tradition alone, they have been jealously preserved from the encroachments of Government by express provisions of our written Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Among those provisions, article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments are directly relevant to these cases. Article III, section 2, lays down the rule that—}}
{{smaller block|“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth amendment declares:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|And the sixth amendment provides:}}
{{smaller block|“In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.”}}
{{smaller block|The language of article III, section 2, manifests that constitutional protections for the individual were designed to restrict the United States Government when it acts outside of this country, as well as here at home. After declaring that all criminal trials must be by jury, the section states that when a crime is “not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.” If this language is permitted to have its obvious meaning, section 2 is applicable to criminal trials outside of the States as a group without regard to where the offense is committed or the trial held. From the very first Congress, Federal statutes have implemented the provisions of section 2 by providing for trial of murder and other crimes committed outside the jurisdiction of any State “in the district where the offender is apprehended, or into which he may first be brought.” The fifth and sixth amendments, like article III, section 2, are also all inclusive with their sweeping references to “no person” and to “all criminal prosecutions.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court and other Federal courts have held or asserted that various constitutional limitations apply to the Government when it acts outside the continental United States. While it has been suggested that only those constitutional rights which are “fundamental” protect Americans abroad, we can find no warrant, in logic or otherwise, for picking and choosing among the remarkable collection of “Thou shalt nots” which were explicitly fastened on all departments and agencies of the Federal Government by the Constitution and its amendments. Moreover, in view of our heritage and the history of the adoption of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, it seems peculiarly anomalous to say that trial before a civilian judge and by an independent jury picked from the common citizenry are not fundamental rights. As Blackstone wrote in his Commentaries:}}
{{smaller block|“The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * [I]t is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals.”}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
{{smaller block|The keystone of supporting authorities mustered by the Court’s opinion last June to justify its holding that article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments did not apply abroad was ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). The Ross case is one of those cases that cannot be understood except in its peculiar setting; even then, it seems highly unlikely that a similar result would be reached to-day. Ross was serving as a seaman on an American ship in Japanese waters. He killed a ship’s officer, was seized and tried before a consular court in Japan. At that time, statutes authorized American consuls to try American citizens charged with committing crimes in Japan and certain other non-Christian countries. These statutes provided that the laws of the United States were to govern the trial except:}}
{{smaller block|“Where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.”}}
{{smaller block|The consular power approved in the Ross case was about as extreme and absolute as that of the potentates of the non-Christian countries to which the statutes applied. Under these statutes consuls could and did make the criminal laws, initiate charges, arrest alleged offenders, try them, and after conviction take away their liberty or their life—sometimes at the American consulate. Such a blending of executive, legislative, and judicial powers in one person or even in one branch of the Government is ordinarily regarded as the very acme of absolutism. Nevertheless, the Court sustained Ross’ conviction by the consul. It stated that constitutional protections applied “only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad.” Despite the fact that it upheld Ross’ conviction under United States laws passed pursuant to asserted constitutional authority, the Court went on to make a sweeping declaration that “[t]he Constitution can have no operation in another country.”}}
{{smaller block|The Ross approach that the Constitution has no applicability abroad has long since been directly repudiated by numerous cases. That approach is obviously erroneous if the United States Government, which has no power except that granted by the Constitution, can and does try citizens for crimes committed abroad. Thus the Ross case rested, at least in substantial part, on a fundamental misconception and the most that can be said in support of the result reached there is that the consular court jurisdiction had a long history antedating the adoption of the Constitution. The Congress has recently buried the consular system of trying Americans. We are not willing to jeopardize the lives and liberties of Americans by disinterring it. At best, the Ross case should be left as a relic from a different era.}}
{{smaller block|The Court’s opinion last term also relied on the Insular Cases to support its conclusion that article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments were not applicable to the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. We believe that reliance was misplaced.}}
{{smaller block|The Insular Cases can be distinguished from the present cases in that they involved the power of Congress to provide rules and regulations to govern temporarily territories with wholly dissimilar traditions and institutions whereas here the basis for governmental power is American citizenship. None of these cases had anything to do with military trials and they cannot properly be used as vehicles to support an extension of military jurisdiction to civilians. Moreover, it is our judgment that neither the cases nor their reasoning should be given any further expansion. The concept that the Bill of Rights and other constitutional protections against arbitrary government are inoperative when they become inconvenient or when expediency dictates otherwise is a very dangerous doctrine and if allowed to flourish would destroy the benefit of a written Constitution and undermine the basis of our Government. If our foreign commitments become of such nature that the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority, or inclination, to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|II}}}}
{{smaller block|At the time of Mrs. Covert’s alleged offense, an executive agreement was in effect between the United States and Great Britain which permitted United States military courts to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over offenses committed in Great Britain by American servicemen or their dependents. For its part, the United States agreed that these military courts would be willing and able to try and to punish all offenses against the laws of Great Britain by such persons. In all material respects, the same situation existed in Japan when Mrs. Smith killed her husband. Even though a court-martial does not give an accused trial by jury and other Bill of Rights protections, the Government contends that section 2(11) of the UCMJ, insofar as it authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces in Great Britain and Japan, can be sustained as legislation which is necessary and proper to carry out the United States obligations under the international agreements made with those countries. The obvious and decisive answer to this, of course, is that no agreement with a foreign nation can confer power on the Congress, or on any other branch of Government, which is free from the restraints of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI., the supremacy clause of the Constitution, declares:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in this language which intimates that treaties and laws enacted pursuant to them do not have to comply with the provisions of the Constitution. Nor is there anything in the debates which accompanied the drafting and ratification of the Constitution which even suggests such a result. These debates as well as the history that surrounds the adoption of the treaty provision in article VI. make it clear that the reason treaties were not limited to those made in pursuance of the Constitution was so that agreements made by the United States under the Articles of Confederation, including the important peace treaties which concluded the Revolutionary War, would remain in effect. It would be manifestly contrary to the objectives of those who created the Constitution, as well as those who were responsible for the Bill of Rights—let alone alien to our entire constitutional history and tradition—to construe article VI. as permitting the United States to exercise power under an international agreement without observing constitutional prohibitions. In effect, such construction would permit amendment of that document in a manner not sanctioned by article V. The prohibitions of the Constitution were designed to apply to all branches of the National Government and they cannot be nullified by the executive or by the executive and the Senate combined.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing new or unique about what we say here. This court has regularly and uniformly recognized the supremacy of the Constitution over a treaty. For example, in ''Geofroy'' v. ''Riggs'' (133 U. S. 258, 267), it declared:}}
{{smaller block|“The treaty power, as expressed in the Constitution, is in terms unlimited except by those restraints which are found in that instrument against the action of the Government or of its departments, and those arising from the nature of the Government itself and of that of the States. It would not be contended that it extends so far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids, or a change in the character of the Government or in that of one of the States, or a cession of any portion of the territory of the latter, without its consent.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court has also repeatedly taken the position that an act of Congress, which must comply with the Constitution, is on a full parity with a treaty, and that when a statute which is subsequent in time is inconsistent with a treaty, the statute to the extent of conflict renders the treaty null. It would be completely anomalous to say that a treaty need not comply with the Constitution when such an agreement can be overridden by a statute that must conform to that instrument.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in ''Missouri'' v. ''Holland'' (252 U. S. 416), which is contrary to the position taken here. There the Court carefully noted that the treaty involved was not inconsistent with any specific provision of the Constitution. The Court was concerned with the 10th amendment which reserves to the States or the people all power not delegated to the National Government. To the extent that the United States can validly make treaties, the people and the States have delegated their power to the National Government and the 10th amendment is no barrier.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, we conclude that the Constitution in its entirety applied to the trials of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. Since their court-martial did not meet the requirements of article III., section 2, or the fifth and sixth amendments, we are compelled to determine if there is anything within the Constitution which authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces overseas.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|III}}}}
{{smaller block|Article I., section 8, clause 14, empowers Congress “To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” It has been held that this creates an exception to the normal method of trial in civilian courts as provided by the Constitution and permits Congress to authorize military trial of members of the armed services without all the safeguards given an accused by article III. and the Bill of Rights. But if the language of clause 14 is given its natural meaning, the power granted does not extend to civilians—even though they may be dependents living with servicemen on a military base. The term “land and naval forces” refers to persons who are members of the armed services and not to their civilian wives, children, and other dependents. It seems inconceivable that Mrs. Covert or Mrs. Smith could have been tried by military authorities as members of the land and naval forces had they been living on a military post in this country. Yet this constitutional term surely has the same meaning everywhere. The wives of servicemen are no more members of the land and naval forces when living at a military post in England or Japan than when living at a base in this country or in Hawaii or Alaska.}}
{{smaller block|The Government argues that the necessary and proper clause, when taken in conjunction with clause 14, allows Congress to authorize the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert by military tribunals and under military law. The Government claims that the two clauses together constitute a broad grant of power without limitation authorizing Congress to subject all persons, civilians and soldiers alike, to military trial if necessary and proper to govern and regulate the land and naval forces. It was on a similar theory that Congress once went to the extreme of subjecting persons who made contracts with the military to court-martial jurisdiction with respect to frauds related to such contracts. In the only judicial test a Circuit Court held that the legislation was patently unconstitutional. ''Ex parte'' Henderson (11 Fed. Cas. 1067, No. 6349).}}
{{smaller block|It is true that the Constitution expressly grants Congress power to make all rules necessary and proper to govern and regulate those persons who are serving in the land and naval forces. But the necessary and proper clause cannot operate to extend military jurisdiction to any group of persons beyond that class described in clause 14—“the land and naval forces.” Under the grand design of the Constitution civilian courts are the normal repositories of power to try persons charged with crimes against the United States. And to protect persons brought before these courts, article III. and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments establish the right to trial by jury, by indictment by a grand jury, and a number of other specific safeguards. By way of contrast the jurisdiction of military tribunals is a very limited and extraordinary jurisdiction derived from the cryptic language in article I., section 8, and, at most, was intended to be only a narrow exception to the normal and preferred method of trial in courts of law. Every extension of military jurisdiction is an encroachment on the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and, more important, acts as a deprivation of the right to jury trial and of other treasured constitutional protections. Having run up against the steadfast bulwark of the Bill of Rights, the necessary and proper clause cannot extend the scope of clause 14.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing said here contravenes the rule laid down in ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, at 421), that:}}
{{smaller block|“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.”}}
{{smaller block|In McCulloch this Court was confronted with the problem of determining the scope of the necessary and proper clause in a situation where no specific restraints on governmental power stood in the way. Here the problem is different. Not only does clause 14, by its terms, limit military jurisdiction to members of the land and naval forces, but article III., section 2 and the fifth and sixth amendments require that certain express safeguards, which were designed to protect persons from oppressive governmental practices, shall be given in criminal prosecutions—safeguards which cannot be given in a military trial. In the light of these as well as other constitutional provisions, and the historical background in which they were formed, military trial of civilians is inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Further light is reflected on the scope of clause 14 by the fifth amendment. That amendment which was adopted shortly after the Constitution reads:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|Since the exception in this amendment for cases arising in the land or naval forces was undoubtedly designed to correlate with the power granted Congress to provide for the government and regulation of the armed services, it is a persuasive and reliable indication that the authority conferred by clause 14 does not encompass persons who cannot fairly be said to be in the military service.}}
{{smaller block|Even if it were possible, we need not attempt here to precisely define the boundary between civilians and members of the land and naval forces. We recognize that there might be circumstances where a person could be in the armed services for purposes of clause 14 even though he had not formally been inducted into the military or did not wear a uniform. But the wives, children, and other dependents of servicemen cannot be placed in that category, even though they may be accompanying a serviceman abroad at Government expense and receiving other benefits from the Government. We have no difficulty in saying that such persons do not lose their civilian status and their right to a civilian trial because the Government helps them live as members of a soldier’s family.}}
{{smaller block|The tradition of keeping the military subordinate to civilian authority may not be so strong in the minds of this generation as it was in the minds of those who wrote the Constitution. The idea that the relatives of soldiers could be denied a jury trial in a court of law and instead be tried by courts-martial under the guise of regulating the Armed Forces would have seemed incredible to those men, in whose lifetime the right of the military to try soldiers for any offenses in time of peace had only been grudgingly conceded. The founders envisioned the Army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds. Their fears were rooted in history. They knew that ancient republics had been overthrown by their military leaders. They were familiar with the history of 17th century England, where Charles I. tried to govern through the army and without Parliament. During this attempt, contrary to the common law, he used courts-martial to try soldiers for certain nonmilitary offenses. This court-martialing of soldiers in peacetime evoked strong protests from Parliament. The reign of Charles I. was followed by the rigorous military rule of Oliver Cromwell. Later, James II. used the army in his fight against Parliament and the people. He promulgated articles of war (strangely enough relied on in the Government’s brief) authorizing the trial of soldiers for nonmilitary Crimes by courts-martial. This action hastened the revolution that brought William and Mary to the throne upon their agreement to abide by a bill of rights which, among other things, protected the right of trial by jury. It was against this general background that two of the greatest English jurists, Lord Chief Justice Hale and Sir William Blackstone—men who exerted considerable influence on the founders—expressed sharp hostility to any expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. For instance, Blackstone went so far as to assert:}}
{{smaller block|“For martial law, which is built upon no settled principles, but is entirely arbitrary in its decisions, is, as Sir Matthew Hale observes, in truth and reality no law, but something indulged rather than allowed as a law. The necessity of order and discipline in an army is the {{SIC|ony|only}} thing which can give it countenance; and therefore it ought not to be permitted in time of peace, when the king’s courts are open for all persons to receive justice according to the laws of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|The generation that adopted the Constitution did not distrust the military because of past history alone. Within their own lives they had seen royal governors sometimes resort to military rule. British troops were quartered in Boston at various times from 1768 until the outbreak of the Revolutionary War to support unpopular royal governors and to intimidate the local populace. The trial of soldiers by courts-martial and the interference of the military with the civil courts aroused great anxiety and antagonism not only in Massachusetts but throughout the colonies. For example, Samuel Adams in 1768 wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“[I]s it not enough for us to have seen soldiers and mariners forejudged of life, and executed within the body of the county by martial law? Are citizens to be called upon, threatened, ill-used at the will of the soldiery, and put under arrest, by pretext of the law military, in breach of the fundamental rights of subjects, and contrary to the law and franchise of the land? * * * Will the spirits of people as yet unsubdued by tyranny, unawed by the menaces of arbitrary power, submit to be governed by military force? No! Let us rouse our attention to the common law—which is our birthright, our great security against all kinds of insult and oppression.”}}
{{smaller block|Colonials had also seen the right to trial by jury subverted by acts of Parliament which authorized courts of admiralty to try alleged violations of the unpopular Molasses and Navigation Acts. This gave the admiralty courts jurisdiction over offenses historically triable only by a jury in a court of law and aroused great resentment throughout the colonies. As early as 1765 delegates from nine colonies meeting in New York asserted in a declaration of rights that trial by jury was the inherent and invaluable right of every citizen in the colonies.}}
{{smaller block|With this background it is not surprising that the Declaration of Independence protested that George III. had affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power and that Americans had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. And those who adopted the Constitution embodied their profound fear and distrust of military power, as well as their determination to protect trial by jury, in the Constitution and its amendments. Perhaps they were aware that memories fade and hoped that in this way they could keep the people of this Nation from having to fight again and again the same old battles for individual freedom.}}
{{smaller block|In the light of this history, it seems clear that the founders had no intention to permit the trial of civilians in military courts, where they would be denied jury trials and other constitutional protections, merely by giving Congress the power to make rules which were necessary and proper for the regulation of the land and naval forces. Such a latitudinarian interpretation of these clauses would be at war with the well-established purpose of the founders to keep the military strictly within its proper sphere, subordinate to civil authority. The Constitution does not say that Congress can regulate the land and naval forces and all other persons whose regulation might have some relationship to maintenance of the land and naval forces. There is no indication that the founders contemplated setting up a rival system of military courts to compete with civilian courts for jurisdiction over civilians who might have some contact or relationship with the Armed Forces. Courts-martial were not to have concurrent jurisdiction with courts of law over nonmilitary America.}}
{{smaller block|On several occasions this Court has been faced with an attempted expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. ''Ex parte'' Milligan (4 Wall. 2), one of the great landmarks in this Court’s history, held that military authorities were without power to try civilians not in the military or naval service by declaring martial law in an area where the civil administration was not deposed and the courts were not closed. In a stirring passage the Court proclaimed:}}
{{smaller block|“Another guaranty of freedom was broken when Milligan was denied a trial by jury. The great minds of the country have differed on the correct interpretation to be given to various provisions of the Federal Constitution; and judicial decision has been often invoked to settle their true meaning; but until recently no one ever doubted that the right of trial by jury was fortified in the organic law against the power of attack. It is now assailed; but if ideas can be expressed in words, and language has any meaning, this right—one of the most valuable in a free country—is preserved to everyone accused of crime who is not attached to the Army, or Navy, or militia in actual service.”}}
{{smaller block|In ''Duncan'' v. ''Kahanamoku'' (327 U. S. 304), the Court reasserted the principles enunciated in ''Ex parte'' Milligan and reaffirmed the tradition of military subordination to civil authorities and institutions. It refused to sanction the military trial of civilians in Hawaii during wartime despite Government claims that the needs of defense made martial law imperative.}}
{{smaller block|Just last term, this Court held in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), that military courts could not constitutionally try a discharged serviceman for an offense which he had allegedly committed while in the Armed Forces. It was decided (1) that since Toth was a civilian he could not be tried by military court-martial, and (2) that since he was charged with murder, a crime in the constitutional sense, he was entitled to indictment by a grand jury, jury trial, and the other protections contained in article III., section 2 and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments. The Court pointed out that trial by civilian courts was the rule for persons who were not members of the Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|There are no supportable grounds upon which to distinguish the ''Toth'' case from the present cases. Toth, Mrs. Covert, and Mrs. Smith were all civilians. All three were American citizens. All three were tried for murder. All three alleged crimes were committed in a foreign country. The only differences were: (1) Toth was an exserviceman while they were wives of soldiers; (2) Toth was arrested in the United States while they were seized in foreign countries. If anything, Toth had closer connection with the military than the two women for his crime was committed while he was actually serving in the Air Force. Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith had never been members of the Army, had never been employed by the Army, had never served in the Army in any capacity. The Government appropriately argued in Toth that the constitutional basis for court-martialing him was clearer than for court-martialing wives who are accompanying their husbands abroad. Certainly Toth’s conduct as a soldier bears a closer relation to the maintenance of order and discipline in the Armed Forces than the conduct of these wives. The fact that Toth was arrested here while the wives were arrested in foreign countries is material only if constitutional safeguards do not shield a citizen abroad when the Government exercises its power over him. As we have said before, such a view of the Constitution is erroneous. The mere fact that these women had gone overseas with their husbands should not reduce the protection the Constitution gives them.}}
{{smaller block|The Milligan, ''Duncan'', and ''Toth'' cases recognized and manifested the deeply rooted and ancient opposition in this country to the extension of military control over civilians. In each instance an effort to expand the jurisdiction of military courts to civilians was repulsed.}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of decisions in the lower Federal courts which have upheld military trial of civilians performing services for the Armed Forces in the field during time of war. To the extent that these cases can be justified, insofar as they involved trial of persons who were not members of the Armed Forces, they must rest on the Government’s war powers. In the face of an actively hostile enemy, military commanders necessarily have broad power over persons on the battlefront. From a time prior to the adoption of the Constitution the extraordinary circumstances present in an area of actual fighting have been considered sufficient to permit punishment of some civilians in that area by military courts under military rules. But neither Japan nor Great Britain could properly be said to be an area where active hostilities were underway at the time Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert committed their offenses or at the time they were tried.}}
{{smaller block|The Government urges that the concept in the field should be broadened to reach dependents accompanying the military forces overseas under the conditions of world tension which exist at the present time. It points out how the war powers include authority to prepare defenses and to establish our military forces in defensive posture about the world. While we recognize that the war powers of the Congress and the Executive are broad, we reject the Government’s argument that present threats to peace permit military trial of civilians accompanying the Armed Forces overseas in an area where no actual hostilities are underway. The exigencies which have required military rule on the battlefront are not present in areas where no conflict exists. Military trial of civilians in the field is an extraordinary jurisdiction, and it should not be expanded at the expense of the Bill of Rights. We agree with Colonel Winthrop, an expert on military jurisdiction, who declared: “A statute cannot be framed by which a civilian can lawfully be made amenable to the military jurisdiction in time of peace.”}}
{{smaller block|As this Court stated in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), the business of soldiers is to fight and prepare to fight wars, not to try civilians for their alleged crimes. Traditionally, military justice has been a rough form of justice emphasizing summary procedures, speedy convictions, and stern penalties with a view to maintaining obedience and fighting fitness in the ranks. Because of its very nature and purpose the military must place great emphasis on discipline and efficiency. Correspondingly, there has always been less emphasis in the military on protecting the rights of the individual than in civilian society and in civilian courts.}}
{{smaller block|Courts-martial are typically ''ad hoc'' bodies appointed by a military officer from among his subordinates. They have always been subject to varying degrees of command influence. In essence, these tribunals are simply executive tribunals whose personnel are in the executive chain of command. Frequently, the members of the court-martial must look to the appointing officer for promotions, advantageous assignments, and efficiency ratings—in short, for their future progress in the service. Conceding to military personnel that high degree of honesty and sense of justice which nearly all of them undoubtedly have, the members of a court-martial, in the nature of things, do not and cannot have the independence of jurors drawn from the general public or of civilian judges.}}
{{smaller block|We recognize that a number of improvements have been made in military justice recently by engrafting more and more of the methods of civilian courts on courts-martial. In large part these ameliorations stem from the reaction of civilians, who were inducted during the two World Wars, to their experience with military justice. Notwithstanding the recent reforms, military trial does not give an accused the same protection which exists in the civil courts. Looming far above all other deficiencies of the military trial, of course, are the absence of trial by jury before an independent judge after an indictment by a grand jury. Moreover, the reforms are merely statutory; Congress—and perhaps the President—can reinstate former practices, subject to any limitations imposed by the Constitution, whenever it desires. As yet it has not been clearly settled to what extent the Bill of Rights and other protective parts of the Constitution apply to military trials.}}
{{smaller block|It must be emphasized that every person who comes within the jurisdiction of courts-martial is subject to military law—law that is substantially different from the law which governs civilian society. Military law is, in many respects, harsh law which is frequently cast in very sweeping and vague terms. It emphasizes the iron hand of discipline more that it does the even scales of justice. Moreover, it has not yet been definitely established to what extent the President, as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, or his delegates, can promulgate, supplement, or change substantive military law as well as the procedures of military courts in time of peace, or in time of war. In any event, Congress has given the President broad discretion to provide the rules governing military trials. For example, in these very cases a technical manual issued under the President’s name with regard to the defense of insanity in military trials was of critical importance in the convictions of Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith. If the President can provide rules of substantive law as well as procedure, then he and his military subordinates exercise legislative, executive, and judicial powers with respect to those subject to military trials. Such blending of functions in one branch of the Government is the objectionable thing which the draftsmen of the Constitution endeavored to prevent by providing for the separation of governmental powers.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, “it still remains true that military tribunals have not been and probably never can be constituted in such way that they can have the same kind of qualifications that the Constitution has deemed essential to fair trials of civilians in Federal courts.” In part this is attributable to the inherent differences in values and attitudes that separate the Military Establishment from civilian society. In the military, by necessity, emphasis must be placed on the security and order of the group rather than on the value and integrity of the individual.}}
{{smaller block|It is urged that the expansion of military jurisdiction over civilians claimed here is only slight, and that the practical necessity for it is very great. The attitude appears to be that a slight encroachment on the Bill of Rights and other safeguards in the Constitution need cause little concern. But to hold that these wives could be tried by the military would be a tempting precedent. Slight encroachments create new boundaries from which legions of power can seek new territory to capture. “It may be that it is the obnoxious thing in its mildest and least repulsive form; but illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing in that way; namely, by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure. This can only be obviated by adhering to the rule that constitutional provisions for the security of person and property should be liberally construed. A close and literal construction deprives them of half their efficacy, and leads to gradual depreciation of the right, as if it consisted more in sound than in substance. It is the duty of courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the citizen, and against any stealthy encroachments thereon.” Moreover we cannot consider this encroachment a slight one. Throughout history many transgressions by the military have been called slight and have been justified as reasonable in light of the uniqueness of the times. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that today the peoples of many nations are ruled by the military.}}
{{smaller block|We should not break faith with this Nation’s tradition of keeping military power subservient to civilian authority, a tradition which we believe is firmly embodied in the Constitution. The country has remained true to that faith for almost 170 years. Perhaps no group in the Nation has been truer than military men themselves. Unlike the soldiers of many other nations, they have been content to perform their military duties in defense of the Nation in every period of need and to perform those duties well without attempting to usurp power which is not theirs under our system of constitutional government.}}
{{smaller block|Ours is a Government of divided authority on the assumption that in division there is not only strength but freedom from tyranny. And under our Constitution courts of law alone are given power to try civilians for their offenses against the United States. The philosophy expressed by Lord Coke, speaking long ago from a wealth of experience, is still timely:}}
{{smaller block|“God send me never to live under the law of conveniency or discretion. Shall the soldier and justice sit on one bench, the trumpet will not let the cryer speak in Westminster Hall.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701, ''Reid'' v. ''Covert'', the judgment of the district court directing that Mrs. Covert be released from custody is affirmed.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713, ''Kinsella'' v. ''Krueger'', the judgment of the district court is reversed and the case is remanded with instructions to order Mrs. Smith released from custody. Reversed and remanded.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Whittaker took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.}}
{{rule|3em}}
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Frankfurter, concurring in the result.}}
{{smaller block|These cases involve the constitutional power of Congress to provide for trial of civilian dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces abroad by court-martial in capital cases. The normal method of trial of Federal offenses under the Constitution is in a civilian tribunal. Trial of offenses by way of court-martial, with all the characteristics of its procedure so different from the forms and safeguards of procedure in the conventional courts, is an exercise of exceptional jurisdiction, arising from the power granted to Congress in article I., section 8, clause 14, of the Constitution of the United States—“To make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” ''Dynes'' v. ''Hoover'', (20 How. 65); see ''Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11); Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d ed. 1896), 52. Article 2(11) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, 64th United States Statutes at Large, pages 107, 109, title 50, United States Code, section 532, and its predecessors were passed as an exercise of that power, and the agreements with England and Japan recognized that the jurisdiction to be exercised under those agreements was based on the relation of the persons involved to the military forces. See the agreement with Great Britain (57 Stat. 1193, E. A. S. No. 355) and the United States of America (Visiting Forces) Act (1942, 5 and 6 Geo. 6, ch. 31); and the 1952 administrative agreement with Japan (3 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 3341, T. I. A. S. No. 2492).}}
{{smaller block|Trial by court-martial is constitutionally permissible only for persons who can, on a fair appraisal, be regarded as falling within the authority given to Congress under article I. to regulate the “land and naval forces,” and who therefore are not protected by specific provisions of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. It is, of course, true that, at least regarding the right to a grand-jury indictment, the fifth amendment is not unmindful of the demands of military discipline. Within the scope of appropriate construction, the phrase “except in cases arising in the land and naval forces” has been assumed also to modify the guaranties of speedy and public trial by jury. And so, the problem before us is not to be answered by recourse to the literal words of this exception. The cases cannot be decided simply by saying that since these women were not in uniform, they were not “in the land and naval forces.” The Court’s function in constitutional adjudications is not exhausted by a literal reading of words. It may be tiresome, but it is nonetheless vital, to keep our judicial minds fixed on the injunction that “it is a Constitution we are expounding.” ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, 407). Although Winthrop in his treatise states that the Constitution “clearly distinguishes the military from the civil class as separate communities” and “recognizes no third class which is part civil and part military—military for a particular purpose or in a particular situation, and civil for all other purposes and in all other situations. * * *” Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d edition 1896), 145, this Court, applying appropriate methods of constitutional interpretation, has long held, and in a variety of situations, that in the exercise of a power specifically granted to it, Congress may sweep in what may be necessary to make effective the explicitly worded power. See ''Jacob Ruppert'' v. ''Caffey'' (251 U. S. 264) especially 289 and following; ''Purity Extract Co.'' v. ''Lynch'' (226 U. S. 192, 201); ''Railroad Commission'' v. ''Chicago, Burlington, &amp; Quincy R. Co.'' (257 U. S. 563, 588). This is the significance of the necessary and proper clause, which is not to be considered so much a separate clause in article I., section 8, as an integral part of each of the preceding 17 clauses. Only thus may be avoided a strangling literalness in construing a document that is not an enumeration of static rules, but the living framework of Government designed for an undefined future. ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316); ''Hurtado'' v. ''California'' (110 U. S. 516, 530–531).}}
{{smaller block|Everything that may be deemed, as the exercise of an allowable judgment by Congress, to fall fairly within the conception conveyed by the power given to Congress “to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces” is constitutionally within that legislative grant and not subject to revision by the independent judgment of the Court. To be sure, every event or transaction that bears some relation to “the land and naval forces” does not ''ipso facto'' come within the tolerant conception of that legislative grant. The issue in these cases involves regard for considerations not dissimilar to those involved in a determination under the due process clause. Obviously, the practical situations before us bear some relation to the military. Yet the question for this Court is not merely whether the relation of these women to the “land and naval forces” is sufficiently close to preclude the necessity of finding that Congress has been arbitrary in its selection of a particular method of trial. For although we must look to article I., section 8, clause 14, as the immediate justifying power, it is not the only clause of the Constitution to be taken into account. The Constitution is an organic scheme of government to be dealt with as an entirety. A particular provision cannot be dissevered from the rest of the Constitution. Our conclusion in these cases therefore must take due account of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must weigh all the factors involved in these cases in order to decide whether these women dependents are so closely related to what Congress may allowably deem essential for the effective “government and regulations of the land and naval forces” that they may be subjected to court-martial jurisdiction in these capital cases, when the consequence is loss of the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|We are not concerned here even with the possibility of some alternative nonmilitary type of trial that does not contain all the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must judge only what has been enacted and what is at issue. It is the power actually asserted by Congress under article I., section 8, clause 14, that must now be adjudged in the light of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. In making this adjudication, I must emphasize that it is only the trial of civilian dependents in a capital case in time of peace that is in question. The Court has not before it, and therefore I need not intimate any opinion on, situations involving civilians, in the sense of persons not having a military status, other than dependents. Nor do we have before us a case involving a noncapital crime. This narrow delineation of the issue is merely to respect the important restrictions binding on the Court when passing on the constitutionality of an act of Congress. “In the exercise of that jurisdiction, it is bound by two rules, to which it has rigidly adhered, one, never to anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it; the other never to formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to be applied. These rules are safe guides to sound judgment. It is the dictate of wisdom to follow them closely and carefully.” ''Steamship Co.'' v. ''Emigration Commissioners'' (113 U. S. 33, 39).}}
{{smaller block|We are also not concerned here with the substantive aspects of the grant of power to Congress to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces. What conduct should be punished and what constitutes a capital case are matters for Congressional discretion, always subject, of course, to any specific restrictions of the Constitution. These cases involve the validity of procedural conditions for determining the commission of a crime in fact punishable by death. The taking of life is irrevocable. It is in capital cases especially that the balance of conflicting interests must be weighted most heavily in favor of the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights. Thus, in ''Powell'' v. ''Alabama'' (287 U. S. 45, 71), the fact “above all that they stood in deadly peril of their lives” led the Court to conclude that the defendants had been denied due process by the failure to allow them reasonable time to seek counsel and the failure to appoint counsel. I repeat. I do not mean to imply that the considerations that are controlling in capital cases involving civilian dependents are constitutionally irrelevant in capital cases involving civilians other than dependents or in noncapital cases involving dependents or other civilians. I do say that we are dealing here only with capital cases and civilian dependents.}}
{{smaller block|The Government asserts that civilian dependents are an integral part of our Armed Forces overseas and that there is substantial military necessity for subjecting them to court-martial jurisdiction. The Government points out that civilian dependents go abroad under military auspices, live with military personnel in a military community, enjoy the privileges of military facilities, and that their conduct inevitably tends to influence military discipline.}}
{{smaller block|The prosecution by court-martial for capital crimes committed by civilian dependents of members of the Armed Forces abroad is hardly to be deemed; under modern conditions, obviously appropriate to the effective exercise of the power to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces when it is a question of deciding what power is granted under article I. and, therefore, what restriction is made on article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. I do not think that the proximity, physical and social, of these women to the land and naval forces is, with due regard to all that has been put before us, so clearly demanded by the effective Government and regulation of those forces as reasonably to demonstrate a justification for court-martial jurisdiction over capital offenses.}}
{{smaller block|The Government speaks of the “great potential impact on military discipline” of these accompanying civilian dependents. This cannot be denied, nor should its implications be minimized. But the notion that discipline over military personnel is to be furthered by subjecting their civilian dependents to the threat of capital punishment imposed by court-martial is too hostile to the reasons that underlie the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights for those safeguards to be displaced. It is true that military discipline might be affected seriously if civilian dependents could commit murders and other capital crimes with impunity. No one, however, challenges the availability to Congress of a power to provide for trial and punishment of these dependents for such crimes. The method of trial alone is in issue. The Government suggests that if trial in an article III. court subject to the restrictions of the fifth and sixth amendments is the only alternative, such a trial could not be held abroad practicably, and it would often be equally impracticable to transport all the witnesses back to the United States for trial. But although there is no need to pass on that issue in this case, trial in the United States is obviously not the only practical alternative and other alternatives may raise different constitutional questions. The Government’s own figures for the Army show that the total number of civilians (all civilians serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces overseas and not merely civilian dependents) for whom general courts-martial for alleged murder were deemed advisable was only 13 in the 7 fiscal years, 1950–56. It is impossible to ascertain from the figures supplied to us exactly how many persons were tried for other capital offenses, but the figures indicate that there could not have been many. There is nothing to indicate that the figures for the other services are more substantial. It thus appears to be a manageable problem within the procedural restrictions found necessary by this opinion.}}
{{smaller block|A further argument is made that a decision adverse to the Government would mean that only a foreign trial could be had. Even assuming that the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, (4 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 1792, T. I. A. S. No. 2846) covering countries where a large part of our Armed Forces are stationed, gives jurisdiction to the United States only through its military authorities, this court cannot speculate that any given nation would be unwilling to grant or continue such extraterritorial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in capital cases if they were to be tried by some other manner than court-martial. And even if such were the case, these civilian dependents would then merely be in the same position as are so many Federal employees and their dependents and other United States citizens who are subject to the laws of foreign nations when residing there. See also the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, ''supra'', article VII., sections 2, 3.}}
{{smaller block|The Government makes the final argument that these civilian dependents are part of the United States military contingent abroad in the eyes of the foreign nations concerned and that their conduct may have a profound effect on our relations with these countries, with a consequent effect on the Military Establishment there. But the argument that military courts-martial in capital cases are necessitated by this factor assumes either that a military court-martial constitutes a stronger deterrent to this sort of conduct or that in the absence of such a trial no punishment would be meted out and our foreign policy thereby injured. The reasons why these considerations carry no conviction have already been indicated.}}
{{smaller block|I therefore conclude that in capital cases the exercise of court-martial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in time of peace cannot be justified by article I., considered in connection with the specific protections of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|Since the conclusion thus reached differs from what the Court decided last term, a decent respect for the judicial process calls for reexamination of the two grounds that then prevailed. The court sustained its action on the authority of the cases dealing with the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for the territories, reinforced by ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453), in which this Court, in 1891, sustained the criminal jurisdiction of a consular court in Japan. These authorities grew out of, and related to, specific situations very different from those now here. They do not control or even embarrass the problem before us.}}
{{smaller block|Legal doctrines are not self-generated abstract categories. They do not fall from the sky; nor are they pulled out of it. They have a specific judicial origin and etiology. They derive meaning and content from the circumstances that gave rise to them and from the purposes they were designed to serve. To these they are bound as is a live tree to its roots. Doctrines like those expressed by the Ross case and the series of cases beginning with ''American Insurance Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511), must be placed in their historical setting. They cannot be wrenched from it and mechanically transplanted into an alien, unrelated context without suffering mutilation or distortion. “If a precedent involving a black horse is applied to a case involving a white horse, we are not excited. If it were an elephant or an animal ''ferae naturae'' or a chose in action, then we would venture into thought. The difference might make a difference. We really are concerned about precedents chiefly when their facts differ somewhat from the facts in the case at bar. Then there is a gulf or hiatus that has to be bridged by a concern for principle and a concern for practical results and practical wisdom.” Thomas Reed Powell, Vagaries and Varieties in Constitutional Interpretation 36. This attitude toward precedent underlies the whole system of our case law. It was thus summarized by Mr. Justice Brandeis: “It is a peculiar virtue of our system of law that the process of inclusion and exclusion, so often employed in developing a rule, is not allowed to end with its enunciation and that an expression in an opinion yields later to the impact of facts unforeseen.” ''Jaybird Mining Co.'' v. ''Weir'' (271 U. S. 609, 619 (dissenting)). Especially is this attitude to be observed in constitutional controversies.}}
{{smaller block|The Territorial cases relied on by the Court last term held that certain specific constitutional restrictions on the Government did not automatically apply in the acquired Territories of Florida, Hawaii, the Philippines, or Puerto Rico. In these cases, the Court drew its decisions from the power of Congress to “make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory * * * belonging to the United States,” for which provision is made in article IV., section 3. The United States from time to time acquired lands in which many of our laws and customs found an uncongenial soil because they ill accorded with the history and habits of their people. Mindful of all relevant provisions of the Constitution and not allowing one to frustrate another—which is the guiding thought of this opinion—the Court found it necessary to read article IV., section 3 together with the fifth and sixth amendments and article III. in the light of those circumstances. The question arose most frequently with respect to the establishment of trial by jury in possessions in which such a system was wholly without antecedents. The Court consistently held with respect to such Territory that Congressional power under article IV., section 3 was not restricted by the requirement of article III., section 2, clause 3, and the sixth amendment of providing trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|“If the right to trial by jury were a fundamental right which goes wherever the jurisdiction of the United States extends; or if Congress, in framing laws for outlying territory belonging to the United States, was obliged to establish that system by affirmative legislation, it would follow that, no matter what the needs or capacities of the people, trial by jury, and in no other way, must be forthwith established, although the result may be to work injustice and provoke disturbance rather than to aid the orderly administration of justice. If the United States, impelled by its duty or advantage, shall acquire territory peopled by savages, and of which it may dispose or not hold for ultimate admission to statehood, if this doctrine is sound, it must establish there the trial by jury. To state such a proposition demonstrates the impossibility of carrying it into practice. Again, if the United States shall acquire by treaty the cession of territory having an established system of jurisprudence, where jury trials are unknown, but a method of fair and orderly trial prevails under an acceptable and long-established code, the preference of the people must be disregarded, their established customs ignored, and they themselves coerced to accept, in advance of incorporation into the United States, a system of trial unknown to them and unsuited to their needs. We do not think it was intended, in giving power to Congress to make regulations for the territories, to hamper its exercise with this condition.” ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138, 148.)}}
{{smaller block|The fundamental right test is the one which the Court has consistently enunciated in the long series of cases—''e. g.'', ''American Ins. Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511); ''De Lima'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 1); ''Downes'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 244); ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138); ''Balzac'' v. ''Porto Rico'' (258 U. S. 298)—dealing with claims of constitutional restrictions on the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for governing the unincorporated territories. The process of decision appropriate to the problem led to a detailed examination of the relation of the specific territory to the United States. This examination, in its similarity to analysis in terms of due process, is essentially the same as that to be made in the present cases in weighing Congressional power to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces against the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|The results in the cases that arose by reason of the acquisition of exotic territory do not control the present cases for the territorial cases rest specifically—on article IV., section 3, which is a grant of power to Congress to deal with territory and other Government property. Of course the power sought to be exercised in Great Britain and Japan does not relate to territory. The Court’s opinions in the territorial cases did not lay down a broad principle that the protective provisions of the Constitution do not apply outside the continental limits of the United States. This Court considered the particular situation in each newly acquired territory to determine whether the grant to Congress of power to govern territory was restricted by a specific provision of the Constitution. The territorial cases, in the emphasis put by them on the necessity for considering the specific circumstances of each particular case, are thus relevant in that they provide an illustrative method for harmonizing constitutional provisions which appear, separately considered, to be conflicting.}}
{{smaller block|The Court last term relied on a second source of authority, the consular court case, ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). Pursuant to a treaty with Japan, Ross, a British subject but a member of the crew of a United States ship, was tried and convicted in a consular court in Yokohama for murder of a fellow seaman while the ship was in Yokohama Harbor. His application for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to a United States circuit court was denied, 44 F. 185, and on appeal here, the judgment was affirmed. This Court set forth the ground of the circuit court, “the long and uniform acquiescence by the executive, administrative, and legislative departments of the Government in the validity of the legislation,” 140th United States Reports, at page 461, and then stated:}}
{{smaller block|“The circuit court might have found an additional ground for not calling in question the legislation of Congress, in the uniform practice of civilized governments for centuries to provide consular tribunals in other than Christian countries * * * for the trial of their own subjects or citizens for offenses committed in those countries, as well as for the settlement of civil disputes between them; and in the uniform recognition, down to the time of the formation of our Government, of the fact that the establishment of such tribunals was among the most important subjects for treaty stipulations. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The treatymaking power vested in our Government extends to all proper subjects of negotiation with foreign governments. It can, equally with any of the former or present governments of Europe, make treaties providing for the exercise of judicial authority in other countries by its officers appointed to reside therein.}}
{{smaller block|“We do not understand that any question is made by counsel as to its power in this respect. His objection is to the legislation by which such treaties are carried out * * *.}}
{{smaller block|“By the Constitution a government is ordained and established ‘for the United States of America,’ and not for countries outside of their limits. The guarantees it affords against accusation of capital or infamous crimes, except by indictment or presentment by a grand jury, and, for an impartial trial by a jury when thus accused, apply only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad. * * * The Constitution can have no operation in another country. When, therefore, the representatives or officers of our Government are permitted to exercise authority of any kind in another country, it must be on such conditions as the two countries may agree, the laws of neither one being obligatory upon the other. The deck of a private American vessel, it is true, is considered for many purposes constructively as territory of the United States, yet persons on board of such vessels, whether officers, sailors, or passengers, cannot invoke the protection of the provisions referred to until brought within the actual territorial boundaries of the United States.” (140 U. S., at 462–464.)}}
{{smaller block|One observation should be made at the outset about the grounds for decision in Ross. Insofar as the opinion expressed a view that the Constitution is not operative outside the United States—and apparently Mr. Justice Field meant by “United States” all lands over which the United States flag flew, see John W. Burgess, How May the United States Govern Its Extra-Continental Territory? (14 Pol. Sci. Q. 1 (1899))—it expressed a notion that has long since evaporated. Governmental action abroad is performed under both the authority and the restrictions of the Constitution—for example, proceedings before American military tribunals, whether in Great Britain or in the United States, are subject to the applicable restrictions of the Constitution. See opinions in ''Burns'' v. ''Wilson'' (346 U. S. 137).}}
{{smaller block|The significance of the Ross case and its relevance to the present cases cannot be assessed unless due regard is accorded the historical context in which that case was decided. Ross is not rooted in any abstract principle or comprehensive theory touching constitutional power or its restrictions. It was decided with reference to a very particular, practical problem with a long history. To be mindful of this does not attribute to Mr. Justice Field’s opinion some unavowed historical assumption. On behalf of the whole court, he spelled out the considerations that controlled it:}}
{{smaller block|“The practice of European governments to send officers to reside in foreign countries, authorized to exercise a limited jurisdiction over vessels and seamen of their country, to watch the interests of their countrymen and to assist in adjusting their disputes and protecting their commerce, goes back to a very early period, even preceding what are termed the Middle Ages. * * * In other than Christian countries they were, by treaty stipulations, usually clothed with authority to hear complaints against their countrymen and to sit in judgment upon them when charged with public offenses. After the rise of Islamism, and the spread of its followers over eastern Asia and other countries bordering on the Mediterranean, the exercise of this judicial authority became a matter of great concern. The intense hostility of the people of Moslem faith to all other sects, and particularly to Christians, affected all their intercourse, and all proceedings had in their tribunals. Even the rules of evidence adopted by them placed those of different faith on unequal grounds in any controversy with them. For this cause, and by reason of the barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted in those countries, and the frequent use of torture to enforce confession from parties accused, it was a matter of deep interest to Christian governments to withdraw the trial of their subjects, when charged with the commission of a public offence, from the arbitrary and despotic action of the local officials. Treaties conferring such jurisdiction upon these consuls were essential to the peaceful residence of Christians within those countries and the successful prosecution of commerce with their people.” One Hundred and Fortieth United States Reports, at page 463.}}
{{smaller block|“It is true that the occasion for consular tribunals in Japan may hereafter be less than at present, as every year that country progresses in civilization and in the assimilation of its system of judicial procedure to that of Christian countries, as well as in the improvement of its penal statutes; but the system of consular tribunals * * * is of the highest importance, and their establishment in other than. Christian countries, where our people may desire to go in pursuance of commerce, will often be essential for the protection of their persons and property” (''id.'', at 480).}}
{{smaller block|It is important to have a lively sense of this background before attempting to draw on the Ross case. Historians have traced grants of extraterritorial rights as far back as the permission given by Egypt in the 12th or 13th century {{asc|B. C.}} to the merchants of Tyre to establish factories on the Nile and to live under their own law and practice their own religion. Numerous other instances of persons living under their own law in foreign lands existed in the later pre-Christian era and during the Roman Empire and the so-called Dark and Middle Ages—Greeks in Egypt, all sorts of foreigners in Rome, inhabitants of Christian cities and states in the Byzantine Empire, the Latin kingdoms of the Levant, and other Christian cities and states, Mohammedans in the Byzantine Empire and China, and many others lived in foreign lands under their own law. While the origins of this extraterritorial jurisdiction may have differed in each country, the notion that law was for the benefit of the citizens of a country and its advantages not for foreigners appears to have been an important factor. Thus, there existed a long-established custom of extraterritorial jurisdiction at the beginning of the 15th century when the complete conquest of the Byzantine Empire by the Turks and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire substantially altered political relations between Christian Europe and the Near East. But commercial relations continued, and in 1535 Francis I. of France negotiated a treaty with Suleiman I. of Turkey that provided for numerous extraterritorial rights, including criminal and civil jurisdiction over all disputes among. French subjects. (1 Ernest Charriere, Negotiations de la France dans le Levant 283.) Other nations and eventually the United States in 1830 (8 Stat. 408), later negotiated similar treaties with the Turks. (For a more complete history of the development of extraterritorial rights and consular jurisdiction, see 1 Calvo, Le Droit International Theorique et Pratique (5th ed., Rousseau, 1896), 2–18, 2 ''id.'', 9–12; Hinckley, American Consular Jurisdiction in the Orient, 1–9; 1 Miltitz, Manuel des Consuls passim; Ravndal, The Origin of the Capitulations and of the Consular Jurisdiction, S. Doc. No. 34, 67th Cong., 1st sess. 5–45, 56–96; Shih Shun Liu, Extraterritoriality, 23–66; Twiss, The Law of Nations (1884 ed.), 443–457.)}}
{{smaller block|The emergence of the nation-state in Europe and the growth of the doctrine of absolute territorial sovereignty changed the nature of extraterritorial rights. No longer were strangers to be denied the advantages of local law. Indeed, territorial sovereignty meant the exercise of sovereignty over all residents within the borders of the state, and the system of extraterritorial consular jurisdiction tended to die out among Christian nations in the 18th and 19th centuries. But a new justification was found for the continuation of that jurisdiction in those countries whose systems of justice were considered inferior, and it was this strong feeling with respect to Moslem and Far Eastern countries that was reflected, as we have seen, in the Ross opinion.}}
{{smaller block|Until 1842, China had asserted control over all foreigners within its territory (Shih Shun Liu, ''op. cit.'', ''supra'', 76–89) but, as a result of the Opium War, Great Britain negotiated a treaty with China whereby she obtained consular offices in five open ports and was granted extraterritorial rights over her citizens. On July 3, 1844, Caleb Cushing negotiated a similar treaty on behalf of the United States (8 Stat. 592). In a letter to Secretary of State Calhoun, he explained: “I entered China with the formed general conviction that the United States ought not to concede to any foreign state, under any circumstances, jurisdiction over the life and liberty of a citizen of the United States, unless that foreign state be of our own family of nations—in a word a Christian state.” Quoted in 7 Op. Atty. Gen. 495, 496–497. Later treaties continued the extraterritorial rights of the United States, and the treaty of 1903 contained the following article demonstrating the purpose of those rights:}}
{{smaller block|“The Government of China having expressed a strong desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of western nations, the United States agrees to give every assistance to such reform and will also be prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant it in doing so” (33 Stat. 2208, 2215).}}
{{smaller block|The first treaty with Japan was negotiated by Commodore Perry in 1854 (11 Stat. 597). It opened two ports, but did not provide for any exercise of judicial powers by United States officials. Under the treaty of 1857 (11 Stat. 723), such power was given, and later treaties, which opened up further Japanese cities for trade and residence by United States citizens, retained these rights. The treaty of 1894, effective on July 17, 1899, however, ended these extraterritorial rights and Japan, even though a non-Christian nation, came to occupy the same status as Christian nations (29 Stat. 848). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction by consuls over United States citizens was also provided for, at one time or another, in treaties with Borneo (10 Stat. 909, 910); Siam (11 Stat. 683, 684); Madagascar (15 Stat. 491, 492); Samoan Islands (20 Stat. 704); Korea (23 Stat. 720, 721); Tonga Islands (25 Stat. 1440, 1442) and, by virtue of most-favored-nation clauses; in treaties with Tripoli (8 Stat. 154); Persia (11 Stat. 709); the Congo (27 Stat. 926); and Ethiopia (33 Stat. 2254). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction was also provided for in a treaty with Morocco (8 Stat. 100), by virtue of a most-favored-nation clause and by virtue of a clause granting jurisdiction if “any citizens of the United States * * * shall have any disputes with each other.” The word “disputes” has been interpreted by the International Court of Justice to comprehend criminal as well as civil disputes. ''France'' v. ''United States'' (I. C. J. Rept. 1952, p. 176, 188–189.) The treaties with Algiers (8 Stat. 133, 224, 244); Tunis (8 Stat. 157); and Muscat (8 Stat. 458) contained similar disputes clauses.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial power exercised by consuls was defined by statute and was sweeping:}}
{{smaller block|“Jurisdiction in both criminal and civil matters shall, in all cases, be exercised and enforced in conformity with the laws of the United States, which are hereby, so far as is necessary to execute such treaties, respectively, and so far as they are suitable to carry the same into effect, extended over all citizens of the United States in those countries, and over all others to the extent that the terms of the treaties, respectively, justify or require. But in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.” (Rev. Stat. sec. 4086.)}}
{{smaller block|The consuls, then, exercised not only executive and judicial power, but legislative power as well.}}
{{smaller block|The number of people subject to the jurisdiction of these courts during their most active periods appears to have been fairly small. In the Chronicle &amp; Directory for China, Japan, and the Philippines, for the year 1870, there is a listing of the total number of foreign, not just United States, residents in these three places. The list is 81 pages long, with a total of some 4,500 persons (pp. 54–134). This same publication gives the following information about Japan. “The number of foreigners settled in Japan is as yet very small. At the end of the year 1862, the foreign community at Kanagawa, the principal of the three ports of Japan open to aliens, consisted of * * * 38 Americans * * * and in the latter part of 1864 the permanent foreign residents at Kanagawa had increased to 300, not counting soldiers, of which number * * * about 80 [were] Americans. * * * At Nagasaki, the second port of Japan thrown open to foreign trade by the Government, the number of alien settlers was as follows on the 1st of January 1866: * * * American citizens, 32. * * * A third port opened to European and American traders, that of Hakodadi, in the north of Japan, was deserted, after a lengthened trial, by nearly all the foreign merchants settled there * * *.” (Appendix, p. 353.) The statesman’s Yearbook of 1890 shows: China at the end of 1888: 1,020 Americans (p. 411); Japan in 1887, 711 Americans (p. 709); Morocco; 1889 estimate: “The number of Christians is very small, not exceeding 1,500” (p. 739). The Statesman’s Yearbook of 1901 shows: China at the end of 1899: 2,335 Americans (p. 484); Japan, December 31, 1898, just before the termination of our extraterritorial rights: 1,165 Americans (p. 809); Morocco: “The number of Christians does not exceed 6,000; the Christian population of Tangier alone probably amounts to 5,000” (p. 851). These figures of course do not include those civilians temporarily in the country coming within consular jurisdiction.}}
{{smaller block|The consular court jurisdiction, then, was exercised in countries whose legal systems at the time were considered so inferior that justice could not be obtained in them by our citizens. The existence of these courts was based on long-established custom and they were justified as the best possible means for securing justice for the few Americans present in those countries. The Ross case, therefore, arose out of, and rests on, very special, confined circumstances, and cannot be applied automatically to the present situation, involving hundreds of thousands of American citizens in countries with civilized systems of justice. If Congress had established consular courts or some other nonmilitary procedure for trial that did not contain all the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments for the trial of civilian dependents of military personnel abroad, we would be forced to a detailed analysis of the situation of the civilian dependent population abroad in deciding whether the Ross case should be extended to cover such a case. It is not necessary to do this in the present cases in view of our decision that the form or trial here provided cannot constitutionally be justified.}}
{{smaller block|The Government, apparently recognizing the constitutional basis for the decision in Ross, has, on rehearing, sought to show that civilians in general and civilian dependents in particular have been subject to military order and discipline ever since the colonial period. The materials it has submitted seem too episodic, too meager, to form a solid basis in history, preceding and contemporaneous with the framing of the Constitution, for constitutional adjudication. What has been urged on us falls far too short of proving a well-established practice—to be deemed to be infused into the Constitution—of court-martial jurisdiction, certainly not in capital cases, over such civilians in time of peace.}}
Mr. President, the decision which I have read in the {{sc|Record}} is in the case of Curtis Reid, Superintendent of the District of Columbia Jail, Appellant, against Clarice B. Covert, and Nina Kinsella, Warden of the Federal Reformatory for Women, Alderson, W. Va., petitioner, against Walter Krueger. The opinion, which was written by Mr. Justice Black, was concurred in by the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan. It pointed out clearly that even though the court-martial so provided, the jury trial could not be denied to civilians accompanying the Armed Forces. It is very clear on that point.

There was a concurring opinion, which I have just included in the {{sc|Record}}, by Justice Frankfurter, which upholds that contention.

There is no question that under the United States Constitution citizens are entitled to a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the discretion of a Federal judge to say whether he is going to grant a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the Congress to say that if the punishment is only a $300 fine or 45 days imprisonment we will let the judge try the case, but if it is above that the defendant can get a jury trial. That simply does not make sense. It violates the Constitution and is in derogation of the administration of justice in this country. As someone has said, it is a split-level statute.

Mr. President, on May 9, 1957, before the mountain and plain regional meeting of the American Bar Association in Denver, Colo., Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., of the Supreme Court, made an address on our judicial systems. In this address he discussed the advantages of our traditional jury-trial system. Because of the clear, straightforward nature of this address, I want to quote the following statement made by Justice Brennan. This is what he said:
{{smaller block|We hear much, for example, of the proposal that we turn all automobile-accident litigation over to an administrative agency. The idea is that, because automobile litigation accounts for a major part of court business, the simple solution is to dispose of the problem by throwing it out the window. What an abject abdication of our profession’s responsibility to provide judicial justice for our citizens. But, at best, there is utterly no hope for that idea, at least not in our lifetimes, when the job of judicial reform must be done. It will be a long day before our society will pay the price of damages for every automobile injury or death without regard to the fault of the person injured or killed. There is no true analogy between compensation for the injured workman who helps produce goods or services for profit, where the cost is passed on to the consumer in the price of the goods or services, and compensation to the automobile victim, where the cost would have to be borne by all of us.}}
{{smaller block|Another nostrum is that, because jury trials take more time than trials before a judge without a jury, the easy answer to calendar congestion is to get rid of jury trials in automobile accident cases. Actual studies are being made to prove that the average jury trial in a negligence case takes more time than a nonjury trial of a negligence case. I question the need for a study to prove something that every judge and lawyer knows. Of course jury trials usually take more time than nonjury trials. But those who propose this suggest also that fairer justice will result if a judge, unprejudiced for one side or the other—they really mean that juries are prejudiced in favor of plaintiffs—disposes of them. I doubt that that proposition can withstand analysis. As a trial judge I was always interested in how often the jury brought in the same verdict on liability that I would have reached. And that seems to be the experience of trial judges generally. A recent survey proved that in upwards of 85 percent of the cases the trial judge reported that the jury reached the result on liability that he would have reached. Moreover, the idea that juries go haywire in fixing damages where plaintiffs prevail should be looked at a little more closely. I think at least that judge-decided verdicts under the Federal Tort Claims Act (no jury trial is had under that act) do not persuade the Department of Justice that juries are any less conscientious in fixing damages. I know that at times juries do go overboard. But I can count on the fingers of one hand the instances in my time as a trial judge when I felt it necessary to set aside verdicts because they had done so. My experience left me with the definite impression that jurors almost always do try to fix damages within allowable limits.}}
{{smaller block|I think, at all events, this proposal to abolish jury trials in automobile accident cases also faces an almost insurmountable hurdle. The success of our British brothers in abolishing jury trials should not mislead us. American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. Perhaps the emotion generated by proposals to modify or deny the right has its roots in the Jacksonian era of distrust of the legal profession and the insistence upon the people’s control of the administration of justice. Perhaps it is a survival of the same thing which gave us the elective system of judges in most States and in some, as in my own, New Jersey, actual lay participation on the bench. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of the preservation of their liberties. The road of him who would take away jury trial in automobile accident cases is a long and rocky one.}}
{{smaller block|I submit that it is a sorry response to the litigant who suffers from long delay in having his accident suit tried that we can offer no relief beyond “let’s throw accident litigation out of the courts,” or “let’s deny the victim the right of a jury trial.” Our profession must stand up and reject those nostrums. We know now that there are judicial structures and techniques of judicial administration which not only can cope with problems of calendar control but to far more {{SIC|signficant|significant}} purposes can also measurably assist in our ceaseless striving to give better justice. Our need is to get up our courage to fight for these things and to do battle with the powerfully entrenched opponents of any reform who too often take their position out of self-interest without sufficient consideration of what is best in the people’s interest. It doubtless is true that achievement of a modernized, efficient judicial structure requires far-reaching legislative and constitutional changes in most jurisdictions. But, far better to do the arduous labor of getting that essential job done than to promote equally drastic changes which are nothing more than a humiliating confession of defeat.}}
{{smaller block|Let us not forget that the integrity and efficiency of the judicial process is the first essential in a democratic society. The confidence of the people in the administration of justice is a prime requisite for free representative government. The public entrusts the legal profession with the sacred mission of dealing with the vital affairs that affect the whole pattern of human relations and certainly has a stake entitling it to demand not only that judges dispense justice impartially and fairly but also that judicial business shall be handled and disposed of by a modernized process which assures a minimum of friction and waste, for such a process also plays a large role in the achievement of impartial and fair justice for all litigants. There is actually no difference between the business of judicial administration and the business of running an industrial or commercial enterprise in the sense that the efficient and businesslike conduct of each means better service for the public. An inefficient and wasteful judicial administration actually can and often does result in a denial of justice, however earnestly an honest and upright judge may strive to prevent that lamentable result.}}
{{smaller block|I think it is not difficult to account for today’s heightened interest on the part of the general public throughout our Nation and, indeed, the Free World in the improvement of the process for administering justice. That growing interest is in large measure a product of the tumultuous times in which we live. For these are not only times which have produced a monstrous threat to all freedom, but, by the very reason of that threat, are times which have induced in free peoples everywhere an ever intensifying critical self-examination of the institutions upon which their freedoms depend—an insistence upon exposure of the imperfections of those institutions, a peremptory demand upon those who are entrusted with those institutions to improve and strengthen them the more surely to withstand the onslaught bent upon their destruction. It is but natural then that the judicial process should come under examination, for never was it more true than today that “Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.”}}
Mr. President, I submit, just as Justice Brennan has quoted here, which never was more true than today:
{{smaller block|Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.}}
I contend that since our forefathers placed in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights provisions which are so plain it seems no one could misinterpret them, providing for trial by jury in criminal cases, there can be no question that jury trials are not only desirable but are demanded under the Constitution. There should be no doubt in the mind of anyone, if he studies the Constitution, that the so-called compromise which tends to compromise the Constitution of the United States is not a just, is not a fair, is not a wise, and is not a constitutional provision, and that this bill should be killed.

Mr. President, one of the most interesting books ever written on the American system of Government was by Alexis de Tocqueville, a young Frenchman who wrote a book entitled “Democracy in America” after visiting this country during the 1830s. One of the chapters of his book was entitled “Trial by Jury in the United States Considered as a Political Institution.”

I shall read excerpts from this chapter because it provides an excellent insight into the prestige attained by the system of jury trial from the observation of an unbiased observer.
{{smaller block|[From de Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America,” written after visiting America in the 1830s.]}}
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Trial by Jury in the United States Constitution as a Political Institution}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury, which is one of the forms of the sovereignty of the people, ought to be compared with the other laws which establish that sovereignty: Composition of the jury in the United States; effect of trial by jury upon the national character; it educates the people; how it tends to establish the influence of the magistrates and to extend the legal spirit among the people.}}
{{smaller block|Since my subject has led me to speak of the administration of justice in the United States, I will not pass over it without referring to the institution of the jury. Trial by jury may be considered in two separate points of view: as a judicial, and as a political institution. * * *}}
{{smaller block|My present purpose is to consider the jury as a political institution; any other course would divert me from my subject. Of trial by jury considered as a judicial institution I shall here say but little. When the English adopted trial by jury, they were a semi-barbarous people; they have since become one of the most enlightened nations of the earth, and their attachment to this institution seems to have increased with their increasing cultivation. They have emigrated and colonized every part of the habitable globe; some have formed colonies, others independent states; the mother country has maintained its monarchial constitution; many of its offspring have founded powerful republics; but everywhere they have boasted of the privilege of trial by jury. They have established it, or hastened to reestablish it, in all their settlements. A judicial institution which thus obtains the suffrages of a great people for so long a series of ages, which is zealously reproduced at every stage of civilization, in all the climates of the earth, and under every form of human {{SIC|govment|government}}, cannot be contrary to the spirit of justice.}}
{{smaller block|But to leave this part of the subject. It would be a very narrow view to look upon the jury as a mere judicial institution; for however great its influence may be upon the decisions of the courts, it is still greater on the destinies of society at large. The jury is, above all, a political institution, and it must be regarded in this light in order to be duly appreciated.}}
{{smaller block|By the jury I mean a certain number of citizens chosen by lot and invested with a temporary right of judging. Trial by jury, as applied to the repression of crime, appears to me an eminently republican element in the government, for the following reasons.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury may be aristocratic or democratic, according to the class from which the jurors are taken; but it always preserves its republican character, in that it places the real direction of society in the hands of the governed, or of a portion of the governed, and not in that of the government. Force is never more than a transient element of success, and after force comes the notion of right. A government able to reach its enemies only upon a field of battle would soon be destroyed. The true sanction of political laws is to be found in penal legislation; and if that sanction is wanting, the law will sooner or later lose its cogency. He who punishes the criminal is therefore the real master of society. Now, the institution of the jury raises the people itself, or at least a class of citizens, to the bench of judges. The institution of the jury consequently invests the people, or that class of citizens, with the direction of society.}}
{{smaller block|In England the jury is selected from the aristocratic portion of the nation; the aristocracy makes the laws, applies the laws, and punishes infractions of the laws; everything is established upon a consistent footing, and England may with truth be said to constitute an aristocratic republic. In the United States the same system is applied to the whole people. Every American citizen is both an eligible and a legally qualified voter. The jury system as it is understood in America appears to me to be as direct and as extreme a consequence of the sovereignty of the people as universal suffrage. They are two instruments of equal power, which contribute to the supremacy of the majority. All the sovereigns who have chosen to govern by their own authority, and to direct society instead of obeying its directions, have destroyed or enfeebled the institution of the jury. The Tudor monarchs sent to prison jurors who refused to convict, and Napoleon caused them to be selected by his agents.}}
{{smaller block|However clear most of these truths may seem to be, they do not command universal assent; and in France, at least, trial by jury is still but imperfectly understood. If the question arises as to the proper qualification of jurors, it is confined to a discussion of the intelligence and knowledge of the citizens who may be returned, as if the jury was merely a judicial institution. This appears to me the least important part of the subject. The jury is preeminently a political institution; it should be regarded as one form of the sovereignty of the people; when that sovereignty is repudiated, it must be rejected, or it must be adapted to the laws by which that sovereignty is established. The jury is that portion of the nation to which the execution of the laws is entrusted, as the legislature is that part of the nation which makes the laws; and in order that society may be governed in a fixed and uniform manner, the list of citizens qualified to serve on juries must increase and diminish with the list of electors. This I hold to be the point of view most worthy of the attention of the legislator; all that remains is merely accessory.}}
{{smaller block|I am so entirely convinced that the jury is preeminently a political institution that I still consider it in this light when it is applied in civil causes. Laws are always unstable unless they are founded upon the customs of a nation; customs are the only durable and resisting power in a people. When the jury is reserved for criminal offenses, the people witness only its occasional action in particular cases; they become accustomed to do without it in the ordinary course of life, and it is considered as an instrument, but not as the only instrument, of obtaining justice.}}
{{smaller block|When, on the contrary, the jury acts also on civil causes, its application is constantly visible; it affects all the interests of the community; everyone cooperates in its work; it thus penetrates into all the usages of life, it fashions the human mind to its peculiar forms, and is gradually associated with the idea of justice itself.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury, if confined to criminal causes, is always in danger; but when once it is introduced into civil proceedings, it defies the aggressions of time and man. If it had been as easy to remove the jury from the customs as from the laws of England, it would have perished under the Tudors, and the civil jury did in reality at that period save the liberties of England. In whatever manner the jury be applied, it cannot fail to exercise a powerful influence upon the national character; but this influence ts prodigiously increased when it is introduced into civil causes. The jury, and more especially the civil jury, serves to communicate the spirit of the judges to the minds of all the citizens; and this spirit, with the habits which attend it, is the soundest preparation for free institutions. It imbues all classes with a respect for the thing judged and with the notion of right. If these two elements be removed, the love of independence becomes a mere destructive passion. It teaches men to practice equity; every man learns to judge his neighbor as he would himself be judged. And this is especially true of the jury in civil causes; for while the number of persons who have reason to apprehend a criminal prosecution is small, everyone is liable to have a lawsuit. The jury teaches every man not to recoil before the responsibility of his own actions and impresses him with that manly confidence without which no political virtue can exist. It invests each citizen with a kind of magistracy; it makes them all feel the duties which they are bound to discharge toward society and the part which they take in its government. By obliging men to turn their attention to other affairs than their own, it rubs off that private selfishness which is the rust of society.}}
{{smaller block|The jury contributes powerfully to form the judgment and to increase the natural intelligence of a people; and this, in my opinion, is its greatest advantage. It may be regarded as a gratuitous public school, ever open, in which every juror learns his rights, enters into daily communication with the most learned and enlightened members of the upper classes, and becomes practically acquainted with the laws, which are brought within the reach of his capacity by the efforts of the bar, the advice of the judge, and even the passions of the parties. I think that the practical intelligence and political good sense of the Americans are mainly attributable to the long use that they have made of the jury in civil causes.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know whether the jury is useful to those who have lawsuits, but I am certain it is highly beneficial to those who judge them; and I look upon it as one of the most efficacious means for the education of the people which society can employ.}}
{{smaller block|What I have said applies to all nations, but the remark I am about to make is peculiar to the Americans and to democratic communities. I have already observed that in democracies the members of the legal profession and the judicial magistrates constitute the only aristocratic body which can moderate the movements of the people. This aristocracy is invested with no physical power; it exercises its conservative influence upon the minds of men; and the most abundant source of its authority is the institution of the civil jury. In criminal causes, when society is contending against a single man, the jury is apt to look upon the judge as the passive instrument of social power and to mistrust his advice. Moreover, criminal causes turn entirely upon simple facts, which commonsense can readily appreciate; upon this ground the judge and the jury are equal. Such is not the case, however, in civil causes; then the judge appears as a disinterested arbiter between the conflicting passions of the parties. The jurors look up to him with confidence and listen to him with respect, for in this instance, his intellect entirely governs theirs. It is the judge who sums up the various arguments which have wearied their memory, and who guides them through the devious course of the proceedings; he points their attention to the exact question of fact that they are called upon to decide and tells them how to answer the question of law. His influence over them is almost unlimited.}}
{{smaller block|If I am called upon to explain why I am but little moved by the arguments derived from the ignorance of jurors in civil causes, I reply that in these proceedings, whenever the question to be solved is not a mere question of fact, the jury has only the semblance of a judicial body. The jury only sanctions the decision of the judge; they sanction this decision by the authority of society which they represent, and he by that of reason and of law.}}
{{smaller block|The jury, then, which seems to restrict the rights of the judiciary does in reality consolidate its power; and in no country are the judges so powerful as where the people share their privileges. It is especially by means of the jury in civil causes that the American magistrates imbue even the lower classes of society with the spirit of their profession. Thus the jury, which is the most energetic means of making the people rule, is also the most efficacious means of teaching it how to rule well.}}
Mr. President, de Tocqueville contributed a great deal to literature and to society. He was a Frenchman who came to our country and studied our form of government. He was so impressed that he wrote the chapter on trial by jury, in which he emphasized the fact that the jury is the heart of the administration of justice in a democracy.

On Friday, July 5, 1957, there was printed in the State, a newspaper published in Columbia, S. C., an article quoting the then president of the American Bar Association, Mr. David F. Maxwell, on the subject of jury trials.

I believe Mr. Maxwell is a member of the Philadelphia bar, of which our distinguished Presiding Officer [Mr. {{sc|Clark}}] is also a member. I am sure that the Presiding Officer, as well as the Senate, will be interested in what Mr. Maxwell had to say on the subject of jury trials, and that the views expressed by him will be of interest to everyone who believes in constitutional government. I read as follows:
{{smaller block|The president of the American Bar Association today answered charges that trial by jury is an outmoded, time-consuming process which can be replaced by more efficient legal procedure.}}
{{smaller block|David F. Maxwell, of Philadelphia, who heads the lawyers organization, said instead that jury trials are the ultimate protection against invasion of personal freedom.}}
{{smaller block|He spoke at the diamond jubilee celebration of the State Bar of Texas.}}
{{smaller block|“Too many persons today are prone to view trial by jury solely as a factfinding device, and hence expendable, if as good or better a method can be devised,” he said.}}
{{smaller block|These critics are influenced, Maxwell said, by the late Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who wrote that an experienced judge should be able to represent the commonsense of the community far better than the average jury.}}
{{smaller block|The Pennsylvania attorney said, “Such a contention presupposes the ability of the trial judge to discard foibles and prejudices built up within himself through his personal experience and background,” adding that a group of average citizens can mete out more even justice than can the most competent and experienced judge.}}
{{smaller block|“So let us in this country take warning,” he said. “The jury alone is able to function as the thin wedge of reserved power that separates our system of law from the monolithic, totalitarian despotism behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.”}}
Mr. President, an editorial appeared in the Greenville (S. C.) News of June 6, 1957. It is entitled “Jury Trial Is at Heart of Rights Issue” and has this to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{smaller block|The day after it was reported from Washington that the administration would protest the southern claim that the so-called civil-rights bill would deny the right to trial by jury, the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate approved an amendment intended to guarantee that right to persons who might come under an injunction authorized in the proposed law.}}
{{smaller block|In his several appearances before the Senate and House committees studying the various proposals, Attorney General Brownell tried to claim that a trial by jury would not be denied. He had rough going, and at times was downright evasive, when Senator {{sc|Sam. J. Ervin}}, of North Carolina, began to cross-examine him on his statements.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|Ervin}}, an eminent lawyer and a former member of his State’s supreme court, is of the opinion that trial by jury not only would not be guaranteed under the bills as submitted, but could be denied. Certainly, it would be possible for the courts to deny a jury hearing and a judge, if he chose, could sit in judgment on the testimony as well as the law.}}
{{smaller block|Speaking for the administration, Attorney General Brownell is taking his case to the House of Representatives, but the action of the Senate committee on Monday indicates that even a number of northern Democrats and Republicans have been convinced of the facts.}}
{{smaller block|The jury trial issue came up in this way:}}
{{smaller block|Among the bills included in the civil rights packages (various versions of which have been offered by the administration and by individuals and groups of Democratic and Republican Members of Congress) is one which would set up a special civil rights division of the Department of Justice.}}
{{smaller block|It would be manned by a number of assistants to the Attorney General and would have the authority to initiate civil suits against persons accused of violating the civil rights of others or whom it might have reason to believe were about to violate such rights.}}
{{smaller block|(At present, it is a criminal offense to violate the civil rights of another. But a person accused of violating such laws has the right to be arraigned before a grand jury and to be tried by a petit jury.)}}
{{smaller block|The administration proposal—and members of both parties have supported this or made similar proposals of their own—is to transfer civil rights cases from the criminal to the civil side of the Federal courts. The Government itself would bring such suits, with or without the request of the allegedly injured persons.}}
{{smaller block|The Government could ask for and obtain an injunction forbidding anyone to do certain things, such as to refuse a voting certificate to a certain person or to oppose an integration order issued against a certain school. Such action on the part of the defendant might be a violation of an injunction or it might be a violation of a criminal law on civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|But in such cases, the Government would bring the individual before the judge on a charge of contempt. And the judge could convict and sentence the individual without a trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|That is what prompted the southern amendment to the bill aimed at assuring a jury trial. And that is the principle Mr. Brownell is assailing in his statements to Congress.}}
{{smaller block|He does not deny that trial by jury would be denied the defendants. He merely says the amendment would make the bill ineffective and would weaken the power of the Federal courts to enforce their orders. He says this power to punish for contempt has long been available to the Government in other Federal cases.}}
{{smaller block|That much is true. When the Government brings a civil suit and obtains an injunction, contempt can be adjudged and punished without a jury. But these are cases entirely different from those Mr. Brownell proposes to bring in the name of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|In this instance, Mr. Brownell is trying to do in a roundabout way what the Constitution forbids him to do directly; that is, try and convict a person for an alleged crime without a jury.}}
Mr. President, here is an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of April 17, 1957. It is entitled “Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} Understands Threat to Liberty in Civil-Rights Bill” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Speaking at the annual banquet of the Hibernian Society in Charleston, March 18, 1947, Senator {{sc|Joseph C. O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, stressed the fact that the United States has repudiated the doctrine of arbitrary power.}}
{{smaller block|This week, 10 years after he made this statement, Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} gave evidence that he believes what he said. The Democratic Senator lined up with southern critics of the so-called civil-rights bill. He said he was in favor of a civil-rights bill but one that is conceived in justice and freedom rather than in any thought of punishment.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} told reporters that the proposed Presidential Civil Rights Commission to investigate complaints of civil-rights violations could easily do more harm than good. And with respect to another part of the bill vigorously opposed by southern Senators, he said, “I don’t think we should be afraid of a jury trial in matters of this kind.” In announcing his stand on the legislation, he said that the South has made many striking advances in racial relations, while such relations in some other parts of the country have worsened.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}’s stand on the civil-rights bill is of major significance. His statement shows that the South is gaining ground in its battle to convince other regions that the force bills are a threat to the liberties of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is not a western conservative like, say, Senator {{sc|Barry Goldwater}}, Republican, of Arizona, who might be expected to line up with southern conservatives. The Senator from Wyoming is a western liberal and an old-time supporter of the New Deal. Hence his acceptance of some of the southern constitutional arguments is all the more meaningful.}}
{{smaller block|If Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is convinced that the right to jury trial and other parts of our heritage are being threatened by the civil-rights bill, the likelihood of convincing other northern and western Senators is considerable.}}
{{smaller block|In order to overcome the propaganda barriers of the NAACP and convince these Senators, the South must continue to argue its case—and on the highest level. Senator {{sc|Sam Ervin}} of North Carolina has done especially fine work this session in accomplishing just that.}}
{{smaller block|The other task facing southerners is that of insisting on respect for law and order throughout our region. The enemies of the South must not have any excuse for urging Federal intervention. Hoodlumism must be put down. The ignorant elements who join the Ku Klux Klan must be made to realize they are under the eyes of local and State police. Responsible men must stay active in movements such as the citizens council, and prevent infiltration by troublemakers or hotheads.}}
{{smaller block|If the South can speak with dignity in Washington and act with honesty and good sense at home, there will be more Senator O’Mahoneys who will realize southerners are fighting the good fight for American liberties.}}
Mr. President, here is another article from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Trial by Jury Right of All Americans” and it appears in the June 5, 1957, issue of the News and Courier, and has this to say:
{{smaller block|A guaranty of trial by jury, squeezed into a civil-rights law by vote of a Senate subcommittee, has been hailed as a southern victory.}}
{{smaller block|This victory—though it is little more than solace in a string of defeats—in fact belongs to the American Republic. Southerners are not alone in danger. If the Federal Government can deprive southerners of the right of trial by jury, on the ground that they are unfair to Negroes, it can do the same to citizens of other regions on equally flimsy grounds.}}
{{smaller block|Thanks to the NAACP and its political allies, defense of Negroes’ civil rights is popular today. Even at the sacrifice of rights of all citizens, restrictive laws have won serious support. The News and Courier finds biting irony in the need for Congress to guarantee the right of trial by jury. Americans have been brought up in the belief that the United States Constitution meant what it said in guaranteeing them this right.}}
{{smaller block|Nowadays, the ruling clique no longer trusts ordinary people to govern themselves. Juries, they fear, will bring in unjust verdicts. The bosses prefer to entrust such delicate matters as civil rights to hand-picked Federal judges, who are screened by the Department of Justice and appointed by the President. With both national parties committed to the NAACP program, no lawyer who takes a strong stand against that program stands much chance of appointment. As older judges die or retire, Attorney General Brownell will make sure, insofar as he is able, that replacements have a “liberal” view of race.}}
{{smaller block|With administration of election laws removed from the hands of elected State officials and placed under Federal appointees, government is being removed ever further from the people. The jury system, safeguard of Anglo–Saxon liberty, may yet be a victim of alien notions now gathering power in our Republic.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the May 10, 1957, issue of the Charleston, (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “The Civil-Rights Fight and Trial-by-Jury Issue” and was written by the distinguished southern newspaperman, Dr. John Temple Graves. Here is what it has to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm|“}}Backward, turn backward,
O Time in thy flight * * *”&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}
{{smaller block|Time accommodates.}}
{{smaller block|Its comment on jury trials last week overlooked the Federal march of time.}}
{{smaller block|Admitting that the trial-by-jury issue has come to dominate the civil-rights fight, the magazine pontificated that “the contempt citation is the judiciary’s historic enforcement tool.” It avowed that “jury trials in contempt cases have absolutely no basis in equity or constitutional law and precious little legislative sanction.”}}
{{smaller block|The trick in this extraordinary statement is in Time’s small print at the bottom of the page. It explains that “with a single exception (the Norris–La Gaurdia Act covering labor disputes) trial by jury has never been required in contempt cases to which the United States has been a party.” With the United States Government proposing now to be a party to just about everything in heaven, earth, and the waters beneath—a new situation exists.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution loves the principle of trial by jury and says so over and over again. That great basic principle, rather than any technicality, is what is involved for the South.}}
{{smaller block|Call it contempt or something else, let the Government be a party or not a party, what concerns us and what concerned the makers of the Constitution is that citizens in handcuffs shall not be adjudged by those who put the handcuffs on them, that the right of an accused to be properly tried in the Anglo–Saxon ideal shall not be abridged in the name of contempt or participation of the Government.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution speaks for this principle in article 3. The fifth amendment speaks for it, and the sixth, and the seventh.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing in the whole instrument is more emphatic.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the April 8, 1957, issue of South, the news magazine of Dixie. It is entitled “Force Bill ‘Liberals’ Would Kill Jury Trial.” Here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|It is incredible that those who like to boast that they are liberals and protectors of individual rights are crying the loudest for the currently misnamed civil-rights legislation which would deny alleged violators the right to trial by jury. The politically inspired anti-South force bill package has induced such a state of hypnosis in the self-styled liberals that they want to replace constitutional guarantees of civil liberties with their own false notions of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|If the question of race were not at issue, the very people who are pressing for passage of this abominable travesty on constitutional principle would be the first to denounce it for discarding the sacred right of trial by jury. At the outset the legislation violates the rights spelled out in article III., section 3, and by the seventh amendment, one of the historic ten making up the Bill of Rights. It would empower the United States Attorney General to seek injunctions against persons suspected of being about to violate the so-called civil-rights measure. Then a Federal judge, acting also as prosecutor and jury, would decree a whole community or State in contempt. An individual cited for contempt would be tried without a jury by the judge who cited him.}}
{{smaller block|The proponents of this evil proposal know exactly what they are doing. By design they are taking away the right of jury trial. In fact, they are bold to say that if they did not set aside the right of trial by jury, they could not get convictions in the South. To allow jury trials, they say, would be to gut the bill. Attorney General Brownell is horror-struck at the thought that the no-jury-trial provision be stricken. President Eisenhower, who violates a campaign pledge made at Miami by pushing this legislation, says he would have to get Brownell’s opinion as to whether to sign or veto a civil-rights bill containing the assurance of jury trial in contempt cases. The civil strife proponents protest that this guaranty—in the Constitution which Eisenhower, Brownell, and all Congressmen are sworn to uphold—would cripple the bill. Has the President so soon forgotten that he said at Miami, 2 weeks before the election, that civil-rights problems should be handled to the greatest extent on a local and State basis?}}
{{smaller block|Surely our liberals know that Hitler, Mussolini, and all tyrants from the time of King John (until forced to sign the Magna Carta) opposed jury trials because they would cripple their programs.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the April 14, 1957, issue of the Greenville, S. C., News. It is entitled “Jackie Robinson on Meet the Press: Negro Athlete Favors Jury Trials” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Jackie Robinson, Negro baseball star, when asked if he favored jury trials for civil-rights defendants, said Sunday night he would personally prefer a jury trial.}}
{{smaller block|The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People strongly opposes a jury trial guaranty in criminal injunction cases arising under the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Robinson is leading the NAACP’s freedom-fund campaign for a million dollars to attain first-class citizenship for all members.}}
{{smaller block|The former Brooklyn Dodger told an NBC Meet the Press television panel that he did not know what the million dollars would be spent for—possibly for lawsuits against school segregation.}}
{{smaller block|He said he favored the civil-rights bill but knows very little about it.}}
{{smaller block|Frank Van Der Linden, this newspaper’s Washington correspondent, asked the questions about the civil-rights bill.}}
This is a man, Mr. President, who favors the civil-rights bill, but even he says he favors a trial by jury.

That is what the House did on this so-called compromise. In effect, they have nullified the right of trial by jury. There are very, very few instances in which a judge, when he finds a man guilty of contempt, would give a sentence of more than 45 days in prison or a fine of more than $300. That simply means the practical effect is that the jury trial has been completely nullified.

As I have said earlier, and as I will say later in my address, the right of jury trial is something the Constitution grants to the citizens of the United States. The Congress does not have the authority to take the jury trial away from the people of America.

Mr. President, I have an excerpt from an editorial from the August 26, 1957, issue of the Columbia (S. C.) Record. It is entitled “Jury-Trial Compromise No Compromise,” and this is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|The “compromise” on the jury-trial amendment to the civil-rights bill, worked out between the House and Senate leaders of both parties, is anything but a genuine compromise. It is a nullification of the jury-trial principle, for which the southern Democrats fought so valiantly in the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|The amendment written into the bill by the Senate provided that in all cases of criminal contempt defendants should be entitled to jury trials, guaranteed by the Constitution to all persons accused of crime. This applied not only to criminal contempt charges growing out of voting-right cases, but also to other criminal contempt proceedings as well.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called compromise allows jury trials only in voting-rights cases and then only after a defendant has been tried and convicted without a jury trial and sentenced to more than 45 days’ imprisonment and a $300 fine. In such a case the defendant could ask for a jury trial and the case would then be tried ''de novo'' before a jury. But no jury, of course, could try such a case ''de novo'' in fact. Every juror would know that the defendant had been found guilty by a judge and given more than a minimum sentence. This is a condition precedent to a jury trial in these voting-right cases. And no jury trial under such circumstances is anything approaching the right of trial by jury guaranteed by the Constitution.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the August 25, 1957, issue of the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Jury Trial ‘Compromise’ Is False Bait in Wicked Trap for Liberty,” and here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|A proposed compromise now pending in Congress is as wicked and immoral, in our opinion, as total denial of trial by jury under Federal election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Reports from Washington indicate a likelihood that the civil rights force bill may be rammed through Congress with this compromise to grease the way. Perhaps the northern scrambles for Negro votes and their “liberal” southern allies have the power in Congress to enact this hateful law. They should not get even silent support from anyone who loves the American Republic.}}
{{smaller block|The compromise is really no compromise at all. It would grant the opportunity to seek a new trial before a jury by a defendant in an election case who had received a sentence greater than a $1,000 fine or 45 days in jail.}}
The amount there, incidentally, Mr. President, should be corrected. Instead of a $1,000 fine, it should be a $300 fine.
{{smaller block|But the size of a fine and the duration of imprisonment are not the key issue in this legislation. Penalties may be amended once the principle is set up. Besides, imprisoning State election officials even for a short time could rig the outcome of voting.}}
{{smaller block|The key issue here is whether the liberty of a citizen, and the constitutional rights of the States to conduct free elections, should be sacrificed for the sake of current political advantage of national parties and politicians.}}
As I have said before, Mr. President—to digress there—the only purpose of this so-called right-to-vote bill is to advance the cause of the national political parties with the minorities and to advance the cause of certain politicians. If it were not for the purpose of both parties playing to the minorities and advancing the cause of certain politicians to high offices, I do not believe this bill would ever have been introduced. It is a disgrace to the United States even to have the Congress consider such an abominable and obnoxious bill.
{{smaller block|Behind this force bill lies a game of power politics. Both national parties are struggling to control the votes of herded Negroes in big northern cities and their liberal allies. These bloc voters are believed to hold the balance of political power in the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Buried beneath the nauseating political greed that has produced this force bill are principles once dear to Americans. The bill has many of the earmarks of totalitarian government that the Constitution was built to prevent.}}
Among these earmarks are Federal control of elections, seizing the power of the ballot box from the people most likely to be affected; substitution of judges for juries in enforcement of the law; and secrecy in working up prosecutions.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would set up a powerful commission on the phony pretense of guarding voting rights of minority groups. This Commission’s actions would be shielded from public view. Persons are forbidden under penalties to make known what it is doing. The Star Chamber—a tyrannous device once used by English Kings—thus would be imposed for the first time on the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Southerners may be overwhelmed by superior force, but they should go down fighting every step of the way.}}
{{smaller block|In honorable defeat they may sound an alarm to fellow Americans not yet awake to dangers to the Republic. Passage of the civil-rights force bill would be a defeat for all citizens of whatever race or region, for it would help to set the stage for dictatorship and oppression. The compromise on which passage now seems to hinge is only a deceptive detail in a dirty business.}}
Mr. President, I have here an excellent editorial from the Washington Evening Star of July 12, 1957. It is an editorial full of quotes, but the editor made his point well in this editorial without even having to insert his own comments. Here is what the editorial says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Brownell}} ''v.'' {{sc|Norris}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Attorney General Brownell (in a letter explaining the civil-rights bill):}}
{{smaller block|“Enactment of legislation providing for jury trial in contempt cases arising out of governmental litigation would undermine the authority of the Federal courts by seriously weakening their power to enforce their lawful orders. The effect of adopting current proposals for jury trial would be to weaken and undermine the authority of the Federal courts by making their every order, even when issued after due hearing and affirmed on appeal, reviewable by a local jury. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“Furthermore the proposed amendment to existing procedures that is being advocated under the innocuous slogan of jury trial would permit practical nullification of the effectiveness of the proposed civil-rights legislation. The enforcement of any court order may require prompt and vigorous action if it is to be effective. Prompt action will often be vital in civil-rights cases, especially election cases, where the registration period or the election may pass while enforcement is delayed. The injection of a jury trial between an order of a court enjoining discrimination against Negroes in an election, and the enforcement of that order would provide numerous opportunities for delay beyond the time when the order could have practical effect.”}}
{{smaller block|The late Senator George W. Norris (insisting on the right of trial by jury, by Congressional enactment, in every case of indirect contempt):}}
{{smaller block|“I agree that any man charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.”}}
I wish to repeat that statement. He said:
{{smaller block|I agree that any many charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.}}
Under the proposed compromise amendment which came from the House, the people will not get a jury trial. In 99 percent of the cases the judge will sentence people without a jury trial. It is said, “Well, they are able to get a jury trial if the fine is more than $300 or if the imprisonment is for more than 45 days.”

That is not the point. The point is that in 99 percent of the cases the compromise would deny to the citizens a jury trial, which is guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Congress should not be a party to violating the Constitution of the United States by passing the compromise amendment.

I continue to read from the editorial:
{{smaller block|“It is no answer to say that there will sometimes be juries which will not convict. That is a charge which can be made against our jury system. Every man who has tried lawsuits before juries, every man who has ever presided in court and heard jury trials, knows that juries make mistakes, as all other human beings do, and they sometimes render verdicts which seem almost obnoxious. But it is the best system I know of. I would not have it abolished; and when I see how juries will really do justice when a biased and prejudiced judge is trying to lead them astray I am confirmed in my opinion that, after all, our jury system is one which the American people, who believe in liberty and justice, will not dare to surrender. I like to have trial by jury preserved in all kinds of cases where there is a dispute of facts.”}}
Mr. President, I have before me an editorial from the Greenville (S. C.) News of March 29, 1957, entitled “How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?”

It reads:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Rather smugly, perhaps, we Americans have taken for granted our right to a trial before a jury when we stand accused of violating the law.}}
{{smaller block|So fixed in our system of jurisprudence and our common concepts of justice is the jury trial that few of us ever have stopped to consider the difference between having our guilt or innocence determined by a group of ordinary citizens and having a judge, a creature of the Government, mete out justice singlehandedly, as he alone sees it.}}
{{smaller block|Article III., section 2 of the United States Constitution, says that “the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.”}}
{{smaller block|The sixth amendment, article VI. of the Bill of Rights, spells out further the right to the accused in criminal proceedings “to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|It goes on to guarantee the accused the right to be informed specifically of the charges against him, to confront the witnesses against him, to subpena witnesses in his favor, and to be represented by counsel.}}
{{smaller block|The seventh amendment, article VII. of the Bill of Rights, provides that in suits at common law the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.}}
{{smaller block|One would think that, with all these references in the Constitution, the right to a jury trial would be secure. But liberal elements, including our own Department of Justice, advocating passage of proposed civil-rights legislation are teaching us that this basic right is not so secure as we might have thought.}}
{{smaller block|For the bills now before the Congress would, in fact, deny persons accused of violating the civil rights of others the right of a trial by a jury of citizens of their State and district. And the NAACP and Attorney General Brownell are insisting on this provision of the bill. Attempts of southern Senators and Congressmen to write into it a guaranty of that right have thus far been beaten down.}}
{{smaller block|If the bill is enacted, the Government would be empowered to bring civil, rather than criminal charges, against an individual accused of violating someone else’s rights. He would be prosecuted by a Government attorney before a Federal judge, who might be sent in from outside his State, who would pass on the facts as well as the law and would pass sentence.}}
{{smaller block|The accused would be just as apt to go to jail on the civil charge as he would if he were charged with a criminal offense in which the jury trial would be guaranteed. Indeed, the chances of his going to jail might be even greater.}}
{{smaller block|But that is only part of it.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint. If the individual did complain, the Government would bear the whole cost of prosecuting his case.}}
{{smaller block|The defendant, on the other hand, would find himself faced with the necessity of hiring a lawyer and, perhaps, of going through a long series of court proceedings that could very well break him financially.}}
{{smaller block|This could become vicious persecution instead of reasonable prosecution.}}
{{smaller block|This threat of persecution is no less real in another phase of the proposed civil-rights legislation relating to the creation of a commission empowered to investigate alleged incidents of discrimination, economic boycotts, and the like.}}
{{smaller block|If this plan became a reality, a citizen accused of discriminating against a member of a minority, or of applying economic pressure against him, could be ordered to report to a place in Washington at a given time and be subjected to an investigation. His need for counsel and, hence, the expense of defending himself, could be just as great as it would be if he were accused of some crime.}}
{{smaller block|All of this is being proposed in the name of civil rights by persons calling themselves liberals.}}
{{smaller block|How can we create rights by destroying rights? And how liberal is it?}}
Mr. President, I wish to repeat a paragraph in the editorial which I believe is most important. It should appeal to every lawyer, and, in fact, to every citizen. It reads:
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint.}}
Mr. President, I believe we are setting a very dangerous precedent when the Government can bring suits of the kind provided in the civil-rights bill, even if an individual does not complain. The Government can file a suit in behalf of an individual, even if the individual has not complained, and it can bring a suit for an individual who has complained. In either case, the Government can substitute its name in behalf of the defendant in bringing the case.

Furthermore, the Government would bear the cost of prosecuting the case. The poor defendant must pay his own expense. If an individual wishes to bring a case in court, why should he not pay his own expense? Why should the Federal Government bear the expense of a person whose statement may be true or which may not be true? I can foresee untold litigation. I can see all kinds of fabrications being made in order to have cases brought. It is a dangerous bill, Mr. President. It is far more dangerous than I believe the average man on the street has been able to understand. The average man in the street does not realize what is in the bill. I cannot imagine why Members of Congress would even consider passing such a bill. Again I say that it would not even have been introduced, in my opinion, or given any consideration at all, if it were not purely a political bill.

Mr. President, I have an editorial published in the Greenville (S. C.) News of February 26, 1957, entitled “Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty.”
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty}}}}}}
{{smaller block|({{sc|Editor’s Note}}.—The following editorial is taken from a statement prepared by the editor of the News at the request of the Governor of South Carolina. The statement is to be offered to the subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon by representatives of this State who are appearing in opposition to the civil-rights bills.)}}
{{smaller block|The civil-rights bills of 1957, like those proposed during the last 20 years and more by individuals of both parties and by administrations of both parties, are anachronistic.}}
{{smaller block|An anachronism is something that is misplaced in time. In this instance, it is a throwback to a more primitive age which is, at best, a misfit and, at worst, a destructive force in the age in which it occurs.}}
{{smaller block|And when intelligent and otherwise dedicated men ignore more pressing and more serious problems and pass up greater opportunities for service to deliberately create such an anachronism, the result is bound to be tragic.}}
{{smaller block|Even if we could assume, which we cannot, that the broad and untested powers these proposed laws would confer on an already oversized and unwieldy Federal bureaucracy would always be wisely and fairly administered, the need for them, if it ever existed, has long since passed.}}
{{smaller block|The purposes now claimed for them have been better served by processes springing from the people themselves than ever they can be by pressure and threat of punishment imposed upon the people by an omnipotent and omnipresent “Big Brother” sort of government.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, the instruments now proposed to protect liberty and to uplift men are such as to be capable of being used to destroy liberty and to oppress men.}}
{{smaller block|To appreciate the origin of the civil-rights bills and the natural resistance to them in many parts of the country, especially the South, one must consider them in their proper perspective with past history and present trends.}}
{{smaller block|To put it bluntly, this legislation grows out of a latter-day extension of the overzealous efforts of the abolitionists, who profited and were exalted during the era preceding the War Between the States. It is being pushed in the same sort of spirit that motivated the vengeant and vindictive planners and executors of the reconstruction.}}
{{smaller block|Not even during the tragic and oppressive reconstruction did a Congress, which was dominated by radicals and in which the conquered South had few friends and spokesmen, see fit to enact such laws as now proposed.}}
{{smaller block|There was military occupation and corrupt government imposed from Washington, but there was no permanent board of inquisitors that could be turned into an agency of harassment and intimidation. There was injustice, but there was no permanent overturning of the processes of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|Purged by bloodshed of the sin of slavery, which was not his alone, nor his country’s alone, the southern white resisted the reconstruction. He resisted it because he feared, with justification, that it was intended to take from him in order to give to the Negro. He resists court-decreed integration and the civil-rights proposals for the same reason—again with justification for his fears.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NEGRO IS MISLED}}}}
{{smaller block|The Negro was misled in those days, and he is being misled now.}}
{{smaller block|The end of the abominable institution of slavery was inevitable, and it could have been accomplished without fratricide and without threatening the Union and creating abiding bitterness. At its end, the Negro was led to believe he could switch from the status of slave to that of master. In some instances, for a time, he did. In others, he was promised “40 acres and a mule,” but more often than not he didn’t know what to do with the 40 acres and he never got the mule.}}
{{smaller block|The Negro again is being falsely led to believe that integration will solve all of his remaining problems and that all he needs to realize the millennium is a few more court decrees and Federal laws. He has been led to believe that political largesse will bring to him those things that he can best realize by earning and exercising the rights and privileges already available to him.}}
{{smaller block|Until fairly recent decades, southern whites and Negroes engaged in a pathetic sort of competition for the lesser degree of poverty, but they have made progress together and they have achieved a mutual understanding. Education and a rising prosperity were easing the old bitterness and misunderstanding and improving relations between the races at a rate that has been positively amazing.}}
{{smaller block|The tragedy of this era is that, since 1954, with the Supreme Court decision in the school cases, and especially since the renewal of agitation of civil-rights legislation with almost virulent vigor, this progress has been slowed down. And the Negro stands to lose the most. The bitterness and the old suspicions are being revived.}}
{{smaller block|A few years ago in a prosperous South Carolina industrial city, a joint committee of white and Negro citizens conducted a survey of the needs of the Negro community, ranging from health and housing to transportation and recreation. Much progress came of it.}}
{{smaller block|Also, a few years ago, with the help of the newspapers and interested white citizens, certain racial barriers in the public hospital were broken down and qualified Negro doctors were granted staff privileges for the first time on full equality with their white colleagues.}}
{{smaller block|Along about the same time, the newspapers and interested white citizens campaigned for better housing for Negroes. City substandard housing laws were strengthened and better enforcement machinery established. The improvement in rental property has been marked.}}
{{smaller block|Also, it was urged that property be made available to Negroes of means who wanted to build better homes away from congested areas in which Negroes tend to congregate. Subsequently, a fairly exclusive Negro residential section, near white neighborhoods, was started. There were no objections.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|PROGRESS IS SLOWED}}}}
{{smaller block|This sort of things would be more difficult now, if not impossible, in no small part because the Negro is reluctant to cooperate. Both he and his white friends are subject to pressure and unpleasantness from radical elements among their respective races. The Negro apparently has been led to believe the moon may be within his grasp; and lawless and more extreme whites have been aroused.}}
{{smaller block|In many cities in the South, the newspapers have sought for years to treat the Negro with the dignity any citizen deserves in their handling of the news. Special sections devoted to news of the Negro community, often prepared by Negro reporters, were started. Until recently, there was no protest. Now there are murmurs, direct protests, and anonymous letters.}}
{{smaller block|None of this has to do with integration. Neither race is ready for integration, and may never be. But if they become so it will be on the only basis of successful close human association—natural affinity, mutual appreciation, and individual choice. Neither court decrees nor laws can create these conditions.}}
{{smaller block|In his speech on conciliation with the American Colonies in 1775, Edmund Burke said, “I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.”}}
{{smaller block|With the help of the proposed legislation, and the injunctive process, the Federal courts may one day find such a method, but the result will be the destruction, not the preservation of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|Burke also said in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontent in 1770 that, “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”}}
{{smaller block|This cause is not the South’s alone. The extension of the judicial process into areas it was not intended to reach and stretching it for purposes it is incapable of serving; the striking down of the police power of the States in field after field; the unprecedented use of the injunctive power without jury trial to punish for contempt persons not before the court; all of these, as able judges and lawyers are solemnly warning, threaten the future security of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|The granting of the powers the Justice Department is now asking can only hasten this process. Even the layman can see that. The proposed commission, with power to investigate and harass at its own will could, in the wrong hands, become an instrument of coercion and intimidation.}}
{{smaller block|Like other Americans, no southerner of good conscience condones the denial of rights, either by violation of the law or by threat or violence. But the atmosphere created by agitation is not only inciting lawless elements to violence, but is making such incidents even harder to deal with.}}
{{smaller block|Of laws we have aplenty. The Federal Government has ample power to deal with the violations the Attorney General alleges but doesn’t specify. The States have laws against violence, and many of them, like South Carolina, have laws making violation of any citizen’s rights a crime.}}
{{smaller block|They should be left free to enforce them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Orangeburg (S. C.) Times and Democrat of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “On Jury Trials.” This is what it has to say on this subject:
{{smaller block|The committee in the Senate which has been considering the civil-rights bill has added an amendment to the bill which would allow persons accused of contempt to be given jury trials. Many Senators who were and are in favor of the civil-rights bill are supporting this amendment.}}
{{smaller block|We do not see how Congress can go wrong in providing jury trials for persons accused of contempt. While we do not wish to join in a wholesale assault on the judiciary of this Nation, it is nevertheless true that the judiciary—like the other branches of the Government—must have its limitations.}}
{{smaller block|No one branch of our Government functions perfectly, nor is it made up of perfect citizens. The judicial branch has assumed increasing power in recent years and it would be wise to safeguard the right of persons to a trial by jury because of what might follow if this right is denied citizens. It may be that only one issue is involved at present, but the future might well turn up an undesirable situation in which the principle wherein judges who find American citizens guilty of contempt, exercise such unlimited powers concerning various issues and freedom that any bill limiting the right of jury trial would be a tragedy and result in injustice to many Americans.}}
{{smaller block|We do not believe that any one section of the country has a monopoly on all the good people in the United States. We believe that trial by jury is the best possible system establishing guilt and that the people themselves, who make up our juries, will come nearer seeing that justice is done than any group, acting individually, no matter how talented the various individuals may be.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Columbia (S. C.) State of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “A Wise Provision,” and here is what it has to say on the question of jury trials:
{{smaller block|Administration forces fell before six Democrats and a Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee who insisted upon including in the so-called civil-rights bill a proviso guaranteeing trial by jury to persons accused in court in civil-rights cases. In supporting the amendment as a poor substitute for killing the bill, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} explained that the section would give civil-rights defendants the same right now enjoyed by trade unionists in labor injunction cases.}}
{{smaller block|The development does not, however, meet with the approval of Attorney General Brownell, who has been playing out of position before now in lobbying for controversial and doubtful legislation, arraying section against section and class against class. He complains the proviso would permit practical nullification of proposed civil-rights legislation. In the words of Orphan Annie, “Would that be bad?”}}
{{smaller block|One wonders just what the advocates of such legislation are after. Could they be seeking to destroy the Constitution?}}
{{smaller block|Everything considered, the section guaranteeing jury trials to defendants in civil-rights cases follows the orderly procedure defined by the Founding Fathers as to the rights and dignity of the individual. Trial by jury is one of the cardinal triumphs of our Constitution as inherited from Magna Carta. There is no reason why any exception should be made to gratify the unilateral zeal of special interests of self-appointed reregulators.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, of July 10, 1957. Here is what it has to say:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|A Principle of Rights: South Making Its Point}}}}}}
{{smaller block|More Senators, it appears, are seeing the validity of the South’s insistence on trial by jury as a fixed point of law and due process—{{SIC|bone|borne}} of contention with the civil-rights brigade. They are seeing, surely, what logic underscores: that if this principle falls under the impact of biased thinking against the South, it falls for all. It is not, therefore, a regional issue, but national. The southern protest is not addressed to a narrow, selfish view, but to a view exactly as broad as the Constitution—and as far reaching.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, has paid tribute to the fairness of southern colleagues—having spoken out prior to this showdown for the stated right of due process; and recognizing the progress already made, and voluntarily, on race relations. As a further point of edification, the fact of voting rights enjoyed and practiced in the South should be laid before him.}}
{{smaller block|Who, influenced by propaganda to the contrary, has bothered to examine the record in State after State? By what process of competent investigation have these civil-rights firebrands arrived at a conclusion of wholesale indictment?}}
{{smaller block|Voting is a privilege, as well as a duty, of citizenship, asserted and protected by law. With that principle there can be no quarrel. The issue is invasion by Federal authority, and methods of enforcement begetting strife by the measures of force contemplated in this iniquitous legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There are States, outside the South, where people of voting age are denied the right to vote—Indians, for example. Negro citizens do vote, under the same rules of eligibilty applied in the case of white citizens; and if any Senator doubts that, he should come this way and watch.}}
{{smaller block|In Tennessee, and other Southern States, he would find Negroes holding public office. In Nashville they elect their own representatives to city council; they have membership on the school board. They staff their schools. They are employed on the police department and the fire department.}}
{{smaller block|Facts, it appears, are coming out in the Senate and registering—and they are facts answering organized diatribe; substantiating both the concept of justice and of constitutional law.}}
{{smaller block|The South does not stand at the bar of public opinion convicted—just accused. It is not on the defensive. It is defending a basic right of responsible treatment, and the place of that defense is the floor of the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|As manifested by the implied readiness of opponents to concede the trial-by-jury point, its stand to date is influencing that decision. It cannot compromise any principle to the detriment of established, constitutional rights, much less yield to the whip of caprice.}}
A column written by Dr. John Temple Graves, one of the outstanding men in the South and in the Nation, printed in the Charleston, S. C., News and Courier of July 8, 1957, is entitled “South’s Most Civil Right Is Right To Be Let Alone,” reads as follows:
{{smaller block|“The right to be let alone.”}}
{{smaller block|That is our most civil liberty.}}
{{smaller block|Remember it and be of good cheer as Senators from the South fight against the so-called civil-liberty bill.}}
{{smaller block|Civil liberty is indivisible.}}
{{smaller block|It is the whole Constitution, the whole ideal. When you sacrifice one part for another you decrease and endanger the total. When the right to jury trial is impeached to save the right to vote there is net loss, and the same loss runs the whole constitutional gamut.}}
{{smaller block|Basically, all American rights are civil rights. States’ rights are civil. The rights of Congress against the Supreme Court are civil, and of the executive against each, and vice versa.}}
{{smaller block|And when the Federal Government (or the State) invades areas never intended or authorized there is violation of the most civil right of all—the right to be let alone.}}
{{smaller block|If the Founding Fathers made a mistake, if they failed to look ahead enough, if they should have anticipated a future so social and interrelated that nothing short of a totalitarian central government and law would serve, we should face it and get a new Constitution. Certainly we should not undertake to cover the situation by ignoring the Constitution in one place and insisting on it in another, sacrificing one civil right to make another safe.}}
{{smaller block|Most of us believe no mistake was made, that liberty and justice can still be had in the great terms of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If the President could just be reached on this jury-trial issue in the civil-force bill many of us who go on liking him believe he would see the South’s case as the Nation’s. The Baltimore Sun nails it thus: “The injunction contemplated would forbid actions already forbidden under Federal criminal laws. This being so, the injunction procedure is obviously a judicial shortcut, and one which would deprive those cited for contempt of a right which would be guaranteed them under the Federal Constitution (if they) were indicted for the same offense. It is proposed to assure one right—the right to vote—by ignoring another right—the right to a jury trial.”}}
{{smaller block|As pointed out here many times, jury trials should be stretched just as far as contempt is stretched, you would think. The civil-rights bill would stretch contempt into areas that ordinarily involve jury trial. It should not be permitted to deny jury trial, therefore, on the plea that contempt cases don’t allow for them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of July 4, 1957, entitled &quot;“Unless Citizens Fight Against Tyranny Independence Will Perish in the United States of America:”
{{smaller block|The 181st anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 today finds independence at low ebb in these United States.}}
{{smaller block|There is a real question as to whether Americans of this day are capable of keeping whatever measure of independence is left to them, let alone restoring lost liberties.}}
{{smaller block|The original Independence Day was celebrated a long time ago.}}
{{smaller block|The national memory of what it means is dim. There is a certain amount of speechifying by political leaders. And the White House will hand reporters a mimeographed Fourth of July statement, written by one of the President’s ghostwriters.}}
{{smaller block|But the deep meaning of the day will not be especially clear to millions of Americans who are looking forward to a long weekend at the beach or other pleasure resorts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason why the Fourth of July should be a long-faced affair. Nor is there any reason why it should be just another holiday—another day for family picnics, parties, and romping in the surf.}}
{{smaller block|Except for a few lines of it embodied in newspaper stories, no one will read the Declaration of Independence. And yet our ancestors read it with the greatest care, for it touched their lives.}}
{{smaller block|It is an angry document, full of resentment toward a government that was steadily pushing Americans into a corner. Finally, in the Declaration, the people said they had enough.}}
{{smaller block|Throughout June 1957 the American people were being pushed into a corner, precisely as the people of the province of South Carolina and 12 other colonies were being pushed in the broiling summer of 1776. No one attacked Sullivan’s Island last month, except possibly mosquitoes. But liberties of South Carolinians and their fellow citizens in 47 States were under attack.}}
{{smaller block|Who knows it? Who cares? Today Fort Moultrie, which should be a national shrine, is padlocked and the grounds overgrown with grass. Today, grass is growing over American liberties.}}
{{smaller block|Americans cared in 1776. Of George III., the signers said: “The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.”}}
{{smaller block|And so they submitted the facts. They said that King George “has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation; for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; for suspending our legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.”}}
{{smaller block|Does this have a familiar ring?}}
{{smaller block|Is not the Congress, on recommendation of the President, preparing a civil-rights bill that would deny trial by jury to some Americans? Isn’t the Supreme Court striking down State laws, abolishing important laws of Congress and altering fundamental forms of our State and Federal governments? Isn’t the Supreme Court legislating school laws for the South?}}
{{smaller block|The answer to all these questions is “Yes.”}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence says that it is the duty of a free people, when a design to reduce them to despotism has been perceived, to provide new guards for their future security.}}
{{smaller block|That is what Americans living in 1957 must do. There is no need for flag-waving demonstrations—nothing of that sort. All that is needed is for millions of Americans to halt one moment, in the midst of holiday pleasure, to resolve that they will support their elected representatives in setting up new guards against tyranny.}}
{{smaller block|Unless there is such a resolve, there won’t be much independence to celebrate in the years ahead.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the July 9, 1957, Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier entitled “People Should Accept No Compromise on States’ Control of Elections:”
{{smaller block|Talk about compromise on civil rights force bills before Congress is in the news from Washington. What goes on behind the scenes the public seldom knows at the time, and doesn’t always find out later. We speak with no knowledge other than what we read in press dispatches.}}
{{smaller block|The comment of Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, Republican, of South Dakota, who has predicted a compromise in time to let the Senate adjourn by mid-August, is especially interesting. He said the compromise would be one “for which the South can’t vote, but one with which the South can live.” The terms of the compromise would be to guarantee the right of Negro and other minority groups to vote without harassment.}}
{{smaller block|Qualified Negroes, like qualified white people, already have a right to vote. Race agitators from time to time dig up cases of alleged intimidation of Negro voters in the South. No doubt there are voting irregularities in the South, as in other regions of the country. In the areas that the News and Courier knows about, Negroes register and vote without hindrance. If there is widespread violation of anybody’s civil rights we are not aware of it. The big question is not so much whether and where violations may occur, but who has authority to enforce guaranties of the rights.}}
{{smaller block|Heretofore in our country the States have set up and supervised elections within their borders. We strongly believe that the future of the American Republic depends on saving a balance of power between State and Federal authorities. Control of the ballot and voting procedures is essential to that balance.}}
{{smaller block|The force bill now before Congress, generally known as the civil-rights bill, would set up new Federal machinery, armed with power to imprison without trial by jury, to manage racial aspects of elections. It would be a short step to amend this law to put other, perhaps all, election machinery into Federal hands. Thus some of the safeguards—precious few of them remaining—would disappear.}}
{{smaller block|Compromise on the force bill is a compromise with freedom. Today the Southern States may seem to be the target. But the danger exists for all 48 States.}}
{{smaller block|Perhaps the danger cannot be avoided in the present mood of our Government. Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, in the past a stanch supporter of States’ rights, has forecast a compromise “with which the South can live,” even though it cannot vote for the compromise.}}
{{smaller block|The South could not live with Reconstruction after the Civil War. Some of the proposals today seem designed to revive the spirit of Reconstruction. The News and Courier does not believe the South can live with that spirit now any better than it could live with it 80 years ago.}}
{{smaller block|For that reason we reject any compromise with basic rights and basic freedom.}}
{{smaller block|If the South loses to superior power, either in the form of votes in Congress or any other form of force, let it not be said that the South gave its consent. Someday, if it is not then too late, the rest of the country may come to its senses. The South may be able to hasten that day by resisting wreckers of the Republic. If the people of the United States realized what was being done to their country, they would not offer up the South as a sacrifice, nor compromise with liberty.}}
{{smaller block|The South might be able to live with compromise, but not at the same time with pride and self-respect.}}
Mr. President, there have been a number of occasions on which I have spoken before the subcommittees of the Committees on the Judiciary of the House and Senate, and on the floor of the Senate, in opposition to the provisions of H. R. 6127 and the other so-called civil-rights bills which were introduced both in the House and in the Senate. The first of these statements was made before the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives on February 26. Because a good portion of the statement was made with reference to certain so-called civil-rights bills then being considered, but which are not now before the Senate, I have edited out portions of the statement. I now read my statement as edited.
{{smaller block|I am here today to oppose the so-called civil-rights bills.}}
{{smaller block|Tyranny by any other name is just as bad.}}
{{smaller block|In other countries tyranny has taken the forms of fascism, communism, and absolute monarchy. I do not want to see it foisted on the American people under the alias of “civil rights.”}}
{{smaller block|Real civil rights and so-called civil rights should not be confused. Everybody favors human rights. But it is a fraud on the American people to pretend that human rights can long endure without constitutional restraint on the power of government.}}
{{smaller block|The actual power of the Federal Government should not be confused with power longed for by those who would destroy the States as sovereign governments.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY JUDICIARY}}}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of instances of attempted and real usurpation of power by the Federal Government, which these pending bills would attempt to legalize, expand, and extend.}}
{{smaller block|The most notorious illustration of this type of usurpation is the May 17, 1954, school segregation decision by the United States Supreme Court. Since that time there have been several other decisions by the Court which I think have wakened people all over the country who previously paid little attention, or cared little, what the result might be in the school segregation cases.}}
{{smaller block|There are two recent cases. One arose in Pennsylvania and one in New York. The Pennsylvania case is ''Pennsylvania'' v. ''Steve Nelson'', decided April 2, 1956, dealing with the right of the State to take action against a Communist. The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that because there was a Federal sedition law, the State of Pennsylvania had no authority in that field. The laws of 42 States were invalidated by the decision. Even the protest of the Department of Justice that the laws of the States did not interfere with enforcement of the Federal law did not stop the Court.}}
{{smaller block|The author of the Federal law, the Honorable {{sc|Howard Smith}}, Of Virginia, has stated there was no intent embodied in the Federal act to prohibit the States from legislating against sedition.}}
{{smaller block|The second case to which I refer arose when the city of New York dismissed from employment a teacher who had refused to disclose whether he was a Communist when questioned by duly constituted authority.}}
{{smaller block|Here again the United States Supreme Court ruled against the power and authority of the local government contained in the charter of the city of New York.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY EXECUTIVE}}}}
{{smaller block|Now let me refer briefly to some attempts at usurpation of the rights of the States by the executive branch of the Federal Government. Administrators in some Federal departments and agencies have issued directives having the effect of laws which have never been enacted by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|A specific illustration is that of the Civil Aeronautics Administration issuing a directive last year to withhold Federal funds from facilities in the construction of airports where segregation of the races is practiced.}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no basis in law for this administrative action, but by use of a directive or an edict the administrator effected a result just as though a law had been enacted.}}
{{smaller block|Other attempts at Federal interference from the executive branch with the rights of the individual citizen is demonstrated by the Contracts Compliance Commission. This Commission has dictated that contractors working on Federal projects must employ persons of both the white and Negro races, whether the contractors wish to do so or not. The strength of the Commission lies in the power to withhold contracts, or threatening to do so, if a contractor fails to carry out the dictates of the Commission.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ATTEMPTED USURPATION BY CONGRESS}}}}
{{smaller block|I can think of no better {{SIC|ilustration|illustration}} of attempted usurpation of the rights of the States by the legislative branch of the Federal Government than what is going on here now. I believe that the Congress, by attempting to enact these so-called civil-rights bills, is invading the rights of the States.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NO DOUBT AS TO CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|Wherever a person lives in this country, whatever political faith he holds, whatever he believes in connection with any matter of interest, he has one firm basis for knowing his rights. Those rights are enumerated in the Constitution of the United States. I believe in that document. I believe that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less.}}
{{smaller block|If American citizens cannot believe in the Constitution, and know that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less, then there is no assurance that our representative form of government will continue in this country.}}
{{smaller block|I believe that people all over the country are beginning to realize that steps should be taken to preserve the constitutional guaranties which are being infringed upon in many ways.}}
{{smaller block|I believe we should also take steps to regain for the States some of the powers previously lost in unwarranted assaults on the States by the Federal Government.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE OFFICIALS UNDERSTANDING}}}}
{{smaller block|The administration of laws relating to civil rights is being carried out much more intelligently at the local levels of government than they could ever possibly be administered by edicts handed down from Washington. State officials and county officials know the people and know the problems of those people. Most officials of the Federal Government in Washington know much less about local problems than do the public officials in the States and in the counties.}}
{{smaller block|If these so-called civil-rights bills should be approved, then we must anticipate that the Federal Government, having usurped the authority of local government, will try to send Federal detectives snooping throughout the land. Federal police could be sent into the home of any citizen charged with violating the civil-rights laws.}}
{{smaller block|If there are constitutional proposals here which any of the States wish to enact, I have no objection to that. Every State has the right to enact any constitutional law which has not been specifically delegated to the Federal Government in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|On the other hand, I am firmly opposed to the enactment by Congress of laws in fields where the Congress has no authority, or in fields where there is no necessity for action by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|From my observations, I have gained the strong feeling that most of the States are performing their police duties well. I believe that the individual States are looking after their own problems in the field of civil rights better than any enactment of this Congress could provide for, and better than any commission appointed by the Chief Executive could look after them.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question, with the understanding that he will not lose his right to the floor, and the understanding that it will not be considered a second speech or jeopardize the Senator’s right to the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. If unanimous consent is granted, under the conditions which the distinguished Senator has outlined, I will be pleased to yield.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from California? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I shall preface my question by this brief statement of fact, namely, since the House has adopted a ''sine die'' adjournment resolution, and there is no fixed period for adjournment, and the Senate can, and in my judgment will, continue in session as long as it is necessary to complete its business, I put these questions in all seriousness to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina:

First. What is the Senator’s purpose by his interesting but prolonged remarks? Is it a matter of education of the Senate or of the country?

Second. Is it to establish a record of discussion on the floor of the Senate?

Third. Is it merely to delay a vote on the civil rights bill, which is the pending business?

Fourth. Is it to prevent a final vote on H. R. 6127, the so-called civil rights bill?

Fifth. Is it to make friends and to influence other Senators in the southern position?

Sixth. Is it to emphasize to the Senate the need for a change, beginning in January, of rule XXII.?

There may be other reasons, but I should be very much interested—and I believe the Senate would be interested also—if the Senator from South Carolina would agree to indicate the purpose of his prolonged address.

Mr. THURMOND. I would merely say that my purpose in making the extended address is for educational purposes—to educate the Senate and the people of the country. There is no question in my mind that the so-called civil-rights bill violates the Constitution of the United States. I do not believe the Senator was in the Chamber when I spoke earlier and cited a decision pointing out that criminal contempt has been held to be a crime and that under the Constitution of the United States it is provided that a man charged with crime shall get a jury trial.

The so-called compromise bill provides that if a person is sentenced by a judge by being fined more than $300 or imprisoned for more than 45 days, he will get a jury trial. The Constitution does not say that. The Constitution provides that if he is charged with a crime, he shall get a jury trial.

I believe in the Constitution. I believe that the Constitution is clear. I hope the Senator will take the time one of these days—probably he will not have an opportunity soon—to read the address I have made in which I have gone into these matters and have tried to delineate them and point them out for the benefit of the American people, as well as for the benefit of the Senate.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am confident that the pending bill is a dangerous bill in a number of ways. I have pointed out that it is necessary that every State in the Nation have laws to protect the right to vote. The Senator’s own State of California has such laws. I started with the State of Alabama and read the laws for every State. Those laws were confirmed to be accurate by the Library of Congress. I read the State laws beginning with Alabama and ending with Wyoming. Every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote.

I say there is no need for the pending bill. This is a matter that comes under the Constitution, and it should be left to the States. It is a State matter. It is not a Federal matter.

Furthermore, the Federal Government has invaded the field. It has already invaded the field. I believe it made a mistake when it did so.

I should like to invite the attention of the Senator—again I do not believe he was in the Chamber when I referred to it previously—section 594 of chapter 29 of title 18 of the United States Code. That section provides:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield again under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. That is the Federal law today. If anyone is being denied his right to vote today he has recourse to that statute. If anyone is being denied the right to vote and complains about it, the Justice Department fails to do its duty if it fails to prosecute under that section of the Federal statute. Either that condition exists or there are no just complaints. The Committee on the Judiciary held hearings for months on the question, and it did not have before it one valid complaint. It had some fictitious complaints from a parish in Mississippi. It turned out that they asked a witness to return the next day, but he did not return, and it proved that the whole testimony was a fabrication, according to the chairman of the committee.

Therefore, there are State laws which protect the right to vote, and there is a Federal law which protects the right to vote. Under that act, if a man is tried, he would have a right to trial by jury. Under the so-called compromise, if he is tried, he would not have the right of trial by jury if the sentence were less than $300 or if the imprisonment were for less than 45 days.

Ninety-nine percent of all the criminal contempt cases would fall within that sphere. I was a circuit court judge for 8 years and heard cases all over South Carolina. I cannot remember the case of even one man who was sentenced by me or by any other circuit court judge in South Carolina for contempt of court for longer than 45 days in jail.

Therefore, the effect of the so-called compromise is to deny to the citizens of South Carolina and of the United States the right to a jury trial, as is guaranteed in several places in the Constitution. That is the reason I have made this extended address. It is to call to the attention of the Senate and to the people of the Nation that the pending bill is a dangerous bill. In my opinion, it is purely a political bill.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions as heretofore stated?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I can assure the Senator, whether we make that proviso in our remarks back and forth, the Senator will be fully protected in his rights to the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield to the Senator from California under those conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I did listen to the earlier part of the Senator’s address. I was in the Chamber at the time. I must confess that for several hours I did get some sleep and was able to freshen up and to change my clothes, and I am now back in the Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. I notice that the Senator looks very fresh at about 6:45 in the morning.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Yes. I am glad to be here with the Senator. Of course, the question which obviously disturbed a majority of the two Houses of Congress was that the statutes which are now on the statute books were not effective in protecting those constitutional rights. The Senators who felt that way are just as sincere as the Senator from South Carolina. I know the Senator from South Carolina has a deep conviction and is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. However, I refer to the provisions of section 1 of the 15th amendment to the Constitution, which provides:
{{smaller block|The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.}}
Section 2 of the 15th amendment reads:
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.}}
Both sections point up the fundamental constitutional right of American citizens and clearly underscore the fact that Congress not only has the right, but the responsibility in this field.

The Senator may feel that in his State or perhaps in other States—and I have no doubt it is true in many areas of the South—there is no problem relative to the voting rights of American citizens.

But at least the predominant opinion in Congress indicates that there is also a strong feeling that in many areas—and this may not be related only to the South, for that matter—the full rights under the 15th amendment are not being effectively implemented. It was for that reason that the House, by a vote, I believe, of more than 2 to 1, and the Senate finally by a very substantial majority, passed the bill, which is now going through another legislative process. It finally came back to the Senate floor after the House had concurred and amended the Senate version, as the House had a right to do.

My only point is that obviously the Senate of the United States is going to stay in session and complete work on the proposed legislation. It may sit for the remainder of the week, and it may sit next month and, if necessary, the month after that. I wish to emphasize to the Senator from South Carolina that, so far as the recommendations of the minority leader might be followed—and I know of no difference of opinion so far as the majority is concerned, although I cannot speak for the majority, and I would not attempt to do so—there will be no ''sine die'' adjournment resolution adopted by the Senate which would permit Congress to adjourn the first session of the 85th Congress until we have completed the work on the pending legislation, which is the civil-rights bill, and completed the work on the proposed legislation dealing with the mutual aid appropriation bill. Therefore, there is no fixed hour and date of adjournment.

I was wondering, therefore, why the Senator was making his extended address, and that is the reason I asked the questions I asked of him. He said he was making the address for the purpose of an educational campaign, for the benefit of the country and the Senate. I was wondering whether he hoped to prevent passage of the bill or merely delay its passage, or whether he had some other reason in mind.

Mr. THURMOND. In answer to the distinguished Senator, I wish to say that I should be highly pleased if the bill did not pass. I should like to ask the Senator this question: Under the statute which I have just read—and that is not a State statute, but a Federal statute, which provides “whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote as he may choose,” and so forth, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both—is there any deficiency in the statute? Is that not as clear as it can be? If anyone interferes with another’s right to vote, or intimidates, or if he threatens or coerces, he shall be punished. Is that not what it says? If that is the case, why does the Senator believe we should have another statute on voting added to it? Is this statute deficient? The Senator says the present laws are defective, as I understand. The statute I have read is a criminal statute. It will punish a guilty person by fining him for as much as $1,000 and could send him to jail for a year. In what respect does the Senator believe the statute is defective?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I shall not at this hour get into a detailed legal argument, because I am not a lawyer, but a newspaperman; furthermore, I would not attempt to put myself up against the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, who has been a judge in his own State and has been for a long time a distinguished member of the bar. I have listened to the arguments on the floor of the Senate. I have read a number of the reports and the proceedings, and I have had some discussions with people who are familiar with the circumstances connected with the subject. I do know that those in the Department of Justice who have been concerned with this problem apparently feel that that statute is not effective so far as the constitutional rights of American citizens are concerned.

Secondly, I am not in a position to argue with the Senator relative to what the legal definition of coercion is. I do say to the Senator that I believe there are various forms of coercion, some of which might be very difficult to prove in a court of law, but which might still be equally effective in keeping people from exercising their voting rights.

The coercion might consist of economic pressure, or there might be some difficulty about finding work in a community or there might be the difficulty of a small merchant maintaining his business. It might be very difficult to trace such things to the fact that a person had tried to go to a voting place on voting day to cast his vote. Nevertheless, such coercion could be quite effective in keeping a person from exercising his right to the voting franchise.

It is also true that in the debate which has taken place on the floor of the Senate it was disclosed that in one of the parishes or voting districts in a Southern State which had been mentioned on the floor of the Senate, there had been the situation where certain facts were laid before a grand jury in that particular State, and the facts were very clear, but still no action was taken in that particular situation.

I will say to the Senator that it should be remembered that the bill has now been stripped practically to a voting-rights bill.

Furthermore, I certainly believe that the fundamental right of an American citizen in this day and age should be protected, because every citizen has the right to vote. If that right is assured to a citizen, in time he may help himself secure the other civil rights to which he is entitled and which are guaranteed to him by the 14th amendment. The bill before us, as I say, is primarily a voting-rights bill. Those who have had some responsibility in this field—and I think some knowledge of it also—feel that the procedure outlined in the bill would at least facilitate the exercise of the voting rights of American citizens in all sections of the country.

Mr. THURMOND. I might say to the distinguished Senator that he is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. Even though he is not a lawyer, he knows a statute when he hears one read. The criminal statute I have read is just as plain as any criminal statute can be. I am in favor of having every qualified voter enjoy the right of franchise. I want to say that in my State every qualified voter has that privilege. No one—white, colored, or anyone else—is denied the right to vote in South Carolina. The statute I have read protects people from being coerced and intimidated and threatened in any way. If there is any violation of law now, a person who is discriminated against may go to the Department of Justice, and under the statute I have read a violator of that statute will be either sent to jail or fined or both. What the proposed compromise would do would be to take away that right of trial by jury.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say that both the original bill as passed by the two Houses and the final form now before us are not intended to deprive anyone of his vote, but to encourage the constitutional right of people to enjoy the right to vote. The fact of the matter is that quite a due process procedure is set up. If a person comes forward and alleges that he has been denied the right, there is a procedure set up by which he may go into Federal court, under his constitutional right, under the 15th amendment and the other constitutional rights he has, and make certain allegations. The judge must make certain findings. If he finds the facts are correct, he issues a court order, directed to what we in our State would call the registrar of voters, but what in other States might be the county clerk, or whatever else he might be, and says, in effect, “You are violating the constitutional rights of this man. He is being discriminated against under the laws of this State. Put him on the registration rolls.”

If the local official complies with the law and complies with the Constitution, nobody is fined, and nobody goes to jail. It is only if the local official or the local individuals involved in the case ignore the order of the court and, in effect, say that “we will not comply with the order seeking to protect the constitutional rights of American citizens,” that the judge may, under either civil contempt, which may be used in most cases, and may in most cases be effective, or under the criminal contempt provisions, impose the penalties.

So this bill is not seeking to punish people. To the contrary, it is seeking to gain for American citizens the very fundamental right to vote. If nobody is denied the right to vote in the State of the Senator from South Carolina, there will not be a single citizen in the State of South Carolina who will be involved in either a civil or criminal contempt. If nobody is being denied the right to vote in any other State, there will not be a single citizen, man or woman, who will be involved in either civil or criminal contempt under this bill. There will not be large numbers of persons who will be fined or jailed for 10 days or 30 days or 45 days, to force compliance with the constitutional rights of American citizens. That is going to be so only if the conditions which the Senator says prevail in his State do not prevail in other areas of the country and large numbers of American citizens are denied their constitutional rights. It seems to me it is all clear and simple. The Senator has nothing to fear in his own State or in any other State, because if nobody is being denied the right to vote, nobody can be punished by either civil or criminal contempt proceedings under the bill.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to say, in reply to that statement, whether a single person in South Carolina would be affected by the bill or not would not change my opinion about the bill, because the bill as passed by the House affects American citizens everywhere. The bill the Senate passed delineated and made a distinction between civil contempt, the purpose of which is to bring about compliance with an order, and criminal contempt, the purpose of which is to punish for a crime.

A criminal contempt has been held, in a court decision which I cited earlier today, to be a crime. Criminal contempt is a crime. The bill as passed by the House provides for punishment for criminal contempt and provides that a judge can try the case, in his discretion. The defendant does not get a jury trial for a criminal contempt unless the punishment goes beyond 45 days or beyond a $300 fine. I am not concerned about the people of South Carolina violating the voting rights of citizens, because I do not think anybody in South Carolina is violating anyone’s voting rights. I presume this bill is aimed chiefly at helping the Negroes, is it not, Senator?

Mr. KNOWLAND. No. The bill would be aimed at any American citizen, without regard to race, creed, or color, whose voting rights under the 15th amendment would be denied.

Mr. THURMOND. As a matter of fact, it is the Negro whom it is chiefly aimed to help. Is that not a fact?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I suppose most allegations of a denial of voting rights come from colored citizens of the United States, but I assume the same situation might apply to Indians, in some instances, or might apply to others who might be entitled, under the Constitution, to the right to vote; but it is not aimed at any one race or one section of the country. The Constitution, as the Senator well knows, and I think would not dispute, applies to all 48 States of the Union, and not merely to a part of the Union.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is correct, but I refer to the practical purpose of the bill. I understood that was so admitted, and one reason why the right of trial by jury was attempted to be taken away was that southern juries would not convict in cases involving the right of Negroes to vote.

For the Senator’s information, in my State I would like him to know that in the 1952 election President Eisenhower lacked just a few votes of carrying the State. The Negroes voted in heavy numbers. The Negro newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer, of Columbia, S. C., published by and for Negroes, bragged about the fact that they were responsible for winning the State for Stevenson. It said that more than 80,000 of them had voted in that election, and that represented about one-fourth of the entire votes cast in that general election. The Negroes of our State comprise only 40 percent of the population. If they voted to the extent of almost one-fourth of all the votes cast in that election—and they probably voted more, because they admitted they cast that many—think it is indicative that the Negroes are voting in large numbers. Of course, they are not so well qualified to vote as are the White people. I do not know of a Negro in South Carolina who is qualified and wants to vote who is denied that privilege. So Negroes are voting in my State.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I might say to the Senator I was in his State in 1952. I happened to travel with then General Eisenhower, who was a candidate for the presidency before he became President of the United States. I attended meetings with the President-to-be. The point I want to make perfectly clear is that I do not dispute the fact, as stated by the distinguished Senator, that a large number—perhaps a good majority—of the Negro citizens of this country or of his State may be registered Democrats. I think they may continue to vote for the Democratic ticket, so far as that is concerned. They may have been responsible, as the Senator says, for having carried South Carolina for Stevenson—

Mr. THURMOND. That is what they said.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Or, at least, that is what they said; but that would not change my viewpoint in the slightest, as a Republican, if they were entitled as American citizens to vote, even though they were responsible for the defeat of my party in that State. I might say that in the northern areas, the heavily populated areas, with large Negro populations, for the most part Negroes have voted the Democratic ticket, and generally for New Deal candidates, and it certainly is not politically advantageous to my party when they vote that way. That still would not change my viewpoint that, if they, are American citizens and if under the Constitution they are entitled to the right of any other citizen to vote, which the Constitution clearly gives them, both the Senate and the House, as well as the executive branch of the Government and the local public officials and the national public officials, have the responsibility to see that they are not denied the right to vote and to exercise their constitutional rights, whether the citizens may be predominantly Democratic, predominantly Republican, or predominantly Independent.

That point is not at issue here. The issue is whether they are entitled, under the qualifications of the State laws, and under the Constitution of the United States, to vote. If they are, they should be assured that every public official who raises his hand to support both the State and National Constitution has the responsibility to see that citizens get the right to vote when they want to exercise it. In this country, we do not have coerced voting, where citizens have to go to the polls. But if citizens want to do so, they should be allowed to do so, without any direct intimidation or without any of the more subtle, indirect intimidations or coercions which sometimes can be practiced, as the distinguished Senator knows.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator if he has had evidence presented to him which has convinced him that there is a need for this bill to be passed, in spite of all the laws the States have to protect the right to vote, and in spite of section 594 of the United States criminal code which protects the right to vote. Has the Senator ever had evidence presented to him that convinced him it is necessary to pass the bill, in spite of the laws of the States and the Federal statutes?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator if I did not feel that it was both necessary and desirable to pass the bill, I would not have supported it. I believe there have been sufficient facts presented to indicate that a bill of this type is both necessary and desirable.

I have never taken the position on the floor, or publicly or privately, in which I have made a blanket indictment and stated that southern juries would not convict, because I have the highest respect for the people of the South, for their responsibilities of citizenship, for their loyalty to this country, and for the fact that they have served in uniform side by side with citizens from other sections of the country in fighting off our enemies in the various struggles in which this Nation has been engaged. I have never suggested that there should be a blanket indictment of a whole people under any circumstances. I do not now say that the facts outlined by the Senator from South Carolina, with respect to his own State, are not correct. Of course, I do not know his State as well as does the Senator from South Carolina, but if he tells me that there are no cases where a person is deprived of his right to vote, where a Negro citizen, if he possesses precisely the same qualifications that would be expected of a white citizen—

Mr. THURMOND. None that I know about.

Mr. KNOWLAND. That he has exactly the same rights to register, exactly the same rights to vote, I take the Senator’s word for it, because I have great respect for him. I will say, however, that in the facts presented by the Attorney General’s office before the committee, relative to another State in the broad general area of the South—I might say the same thing might apply in an area of the North or the West, for that matter, because what we are seeking to protect is the rights of American citizens in all 48 States of the Union—it was shown that large numbers of persons who had been registered were purged from the registration rolls. The predominant number, if not all of the purgees, were members of the Negro race, with very few, if any, members of the white race. Purely on the law of averages, to a reasonable man, one would not have to be a lawyer to know that it does not seem to be a matter of chance. Then when they sought to re-register, according to the facts presented, the local registrar indicated, though there were several thousand of them, he could not register more than 50 a day. That meant those persons had to stand in line for long periods of time, which would naturally be a discouraging thing in trying to get back on the registration rolls.

There was used the apparently rather interesting and novel provision of verbal question. I doubt very much whether many, if any, Members of the Senate could have answered some of the questions which were asked. If a question was answered one way, that apparently was not the right answer. If the question was answered the other way, which any reasonable person might have done, that apparently was not the right answer. Perhaps the same position would have been taken by the local registrar if the citizen involved had been of any other race, but, again, to a reasonable person it seems that there was at least an effort made to discourage American citizens from exercising the right of franchise.

I again reiterate that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that occurrence did not take place in the State of South Carolina.

The Senator has made a very fine statement of the rights the citizens of his State enjoy. I think all Americans will rejoice in that fact. I want to say there is nothing in the proposal before the Senate which will in the least change the power of the States to prescribe the qualifications of their voters. They have that right under our Federal system. I think, however, the States have the obligation not merely to give lip service to, but to follow both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and that whenever such qualifications are prescribed, whatever they may be, they should be applied impartially and equitably to every American citizen, regardless of his race, color, creed, or previous condition of servitude.

Those are the words of the Constitution. Those are the words that every citizen occupying a position as a registrar, a county clerk, or a local voting commissioner has a full obligation to comply with. Such persons should not apply one rule to one group of citizens and a different rule to a different group of citizens. If they will apply the laws with equity and with impartiality, then they have nothing to fear in the slightest in the way of either civil or criminal contempt under this bill, at least in my judgment.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator from California one more question, and with that I will desist.

Although the Senator is not a lawyer, he is one of the best read men in the United States. I imagine he is an expert on the Constitution, also, because he is a very deep student.

I wonder how the Senator could agree to this compromise, which would deprive people in criminal contempt cases of the right to a trial by jury, when the Constitution is so clear on that point?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator that I will leave the matter to the lawyers, to debate later the specific point which the Senator mentions. I, at least, have heard of no section of the country where there is a provision for a trial by jury in an equity proceeding where there is a contempt of the court.

Mr. THURMOND. I am speaking of criminal contempt.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I know, but I am speaking also of a contempt of the court in carrying out its order in an equity proceeding.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to that I will say to the Senator I agree that in civil contempt cases under the present law the court has the right to use its power to bring about compliance with an order, in civil contempt cases. However, I am speaking of criminal contempt cases, which are provided for in the compromise bill. The bill provides for criminal contempt actions.

Criminal contempt is a crime. I have here a decision which sustains that point. Since criminal contempt is a crime, there is a right to a trial by jury.

The Constitution of the United States in article III., section 2, says this:
{{smaller block|The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases or Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; * * *.}}
The sixth amendment reads:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions—}}
That is what we are referring to. We refer to a criminal prosecution for criminal contempt. It is a prosecution by the judge, who is the prosecutor, the legislature, the judge, and the jury.

The court has held that criminal contempt is a crime, and the Constitution makes reference to all criminal prosecutions. We refer here to a criminal prosecution.

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, * * *.}}
And so forth.

In the seventh amendment to the Constitution there is also a reference to a jury trial. The amendment I have read is exactly to the point.

If the Senator had provided in the compromise bill that the judge could impose a sentence of imprisonment for 1 day—not 45 days, but even 1 day—or a fine of even $1 in a criminal-contempt case, he would be giving the judge the power to try a man without a jury in violation of the Constitution, even though the punishment would be negligible.

What I am opposed to is the fact that the compromise bill, the way it is written and the way it has come to the Senate, violates the Constitution of the United States. I am vitally concerned about that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the Senator will yield further, then I shall not interrupt him any more.

All I can say to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is that the highest law officers of the Government of the United States are the Attorney General of the United States and representatives of the Department of Justice. They, too, have sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States. The most able lawyers in the Department of Justice have looked over the proposed legislation, as well. In their judgment, it is constitutional and it does not violate the Constitution of the United States.

The Senator is entitled, of course, to make the assertion that in his judgment the provision is not constitutional. Such arguments come up even before the Supreme Court of the United States, as the distinguished Senator knows, from time to time, as well as before other courts. Sometimes the judges can agree by a unanimous vote as to what they think is constitutional or what they think is unconstitutional. However, over the long period of our history there have been many notable cases relative to the constitutionality of some act of Congress or the constitutional rights of some individual as to which the Supreme Court of the United States, which is the highest judicial tribunal of the land, has divided on a 5-to-4 decision.

The Senator’s assertion that the provision is not constitutional—I am sure the Senator would be the first to admit—does not make it unconstitutional. I quite admit that the assertion of any qualified lawyer on this side, who might make the assertion the provision was constitutional, would not, by that assertion, make it so. Nor would the opinion of the Attorney General make it so.

At least I do not want the record to show that merely by having the Senator make the assertion that in his judgment it is not constitutional, necessarily, ''ipso facto'', that assertion makes a fact.

Mr. THURMOND. Of course, we remember also that the Attorney General in the original bill wanted to transfer these matters to the equity side of the court to deprive citizens of the right of jury trial. We have to keep that in mind.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the distinguished Senator will yield further, I wish to thank him for his courtesy in yielding. I hope he has enjoyed our discussion as much as I have. I hope perhaps it has been a brief respite to him, under all the circumstances. I would stay to listen to the Senator, but I have a breakfast engagement with the President at the White House. I know under those circumstances the distinguished Senator will excuse me.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to yield to the distinguished Senator, for whom I have such high admiration.

Mr. President, I continue to read my statement:
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS GUARANTIES}}}}
{{smaller block|Before taking up specific provisions of several of the bills pending before the committee, I should like to read for you two of the basic provisions in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|The ninth amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”}}
{{smaller block|The 10th amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”}}
{{smaller block|Those last two amendments of the Bill of Rights make clear the intent of the Founding Fathers. Their intent was that all rights not specifically listed, and all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government, would be held inalienable by the States, and the people.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS UNALTERED}}}}
{{smaller block|This basic concept of the Bill of Rights has never been constitutionally amended, no matter what the Federal courts have done, no matter what the executive branch of the Federal Government has done, and no matter what the Congress might have done or attempted to do in the past. The people and the States still retain all rights not specifically delegated to the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|Let us also consider these proposals from a practical standpoint.}}
{{smaller block|What could be accomplished by a Federal law embodying provisions which are already on the statute books of the States that cannot be accomplished by the State laws? I fail to see that any benefit could come from the enactment of Federal laws duplicating State statutes which guarantee the rights of citizens. Certainly the enactment of still other laws not approved by the States could result only in greater unrest than has been created by the recent decisions of the Federal courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|MR. DOOLEY WAS RIGHT}}}}
{{smaller block|The truth is very much as Mr. Dooley, the writer-philosopher, stated it many years ago, that the Supreme Court follows the election returns.}}
{{smaller block|If he were alive today, I believe Mr. Dooley would note also that the election returns follow the Supreme Court.}}
{{smaller block|And now it looks as if some people are trying to follow both the Supreme Court and the election returns. Having made these general comments, I would like to comment specifically on some of the pending proposals. First, on the proposal for the establishment of a Commission on Civil Rights.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|COMMISSION UNNEEDED}}}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no reason for the establishment of such a commission. The Congress and its committees can perform all of the investigative functions which would come within the sphere of constitutional authority.}}
{{smaller block|I do not believe the members of any commission, however established, could represent the views of the people of this country as well as the Members of Congress can. I hope that the members of this committee and the Members of the Congress will not permit themselves to be persuaded that anyone else can look after the problems of the people any better, or as well, as the Congress can.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, there is no justification for an investigation in this field.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will recommend against the establishment of such a commission.}}
{{smaller block|Another bill would provide for an additional Assistant Attorney General to head a department given by the Attorney General last year. I have searched the testimony given by the Attorney General last year before the committees of the Congress with regard to this proposal, and I have found no valid reason why an additional Assistant Attorney General is needed.}}
{{smaller block|I can understand how an additional Assistant Attorney General might be needed if the Congress were to approve a Civil Rights Division and enact some of the other proposals in the so-called civil-rights bills. But they are proposals not dealing with criminal offenses—they deal with efforts of the Justice Department to enter into civil actions against citizens.}}
{{smaller block|If the Justice Department is permitted to go into the various States to stir up and agitate persons to seek injunctions and to enter suits against their neighbors, then the Attorney General might need another assistant. However, the Justice Department should avoid civil litigation, instead of seeking to promote it.}}
{{smaller block|I hope the members of this committee will recognize this proposal as one which could turn neighbor against neighbor, and will treat it as it deserves by voting against it.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|WORSE THAN ''EX POST FACTO''}}}}
{{smaller block|Another proposal of the so-called civil-rights bills is closely related to the one I have just discussed. It would provide that—}}
{{smaller block|“Whenever any persons have engaged or about to engage in any acts or practices which would give rise to a cause of action * * * the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States but for the benefit of the real party in interest, a civil action or other proper proceeding or redress or preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order.”}}
{{smaller block|Now that proposal is one which I would label as even more insidious than any ''ex post facto'' law which could possibly be imagined.}}
{{smaller block|An ''ex post facto'' law would at least apply to some real act committed by a person which was not in violation of law at the time. The point is, however, in such instance the person would actually have committed the act.}}
{{smaller block|This proposal would permit the Justice Department to secure an injunction from a Federal judge or to institute a civil suit on behalf of some person against a second person when the latter had committed no act at all. An injunction might be secured from a Federal judge charging a violation of the law without any evidence that a person even intended to do so.}}
{{smaller block|How any person could support by oath a charge as to whether another person was about to engage in violating the law is beyond my understanding.}}
{{smaller block|Many of the pioneers who settled this new continent came because they wanted to escape the tyranny of European despots. They wanted their families to live in a new land where everybody could be guaranteed the right to trial by jury, instead of the decrees of dictators.}}
{{smaller block|Congress, as the directly elected representatives of the people, should be the last to consider depriving the people of jury trials. We should never consider it at all. But, if this proposal to strengthen the civil-rights statutes is approved, that would be its effect.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|AGENTS COULD MEDDLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Under this provision, the Attorney General could dispatch his agents throughout the land. They would be empowered to meddle with private business, police elections, intervene in private lawsuits, and breed litigation generally. They would keep our people in a constant state of apprehension and harassment. Liberty quickly perishes under such government, as we have seen it perish in foreign nations.}}
{{smaller block|A further provision of that same proposal would permit the bypassing of State authorities in such cases. The Federal district courts would take over original jurisdiction, regardless of administrative remedies, and the right of appeal to the State courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE COURTS STRIPPED}}}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and vest the Federal courts with that authority.}}
{{smaller block|Still another proposal among the so-called civil-rights bills would “provide a means of further securing and protecting the right to vote.” I have had a search made of the laws of all 48 States and the right to vote is protected by law in every State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION PROTECTS VOTER}}}}
{{smaller block|In South Carolina, my own State, the constitution of 1895 provides in article III., section 5, that the general assembly shall provide by law for crimes against the election laws and, further, for right of appeal to the State supreme court for any person denied registration.}}
{{smaller block|The South Carolina election statute spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court. It also requires a special session of the court if no session is scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|Article II., section 15 of South Carolina’s constitution, provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State.}}
{{smaller block|In pursuance of the constitutional provisions, the South Carolina General Assembly has passed laws to punish anyone who shall threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. Anyone who violates any of the provisions in regard to general, special, or primary elections, is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|In this proposed Federal bill to “protect the right to vote,” a person could be prosecuted or an injunction obtained against him based on surmise as to what he might be about to do. The bill says that the Attorney General may institute proceedings against a person who has engaged or “is about to engage in” any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege concerned with voting.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|UNCONSTITUTIONAL AMENDING}}}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enactment of such legislation as these proposals would be to alter our form of government, without following the procedures established by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enacting these bills into law would be to take from the States power and authority guaranteed to them by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|In recent years there have been more and more assaults by the Federal Government on the rights of the States, as the Federal Government has seized power held by the States. In many instances, I believe, this has been done without a constitutional basis.}}
{{smaller block|The States have lost prestige. But more important, the States have lost a part of their sovereignty whenever the Federal Government has taken over additional responsibilities. That loss might seem unimportant at the time, but gradually it could become a major part of the sovereignty of the States.}}
{{smaller block|Officials of the Federal Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or the judicial branch, should not forget to whom they owe their allegiance. Each of us owes his allegiance to the Constitution and to the people—not to any agency, department, or person. We have taken an oath to support and defend the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|We must take into account the facts as they really are, and not be panicked by the organized pressures which so often beset public officials.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATES CREATED UNION}}}}
{{smaller block|We must not lose sight of the fact that the States created the Federal Union; the Federal Government did not create the States.}}
{{smaller block|All of the powers held by the Federal Government were delegated to it by the States in the Constitution. The Federal Government had no power, and should have no power, which was not granted by the States in the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If this Congress approves the legislation embodied in the bills pending before the committee, it will be an unwarranted attempt to seize power not rightfully held by the Congress or by any branch of the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will consider these facts and recommend the disapproval of these bills.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement I made before the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives on February 26.

Mr. President, on August 6 I made my third address on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced my vigorous objections to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127, as amended by the Senate, which was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of this bill.

I shall now repeat my several objections to this milder form of the bill as I stated them on August 6. These were my words at that time:
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I am opposed to the creation of a Commission on Civil Rights as proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127.}}
{{smaller block|To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a Commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, such an investigation should be conducted by the States or by an appropriate committee of the Congress, acting within the jurisdiction of Congressional authority. It should not be done by a commission.}}
{{smaller block|I also object to part I. of H. R. 6127 because of the fact that it places duties upon the Commission and endows it with powers which no governmental commission should have.}}
{{smaller block|In fact, Mr. President, the language of the bill proposing to establish this Commission is so broad and so general that it may encompass more evils than have yet been detected in it.}}
{{smaller block|Under its duties and powers the Commission would be able to subpena citizens to appear before it to answer questions on many subjects outside the scope of elections and voting rights.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(1) Investigate allegations in writing under oath or affirmation that certain citizens of the United States are being deprived of their right to vote and have that vote counted by reason of their color, race, religion, or national origin; which writing, under oath or affirmation, shall set forth the facts upon which such belief or beliefs are based.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, the bill, in part IV., contains an additional protection of the voting right of citizens above and beyond present State and Federal laws. Provision is made for enforcement of part IV., and there were already sufficient enforcement provisions to carry out the intent of the existing State and Federal laws. I do not see how a commission could enhance officers nor the powers of law enforcement officers nor the enforcement and punitive authority of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|I can see no valid reason why a commission should be created, in addition to the legal enforcement procedures, unless the purpose is for the Commission to stir up litigation among our people.}}
{{smaller block|This bill has been advertised, promoted, and ballyhooed as a right-to-vote bill. However, I want to cite two paragraphs which give broad authority for investigations other than alleged violations of a person’s right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|“(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|Instead of limiting the power of the Commission, these two paragraphs provide it with ''carte blanche'' authority to probe into and meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals which the Commission and members of its staff could conjure up.}}
{{smaller block|I want to call particular attention to a divergence in language between paragraphs 2 and 3. Paragraph 2 refers to a study of “legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection.” Paragraph 3 says “appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection.”}}
{{smaller block|The significant thing here is the omission of the specific intent of paragraph 2. Although the language of paragraph 2 is obscure and omits a governmental reference, it obviously must refer to State and local governments, else it would be redundant and have no meaning at all.}}
{{smaller block|Also, as I pointed out, investigations conducted under paragraphs 2 and 3 could go far afield from the question of voting rights. The Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools, and elsewhere, under the authorization of these two paragraphs. Combining its authority to investigate on an unlimited scale and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions, the Commission would have a powerful weapon.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I do not believe the people of this country realize the virtually unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. While the Commission would have no power to implement its desires, I do not believe the people of this country want such a totalitarian type of persuasion imposed upon them.}}
{{smaller block|Part I. of H. R. 6127 purports to create a Civil Rights Commission. Actually, it would create a traveling investigation commission.}}
{{smaller block|Section 103(b) of part I. also would place tremendous power within the grasp of the Attorney General with reference to members of the Commission “otherwise in the service of the Government.” The clear implication is that whoever drafted this scheme to send traveling agents over the country intended to make use of certain members of the executive branch of the Federal Government. I don’t believe it would be necessary to look further than the Justice Department to determine where Commission members already in Government service would be secured. By placing his employees on the Commission, the Attorney General would transform the traveling agents into an additional investigative arm of the Justice Department.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I next call attention to the potential abuse found in section 102(g) under the innocuous title, “Rules of Procedure of the Commission.” That section provides that “no evidence or testimony taken in executive session may be released or used in public sessions without the consent of the Commission. Whoever releases or uses in public without the consent of the Commission evidence or testimony taken in executive session shall be fined not more than $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 1 year.”}}
{{smaller block|In an editorial of July 26, 1957, the Washington Post very correctly pointed out how this section could be used to imprison reporters and other citizens for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them.}}
{{smaller block|This editorial provides a penetrating and enlightening criticism of this section. Because of its pertinency and fine analysis, I shall read the last three paragraphs of the editorial which is entitled “Open Rights Hearings,” which states:}}
{{smaller block|“The bill contains an invitation to the Commission to operate behind closed doors. It provides that ‘if the Commission determines that evidence or testimony at any hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, it shall * * * receive such evidence or testimony in executive session * * *.’ Some closed sessions may be necessary to avoid unfair reflections upon individuals, but these should certainly be an exception to the general rule. In our opinion, this section ought to be rewritten in more positive vein to provide that sessions of the Commission should be open to the public, unless it should find that closed hearings were essential to avoid unfairness.}}
{{smaller block|“The House also wrote into the bill a dangerous section providing for the fining or imprisonment for not more than 1 year of anyone who might ‘release or use in public,’ without the consent of the Commission, any testimony taken behind closed doors. If the Commission should choose to operate under cover, without any valid reason to do so, newspaper reporters and other citizens could be jailed for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them. This is a penalty that has been shunned even in matters affecting national security. Such a provision is an invitation to abuse and a serious menace to the right of the people to know about the activities of governmental agencies.}}
{{smaller block|“It is well to remember that this would not be merely a study commission. In addition it would be under obligation to investigate allegations that persons were being deprived of their rights under the 14th and 15th amendments. It could subpena witnesses and documents and appeal to the courts for enforcement of such edicts. Its powers would be such that it should be held to scrupulous rules of fairness. To encourage the Commission to operate in secret, and then to penalize news mediums and citizens for disclosing what should have been public in the first place, would be the sort of mistake that Congress ought to avoid at the outset.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I think the points made in the editorial are clear and valid. Secrecy in the activities of such a Commission could only lead to a denial of the rights of an individual rather than to protection of his rights.}}
{{smaller block|Another subject which must not be passed over is the subpena power of the Commission. Section 105(f) provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the production of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding Commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Neither would the power contained in section 105(g) which provides that Federal courts shall have the power, upon application by the Attorney General, to issue “an order requiring” a witness to answer a subpena of the Commission and “any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.”}}
{{smaller block|The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority of the traditional American factfinding commission. I look with suspicion upon such a Commission so endowed with authority, and I object to its establishment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to discuss another reason, briefly, why I would be opposed to the establishment of the Commission proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127. Every appropriation bill which has come before the Senate this year has been reduced by the Senate below the budget request. The people of this country have called upon the Members of Congress to reduce the costs of government, not to increase them by creating new agencies or commissions.}}
{{smaller block|The advocates of the Commission might argue that the cost of its operation would not be great, but nowhere in the records of the hearings have I found an estimate of what the total cost would be. If the Commission were to exist only for the 2 years provided in the bill, the compensation and ''per diem'' allowance of Commission members would amount to more than a quarter of a million dollars, not counting their travel allowances.}}
{{smaller block|Since there is no limitation on the number of personnel which might be appointed by the Commission, there is no way to estimate the ultimate cost of personnel salaries and expenses. Since the Commission is designed to travel over the country at will, very heavy travel expenses undoubtedly would be incurred.}}
{{smaller block|The taxpayers would never know how many of their tax dollars were wasted by virtue of the seemingly innocuous language in section 105(e). Unknown, concealed costs are not, however, the only dangers lurking in that subsection. A serious departure from sound legislative procedure is also involved.}}
{{smaller block|In the past, when creating an agency or commission, Congress retained control of its creation by the appropriation power. This is a wonderful check, Mr. President, against the abuse or misuse of Commission authority. Scrupulous care should be taken to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|However, section 105(e) provides that “all Federal agencies shall cooperate fully with the Commission to the end that it may effectively carry out its functions and duties.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the Civil Rights Commission could call on the other governmental agencies to perform many of its tasks. Congressional control over the Commission would be much less than if the Commission had to depend on its own appropriations and would not be permitted to use the resources of other agencies. Once the commission is created, only another law can check its activity during the period of its existence.}}
{{smaller block|Another thing that concerns me about this Commission is the fact that once a Government agency or commission is established, nothing else on earth so nearly approaches eternal existence as that Government agency or commission. Mr. President, I feel that the 2-year limitation placed upon the Commission in this bill would simply be a starting point, and the people of this country should realize that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|With further reference to section 104(a), I want to point out the use of the mandatory word shall. This word requires the Commission to investigate all sworn allegations submitted to the Commission of any citizen allegedly being deprived of his right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|But the provision neglects to require that such allegations be submitted by parties in interest—not simply by some meddler who seeks to create trouble between other persons. This is another provision of this bill similar to section 131(c) which would permit the Attorney General to make the United States a party to a case without the consent of the party actually involved.}}
{{smaller block|Another objection to 104(a) is that under this provision a person could make an allegation to the Commission against a person who was not even a citizen of the same State. Even so, under the mandatory language of section 104(a), the Commission would be required to make an investigation of the charges.}}
{{smaller block|Since the Commission is limited by section 102(k) to subpenaing witnesses to hearings only within the State of residence of the witness, there would be no opportunity in such a situation for the accused to confront his accuser. Charges against a person should not be accepted by the Commission unless the accuser is a citizen of the same State as the person he is charging with a violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|Also, Mr. President, once the Commission has received the sworn allegation, there is no requirement that other testimony received relating to the allegation be taken under oath. Failure to make all persons giving testimony subject to perjury prosecutions in the event they testify to falsehoods would surely destroy the value of any such testimony received.}}
{{smaller block|The Commission could and might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony; but I should not like to see the Senate leave that point to the discretion of the Commission because, in my judgment, the Congress should require that practice to be followed.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, as I stated earlier, it is my view that an inquiry into the field of civil rights, or so-called civil rights, is entirely unnecessary at this time. The laws of the States and the Federal laws are being enforced effectively.}}
{{smaller block|Should there come a time when information might be needed on this subject, the Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with deliberation and care. The appropriate committees of the Congress itself should hold hearings limited to the jurisdiction of the Congress, and the Congress should make its own determination as to the need for legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There is no present indication that any such study will be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Part II. of the bill still provides for the appointment of one additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. As I have stated in previous addresses, there is absolutely no need for an additional Attorney General to be appointed at a cost to the taxpayers of $20,000 per year.}}
{{smaller block|Of course, that would merely be a small part of the total cost because a large staff of lawyers would also be employed.}}
{{smaller block|The other provisions of the bill do not necessitate the establishment of a civil-rights division in the Justice Department, because there is no indication there would be any substantial increase in such cases with which the Department should be concerned.}}
{{smaller block|As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have admitted time and again here in the Senate that there has been a steady decrease in the number of civil-rights cases throughout the country.}}
{{smaller block|Since there has been a decrease in civil-rights cases, and since there is no indication that any increase should be expected, I can see absolutely no reason for the expansion of the present civil-rights section of the Justice Department into a Civil Rights Division with an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the fact that sufficient justification has not been presented for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, I hope the Senate will not approve such additional expenditures as would be required for this purpose. In my opinion, the Attorney General has failed entirely to show a need for an additional assistant.}}
{{smaller block|Part III. of the bill as amended has been thoroughly discussed and I shall not dwell on that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|Part IV., which is the section dealing with what the advocates of the bill have said was the entire purpose of the bill, still has provisions which are objectionable to me. Section 131(c) still contains language which, to me, borders on an effort at thought control instead of providing an unneeded additional guaranty of the right to vote. Also, it gives the Attorney General undue authority. The section reads as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“(c) Whenever any person has engaged, or there are reasonable grounds to believe that any person is about to engage, in any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege secured by subsection (a) or (b), the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States, a civil action or other proper proceeding for preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order. In any proceeding hereunder the United States shall be liable for costs the same as a private person.”}}
{{smaller block|As long ago as February 26, when I appeared before the special Judiciary Subcommittee of the House of Representatives to testify against pending civil-rights bills, I expressed my opposition to the language contained in the section I. have just quoted. I do not believe it possible for the Attorney General, for any of his representatives, or for anybody else to determine what is in another person’s mind and whether he is about to engage in some violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|If the Attorney General should attempt to ascertain what is going on in the minds of other persons, he will need soothsayers and prophets instead of an additional Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|I object to this language because I do not believe it possible for any witness to testify truthfully that he knows another person was about to violate the law, unless some overt action had been taken by the accused person.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, an attempt to apply this provision against American citizens would be completely out of keeping with the guaranties of personal freedom contained in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|I object also to the authority granted the Attorney General in section (c) to “institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States,” a civil action or other court proceeding on behalf of a person without the consent of that person. Individuals have adequate legal remedies which they themselves may institute on their own behalf. It is not necessary to give the Attorney General this extreme power of absolute discretion to be exercised as he desires on behalf of some individual who may not wish to take court action or to have anybody else take such action on his behalf.}}
{{smaller block|If one of the duties of the proposed additional Assistant Attorney General would be to seek out persons and insist upon entering the courts on their behalf, this provision, combined with part II., provides another objection to the appointment of an Assistant Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|The American system has never condoned the idea that a third party should stir up trouble between two other persons. Instead, the American system abhors troublemakers, especially when troublemaking takes the form of barratry. This form of troublemaking has been looked down upon much in the same way other lawyers look down upon their colleagues who chase ambulances.}}
{{smaller block|The United States Government should not be placed in this position of disrepute and certainly it should not be called upon to bear the expenses of such court proceedings.}}
{{smaller block|Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which provides that—}}
{{smaller block|“(b) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.”}}
{{smaller block|No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States, should not be exhausted prior to Federal district courts taking jurisdiction in election-law violations.}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 have spoken out strongly on behalf of the Federal courts during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them.}}
{{smaller block|The laws of all the 48 States contain provisions protecting the right to vote. No additional protection is needed beyond existing State and Federal laws.}}
{{smaller block|In my own State of South Carolina, the constitution of 1895 required the general assembly to provide by law for the punishment of crimes against the election laws. That has been done. The State constitution further required a provision to permit a person to appeal to the State supreme court if he should be denied registration. The election law spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court, and requires that the court hold a special session if one is not scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|South Carolina’s constitution also provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State. In pursuance of this constitutional provision, the South Carolina General Assembly has enacted laws for the punishment of anyone who threatens, mistreats, or abuses any voter in an effort to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. These laws apply to all elections. Anyone who violates these laws is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the existing laws of the States and the existing Federal laws, I now contend, as I have contended since the so-called civil-rights bills were introduced, that any qualified voter in the United States is fully protected in his right of suffrage.}}
{{smaller block|This bill, H. R. 6127, is unnecessary. It is an encroachment upon the rights of the States, and it infringes upon the rights of individuals when the Attorney General is empowered to take action on the behalf of any person without his consent.}}
{{smaller block|I believe this bill should be rejected, because of the various unnecessary and unconstitutional provisions which I have discussed.}}
{{smaller block|Part V. of the bill, which was added to insure and provide for trial by jury in proceedings to punish criminal contempts, is an amendment which I approved and voted for, but I do not consider it as strong as desirable. In my opinion, the bill which the senior Senators from Mississippi and Virginia and I introduced in the Senate last March should be approved, to provide best for the right of trial by jury for every American citizen.}}
{{smaller block|However, the addition of part V. to the bill makes it much less objectionable than the bill would have been without the assurance of trial by jury in criminal-contempt proceedings contained in part V.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to reiterate my previous assertions that this bill is unnecessary, and in some respects unconstitutional.}}
{{smaller block|H. R. 6127 in its original form carried the label of being a right-to-vote bill; but when we unwrapped the package here in the Senate and examined it carefully, as we have, we found the label was entirely misleading.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called civil-rights bill should have been entitled “A bill to empower the Attorney General to deprive certain citizens of their right to trial by jury.” Also, it should have been labeled as an implement intended to be used to force integration of the races in the public schools.}}
{{smaller block|Happily, we examined the contents of the package, stripped off the old label, and advertised the deception so that every citizen could recognize the dangers wrapped in the package.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments which have been enacted have reduced the power which was intended to be placed in the hands of the Attorney General. They have removed the authority for the use of military forces in cases of alleged civil-rights violations. They have made the proposed Commission answerable to Congress as well as to the President, and have provided for the members to be subject to confirmation by the Senate. They have better defined and narrowed the powers of Federal judges in contempt proceedings. All of these amendments have vastly ameliorated the original obnoxiousness of H. R. 6127. However, nothing could entirely remove the objectionable features of this packaged bill of goods, submitted to the American people under a deceptive label.}}
{{smaller block|I shall vote against passage of H. R. 6127, because I believe that in so doing I shall be casting a vote for the preservation of our liberties, and for the preservation of constitutional government in this country.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement which I made on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced vigorous objection to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127 as amended by the Senate.

Of course, the Senate bill was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of the bill.

Mr. President, I now wish to discuss part IV. of H. R. 6127 and the 15th amendment to the Constitution.
{{smaller block|PART IV.—TO PROVIDE MEANS OF FURTHER SECURING AND PROTECTING THE RIGHT TO VOTE}}
Part IV. of the proposed civil-rights bill confers on the Attorney General the right to bring civil action and seek an injunction in a Federal district in the name of the United States if he believes any person is violating or about to violate either of two laws presently existing for the protection of voters.

Let us examine the two laws the Attorney General seeks to enforce by civil suit or injunction.

The first of these laws, presently appearing as section 2004 of the Revised Statutes of 1874—title 42, United States Code, section 1971—is actually section 1 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870—Sixteenth United States Statutes at Large, page 140. This bill, S. 810 and H. R. 1293, passed the respective Houses of Congress without debate on its merits under the rule on motion. This bill as it passed Congress contained in its second section a definite provision that civil damages to the aggrieved might be recovered through civil suit in the Federal courts. Furthermore, it provided for the obtaining of political office by civil suit through ''quo'' warrant proceedings in Federal courts.

On May 20, 1870, an attempt was made in the Senate to allow third parties to sue in behalf of the aggrieved party. This is the same proposal contained in the present bill whereby the Attorney General would be allowed to bring civil action and seek injunctions.

Even this radical 41st Congress would not accept any such proposition providing double penalties. The proposition in the present bill would provide double penalties because present law contained in both title 18, Section 242—Deprivation of Rights Under Color of Law—and title 42, Section 1971—Race, Color, or Previous Condition Not To Affect Right to Vote—afford appropriate criminal and civil remedy.

To show how the Senate in 1870 rejected such an idea of double penalties, let us examine the colloquy in the Senate on the proposal to allow someone other than the aggrieved to bring civil suit—Congressional Globe, volume 93, 41st Congress, 2d session, 1870, pages 3563–3564:
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I understand I am in order in offering to amend the amendment.}}
{{smaller block|The {{sc|Presiding Officer}}. The amendment to the amendment is in order.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I will repeat it, then, for the information of the Senate. I move to amend the Senate bill in section 2, line 15, by striking out the words “the person aggrieved thereby” and inserting “any person who shall sue for the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. I hope that this amendment will not be agreed to. There are now two views taken of this branch of the bill as it stands. One is that there ought not to be any provision at all for the party aggrieved; that it ought all to be out; and another view is that taken by my friend from Alabama, that it does not go far enough; that we ought not to confine this redress to the person whose vote is refused. The committee considered both those views, and thought, in analogy to State legislation and to the simple proprieties of justice, that this middle ground was the true one.}}
{{smaller block|If a voter is deprived of his right to vote by the misconduct of an official, it is a personal grievance to him, an actionable injury, for which all civilized laws give him redress in some form. It is true that in most States and countries no specific amount of damages is allowed, for the reason that it is thought safer, inasmuch as that might be a matter of speculation, to leave it under the circumstances of each case to be great or small, as a jury shall think it wise to make it. But in applying the 15th amendment, which is intended to secure the rights of a large class of the population of the United States, and to secure their rights in courts which may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, by juries who may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, in communities where the local officers are found to be those who deny the rights that the 15th amendment secures, we thought it wise not to leave it to an unfriendly jury to give only 1 penny damages, if a man under the 15th amendment was deprived of a right he had, but to fix the sum the party should be entitled to recover as his damages; and on the other hand, in a community where juries might be very favorable to the party aggrieved, we thought it right to impose upon juries a limit above which they ought not to go; so that they should not either give no damages at all nor excessive damages.}}
{{smaller block|This branch of the section, therefore, is framed upon that theory. It is to give to the person aggrieved, as damages for the deprivation of his rights as a citizen, a private right of his own, a right to sue, which all laws give; it would not be necessary to put that into the statute—he would have the right of action; but to fix the amount for each specific wrong to him {{SIC|whch|which}} he should be entitled to recover. Then we provide in another part of the bill, and perhaps in the same section, just as we ought to do if we are to have any law at all, that the officer guilty of this wrong to the citizen is also guilty of an offense against the public, a criminal misdemeanor, for which he may be indicted and fined, of course within certain limits, in the discretion of the court. I submit to my friend from Alabama whether, on the whole, this middle ground, which is defensible both by philosophy and by analogy, is not the true one.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I desire to make this bill as effective for the purpose intended as possible. The persons who will be aggrieved, particularly in our section of the country, will in the main be ignorant and timid persons, who will be afraid to sue. The fact that they may be afraid to go to the polls and vote is evidence that they will not perhaps have the courage and fearlessness to sue; but there may be some third party who would be willing to enforce the penalty. I think in the great majority of cases the person aggrieved would not avail himself of this provision.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Then, I suggest to my friend that he would not be entitled to any action at all under this section, because this is not a section to give every man $500 who is afraid to offer to do what he has a right to do; but it is to give him as damages the sum of $500 for a positive and specific denial to him of the exercise of a right that he attempts to exercise; otherwise, he would have no cause of action. You cannot give a right of action to anybody because he is intimidated. The intimidation part of the law must be purely criminal, and is found in another part of the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. But my amendment would give a remedy by enabling any other person than the party aggrieved to enforce the penalty. The party aggrieved I think in most cases would fail to enforce it; but some other party might.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Some other party may in his name.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I desire to say a word in regard to the particular amendment now pending. This bill is for the purpose of enforcing the 15th amendment, which applies to colored voters, most of whom reside in the section of the country from which the Senator from Alabama and myself come. The great and most effectual means used to interfere with their exercise of the right secured to them by the 15th amendment is by intimidation, by violence. I think that the penalty which is named in this second section, to be enforced by the party aggrieved, would never be put into operation at all. The purpose of the bill is to protect those citizens against intimidation from voting.}}
{{smaller block|I confess that there is something in the suggestion of the Senator from Vermont, that there is no intimidation in this particular section aimed at. But, sir, it is perfectly sure that the very same means of intimidation which prevents a colored citizen from voting will be resorted to to prevent him from bringing this penal action, and unless the section is amended as suggested by the Senator from Alabama, I do not believe that an action will ever be brought in those States, because it is much more difficult for one of those citizens to bring and maintain a criminal action than it is for him to perform the single act of voting.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Will my friend permit me to make a suggestion right there?}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. Certainly.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. If you take out this penalty, as it is called, really liquidated damages, from the person who is aggrieved, whose right is denied, and who has suffered injury, and give it to anybody who will sue for it, it becomes a pure penalty. Then the question is, whether you can have a bill which contains double penalties; whether you are to punish, in the strict sense of punishment, a man twice for the same offense; because my friend will see that the section, in addition to giving these damages to the party aggrieved as damages, makes it a criminal misdemeanor, punishable on indictment and conviction by a fine of not less than $500 and imprisonment not less than a month nor more than a year. I suggest to my friend, who is a cultivated and educated lawyer, whether he would not in court find himself in great difficulty with a bill of double penalties, which were purely such.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I have never examined that question under the laws of the United States. I only know that is frequently done in my own State. We have statutes with double penalties, as referred to by the Senator, and we have never had any difficulty in that State with regard to them.}}
{{smaller block|But I understood the committee to mean by this section that there was danger in the States where it is principally to apply of not being able to obtain a grand jury who will find a bill of indictment, and that in the event no bill of indictment could be found before a grand jury the party aggrieved, or, if amended as the Senator from Alabama suggests, any person in the community may still punish the offender by bringing a penal action. It seems I had mistaken the purpose of the committee entirely from what is said by the Senator from Vermont. I think, nevertheless, the amendment had better be made, unless there really be that legal objection which the Senator suggests as to double penalties, so that it could not, under the laws of the United States and the practice of the United States courts, be enforced. If that were so, it would be conclusive that the amendment ought not to be adopted. I did not understand the Senator as expressing the positive opinion that such could not be done.}}
Now, Mr. President, I shall discuss injunctions issuing from Federal district judges on the question of a person’s qualification for voting.

The civil-rights bill in part IV. confers on the district courts of the United States jurisdiction to issue injunctions in civil-rights actions and it is to be assumed that these injunctions will concern, among other supposed rights, the right to vote.

Actually appropriate remedy already exists where a person’s civil rights are violated. Section 242 of title 18, United States Code, provides a penalty and damages may be recovered in a civil action. The West Virginia Jehovah’s Witnesses case is a typical example of adequate remedy existing in such cases. In this case, the United States attorney was unable to get an indictment by the grand jury. He therefore proceeded to prosecute by information, as provided by rule 7(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and subsequently got a conviction. The information charged that two public officers, acting under color of law, had willfully deprived their victims of the Federal rights of free speech, freedom of religion, the right not to be deprived of liberty without due process of law, and the right to equal protection of the laws. The conviction was upheld by the United States court of appeals—''Catlette'' v. ''U. S.'' ((1943) 132 F. 2d 902). Civil suits were brought by the Witnesses against their prosecutors—those who had deprived them of their rights—and a settlement was made totaling $1,170 in damages which was paid.

How can the Congress vest jurisdiction in Federal courts to determine the qualifications of voters and allow Federal judges to issue injunctions in effect requiring that certain persons—the judge thinks are qualified—shall be registered and allowed to vote?

The qualifications of voters are fixed and enumerated in the constitution of each sovereign State. For purposes of determining who is entitled to vote in each State for United States Representatives and Senators, the Federal Constitution simply adopts such qualifications as the State has fixed for voting for members of that State’s legislature.

The language of article I., section 2, clause 3 of the United States Constitution reads:
{{smaller block|The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.}}
Similarly, the 17th amendment adopts for the purpose of electing United States Senators such qualifications as the States have fixed:
{{smaller block|The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 2 Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for 6 years; and each Senator shall have 1 vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.}}
In the fixing of qualifications of voters the States are limited only by the 15th amendment and the 19th amendment in that the right to vote may not be denied because of race or color or sex, respectively.

That the respective States determine who are entitled to vote has never been seriously controverted. The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly declared that the right to vote comes from the State. In declaring sections 3 and 4 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, unconstitutional, the Supreme Court in 1875 said—''U. S.'' v. ''Reese'' ((1875) 92 U. S. 214, 217, 218); also ''Butts'' v. ''Merchants and Miners Transportation Co.'' ((1913) 230 U. S. 126):
{{smaller block|The 15th amendment does not confer the right of suffrage upon anyone. It prevents the States, or the United States, however, from giving preference, in this particular, to one citizen of the United States over another on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Before its adoption, this could be done. It was as much within the power of a State to exclude citizens of the United States from voting on account of race, etc., as it was on account of age, one race having certain qualifications are permitted by law to vote, those of another having the same qualifications must be. Previous to this amendment, there was no constitutional guaranty against this discrimination; now there is. It follows that the amendment has invested the citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. This, under the express provisions of the second section of the amendment, Congress may enforce by appropriate legislation.}}
This leads us to inquire whether the act now under consideration is appropriate legislation for that purpose. The power of Congress to legislate at all upon the subject of voting at State elections rests upon this amendment. The effect of article I., section 4, of the Constitution, in respect to elections for Senators and Representatives, is not now under consideration. It has not been contended, nor can it be, that the amendment confers authority to impose penalties for every wrongful refusal to receive the vote of a qualified elector at State elections. It is only when the wrongful refusal at such an election is because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, that Congress can interfere, and provide for its punishment: If, therefore, the third and fourth sections of the act are beyond that limit, they are unauthorized.}}
Thus, if the 15th amendment has not conferred the right to vote upon anyone, how can Congress give a Federal judge authority to confer that right by injunction?

The Attorney General knows that it is a settled principle of law that an injunction will not issue to prevent a crime. At the present time the laws governing enforcement of civil rights are criminal statutes and as such he seeks to have them reenacted as civil statutes so he can secure injunctions. An injunction is really a serious proposition.

Actually an injunction is a proceeding in equity and not of law and under this principle since all of the States have adequate procedure for determining the qualifications of voters in courts of law, injunctions cannot issue in such cases.

An injunction is actually the giving of validity to a judge’s own individual opinion. The injunction had its origin during the reign of Henry VIII., when Cardinal Wolsey augmented the authority of the Court of Chancery in exercising his equitable authority over everything that could be a matter of judicial inquiry. Both Wolsey and his successor, Sir Thomas More, were severely criticized by the English judiciary for issuing injunctions in equity and thereby substituting their individual opinions for the verdict of a jury in a common law court—the Law magazine, London, volume XXVII., 1870, pages 1–25.

Such great importance is attached to the issuance of an injunction that Lord Correnham in his judgment in ''Brown'' v. ''Newall'' ((1870), 2 M. and C. 558, 570), said:
{{smaller block|Now, that that ''ex parte'' injunction was an order which ought not to have been made, is not in dispute. It has been subsequently dissolved, and nothing is attempted (570) to be said in support of it at the bar; and it is impossible that it could have been sustained. The order was a departure from the known and established rule and practice of this court. Nothing is so difficult as to bring within any general rule every case in which a special injunction ought to be granted; but, when an action has regularly proceeded, and is on the very eve of trial, an ''ex parte'' injunction to stop it is an order such as I have not before seen. The vice chancellor appears to have stated that the order was made under some misapprehension of the facts; and indeed it is quite obvious that it must have been so, for the vice chancellor could not have made the order if the facts had been thoroughly understood. It is very probable that some facts were then supposed to exist which did not actually exist.}}
{{smaller block|I am not entitled, however, to assume that the order was made upon any other grounds than those stated in the affidavit which was used upon the application for the injunction; and I am, therefore, to see whether, on that affidavit, the parties have suppressed or misrepresented facts in such a way as was calculated to induce the court to grant the injunction.}}
{{smaller block|I am most unwilling to lay down any rule which should limit the power and discretion of the court as to the particular cases in which a special injunction should or should not be granted; but I have always felt—and since I have been upon the bench I have seen no reason to alter my opinion—that extreme danger attends the exercise of this part of the jurisdiction of the court, and that it is a jurisdiction which is to be exercised with extreme caution. It is absolutely necessary that the power should exist, because there are cases in which it is indispensable; but I believe that practically it does as much injustice as it promotes (571) justice; and it is, therefore, to be exercised with extreme caution. The court can have no ground upon which it can proceed, in granting an ''ex parte'' injunction, but a faithful statement of the case; and where the court has found a party misstating the case, either by misrepresentation or suppression, the court has always exercised its jurisdiction, for the purpose of repressing that practice; and I am desirous to abstain from putting, by anticipation, a limit to that power. The extent to which the court is to go in so doing is only to be determined by the case itself; but then it must appear, upon the affidavits, that there was such misrepresentation. Now the affidavit upon which the ''ex parte'' injunction was obtained certainly does not state all the facts; but the question is, whether there was any such suppression or misstatement as to lead the court to grant the injunction. I do not find on that affidavit that description of misrepresentation or suppression which, in my opinion, presented a case likely to procure a judgment on the application, but different from the case which really existed.}}
Thus we can easily see, even if we had the power, that it would be a dangerous experiment to allow Federal district judges to issue injunctions on simple ''ex parte'' affidavits as is proposed in the present bill. And it might be possible under this proposal to assign New York or Vermont Federal judges to a crowded injunction calendar in Virginia to determine who is qualified to vote in that State. Section 134 of title 26, United States Code, simply requires that a district judge reside in the district or one of the districts for which he is appointed and does not preclude his assignment to another district. In fact, Chief Justice Warren under section 292 of the Judicial Code—title 28, United States Code—may assign California judges to South Carolina:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 292. District judges:}}
{{smaller block|(a) The chief judge of a circuit may designate and assign one or more district judges within the circuit to sit upon the court of appeals or a division thereof whenever the business of that court so requires. Such designations or assignments shall be in conformity with the rules or orders of the court of appeals of the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(b) The chief judge of a district may, in the public interest, designate and assign temporarily any district judge of the circuit to hold a district court in any district within the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(c) The Chief Justice of the United States may designate and assign temporarily a district judge of one circuit for service in another circuit, either in a district court or court of appeals, upon presentation of a certificate of necessity by the chief judge or circuit justice of the circuit wherein the need arises. (June 25, 1948, ch. 646, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 901.)}}
The Federal Enforcement Act of 1870 attempted to do just what this bill seeks to do, that is, take away from the States the control of their elections and place that control in the hands of federally appointed officials. If anyone has any doubts about the failure of the Enforcement Act or even its constitutionality he should read the various decisions of the United States Supreme Court declaring almost every section of the act unconstitutional. When Congress finally got around to repealing that act in 1893 here are some of the frauds cited in Congress as reasons for repeal. They included 19,000 fraudulent naturalization certificates being issued by a single judge in New York State. They included payment in fees from the United States Treasury to a single Federal supervisor of elections and commissioner of the Federal court the sum of $145,000. Interestingly enough, repeal was initiated by a New York Congressman. See {{sc|Congressional Record}}, Volume 25, pages 1959, 1808.

Mr. President, on Tuesday afternoon, August 27, I made a motion in the Senate to have H. R. 6127 in its so-called compromise form referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. I pointed out that I believed it to be a dangerous procedure to allow bills to come over from the House of Representatives and be placed on the calendar of the Senate without being referred to the appropriate committee. However, my motion was voted down 66 to 18, so the bill is now before the Senate for consideration.

Since very few Members of the Senate were present at that time to hear my objections to the present version of H. R. 6127, I shall present my arguments again.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution because that would be the result insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common-law cases.

These guaranties were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historic document their complaints against denial of the right of trial by jury.

That document was the Declaration of Independence.

After declaring that all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the signers of the Declaration pointed out that the King had a history of “repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object to the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States.” Then they proceeded to the listing of a bill of particulars against the King.

He was charged with “depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.”

That is what the Declaration of Independence contained. The King was charged, among other things, with depriving the American people of the benefit of trial by jury. That is the very thing I am fighting for—the right of trial by jury, which is contained in the Constitution, and embodied in it in quite a number of places. The compromise bill which comes from the House attempts to compromise the Constitution of the United States. The bill does not provide for a trial by jury unless the penalty is more than 45 days’ imprisonment or more than a $300 fine. That is a compromise of the Constitution.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

When the original Constitution was written there was placed in it article III., section 2, which guarantees the right of trial by jury. Then the Bill of Rights was adopted, and that right was provided in three different places.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights.

A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and onetime Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him. “The Bill of Rights,” he declared, “denies the power of any government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.”

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic law if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes, in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

When our forefathers met in 1787 in Philadelphia they wrote in article III., section 2, of the Constitution that in all crimes except treason a man shall be entitled to a jury trial. In several places in the Bill of Rights they wrote it again, with special emphasis in the sixth amendment that a man is entitled to a jury trial. Yet the compromisers brought forth a compromise which {{SIC|attemps|attempts}} to compromise the Constitution of the United States. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States. The compromise would have been unconstitutional if it had provided that if a judge wanted to punish for criminal contempt he could sentence the defendant to serve 1 day or fine him $1. He has no right to fine him $1 or give him 1 day’s punishment in prison without a jury trial, because the Constitution says that in a criminal case a man charged with crime is entitled to a jury trial.

I cited last night a decision which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and this so-called compromise which has come to the Senate is an effort of the Senate and the House of Representatives to get together, but in the effort to get together and pass a political bill—and that is all it is—they have  been willing to compromise the Constitution of the United States.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says, “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says, “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.”

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved.

If the Constitution had had an exception in it and read, “This shall not apply to criminal contempt or crimes of criminal contempt,” then there would be some basis for the Congress to legislate. But it did not make such an exception. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “The trial of ''all'' crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

What right has a Federal judge to use his discretion and tell a man he can be tried by a jury? The Constitution says if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to be tried by a jury if he wants to be tried by a jury. In the Constitution there is no exception of criminal contempt or any exception that gives a judge the power to try a man so charged rather than a jury.

We are dealing with the basic rights of the people of this Nation and we should be careful to protect those precious rights which have been handed down to us by our forefathers. This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted. We cannot make trial by jury a matter of degree. If the Constitution gives a man the right of trial by jury, he has that right and we cannot take it away from him. The Congress cannot take it away. Furthermore, this compromise pretends to let the judge try the case if he wants to do so, in his discretion. Then if he finds the defendant ought to be punished by a fine in excess of $300 or by imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the man is entitled to a trial by jury. Do you not know, Mr. President, that if a judge has already tried a man, and then the defendant asks for a jury trial, the judge’s decision is bound to affect the jury in the case strongly, even if it were constitutional for that to be done, which it is not?

Under this proposal if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days in prison he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of punishment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. I realize that Congress may want to get away from Washington. We have had a long, hard session. I also realize that both national parties are playing to the minorities by means of the right-to-vote bill, when each State in the Nation has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and section 594 of the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure protects the right to vote. Yet, as a political gesture, both parties are making this play to try to claim credit. Watch my prediction that in the elections of 1958 both parties will try to claim that they got the civil-rights bill through the Congress.

Why are we not more interested in preserving the Constitution? Are we going to violate the Constitution by passing a political civil-rights bill in order to give thunder and political fodder to politicians to enable them to garner votes? Which is more important, the Constitution of this country or the political parties vying for the votes of minorities?

I wish to see the right to vote exercised by every man who is qualified to vote and who wants to vote. If he is entitled to vote, I want to see him vote. But the true purpose of this bill is not to insure the right to vote, because we have statutes in every State, and we have statutes on the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure now already that punish people interfering with anybody trying to vote. If the statutes we now have on the books are not being enforced, what good will it do to put another statute on the books? If the Justice Department is claiming that there are any individuals who have been denied their right to vote, why does it not prosecute them under the present law, which is completely adequate? And if no people have been denied the right to vote, then why is it claimed that this bill is necessary? The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents and in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

Perhaps the House and the Senate wanted to get together and they thought this was the only way they could do it, but I want to tell the American people when they did get together and brought forth this compromise they violated the Constitution of the United States. This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill. Like father, like son; a chip off the old block. Both are bad.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of the fine—or even 1 cent—and if a day, or even an hour, were added to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial, and a jury would decide the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

The proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was passed by the Senate.

The inclusion by the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, made the bill a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, the present unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope a majority of the Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the ''bloc'' voting of the pivotal states. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.

Those are the words of Stewart Alsop; and he is not a southerner, so far as I know.

To explain his point, he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States, Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.

The following four paragraphs are quoted directly from Mr. Alsop’s column:
{{smaller block|In 1954, Averell Harriman was elected Governor of New York by less than 15,000 votes over Senator {{sc|Irving Ives}}. According to Harris’ analysis, Harriman polled a whopping 79 percent of the Negro vote. Negro voters thus supplied Harriman with his margin of victory several times over. Two years later, the Democrats had dropped some 90,000 Negro votes to the Republicans—or about 6 times the number of votes {{sc|Ives}} needed to defeat Harriman.}}
{{smaller block|Or take another close race—the victory of Senator {{sc|Joseph Clark}}, of Pennsylvania, over the Republican incumbent, Senator James Duff, in 1956. Again, {{sc|Clark}} just squeaked in, with a plurality of less than 18,000 votes. {{sc|Clark}}, despite the Supreme Court, carried the Negro vote by a huge 76 percent margin, which was worth about 150,000 votes to him. Suppose the Negro vote had dropped off as sharply in Pennsylvania as it did in Illinois, where it nosedived from 75 percent in 1952 to 58 percent in 1956. Then Duff would be in the Senate by a comfortable majority, and {{sc|Clark}} would be practicing law.}}
{{smaller block|Other examples could be cited, like that of Senator {{sc|Paul Douglas}}, of Illinois, who owes about 60 percent of his 1954 plurality to the Negro vote. But the lesson is clear enough. If the Republicans can attract something approaching half the Negro vote in the Northern States, the Republican Party will then be the normal majority party in those States.}}
{{smaller block|Read the role of big States in which the Negroes can be expected to poll 5 percent or more of the total vote—not only New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, but such States as Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, and California. It then becomes clear what is at stake in the civil-rights struggle—nothing less than the future balance of political power in the Nation.}}
But, Mr. President, are we going to compromise the Constitution, whether we lose an election or not? Which is more important—to win an election or to preserve the Constitution? It is about time that both parties began to consider the welfare of the country and to determine whether the Constitution is of more importance, or whether winning an election is of more importance.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today; but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law, eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of the bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily.

Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law.

Under the provisions of the compromise, jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge, so long as the sentence he metes does not exceed the maximum limit set for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of the bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim, the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges.

No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When the bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted the great legal mind of 18th century England, Blackstone. Because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him again at this time. This is what Blackstone had to say:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
That is what Blackstone, the leading legal light the world has known, had to say. I wish to repeat one of his sentences:
{{smaller block|And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
Mr. President, a trial by jury is one of the bedrocks of this democracy. It is one of the bedrocks of this Nation. It is one of the bedrocks of this Government. When we talk to people in the street and to laymen generally about taking away their right of trial by jury, they cannot understand it, because they know that the Constitution provides that a man shall have a trial by jury when he is charged with the commission of a crime.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen, chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth, and the surest guardians of public justice. For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan of the United States Supreme Court delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, that is a significant statement to me, coming from a member of the present Supreme Court. I will not predict what the Court might do when the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury as embodied in this so-called compromise is presented to the Court.

However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the people of this Nation want Federal judges to have the power to punish persons for criminal contempt by sentences of either days, weeks, or months in jail, or by fines of dollars, they can amend the Constitution and provide for it. If the people of this country want Federal judges to have the discretion of determining whether a person shall have a jury trial or not, then they can amend the Constitution and so provide. There is no provision and no exception for either instance in the present Constitution.

That is certainly a clue to what might be expected from the Court when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

I think what the Supreme Court did in the ''Reid'' against ''Covert'' case might be a clue to what it might do, or what might be expected of the Court, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all of the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State. A summary of these laws was submitted to me, and I request that this summary be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks.

As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote.

The people of my State vote. I am in favor of qualified people voting. All the people of my State vote if they are qualified.

Whence comes this hue and cry? Those raising it have not presented the matter to the Judiciary Committee, so the chairman of that committee may hold hearings. They have held hearings for weeks and months on the subject, and the proponents of the bill have failed to present evidence to show that people do not have the right to vote.

It is inescapable, as I have said, that this is a political bill and not a bill to provide the right to vote. The people already have that privilege.

If any such incident as a refusal to permit a citizen to vote had occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina.

The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice. The people of the States are interested in justice just as are the officials of the Federal Government, but I shall return to that subject in a few minutes and go into the matter of the Federal statutes a little more fully.

We have Federal statutes to protect the right to vote, if the voters are not satisfied with the State statutes, and certainly the Federal statutes protect them.

I say that the Negro citizens in South Carolina are safeguarded in their rights; and the payment of a poll tax is not required.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. As I have said, South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. Registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that the poll tax be repealed as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature acted promptly and submitted the matter to the people, and the people voted in favor of repeal of the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature approved it, and we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina, if proof is desired, can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia, S. C., Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that “estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina constitution which protect a citizen’s right to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9, suffrage: The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 10, elections free and open: All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 5, appeal; crimes against election laws: Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 8, registration provided; elections; board of registration; books of registration: The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 15, right of suffrage free: No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the record to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Code, title 23}}}}}}
{{smaller block|23–73. Appeal from denial of registration.}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|23–74. Proceedings to court of common pleas.}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as Calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{smaller block|23–75. Further appeal to supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
In other words, in our State, if anybody has an appeal and it goes before the trial judge and he denies it, the supreme court will go into session in order to hear such a case so as to be sure that nobody is deprived of the right to vote.
{{smaller block|23–100. Right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{smaller block|23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{smaller block|23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guard rail; assistance.}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guard rail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{smaller block|23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats.}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct.}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{smaller block|23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{smaller block|23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally.}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State. Also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, proves that there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right-to-vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a Commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise. Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an unusual grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people.

This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so.

If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A Civil Rights Division in the Justice Department is not needed because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed, and he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country.

Since conditions have improved, and there is no indication that conditions will change unless the Attorney General and the Civil Rights Commission create trouble, there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of civil-rights matters in the Department of Justice.

Mr. President, permit me to digress in order to discuss certain matters pertaining to the Bill of Rights.

I have before me a book entitled “Our Bill of Rights: What It Means To Me—A National Symposium,” edited by James Waterman, Wisconsin:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Things of the spirit never die. They flame anew each time they are under fire. They are flaming high at this moment.}}
{{smaller block|Bombs may blow the body to bits, but they bind the soul together.}}
{{smaller block|This book is testimony to the spirit of man; to his personality; to his right to be decent.}}
{{smaller block|From the beginning of time men have had to fight for this sort of life. The fight has never been easy, but it has always been won.}}
{{smaller block|As long as men believe in freedom they will achieve it. The Dark Ages shall not return.}}
{{smaller block|When freedom dies man lives on his knees. When freedom lives man walks erect.}}
{{smaller block|The Bill of Rights is our prayer book and our promise of salvation. The cause of freedom is the cause of God. That is the dedication of this volume.}}
{{smaller block|None of us is wise enough to say finally what one event is the greatest in our history. There are some that cry aloud for that description:}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence; the Treaty of Paris, ending the Revolutionary War; the adoption of the Constitution; the pronouncement of the Monroe Doctrine; the Emancipation Proclamation; the end of the War Between the States; the war for freedom and democracy, begun in 1917—and still going on.}}
{{smaller block|I have left to the last, although it belongs at the top, the formulation and adoption of the Bill of Rights—the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, adopted by the baby nation December 15, 1791.}}
{{smaller block|In this group of principles are to be found the soul and spirit of the Constitution. With the Bill of Rights added, the Constitution becomes nearly a perfect thing. Without the bill, the seven articles of the original draft are largely given over to the protection of property.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson, shocked by the omissions in the Constitution, as promulgated in 1789, while he was United States Minister to France (another type of France than Vichy represents today), drafted the additions to our great charter. Thus we were given the four freedoms by which we grew strong in self-reliance, in courage, in independence, and in self-respect.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments gave us free speech, free press, free worship, free assembly, and also the right to petition. They gave us full protection Of the citizen against oppression; the right of trial by jury and, generally, the right of the individual against the state. Jefferson said himself, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount, Magna Carta, and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|Herbert Bayard Swope}}}},{{em|6}}&lt;br /&gt;
''Chairman, Bill of Rights Sesquicentennial Committee''.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson himself said, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments; the Sermon on the Mount; Magna Carta; and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{***|5}}
{{smaller block|America is face to face with certain grim realities. It is apparent that the expense attached to the defense effort will run into an appalling sum. The sweeping readjustments that will eventually reach every family are becoming clearer by the day. The need for redirection of our whole economy in order to supply plants which manufacture implements of war with an abundance of raw materials is now painfully obvious.}}
{{smaller block|Yes, the world that we know is being re-fashioned. But so be it, and although the disappearance of familiar patterns and habits of living brings a momentary shock, there must be no regrets, no longing backward glances. Neither can we afford to hang our heads, wring our hands and insist that we cannot defend democracy without destroying it. After all, the only disaster that will overtake us is the disaster that comes from indecision and inaction.}}
{{smaller block|I like to remind myself of the origin of the Bill of Rights. It came into being at a time of great distress and clearly represented the desires of the people who had paid a high price for their independence, and were determined to keep it. Since that time it has weathered an internal conflict, foreign wars, periods of economic depression. Even during these emergencies there has been no foreshortening of the scope of the Bill of Rights, nor has its fundamental character been altered. Invariably after these crises have passed each American has turned his face homeward and found, to his intense joy, his personal liberty inviolate. This augurs well for the future. Perhaps the destructive forces loose in the world will assume more awesome proportions than any yet seen; perhaps the dangers and hardships of the civilian population will be greater than ever before; but I cannot believe that these new developments will serve to swerve us from our course any more than the vicissitudes of the past.}}
{{smaller block|Undoubtedly it will mean a vigilant citizenry constantly on guard. But we have that. Undoubtedly it will mean leadership of the highest quality, but we have that, too. In fact, I can think of no more impressive reiteration of belief in the Bill of Rights than that made by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his message to Congress last January:}}
{{smaller block|“In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.}}
{{smaller block|“The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The third is freedom from want. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The fourth is freedom from fear. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.}}
{{smaller block|“This Nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads, and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.}}
{{smaller block|“To that high concept there can be no end save victory.”}}
Mr. President, those were the words of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in speaking of the Bill of Rights, which guarantees a jury trial to the people of the United States, but which the so-called compromise civil-rights bill would deprive the people of.

I read further:
{{smaller block|We accept our liberty, as we do our health, pretty much as a matter of course, hardly giving it a thought until we begin to lose it. Then we become conscious of how much it means.}}
{{smaller block|Experience throughout the long period of human history teaches that liberty must be won in every generation and can be held only by eternal vigilance. As foes of freedom the aggressors reappear with different weapons, but always with the same aim—to destroy the souls of freemen.}}
{{smaller block|That religion and democracy are closely linked together is a truism proved amply in the history of our country. The American colonies were settled by men and women seeking a free life, as well as a home for freedom. Religion was written prominently into their agreements, covenants, pacts, and constitutions, but the early colonists made no provision for the the free exercise of religion. Those who had fled before the demands of conformity later determined by law that others must conform or get out of the colony. It was said of Governor Endicott of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, if he had found toleration in his dictionary, he would have cut the word out, just as he drew his sword and cut the red cross out of the English flag because it represented the ancient Catholic faith of England. This attitude, formulated into law and supported by stern preaching, led to the founding of Rhode Island by Roger Williams and his associates. They were the first ones to put into practice the principle of the independence of the individual conscience even beyond the grants of liberty by the State. Maryland was founded by a small company of Catholics seeking freedom of worship in 1634, only 14 years after the Protestant Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth.}}
{{smaller block|Under Lord Baltimore’s liberal rule there developed a large degree of freedom in religion, as well as a remarkable advance in democratic procedure. The people of Maryland not only took part in making their laws but were given power to originate laws. No other colony at the time enjoyed quite as much freedom, and in 1649 the assembly passed the Toleration Act which confirmed by law these liberties. Following this action, Maryland became the refuge not only for the oppressed Catholics from England, but Protestants from some of the other American colonies, Puritans from Virginia, Quakers, and others who found congenial homes in this colony.}}
It is true that the Toleration Act was not very broad in that it tolerated only those of the Christian religion, but it was a step forward on the road to liberty and marked a greater advance than anything even in England at the time. It remained for the colony at Providence, R. I., to advance the act of toleration by granting full religious freedom to Christians and Jews and even to those without any religious affiliation or belief. The act affirmed “that men of all religions should live unmolested so long as they behaved themselves.”

The Bill of Rights provides for freedom of religion. Our Bill of Rights provides for many vital rights which we enjoy.

The study of the Constitution should be an essential part not only of the education of the American youth, but of all Americans, and especially those who have become naturalized citizens of this great Nation. While all of us cannot be trained in the technicalities of the law, we should have some idea of our fundamental institutions. We need to know their relationship to our daily life, the reasons for their existence, and the benefits we derive from them, as well as the importance to ourselves of their perpetuation. The Constitution is not self-perpetuating by any means; if it is to survive it will be because it has the support of the people—not passive, but active public support. This means making adequate sacrifice to maintain that which is of the greatest benefit to the greatest number.

The Constitution has its roots in the great and heroic past of the English-speaking race. Today, under that Constitution which was adopted through the blood and sweat of the pioneers of our country, the safeguard of personal liberty is ever present. Under our great Bill of Rights our governmental power is divided into three parts. The first is the power granted to the Central Government; the second that reserved to the States; and the third, and by far the most important, although at times the fact may not be generally recognized, the power reserved to the people under the many inhibitions upon both State and Federal legislation.

In the turmoil which now seems to have engulfed the entire world, the citizens of the United States should well remember particularly that it is the people, those who go to make up the great cross-section of this country, who must guard the ramparts from the ever-increasing dangers of nazism, fascism, and communism. Our Constitution is the final safeguard of every right that is enjoyed by any American citizen. So long as it is observed, those rights will be secure, but should it fall into disrespect or disrepute the way of orderly, organized government as we have known it for the past 150 years will be at an end.

When the Federal Constitution was, on September 28, 1787, submitted by Congress to the legislatures of the several States for ratification, there was very strong opposition to its adoption in all the States. The Democrats, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, feared that the provisions of the instrument would unduly abridge States rights and result in a Government too highly centralized for their views. It was necessary for nine States to ratify the Constitution before it could take effect. It was not until June 21, 1788, that the ninth State, New Hampshire, gave its approval. The States which had not ratified up to that time were Virginia, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island. Virginia and New York gave their assent in 1788. When President Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, on the steps of the Federal Hall in New York, neither North Carolina nor Rhode Island had ratified and, therefore, were not States of the United States. These two reluctant States did, however, come into line. North Carolina ratified on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The Bill of Rights was a pacer in the democratic movement in America and as such is entitled to all the prestige of leadership. Yet it really took a century after its enactment for American women to procure the 19th amendment to the Federal Constitution which compelled reluctant States to grant them the basic right of the free—the right to vote. Non-Christian men and freethinkers of their sex more readily wrested from State legislatures the guaranty of their civil rights.

But even the original Bill of Rights would have been a dead letter if dauntless men and women, risking death, had not taught the public to listen without rioting to opinions which it abhorred. That educational process enabled the letter of the law to live in practice, or application, for the American way of life. In celebrating the original Bill of Rights now, we should celebrate with it the courage and skill of the men and the women who made tolerance a fact as well as a principle of law. The open forum, so characteristic of American democracy, owes its inception and its continuation to persons of both sexes who insisted that law and practice were parts of the same thing.

That rights carry duties has become a third aspect of democratic evaluations, nurtured on free debates. It is increasingly understood in America that liberty could become license; that rights if viewed as extreme personal privileges could reduce society to anarchy. There is today, in connection with rights, the wide prevalence of the philosophy that rights are granted to individuals in order that they may develop their talents for competent voluntary cooperation in the thought and action essential to the strength of society, to general welfare, and to the very endurance of civil liberties themselves.

A history of civilization could be written around the derivation of the privileges that constitute our Bill of Rights. The emphasis would be not on rulers and governments but on the struggle mankind has waged for centuries to obtain recognition of the rights of individual men. These rights are guaranties necessary to any people who wish to live in the free atmosphere of liberty. They are the foundation of any government that exists by the free will of the governed and not by the military force of self-appointed rulers.

The history of our own Bill of Rights is fired with the determination of the American people to preserve their liberties as individuals living in a free state. It is significant that these first 10 amendments in our Constitution were drawn from earlier declarations of rights which a number of the Original Thirteen States had formulated for themselves before they joined the Union. They not only served as models for our Federal Constitution but became basic patterns for new democracies all over the world.

Today there is abroad in the world a monstrous force that would set the clock back and reestablish regimes that rank the state above the individual. Already in many lands fundamental rights have been destroyed; and the existence of our own is threatened. Such crises have occurred before in the history of man but never with such ruthless vehemence and on such a worldwide scale.

Mr. President, there are many objections to H. R. 6127, but the strongest objection is the failure to give a jury trial. I wish now to present to the Senate some information on the jury trial and I shall go into the historical development of the jury system. This information is coming from the History of the Jury System, by Maximus A. Lesser, instructor of political science, New York Evening High School. Some very important points are brought out here about the jury system which are pertinent to this debate.
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Historical Development of the Jury System}}}}}}
{{c|{{sm|(By Maximus A. Lesser)}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JURY}}}}
{{smaller block|The subject we propose to investigate is the historical genesis and gradual development of an institution which, today is an inseparable element of English jurisprudence and an important factor in the administration of justice, wherever the English or common law, “* * * the State’s collected will, o’er thrones and globes elate, sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.”}}
{{smaller block|This purpose is not free from difficulties, for, while the nature and functions of the tribunal, as today existent, are sufficiently well comprehended, still the origin of that institution and the successive steps by which it was evolved are less clearly understood and subject to considerable misconception, as is evinced by the many and conflicting theories advanced in explanation thereof. It is the object of this treatise to reconcile, as far as may be, these various views, to give to each well sustained suggestion its proper weight and effect during the formative period, and to trace its influence in the production of the result. The method of treatment is, in general, chronological; for the English jury is so closely interwoven with the historical and political development of the English nation, that every component which contributed to the formation and completion of the latter had a concomitant effect upon the former; accordingly, the history and features of each foreign factor will be described in connection with that period of our history at which it first made itself felt. For to the jury may be truly applied, what Maine says of law, that it is a matter of growth, the result of the needs of the community in which it originated; and an institution—as another writer well observes—which “does not owe its existence to any positive law; it is not the creature of an act of Parliament establishing the form and defining the functions of the new tribunal. It arose * * * silently and gradually out of the usages of a state of society which has forever passed away.” We will, in the first place, regard its general aspect and characteristics as beheld today, and then proceed to consider whether, and in what respects, it is resembled by institutions of early days. The body with which we have to deal—in the language of an able Scotch jurist—“is the institution by which disputed facts are to be decided for judicial purposes in the administration of civil or criminal justice, and which is in modern times familiar to us under the denomination of trial by jury. * * * The etymological derivation of the term is obviously from ''juro'', to swear, whence we find this institution called in forensic Latin ''jurata'', and the persons composing it ''jurati''. * * * When the object is inquiry only, this tribunal is sometimes called an inquest or inquisition, as in the instance of a grand jury or coroner’s inquest; but when facts are to be determined by it for judicial purposes, it is always styled a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|This board of inquiry, then, is composed of “a body of men taken from the community at large, summoned to find the truth of disputed facts. Their office is to decide upon the effect of evidence and thus inform the court truly upon the question at issue, in order that the latter may be enabled to pronounce a right judgment. But they are not the court itself nor do they form part of it; and have nothing to do with the sentence which follows the delivery of their verdict.” While, concerning the third characteristic element of our jury, De Lolme wrote that they who have the power to discriminate between disputed facts and “to whom the law has thus exclusively delegated the prerogative of deciding that a punishment is to be inflicted—those men without whose declaration the executive and the judicial powers are both thus bound down to inaction, do not form among themselves a permanent body, who may have had time to study how their power can serve to promote their private views or interest; they are men selected at once from among the people, who perhaps never were before called to the exercise of such a function, nor foresee that they ever shall be called to it again.”}}
{{smaller block|In other words, the jury is the sole judge of the weight of evidence adduced and the arbiter of compensation for contracts broken or injuries sustained, and is composed of men selected by lot and “sworn to declare the facts of a case as they are delivered from the evidence placed before them”—its province being to determine the truth of facts or the amount of damages in civil, and the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal, cases.}}
{{smaller block|This province is confined by the following limitations:}}
{{smaller block|(1) It is restricted to the consideration of matters proved by evidence at the trial;}}
{{smaller block|(2) It is subject to the instructions of the judge, concerning the rules of law applicable;}}
{{smaller block|(3) It is influenced by the directions of the judge, as to weight, value, and materiality of evidence;}}
{{smaller block|(4) It is affected by the selection of the jurors from the locality of the action, whence they discharge their duties with a certain amount of independent local knowledge, whilom “counted on, and deemed essential to a just consideration of the case.”}}
{{smaller block|Two other qualifications may be added. After the rendition of a verdict in a civil case, it is still within the power of the trial judge to modify or even annul the same, in a proper case; for instance, “because the verdict is for excessive or insufficient damages, or otherwise contrary to the evidence or contrary to law.”}}
{{smaller block|Again, in a criminal case, a verdict of conviction, even when accompanied by a recommendation of mercy, does not control the sentence to be meted out by the presiding magistrate, who may impose the highest or lowest or any intermediate penalty prescribed by law as proper for the offense committed.}}
{{smaller block|How, then, did this institution, whose features as currently administered have just been described, originate? What are the sources from whence it arose, and the forces by which it was developed? Did it spring forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, ready for action and fully equipped with forensic vesture and legal armament, or was its development the result of the gradual accretion of successive strata of growth? As stated above, various and conflicting theories are advanced to answer these queries.}}
{{smaller block|“Many writers of authority,” says Canon Stubbs, “have maintained that the entire jury system indigenous in England, some deriving it from Celtic tradition based on the principles of Roman law, and adopted by the Anglo-Saxons and Normans from the people they had conquered, others have regarded it as a product of that legal genius of the Anglo-Saxons of which Alfred is the mythic impersonation, or as derived by that nation from the customs of primitive Germany or from their intercourse with the Danes. Nor even, when it is admitted that the system of recognition was introduced from Normandy, have legal writers agreed as to the source from which the Normans themselves derived it. One scholar maintains that it was brought by the Norsemen from Scandinavia; another, that it was derived from the processes of the Canon Law; another, that it was developed on Gallic soil from Roman principles; another, that it came from Asia through the Crusades.” An American authority insists that it “is undoubtedly a development of English institutions and civilization.” Again, it is suggested that it was borrowed by the Angles and Saxons from their Slavonic neighbors in northern Europe; it has been traced to the assises de Jerusalem of Godfrey de Bouillon; it is even claimed to be of divine origin; and, finally, a French scholar despairingly exclaims: “Son origine se perd dans la niut de temps.”}}
{{smaller block|According to Robertson, “the true answer is, that forms of trial resembling the jury system in various particulars are to be found in the primitive institutions of all [Aryan] nations. That which comes nearest in time and character to trial by jury is the system of recognition by sworn inquest, introduced into England by the Normans * * * the instrument which the lawyers in England ultimately shaped into trial by jury.” The name “Recognition,” Bracton tells us, is deduced from the fact that the participants “acknowledged” a disseisin or dispossession by their verdict, and the inquest itself was “directly derived from the Frank capitularies, into which it may have been adopted from the fiscal regulations of the Theodosian Code and thus own some distant relationship with the Roman jurisprudence.” This is the system which, Lord Campbell writes, “in the fifth Norman reign had nearly superseded the simple juridical institutions of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors;” while an eminent American jurist, after observing that investigation has shown among Norman legal usages traces more closely resembling our form of jury trial than anything afforded by the system of the Anglo-Saxons, concludes:}}
{{smaller block|“We regard it, therefore, as certain that all these influences contributed to establish this mode of trial in England, and to shape it as we know it to exist there. Indeed, it was not until all of them had had an opportunity of completing their work, that we find what we should now call a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|A due regard for the definiteness of legal phraseology calls for some comment on the meaning of “law and fact,” terms so frequently employed in the course of this work. Law, in its widest sense, is a rule of action; in its technical sense, it is a general rule of human action, taking cognizance only of external acts, enforced by a determinate human authority paramount within a state. Whether the rule so enforced be moral or pernicious, is impertinent to the question. “The existence of law is one thing, its merit or demerit another.” Again, “although human actions are the subject-matter about which law is conversant, they are not essential to its existence; for the rule is the same, whether its application is called forth or not. * * * The rule continues in abstraction and theory, until an act is done on which it can attach. * * * The maxim, ''ex facto oritur jus'' must be understood in this sense; and the duty of judicial tribunals, consequently, embraces the investigation of doubtful or disputed facts, as well as the application of the principles of jurisprudence to such as are ascertained.”}}
{{smaller block|Fact is a term most difficult to define—so much so that Mr. Justice Stephen (in the third edition of his Digest of the Law of Evidence) abandoned the attempt previously made. Webster’s definition (ed. 1859) is: “Anything done, or that comes to pass; an act; a deed; an effect produced or achieved; an event.” Negatively, a learned American jurist suggests that “nothing is a question of fact which is not a question of the existence, reality, truth of something.” Anything which is the subject of testimony is “matter of fact,” while “matter of law” is the general law of the land of which courts take judicial cognizance. Evidence is the means or method by which a fact under judicial examination may be proved or disproved. “Whether there be any evidence, is a question for the judge. Whether sufficient evidence, is for the jury.”}}
{{smaller block|In any event, it is clear that the formula of Coke, hereinabove quoted, “was never meant to be taken absolutely. * * * It relates to issues of fact, and not to the incidental questions that spring up before the parties are at issue. The jury has to do with only a limited class of questions of fact, namely, questions of ultimate fact.” “In general, issues of fact, and only issues of fact, are to be tried by jury; when they are so tried, the jury and not the court are to find the facts, and the court and not the jury is to give the rule of law; the jury are not to refer the evidence to the judge and ask his judgment upon that, but are to find the facts which the evidence tends to establish, and may only ask the court for judgment upon these.”}}
Mr. President, I shall next take up the history of the jury system of the Anglo-Saxons:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Chapter VI.—The System of the Anglo-Saxons}}}}}}
{{smaller block|As regards the manner of men who now directed the destinies of England—for under that name (derived from the Angles) the island is henceforth known—and who indelibly impressed their characteristics upon it, and concerning their status in the scale of civilization, a graphic description is afforded us by the same historian. They “were little removed from the original state of nature; the social confederacy among them was more martial than civil; they had chiefly in view the means of attack and defense against public enemies, not those of protection against their fellow citizens; their possessions were so slender and so equal that they were not exposed to great danger, and the natural bravery of the people made every man trust to himself and to his particular friends for his defense. * * * An insult upon any man was regarded by his relations and associates as a common injury; they were bound by honor, as well as by a sense of common interest, to revenge his death or any violence which he had suffered; they retaliated on the aggressor by like acts of violence; and if he were protected, as was natural and unusual, by his own clan, the quarrel was spread still wider and bred endless disorders in the nation.”}}
{{smaller block|Such, then, was the state of civilization which the Saxons enjoyed, and such the social and political structure which superseded the administration of the Romans. For almost four centuries the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms—true to the characteristics of their founders—present a history of uninterrupted warfare, bloodshed and internecine strife, though Christianity had meanwhile prevailed among them. Wessex, however, gradually acquired the hegemony, and in A. D. 827 its King Egbert succeeded in securing his acknowledgment as supreme head of the heptarchy, with which event the history of the English nation properly begins.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning their civil and social condition, at this period, after a sojourn of 400 years on English soil, it appears that “though they had been so long settled in the island [they] seem not as yet to have been much improved beyond their German ancestors, either in arts, civility, knowledge, humanity, justice, or obedience to the laws. * * * Bounty to the church atoned for every violence against society.” It cannot be doubted that, under ordinary circumstances, nationalization would have paved the way to improvements in the administration of justice, which, under the primitive system and the constant wars of the Saxons, had sadly degenerated. For, since “their language was everywhere nearly the same, their customs, laws, institutions, civil and religious * * * a union also in government opened to them the agreeable prospect of future tranquility. * * * But these flattering views were soon overcast by the appearance of the Danes, who, during some centuries, kept the Anglo-Saxons in perpetual inquietude, committed the most barbarous ravages upon them, and at last reduced them to grievous servitude.”}}
{{smaller block|The first great landmark in the history of English law is the reign of King Alfred (871–901), who, after he had restored peace, and either settled the Danes in or expelled them from the country, turned his attention to the administration of justice, which had become a mere name. His political and juridical institutions are recorded by Hume, as follows: “That he might render the execution of justice strict and regular, he divided all England into counties; these counties he divided into hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings. Every householder was answerable for the behavior of his family. * * * Ten neighboring householders were formed into one corporation, who, under the name of a tithing, decennary, or fribourg, were answerable for each other’s conduct, and over whom one person, called a tithingman, headbourg, or borsholder, was appointed to preside. Every man was punished as an outlaw who did not register himself in some tithing.}}
{{smaller block|“By this institution, every man was obliged from his own interest to keep a watchful eye on the conduct of his neighbors; and was in a manner surety for the behavior of those who were placed under the division to which he belonged. Whence these decennaries received the name of frankpledges. The barsholder summoned together the whole decennary to assist him in deciding any lesser difference which occurred among the members. In appeals from the decennary, or in controversies arising between members of different decennaries, the case was brought before the hundred, which consisted of 10 decennaries or 100 families of freemen, and which was regularly assembled once in 4 weeks for the deciding of causes. (Leg. Edw. c. 2.)}}
{{smaller block|“Their method of decision deserves to be noted, as being”—at least in our historian’s opinion—“the origin of juries. * * * Twelve freeholders were chosen, who, having sworn (together with the hundred or presiding magistrate of that division) to administer impartial justice, proceeded to the examination of that cause which was submitted to their jurisdiction. And besides these monthly meetings of the hundred, there was an annual meeting appointed * * * for the inquiry into crimes, the correction of abuses, and other matters of public concern. If a further appeal were desired, or in controversies between members of different hundreds, the case was brought before the freeholders of the county (or shire) over whom the bishop together with the alderman presided. A final appeal lay to the King himself.}}
{{smaller block|“Formerly the alderman possessed both the civil and military authority; but Alfred * * * appointed also a sheriff in each county, who enjoyed a coordinate authority with the former in his judicial (as distinguished from the military) function. His office also empowered him to guard the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy the fines imposed.”}}
{{smaller block|Such was the system established by Alfred, and adhered to by his successors as far as those turbulent times permitted. For its promotion and perpetuation, as well as for the guidance of the magistrates, on whom the duty to administer it was incumbent, the same king—according to our historical guide—“framed a body of laws which, though now lost, served long as the basis of English jurisprudence, and is generally deemed the origin of what is denominated the common law.” While his judgment concerning the paternity of the system is, that “the similarity of these institutions to the customs of the ancient Germans, and to the Saxon laws during the heptarchy, prevents us from regarding Alfred as the sole author of this plan of government, and leads us rather to think that he contented himself with reforming, extending, and executing the institutions which he found previously established.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus far Hume, whose profound historical researches, combined with his early legal training, certainly entitle his opinion to much weight. But the existence, among the Saxons, of any institution resembling the jury has been hotly contested, and the dispute whether it was known to the Anglo-Saxons or introduced as a result of the Norman conquest, may be thus summarized: Coke (in his Institutes), Spelman (Glossarium Archaiologicum), Blackstone (Com. III., ch. 23), Nicholson (preface to Wilkin’s Anglo-Saxon Laws), and Turner (Hist. Anglo-Saxons, IV., book XI., ch. 9) ascribe it to Saxon paternity. On the other hand, Hickes (Dissert. Epist. p. 34), Reeves (Hist. Eng. Law, I., 22, 24), and Palgrave (Rise and Progress of Commonwealth, I, 243) claim with equal confidence that it was introduced by or at least derived from the Normans and was not of Anglo-Saxon origin.}}
{{smaller block|So Judge Cooley (Am. Cycl. IX. 722) approvingly observes that “so many of the attendant circumstances indicate that it was a Norman institution, bestowed upon his English subjects by a Norman king, that Sir Francis Palgrave has not hesitated to consider our jury trial as derived directly from Norman law” and Mr. Macclachlan (Eng. Cycl. III., 24) remarks: “Without entering minutely into this controversy, it may be stated that the traces of the trial by jury, in the form in which it existed for several centuries after the conquest, are more distinctly discernible in the ancient customs of Normandy than in the few and scanty fragments of Anglo-Saxon law which have descended to our time.”}}
{{smaller block|The conclusion reached by Mr. Forsyth affords perhaps the fairest statement of the case, and may be advantageously quoted in this place: “It may be confidently asserted that trial by jury was unknown to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors; and the idea of its existence in their legal system has arisen from a want of attention to the radical distinction between the members or judges composing a court, and a body of men set apart from that court, but summoned to attend in order to determine conclusively the facts of the case in dispute. This is the principle on which is founded the intervention of a jury; and no trace whatever can be found of such an institution in Anglo-Saxon times.}}
{{smaller block|“If it has existed,” he continues, “it is utterly inconceivable that distinct mention of it should not frequently have occurred in the body of Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporary chronicles which we possess, extending from the time of Ethelbert (568–616) to the Norman Conquest (1066). Those who have fancied that they discover indications of its existence during that period, have been misled by false analogies and inattention to the distinguishing features of the jury trial which have been previously pointed out. While, however, we assert that it was unknown in Saxon times, it is nevertheless true that we can recognize the traces of a system which paved the way for its introduction, and rendered its adaptation at a later period [the reign of Henry II.] neither unlikely nor abrupt. * * * Of the exact mode in which trials were conducted in these [ante-Norman] courts, we know little; but the Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporaneous annals make frequent mention of two classes of witnesses, who play a most important part in the judicial proceedings of the time.” These are compurgators and official witnesses, who, together with other features of their system, will be more fully considered hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|With the demise of King Alfred, his system gradually lost ground. “During the reign of eight kings who succeeded Alfred,” wrote Gilmans, “the country suffered constant invasions from Denmark, which became so oppressive that in 991 the King, Ethelred II., agreed to pay the Danes 10,000 pounds, called danegelt, to buy immunity. This sum was raised by a tax on land, the first one recorded in English history.” Eleven years later the same King planned and partly executed a general massacre of foreigners in the island (Danemort) which led to a fierce attack from the Danes, to the expulsion of the King, and to the establishment of Sweyn as ruler of England. His son Canute married Ethelred’s widow, a sister of the Duke of Normandy, in order, as it were, to legitimize his title, to strengthen his alliances, and to make secure the succession of his line.}}
{{smaller block|When Canute, the Dane, mounted the English throne (1014) it might be supposed that he would transplant to, and incorporate in the system of, England the Danish quasi-jury or Nævninger—an institution common, with modifications, to all the Scandinavian nations—which derived its appellation from the fact of being composed of a fixed number of men (usually 12) named by the inhabitants of each district; a majority of those so chosen was competent to render a decision (subject to the ratification of the bishop and 8 best men of the district) in civil suits; while in criminal cases the accuser was obliged to convince the Nævn by sworn evidence of the truth of his charge, before the accused would be subjected to a public trial—this institution thus combining the functions of grand and petit jury with the exercise of judicial powers.}}
{{smaller block|Canute, however, who was a lineal descendant of Alfred, and desirous of emulating that monarch, adopted a policy of conciliation toward the English. He had his succession to the throne ratified by a general assembly (Witenagemot) and publicly consented to restore and observe the Saxon customs and laws. In 1030, he addressed a letter “To all the Nations of the English”—under which designation he also meant to include the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians—in which he said: “Be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to God, to govern my kingdom with justice, and to observe the right in all things.” That is, he refrained from making any essential innovations or alterations in the systems (political or judicial) to which his several dominions were accustomed, and in consequence Danish rule had no tangible formative effect on English jurisprudence.}}
{{smaller block|The last of the Saxon line who ruled in England—chosen by the people when Sweyn’s family became extinct—was Edward the Confessor (1042–66) whom Hume deems commendable for his attention to the administration of justice, and his compiling for that purpose a body of laws which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for the laws that pass under Edward’s name were composed afterward) was long the object of affection to the English nation.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER VII.—FORMS OF TRIAL AND TRIBUNALS AMONG THE SAXONS}}}}
{{smaller block|Having examined the social and political status of the Saxons in England, as evidenced by their history and environment, we may expect to find, on considering the judicial institutions, their personal characteristics reflected therein. Here, as there, we distinguish the same primitive system of administration, the same rudimentary ideas of right, the same regard for the efficacy of clerical absolution, the same adherence to old and meaningless forms, and the same reverence for the vis major.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial system of the Anglo-Saxons depended for its administration on, and consisted of, four distinct factors or elements: these were, sectatores or suitors of court, the secta or suit of witnesses, official witnesses, and compurgators. These have been generally confounded or at least not clearly distinguished, and the misconception of their proper functions has given rise to many ingenious theories. In general it may be said that of all these functionaries the first class only performed judicial duties; the second and the third were species of witnesses; the fourth officiated (at least originally) in criminal cases only, while none of them were jurors. A delineation of the functions of each will be given, and a distinction attempted.}}
{{smaller block|The name of sectatores is applied by Forsyth to the limited number of freemen “who attended the hundred, county, and manorial courts, to try offenses and determine disputes there; * * * and the obligation to attend was in the nature of a tenure, for neglect of which they might be distrained to appear.” For, in accordance with the customs of those days, “to do suit at a county or other inferior court was * * * one of the common tenures by which land was held, and the suitors, called sectatores, or * * * at a later period pares, were therefore bound to give their attendance.” Anciently their number appears to have depended on chance or convenience; nor do they appear to have acted always under the sanction of an oath; for to Reeves “it seems that causes in the county and other courts were heard and determined by an indefinite number of persons called sectatores,” of whom “the frequent mention,” he continues, “is no proof of juries, properly so-called, being known to our Saxon ancestors.” It would seem that this form of judicial tribunal was the modified outcome of a feature of the elaborate county system established by Alfred, and a result of the alterations necessitated and the encroachments caused by the incessant warfare prevalent after the death of that monarch, which must have greatly affected his system of government. The whole matter, however, is involved in much obscurity, and will be resumed, to some extent, in the chapter treating of the ''judicium parium''.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning the second of the four classes, Professor Robertson observes: “The trial ''per sectam'' * * * resembled in principle the system of compurgation. The plaintiff proved his case by vouching a certain number of witnesses (secta) who had seen the transaction in question, and the defendant rebutted the presumption thus created by vouching a larger number of witnesses on his own side.” It was thus an application to civil suits of the principle, which governed the system of compurgation in relation to criminal causes. At a later period in Saxon history, however, it seems that compurgation was also extended to (and thus superseded the use of the secta in) * * * civil proceedings; or, at least, that the term “compurgation” was employed to designate both the criminal and the civil (''i. e.'', the sectatory) method. Indeed, the very name of secta became an alternative term for sectatores—the judges above described—which led to the confounding of the one with the other, and bred endless confusion and mistake.}}
{{smaller block|At a more advanced period of the Anglo-Saxon dominion, when the defects of their mode of evidence and system of trial became perceptible even to their untutored minds, an attempt was made to partially remedy these defects by the official appointment in each district of sworn witnesses, whose duty it was to attest therein all sales, endowment of a woman ''ad ostium ecclesiae'', and the execution of charters. They were not subject to cross-examination, and their oath was decisive in case of dispute. Later, persons peculiarly qualified by circumstances (though not preappointed), were similarly sworn to prove age, ownership of chattels, and the death of one in whose estate dower was claimed. Hence in the Year Books (16 Edw. II., 507, A. D. 1323) we read complaint that one “may name ses cosyns et ses auns, who by his procurement will decide against us.”}}
{{smaller block|The most important of the four elements, and that destined to play the largest part in the development of trial by jury, was compurgation. Under the Saxon system, in criminal cases the charge of the prosecutor or accuser sufficed to put the accused on his defense.}}
{{smaller block|This defense was by means of the process of compurgation, which was in vogue among the various Teutonic nations (12 being the usual number) and rested on the maxim: “Nobilis homo ingenuus—cum duodecim ingenuis se purget.” Compurgators may be defined as persons, who supported by their oaths the credibility of the party accused, pledging their belief in the latter’s denial of the charge brought against him.}}
{{smaller block|These were in no sense witnesses, for they might be wholly ignorant of the real facts in dispute; nor were they a jury, for no evidence was submitted to their consideration. They were merely friends of the party who summoned them; they knew his character, and by their united oaths they at once attested that character and their confidence in his truthfulness and the justice of his cause.}}
{{smaller block|This mode of trial was brought into England by the Saxons, and Judge Cooley thus describes it: “Then the party accused—or, in later times, the party plaintiff or defendant—appeared with his friends, and they swore, he laying his hand on theirs and swearing with them, to the innocence of the accused, or to the claim or defense of the party. Little is certainly known either of the origin or of the extent, in point of time or of country, over which the trial by compurgators prevailed; but it must have had great influence over the subsequent forms of procedure. It fixed the number of the traverse (''i. e.'', the petit or trial) jury at 12, that being the common number of compurgators * * * and this was a great improvement on the varying and sometimes very large number in Greece and Rome.”}}
{{smaller block|Where the compurgators coincided in a favorable declaration, there was a complete acquittal. But if the accused was unable to present a sufficient number of these purgers; or, “if the party had been before accused of larceny or perjury, or had otherwise been rendered infamous and was thought not worthy of credit—he was driven to make out his innocence by an appeal to heaven, in the trial by ordeal,” which was practiced either by the boiling water or the red-hot iron; the former being supplied to the common people, while the latter was reserved for the nobility. The nature of this institution is so curious and interesting, and its peculiarities throw so much light on the character of that age, as to warrant a fuller consideration of this primitive predecessor and sometime competitor of our criminal jury.}}
{{smaller block|If the accused was sentenced to undergo the ordeal by hot water, “he was to put his head into it or his whole arm, according to the degree of the offense: if it was by cold water, his thumbs were tied to his toes, and in this posture he was thrown into it. If he escaped unhurt by the boiling water (which might easily be contrived by the art of the priests), or if he sunk in the cold water, which would certainly happen, he was declared innocent. If he was hurt by the boiling water or swum in the cold, he was considered as guilty.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator tell me the name of the case he is reading?

Mr. THURMOND. It is the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. This so-called amendment that came from the House does not provide for a jury trial unless the judge in his discretion sees fit to give one; or unless he imposes punishment of more than 45 days’ imprisonment or a fine of more than $300.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator quoting at this point from a particular case, and, if so, will the Senator give us the name of the case?

Mr. THURMOND. I am not quoting from a case at this particular time. I am going back into the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And to show how through the life of this Nation the jury trial has developed.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And how our forefathers in writing the Constitution put into it by article III., section 2, under which a man charged with a crime is entitled to a trial by jury.

To remove any further doubt, when the Bill of Rights was written the same provision was made in several places. The sixth amendment of the Bill of Rights guarantees a man charged with a crime the right to a jury trial.

During the night, probably about 4 or 5 o’clock this morning, I did cite a case holding that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man who is being tried for criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know whether it has ever been held that criminal contempt is not a crime under the law of the Nation?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not know of any decision in the courts where criminal contempt has not been considered a crime, and I have had all the authorities and ran them down. Criminal contempt is a crime. We have a decision on that point. When a man is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a trial by jury. However, under this proposal, the so-called compromise which came from the House, he will not get a jury trial unless the judge, out of the goodness of his heart, says “I think you are entitled to a jury trial, and I am going to give you one.”

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Or unless the judge tries him first and finds him guilty and finds that he should be punished by more than 45 days’ imprisonment or $300 fine, in which event he can give him a new trial. The judge tries him once, and then he will be tried again. I think there again the so-called compromise is unconstitutional because you cannot put a man in jeopardy two times. If he is tried once, he has been in jeopardy and he cannot be put in jeopardy again.

The whole thing is a concoction to get a compromise on something for civil rights. It is purely an endeavor to get some kind of compromise; but it violates the Constitution, and I hope the Senate and the Congress will not pass it. Even people who believe in civil rights and have fought for civil rights are of that opinion.

The distinguished Senator from Minnesota [Mr. {{sc|Humphrey}}] has made many speeches on civil rights. I remember one he made in 1948 at the Democratic Convention in Philadelphia, which I did not like at all because I am a States righter and not a so-called civil righter. I believe in real civil rights, but not the kind of civil rights which are being alleged here.

I do not know how Senators who really believe in civil rights and who know the Constitution can vote for a bill which flatfootedly violates several provisions of the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know of any greater civil right any person possesses in any nation than the right to a trial by a jury of his peers and his neighbors when he is accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot imagine any civil right I would rather possess were I charged with a crime. I do not know of any civil right that is more vital to the people of the United States than the right of trial by jury. I do not know of any civil right that one could envision that could be more important. The right of trial by jury is most important because a man may be tried for his life. If he is not tried for his life, he can be put in prison. He can have his liberty taken away from him.

It is only after trial by jury that a man in this Nation can have his liberty taken away from him. I do not want a judge to try me if I ever have to be tried. I want 12 of my peers, 12 of my fellow countrymen, as the Constitution provides.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Is not the right to trial by jury, in which a person accused of a crime to challenge any prejudiced person who might be on the jury venire one of the possible differences between the free system of government that exists in this Nation and other free nations as compared to the system of government that exists in Communist nations?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Senator has the vision to see and realize the importance of what jury trial means to the people of this Nation.

I quoted during the night Associate Justice Brennan of the Supreme Court. I do not think a man could have made a stronger address than he made on the jury-trial question. Justice Brennan made a powerful argument for a jury trial even in automobile-accident cases. Even where property is involved—not liberty, not life, but property—he believed there should be protection to the citizen through jury trial. Under the so-called compromise civil-rights bill a judge can put a man in jail for 45 days, and some judges will do so if they have the opportunity. They will make it exactly 45 days if they want to punish a man.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Under the facts stated in regard to the situation in Washington Parish, La., it was contended that more than 1,000 colored people were denied voting rights. I am not sure if that was correct or not. Perhaps those people should or should not be on the rolls. But assuming the charge was correct, it would be possible for a judge in that case to put a person in jail for {{SIC|4,500|45,000}} days without a jury trial, alleging that there were 1,000 different offenses.

Mr. THURMOND. I see no reason why he could not, if he tries the defendant on each separate offense, which I think he would have to do to sentence him for more than 45 days. If he tries the accused for one act of depriving a person of his right to vote, there would be only one act, and 45 days in my opinion would be the limit. But if a judge saw fit to try a man and sentence him to prison for 45 days, he could try him again on another charge with respect to a man who claims his rights were violated in connection with voting and the defendant could be given another 45 days. I do not think there is any limit to that. I think he could keep filing them.

Mr. LONG: Is it not conceivable following such a procedure a judge could put a man in jail for his natural lifetime without a jury trial? Suppose he alleges that the defendant prevented 2,000 people from registering. That would be 90,000 days he could put the man in jail without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. While I think theoretically that is possible, I do not think actually it would be practicable. But it is theoretically possible to do that.

I wish to read the distinguished Senator what Associate Justice Brennan said:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it.}}
What is the Congress doing here if they let a judge try a man for criminal contempt, which is a crime?

I quote Associate Justice Brennan further:
{{smaller block|One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence—}}
In my State they cannot comment on the evidence and I do not believe they can in the State of the Senator from Louisiana, can they? In a few cases I believe they can.

Mr. LONG. No; not in a criminal case.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not believe they can even instruct the jury except as the parties request instruction. In some States the judge cannot charge the jury at all except where the parties request him to instruct, so jealously is the right of trial by jury regarded, leaving to the 12 fellow countrymen, 12 peers of the defendant, the authority to decide the case.

I wish to quote further from Associate Justice Brennan:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies, and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question to my distinguished colleague from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. I regret that because of my ill health, of which the Senator is aware, I was unable to be here.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sorry, too. I thought about the distinguished Senator a great deal and inquired about him.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure during the night sometime the distinguished Senator from South Carolina discussed how the jury system came into being; is that correct? The divine right of kings principle was set aside and the jury system installed in its place.

Mr. THURMOND. That is right. I am going now into the history of the jury system. That is the very thing I am discussing now.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that in the State of South Carolina—and, I might say, it is true in some of the other States—the higher courts have set aside verdicts of guilty because of the presence of prejudiced jurors or jurors who did not tell the truth on their examination, when they were asked if they knew anything about the facts.

We have always been extremely jealous under the Constitution to see that every defendant receives a fair and honest trial. I know that there have been such cases in the State of South Carolina as the type to which I have referred.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. I was a trial judge for 8 years, and came into close contact with jurors. I know how jurors feel. I know how the people feel. The citizens of this country believe in the jury system. It is a part of their nature to believe in the jury system. Those who have talked with me do not like the fact that the bill provides for compromising the Constitution in order to get a compromise civil-rights bill. We should not compromise the Constitution. That is exactly what this so-called compromise bill does, on the jury-trial question.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure that when the distinguished Senator was a judge, if any efforts were made to influence a jury, either by telephone or letter, if the judge became aware of it, he promptly declared a mistrial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is correct. Any judge would set aside a verdict if a juror were influenced.

Judges are human. Some people look upon a Federal judge as sacrosanct, so to speak—clothed with a robe, high, mighty, and arrogant. They are human, and they are subject to the errors of human nature, just as any other citizen is. They should not be entrusted with this great power, involving the liberty of our people, in violation of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that once in a while there is a dishonest judge. Is not that true?

Mr. THURMOND. I presume it is. However, I have never heard of any in South Carolina.

Mr. LANGER. We had a very dishonest Federal judge in the State of North Dakota at one time. I had personal experience with him. Time and again during my service in the Senate I have charged that judge with being dishonest. He is still alive. I did not rely upon Congressional immunity. I have made that statement often. I have never been sued for it, and I know very well that I never will be.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the distinguished Senator would not want such a judge to try him for criminal contempt, which is a crime. I am certain that the distinguished Senator from North Dakota would want a jury to try him. Is not that correct?

Mr. LANGER. That is certainly correct. I believe that in the State of South Carolina, or any other State, the people will insist not only on good, honest judges, but also on seeing to it that the jury system is kept unimpaired.

Mr. THURMOND. Some of the proponents of the bill think they are going to punish the South. However, the bill applies to every American. The bill will fly back in the faces of some of its proponents and their friends, and they will be surprised.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to discuss this question with the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

I was discussing the history of the jury system.

I continue to read from “History of the Jury System,” in the chapter entitled “Trials and Tribunals Among the Saxons.”
{{smaller block|It will be observed that it was the priests who had charge of administering these tests of innocence—termed ''judicia dei''—and they doubtless reaped a rich harvest from the monopoly of this privilege, commensurate with the wealth and the guilt of the accused.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator further yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In view of the fact that I mentioned a dishonest judge, I should like to give an illustration of how a dishonest judge operates.

In the first place, when it is desired to obtain a jury which is dishonest, a special assistant United States marshal will be appointed. The marshal will walk into a store, for example, and say, “Mr. Jones, I would like to have you take 100 subscriptions to a certain newspaper.” The man behind the counter might say, “Why should I take a hundred subscriptions?” The marshal may say, “We are fighting the Governor of the State.”

If the man takes 100 subscriptions, and pays $100, or $1 apiece for a year, his name goes into the jury box; and if he does not subscribe, his name does not go into the jury box.

In the case to which I have reference, the slips which were put into the box were different. The names of those who were prejudiced against a defendant would be written on wide slips. The names of those who were not so prejudiced were written upon narrow slips. A clerk was conniving with the judge. I may say that later the clerk went to the penitentiary. He would feel around until he felt a broad slip, and withdraw that slip.

A Federal judge has a vast amount of power. A judge may say, “I am not going to allow any of the defense lawyers to examine any prospective jurors. Let them write out their questions and submit them to me, and I will ask the prospective jurors whether or not they are prejudiced, or what answers they have to the questions.”

Two or three days might be consumed in the effort to get a fair jury; but because of the fact that the Federal judge will not allow the lawyers for the defendant to ask any questions, the judge will finally get a jury which has not been thoroughly examined from the viewpoint of the defendant.

That is not all. A dishonest judge, by the tone of his voice, can let the jury know what he himself thinks of the case. For example, the defendant may be giving testimony, and if the United States attorney interrupts him the Federal judge may say, “Well, let the defendant tell his story,” with a sneer on his face, for the benefit of the jury.

When it comes to his instructions, he may, in a very low tone of voice, give the instructions he is required to give which are favorable to the defendant. Then he raises his voice and makes gestures which let the jury know he does not believe the defendant to be innocent. He tries to impress the jury by his loud tone of voice and the things he says in his instructions, which tend to prejudice the jury.

I have seen it happen. I myself was a trial lawyer. I served at one time as attorney general of my State, and later as governor of the State.

As I have previously stated, a Federal judge has a vast amount of power. He can name special bailiffs is he decides that the number of bailiffs in the court is not sufficient. He can appoint half a dozen or a dozen more, and have them carry revolvers to impress the rank and file of the jurors with the great importance of the case.

A Federal judge can claim that his life is in danger, and he can have Federal troops escort him back and forth between the courthouse and the hotel. A Federal judge can have airplanes flying over the courthouse, to repel the mob, for the purpose of impressing the jury with the gravity of the case which is pending before it.

I have gone all through that experience. When I came to the Senate one of the charges brought against me was with respect to the four Federal cases in which I, as governor of the State, was tried.

A Federal judge who is dishonest, with all the power he has, need not be afraid of any governor, because he holds the position for life. During the history of the United States there have been only five impeachments of Federal judges.

I well remember a case which was brought before I became a Member of the Senate. Senator Josiah Bailey, a very distinguished Senator, said to me in connection with that case, “I voted ‘not guilty’ on all counts except the last one. I voted ‘guilty’ on the last one.”

It was the fact that he voted “guilty” on that count which resulted in the impeachment of the judge.

We must take into consideration the money that is required, the lawyers who are required, and so forth. The Senate does not like to take up an impeachment case. Yet, that is the only remedy a poor man has in the matter of impeaching a dishonest Federal judge.

I am frankly delighted that the distinguished Senator from South Caroline has been going into the history of how the jury trial originated. There was a great battle to obtain the right of trialby jury on behalf of the people of England before they ever achieved their goal. One of the very first of the English juries was sent out by the judge time and time again and asked to bring in a verdict of guilty, and the jury refused to do so. They were out for many hours defying the judge. Finally, the judge said he would put them in jail.

One of the greatest calamities that could possibly occur in this country or in any other country would be to have the “divine right of kings” come back and the jury system made inoperative. I wish to thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina for bringing the matter to the attention of the Senate.

Mr. THURMOND. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota is to be commended for his statement.

Mr. President, it is not a question of civil rights. They have hooked to it an unconstitutional provision. It is now a question of whether we shall vote for a bill that violates the Constitution and takes away from citizens the right to a trial by jury.

I believe it was at Runnymeade, in 1215, that there were wrenched from King John certain rights for the benefit of the people which were written into a paper known as the Magna Carta. One of the rights wrenched from King John and which the people had cherished so long and which had been denied them was the right of trial by jury.

Mr. President, our Declaration of Independence starts out by citing grievances, among which was the fact that in many instances the citizens of the Colonies had been tried without a jury. That was one of the grievances brought up and included in the Declaration of Independence.

When our Constitution was written our forefathers had heard their fathers speak of how in generations back the people had suffered persecution. That was why many of them came to these shores, to enjoy liberty and freedom. After studying the governments of the world at that time, our forefathers finally decided on the tripartite system of government, with its three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial, which could check on each other.

They did not stop with that, Mr. President. The States organized their governments on the same basis, so that what we have is what is known as a compound Republic. We have a division of power between the States and the Federal Government. We have a division of power between the different branches on the national level and on the State level. Our forefathers, when they wrote the Constitution in Philadelphia in 1787, were determined that one thing would be contained in it would be the right of trial by jury. It is found in article III., section 2, and it provides that the trial of all crimes except cases of impeachment shall be by jury. It does not make any other exceptions for civil rights or anything else. It provides that all crimes except that of impeachment shall be tried by jury and that the trial shall be held in the State in which the crime was committed.

Even after the Constitution was written, three distinguished men attending the Convention would not sign it. They were George Mason, of Virginia, who was the author of the Bill of Rights; John Randolph, of Virginia, another very prominent citizen; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. They refused to sign the Constitution even after it was written.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, would the Senator from South Carolina be willing to yield to me for the purpose of submitting a unanimous-consent request to the Senate to the effect that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears the telegram of the Governor of the State of Wisconsin may be read and the oath be administered by unanimous consent of the Senate, without my friend from South Carolina losing the floor thereby, and that his remarks thereafter shall not count as a second speech against him, and that this interruption be placed in another portion of the {{sc|Record}}?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield under those conditions.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears in the Chamber the clerk may read the telegram from the Governor of Wisconsin and that the Senate give its consent to the oath being administered to the Senator-elect.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous-consent request of the Senator from Texas? The Chair thinks it also includes the provision that the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}] shall not lose the floor.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. All the conditions enumerated, Mr. President.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, reserving the right to object—and, of course, I shall not object—I should like to be associated with the unanimous-consent request made by the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I make the request on behalf of the minority leader and myself. I wish to make it abundantly clear that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears consent will have already been given to his being sworn in after the telegrams have been read; and that the Senator from South Carolina will still retain the floor and will be protected in his right to the floor and in the fact that he has made only one speech on this subject. Also, Mr. President, I request that the interruption be placed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from South Carolina.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and the request is agreed to.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. I thank the Senator from South Carolina for yielding.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was engaged in colloquy with the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Langer}}] ,at the time when we were interrupted. I should like to continue the colloquy with him.

Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from North Dakota for his questions and for bringing out the points he did. What I started to say is that when the Constitution Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1787 for the purpose of writing a constitution, the deputies, as they were called then, were confronted with the very difficult proposition of how the States would have representation. The large States wanted representation in proportion to population; the small States wanted representation according to States, regardless of size. Of course, they reached a compromise, and we have the two bodies of Congress. The Senate has an equal number of Senators from each State, regardless of the size of the State, and the House of Representatives is based on population. That is only one of the many intricate problems which had to be fought and settled by the Convention. It was a very difficult task to bring about the adoption of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question at this point?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator from North Dakota, as the distinguished Senator from South Carolina knows, is very much interested in the small States. The two Senators from North Dakota are very much interested in the small States. They have been battling and fighting for the rights of the small States. Today there are six States which never have had any Cabinet members. For example, take the State of Florida. It has now for 107 years been a member of this Union. Yet the State of Florida has never had a member of the Cabinet, although the city of New York under Franklin Roosevelt at one time had six from the State of New York.

Take the State of Nevada. Nevada had an Ambassador. The State of South Dakota has never had one. Montana never has had one. Idaho never has had one. The Senator from North Dakota finally succeeded in getting one for North Dakota, the first one after 62 years of statehood. It seems to me that the Senators from these States and from the States of smaller population a long time ago ought to have gotten together and said to the State Department, “We demand that citizens of the States of lesser population also have some appointments as ambassadors, or occasionally have a man appointed to the Cabinet of the President of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree with the Senator, and what I said was by way of illustration.

Mr. LANGER. Yes.

Mr. THURMOND. The point I started to make was this: There were so many problems confronting the deputies in Philadelphia that they had a very hard time drafting a constitution, and even after it was drafted, it would not have been ratified if they had not promised the leading political leaders of the day that there would be a Bill of Rights. That is the only way they were able to have the Constitution adopted; and even then, George Mason, of Virginia; John Hancock, of Massachusetts; Elbridge Gary, of Massachusetts, refused to sign it. They did not want to take for granted any question about the rights to which the people were entitled, and one of the precious rights in which they were most interested was the right of trial by jury. The right of trial by jury was not only written in article III., section 2 of the Constitution, but in several places in the Bill of Rights. The right of trial by jury has been handed down to us as part of our Government as a great heritage, and we do not want to run the risk of losing that precious right.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true at the present time in one foreign country after another, to whom we have been sending foreign aid and with whom we fought in World War II., later in the Korean war—one of the very things we are advocating in these countries are reforms which will provide trial by jury. Is that not correct?

Mr. THURMOND. I understand we have been advocating that other countries, in which we have been trying to help the people to set up democratic governments, accord the right of trial by jury. It is going to look a little inconsistent to those people to whom we have held out trial by jury as the ideal, when we pass a bill which proposes to take away trial by jury.

Some persons do not feel this is important; some of them say, “Well it is a compromise. The House held to a certain idea and the Senate another; and it is a matter of getting together as best they could.”

But this is a vital question. There is nothing more important, no right more important than that of trial by jury.

Mr. LANGER. I assume the Senator means a fair trial, an honest trial.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. The experience the Senator has had as judge ably demonstrated that, did it not?

Mr. THURMOND. My experience has been that a jury will come nearer rendering a fair verdict than a judge will, because there are 12 men on the jury—and Mr. Justice Brennan concurs in this—who hear the evidence and reach a conclusion. It is a most important matter; yet here in this so-called civil rights bill—

Madam President, may we have order, please?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair). The Senate will be in order.

The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. The effect of the so-called civil-rights bill is to amend the Constitution. The Constitution says, in article III., section 2, that “the trial of all crimes, except cases of impeachment; shall be by jury,” and then in the sixth amendment to the Constitution the statement is made again. It says, “In all”—it does not say in some—it does not say in all but civil rights; it makes no exception. It says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and a public trial, by an impartial jury of the State * * * to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses.}}
And so forth. instead of that, this civil-rights bill now includes an amendment—which has been added by the House of Representatives—which gives the judge the power to make the decision, without a trial by jury, unless the fine exceeds a certain amount of money or unless the period of incarceration exceeds a certain number of days.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair) Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true that one of the arguments used when the right of women’s suffrage was asked for, was that women should have the right to sit on juries?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that women be allowed to sit on the juries. I think it is very wholesome to have that allowed. Such a law has not yet been passed in South Carolina, but I think it will be; in my opinion, that time will come.

Mr. LANGER. We who live in North Dakota have had such a law for many years, and it works very satisfactorily.

Mr. THURMOND. I so understand.

In some States, women are allowed to serve on juries, if they wish, but they are not forced to do so. In other States, women must serve on juries, if called. In other States, women do not have to serve at all on juries.

Madam President, the bill of rights—and the right of trial by jury is the heart of the bill of rights—is the most precious document of the American people.

Madam President, let me say to the distinguished Senator from North Dakota that when the Declaration of Independence was written, it included a very definite reference to trial by jury. I wish to read part of the Declaration of Independence, in order to remind the distinguished Senator from North Dakota of that fact.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, I shall be very glad to have the Senator from South Carolina do so.

Mr. THURMOND. Madam President, I read now from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.}}
{{smaller block|We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.}}
{{smaller block|He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.}}
{{smaller block|He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.}}
{{smaller block|He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.}}
A little later in the Declaration of Independence, we find the following—

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, it is very interesting to hear the Declaration of Independence read.

Mr. THURMOND. It is, indeed.

I read further from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.}}
{{smaller block|He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.}}
{{smaller block|He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.}}
{{smaller block|He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.}}
{{smaller block|He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.}}
{{smaller block|He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.}}
{{smaller block|He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.}}
{{smaller block|He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:}}
{{smaller block|For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:}}
{{smaller block|For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States:}}
{{smaller block|For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:}}
{{smaller block|For imposing taxes on us without our consent:}}
{{smaller block|For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
That was one of the cardinal points which was set forth in the Declaration of Independence, namely, that the King of England had deprived the colonists “in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.”

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}, in accordance with the previous unanimous-consent agreement, yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas, for the purpose of having the Senator-elect from Wisconsin take the oath of office. By agreement, the proceedings incident thereto appear in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

The VICE PRESIDENT. Pursuant to the order, the Chair recognizes the Senator from South Carolina.

The Senate will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a good many Senators were not here when I presented my views earlier during this debate, and I shall take a few minutes now to express a few points which I should like to have them hear.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution, because that would be the result, insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common law cases.

As I have stated earlier today, I cited a decision during this debate to show that criminal contempt is a crime. Since criminal contempt is a crime, a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no way, under the Constitution, by which a man charged with a crime can be denied a trial by jury.

Since the decision I have cited shows that criminal contempt is a crime, it simply follows that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

These guaranties to which I referred, in article III., section 2, of the Constitution, and in the fifth and seventh amendments, were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historical document their complaints against the denial of the right to trial by jury. That document was the Declaration of Independence. I am going to read the section of the Declaration of Independence in which our forefathers with courage and stamina severed their relations with the mother country, Great Britain, and established their own government. A list of grievances against the King was set forth in that document and among those grievances there was one pertaining to trial by jury. It reads as follows:
{{smaller block|Depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
In other words, those who signed the Declaration of Independence gave as one of the reasons for declaring their independence and for cutting loose from the King the fact that they had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. Therefore we can see with that incentive in mind in writing the Declaration of Independence why there was such a strong urge in writing the Constitution to include in it a provision for trial by jury, and then later in writing the Bill of Rights, to provide a trial by jury without the exceptions which are contained in this so-called compromise that came from the House of Representatives.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights. A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790. The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and one-time Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him.

The Bill of Rights, he declared—
{{smaller block|denies the power of any Government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.}}
Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional Government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic laws, if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes; in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.}}
The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “the trial of all crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days’ imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. In this day and time I wonder, sometimes, if there is not too much compromise. It does my heart good to see a man with strong convictions, a man who believes in something, a man who stands for something and who is not willing to compromise on everything when there is a vital principle at stake.

Mr. President, I realize that legislation to a large extent is compromise. That is perfectly legitimate when it does not involve the Constitution. But when it involves the Constitution, there should be no compromise. There should have been no compromise on this bill which comes back to the Senate from the House. There can be no compromise with reference to the manner in which the bill was amended.

The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of Government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was approved by the Senate.

The enactment in the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, was a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, this unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope that a majority of this Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the bloc voting of the pivotal States. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that—
{{smaller block|Behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.}}
'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', 12 members of the Italian Chamber of Deputies visit the Senate, and Mr. Thurmond’s is interrupted, so as to introduce the deputies appropriately. At the time in the ''Record'', several other matters are read into the ''Record'', namely, a “Message from the House,” the “House Bills and Joint Resolutions Referred,” and the “House Concurrent Resolution Referred.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, to explain his point Mr. Alsop cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the “Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States,” Mr. Alsop stated that it is “almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.”

In other words, Mr. Alsop says that the whole civil-rights fight is purely political, and the effect of it is that both parties are vying to get the Negro vote in the doubtful States.

To explain his point he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in those States. Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any Presidential candidate could lose those three States and win the election.

I shall not take any more further time to present the analysis he made, but he went into considerable detail.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today, but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of this bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily. Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether or not to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law. Jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge so long as he does not exceed the maximum limit prescribed for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of this bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges. No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected by it. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When this bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted that great legal mind of the 18th century of England, Blackstone, because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence.

I have also quoted heretofore and cited a case which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That is a decision I have heretofore reviewed. I might refer to it again for the benefit of any who missed it, because that is an important point. I do not believe that some of the lawyers in the Congress have realized that criminal contempt is a crime.

''Bessett'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' (194 U. S. 324) says a contempt proceeding is criminal in its nature. ''Ex parte'' Grossman (267 U. S. 87) says a criminal contempt committed by disobedience of an injunction issued by the district court to abate a nuisance in pursuance of the prohibition law is an offense against the United States, and within the pardoning powers of the President under article II. of the Constitution.

The ''Conkey'' case I just referred to, volume 194 United States Reports, page 324, defines civil and criminal contempt, pointing out that the latter, criminal contempt, is criminal and punitive in its nature, and the Government, the courts, and the people are interested in their prosecution.

If criminal contempt is a crime, as the United States Supreme Court decision holds it is, then under the Constitution of the United States a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury. There is no ifs, ands, and buts about it. There can be no exceptions.

Article III., section 2 of the Constitution provides:
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment in the Bill of Rights, it is provided:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
Mr. President, when this bill was previously debated in the Senate, I cited Blackstone as an authority, and I may cite him again today, but I want to refer to a portion of this bill, to show how it violates the Constitution on the jury trial question.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to my distinguished friend for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Could the Senator from South Carolina tell us how it happened that the Federal judges encroached upon the rights of defendants? How did they come to hold that contempt of court was not a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. There is a long story about contempt and how it arrived at where it is now. I might say, in brief, and that is what my distinguished friend is interested in, that under the present law a man charged with criminal contempt gets a jury trial unless the Government is a party to the suit, and in labor disputes defendants get a jury trial even if the Government is a party to the suit.

Under this so-called compromise which the House sent to the Senate, that will not be the case unless a judge in his discretion sees fit to give the defendant a jury trial, or the judge tries him and decides he wants to punish him to a greater extent than a $300 fine or a 45 days’ prison sentence, in which event he would then have a jury trial.

Mr. President, under the version of the bill which was passed by the House of Representatives, the Attorney General could substitute the government for a private party, and thereby could deprive an individual of a jury trial.

But the Senate amended the bill as passed by the House of Representatives; and the Senate sent the bill, as thus amended, back to the House of Representatives. The Senate, by means of one of its amendments, drew a distinction and delineated between civil contempt and criminal contempt. The amendment provided that if the purpose of the action the judge wished to obtain was compliance with his order, in the case of something to be done in the future, failure to comply with the order would constitute civil contempt; but if the purpose was to punish for something done in the past, failure to comply with the judge’s order would constitute criminal contempt.

The Senate amended the bill, as I have stated, and returned the bill, as thus amended, to the House of Representatives. Then the House of Representatives added the amendment which I believe violates the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. It has been a pleasure, I assure the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. President, because of the authoritative place that Blackstone holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him at this time. Every lawyer respects Mr. Blackstone. He said:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law.}}
That is what Blackstone said about trial by jury—that it is “the glory of the English law.”

Blackstone further said:
{{smaller block|And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under Providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
In other words, Rome, Sparta, and Carthage did not have trial by jury when their people lost their liberties.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen; chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth and the surest guardians of public justice, For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, that is what Mr. Blackstone said. No brighter legal mind ever shone in the brilliant galaxy of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence.

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied to another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court, delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and he made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. * * * One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions.}}
Mr. President, in my State the judge charges the jury as to the law, but he cannot comment on the facts. In some States a judge is not even permitted to charge the jury, unless the parties to the suit request it.

I read further from the address by Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials, because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, those are the words of Associate Justice Brennan, in speaking about jury trials. I do not know how he could have stated the matter in much stronger terms.

Mr. President, that statement by Associate Justice Brennan is most significant, to me, in that it comes from a member of the present Supreme Court of the United States. I shall not predict what the Court may do when the question of the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury, as embodied in the so-called compromise, is presented to the Court. However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill to be unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in the case of ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said—and this is the Supreme Court of the United States speaking:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Kennedy}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. If the Congress can say to the people of the United States that a Federal judge has absolute power to forbid a jury trial if the sentence is not more than 45 days in jail or a fine of not more than $300, and if such a law is held constitutional, what would there be to stop a future Congress from changing the amounts to 10 times those—in other words, let us say, to 450 days in jail and a fine of $3,000, or even more?

As I see it, the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is fighting for a principle.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. The principle—not the exact amount of the punishment or the exact amount of the fine—is the important consideration in this case.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, the Senator from South Carolina is chiefly concerned with the principle, rather than with the exact amount of the punishment—whether it be 45 days in jail or a fine of $300, or whether it be more than that; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. Certainly it is a fact that the Congress should not give to any Federal judge the power to levy fines of $300 or to imprison for 45 days, without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Congress does not have power to do it if it wants to.

Mr. LANGER. In my opinion, you certainly quoted excellent authority to sustain that view.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much.

These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the Constitution provided that a Federal judge could give to a defendant a jury trial if he wanted to do so, or to refuse it if he wanted to do that, then there would be authority for what the House sent to the Senate. If the Constitution provided that in cases of criminal contempt defendants would be excepted from the jury. trial, the House would have been legally justified in passing what they did. But there is no exception to the right of jury trial in the Constitution or in the Bill of Rights.

The Constitution will first have to be amended in order that this so-called compromise bill, which has passed the House and is before the Senate, can be upheld.

I cannot say what the Supreme Court will do, no one can say, but I do not see how they could make any other holding in view of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. That is certainly what may be expected from the Court, in view of the statement I just quoted from Justice Brennan, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State, and I spoke on them during the night, starting with Alabama, and covered every State, including Wyoming.

I cited the law and the section of the code, including North Dakota and all the States. They all have laws to protect the right to vote. In a few minutes, I am going to cite a Federal section to show that there is a Federal law already on the subject; so, if a Federal law were desired on the subject, we already have one.

I think it is a matter that ought to be left to the States, but if people disagree about that, and if it is within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, we already have a statute on the subject. But this bill is a violation of the Constitution on the right to a jury trial question, regardless.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Would the Senator be kind enough to read the statutes in South Carolina and Mississippi, if he has them?

Mr. THURMOND. Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote. I shall discuss them in a few minutes.

I do not know of a single case having arisen in South Carolina in which a potential voter has charged that he has been deprived of his right to vote. Had such an instance occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina. The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, on May 1, 1947, I recommended to the State legislature that it repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

The legislature took favorable action and submitted the question to a vote of the people at the next general election, which was in November 1948.

The people voted favorably on the amendment, and then in January 1949, or early in 1949, the legislature ratified the action of the people. Our poll tax was eliminated as a prerequisite to voting. So we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting. We have a school tax, but no one has to pay to vote. Moreover, registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina—if proof is desired—can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia (S. C.) Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that: “Estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution which protect a citizen’s tight to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9. SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10. ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5. APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8. REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the first of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15. RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the {{sc|Record}} to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–73. APPEAL FROM DENIAL OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–74. PROCEEDINGS IN COURT OF COMMON PLEAS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–75. FURTHER APPEAL TO SUPREME COURT}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make.}}
I do not know of any other State which gives this protection.
{{smaller block|If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
The supreme court will be called together to hear one man’s case on appeal. What more can we do than that? We have, first, the board of registration; next the court of common pleas, and then the supreme court. The supreme court will hold an extra session, if necessary, to hear the appeal, and even if there is only one man who feels that he has been disenfranchised, or disqualified, for any reason, to receive a registration certificate.
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–100. RIGHT TO VOTE}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
In other words, if he loses his certificate, or has any trouble with the board—the books are filed there—if his name is on the book, the clerk will give him a certificate. If it is not there, he can even go to the secretary of state at Columbia, if there is any local prejudice or other trouble. He can go to the State capital, and obtain a certificate from the secretary of state. That is the protection we give. We have some others. 
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–349. VOTER NOT TO TAKE MORE THAN 5 MINUTES IN BOOTH; TALKING IN BOOTH, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. A little while ago the distinguished Senator said that he had before him the election laws of all 48 States.

Mr. THURMOND. That is true.

Mr. LANGER. Are not the laws of South Carolina more liberal than those of other States?

Mr. THURMOND. I think they are more liberal with respect to voting. I think we have gone further than have most of the other States. We repealed the poll-tax requirement. We have given every opportunity to everyone to vote. I do not know of anyone in my State today who is denied the right to vote if he wishes to vote.

Our requirements are not too severe. The only requirement is that the voter must be able to read or write the Constitution. The Constitution was used in order to have reference to some document. Anyone who can read and write can read the Constitution as well as he can read anything else. Or if he cannot do that, he must own $300 worth of property. If he meets either requirement, he can vote.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator stated that there was a Federal law in this connection.

Mr. THURMOND. Yes.

Mr. LANGER. May we have the Federal statute read?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has just asked me about the Federal law on the books with regard to voting. I should like to have the Senator from North Dakota and other Senators hear this. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Case}}] and other Senators to listen to the statute I am about to read. Last night I made the point that every State in the Union has laws on this subject. Of course, if the Senator from South Dakota has already made up his mind, I do not wish to take his time. Will he give me his attention for just a moment?

Mr. CASE of South Dakota. The Senator from South Dakota is listening.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not wish to take the Senator’s time if his mind is made up. But if his mind is open, I want him to hear this. I made the statement last night that every State in the Nation has statutes to protect the right to vote. I called upon the Library of Congress to compile those statutes, and I read them into the {{sc|Record}}. They will be found in my speech. Starting with Alabama and going through Wyoming, every State has laws protecting the right to vote.

But some people say that we need Federal laws. I do not believe many people know that we have Federal statutes on the subject. For some reason or other they must have overlooked them. I wish to read the Federal law at this time to show that there is a Federal law on the statute books. It is designated as section 594 of chapter 29, title 18, of Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure. It reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|594. INTIMIDATION OF VOTERS}}}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the Office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
If anyone intimidates, threatens, or coerces another with respect to voting, or with respect to how he wishes to vote, or for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote, or to vote for whomever he chooses, there is a Federal statute under which a Federal judge can send him to jail for 1 year, or fine him $1,000. There is already a Federal statute on the subject. So why pass the bill coming from the House, or any other bill to provide the right to vote?

The statute which I have just read is a criminal statute. It enables the Federal Government, if it wishes to protect the right to vote, to protect any man’s right to vote, because it can put a man in jail for as long as 1 year, or fine him $1,000 if he interferes with the right of anyone to vote.

The only difference is that this is a criminal statute, and if a man were prosecuted under this statute he would get a jury trial. If we believe in the Constitution and in jury trials, we want to preserve that right anyway. The Constitution is clear on the question of jury trials. Article III., section 2, is specific on it. The Bill of Rights contains several references to it. The sixth amendment, in the Bill of Rights, is directly to the point.

I have before me a decision—I do not know whether the Senator heard it or not—which upholds the contention that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man is entitled to a trial by jury under the Constitution of the United States if he is charged with criminal contempt.

If there have been complaints to the Federal Government in any State of the Nation about people not being allowed to vote, why has not the Justice Department taken action under the statute to which I have just referred, and put offenders behind bars or fined them if they interfered with the right of other people to vote?

The Federal Government has the power to do it. It is not necessary for it to have more power. The accused should have a jury trial. This is a free country. The mere fact that a jury returns a verdict which one of the parties may not like is no excuse for abolishing the jury trial.

Either the Federal Government is not doing its duty in protecting people who have complained to it that they could not vote for one reason or another, or that voting has been interfered with for one reason or another, and has not given the proper protection to those people who complained to it, or there have been no complaints.

If there have been any complaints, it was the duty of the Department of Justice to take action, and they could take action under the statute I have cited. There is no use beating about the bush and saying there is a duty to pass a right to vote bill. There is such a law on the statute books. Every State in the Union has such a law. The United States Code contains a provision protecting the right to vote. Let the Attorney General enforce this statute I have cited. If he has received any complaint from South Carolina about any man not voting, or has received a complaint from any other State, it is his duty to take action under the statute, and see that the one who interferes is punished. He can be put in jail for a year or fined $1,000.

Mr. President, I am merely desiring to call this to the attention of Senators who are in the Chamber at this time, because so many of them do not seem to understand that we now have a Federal law on the books, section 594, which provides for the protection of voting rights. I do not know how it could be made any stronger.

The Senator from North Dakota was asking about the South Carolina statute. I read from the statutes:
{{smaller block|After the voter’s ballot has been prepared, the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–656. PROCURING OR OFFERING TO PROCURE VOTES BY THREAT}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–657. THREATENING OR ABUSING VOTERS, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–658. SELLING OR GIVING AWAY LIQUOR WITHIN 1 MILE OF VOTING PRECINCT}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–659. ALLOWING BALLOT TO BE SEEN, IMPROPER ASSISTANCE, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–667. ILLEGAL CONDUCT AT ELECTION GENERALLY}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, I believe what I have read covers the constitutional provisions and the statutory provisions. Does not the Senator from North Dakota think those provisions add to the protection of voters?

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator be kind enough to repeat the Federal statute?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am particularly interested in where the Federal statute states that one can be both fined and imprisoned.

Mr. THURMOND. It says “or both.”
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
But such person can get a jury trial, though. In other words, that is just another crime. It is like when a man is charged with murder or any other crime.

He will have a jury trial. If he is found guilty, then the judge can sentence him to $1,000 or 1 year in prison, or both. That is a strong statute.

Mr. LANGER. I want to thank the distinguished Senator for bringing that to the attention of the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is entirely welcome.

I think it is a statute that a good many people may have overlooked. There has been so much talk about the right to vote and people not having the right to vote protected until I thought the Senate and the people of the Nation ought to know that not only every State has laws protecting the right to vote, but the Federal Government also has on the statute books a statute protecting the right to vote. As I stated, that is section 594, of chapter 29, title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be glad to yield to my distinguished friend.

Mr. LANGER. For a question?

Mr. THURMOND. For a question.

Mr. LANGER. Have there been any decisions by the South Carolina Supreme Court on any of the statutes which the distinguished Senator has read?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall offhand that any cases have gone to the supreme court. In our State everybody registers and votes who wants to, and I guess that is probably the reason there have been no cases taken to the supreme court.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, prove there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right to vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise.

Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an {{SIC|unsual|unusual}} grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and non-political, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I should like to have the Senator hear this. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people, to involve neighbor against neighbor. This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others, to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so. If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make the testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate, before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A civil-rights division in the Justice Department is not needed, because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed; in fact, he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country. Since conditions have improved and since there is no indication that conditions will change—unless the Attorney General and the Civil-Rights Commission create trouble—there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of a Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department.

Part III. of the bill, as originally written—which was completely obnoxious—was removed. I have several times stated my views on part IV. I object to its grant of dictatorial power to the Attorney General. The Congress should never agree to place such authority in the hands of any one official of the Government.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which reads as follows:
{{smaller block|(d) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield to me?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. As I understand, in the case of the existing section 594, during all these years the Attorney General of the United States has had the power to enforce that section, and he has had the assistance of the United States attorneys in every State of the Union, and they have had the help of their assistants; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. In some of the States there are eastern districts, northern districts, southern districts, and western districts—for instance, as in the case of New York; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That also is correct.

Mr. LANGER. And each of those districts has United States attorneys and assistant United States attorneys and United States marshals; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. So all the necessary machinery for the enforcement of section 594, to protect the voting right of any citizen of the United States who may have had his voting right denied, has been in existence all during this period of time; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. Can the distinguished Senator from South Carolina name a single case in which the Attorney General of the United States has tried to enforce any of these statutes?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator, I will say that I do not know about the situation in other States; but as for the situation in my own State, I have not heard of such a case. However, I can see why that would be; I can understand why probably there would not be any such cases in South Carolina. That is because anyone in South Carolina who wishes to register to vote, has no trouble doing so. But I have not heard that any cases of this sort have been brought in other States. Such cases may have been brought in other States, but I have not heard of any.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I wish to ask what additional power the Attorney General will have, if a new Assistant Attorney General is appointed, inasmuch as the Attorney General already has the help of other Assistant Attorneys General and the help of United States attorneys, whose appointments have to be approved by the Senate; they cannot be appointed until the Congress has consented to the appointments.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question asked by the Senator from North Dakota, I would say that I see no need for an additional Assistant Attorney General—who, if appointed, would receive a large salary. I see no need for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, because the Department of Justice already has a civil-rights section; and there has been no evidence of any need for a big division, similar to the one now proposed to be created. I think the establishment of such a division would simply mean the payment of more salaries and a larger Federal payroll and more taxes on the backs of the American people.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, there has never been a time when, under present law, the Department of Justice could not have presented a case of that sort before a grand jury, if the Department had wished to do so; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. If there had been any complaint in either North Dakota or South Carolina, let us say, to the effect that someone had not been able to vote, although he was eligible to vote, all the Department of Justice would have had to do would have been to have the United States attorneys in those States look into the matter and take whatever action would have been appropriate under the circumstances.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator from North Dakota for his questions.

Mr. President, a moment ago I read the provisions of section 131(d). It simply means that the district courts can, under that provision, bypass the State procedures, the administrative remedies under the State laws, and can take action, and thus can cause much tension, embarrassment, and trouble although it is not necessary to do so. If anyone cannot obtain justice through the administrative remedies of his State, then of course he will be able to go to the district attorneys, and they can prosecute under the Federal statute I have just read. But the use of the existing remedies under the State laws should first be required—which is the usual procedure one would follow.

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States should not be exhausted prior to having Federal district courts take jurisdiction in cases of election-law violations.

In other words, I believe in letting the States run their business, if they will. A Federal statute already is in existence; and if there is need to use it, it can be used. But why not let the States handle the matter of voting and the other matters which are reserved to them under the Constitution? Let the States handle them. Then, if the States fail to do so or if they fall down in the performance of their duty, section 594 is in existence, and it can be used as a hammer with which they can be clubbed to death, if need be.

The present proposal could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority, and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 spoke strongly on behalf of the Federal courts, during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them. That is the point I made just a few minutes ago.

I shall not go into further details with reference to the provisions of this part of the bill, but I am just as strongly opposed to it as I was when it was first introduced. I shall continue to oppose such grants of power to the Attorney General or to any other official.

Mr. President, I based my opposition to H. R. 6127 throughout its consideration in the Senate on three principal points. I am convinced the bill is unconstitutional in several respects which I have cited. I know that it is unnecessary because the right to vote is fully protected in every State and under the laws of the United States where applicable.

Finally, I know that the enactment of such legislation is extremely unwise.

It is unwise because the sure result of passing this bill would be to destroy a great deal of the good feeling existing between the white and the Negro races, not only in the South but in every community where a substantial number of Negroes live. Nothing would be gained, but much would be lost.

The Civil Rights Commission, by using its powers to attempt to force integration of the races, is bound to create suspicion and tension between the races to an even greater degree than the suspicion and tension which was created by the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the school segregation cases.

Unbiased persons who are familiar with the segregation problem, and who observed the detrimental result of the Supreme Court decision, know that a traveling investigation commission and a meddling Attorney General could bring about chaos in racial relations.

The chaos would not be confined to the South because the provisions of this bill will apply to every citizen in every State. However, the Attorney General, in exercising the discretion granted him, along with the extraordinary powers also granted him, must be expected to confine his investigations and his court actions to the States of the South.

The South has often been derided and condemned on charges of sectionalism, but if the advocates of this legislation believe they will create greater unity instead of greater division in this country by the enactment of this bill, they are entirely mistaken.

George Washington in his Farewell Address used his strongest language against those who would divide our country and urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern, Atlantic, and western—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
H. R. 6127 is a blueprint for suspicion, confusion, and disunity.

The laws of the Nation are dependent upon the customs and traditions of the people. Unless law is based upon the will of the people, it will not meet with acceptance.

Government in this country derives no power except the power coming from the people. Laws which are not based on the Constitution, which is the basic statement of the will of the people, cannot be justified on any ground.

Mr. President, when there is so much evidence that this bill is unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unwise, it should never be approved. Force may subjugate the human body, but force by itself can never change the human mind. Laws, like leaders, must be of the people, by the people, and for the people.

H. R. 6127 fails to measure up by any standard. It should be rejected. I appeal to every Member of this body who believes in constitutional government and the sovereignty of the people to vote against this bill.

Mr. President, this bill, as I have stated before, has been widely called a right-to-vote bill. That is a completely misleading term. The bill, as I have stated, in my opinion, is unnecessary, because we have laws in every State to protect the right to vote. We have laws by the Federal Government to protect the right to vote. In the sections I have cited, a man can be punished severely for any interference with the right to vote.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}} yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas and other Senators, who requested the transaction of certain business, all of which appears in the {{sc|Record}} following Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, we have the finest Nation in the world. We have the finest Government in the world. In 1787 our forefathers met in Philadelphia and wrote a document called the Constitution. It was simply a compact between the States. Our forefathers came to this country to get away from tyranny. They had been punished many times without juries. They had been denied the right to worship as they pleased. They have been denied the right of freedom of speech. They had been denied the right of assemblage. They had been denied the right to petition the government, and they had been denied many other rights which we take as a commonplace in this country. They came here to enjoy the benefits of the Government they would establish to provide them those rights. After the States operating as colonies for a while felt the need of a central government for purposes of national defense, for purposes of commerce, for purposes of postal service, trade, and other reasons, they decided to form a union. They met in Philadelphia in 1787, and with deputies from all the 13 States attending that conferential meeting, all except Rhode Island—at that time Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals and ignored the whole proceeding—all with the exception of that one State, had deputies at the Constitutional Convention.

They wrote a document to delegate certain of their powers—there were States before there was a Federal union, of course—to the Federal Government for the purpose of forming a union and a central government which could do certain things for the States better than they themselves could do them.

At that convention there was a very difficult situation. The delegates had to start from scratch, so to speak, to write the basic law for a new nation. Much discussion and debate occurred there, but after working together for several months in Philadelphia they finally arrived at a document, or a compact, which was signed by the representatives of the States, delegating certain powers to the Central Government.

Three of the delegates attending the convention were not pleased, and did not sign it. I believe I stated this morning who they were. They were George Mason, of Virginia; John Randolph, of Virginia; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. The other delegates signed their names, except one, who left, but had his friend sign it.

The document was then presented to the States for ratification. Within due time ratification was had, but there was considerable opposition at the convention, and when the question of ratification arose, the main objection which was raised was that there was not spelled out in the Constitution a bill of rights. Some of the most powerful leaders in the States opposed ratification for that reason. Those who did not sign in Philadelphia opposed it chiefly, I understand, for that reason.

The Bill of Rights is a document which we cherish. The Bill of Rights is the finest civil-rights bill in the world. The Bill of Rights is a genuine civil-rights bill. That document provides us with the fundamental civil rights which we enjoy in this country today.

One of the bases of the Bill of Rights—and I like to call it the heart of the Bill of Rights—is the right of trial by jury. In the Bill of Rights, the sixth amendment is a trial-by-jury amendment. It provides specifically that any person charged with a crime shall be tried by a jury. I have previously brought out today that criminal contempt is a crime, and therefore, since it is a crime, a person charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

The bill which passed the House is a compromise, as most legislation is. Some people may have felt that that was the best the House and Senate could do, because the conferees got together and reconciled the differences between the two Houses. Ordinarily that principle would be sound in connection with legislation, but it is not sound here, because the effect of the so-called compromise would be to violate the Constitution of the United States.

If the so-called compromise had provided that a judge, in his discretion, could try a man for criminal contempt, I would have opposed it just as much if no punishment whatever were involved, because the Constitution says that a man is entitled to a trial by jury when he is prosecuted for a crime. There is no discretion in the Constitution. There is no ''proviso'' in the Constitution. There is no exception in the Constitution. The Constitution is perfectly clear on that point.

If the punishment provided in the bill in the House had called for 1 day’s imprisonment, or a fine of $1, I would be just as bitterly opposed to it. The Constitution of the United States provides that if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to a jury trial. Under the decision which I have cited here twice today, I believe, holding that criminal contempt is a crime, it is clear that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial.

I do not believe that the compromise amendment is valid. I do not think it is constitutional. The amendment of the distinguished Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] delineated and defined civil contempt and criminal contempt, and provided that civil contempt proceedings were for the purpose of bringing about compliance, in which case the order would be issued prior to the act, and that criminal contempt proceedings were to punish, in which case the order would be issued after the act. If the House had accepted it, the American people would be guaranteed trial by jury in the event of a charge of criminal contempt, which is a crime.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield to me for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to ask the Senator if I understood him correctly to say that in his opinion the so-called jury-trial provision of the bill which has been returned to us by the House is invalid and unconstitutional?

Mr. THURMOND. That is my opinion.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to say to the Senator from South Carolina that I completely agree with that opinion. It is impossible to govern the right of trial by jury by the discretion of the judge, according to the penalty he conceives he intends to inflict.

I should like to ask the Senator another question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the distinguished Senator.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina if he agrees with me that the question of jury trial should be reexamined as soon as conveniently possible, and that I would be doing a wise thing if, when the new session of Congress assembles, I should introduce a repetition of the general jury-trial amendment, firm in the belief that the advocates of civil rights, upon examination of the pretended amendment which has come to us from the House, will discover that they have bought a pigeon instead of a swallow.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question, I will say that I agree with him that the bill should be reexamined; but I think the reexamination should take place before Congress passes the bill, and not wait until next January.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. If the Senator will permit me to make this comment—will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND: I will yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I shall frame it in the form of a question. Does not the Senator agree that we are all weary and worn down; that most of us are almost as tired as is the Senator himself; and that perhaps when we return in January in the full vigor of our bodies and minds we shall be able to do a better job than we can do at this session of the Congress? I am going to introduce a jury-trial amendment in the next session in the firm belief that this jury-trial amendment accomplishes nothing; that it does not at all help the advocates of civil rights.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question I will say that I have been on my feet for the past 17 hours, and I still feel pretty good. But I agree that it has been a long, tough session. But even though it has been a long, tough session, I do not think we ought to quit now and pass a bill that the Senator and I both feel is unconstitutional. I think we should refer it to the committee, which I tried to do the other night, but was unsuccessful in my attempt. But I think this bill should not be passed at this session. I believe the Senator would prefer that it not be passed; but if it is passed, of course I should be delighted to have the Senator offer an amendment to correct the unconstitutional portion of it when we return in January. But I really do not see why we should have to pass an unconstitutional piece of legislation if we can avoid it.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for another question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. This question is a little different from the one I asked before. I am wondering if the Senator from South Carolina would cooperate with me in enabling me to pass a bill which does not involve any constitutional question. The Senate passed the bill without any opposition at all, and the House has returned it to the Senate with an amendment. I should like to move that the House amendment be concurred in by the Senate, and thus get the bill disposed of.

Mr. THURMOND. If the Senator will ask unanimous consent for me to yield to him on condition that I can retain the floor, and, further, that I shall not be charged with a second speech when I resume the discussion of the present subject—

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wyoming ask unanimous consent based on those conditions?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I do, Mr. President.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator from Wyoming this question: This is not a civil-rights bill, as I understand, is it?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. No; it is not.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Wyoming? The Chair hears none.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Mr. O’Mahoney, the “Approval of Contract with the Casper–Alcova Irrigation District, Wyoming,” is dealt with, as is a “Message from the House” and the “Enrolled Bills and Joint Resolution Signed.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was speaking a few moments ago about the States and the Federal Government. I should like to remind the people of this country that we had States before we had a union, and that the only power the Federal Government had and the only power the Union had was the power delegated by the States in Philadelphia in 1787 and in the amendments to the Constitution since that time. All other powers which have not been delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States or to the people.

I think the bill which is under consideration is unconstitutional. I think it is invalid. I think we are doing a useless thing. The proponents of the bill who feel that they are helping people, in my judgment, are going to find that there is just a lot of lost motion involved, because I do not believe the Supreme Court will hold this bill constitutional. I do not see how it could hold it constitutional. This compromise bill which came from the House leaves it entirely up to a Federal judge to say whether or not he is going to give a man a jury trial. That is not what our forefathers wrote into the Constitution. This bill provides that a judge shall decide whether he will grant a jury trial. Suppose he decides he will not grant a jury trial and then tries the defendant. Suppose he decides that the man ought to be imprisoned for more than 45 days or should pay a fine of more than $300. Then the case must be tried all over again.

That is another reason why I think the bill is unconstitutional. When we once try a man we put him in double jeopardy by trying him again.

So I think we are doing a useless thing here to pass a bill to provide that a judge can try a man and then, if he imposes above a certain sentence, the man can ask for a jury trial and then a jury can try the man. He would be tried twice. That is not only unconstitutional, it is also unfair, because if a judge tries the man himself and fines him more than $300 or sentence him to be imprisoned more than 45 days, then there is a trial ''de novo'', as they call it.

But the judge’s finding of guilt is bound to influence the jury when the jury tries him a second time. It is my opinion that the man can plead double jeopardy. The distinguished Presiding Officer was a distinguished judge in Texas. Any lawyer knows that we cannot try a man more than once for the same offense. The bill coming from the House would allow the man to be tried twice.

Mr. President, I want the American people to know what they are getting in this bill. They are getting a bill under which a judge can try a man and a jury can then try the same man. It is unconstitutional, in my opinion. Furthermore, I think it is extremely unfair, because the judge has already expressed his opinion, and if he is the judge who tries the case a second time he would be bound to show his feelings during the trial. Even if he did not show his feelings during the trial, in my opinion, his feelings would enter into the sentence after the trial.

Mr. President, there are many things in this bill. I am not against civil rights, and I am not against voting. As I have said, the finest civil rights are those in the Bill of Rights. I am for genuine civil rights, not this so-called political civil rights.

Both national parties that are pushing civil rights bills, this right to vote and other bills, are not doing it because they love the Negro. The southern white man does more for the Negro than any other man in any part of the country. This bill is motivated purely by politics. It is a political bill.

We might as well face the facts as they are. Both parties are trying to play to get the Negro vote, and, in some States, if the Negroes vote as a bloc, which they should not do, they are herded to the polls like sheep and voted. If they vote as individual citizens, which they should, this would not occur. But for some reason, both parties think that they are going to vote as a bloc. I do not know how a few leaders do it, or just how it is done. But it is unfortunate, and it is unfair to the Negro, because it takes him out of the category of an individual. It takes away his dignity. It takes away his sanctity as an individual, in which he can take pride in himself, his accomplishments and his race and not be led around like a bull with a ring in his nose. But that is the feeling of both parties in this country. They think they can vote the Negroes in a bloc, and they are making this play on these civil rights bills, so-called. They are not civil rights bills. They are so-called civil rights bills. The politicians are pushing these so-called civil rights bills to make a play and try to get the vote of the Negroes in certain doubtful States.

I have some good friends who are Negroes. I have helped many of them. I have represented them in lawsuits. I have loaned them money. I value the friendship of many Negroes, and I hate to see them treated like they are being treated. I hope that their real leaders, their genuine leaders, who are sincerely interested in them, will wake up some day and inform the members of their race just what is going on.

Mr. President, there is no need in the world to pass this bill. In the wee hours last night, when most Senators were sleeping, I was here talking, and after I had the Library of Congress, Legislative Section, prepare for me, and I put into the {{sc|Record}} at that time, statutes which provide voting rights in all the States of the Nation.

The {{sc|Congressional Record}} of last night contains those statutes of all the States from Alabama to Wyoming. In every one of the States of the Nation there are statutes that protect the right to vote. There is not a single one of the 48 States that does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

Why does the Federal Government have to have this bill passed? Is it not practically an insult to the States?

It is.

“We need it. The States will not enforce their laws?” If that be the case, all the Government has to do is to enforce the Federal statute I referred to today. Title 18, section 594, is the number of that Federal statute, which provides punishment for anyone who intimidates, coerces, or threatens any person for interfering with any other person in voting. That statute is as clear as a crystal. It provides for a fine of $1,000, or punishment of 1 year in prison, for anyone who interferes with the right of another citizen to vote. So, if there is anybody in this country today who is prevented from voting, all he has to do is to report it to the district attorney in his State, of if he prefers, to write the Justice Department. He can take that course, and action can be taken under that statute which is already on the books.

Why put another statute on the books? Why put another statute which the Supreme Court will very probably hold to be unconstitutional? I do not know what the Supreme Court will hold. I do not like to take any chances with the Supreme Court.

At any rate, the Constitution of the United States is clear, the wording is simple. Any seventh-grade child can read article III., section 2, of the Constitution of the United States and see that any citizen charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. He can also read the sixth amendment to the Constitution, one of the amendments in the Bill of Rights, and see that any man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial.

It is very difficult to understand why the Congress, which is supposed to be composed of the brightest intellects in the country, or some of the brightest intellects, would pass a bill of this kind.

Yet, if the Congress passes such a bill, this so-called compromise bill on voting rights, it will certainly amaze me if the Supreme Court does not hold it to be unconstitutional. I shall be badly disappointed if the Congress passes it.

Of course, under the pressure of different organizations, left-wing organization, ADA and NAACP, both parties are dancing like jitterbugs on the civil-rights question, because they want to carry the doubtful States where the Negroes, although only a small percentage, if they vote in a bloc, can swing a State.

I think it will be a great pity if the Congress passes this bill. I hate to see it pass such an unnecessary bill.

It seems to me that every Representative in Congress and every Senator is practically insulting his home State if he votes for this bill. He is practically saying to the governor of his State and the legislators of his State, “Although you have bills to protect voting rights, we have no confidence in you, and although we have one Federal law, we are going to pass another Federal law, and ram it down your throats whether or not you want it.” I think it is almost an insult to the States.

I suggest that they write the governors and see how many of them want this bill passed. I am wondering how many Senators in this body and how many House members have checked with the governors to find out if they want this unconstitutional monstrosity passed by the Congress.

I do not believe 10 percent of the governors of the Nation would say, “We are weaklings, and we want you to pass a strong civil-rights bill because we do not have the courage to do it. We do not have the courage to protect our people.”

As a matter of fact, Mr. President, the States already have laws on that subject, and I have read them into the {{sc|Record}}. The voting-rights statutes of the States have been read into the {{sc|Congressional Record}}, in the case of every State of the Union. Those who read the {{sc|Congressional Record}} will find them set forth there.

Mr. President, if any Senator, on either side of the aisle, can state why it is necessary to enact another Federal law to protect the right to vote, I should like to have him do so, provided I am able to yield for that purpose without losing the floor and without having the remarks I make after yielding for that purpose counted as a second speech by me. I challenge any Senator on either side of the aisle to answer this question: Why is another Federal law needed in order to protect the right to vote, when there is already on the statute books section 594, which reads, in part, as follows:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose.}}
In other words, one who intimidates, threatens, or coerces a voter, or even attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce him, may, under the provisions of this statute, be prosecuted. He may be prosecuted, not only if his purpose is to interfere with the right of such other person to vote, but also if his purpose is to interfere as to the person for whom such other person may wish to vote.

Mr. President, are there teeth in this statute? There certainly are. This statute provides that anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, or attempts to interfere with his voting for whomever he wishes to vote for, can be prosecuted in a Federal court and can be fined $1,000 or sentenced to a prison term of 1 year. Do not those provisions constitute teeth and strength in the existing law? Of course they do.

If there is in the United States, today, any person who is having any trouble in exercising his voting right, again I say that all he has to do is contact the Department of Justice or the district attorney in his home State, and action can be taken under this Federal law to punish any person who interferes with his right to vote.

Inasmuch as section 594 is an existing Federal statute on that subject, why is it necessary to enact another Federal statute dealing with the right to vote? It would be absolutely useless, unnecessary, and futile to enact another Federal statute on that subject; it would be a great mistake to do so, especially in view of the fact that such a statute would be unconstitutional.

Mr. President, please understand that I do not even concede that the Federal Government has a right to enter this field. Instead, I believe that these matters should be handled by the respective States. However, the Federal Government is already in this field—under the provisions of section 594, by means of which a person can be fined as much as $1,000 or put in jail for as long as one year, if her tries to interfere with the right of someone else to vote.

Since the Federal Government already is in this field, why should another Federal law on the same subject be enacted?

Mr. President, every day that passes, the Federal Government, here in Washington, D. C., is whittling away the rights of the States. It hurts me to see the Federal Government invade fields which are reserved to the States. I deeply regret that a bigger and more powerful Federal Government is being built up in Washington, D. C. This Central Government has become tremendously top-heavy. I should like to see the States have more power.

Since World War II., the Communists have taken over approximately 17 countries. In doing so, they did not invade by means of troops using bayonets and tanks; those countries were not taken over in that way by the Communists. Instead, the Communists proceeded by way of infiltration. Poland was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Poles. Czechoslovakia was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Czechs. China was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Chinese. The Communists have been able to infiltrate into the central governments; they have been able to worm their way into the police systems, and then into the election systems. Then, before one could realize it, the countries were taken over by the Communists.

Mr. President, why have the Communists been able to take over those countries? Since the end of World War II., they have been able to take over 17 countries, with populations totaling between 600 million and 800 million. The Communists have been able to do that because each of those countries has had a strong central government; and when the Communists obtained control of that central government, they were able to take over control of the entire country.

Mr. President, the more we in the United States build up power in a strong central government, the more risk we run from the standpoint of subversive activities and infiltration. If the people of the United States have the vision to keep the 48 States strong—each with its own election laws and its own police system—there will be no way by means of which the United States can be taken over by subversion. But if more and more power is given to our Central Government, after a while the States will be nothing but territories, and will not have any power.

Mr. President, the so-called civil-rights bill which the Congress is about to pass would simply take power a way from the States and would give it to the Federal Government.

A Senator might say, “I should vote for the bill because it will help me in the elections.” Mr. President, Senators had better begin to think more about the welfare and safety of their country, and less about the elections.

Mr. President, I am convinced that we must protect the States. The Constitution now protects them; but the Supreme Court and the Congress and the executive branch of the Government have been taking steps—by handing down decisions, passing laws, and issuing regulations and edicts—which violate the rights of the States and take away from the States the power they have.

Mr. President, this development cannot continue to occur, if our country is to be safe. I am disturbed for the safety of my country.

I am a brigadier general in the Army Reserve and if our country becomes engaged in an armed conflict, I am ready to serve. But we must keep our country stronger, or we shall find it engaged in conflict.

One of the ways to weaken it is to weaken the States, as we are doing today, and to keep taking away the powers of the States and building up a powerful Central Government in Washington. It is the greatest mistake in the world. It was not contemplated when our Constitution was written.

Our forefathers decided they would delegate a few powers to the Federal Government, and they spelled them out in the Constitution. All one has to do is to get the Constitution and read it. It spells out just what powers the Congress has, what powers the Federal Government has, but all other powers are reserved to the States and to the people thereof. At the rate we are going now, we will not have any States after a while. The Federal Government will have all the power.

Mr. President, some time ago I read a book by a man by the name of James Jackson Kilpatrick, of Richmond, Va., printed by the Henry Regner Co., of Chicago, entitled “The Sovereign States.”

I wish every American could read this book. I am going to read some excerpts from it today. I should like to have Senators listen to some of the passages in this book. This man is a great writer, a true patriot, and a great American.

First, I am going to read a passage by John C. Calhoun, one of the five all-time great Senators, recently selected to have his portrait placed in the Senate reception room. John C. Calhoun, I think, is one of the greatest men this country has produced. I nominated him to be selected to have his portrait placed here, and I am proud the committee selected it. He was a man who had keen vision and a proper conception of the Constitution.

There is one page in the beginning of the book by him that I want to read; it is very short.

This is what he says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|The great and leading principle is, that the General Government emanated from the people of the several States, forming distinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community; that the Constitution of the United States is, in fact, a compact, to which each State is a party, in the character already described; and that the several States, or parties, have a right to judge of its infractions; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of power not delegated, they have the right, in the last resort, to use the language of the Virginia resolutions, “to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.”}}
{{smaller block|This right of interposition, thus solemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may—state right, veto, nullification, or by any other name—I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system, resting on facts historically as certain as our revolution itself, and deductions as simple and demonstrative as that of any political or moral truth whatever; and I firmly believe that on its recognition depend the stability and safety of our political institutions.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|John C. Calhoun}}}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Fort Hill}}, ''July 26, 1831''}}.|1em}}
This was John C. Calhoun.

He wrote that at Fort Hill, and if any Senators want to know where it is, it is at Simpson College. In fact, his home was at the college.

Mr. President, my statement was that Fort Hill is at Simpson College in South Carolina. Of course, that is the greatest college in the United States.

This book on the sovereign State was written, as I have said, by James J. Kilpatrick. First, I want to take up his introduction, and then I want to present some excerpts from the book:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Introduction}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Among the more melancholy aspects of the genteel world we live in is a slow decline in the enjoyment that men once found in the combat of ideas, free and unrestrained. Competition of any sort, indeed, seems to be regarded these days, in our schools and elsewhere, as somehow not in very good taste. Under the curious doctrines of the Fair Trade Act, vigorous salesmanship is unfair, and retailers are enjoined against discommoding their fellows. Mr. Stevenson’s criticism of the administration’s foreign policy, during the last presidential campaign, was not that the policies were so very wrong: they were not bipartisan. With a few robust exceptions, our writers paint in pastels; our political scholars write a sort of ruffled-sleeve, harpsichord prose. We duel with soft pillows, or with buttoned foils; our ideas have lace on them; we are importuned to steer, with moderation, down the middle of the road.}}
{{smaller block|These chamber music proprieties I acknowledge, simply to say, now, that the essay which follows should not be misunderstood. May it please the court, this is not a work of history; it is a work of advocacy. The intention is not primarily to inform, but to exhort. The aim is not to be objective; it is to be partisan.}}
{{smaller block|I plead the cause of States rights.}}
{{smaller block|My thesis is that our Union is a Union of States; that the meaning of this Union has been obscured, that its inherent value has been debased and all but lost.}}
{{smaller block|I hold this truth to be self-evident: That government is least evil when it is closest to the people. I submit that when effective control of government moves away from the people, it becomes a greater evil, a greater restraint upon liberty.}}
{{smaller block|My object is not to prove that the powers and functions of government have grown steadily more centralized, more remote from the people, for that proposition requires no proof; it requires only that one open one’s eyes. Rather, my intention is to plead that the process of consolidation first be halted, then reversed, toward the end that our Federal Government may be strictly limited to its constitutional functions and the States may again be encouraged to look after their own affairs, for good or ill.}}
{{smaller block|A long time ago, the geometric mind of Edmund Pendleton offered a theorem. The State and Federal Governments, he said, must follow the path of parallel lines. Others have conceived the relationship in terms of spheres, separate but touching. The idea, when all this began, was that neither authority would encroach upon the other; and in the beginning, it was more feared that the States would usurp Federal powers than the other way around.}}
{{smaller block|Now the rights and powers of the States are being obliterated. The encroachments of the Federal Government have widened its road to a highway and narrowed the road of the States to a footpath. Having deceptively added a dimension to the Federal line, the broad constructionists declare their faithful adherence to the plans of the original draftsmen. Soon, a geometry unknown to Pendleton can proclaim the apparent miracle of parallels that meet this side of infinity.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know that the sovereign powers of the States may be regained at all. Justice Salmon P. Chase once remarked, with great satisfaction, that State sovereignty died at Appomattox. But I do most earnestly believe that an effort must be made to regain these powers. The alternative is for American Government to grow steadily more centralized, steadily more remote from the people, steadily more monolithic and despotic.}}
{{smaller block|Only the States themselves can make the effort; which is to say, only the people of the States. Only if the citizens of Virginia, as Virginians; or of Texas, as Texans; or of Iowa, as Iowans, insist upon a strict obedience to the spirit of the 10th amendment, can the Federal juggernaut be slowed. Only if the people evidence a determination once more to do for themselves can the essential vitality of a responsible and resourceful society be restored.}}
{{smaller block|I do not despair. So long as the I-beams and rafters of the Constitution remain undisturbed, the ravages of Federal encroachment may be repaired. A latent yearning for personal liberty, an inherited resentment against the authoritarian state, a drowsing spirit of independence—these may yet be awakened.}}
{{smaller block|But again, the States, as States, will have to do it.}}
{{smaller block|It will not be easy. In many influential quarters, it will not be popular. It is a sweet narcotic that centralists sell.}}
{{smaller block|Yet there is high example to be found in what the States have done before to preserve their identity. They have not always been spineless. In times past they have resisted, now successfully, now unsuccessfully; but even in their failures, something has been gained merely in the assertion of State convictions.}}
{{smaller block|My purpose here is first to examine the bases of State sovereignty; then to follow the State and Federal relationship from its beginnings under the Articles of Confederation through its refinement in the Constitution; next to review some of the comment on the role the States were expected to play. The place of the States scarcely had been fixed, it will be submitted, before advocates of consolidation began to whittle it down—first in the ''Chisholm'' case, which led to the 11th amendment, and more memorably in the Alien and Sedition Acts, which led to the “Doctrine of ’98” and the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of that year. It is proposed to follow this doctrine of the States’ “right to interpose,” in its various forms and applications down through the years, with particular emphasis upon the dangers of judicial encroachment and the need for State resistance against it. Finally, I have in mind to marshal some of the evidence which supports the case for the South in its immediate conflict with Federal authority, and to review other recent events that seem to me usurpations of the States’ reserved powers.}}
{{smaller block|So much, then for the plan of this book. The political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall will not care much for it.}}
{{right|{{sm|J. J. K}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Richmond, Va.}}, ''September 1956''.|1em}}
That was the introduction to the book The Sovereign States, by James J. Kilpatrick. James J. Kilpatrick is one of the greatest editors in the Nation today. I will read certain excerpts from the book, beginning on page 3. First I will read a quotation opposite page 3:
{{smaller block|The States within the limitations of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the 10th amendment, “reserved,” are as independent of the General Government as the General Government, within its sphere, is independent of the States. (Justice Samuel Nelson, ''Collector'' v. ''Day'' (1871).)}}
Mr. Kilpatrick has done a fine job and rendered a great service to this country in writing this book:
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to here yield to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana, for a question.

Mr. LONG. Did I correctly understand the Senator to make the statement that, according to the preface or introduction to the book, the book would be displeasing to those who agreed with Alexander Hamilton, who was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, the forerunner of the American Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. The editor said that the political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall would not care much for the book.

Alexander Hamilton was a great American, but his philosophy was different from that of Thomas Jefferson. They were both great Americans, but Alexander Hamilton believed more in the theory of a strong Central Government, with the power residing in Washington. Thomas Jefferson’s idea was that the power should remain with the States, and that only so much power should be given to the Federal Government as was necessary to perform its functions as delineated in the Constitution.

The Senator has probably read many books about Hamilton. In one of such books his philosophy is described in this way:
{{smaller block|Speaking of education, Alexander Hamilton’s thought was to select some of the brightest young men and educate them, to make them leaders. Thomas Jefferaon’s philosophy was to give all an opportunity, and let the leaders rise where they would.}}
So, when Kilpatrick wrote this statement I am confident that he was contrasting the philosophy of Hamilton more or less with that of Thomas Jefferson.

Hamilton was a very able man, one of the greatest Americans this country has produced; but his philosophy, as the Senator well knows from studying his life and history, was different from that of Thomas Jefferson.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it the view of the Senator that Alexander Hamilton would ever for a moment have approved of any proposal whereby an American accused of a crime would have been denied the right to present his case before a jury of impartial people who would hear the case, judge the evidence, and find him guilty or innocent?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply, I will say no. I think Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson both would have approved of trial by jury. They were both delegates to the Constitutional Convention, and they both rendered magnificent service in many ways.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, if the Senator will further yield, I believe he will find that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, did the Senator yield for a question or a statemen?

Mr. LONG. The Senator yielded for a question.

Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the Senator from Louisiana for a question.

The Senator is correct about Thomas Jefferson. I had in mind Madison.

Mr. LONG. Does not the Senator realize that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention? The Senator is perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the convention which adopted the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson was the drafter of the American Declaration of Independence. Is not, the Senator perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the fact that Thomas Jefferson was one of those who participated in drafting the Declaration of Independence? Thomas Jefferson was the American Ambassador to France at the time the Constitution was drafted.

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. Thomas Jefferson was Ambassador to France, but Alexander Hamilton was a delegate from New York State, and he signed the Constitution. In fact, he was the only delegate from New York State who signed the Constitution.

When I spoke a few minutes ago about Jefferson, I was thinking about Madison. Madison signed the Constitution, as did Blair. Both were from Virginia. George Washington presided over the Convention.

Mr. LONG. Is there any doubt in the Senator’s mind that, so far as Alexander Hamilton was concerned, he would never for a moment have contested the right of any citizen to be tried before a jury if he were accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree. If he had taken any other position, he would not have signed the Constitution.

As I have stated, Alexander Hamilton was the only delegate from the State of New York who signed the Constitution as representing the State of New York. In the original Constitution, article III, section 2, provided for jury trial.

Mr. LONG. Is it not, therefore, true that insofar as the right of a citizen to be tried by jury for a crime is concerned, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would have agreed 100 percent that the freedoms guaranteed Americans under their form of government included the right to be tried by a jury of their own neighbors, in the area where the crime was committed, in the event they were accused of committing a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I can yield only for a question. I shall be glad to express myself after the Senator has concluded. Let the Senator ask any question he wishes. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to state that, although the book from which the Senator is reading may not reflect the views of Alexander Hamilton, it is nevertheless correct to state that Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would both have agreed that anyone accused of a crime should have the right to be tried before a jury of his neighbors?

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree. In my judgment, if Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson were living today, and both were Members of the Senate, both would be fighting for the right to a jury trial, as provided in the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to say that so far as we can determine there has never been a man who served in this body, and who was regarded as a great statesman, who has ever at any time advocated that American citizens should be denied their right to be tried by a jury in the event they were accused of committing a crime against the United States or against a State?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the able Senator is eminently correct. I do not know of a great man in our history, any man whom I would consider great, whose name is on the lips of the people—I cannot think of a single one in our history who would take a position in opposition to jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Scott}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from Louisiana?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to paraphrase more or less the words of Shakespeare, that those American politicians who have fought against the freedom of Americans to be tried by a jury when accused of a crime have been politicians who more or less strutted and strutted their brief hour on the stage to be heard from no more?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not think any man who takes a stand against giving a person a jury trial will be long remembered after he has gone or when his record is searched and it is found that he opposed a jury trial. I think we would immediately call for a reappraisal of his whole life in the event he had been considered a great man previous to that time.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that men like George Norris, William Borah, and Robert M. La Follette, who fought through the years for the right of trial by jury, have statues standing in the Hall of Fame in the Capitol Building?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. In fact, there is a quotation from George Norris which I read last night. If I can put my hand on it I should like to read it to the Senator from Louisiana. I have never read a stronger statement in behalf of a jury trial. He said that in all cases a man should have a jury trial. The distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr. {{sc|Byrd}}] and the distinguished Senator from Mississippi [Mr. {{sc|Eastland}}] and I introduced a bill in March to provide the very type of jury trial which Senator Norris recommended.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. The Senator from South Carolina having made a great study of all these matters involving jury trials, the freedom of Americans, and States rights, can he now name from memory a single one of those Senators who made a fight down through the years to deny American citizens of the right of trial by jury?

Mr. THURMOND. I could not name a single man whom I considered a great man or a great Senator who opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator recall the names of any Americans who have served in this body and who have made a fight against the right of a man accused of a crime to be tried by a jury? Can the Senator offhand recall the name of any such person?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot recall the name of any American of any stature within my recollection who has opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator Borah’s statue is just outside the main entrance of the Senate Chamber, immediately outside the door?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. I see it every time I go through the door.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator William E. Borah, a great constitutional lawyer, even though he came from a very small Western State, population considered, was seriously considered by the Republican Party as its nominee for the Presidency of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. I have been told that. I did not know the Senator personally; only through reputation. But I know he was a great American. He declared on April 8, 1930:
{{smaller block|I am not contending here that labor organizations can at any time employ threats, force, or violence or intimidation. They must keep within the law—}}
He was referring there to jury trials in labor cases.

I have a long report including a speech by Senator Norris on May 2, 1930. I read it last night—

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question at that point?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that those who oppose the right of jury trials are basically those who do not believe in the freedoms that Americans enjoy under the Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. I certainly agree with the Senator. I think the jury trial is one of the greatest freedoms we have. I look upon it as the heart of the Bill of Rights.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

MT. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that persons who fear that juries may not convict guilty persons are those who really have very little confidence in the determination of people to uphold free government?

Mr. THURMOND. It seems to me they could not have much confidence in human nature; otherwise they would favor jury trials. To be tried by a man’s neighbors, his peers, his fellow men, is the fairest way a man could be tried. I sat on the bench for 8 years and tried many cases, but I always felt much better about it when a jury passed on the question. I watched closely the verdicts of juries. I was deeply impressed. I feel that juries come nearer to meting out justice to criminals than it can be done in any other way.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Recognizing the fact that it is possible for a jury to turn a guilty person free, is it not also true that the freedoms which Americans enjoy under their Constitution were calculated in such fashion as to express the philosophy that it is better to turn 9 guilty men free than to send 1 innocent man to the penitentiary or to his death?

Mr. THURMOND. I never did go on the theory of nine guilty ones being turned loose. There is no doubt that there is a common saying to that effect. If I had to make a decision as to whether I would turn 9 guilty ones loose, or put 1 innocent man in prison, I would turn the 9 loose. I think that would be the thinking and the feeling of the average American.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Does not this logic become conclusively clear when we contemplate for a moment a capital punishment case where it is possible to put an innocent man to death? In such a situation, would it not be better for the court to turn 9 culprits loose rather than to kill 1 innocent man?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. There is no question about it. Some juries make mistakes. Anybody in any kind of work makes mistakes. Everybody has weaknesses and there are bound to be errors. Judges make mistakes. Of course, often a judge’s philosophy is different.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that anyone can make mistakes, is it not somewhat better that the scales of justice should be weighted a little in favor of finding a person innocent when there is a considerable doubt as to whether the person is innocent or guilty?

Mr. THURMOND. Our law is based on the presumption that a man is innocent until he is proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. That is a common legal principle that any lawyer knows about who has practiced any criminal law. I do not know precisely what the Senator had in mind on that, though, for this reason: I do not think if a man is given a jury trial, a jury necessarily lets him go free. I think a jury is going to do what it thinks is right unless it is biased, or has been approached in some way, or influenced in some way. Of course, that happens sometimes. It does not happen often, but I think it does happen sometimes.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Can the Senator imagine a judge who issues an order ordering the entire world to comply with his injunction as being as fair and impartial as a jury before which a case involving a violation of his order should be tried?

Mr. THURMOND. When a judge hears a contempt case he is the legislator, he is the prosecutor, he is the judge, and he is the jury. If I were a judge and if such a law as is here proposed were on the books, if I were back on the bench, and if I had to act under this type law, I would submit it to the jury anyway.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that it is contemplated that a judge makes a law by issuing the injunction and then cites the individuals whom he cares to cite, can the Senator think of anything any more inappropriate than the judge who makes the law, addressed to individuals, should be the same person to try the same individuals for violating his own order? Does the Senator not believe that any judge worthy of the name would at least want to have a jury to prove that justice is being done to people who violated his own order?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the Senator is eminently correct. It is unfortunate that a judge who issues an order of contempt has to try the case, because he has already made up his mind to a certain degree. Of course, that might be removed. But still he has made up his mind, or he would not issue the order.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that a person who is responsible for issuing the edict and commanding people to do certain things at his discretion should be the last person to make the final decision on who should be punished for not obeying his order?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator. In fact, this is known as injunction-made law. That is what it is. It is injunction-made law, and it is bad law. It is much better to have a jury trial. That is the American way of doing things. That is one of the grievances complained of by those who signed the Declaration of Independence, as I have brought out, namely, that in a great many cases they were denied jury trials. Provisions for jury trial are embodied in several places in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, so there is no question about the whole intent of our judicial system. Our administration of justice has been based upon jury trials. I think it is one of the most fundamental principles embodied in our type of government.

If this so-called compromise amendment were to go a little bit further, it would sound more like a Communist amendment.

I do not believe I read what Senator Norris said about jury trial. He said:
{{smaller block|I wonder if a suffering people, whose forefathers fought for liberty, are going to give up the idea of it in this day and age, in this civilized day, and are going to submit to injunction-made law.}}
He was wondering whether they were going to submit to it.
{{c|{{x-smaller|1. THE BEGINNINGS}}}}
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
{{smaller block|This was on the sunny afternoon of Thursday, June 12, 1788, in the New Academy on Shockoe Hill in Richmond. The Virginia Convention had been grappling for 10 days with the new Constitution, and Edmund Pendleton, aging and crippled, had been sitting in dignified silence for as long as he could stand it. Patrick Henry, who was a hard man to live with at any time, was being especially difficult. Once before, on the 5th, Pendleton bad attempted to soothe him, but Henry was not to be soothed.}}
{{smaller block|The State and Federal Governments would be at war with one another, Henry had predicted, and the State governments ultimately would be destroyed and consolidated into the General Government. One by one their powers would be snatched from them. A rapacious Federal authority, ever seeking to expand its grasp, could not be confined by the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Notwithstanding what the worthy gentleman said,” remarked Mr. Pendleton with some warmth, for there were times when he regarded Mr. Henry as neither worthy nor a gentleman. “I believe I am still correct, and insist that, if each power is confined within its proper bounds, and to its proper objects, an interference can never happen. Being for two different purposes, as long as they are limited to the different objects, they can no more clash than two parallel lines can meet. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|They were big ifs that Edmund Pendleton, a judicious man, here used as qualifications. If the State and Federal Governments were each confined within its proper bounds, be said, the clash could never come. But the Federal Government could not be kept confined, even as Henry feared, and the clash did come. It continues to this day. Mr. Pendleton’s geometry was fine, but his powers of prophecy (for be believed that each government could be kept in check) were sadly in error.}}
{{smaller block|To understand how the parallel lines of State and Federal powers have turned awry, it is necessary to look back at the period before these lines were drawn. The acts of ratification by Virginia and her neighbors were acts of sovereign States. At stake was their consent to a written constitution. How, it may be inquired, did they come to be sovereign States? What is this concept of State sovereignty?}}
{{smaller block|It would be possible, in any such review, to go back to the great roots of Runnymede, but it will suffice to begin much later, in the turbulent summer of 1776. The startling commitments of Lexington and Concord were behind us then; the bitter trials of White Plains, Vincennes, Camden, and Yorktown still lay ahead. March and April and May had passed—a time of bringing forth of newness, of fresh hope—and great human events had run their course. Now, in June, a resurgent people made the solemn decision to dissolve the political bands which had connected them with another. Thus Jefferson’s draft began, thus the Continental Congress adopted it at Philadelphia; from this moment Americans unborn were to date the years of their independence.}}
{{smaller block|The eloquent beginning of the Declaration—the assertion of truths self-evident and rights beyond alienation—is well known: It is a towering irony that Jefferson, whose convictions were cemented in the inequality of man, should have his precise phrase corrupted by the levelers of a bulldozer society. The Declaration’s beginning is too much recited and too little read.}}
{{smaller block|What counts, for our present purpose, is not the first paragraph, but the last. Let us inquire, What, precisely, was it that we declared ourselves to be that Fourth of July? Hitherto there had been colonies subject to the King. That form of government would now be abolished. We would now solemnly publish and declare to a candid world—what? That the people of the colonies had formed a free and independent nation? By no means. Or that they were henceforth a free and independent people? Still no.}}
{{smaller block|This was the declaration: “That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.” Not one State, or one Nation, but in the plural—States; and again, in the next breath, so this multiple birth could not be misunderstood, “that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.”}}
{{smaller block|It had opened, this Declaration, as an enunciation of what often are termed the “human rights,” but it concluded, in the plainest terms, as a pronouncement of political powers—the political powers of newly created States. And these powers of war and peace, these powers of alliance and commerce, were published not as the powers of a national government, but as powers henceforth asserted by 13 free and independent states.}}
{{smaller block|To be sure, the States were united. Their representatives styled themselves Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, but it was not the spokesmen of a nation who gathered in parliament. These were States in Congress. “One out of many,” it is said. In a sense, yes. But the many remained—separate States, individual entities, each possessed, from that moment, of sovereign rights and powers.}}
{{smaller block|Certainly Jefferson so understood our creation. “The several States,” he was to write much later, “were, from their first establishment, separate and distinct societies, dependent on no other society of men whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|So Mr. Justice Samuel Chase comprehended it: He considered the Declaration of Independence, “as a declaration, not that the United Colonies Jointly, in a collective capacity, were independent States, etc., but that each of them was a sovereign and independent State, that is, that each of them had a right to govern itself by its own authority, and its own laws without any control from any other power on earth.” From the Fourth of July, said Chase, “the American States were ''de facto'' as well as ''de jure'' in the possession and actual exercise of all the rights of independent governments. * * * I have ever considered it as the established doctrine of the United States, that their independence originated from, and commenced with, the declaration of Congress, on the Fourth of July 1776; and that no other period can be fixed on for its commencement; and that all laws made by the legislatures of the several States, after the Declaration of Independence, were the laws of sovereign and independent governments.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, the sage and cool-minded Mr. Justice Cushing: “The several States which composed this Union * * * became entitled, from the time when they declared themselves independent, to all the rights and powers of sovereign States.”}}
{{smaller block|Even Marshall himself had no doubts: In the beginning, “we were divided into independent States, united for some purposes, but in most respects sovereign.” The lines which separate the States, he later remarked, were too clear ever to be misunderstood.}}
{{smaller block|And for a contemporary authority, it is necessary only to turn to Mr. Justice Frankfurter, who some years ago fell to discussing the dual powers of taxation preserved under the Constitution: “The States,” he said, “after they formed the Union”—not the people, but the States, “continued to have the same range of taxing power which they had before, barring only duties affecting exports, imports, and on tonnage.” Regrettably, Mr. Justice Frankfurter appears in more recent times to have lost his concept of States forming a Union.}}
{{smaller block|It is no matter. Evidence of the States’ individual sovereignty is abundantly available. Consider for example, the powers asserted on the part of each State in the Declaration “to levy War, conclude Peace, and contract Alliances.” Surely these are sovereign powers. The States exercised them, as States, in the Revolutionary War. But it is of value to note that New York also very nearly exercised her war powers to enter into formal hostilities with the State of Vermont. Tensions reached so grave a point that Massachusetts, in 1784, felt compelled to adopt a formal resolution of neutrality, enjoining her citizens to give “no aid or assistance to either party,” and to send “no provisions, arms, or ammunition or other necessities to a fortress or garrison” besieged by either belligerent. When New York adopted a resolution avowing her readiness to “ecur to force,”&quot; Vermont’s Governor Chittenden (whose son was to be heard from 30 years later in another row) observed that Vermont “does not wish to enter into a war with the State of New York.” But should this unhappy contingency result, Vermont “expects that Congress and the 12 States will observe a strict neutrality, and let the contending States settle their own controversy.”}}
{{smaller block|They did settle it, of course. New York and Vermont concluded a peace. The point is that no one saw anything especially remarkable in two separate sovereignties arraying themselves against each other. Vermont was then an individual political entity, as remote at law as any France or Italy. And New York, though a member of the Confederation, and hence technically required to obtain the consent of Congress before waging war, had every right to maintain a standing army for her own defense.}}
{{smaller block|The status of the individual States as separate sovereign powers was recognized on higher authority than the proclamations of Vermont and Massachusetts. It is worth our while to keep in mind the first article of the treaty of September 3, 1783, by which the war of the Revolution came to an end:}}
{{smaller block|“His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such.”}}
{{smaller block|More than 5 years earlier, a treaty of amity and commerce with France had established the same sovereign status of the contracting parties. Louis XVI. treated with the 13 American States, but he recognized each of them as a separate power. And it is interesting to note that Virginia, feeling some action desirable to complete the treaty, prior to action by Congress, on June 4, 1779, undertook solemnly to ratify this treaty with France on her own. By appropriate resolution, transmitted by Governor Jefferson to the French minister at Philadelphia, the sovereign Commonwealth of Virginia declared herself individually bound by the French treaty. In terms of international law, Virginia was a nation; in terms of domestic law, she was a sovereign State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|2. THE STATE}}}}
{{smaller block|To review the process by which the colonies became States is not necessarily to answer the basic question, What is a State? It is a troublesome word. The standard definition is that a State is “a political body, or body politic; any body of people occupying a definite territory and politically organized under one government, especially one that is not subject to external control.” Chief Justice Chase, in ''Texas'' v. ''White'', put it this way: “A State, in the ordinary sense of the Constitution, is a political community of free citizens, occupying a territory of defined boundaries, and organized under a government sanctioned and limited by a written constitution, and established by the consent of the governed.” In the Cherokee case, John Marshall described a State as “a distinct political society, separated from others, capable of managing its own affairs and governing itself.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, variously, a State is defined as a body, a community, and a distinct society. Plainly, mere boundary lines are not enough; a tract of waste and uninhabited land cannot constitute a State. Nor are people, as such, sufficient to constitute a State. James Brown Scott once offered this clear and succinct definition:}}
{{smaller block|“The State is an artificial person, representing and controlled by its members, but not synonymous or identical with them. Created for a political purpose, it is a body politic. It is a distinct body, an artificial person; it has a will distinct from its members, although its exercise is controlled by them; it has rights and duties distinct from its members, but subject to being changed by them; it may hold property distinct from its members, but in trust for them; it may act separately and distinctly from them and bind them by its acts, but only insofar as it is authorized by the law of its creation, and subject to being changed by the source of that power.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the State is seen as a continuing political being, controlled by its citizens and yet controlling them. The State can be bound in ways that its own people cannot be bound; it can exercise powers that no citizen or group of citizens may exercise for themselves. The State may buy, sell, hold, grant, convey; it may tax and spend; it may sue, and if it consent, be sued; it exists to create law and to execute law, to punish crime, administer justice, regulate commerce, enter into compacts with other States. Yet there is no State until a community of human beings create a State; and no State may exist without the will and the power of human beings to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|It is this combination of will and power which lies at the essence of the State in being. This is sovereignty. In the crisp phrase of John Taylor, of Caroline, sovereignty is “the will to enact, the power to execute.” Long books have been written on the nature of sovereignty, but they boil down to those necessities: The will to make, the power to unmake.}}
{{smaller block|It was this power, this will, that the people as States claimed for themselves in 1776. Henceforth, they said, we are sovereign: The State government is not sovereign, nor is any citizen by himself sovereign. By the “sovereign State” we mean us citizens, the State; we collectively, within our established boundaries; this community of people; we alone who are possessed of the power to create or to abandon.}}
{{smaller block|God knows it was a great, a priceless, power these people as Stat es claimed for themselves. True, not everyone saw it that way. Mr. Justice Story, for one, never grasped the concept of States. Nor did Jackson. Albert J. Beveridge, in his biography of Marshall, refers sneeringly to the States as “these pompous sovereignties,” but in a way, Beveridge’s is perhaps a high acknowledgment of the simple truth: These infant States were sovereignties, and the people within them were proudly jealous of the fact. They saw themselves, in Blackstone’s phrase, “a supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority.” This, among other things, was the aim they had fought for. It cannot be imagined that they ever would have relinquished this high power of sovereignty except in the most explicit terms.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|3. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION}}}}
{{smaller block|In time, the Continental Congress gave way to the Articles of Confederation. The articles merit examination with the utmost care; they are too little studied, and there is much to be learned from them.}}
{{smaller block|First proposed in 1778, the articles became binding upon all the States with Maryland’s ratification in 1781. Throughout this period, as the war ran on, each of the States was individually sovereign, each wholly autonomous. Mr. Justice Iredell was to observe, in 1795, that had the individual States decided not to unite together, each would have gone its own way, because each “possessed all the powers of sovereignty, internal and external * * * as completely as any of the ancient kingdoms or republics of the world which never yet had formed, or thought of forming, any sort of Federal union whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|But they did form a Federal union—a “perpetual union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.” They styled themselves, “The United States of America,” and in the very second article of their compact, they put this down so no one might miss it:}}
{{smaller block|“Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.”}}
{{smaller block|The third article is almost equally brief, and may be quoted in less space than would be required to summarize it:}}
{{smaller block|“The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|There will be seen, in these opening paragraphs, the genesis of constitutional provisions that were to follow in less than a decade. Here is the forerunner of the 10th amendment, with its reservation of undelegated powers to the State or to the people; here are the aims set forth of “common defense” and the “general welfare.”}}
{{smaller block|The fourth article advanced other phrases that have come down to us: The free inhabitants of each State (“paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted”) were to be entitled to “all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States.” Here, too, one finds the provision, later to be inserted substantially verbatim in article IV. of the Constitution of 1787, providing for the extradition of fugitives. Here the States mutually agreed that “full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth article provided for representation of the States in Congress. There were to be no less than 2, no more than 7 delegates from each State. They would assemble on the first Monday in November of every year. In this Congress, each State cast one vote; each State paid the salary and maintenance of its own delegates. These provisions, of course, were later abandoned; but we may note that the fifth article prohibited delegates to the Congress from “holding any office under the United States for which he or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind,” and also provided that “freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress.” Both provisions were to turn up later in article I., section 6, of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The sixth and seventh articles dealt generally with limitations upon the States in terms of foreign affairs and the waging of war. Again, many a familiar phrase leaps from this much-maligned compact of Confederation. No State, nor the Congress, was to grant a title of nobility; no two or more States were to enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance without the consent of the other States in Congress assembled; no State was to keep vessels of war in time of peace (“except such number as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled”), nor was any State to engaged in war without the consent of Congress “unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or * * * the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|The eighth article provided for defraying the expenses of war among the State “in proportion to the value of all land within each State,” and the ninth article dealt with the powers of Congress. Once more, the origin of a dozen specific phrases in our present Constitution is evident. Congress was given the “sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war.” It was to enter into treaties and alliances, establish certain courts, fix standard weights and measures, and establish post offices. But the Congress alone could do almost none of these things—it could exercise no important power—without the consent of nine of the member States.}}
{{smaller block|The remaining 4 articles are of less interest and concern, although it may be noted that in 3 places, the framers of the Articles of Confederation provided that their union was a permanent union. The articles were to be inviolably observed by the States the delegates respectively represented, “and the union shall be perpetual.”}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|4. WE, THE PEOPLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Of course, it wasn’t perpetual at all. Before 6 years had elapsed, the States came to recognize grave defects in the Articles of Confederation. And because they were sovereign States—because they had the will to enact and the power to execute, because they who had made could unmake—they set out to do the job again.}}
{{smaller block|What they made, this time, was the Constitution of the United States. So much has been {{SIC|writen|written}} of the deliberations that summer of 1787 in Philadelphia—so many critics have examined every word of the great document which came forth—that probably no new light can be shed upon it here. Yet the constitutions of most States command their citizens to recur frequently to fundamental principles and the commandment is too valuable an admonition to be passed by. There is much of interest to be found if one examines the Constitution, the debates and the commentaries of the time, in terms of the relationship there established between the States and the new Federal Government they formed.}}
{{smaller block|It may be inquired, was sovereignty here surrendered in whole or in part? What powers were delegated, what powers retained?}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I do not want the Senator to strain his voice, but I do have some responsibilities as minority leader. I do not think the Senator is making any motion, but I should at least like to know what is going on in the Senate Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield for a question if the Senator has a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. My question is, Would the Senator speak up? I do not want him to strain his voice, but I should like him to speak a little louder so I shall be sure no motions are being made or anything of that sort. I do have some responsibility here.

Mr. THURMOND. I suggest that the Senator move closer to me.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Under the rules of the Senate, which are now being strictly enforced, both Senators being in their respective seats, and this happening to be my seat as the minority leader, I urge my request of the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. We might get unanimous consent to allow the Senator to come closer to me if he wishes. I do not think my colleagues will raise any point. There is an excellent seat here, I may say to the Senator.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I am very well satisfied with the seat to which I am assigned.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I continue to read:
{{smaller block|What were the functions to be performed by the States in the future? Was it ever intended that the States should be reduced to the weakling role thrust upon them in our own time? We must inquire whether this proud possession of State sovereignty, so eloquently proclaimed in 1776, so resolutely affirmed in the articles of 1781, so clearly recognized in the events of the time, somehow vanished, died, turned to dust, totally ceased to exist in the period of the next 6 years.}}
{{smaller block|Now, the argument here advanced is this—it is the argument of John Taylor of Caroline and John Randolph of Roanoke—that sovereignty, like chastity, cannot be surrendered in part. This was the argument also of Calhoun: “I maintain that sovereignty is in its nature indivisible. It is the supreme power in a State, and we might just as well speak of half a square, or half a triangle, as of half a sovereignty.” This was the position, too, of the bellicose George Troup of Georgia, of Alexander H. Stephens, of Jefferson Davis. It is the position of plain commonsense: Supreme and ultimate power must be precisely that. Finality knows no degrees. In law, as in mountain climbing, there comes a point at which the pinnacle is reached; nothing higher or greater remains. And so it is with the States of the American Union. In the last resort, it is their prerogative alone (not that of Congress, not that of the Supreme Court, not that of the whole people) to make or unmake our fundamental law. The argument here is that the States, in forming a new perpetual union to replace their old perpetual union, remained in essence what they had been before: Separate, free, and independent States. They surrendered nothing to the Federal Government they created. Some of their powers they delegated; all of their sovereignty they retained.}}
{{smaller block|It is keenly important that this distinction be understood. There is a difference between sovereignty and sovereign power. The power to coin money, or to levy taxes, is a sovereign power, but it is not sovereignty. Powers can be delegated, limited, expanded, or withdrawn, but it is through the exercise of sovereignty that these changes take place. Sovereignty is the moving river, sovereign powers the stone at the mill. Only while the river flows can the inanimate stone revolve. To be sure, sovereignty can be lost—it can be lost by conquest, as in war; the extent or character of sovereignty can be changed, as in the acquisition or relinquishment of territory or the annexation of new peoples; sovereignty can be divided, when two States are created of one. But properly viewed, sovereignty is cause; sovereign powers, the effect: The wind that blows; the branches that move. Sovereignty is the essence, the life spirit, the soul: And in this Republic, sovereignty remains today where it was vested in 1776, in the people. But in the people as a whole? No. In the people as States.}}
{{smaller block|The delusion that sovereignty is vested in the whole people of the United States is one of the strangest misconceptions of our public life. This hallucination has been encouraged, if not directly espoused, by such eminent figures as Marshall, Story, and Andrew Jackson. It is still embraced by excessively literal and unthinking fellows who read “we the people” in the preamble to the Constitution, and cry triumphantly, “that means everybody.” It does not; it never did.}}
{{smaller block|The preamble to the abandoned Articles of Confederation, it was noted, declared the articles “binding between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York,” and so forth. The preamble offered by the Convention of 1787, reads:}}
{{smaller block|“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”}}
{{smaller block|The opening few words were questioned repeatedly by Patrick Henry in the Virginia Convention of 1788. He kept asking querulously, what was meant by “we the people,” but he got no very satisfactory answer for his pains. Governor Randolph ducked the question, and Pendleton missed the point. Pendleton asked, rhetorically, “who but the people have a right to form government?” and the answer, obviously, in America, is “no one.” Then Pendleton said this:}}
{{smaller block|“If the objection be, that the Union ought to be not of the people, but of the State governments, then I think the choice of the former very happy and proper. What have the State governments to do with it?”}}
{{smaller block|Again, the obvious answer is, “The State governments have nothing to do with it,” but that was not the question Henry asked. There is a plain distinction between “we the States” and “we the State governments,” for States endure while governments fall. It was Madison who came closest to answering the insistent Henry. Who are the parties to the Constitution? The people, said Madison, to be sure, are the parties to it, but “not the people as composing one great body.” Rather, it is “the people as composing 13 sovereignties.” And he added:}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina when he was a judge in South Carolina?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair cannot hear. Will the Senator speak a little louder?

Mr. THURMOND. From 1938 to 1946, 8 years.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator was a circuit judge, was he not?

Mr. THURMOND. Yes; in the highest trial court in the State. About half that time I was in the Army, overseas.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Continuing to quote from the Kilpatrick book:
{{smaller block|“Were it * * * a consolidated government, the assent of a majority of the people would be sufficient for its establishment; and, as a majority have adopted it already, we remaining States would be bound by the act of the majority, even if they unanimously reprobated it * * * But, sir, no State is bound by it, as it is, without its own consent.”}}
{{smaller block|Col. Henry Lee took the same point of view in responding to Patrick Henry. Lighthorse Harry spoke as other proponents of the Constitution did, in irritation and perplexity. He could not comprehend why Henry’s question should even be asked. Obviously, the “we the people” mentioned in the preamble—the “we the people” there and then engaged in ratifying the Constitution—were we “the people of Virginia.” If the people of Virginia “do not adopt it, it will always be null and void as to us.”}}
{{smaller block|Here Lee touched and tossed aside what doubtless was so clear to others that they could not understand what Henry was quibbling about. Of course, “we the people” meant what Madison and Lee found so obvious: It meant “we the people of the States.” Why argue the point? “I take this,” said Randolph testily, “to be one of the least and most trivial objections that will be made to the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|The self-evident fact, as plain as the buttons on their coats, was that the whole people, the mass of people from Georgia to New Hampshire, obviously had nothing to do with the ratification of the Constitution. The basic charter of our Union never was submitted to popular referendum, taken simultaneously among the 3 million inhabitants of the country on some Tuesday in 1788. Ratification was achieved by the people of the States, acting in their sovereign capacity not as “Americans,” for there is no “State of America,” but in their sovereign capacity as citizens of the States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and Georgia.}}
{{smaller block|This was the sovereign power that sired the new Union, breathed upon it, gave it life—the power of the people of the States, acting as States, binding themselves as States, seeking to form a more perfect union not of people, but of States. And if it be inquired, as a matter of drafting, why the preamble of the Articles of Confederation spelled out 13 States and the preamble of the Constitution referred only to “we the people,” a simple, uncomplicated explanation may be advanced: The framers of the Constitution, in the summer of 1787, had no way of knowing how many States would assent to the compact.}}
{{smaller block|Suppose they .had begun the preamble, as they thought of doing, “We the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island,” etc., and the State of Rhode Island had refused to ratify? It very nearly did. It was not until May 29, 1790, by a vote of 34 to 32, that Rhode Island agreed to join a union that actually had been created with New Hampshire’s ratification nearly 2 full years before. Given a switch of two votes, Rhode Island might have remained, to this day, as foreign to the United States (in terms of international law) as any Luxembourg or Switzerland.}}
{{smaller block|Some of these forebodings clearly passed through the minds of the delegates at Philadelphia. When the preamble first appears in the notes, on August 6, it reads: “We the people of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts,” etc., “do ordain, declare and establish the following Constitution.” In that form it was tentatively approved on August 7. But the preamble, in that form, never is mentioned again. When the document came back from the Committee on Style in early September, the preamble had been amended to eliminate the spelled-out names of States, and to make it read simply that “we the people” ordain and establish. The change was not haggled over. No significance was attached to it. Why arouse antagonism in New York or North Carolina (where there was opposition enough already) by presuming to speak, in the preamble, as if it were unnecessary for New York or North Carolina even to debate the matter? The tactful and prudent thing was to name no States. Only the people as States could create the Union; only the people in ratifying States would be bound, as States, by its provisions.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|5. THE STATES IN THE CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, that was the way the compact read. It bound States—“The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between”—between whom?—“between the States so ratifying the same.” Not among people; it was “between States.” And this proposal was put forward “by the unanimous consent,” not of delegates assembled or of people gathered, but by “the unanimous consent of the States present the 17th day of September in the year of our Lord 1787 * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|On the plain evidence of the instrument itself, it is therefore clear: States consented to the drafting of the Constitution; States undertook to bind themselves by its provisions. If 9 States ratified, the Constitution would bind those 9; if 10, those 10. Rhode Island had not even attended the convention; “poor, despised Rhode Island,” as Patrick Henry later was to describe her, could stay aloof if she chose. There was no thought here of people in the mass. There was thought only of people as States, and while the new Constitution would of course act directly upon people—that was to be its revolutionary change—it would reach those people only because they first were people of States.}}
{{smaller block|The one essential prerequisite was for the State, as a State, to ratify; then the people of the State would become themselves subject to the Constitution. No individual human being, in his own capacity, possibly could assent to the new compact or bind himself to its provisions. Only as a citizen of Virginia or Georgia or Massachusetts could he become a citizen also of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Madison recognized this. He acknowledged in his famed Federalist 39 that ratification of the Constitution must come from the people “not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong.” “Each State,” he said, in ratifying the Constitution, “is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.” This fact lay at the essence of the Federal Union being formed. The States, and within them their local governments, were to be “no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere.” The jurisdiction of the Federal Government was to extend “to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” Even the most casual reading of the Constitution, it may be submitted, abundantly supports Madison’s comment here.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield to the able Senator from North Dakota for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I should like to ask whether at any time in the history of South Carolina the courts permitted a defendant to be tried without a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In South Carolina anyone who wishes a jury may have one. There are a few instances where both sides agree to be tried without a jury, by the court. But a defendant is entitled to a jury trial in my State, as is the case in other States which follow the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. In what year was South Carolina admitted to the Union? It was one of the original colonies, was it not?

Mr. THURMOND. In 1789. It was the eighth State admitted to the Union.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further for a question?

Mr: THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Even at that time in South Carolina a defendant had the right to a jury trial, did he not?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. That has been the law continuously up to the present time?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. A defendant in South Carolina is always entitled to a jury trial when charged with a crime.

Mr. LANGER. Is that also true in North Carolina?

Mr. THURMOND. I would not attempt to speak for North Carolina, but I feel quite certain that that is a fact. I believe nine States ratified the Constitution before North Carolina did. So North Carolina came in after the Union was formed. So did Rhode Island. Rhode Island was the only State that did not send representatives to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. The reason for that was that Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals at that time and it did not send any deputies.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it true that in every State in the United States under our Constitution a defendant has the right to a trial by jury in a criminal case?

Mr. THURMOND. In every State of the United States a defendant charged with a crime has the right of trial by jury. Some persons confuse magistrate courts or minor courts; but even there, although we may not see it, there is a jury box.

Most persons, unless they are lawyers, do not know that defendants are entitled to a jury trial in those courts. There is a jury box hidden somewhere. Nine out of ten do not ask for a jury trial; that is, in cases where the punishment is a fine of $100 or 30 days. But even there if a man says “Wait a minute, Mr. Recorder; I want a trial before a jury,” it must be given to him.

Mr. LANGER. That is true, for example, if a man is arrested and charged with spitting on the sidewalk or with stealing one cent?

Mr. THURMOND. Any crime.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, trial by jury is fundamental?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct; and rightly so, because that was one of the grievances pointed out a little earlier today that our forefathers listed in the Declaration of Independence. That was one grievance charged against the King, that in many cases persons had been denied trial by jury. That is written definitely into the Constitution. The right of trial by jury was included in several places in the Bill of Rights. The sixth amendment provides that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That was because our forefathers were taking no chances on not having a jury trial assured to them under the Constitution.

In the seventh amendment it is provided, also, and there is another provision, I believe, in the fifth amendment, that a man must be indicted by a grand jury before he is tried.

Under the bill that came from the House a grand jury will not pass on the question at all. Under this so-called compromise, a man is taken before a judge and is tried. He is not even asked if he wants a trial by a jury. But in the usual procedure, when the Constitution is followed, a man has to be indicted by a grand jury. In my State 18 grand jurors have to agree to a true bill before a man can be brought up for trial. He has a trial before a petit jury. In Federal courts a man can be indicted by a grand jury or on information, but in State courts a man is indicted by a grand jury. But in all the history of judicial administration in this country it has been clear that the American people have been entitled to a jury trial, and it goes back even further than the Declaration of Independence. It goes back to the Magna Carta, when the citizens of England wrung from King John in the year 1215, at Runnymede, certain rights for the people. I presume you and I, Mr. President, would call them civil rights, more or less, or corresponding to our Bill of Rights. But the people wrung from King John certain rights, and one of those rights was that a man charged with a crime would be entitled to a jury trial. So, going back to the year 1215, on down to this time, our people have had a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a further question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it the opinion of the Senator from South Carolina that of all the 10 amendments in the Bill of Rights the very heart and very core of the 10 amendments is the right of the defendant to be tried by a jury?

Mr. THURMOND. All the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights are important, but I think the trial-by-jury provision as generally spoken of is the heart of the Bill of Rights. That is the importance attached to it. It is generally spoken of as the heart of the Bill of Rights. In other words, if there should be cut out of the Bill of Rights the right of a trial by jury you have cut the heart of the Bill of Rights out; it would be excised.

What is it to have freedom of speech or freedom of religion or freedom of the press or right to petition the Government or the right to assemble, all of which are guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, or to keep troops from being quartered in our homes, or all the other things guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, if some tyrant, whether a Federal district judge, or any other kind of tyrant, can take a man and himself try him without a jury and put him in prison; and, of course, if a man is in prison he cannot enjoy his civil rights?

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator. We have gotten down to the very core of this entire proposal.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much. I appreciate his deep interest in this matter. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota has manifested an unusual interest in the right of trial by jury. He has the vision to see the importance of trial by jury and to see how this proposed bill the House has passed is attempting to bypass the Constitution and in doing so, of course, is violating the Constitution and therefore is a bill the Congress ought to kill.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. For 4 years I was attorney general of my State.

Mr. THURMOND. I understand the Senator made a very distinguished record as attorney general of the State of North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. During that time, of course, I had a great deal to do with juries.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure the Senator did.

Mr. LANGER. And in every single case I submitted to a court a jury trial had been waived.

Mr. THURMOND. Every case the Senator tried I imagine was before a jury.

Mr. LANGER. That is correct.

I should like to ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina whether in his experience in South Carolina it is true that the average defendant can get better justice from a jury than he can from a judge, no matter how honest and fair the judge may be?

Mr. THURMOND. Regardless of how fair and impartial the judge is or wants to be, it is my judgment from my experience on the bench for 8 years—and as I said, for about half of that time I was in the Army during World War II.—and from my practice of law before then, since 1930 when I was admitted to the bar—and after I left the Governor’s office in January 1951, I practiced until I came to the Senate—I consider that juries give fair verdicts, and I think it would be destroying the administration of justice if we should take any step to hamper or injure or impair in any way the jury system of the United States.

Mr. LANGER. Again I want to thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I read further:
{{smaller block|But the Constitution ought not to be read casually. Viewed from the standpoint of State and Federal relations, what does the Constitution say and do? The rubrics do not demand, before an ordinary mortal may explore the question, that he be ordained a constitutional lawyer or put on the chasuble of the bench. Our Constitution is not the property of a juridical clergy only. The laity may read it too, and with equal acuity and understanding. The terms are not ambiguous.}}
{{smaller block|The first thing to note, perhaps, is that the words “State” or “States” appear no fewer than 94 times, either as proper nouns or pronominals, in the brief 6,000 words of the original 7 articles. The one theme that runs steadily through the whole of the instrument is the knitting together of States: It is a union that is being formed, and while the people are concerned for themselves and their posterity, the Constitution is to be established binding States.}}
{{smaller block|Legislative powers, to begin at the beginning, are vested not in one national parliament of the people, but in a Congress of the United States. The word “Congress” was chosen with precision; it repeated and confirmed the political relationship of the preceding 11 years, when there had been first a Continental Congress and then a Congress under the Articles of Confederation.}}
{{smaller block|This Congress is to consist of two Houses. The first is the House of Representatives, whose Members are to be chosen “by the people of the several States.” And here, in the very second paragraph, the framers encountered and opportunity to choose between a “national” and a “federal” characteristic: They might have established uniform national qualifications for the franchise, but they did not. Electors qualified to vote for candidates for the House of Representatives are to have “the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Representatives and direct taxes are to be apportioned—how? “Among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers.” How is this enumeration to be determined? The provision should be noted with care, for it is the first of four clauses that speaks eloquently of the plural nature of our Union: “The actual enumeration shall be made within 3 years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of 10 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct.” Now, the antecedent of they is not “Congress,” but “United States.” Nowhere in the whole of the Constitution or in any of the subsequent amendments is the United States an “it.” The singular never appears.}}
{{smaller block|What else sheds light in the second section of article I.? We find that “each State shall have at least one Representative,” whereupon follows a rollcall of the States themselves: “Until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse 3, Massachusetts 8,” and so forth. And when vacancies happen “in the representation from any State,” the Governor thereof is to issue a writ of election.}}
{{smaller block|The dignity and sovereignty of States are made still more evident in the composition of the Senate. It is to be composed “of two Senators from each State,” and whereas Representatives are required to be inhabitants of the States “in which” they shall be chosen, Senators must be inhabitants of the States “for which” they shall be chosen.}}
{{smaller block|It is in section 4 that the first grant of authority to the Federal Government appears: “The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but”—and here the qualified concession—“the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators.”}}
{{smaller block|The delegations of power to a federal government appear most fully, of course, in section 8, but it is worth noting that not all the powers delegated to Congress are exclusive and unqualified powers. Thus, the Congress may raise and support armies, “but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.” Thus, the Congress may provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of the militia as may be employed in the service of the United States, but there is reserved “to the States respectively” the appointment of officers and the authority to train their militia according to regulation established by Congress. Thus, too, Congress may exercise Federal authority over federally owned property within the States, but how is such property to be acquired? The authority of the Congress extends only to those places “purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be,” and this applies not only to military and naval installations but also to “other needful buildings.”}}
{{smaller block|Several provisions in section 9 merit attention. As a concession to the slave trade—one of the essential compromises without which the Constitution never would have come into being at all—it was provided that “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,” shall not be prohibited prior to 1808. Then follow seven paragraphs of specific restrictions upon the powers of Congress. The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended; no bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed; no direct tax shall be levied except according to the census of the people as a whole; no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported “from any State;” and—again emphasizing the separateness of the member States forming the Union—“no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue of the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.”}}
{{smaller block|In section 10, the States undertook to restrict themselves. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; no State shall coin money or make anything but gold and silver legal tender; no State shall make any law impairing the obligation of contracts. Yet even here, the prohibitions are not without qualification. Thus, the States reserved to themselves the right to levy tariffs on imports or exports sufficient to execute their inspection laws; and though the fact is often forgotten, the States even reserved to themselves the solemn power they had claimed under the Articles of Confederation, to “engage in war,” as States, if “actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.”}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Ellender}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am very curious. I ask the Senator from South Carolina whether he knows how the House of Representatives arrived at the decision to provide for a maximum of 45 days and $300 in this instance. Why did not the House of Representatives decide to make the maximum number of days 50, and why did it not choose, as the maximum amount of fine, $250 or $500?

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to answer the question the distinguished Senator asked, but I cannot do so. I was not consulted about this compromise. All I know about it is that I heard the majority leader made an announcement, following the taking of action in the House of Representatives. And then I read about it in the newspaper.

But I had understood—and the distinguished Senator from California [Mr. {{sc|Knowland}}] can correct me about this if I am mistaken—that there was an effort on the part of the Republicans to provide for 60 days. But, since the Senate had not voted for any provision of this sort, but had voted only for a straight jury-trial provision, 45 days was selected as a compromise. That is my understanding of the matter. I pass on to the Senator from North Dakota only what I heard. But perhaps the Senator from California can answer the question. At any rate, even if 60 days had been originally proposed, and finally 45 days was decided on, the Senate got the worst end of the bargain.

However, even if the provision had been for only 1 day, in my opinion the principle would be the same, because under the Constitution a citizen is entitled to a jury trial; and the Congress has no power to pass a law providing that a Federal judge or any other judge can deprive a citizen of a jury trial. However, under this proposal, a judge would be able, in two ways, to deprive a citizen of a jury trial. In the first place, the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to allow the person to have a jury trial in the first instance. If the judge decided that there could be a jury trial, the citizen would have a jury trial. If the judge decided that there would not be a jury trial, the judge himself would try the case.

Next, if the judge decided to try the case himself, without a jury, the judge would proceed to try it. If, at the conclusion of the case, the judge were to determine that the punishment he would mete would be more than 45 days imprisonment or a fine of more than $300, the judge would then give the citizen another trial. In other words, this provision of the compromise would give the judge the option of trying the citizen in the first place, and it would give the judge the option of deciding how much punishment he would mete, and then the amount of punishment imposed would determine whether the citizen would receive still another trial.

All those exceptions are entirely foreign to the Constitution. The Constitution provides that a man charged with the commission of a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That provision is as plain as can be. Any child in the fifth grade in school can read it and understand it; and there should not be any difficulty in understanding it.

However, as I have understood in arriving at the compromise an attempt was made to get together on some provision; and the result was a monstrosity. It turned out to be an unconstitutional provision, in my opinion.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield again?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. What I should like to know is this: Is there any precedent, anywhere in the entire United States, for a measure such as this, by means of which a defendant could be tried by a judge, if the sentence imposed were imprisonment for not more than 45 days, or any other number of days, or the imposition of a fine of any size; but that if the term of imprisonment were longer or the amount of the fine were greater, there must be a jury trial? Can the Senator from South Carolina name any precedent at all for such a provision?

Mr. THURMOND. I know of no place in the United States where a person charged with a crime does not have a jury trial. Even under the present criminal-contempt procedure, under existing law, if one is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no instance in any part of the United States, from Maine or the State of Washington on the north, to California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Louisiana, Florida, or any of the other States in the southern part of the Nation, in which one who is charged with the commission of a crime does not have a trial by jury. It seems to me that in the conference, some one or more of the conferees should have raised the point, “This provision would be contrary to the Constitution, and we cannot include such a provision.” It seems to me some of the conferees would have suggested that the Constitution provides to the contrary. There is a decision which can be cited on that point; I think I have called it to the attention of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota. The decision in that case holds that criminal contempt is a crime; and, since it is a crime, one charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. If there is to be passed a bill providing punishment for criminal contempt, it should provide for a jury trial. I know of no way to get around a jury trial in this matter because the Constitution has laid down the law. That is basic law.

The Constitution can be amended. Congress can submit an amendment to it. There are four ways to amend the Constitution, and it can be amended so as to provide that a Federal judge in his discretion can give a man a jury trial. Then the compromise would be legal, and what it proposes would be effective. It would be. valid.

As the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] said today, confirming my judgment, as it stands now it is not valid. I think it is unconstitutional. The Senator from Wyoming expressed his opinion likewise. We could amend the Constitution to provide for it. Congress could pass a law to provide that a Federal judge could punish a man for contempt, by so many days’ imprisonment, or by a fine of so many dollars. We could do that, but it has not been done. Until the Constitution is amended in the manner provided in the Constitution itself, we must abide by it. I know that many people in this country would like to get around the Constitution, and it looks as if they have been doing so.

The Supreme Court has been rewriting the Constitution in some cases, and other branches of the Government at times have encroached upon the Constitution because there is divisional power between the Federal Government and the State governments. When we cross the line of the State government, as here, without constitutional authority, we violate the Constitution.

The States entered into this pact, the Constitution, about which we are talking so much, and in this pact they delegated to the Union only certain things, and they are just as plain as they can be. They are listed in the Constitution. I should like to read to the distinguished Senator what the Constitution says on that point.

Article I., section 1, provides:
{{smaller block|All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in the Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.}}
I will not take the time to go through all that. I will skip to the pertinent portions.

Section 7 of article I. provides:
{{smaller block|All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.}}
{{smaller block|Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two-thirds—}}
I will skip to section 8. That is more pertinent. This is what the Congress has power to do. The powers are listed.
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To borrow money on credit of the United States;}}
{{smaller block|To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator suspend to receive a message from the President of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. Certainly.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Presiding Officer, the “Message from the President,” is dealt with, as is the “Executive Message Referred” and a “Message from the House.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to Senate amendments Nos. 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue to read from article I., section 2:
{{smaller block|To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.}}
Congress would not have the power to pass bankruptcy laws, indeed Congress could not pass a law on any subject except for the power given to it by the Constitution. This provision I have read is the basis for our bankruptcy law.
{{smaller block|To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To establish post offices and post roads.}}
That is your authority for the Federal Government to act in that field.
{{smaller block|To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.}}
{{smaller block|To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court.}}
That gives authority to Congress to establish certain courts of appeals and district courts. They are inferior tribunals, that is, inferior to the United States Supreme Court.
{{smaller block|To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations.}}
{{smaller block|To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.}}
{{smaller block|To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.}}
But no appropriation of money for that purpose shall be for a longer term than 2 years. We cannot appropriate money for the Defense Establishment for more than 2 years because the Constitution limits it. If we should attempt to do that, we would go beyond the Constitution.

I think that is a suggestion which may apply to foreign aid. If we should commit ourselves for 5 years or 10 years, I think that would be unconstitutional. But some of the defense items are classified under the term “foreign aid.”
{{smaller block|To provide and maintain a Navy;}}
{{smaller block|To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;}}
{{smaller block|To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
I want to read that last part again. I wish to call attention to a point:
{{smaller block|Reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
Do you not know, Mr. President, that if that section was not in the Constitution the Federal Government would be appointing the officers of the National Guard? That is the reason the Government cannot do it: the Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 10 miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;}}
For that reason the Federal Government cannot go to Louisiana, North Dakota, South Carolina, or New Hampshire and buy a piece of land until the legislature passes an act approving such purchase. Under the provision the State must approve the transaction with respect to property within its borders, whether it owns the property or not, before the Federal Government can get it. Of course, the Government could condemn it; but if it followed the Constitution it would not be able to take it. The Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 for each person.}}
{{smaller block|The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.}}
Regardless of what a State wishes to do, the United States Constitution provides that a writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended unless—note the exception—“unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”
{{smaller block|No bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed.}}
{{smaller block|No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.}}
We have the income-tax amendment to the Constitution. The 16th amendment to the Constitution provides that Congress can levy an income tax. That is the only authority in the Federal Government to levy an income tax. It does not inherently have that authority. The Federal Government can do only what the States gave it the authority to do when they entered into the compact in Philadelphia in 1787, and the amendments which have been adopted since then. Two years later, in 1789, the States adopted the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights, for which there was so much sentiment. I do not believe the Constitution would have been ratified if the delegates to the convention had not promised the Bill of Rights would be submitted, and it was submitted and adopted 2 years after the convention, in 1789.
{{smaller block|No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.}}
{{smaller block|No preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.}}
{{smaller block|No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.}}
That is the only reason the States do not impose duties on some articles; otherwise they would probably do it, but under the Constitution they cannot do it.
{{smaller block|No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.}}
In other words, if I were an ambassador in London and the Queen of England wished to confer on me a title or wished to give me extra compensation for some reason I could not take the title or compensation unless Congress permitted it. Congress would have to pass an act to permit it.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ''ex post facto'' law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.}}
In other words, that goes right down the line to support the point I make. So the Constitution provides exactly what the Federal Government can do. What hurts me is to see some distinguished Members of Congress, able men who believe in the division of powers between the Federal and State Governments—or I always thought they did—going along with the bill, because this is a bill that takes power away from the States and gives it to the Federal Government.

The matter of elections is left up to each State. That power was not delegated. The qualifications for electors, the holding of elections, and all relevant matters were reserved to the States. There has been a movement, I understand to get the Congress to pass a bill eliminating the poll tax. I believe I told the Senate this morning, or this afternoon, that when I was Governor, I recommended that the poll tax be removed in my State and it was removed. But Congress may not pass a law to do it. It could do it, but it would be unconstitutional for the reason that there is a provision of the Constitution which states that the qualifications of electors shall be left to each State. Therefore, New Hampshire has qualifications and if the people of that State wish to make as a qualification for voting in that State the payment of a poll tax, they have a right to do so. The only way such a measure could be enacted legally, if it were going to be the law nationwide, would be for Congress to submit an amendment to the Constitution eliminating the poll tax.

The Senator from Florida [Mr. {{sc|Holland}}] has now pending a proposed constitutional amendment to eliminate the poll tax, amending the Constitution. To do that would be legal; it would be constitutional, and it would be proper. Personally I think it is better to leave to each State the power to fix the qualifications for voting of its citizens. In my State, as I have said, we have very low qualifications. We have heard much about people in my State not voting. I believe more people vote in my State than vote in New York, because New York has a much higher standard for voting. That State requires, I believe someone said, a high-school education. Someone else said it requires a grade-school education. It is certainly one of the two. In my State we require only that a man be able to read and write the Constitution, or that he own $300 worth of assessed property. So our requirements for voting are not stringent. They are not nearly as strict as they are in New York. I do not know about the requirements in the State of the Senator from North Dakota.

A few years ago I was Governor of South Carolina. At that time a bill was pending in Congress to remove the poll tax on a nationwide basis. Congress was to do it. It would have been just as unconstitutional as this so-called compromise, whose proponents are trying to get it through the Congress, to deprive the people of a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. I thank my distinguished friend.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, I do not believe that American history is taught sufficiently in our high schools and colleges. I do not believe that a course in government is taught in our high schools and colleges. I come in contact with a great many intelligent people, people who have been educated, big financiers who have made a great deal of money, and many others; yet they do not know the fundamentals of the Constitution. It is because they have not studied it. I think the people of the country would be wise to study the Constitution. I think it is more important today than ever before for the people to study it and be able to delineate the powers of the Federal Government, and learn what the Federal Government has not the power to do.

For example, the Congress has no power to abolish the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting, because the qualifications of voters are left to each State. There are a great many things which Congress cannot do. Yet pressure is brought on Members of Congress, and they vote for certain measures anyway, because of the pressure.

Why do Senators think this so-called compromise on the civil rights bill is being pressed? Why is there any civil rights bill before us? Why call this measure a right-to-vote bill? It is a perfect farce. It is not a right-to-vote bill.

As I have stated, every State in the Union has statutes providing for the right to vote. The Federal Government has statutes providing for the right to vote.

Why is such a bill as this being considered at this time? Because there are pressures on Members of Congress to do so. Some Members of Congress attempted to do so, even though they were doubtful of the constitutionality of the measure. The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] stated earlier in the day that he did not think the jury trial amendment which was put in the compromise bill in the House was constitutional. He said he would offer an amendment in January to correct it.

I would rather see him vote against it now. If the bill should pass anyway, he could later offer his amendment. But if a bill is unconstitutional, I think it is better for us not to vote for it. I think Members of Congress must develop stamina, fortitude, and courage to resist pressures, and to stand by the Constitution. If we do not do so, as I stated earlier in the day, we shall keep whittling away the rights of the States until, after a while, the States will not have any rights. There will be a powerful Central Government—and it will be a powerful monster, too. Everything will radiate from Washington.

I understand there is a movement on foot to establish a national police system. It is desired to convert the FBI, which is purely an investigative agency, into a law-enforcement agency. It is not a law-enforcement agency. Congress would not have the right to establish a national police agency, because under the Constitution the police power is reserved to the States.

However, this investigative agency, the FBI, is in a different situation. It does not do police work. It apprehends criminals and works with the States, and cooperates in the execution of Federal laws, apprehending violators and bringing them to trial. But it is not a police agency. I am glad that Mr. J. Edgar Hoover said that he was opposed to a national police system. I am sorry to see that the President has been recommending a bill to provide Federal aid to education by way of construction of school buildings. I have been amazed at the fact that so many people are not acquainted with the fact that in the entire Federal Constitution there is not a sentence which contains the word “education.” The word “education” is not to be found in the United States Constitution. Therefore, since the States did not delegate the field of education to the Federal Government, the Federal Government has no jurisdiction in that field, unless we amend the Constitution and give the Federal Government jurisdiction in the field of education.

We can amend the Constitution. We can follow one of the four methods of amending the Constitution, and give the Federal Government authority in that field, if that is the wise thing to do, which I do not think it is. However, that is the way it must be done. We have no authority to appropriate money for Federal aid to education. I know that the President’s intentions are good. However, at Columbia University several years ago he was against Federal aid to education. At any rate, it would be a great mistake for the Federal Government to enter the field of education.

After we begin giving money for Federal aid to education by way of construction, the next demand from the powerful National Education Association, which I understand is building a tremendous office building in Washington, will be for a supplement to the salaries of teachers. The National Education Association will bring pressure on Members of Congress, as do other pressure organizations, and will say, “We need supplements to teachers’ salaries.”

When we enact legislation for Federal aid to construct the buildings, and to provide supplements to teachers’ salaries, the Federal Government will be asked to pay a larger share of such salaries, and there will be more and more control to go with it. Before we know it, there will be Federal control of education, and the parents of the Nation will find their children studying books selected in Washington, instead of by the people in Delaware, North Dakota, and South Carolina.

It is a great mistake for us not to follow the Constitution. If the Constitution needs amending, we can amend it. There is a provision for amending it, and it should be amended from time to time. There have been 22 amendments since it was adopted. In 1789 the first 10 amendments were adopted. Since then, 12 other amendments have been adopted. There are now 22 amendments to the Constitution.

We were talking about the 16th amendment awhile ago, the income-tax amendment. I think most people feel that it is necessary, although the income tax appears high. Therefore there had to be a way to bring it about. Congress could not pass an income-tax law. It had no authority to do so until the Constitution had been amended to give Congress the power to do it.

I think it is important to understand what we mean by the division of powers between the Federal Government and the State governments. We have a compound Republic. It is a compound Republic because there are Federal powers and State powers. There are three branches in the Federal Government, each of which checks on the others, with the exception of the Supreme Court. It has practically no check on it, and it has gone wild.

There are three branches in the State governments. Each is supposed to be a check on the others.

There are two checks on the Supreme Court. In the first place, we can impeach Supreme Court justices. However, the House must do the impeaching, and the Senate sits as a jury to hear the case. So, there is not much the Senate can do from that standpoint.

The other one is that, under the Constitution, the appellate power of the Supreme Court can be controlled by the Congress, so that if Congress saw fit to pass a bill to limit the {{SIC|appelate|appellate}} power of the Supreme Court, Congress would have that right. The Constitution gives it the power to do that. Many persons think we have to amend the Constitution before we can do that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Would the Senator say that would be a form of cruel and inhuman punishment to impose upon his colleagues?

Mr. THURMOND. I would say it is cruel and inhuman punishment to impose on the citizens of America if we pass a bill without providing for a jury trial.

(Manifestations of applause in the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The galleries will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. I have received letters from a number of States, and I have been in California. I spent a week there in the fall of 1953. Starting at Long Beach and ending up at San Francisco, I made addresses all the way up the coast. I even went to Bakersfield and saw an old friend of the Senator from California there. I talked with many persons there. Unless they have had a change in sentiment, they think, just as the people of South Carolina do, that there should be jury trials.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does not the distinguished Senator also think that the people of California are interested in the 15th amendment to the Constitution, assuring all American citizens the right to vote?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the people of California are, and I am sure the people of South Carolina are. The people of South Carolina have done something about it, just as have the people of California. Last night, when the distinguished Senator from California was resting comfortably, I was speaking here and trying to rouse the people of America concerning the dangers of taking away their right of trial by jury. I placed in the {{sc|Record}} the statutes of California on that subject, and here is what they provide:
{{smaller block|“California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:}}
{{smaller block|“Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders of prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).}}
{{smaller block|“Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other forms of intimidation, to compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election (sec 1158).}}
{{smaller block|“Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).}}
{{smaller block|“Election officers: Any election officer who induces, or attempts to induce, any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony. (sec. 11583).}}
{{smaller block|“Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or action of employees, or who, within 90 days before an election, exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (secs. 11584, 11585).}}
{{smaller block|“Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).}}
{{smaller block|“Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).}}
{{smaller block|“Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).”}}
Those are statutes of the State of California, and they are good statutes.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does the Senator not recognize the fact that under the voting rights bill which the Senate is attempting to pass but which the Senator from South Carolina has, for the moment, successfully prevented the Senate from passing, there is not a single individual who can be cited for either civil or criminal contempt if another American citizen is deprived of his right to vote under the Constitution? So, if the Senator is correct in his statement that no person is deprived of his right to vote in his State—and I feel certain that no American citizen is denied the right to vote in my State—neither California nor South Carolina would cite any public official or other person criminally unless they were depriving people of their right to vote under the laws of the State.

Mr. THURMOND. I think some part of the Union could nullify the Constitution, just as I think some juries turn loose some defendants who are guilty. Some judges will make mistakes, too. But why do we not let the States alone and let them handle their own problems? I know the southern people and I know they are doing all they can for the Negro.

I see my friend the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting next to the Senator from California. He feels that his State is doing all it can. I know the State of Mississippi, from which come my good friends, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} and Senator {{sc|Stennis}}, is doing all it can. We cannot change customs overnight. We have to let the local people work these things out. But Congress did not care to let the local people work these things out.

All that is necessary is to have enforcement of the Federal statute. There is a Federal statute, to which I called attention today. For the benefit of Senators who were not here at the time, I may say that this statute provides that whoever intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, is guilty of a crime, punishable by a $1,000 fine or by imprisonment of 1 year.

Mr. COOPER. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator know that there has never been any question, since the War Between the States, about the Negro population in Kentucky having the right to vote, and exercising that right?

Mr. THURMOND. I have never heard any question about it. I simply say that in my State the Negroes are voting in large numbers. They claimed the credit for carrying the election for Stevenson in 1952, and at that time there was a very close election. They claimed they cast more than 80,000 votes, which was about 25 percent of the total. Their own newspaper contained that information. I have a clipping from that newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer. So they are certainly voting in my State, and I am sure they are voting in the Senator’s State.

Is it not better to let the local people work out these problems, rather than to rush things on them, and try to change their customs overnight?

As a matter of fact, if you gentlemen want to take any action, however, if the proponents of this bill are not satisfied—I do not think the distinguished Senator is dissatisfied—with the enforcement by the governors of the States of the Nation—and the governors are the chief executive officers of the States and are responsible for enforcing the law—or if the Federal Government is not satisfied with the enforcement being given by the governors to the voting laws of the States to protect the rights of people to vote, then why do they not enforce the Federal statute, which is already on the books?

Mr. COOPER. Because of the Senator’s kind reference, I should like to ask a question as follows: Does the Senator know that in Kentucky all citizens, including all Negroes, have had, since the War Between the States, the right to vote, have exercised that right, and that it has never been questioned?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is the case, because I have heard that they vote there. They are voting in the South in larger numbers than ever before. No persons in my State are deprived of the right to vote. If they are qualified to vote, they are allowed to vote. Of course, no man who is not qualified ought to be allowed to vote. New York State has a much higher standard, as I said a while ago, than we have. If a person can merely read or write in my State, he can vote. In New York one has to be a high-school graduate, I believe, or at least has to meet a literacy test. So we are not nearly so strict in South Carolina as they are in New York.

The Senator comes from a border State. Kentucky is a great State. I suggest to the Senator, however, since he is from a border State that went in part with the North and in part with the South, that the Senator stick with the South.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I will ask the Senator if it is not true that Kentucky had to make that choice almost a hundred years ago and they chose to stick with the Union?

Mr. THURMOD. Mr. President, if there is any Member in the Senate who is not satisfied with the voting protection given by the governors and the other officials of the States of the Nation, again I say that all they have to do is to call upon the Justice Department to enforce section 594. It is now against the Federal law to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any voter, in any way, shape, or form. That is the Federal statute which is on the books now. Why not enforce that statute? What is the idea of coming here with a right-to-vote bill? That is a big, high-sounding word that does not mean anything. If we pass this bill, we will pass an unconstitutional bill. It will be all right if the Justice Department will enforce section 594. I believe they are enforcing it. Is there anyone that thinks they are not enforcing this law? Is there anyone who thinks the present administration is not enforcing section 594?

If the Justice Department are enforcing this law, they are protecting people in this matter now. If they are not enforcing this law, let them enforce it, and that will protect them. Either the Justice Department are not enforcing this law, if they have had complaints, or they have not had any complaints.

Has the Justice Department had complaints, such as we have been hearing about, that many people have been denied the right to vote? We hear that in the South many people are denied the right to vote. What is there now; what has there been in the past 5 years to keep the Attorney General from going to any Southern State to enforce this statute? It is a Federal statute. The Attorney General not only has the right to enforce it, but he has the duty. If there have been any complaints about people in the South not voting, I have not heard of them. But if there have been any complaints about them not voting, then the Justice Department ought to do something about it. If the Justice Department has taken no action to enforce this statute, it shows one of two things: The Department has not had anybody objecting, or, if there were objections, it ignored them and did not do its duty by enforcing the statute. The point is there is a Federal statute now, so why pass another bill? All the Congress needs to do is to follow the Constitution. If we will follow the line of demarcation in the Constitution between the powers delegated to the Federal Government and the powers reserved to the States, we will not get into difficulties about all these different things.

If a bill were introduced to repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting, there would not be any question but that the Congress would not consider it because it would be unconstitutional. The qualifications of voting are reserved to the States. Why can we not look at it from that viewpoint and not try to say whether it is a good bill or a bad bill? On the right to vote bill, should there be any question whether we are going to accept this compromise? I do not think there should be any question at all, because the Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The court decision which I have before me holds that criminal contempt is a crime.

Mr. President—

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). The Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I will proceed now, if there are no further questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina has the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. Article III., defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield to the able Senator for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it correct that under Federal statute 594 there can be imposed a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. The compromise right to vote bill cuts it down to a fine of $300 and 45 days in jail. If the judge determines that the defendant ought to suffer a greater penalty than that, the case has to go to a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator, I will say if this bill is passed, of course I am expecting it to be held unconstitutional as soon as it can be tested. But until that is done, they will have a choice.

There could be a prosecution under the Federal statute, which is section 594: or such a person could be taken before a Federal judge, and the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to try the case. If the judge decided he was in a hurry to take a vacation trip, he could simply say, “I will try the case myself.” Then, under the provisions of the compromise measure, the judge would try the case; and the person being tried could not complain.

Let me ask the Senator from North Dakota what he would do. Suppose he were to find himself in such a situation; and suppose the judge were to say to him, “Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I will not give you a jury trial. I will try you myself”—and then the judge would rear back on his haunches and would grin.

What would the Senator from North Dakota do under those circumstances? There would be nothing he could do, because the judge would have a right to try him under the provisions of the compromise measure which has come to us from the House of Representatives.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Inasmuch as section 594 is on the statute books, why is not this right-to-vote bill entirely superfluous?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has put his finger on exactly what I have been discussing in the Senate for—let me see, Mr. President, how long has it been?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Twenty-one hours.

Mr. THURMOND. No; Mr. President, it has been 22 hours and 10 minutes. [Laughter.] For 22 hours and 10 minutes I have been trying to emphasize that point—namely, why is this compromise necessary, when a Federal statute on this subject is already on the statute books? It provides for a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail.

If the Department of Justice is interested in the persons who are alleged to have been deprived of the right to vote—regardless of whether they are whites, Negroes, or others—why does not the Department of Justice take action to enforce section 594 and thus protect the right to vote? The Department of Justice can do that under section 594. That is up to the Department of Justice. I do not know what the Department will do; that is up to the Department of Justice.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. During the last 5 years, has anyone been arrested under section 594?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota, I wish to say that I have never heard that anyone in my State has been tried under that statute. So there is no use in having the representatives of the Department of Justice come to South Carolina and say that people there are deprived of the right to vote, because if anyone representing the Department of Justice does come to South Carolina and does make such a statement, I will tell him that it is his own fault, for those in the Department of Justice have failed to do their duty; they have a law under which they can punish such persons, but they have not done so. Either no one in South Carolina is deprived of the right to vote, or else the Department of Justice has failed to do its duty.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina. I get the point very clearly.

Mr. THURMOND. Let me ask whether there are any more questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I shall proceed. I am just trying to find a section of the Constitution to which I wish to refer.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, while the Senator from South Carolina is doing that, will he yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Can the Senator from South Carolina tell the Senate how many years ago section 594 was enacted into law?

Mr. THURMOND. I believe it was in 1939.

Mr. LANGER. Do I correctly understand that since that time, there has been no prosecution under that provision of law? Is that true, so far as the Senator from South Carolina knows?

Mr. THURMOND. I have not heard of a single prosecution in South Carolina under that statute.

Mr. LANGER. Has the Senator heard of one in any other State?

Mr. THURMOND. If there has been one, I have not heard of it. I would not say there has not been one in some other State, but I do not know of a case of that sort which has been tried in the Federal courts. Some have been tried in the State courts; we are enforcing our State laws.

But I have not heard of a case in which anyone has been tried under this Federal statute—which carries with it a heavy penalty, namely, a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment in jail for 1 year. I have never heard of anyone who has been tried under that law. But, Mr. President, of course I am not surprised at that, because in South Carolina, everyone who wishes to register to vote and to vote, does register and does vote, if he is qualified. So I do not think it likely that there would be any cases of that sort in South Carolina.

Mr. President, there have been insinuations to the effect that the Southern States are denying some people the right to vote. I think insinuations about any States should stop—whether that be Northern States, Southern States, Eastern States, or Western States. All of us are Americans. We have a great country. In all the wars the United States has ever fought, the United States has had brave soldiers from all sections of the country. It is very bad to have people in one section of the country try to snipe at people in another section of the country. That is the very thing George Washington warned against in his Farewell Address.

Mr. LANGER. Yes, I am familiar with that admonition by George Washington.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, if anyone in the South has been intimidated or coerced or threatened with regard to voting—if anyone in any Southern State has been treated in that way—the district attorney in the State can take action any day he wishes to; and if the Department of Justice does not do it, the Department is failing to perform its duty with respect to such violations; or else there are no violations of that sort. So evidently there have not been any violations of that sort in the State of South Carolina, or else no one has complained about them. As a matter of fact, I am quite sure that there have not been any violations of that sort in my State, because, as I have said, anyone in South Carolina who wishes to vote, and who is qualified to vote, and who registers, can vote.

Mr. President, I should like to read what George Washington said.

Sometimes, Mr. President, when I see the able Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting in his seat in this Chamber—so able a judge and lawyer, and a fine soldier in World War II.; and when I see in the Chamber the distinguished senior Senator from Michigan [Mr. {{sc|Potter}}], who lost both of his legs in that war; and when I see my other fellow veterans who are distinguished Members of this body or are distinguished Members of the House of Representatives, and then when I see matters of a sectional nature brought up here, and when one group wishes to try to have enacted into law a measure aimed at punishing another section of the country, it makes my heart ache. My colleagues who are veterans did not feel that way when they were serving in the Armed Forces overseas; they did not feel that way when they were in uniform. If the Members of Congress from various sections of the United States would just accord to all the other States the same respect that they expect to have accorded to their own States I am sure that we would not be having this trouble; and then I would not have been speaking here on this subject for more than 22 hours in an effort to arouse the American people.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. For 22 hours and 10 minutes.

Mr. THURMOND. No, Mr. President, for 22 hours and 20 minutes. [Laughter.]

I would not be trying to arouse the American people if it were not necessary. But why should the North want to pick on those of us who live in the South? Why do the people in New York want to pick on us? Why do the people in New Jersey want to pick on us? Or why do the people of any other section of the country want to pick on us? We think we are fairly good people. We think we are patriotic. The Members of Congress from the Southern States want to work together with all the other Members of Congress.

Mr. President, I want to extend every courtesy to every other Member of Congress, and I want to see those who live in any particular section of the country extend to the rest of the people of the country the same courtesy that they expect to have extended to themselves.

But, Mr. President, I can tell you this: This right-to-vote bill—and I say this because I know something about its history—is aimed at the South. It is aimed at the South; and it hurts me to see that done, because South Carolina is not guilty, and this bill should not be enacted. I do not believe the other Southern States are guilty. The Southern States have done their part in every way. As I have said, the people of the Southern States have fought for their country and have served in public office in every way. They have been honorable people.

Yet, in order to try to win the votes of certain minority blocs, some pressure groups are willing to punish us, to put us under the heel, and to grind and grind and grind us. I am getting tired of it.

(Manifestations of applause by the occupants of the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The doorkeepers must keep the galleries in order.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. COOPER. A minute ago the Senator spoke very generously of our association and friendship during World War II. I know that he did not mean to intimate that there was any intention upon the part of the Senator from Kentucky, in his vote on the civil-rights bill, to show any bias or prejudice toward his own people in the South.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that there was not, Senator.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator remember?

Mr. THURMOND. I remember, and I say to the Senator from Kentucky he is one of the finest and most gracious gentlemen I have known.

The Senator from Kentucky is not one of those ardent proponents of the bill who is trying to ram the bill home. I do not know how he is going to vote, but he is a good constitutional lawyer. I hope he will not vote for it. I hope he will think over the jury trial issue and not vote for it.

He has not been one of those who has been baiting the South.

Mr. COOPER. The Senator from Kentucky is a good friend of the Senator from South Carolina, but the Senator from Kentucky will vote for civil rights. He intends to vote for the bill this evening or at some later time.

In the debate he said again and again that he believes in the juries in the South, and that the people of the South would respect the law and would follow the law. I am sure the Senator from South Carolina knows that the Senator from Kentucky said that.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure he did say that.

The only thing is that if the Senator feels that the South obeys the law, I do not understand why he should want to have this bill passed.

I will get on with what George Washington said.

Mr. President, George Washington, in his Farewell Address, used his strongest language against those who would divide our country; he urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern—Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
That was George Washington speaking.

George Washington wanted to see the people from the North to the South, and to the East and the West, bound together with a fraternal feeling. He wanted a fraternal attitude manifested.

Why should we not manifest a fraternal attitude on these matters? Why should we not try to help another section, and not sponsor legislation which is aimed at any particular section, merely to try to get votes to win an election?

I have said, and I repeat, that since every State in the United States from Alabama to Wyoming has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and since the Federal Government has a statute on its books to protect the right to vote, there is no need for this bill.

I say, and I repeat, that I think the bill is purely political, and I think that both parties have been trying to grab the ball to see who could get the spotlight for the elections coming up in 1958.
{{smaller block|Article III, defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review. We may note, for example, two further uses of the plural: First, the judicial power is to extend “to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority.” Second, treason against the United States is to consist “only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies.” Because the authority of the Court will be considered at length in a later chapter, it will suffice here merely to point out that nowhere in article III is the Court given jurisdiction over controversies between a State and the United States. That proposal was specifically advanced during the convention, and specifically rejected.}}
{{smaller block|Every section—indeed, every paragraph—of article IV touches upon the Federal nature of the Union. Full faith and credit are to be given in each State, to the acts and judicial proceedings of every other State. If this were not a Federal Union, the provision would be nonsense. Beyond this, the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall be delivered upon demand to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.}}
{{smaller block|Then comes the provision that Northern States were to flout over a period of 30 years: “No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.”}}
{{smaller block|Finally, we may note in article IV the provision for admitting new States into this Union (not this Nation, but this Union): “No new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.”}}
{{smaller block|Article V had best be quoted in full. It has not been changed by so much as an apostrophe in the years since it came from Philadelphia in September of 1787. It still fixes and defines the sovereign power:}}
{{smaller block|Pause for a moment over this article of the Constitution. We are dealing here with Taylor’s “will to enact” and “power to execute;” we are dealing with Marshall’s “power to make and unmake.” It was plainly envisioned by the framers that their work would require amendment through the years. “That useful alterations will be suggested by experience, could not but be foreseen,” Madison was to write. There was a double aim in the provision, even a triple aim. {{SIC|Aricle|Article}} V, Madison tells us, was intended, first, to guard equally against too-easy amendment on the one hand and too-difficult amendment on the other. It was drafted, secondly, to permit amendments to originate both with the Federal and with the State Governments. But it was intended, finally, to leave the ultimate decision upon changing the Constitution to the sovereign States themselves—not to the people as a mass, nor even to a bare majority of the States as such. It was recognized that the great, overriding principle of protection for minorities should apply here as bindingly as it was to apply elsewhere. If one-fourth of the States plus one should object to a change in the Constitution—even if that change were desired by three-fourths minus one (and even if this larger fraction should include the great bulk of the total population)—the change could not be engrafted to the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI is brief. Its first provision covers debts and engagements entered into under the Articles of Confederation and continues these obligations under the proposed new Constitution; its third provision prohibits any religious test as a qualification for public office and requires an oath to support the Constitution of all public officers, both State and Federal.}}
{{smaller block|It is the second provision that merits brief attention in this summary review:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”}}
{{smaller block|Let us go back: What is to be supreme? Three things. First, “this Constitution.” Secondly, “laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof.” Third, treaties made “under the authority of the United States.” That is all. Not Executive orders of the President. Not even judgments of the Supreme Court. The Constitution, the laws made in pursuance thereof, the treaties.}}
{{smaller block|In passing, note the phrase “law of the land.” It stems originally from the Magna Carta; but as it appears in the Constitution, “law of the land” was merely a substitution, proposed by the committee on style, for “law of the several States and their citizens and inhabitants.” The object was to extend this new supreme law to Territories as well as to the States. And this phrase, “law of the land,” is as close as the Constitution ever comes to suggesting a “nation.” Actually the word “nation” or the word “national” never appears in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The aim, we will recall, was to form “a more perfect Union.” Representatives and taxes were to be apportioned among the several States which may be included “within this Union.” The militia may be called forth to execute “the laws of the Union.” The President is to provide Congress with information on the “state of the Union.” New States are to be admitted “into this Union.” The guaranty of a republican form of government goes “to every State in this Union.” But never, at any point, are the United States described, in the Constitution, as comprising a “nation.”}}
{{smaller block|This is not to contend, of course, that ours is not a Nation, or that the Federal Government does not operate nationally. It is only to suggest that the deliberate terms of the Constitution speak for themselves, and should be heeded: Our country is, first and foremost, originally and still, a Union of States. And when we speak of the law of the land, it should be kept steadily in mind that the land is a Federal Union, in which each of the States stands coequal with every other State. The Constitution is supreme not only in its authority over each State, but also in its protection over each State. And each State, each respective State, is entitled to rely upon the Constitution as embodying supreme law that all other States must adhere to with equal fidelity, like it or not, until the Constitution be changed by the States themselves.}}
{{smaller block|Note, too, the careful qualification that defines laws enacted by the Congress. Just any laws of the United States are not enough: Laws, to be binding, must be laws made in pursuance of the Constitution. Any attempted statutes that invade the residuary authority of the States, Hamilton tells us, “will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such.” And he adds, at another point, that:}}
{{smaller block|“There is no position which depends on clearer principles than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid.”}}
{{smaller block|Surely, it may be urged that precisely the same standard must be applied to other branches of the Federal Government—the executive and judicial no less than the legislative. By extension, thus, judgments of the Court, to be supreme law of the land, must be made pursuant to the Constitution. A judgment of the Court, so violative of the clear terms and understandings of the Constitution as to invade the residuary authority of the States, must also be regarded as a usurpation, and should deserve to be treated as such. The argument will be pursued at greater length hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|Finally, this brief examination of the Constitution from the standpoint of the States may be concluded with a second look at article VII. It should be read carefully; for this is the clause that binds: “The ratification of the conventions of 9 States”—not, again, the approval of a majority of the people in a popular referendum, but the ratification of 9 States—“shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, on September 17, the Convention concluded its work. George Washington, as President of the Convention, transmitted the document to the Congress. A prophetic sentence appeared in his letter, as he mentioned the compromises necessary for the surrender of sovereign powers: “It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved.” The States had done the best they could through their delegates. Eager to consolidate their Union, each State had been disposed “to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected.” They launched the ship.}}
{{smaller block|“Well, Doctor,” said the lady to Mr. Franklin, “what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?”}}
{{smaller block|“A republic,” replied the doctor, “if you can keep it.”}}
It is pretty hard to keep when bills are introduced to violate the Constitution by chipping off and whittling away the rights of the States in an effort, it seems, to reduce them to colonial status.

Continuing the quotation from the Kilpatrick book:
{{c|{{x-smaller|6. THE PROPHETIC MR. HENRY}}}}
{{smaller block|For the States’ understanding of what the Constitution was to mean to them, as States, we can look not only to the internal evidence of the Constitution itself, but to the debates in the ratifying conventions and to some of the contemporary criticism, notably in the Federalist papers. We can look, also, to some of the pronouncements of the Supreme Court from time to time, and to the writings of scholars of our own day.}}
{{smaller block|The evidence is overwhelming. By written compact, solemnly ratified, the States agreed mutually to delegate certain of their sovereign powers to a Federal Government. They enumerated these powers. All other powers they reserved to themselves, and these reserved powers did not need to be enumerated: the reserved powers constituted an inherent powers of sovereign States not specifically abridged.}}
{{smaller block|So plain was this understanding that the feeling most frequently encountered, in reading comments of the period, is one of incredulity that anyone should doubt it.}}
{{smaller block|“The proposed constitution,” said Hamilton, “so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, said Madison:}}
{{smaller block|“It is to be remembered that the General Government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administering laws. Its {{SIC|jursidiction|jurisdiction}} is limited to certain enumerated objects which concern all the members of the Republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate provisions of any. The subordinate governments, which can extend their care to all other objects which can be separately provided for, will retain their due authority and activity.”}}
{{smaller block|Neither Hamilton nor Madison could quite imagine the Federal Government ever seriously encroaching upon the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Allowing the utmost latitude to the love of power which any reasonable man can require,” said Hamilton, “I confess I am at a loss to discover what temptation the persons intrusted with the administration of the General Government could ever feel to divest the States of the authorities of that description. The regulation of the mere domestic police of a State appears to me to hold out slender allurements to ambition. Commerce, finance, negotiation, and war seem to comprehend all the objects which have charms for minds governed by that passion; and all the powers necessary to those objects ought, in the first instance, to be lodged in the national depository.”}}
{{smaller block|Then he added, with a singular absence of prophecy:}}
{{smaller block|“The administration of private justice between the citizens of the same State, the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation, can never be desirable cares of a general jurisdiction. It is therefore improbable that there should exist a disposition in the Federal councils to usurp the powers with which they are connected. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“It will always be far more easy for the State governments to encroach upon the national authorities, than for the National Government to encroach upon the State authorities.”}}
That is where he was wrong. In other words, Hamilton had no idea that the Federal Government would ever attempt to encroach on the rights of the states. In his day it looked to him as if it would be easier for the States to encroach on the rights of the Federal Government than for the Federal Government to encroach on the rights of the States. But in recent years do-gooders, welfare-staters, left-wingers, and other pressure groups are trying to transform this Government. They are trying to make of it a national government. It is not a national government; it is a Federal Government. The States came together in a federation and formed this Government. That is the conception which I hope we can get over to the people of the Nation, that our Government is not a national government; it is a Federal Government made by the States coming together and forming a federation and signing the compact which became the Constitution. Therefore we have a Federal Government, not a national government. I hope we shall never have a national government. We must stop the Federal usurpation that is now going on and has been going on for some years.
{{smaller block|Madison, also, imagined that the Federal Government would “be disinclined to invade the rights of the individual States, or the prerogatives of their governments.” For his part, Hamilton thought it more probable that the States would encroach upon the Federal Government, and he imagined that in such contests the State governments, because they “will commonly possess most influence” over the people, would dominate Federal agencies “to the disadvantage of the Union.” However, all such conjectures Hamilton viewed as “extremely vague and fallible.” He preferred to assume that the people “will always take care to preserve the constitutional equilibrium between the general and the State governments.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 45, Madison treated at considerable length the widespread apprehension that the States would be obliterated. Some of his comments have been outdated; what he has to say about the election of Senators, for example, unhappily has been superseded by the misfortune of the 17th amendment. Some of his other observations, dealing with functions of what was to become the Bureau of Internal Revenue, may occasion some wary reflection on the lengths by which even a Madison could miss his guess. But as contemporary evidence of the role guaranteed to the States, No. 45 justifies quotation at some length:}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments will have the advantage of the Federal Government, whet her we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them to the predilection and probable support of the people; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the Federal Government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the people, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the people obtains for themselves an election into the State legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the Federal Government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious than too overbearing toward them. On the other side, the component parts of the State governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the Federal Government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.}}
{{smaller block|“The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller than the number employed under the particular States. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side or the former than of the latter. The members of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments of 13 and more States, the justices of peace, officers of militia, ministerial officers of justice, with all the county, corporation, and town officers, for 3 millions and more of people, intermixed, and having particular acquaintance with every class and circle of people, must exceed, beyond all proportion, both in number and influence, those of every description who will be employed in the administration of the Federal system. Compare the members of the three great departments of the 13 States, excluding from the judiciary department the justices of peace, with the members of the corresponding departments of the single government of the Union; compare the militia officers of 3 millions of people with the military and marine officers of any establishment which is within the compass of probability, or, I may add, of possibility, and in this view alone, we may pronounce the advantage of the States to be decisive.}}
{{smaller block|“If the Federal Government is to have collectors of revenue, the State governments will have theirs also. And as those of the former will be principally on the seacoast, and not very numerous, whilst those of the latter will be spread over the face of the country, and will be very numerous, the advantage in this view also lies on the same side. It is true, that the confederacy is to possess, and may exercise, the power of collecting internal as well as external taxes throughout the States; but it is probable that this power will not be resorted to, except for supplemental purposes of revenue; that an option will then be given to the States to supply their quotas by previous collections of their own; and that the eventual collection, under the immediate authority of the Union·, will generally be made by the officers, and according to the rules, appointed by the several States. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the Federal Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.}}
{{smaller block|“The operations of the Federal Government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments in times of peace and security. As the former periods will probably bear a small proportion to the latter, the State governments will here enjoy another advantage over the Federal Government. The more adequate, indeed, the Federal powers may be rendered to the national defense, the less frequent will be those scenes of danger which might favor their ascendancy over the governments of the particular States.}}
{{smaller block|“If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of new powers to the union, than in the invigoration of its original powers. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the Articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them.”}}
{{smaller block|Even John Marshall, who did more than any man in our history to aggrandize the Federal Government and to weaken the States, never doubted the basic structure of divided powers. Consider, briefly, his comment in the famed case of ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland''. The case arose when Congress established the Bank of the United States, and Maryland undertook to levy a tax upon the bank’s Baltimore branch; James McCulloch, the cashier, refused to pay the tax, and Maryland sued.}}
{{smaller block|The legal questions were two: Did Congress have power to incorporate the bank, and secondly, did Maryland have power to tax it? Marshall answered the first one “Yes,” the second, “No.” With the bulk of his reasoning, strict constructionists and apostles of States rights will disagree: Marshall’s sophisticated mind did not boggle at stretching “necessary” to mean “convenient.” In considering the actual act of ratification by which the Union was formed, Marshall was not much impressed by the fact, which he could not escape, that the people met in State conventions. “Where else should they have assembled?” he asked. But even here, a couple of sentences merit quotation as evidence from the States greatest detractor:}}
{{smaller block|“It is true, [the people] assembled in their several States—and where else should they have assembled? No political dreamer was ever wild enough to think of breaking down the lines which separate the States, and of compounding the American people into one common mass. Of consequence, when they act, they act in their States.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall went on in his opinion to confuse “States” and “State governments,” thus setting up a convenient strawman to batter down. No one ever had contended that the Constitution was ratified by State governments, but Marshall, with a glittering display of intellectual swordsmanship, neatly skewered the nonexistent objection. Then he went on to say:}}
{{smaller block|“This Government is acknowledged by all to be one of enumerated powers. The principle that it can exercise only the powers granted to it would seem too apparent to have required to be enforced by all those arguments which its enlightened friends, while it was pending before the people, found it necessary to urge. That principle is now universally admitted. But the question respecting the extent of the powers actually granted is perpetually arising, and will probably continue to arise, as long as our system shall exist.”}}
{{smaller block|True enough, the question of “the extent of powers” does continue to arise to this day, though the doctrines of Marshall have so pervaded public thinking that it often is forgotten that the Federal Government has any limitations whatever. But the separateness of the States and the nature of their delegated powers were clearly recognized when the Constitution was created. The prophets who foresaw the trend toward consolidation—notably Patrick Henry and George Mason—were told they were old women, seeing ghosts.}}
{{smaller block|Consider, if you will, the debate on ratification in Virginia. The transcript offers some absorbing reading. If the clash of a Henry and a Mason with a Pendleton and a Madison does not prompt reflection upon subsequent corruption of the Constitution, at the very least their battle must lead to regrets at the decline in the quality of today’s legislative debates. There were giants in those days. This was, to paraphrase Marshall, a Constitution they were debating. What was said of the relationship of the States and the Federal Government?}}
{{smaller block|Go back in time. This was a sultry summer in Richmond. At least twice the brief convention was interrupted by thunder storms so severe the delegates were forced to recess. Tempers flared sharply. At one point Edmund Randolph, infuriated with Patrick Henry, was prepared to let their friendship “fall like Lucifer, never to rise again.” They began on Monday, June 2; they adjourned ''sine die'' on Friday, June 27. Into those 4 weeks, the Virginians of 1788 packed a world of profound reflection upon the meaning and intention of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Edmund Pendleton served as president of the Virginia convention. He was a remarkable man: lawyer, scholar, statesman, thinker. In advocating ratification, Pendleton was joined by James Madison, John Marshall, Edmund Randolph, and Light Horse Harry Lee. They carried the day against Patrick Henry and George Mason, as leading opponents of the proposition.}}
{{smaller block|The convention scarcely had begun before Henry established the broad spread of argument. He did not propose to abide by any parliamentary decision to debate one clause at a time. Before the convention in Philadelphia the previous summer, said Henry, a general peace and a universal tranquillity had prevailed. Now he was “extremely uneasy at the proposed change of government.” He swept the room with a cold eye: “Be extremely cautious, watchful, jealous of your liberty. Instead of securing your rights, you may lose them forever.”}}
{{smaller block|George Mason came to his side. He charged that the new Constitution would create “a national government, and no longer a confederation.” He especially denounced the authority proposed in the general government to levy direct taxes. This power, being at the discretion of Congress and unconfined, “and without any kind of control, must carry everything before it.” “The idea of a consolidated government,” he said, “is totally subversive of every principle which has hitherto governed us. This power is calculated to annihilate totally the State governments. * * * These two concurrent powers cannot exist long together; the one will destroy the other; the general government, being paramount to and in every respect more powerful than the State governments, the latter must give way to the former.”}}
{{smaller block|Then Mason voiced the argument that is as applicable in the mid-20th century as it was toward the end of the 18th:}}
{{smaller block|“Is it to be supposed that one national government will suit so extensive a country, embracing so many climates, and containing inhabitants so very different in manners, habits, and customs? It is ascertained, by history, that there never was a government over a very extensive country without destroying the liberties of the people. * * * Popular governments can only exist in small territories.”}}
{{smaller block|On Thursday, June 5, Pendleton undertook to respond to Henry and to Mason. Was the proposed government, he inquired, truly a consolidated government? Of course not. “If this be such a government, I will confess, with my worthy friend, that it is inadmissible. * * *” The proposed Federal Government, he said, “extends to the general purposes of the Union. It does not intermeddle with the local, particular affairs of
the States. * * * It is the interest of the Federal to preserve the State governments; upon the latter the existence of the former depends. * * * I wonder how any gentleman, reflecting on the subject, could have conceived an idea of the possibility of the latter.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry conceived it. He conceived it very clearly. The proposed Constitution, he felt, was “extremely pernicious, impolitic and dangerous.” He saw no jeopardy to the people in the Articles of Confederation; he saw great jeopardy in this new Constitution. And he had this to say:}}
{{smaller block|“We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty: Our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of every thing. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors: By that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, ts about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.”}}
{{smaller block|And note this prophetic observation:}}
{{smaller block|“There will be no checks, no real balances, in this government. What can avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope-dancing, chain-rattling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances?”}}
{{smaller block|What indeed? What have these ideal checks and balances availed the States in the 20th century? Henry saw the empty prospect: “This Constitution is said to have beautiful features; but when I come to examine these features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful. Among other deformities, it has an awful squinting; it squints toward monarchy; and does not this raise indignation in the breast of every true American?”}}
{{smaller block|It was monarchy, ''per se'', that Henry foresaw. And it was despotism at the hands of a general government that he feared.}}
{{smaller block|“What are your checks in this Government?” he kept asking.}}
{{smaller block|No one ever answered him accurately, though half a dozen members of the Convention undertook to refute Henry and to allay his apprehensions. Randolph, replying to the objection that the country soon would be too large for effective government from the capital, commented that “no extent on earth seems to me too great,” but he added, “provided the laws be wisely made and executed.” It has proved to be a large qualification.}}
{{smaller block|Madison also responded to Henry’s general objection that the liberty of the people was in danger: “Since the general civilization of mankind,” he said, “I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations.”}}
{{smaller block|Follow closely what Madison had to say next. He is expounding the relationship of the State and Federal Governments as he, above all men, understood it:}}
{{smaller block|“Give me leave to say something of the nature of the Government. * * * There are a number of opinions; but the principal question is, whether it be a federal or consolidated government. In order to judge properly of the question before us, we must consider it minutely in its principal parts. I conceive myself that it is of a mixed nature; it is in a manner unprecedented; we cannot find one express example in the experience of the world. It stands by itself. In some respects it is a government of a federal nature; in others it is of a consolidated nature. * * * Who are parties to it?”}}
{{smaller block|Note this, especially; it was quoted earlier, but it bears repetition:}}
{{smaller block|“The people—but not the people as composing one great body; but the people as composing 13 sovereignties.”}}
{{smaller block|Francis Corbin, one of the ablest political students of his time, then joined Madison, in soothing the growing fear that the Federal Government might one day absorb the State Governments. “The powers of the General Government,” he said, “are only of a general nature, and their object is to protect, defend, and strengthen the United States; but the internal administration of government is left to the State legisiatures, who exclusively retain such powers as will give the States the advantages of small republics, without the danger commonly attendant on the weakness of such governments.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry, undaunted, straightened his red wig and returned to the debate. “That government is no more than a choice among evils,” he remarked, “is acknowledged by the most intelligent among mankind, and has been a standing maxim for ages.” He could not accept the idea that this new government would be “a mighty benefit to us.”}}
{{smaller block|“Sir, I am made of so incredulous materials, that assertions and declarations do not satisfy me. I must be convinced, sir. I shall retain my infidelity on that subject till I see our liberties secured in a manner perfectly satisfactory to my understanding.”}}
{{smaller block|This exchange occurred on Friday, June 16. The following Monday, Henry renewed his assault:}}
{{smaller block|“A number of characters, of the greatest eminence in this country, object to this government for its consolidating tendency. This is not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If consolidation proves to be as mischievous to this country as it has been to other countries, what will the poor inhabitants of this country do? This government will operate like an ambuscade. It will destroy the State governments, and swallow the liberties of the people, without giving previous notice.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison came back with fresh replies and new remonstrances. The States were safely protected, he assured the Virginia convention. And renewing the arguments he had advanced in the Federalist, “There will be an irresistible bias toward the State governments.” It was utterly improbable—almost impossible—that the Federal Government ever would encroach upon the States. “The means of influence consist in having the disposal of gifts and emoluments, and in the number of persons employed by and dependent upon a government. Will any gentleman compare the number of persons which will be employed in the General Government with the number of those which will be in the State governments? The number of dependents upon the State governments will be infinitely greater than those on the General Government. I may say, with truth, that there never was a more economical government in any age or country, nor which will require fewer hands, or give less influence.”}}
{{smaller block|Pendleton again gained the floor to tackle Henry’s objection. We are told, he said, “that there will be a war between the two bodies equally our representatives, and that the State government will be destroyed, and consolidated into the General Government. I stated before, that this could not be so. The two governments act in different manners, and for different purposes—the General Government in great national concerns, in which we are interested in common with other members of the Union; the State legislature in our mere local concerns. * * * Our dearest rights—life, liberty and property—as Virginians, are still in the hands of our State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Patrick Henry remained unconvinced. His opinion and Madison’s were “diametrically opposite.” The mild-mannered Madison said the States would prevail. Henry, a dramatic and eloquent speaker, feared the Federal Government would prevail. Bring forth the Federal allurements, he cried, “and compare them with the poor, contemptible things that the State legislatures can bring forth. * * * There are rich, fat, Federal emoluments. Your rich, smug, fine, fat, Federal officers—the number of collectors of taxes and excises—will outnumber anything from the States. Who can cope with the excise man and the tax men?”}}
{{smaller block|Henry did not imagine that the dual governments could be kept each within its proper orbit. “I assert that there is danger of interference,” he remarked, “because no line is drawn between the powers of the two governments, in many instances; and where there is a line, there is no check to prevent the one from encroaching upon the powers of the other. I therefore contend that they must interfere, and that this interference must subvert the State government as being less powerful. Unless your government have checks, it must inevitably terminate in the destruction of your privileges.”}}
{{smaller block|William Grayson, burly veteran of the Revolution, was another member of the Virginia convention who clearly perceived the absence of effective checks and balances. “Power ought to have such checks and limitations,” he said, “as to prevent bad men from abusing it. It ought to be granted on a supposition that men will be bad; for it may eventually be so.”}}
{{smaller block|Grayson was here discussing his apprehensions toward the powers vested by article III in the Supreme Court of the United States. “This Court,” he protested, “has more power than any court under heaven.” The Court’s appellate jurisdiction, especially, aroused his alarm: “What has it in view, unless to subvert the State governments?”}}
Mr. President, only in the past few months this Court rendered a decision which struck down the sedition statutes in 48 States and two Territories, merely because the Federal Government had a statute on sedition. The Supreme Court held that because of that fact, the Federal Government had preempted the whole field, and struck down the State statutes on sedition. Sedition means overthrowing the Government. That is the practical effect of it.

Steve Nelson, in Pennsylvania, was convicted under Pennsylvania law. He appealed his case to the United States Supreme Court, and the Court turned him loose, on the ground that when the Federal sedition statute was enacted, that statute preempted the field. Thus it struck down all the State statutes on the subject. Forty-two States and two Territories had statutes on the subject.

Judge Howard Smith, in the House, who was the author of the bill, said there was no such intention on his part when he introduced the bill. There was even a provision in the bill that the State laws should not be affected. Yet the Supreme Court struck down the sedition statutes in 42 States and two Territories. Nine men overruled the legislatures of 42 States, and would have overruled the supreme courts in 42 States if their statutes had been tested.

In New York, a man named Slochower was employed by the City College of New York. The charter of the City College provides that if any schoolteacher takes refuge behind the fifth amendment, upon being asked by an official body about his Communist connections, he shall be automatically dismissed. He was questioned by an official body. He was automatically dismissed. But what happened? The Supreme Court reinstated him in his job. City College of New York cannot control its own faculty because of these nine men in Washington. Forty-eight State legislatures cannot have sedition statutes because of these nine men in Washington. Out in New Mexico a man applied for membership in the bar. A similar situation occurred in California. One of the men was admittedly a former Communist. The bar did not want him to become a member. Certainly the bar board should have discretion enough to determine whether a man had the character to be admitted. The board turned him down.

In the other case the man refused to answer questions about his Communist connections. Both of those men—one a former Communist, the other tied in with the Communists—were refused licenses to practice law, one in New Mexico and the other in California. But the nine men comprising the Supreme Court ordered those boards to give the applicants their licenses.

Also, in California there were 14 Communists convicted of actually organizing Communist cells. They were preaching the doctrine of communism. They were convicted in the California court. The case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court. What did that Court do? It turned five of them loose and gave the other nine a new trial. It virtually held, in fact, that one can preach communism all he wants to. So long as the organizing does not begin until a future day, it will be all right. In other words, there would have to be action to put it into effect immediately under the holding of the Court.

How are we going to protect this Government? How is the FBI going to protect it? How are the people of California going to protect it when they catch people who are actually organizing Communist cells and who are advocating communism and preaching communism, and then the Supreme Court turns them loose, laying down a dangerous doctrine—and it is a dangerous doctrine to which I just referred.

Then there is the Watkins case, Mr. President, which has hampered investigations by the Congress. The Supreme Court handed down a decision after Watkins had been convicted of contempt and turned him loose. The Court, in effect, held that a member of the counsel or someone who wanted to ask questions would have to explain the questions to the witness. A smart witness would never admit he understood or comprehended what was meant.

In the city of Washington, Mr. President, one of the most dangerous decisions, I think, that has ever been handed down involved the man Mallory, who raped a white woman. He was caught the next day. He was caught about 2 o’clock. Along about 8 or 9 o’clock he was given a lie-detector test, and he confessed the crime and admitted that he raped the white woman. The officers could not get hold of the United States Commissioner that night, and had to wait until the next morning, about 9 o’clock. They held the admitted criminal from about 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, and in the meantime he gave a confession to the police in Washington. He was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. He had confessed his crime. But the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. What did those nine men do with it? They reversed the decision and said the police had held the man too long.

What is going to happen in this Nation if police officers cannot hold criminals from 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, especially when those criminals have confessed to their crimes?

Heretofore in judicial administration there has been no particular time fixed. A person could be held a reasonable time before arraignment. Under this decision the man would have to confess at just about the time he was arrested, because the Supreme Court held that after he is arrested he is under coercion; and because he was held that short time the Supreme Court reversed the case, and the district attorney said there would not be any use to try it again; that the evidence depended on the confession.

As a result of that case, the Chief of Police in Washington said it would be very difficult to apprehend and detect criminals and arrest them hereafter and be able to make the evidence stand up in court. He called it a terrible handicap to law enforcement in such cases.

Mr. President, there are other decisions the Supreme Court has handed down about which I should like to tell the Senate. The Court seems to get its greatest delight out of turning loose Communists.

The record is disgraceful. The FBI, the law-enforcement agencies, police officers chase down Communists and narcotic people—and they are hard to catch. Then the Supreme Court reverses decisions and turns them loose and they walk the streets, as did the confessed rapist who was sentenced on his own confession. It is a disgrace to this Nation.

Mr. President, I still think this compromise bill is unconstitutional, but with the present Supreme Court no one can predict what they will do about it.
{{smaller block|It was John Marshall, who 15 years later would do so much to justify Mason’s apprehensions, who undertook to allay his fears now. The Federal Government, he insisted, certainly would not have the power “to make laws on every subject.” Could Members of the Congress make laws affecting the transfer of property, or contracts, or claims, between citizens of the same State?}}
{{smaller block|“Can they go beyond the delegated powers? If they were to make a law not warranted by any of the powers enumerated, it would be considered by the judges as an infringement of the Constitution which they are to guard. They would not consider such a law as coming under their jurisdiction. They would declare it void.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall saw no danger to the States from decrees of the Supreme Court: “I hope that no gentleman will think that a State will be called at the bar of the Federal court. * * * It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power should be dragged before a court.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison, Monroe, and others joined Marshall in defending the third article. Their debate was long and detailed. Much of it was concerned with questions of pleading and practice. But after several days, they went on to other aspects of the Constitution: The prospect of judicial despotism was recognized by the few, and denied by the many.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|7. THE STATES RATIFY}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, Virginia ratified. It was a close vote. A motion to postpone ratification until amendments, in the nature of a bill of rights, could be considered by “the other States in the American confederacy,” failed by 88 to 80. Then the main question was put, and this was what Virginia agreed to. It merits careful reading:}}
{{smaller block|“We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, * * * having fully and freely investigated and discussed the proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, be resumed by them whensoever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power, not granted thereby, remains with them, and at their will; that, therefore, no right, of any denomination, can be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by the Congress, by the Senate or House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by the President, or any department or officer of the United States, except in those instances in which power is given by the Constitution for those purposes; and that, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by any authority of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|The vote on that main question was 89 to 79, but even that narrow margin of approval was predicated upon a gentlemen’s agreement that the Virginia convention would recommend a number of amendments, in the form of a Bill of Rights, to be presented to the first Congress. And the first of these recommended amendments reads: “That each State in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|By the time Virginia completed ratification, of course her decision no longer carried compelling importance. The Virginia convention had opened on June 2, not quite 2 weeks after South Carolina, on May 23, had become the eighth State to ratify. But while the Virginians were debating the issue, New Hampshire, on June 21, had become No. 9: The new union had been formed, and the Constitution had become binding upon the nine States “ratifying the same.” It has ever been Virginia’s fate to make the right decisions, but to put off making them as long as possible.}}
{{smaller block|In this consideration of State and Federal relationships, there is something to be learned from the other resolutions of ratification. The easy ones came first: Delaware came first, on December 7, 1787, “fully, freely, and entirely” approving and assenting to the Constitution; and then, in quick succession, Pennsylvania on December 12, after a bitter fight; New Jersey on December 18, and Georgia—Georgians had not even read the Constitution—on January 2, 1788. Connecticut followed a week later, with a comfortable vote of 128 to 40.}}
{{smaller block|Then a month’s hiatus set in. Massachusetts did not become No. 6 until February 7, and her approval of this “explicit and solemn compact” was not unqualified:}}
{{smaller block|“It is the opinion of this convention that certain amendments and alterations in the said Constitution would remove the fears and quiet the apprehensions of many of the good people of this commonwealth, and more effectually guard against an undue administration of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|It will come as no surprise that the very first amendment recommended by Massachusetts was “that it be explicitly declared that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States to be by them exercised.”}}
{{smaller block|Two months later, on April 28, Maryland ratified. Then there was another lapse of nearly a month before South Carolina, on May 23, became No. 8; South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.” Then South Carolina added:}}
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
{{smaller block|New Hampshire, in voting its approval on June 21, closely paralleled the action of Massachusetts, but New Hampshire’s declaration as to reserved powers was even more explicit. The people of New Hampshire wanted it understood that all powers not “expressly and particularly delegated” were reserved.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield.

Mr. LANGER. Was the action of the South Carolina convention unanimous? [Laughter.]

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall, from reading the history of that matter, whether it was unanimous or not. The action of the South Carolina convention was not unanimous when it acted on the question of adopting the resolution of ratification for the admission of South Carolina to the Union. South Carolina was the eighth State to be admitted to the Union. New Hampshire was the ninth. New Hampshire’s action resulted in the formation of the Union; ratification by nine States was required in order to form the Union.

After that, Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island ratified the Constitution and became members of the Union.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I am not sure whether the action by the South Carolina convention was unanimous or not.

Mr. LANGER. I know the Senator from South Carolina, who has been a very distinguished governor of his State, is very well informed in regard to such matters.

Mr. THURMOND. As stated in the book, The Sovereign States—
{{smaller block|South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.”}}
Then South Carolina added:
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
I construe that declaration to be part of the resolution of ratification, which was not adopted unanimously.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have been glad, Mr. President, to have the Senator from North Dakota ask these questions.

Mr. President, a few years ago, when I was a young State senator, I made a commencement address in another county, about 40 miles from my home. The commencement was held in a long school building in which the acoustics were very bad. People in the rear could not hear, and looked as if they were going to sleep—and maybe they were. So I raised my voice, and said, “Ladies and gentlemen, I want you to know that I am speaking for the future citizens of South Carolina.” By raising my voice, I woke up the people in the rear of the room; and one fellow rose up, shook his head, and said, “Well, brother, if you speak much longer, they will soon be here, too.” [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I feel so good that I believe I could speak quite a long time. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I felt it my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort to emphasize the dangers of this bill.

I began speaking at 8:50 last night. It is now 5 minutes after 9. I shall conclude my remarks in a very few minutes.

Mr. President, in closing, I desire to remind the Senate that every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote; and the Federal Government has a statute which protects the right to vote. In my opinion, Mr. President, this bill is unconstitutional, for the reasons I have stated during this debate.

This so-called compromise, which came to the Senate from the House of Representatives, permits a Federal judge to decide whether he will try one who is charged with criminal contempt, or whether he will permit him to be tried by a jury. The bill further provides a Federal judge with the discretionary power—if he does not try the person without a jury—to decide what punishment he will impose. If he imposes a fine greater than $300 or imprisonment for more than 45 days, the defendant can then demand a jury trial. That process could result in two trials in the case of a defendant charged with criminal contempt. I believe that would be unconstitutional. Under our system of jurisprudence, a man can never be put in jeopardy more than once for the same offense. Furthermore, if a judge should find such a person guilty, as a result of the first trial, we can realize what effect that would have on the jury which would be used in the second trial.

Mr. President, I should like to remind the Senate of the decision I have cited today, which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That decision says criminal contempt is a crime. The Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The Constitution makes no exceptions.

The pending bill, which has come to the Senate from the House of Representatives, has now been amended in such a way that it could not conform to the Constitution.

Mr. President, in spite of the great amount of debate and discussion which previously have taken place on the subject of House bill 6127, I felt that this bill was of such importance to the citizens of the United States that it was my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort again to emphasize the dangers of the bill. I have spoken several times on it before.

Mr. President, I wish to say that my action was taken entirely on my own volition. I believe that every Senator must follow the dictates of his own conscience, in connection with such matters. I do not believe that the action of any other Senator should be judged according to the action I have taken.

Mr. President, if I have helped to bring home to the American people, the citizens of this Nation, the heartfelt conviction which I hold, namely, that this bill is unwise, unnecessary, and unconstitutional, then I shall have done what I believe to be my duty.

I should like to believe that some have been convinced by my arguments, and that my arguments have been accepted on the basis on which I intended them to be accepted—as arguments against what I am convinced is bad proposed legislation, proposed legislation which never should have been introduced, and which never should be approved by the Senate.

Mr. President, I urge every Member of this body to consider this bill most carefully. I hope the Senate will see fit to kill it.

I expect to vote against the bill. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I wish to extend my sincerest gratitude to the officials of the Senate, to those who have come in to listen to this debate, to the various Senators who have listened to this debate from time to time; to the clerks and the attachés, and to all who did everything they could to make me as comfortable as possible during the 24 hours and 22 minutes I have spoken.

Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for these courtesies, and again I want to thank the Presiding Officer and the others for their courtesies extended to me, and with this I now give up the floor, and suggest the absence of a quorum.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.

The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the rollcall be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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      <text bytes="868931" xml:space="preserve">{{header
|title=Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957
|author=Strom Thurmond
|section=
|previous=
|next=
|year=1957
|notes=Strom Thurmond’s filibuster against certain provisions of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1957, at 24 hours, 18 minutes in length, was the longest ever given in the U. S. Senate. It is recorded in the ''Congressional Record'', vol. 103, part 12, pp. 16263–16456.
}}

&lt;div class=prose style=&quot;text-indent:1em&quot;&gt;
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, earlier this morning we had scheduled speakers for the day, and attempted to estimate the number of speakers. In connection with the next speaker, we had estimated that we would reach him about 9 o’clock. We are running a little ahead of schedule. Therefore, there are no speakers available at this time. We do not desire to have a vote on the bill until every Senator has had an opportunity to express himself, and we do not wish to take advantage of any Senator, or inconvenience any Senator more than is necessary.

Therefore I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 8:45 p. m. At 8:45 p. m. we will reconvene and I shall suggest the absence of a quorum. I assume that by 9 o’clock the speaker will be ready to proceed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Texas?

There being no objection, the Senate (at 7 o’clock and 38 minutes p. m.) took a recess until 8:45 p. m.

{{c|{{asc|AFTER RECESS}}}}

On the expiration of the recess, the Senate reassembled, when called to order by the Vice President.

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secretary will call the roll.

The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. McNAMARA. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Without objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise to speak against the so-called voting-right bill H. R. 6127, which bill was passed by the House of Representatives. It came to the Senate without being referred to a committee and was placed on the Senate Calendar, which is something unusual and out of ordinary procedure. The bill was then amended by the Senate and returned to the House, after which time the House amended it again by adopting what was called a compromise. The compromise as well as the bill is entirely unreasonable, and I hope that the Senate will not pass the bill.

There are mainly three reasons why I feel the bill should not be passed. The first is that it is unnecessary.

{{c|{{asc|STATE LEGISLATION PROTECTING THE VOTING RIGHTS OF CITIZENS}}}}

Every State has enacted some legislation making it unlawful to intimidate a voter or to hinder him in the exercising of his voting rights. Penalties have been provided for such violations.

I now expect to take up the voting laws in each of the 48 States and show that each of the States affords adequate protection to the voting right. The first is Alabama.

Alabama: Unless otherwise designated, references are to the code, 1940, title 17:
{{smaller block|Intimidating or hindering voter: It Is a corrupt practice for any person on election day to intimidate an elector or an election officer, or to obstruct, hinder, or prevent or to attempt to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of the voters awaiting their turn to enter the election booths (sec. 285).}}
{{smaller block|It is a corrupt practice for any person directly or indirectly to hire a person to take a place in line or to otherwise obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of the line of voters awaiting their turn to enter the polling place (sec. 286).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any person who does any act declared to be a corrupt practice under the election laws of the State shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, must be fined not more than $500, and may also be imprisoned in the county jail or sentenced to hard labor for the county for not more than 6 months at the discretion of the court (sec. 332).}}
{{smaller block|Attempt to influence voter: Any person who by corrupt means attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or deter him from giving the same, or to disturb, or to hinder him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, at any election, must, on conviction, be fined not less than $50 nor more than $500 (sec. 304).}}
{{smaller block|Disturbing elector on election day: Any person who, on election day, disturbs or prevents or attempts to prevent any elector from freely casting his ballot, must, on conviction be fined not less than $500 nor more than $1,000, and also be sentenced to hard labor for the county, or be imprisoned in the county jail for not less than 6 months nor more than 1 year (sec. 306).}}
{{smaller block|Employer intimidating employee: Any employer or officer of an employer corporation, who attempts by coercion, intimidation, or threats, to discharge or lessen wages, to influence the vote of an employee, or who demands an inspection of employee’s ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not less than $500 (secs. 317, 318).}}
Arizona: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, Annotated, 1956, title 16:
{{smaller block|Coercion or intimidation of elector: It is unlawful for a person, directly or indirectly, to use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or in any other manner, to intimidate a person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure, or to commit such acts on account of a person’s having voted or refrained from voting at an election.}}
{{smaller block|It is unlawful for a person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent device, to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or to compel him to either vote or refrain from voting at an election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure. Violation of this provision by a person, whether acting in his individual capacity or as an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (secs. 16–1303, 16–1305).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of elector by employer: It is unlawful for an employer to place written or printed material in pay envelopes or, within 90 days prior to an election, to put up notices or placards, etc., in the place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision by an employer, whether an individual or an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (sec. 16–1304).}}
{{smaller block|Changing vote of elector by corrupt means: It is unlawful for a person, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, either directly or indirectly, to attempt to influence an elector in casting his vote, or to deter him from casting his vote, or to attempt to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, or to defraud an elector by deceiving him and causing him to vote for a different person or measure than he intended. A person violating this provision is guilty of a felony (sec. 16–1307).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: The penal provisions involving crimes against the elective franchise apply to general, primary, and special elections (sec. 16–1311).}}
Arkansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes 1947, Annotated, 1956 replacement:
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to threaten or attempt to intimidate any elector or his family, his business, or his profession, and it shall also be unlawful to attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting at any primary election. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (sec. 3–1414).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: No person shall coerce, intimidate, or unduly influence any elector to vote for or against the nominee of any political party or for or against any question or candidate, by threat of personal violence or of ejectment from rented premises, of foreclosure of mortgage, of discharge from employment, of any action at law or equity or of expulsion from membership in any church or society. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 3 years (sec. 3–1415).}}
California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:
{{smaller block|Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation to compel a person to vote or refrain from voting at any election (sec. 1158).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter; or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).}}
{{smaller block|Election officers: Any election officer who induces or attempts to induce any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony (sec. 11583).}}
{{smaller block|Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or actions of employees, or who within 90 days before an election exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (sees. 11584, 11585).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).}}
{{smaller block|Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).}}
Colorado: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1953, chapter 49:
{{smaller block|Intimidation unlawful: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict or threaten to inflict any injury, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation, to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, for any particular person or measure at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means to impede or prevent or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise of any voter. It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether corporation, firm, or person, to enclose material in the pay envelopes, containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees, or within 90 days before an election, to display placards in the place of employment, containing such threats (sec. 49–21–5).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any person convicted of violating the above provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine of not over $1,000 or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both (secs. 49–21–5, 49–21–9).}}
{{smaller block|Discharge or promotion illegal: It shall be unlawful for any corporation, or any of its officers, to influence, or attempt to influence, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or by discharging from employment, or promoting in employment, or by other intimidation, any employee to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor and shall be punishable as outlined in the “Penalty” provision, above. In addition, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 49–21–6).}}
Connecticut: Unless otherwise designated, references are to 1955 Supplement to the General Statutes:
{{smaller block|Interference with electors in voting: Any person who does any act which invades or interferes with the secrecy of the voting, or causes the same to be invaded or interfered with, shall be imprisoned for not more than 5 years (sec. 843d).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Any person who influences or attempts to influence the vote or speech of any person in a primary caucus, or convention, by force or threat, shall be fined not less than $25, nor more than $100, or imprisoned not less than 7 days nor more than 3 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 821d).}}
{{smaller block|Employers’ threats: Any person who, within 60 days before an election, attempts to influence any employee in his vote, by threats of withholding employment, or who dismisses an employee because of the way he voted at an election, shall be fined from $100 to $500 or be imprisoned for from 6 to 12 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 842d).}}
Delaware: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code, Annotated, 1953, title 15:
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: An election officer, who, in any way, attempts to intimidate or coerce any voter in the marking of his ballot, or in the choice of the candidates for whom he votes, or who willfully discloses the manner in which any person has voted, shall be guilty of willful and malicious perjury (as violating his oath of office) and in addition to the penalties for perjury, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be imprisoned for not more than 2 years (sec. 5125).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: If any person or corporation hinders, controls, coerces, or intimidates any employee in the exercise of his right to vote at any general, special, or municipal election by threats of depriving him of employment, every elector, so aggrieved, may bring a civil action and recover $500 from such employer (secs. 5162, 5163).}}
{{smaller block|Civil remedy: Any qualified elector who is prevented from voting at any election because of intimidation or threats, or because of the requirement of unconstitutional qualifications, may bring a civil action against the person who promoted such interference, and the court or jury may give exemplary damages (sec. 5304).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Whoever, at any primary election, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, by force, threat, or intimidation, or prevents or hinders or attempts to prevent or hinder any qualified voter from exercising the rights of suffrage, shall for each offense, be fined not more than $200 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or shall both be fined and imprisoned (sec. 3168 (a)).}}
Florida: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1955 Supplement:
{{smaller block|Corruptly influencing voting: Whoever, by bribery, menace, threat, or other corruption whatsoever, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence or deceive an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or disturbs or interferes with him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage at any election, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor upon the first conviction and of a felony upon the second conviction (sec. 104.061).}}
{{smaller block|Felony penalty: The penalty for every felony under the election laws, not otherwise specifically provided, shall be imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 1 year or a fine of not more than $5,000, or both (sec. 104.40).}}
{{smaller block|Threats of employers: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee for voting or not voting in any State, county, or municipal election for any candidate or measure. Any person violating this provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. If a firm or corporation violates this provision, each officer or agent who participated in the violation shall be punished for a misdemeanor, and the firm or corporation, shall, in addition, be fined not more than $1,000 (sec. 104.081).}}
Georgia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1936:
{{smaller block|Improper voting; disorderly conduct: No person outside a voting room or voting booth shall, in any manner, either by words or gestures, attempt to influence or interfere with any voter who is in said room or booth preparing his ballot; nor shall any person enter any booth while a voter is in there; nor shall any person commit any act of disorder, or be guilty of any disorderly conduct in or near the voting rooms or booths (sec. 34–1909).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be a misdemeanor (sec. 34–9918).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: All penal laws relating to illegal practices in general elections are extended to all primary elections held for State, county, or municipal offices (1955 Supp., sec. 34–9933).}}
Idaho: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1948:
{{smaller block|Intimidation, corruption, and frauds: Every person, who, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote or to deter him from giving same, or to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or defrauds an elector at an election by deceiving him and causing him to vote differently than he intended, or who, being an officer of any election, induces, or attempts to induce, any elector, by menace or reward, to vote differently than he desired, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 18–2305), punishable by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than 6 months, or by a fine of not over $300, or by both (sec. 18–113).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with election: Any person who willfully disturbs any election place, or is guilty of riotous conduct near such place, with intent to disturb same, or interferes with the access of electors to the polling place, or interferes in any manner with the free exercise of the election franchise of any of the voters there assembled, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable as stated above (sec. 18–2313).}}
{{smaller block|Attempt to influence vote: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of any elector by means of a promise of a favor, or by means of violence or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a suit or criminal process, or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him, or by any other means (sec. 18–2319). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison not exceeding 5 years, or by both (sec. 18–2315).}}
Illinois: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Smith–Hurd Annotated Statutes, 1944, chapter 46:
{{smaller block|Offenses involving polling places: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court, for each offense. It shall be the duty of judges of election to enforce this provision (sec. 29–14).}}
{{smaller block|Miscellaneous offenses: Any person, who, at a primary or any election, shall (1) by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or otherwise unlawfully, directly or indirectly, induce or attempt to induce any voter or any person to exercise the right of franchise, or to vote for or against any person or measure, or (2) intentionally practice any fraud on any elector regarding his ballot, or (3) otherwise defraud him of his vote, or (4) by unlawful means prevent or attempt to prevent any voter from attending or voting at an election or primary, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or imprisoned in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 29–16).}}
Indiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Burma Statutes Annotated, 1949, replacement:
{{smaller block|Using violence, threats, or restraint: Whoever, for the purpose of influencing a voter, by violence or threats, seeks to enforce the payment of a debt, or ejects or threatens to eject a person from any house he may occupy, or begins a criminal prosecution, or injures the business or trade of a person, or threatens to withhold the wages of or to dismiss from service, any laborer in his employ, or refuses to allow such employee time to vote, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5941).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by election board officer: Any member of a precinct election board, who attempts, by persuasion, menace, or reward to induce any elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5935).}}
{{smaller block|Defrauding voter: Whoever fraudulently causes or attempts to cause any voter, at any election, to vote for a different person than he intended, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5938).}}
{{smaller block|Bribery or threat by candidate: Whoever gives or offers a bribe or makes a threat to procure his election to any office, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5907).}}
{{smaller block|Threats by employer: Every employer who places written or printed material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election or primary, exhibits placards, etc., in his place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of such employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5711).}}
{{smaller block|Felonies, penalty: A person, convicted of a felony under the election laws, shall be imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years in either the State prison or the reformatory, as may be required by law, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period, to which may be added a fine of from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 29–5964).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanors, penalty: Any person convicted of a misdemeanor under the election laws may either be fined from $1 to $500, or be imprisoned in either the county jail or the State farm for from 30 days to 1 year, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period not to exceed 5 years (sec. 29–5965).}}
Iowa: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Prohibited acts: Interrupting, hindering, or opposing any voter while in or approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting, or interfering, or attempting to interfere, with a voter, when inside the closed space, or when marking his ballot, are prohibited on any election day (sec. 49.107).}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $5 to $100, or by imprisonment for from 10 to 30 days in the county jail, or by both (sec. 49.108).}}
{{smaller block|Duress to prevent voting: If any person unlawfully, and by force, or threats of force, prevents, or attempts to prevent, an elector from giving his vote at any public election, he shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, and fined not more than $200 (sec. 738.13).}}
{{smaller block|Procuring vote by duress: If any person, by means of violence, threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing the payment of debts, or bringing a civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to procure the vote of any elector, at any election, or the influence of any person over other electors, either for himself or for or against any candidate, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 738.15).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: Any employer who shall refuse to allow an employee 2 hours to vote at a general election or who shall reduce his wages for such privilege, or who shall attempt to influence an employee’s vote by reward or by threats of discharge, or shall otherwise attempt to intimidate an employee from exercising his right to vote, shall be fined not less than $5 nor more than $100 (sec. 49.110).}}
Kansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Unlawful attempt to deter voting: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or hinders him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, at any election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 21–815).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Any person who shall willfully hinder the voting of others shall be punished by a fine of from $10 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days or by both (sec. 25–1717).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters at polls: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $25 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days, or by both such fine and imprisonment, for each offense (sec. 25–1719).}}
Kentucky: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Kentucky Revised Statutes, 1953:
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who unlawfully prevents or attempts to prevent any voter from casting his ballot, or intimidates, or attempts to intimidate, a voter to prevent him from casting his ballot, shall be confined in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years for each offense (sec. 124.140).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall coerce an employee to vote for any political party or candidate for nomination or election to any office in the State, or threaten to discharge an employee for exercising his right of suffrage or for voting for any candidate, nor shall an employer circulate statements that employees are expected to vote for any candidate, party, or measure (sec. 123.110 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who violates this provision shall be fined from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 123.990 (13)).}}
Louisiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, West’s, 1951:
{{smaller block|Primary: No person shall intimidate any voter at a primary election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 and imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years (sec. 18.369 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: No person shall willfully and without lawful authority obstruct, hinder, or delay any voter on his way to a polling place to vote in an election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.587, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Prior to or during an election, no person shall willfully hinder the voting of others. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.736, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Public intimidation: The use of violence, force, or threats upon a voter in a general, primary, or special election to influence his conduct, is deemed public intimidation, and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment with or without hard labor for not more than 5 years, or both (sec. 14.122 (4)).}}
Maine: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1954, chapter 5:
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall interfere or attempt to interfere with any voter while inside the voting enclosure or while marking his ballot shall be fined from $5 to $100. Election officers shall report any such person to a police officer or constable, whose duty it shall be to see that the offender is duly brought before the proper court (sec. 107).}}
{{smaller block|Corruption at elections: Whoever, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to induce him to withhold his vote, or hinders or disturbs him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned for not more than 11 months, and shall be ineligible to office for 10 years (sec. 109).}}
Maryland: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Annotated Code of Maryland, Flack, 1951, article 33.
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: If, at any general, special or primary election, any person shall by force, threat, menace, intimidation, or bribery, either directly or indirectly influence or attempt to influence any voter in giving his vote, or hinder, or attempt to hinder, a voter from freely voting or induce him to vote, such person shall be imprisoned in jail or in the penitentiary for from 6 months to 5 years (sec. 179).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether an individual or a corporation, who shall deny an employee time off for voting at a general, special, or primary election, or shall directly or indirectly hinder him from exercising his right to vote freely or shall attempt to influence his vote by threats concerning his employment, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable, for each offense, by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in jail for not over 6 months, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 180).}}
Massachusetts: Unless otherwise specified, references are to Annotated Laws, Michie, 1953 edition.
{{smaller block|Corrupt practice by candidate: A candidate is deemed to have committed a corrupt practice if he fraudulently and willfully obstructs and delays a voter in a general election, primary or caucus (ch. 55, secs. 27, 29).}}
{{smaller block|If five or more persons have reason to believe that a corrupt practice has been committed by any successful candidate, other than a candidate for the United States Congress or the general court, such voters may apply to a justice of the superior court sitting in equity in Suffolk County, for leave to bring an election petition declaring the election of such candidate void (ch. 55, sec. 28).}}
{{smaller block|A candidate found guilty, upon an election petition, of such corrupt practice, who forfeits his office, or who is convicted in a criminal proceeding of violating a law relating to corrupt practices in elections, shall be disqualified to hold office, and to vote, for 3 years (ch. 55, sec. 37).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Whoever willfully and without lawful authority hinders, delays, or interferes with a voter while on his way to a primary, caucus, or election, or while within the guardrail, or while marking his ballot, or while voting, or attempting to vote, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 29).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voting: Whoever willfully obstructs the voting at a primary, caucus, or election shall be fined not more than $100 (ch. 56, sec. 30).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall, by threats to discharge or to reduce wages, or promises of rewards, attempt to influence his employee to either give or withhold a vote, nor shall he discharge an employee, or reduce his wages, because he gave or withheld a vote. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment for not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 33).}}
Michigan: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1956 Revision, title 6.
{{smaller block|Violation deemed felony: Any person who shall, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempt to influence any elector in giving his vote or to deter him from or interrupt him in giving same at any general or primary election, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 6.1932 (a)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1935).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose written or printed matter in the pay envelopes, or within 90 days before a primary or general election, to exhibit a placard, etc., in establishment where his workers will see it, containing express or implied threats concerning employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 6 .1912). Violation of this provision is deemed a misdemeanor (sec. 6.1931 (d)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 90 days, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1934).}}
Minnesota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1946.
{{smaller block|Coercing voters: Any person who, within or without any polling place, directly or indirectly uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or causes, or threatens to cause, damage, harm, or loss to any person, with intent to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, or to vote in a particular way at any election, or who, by abduction, duress, or other fraudulent device, impedes the free exercise of the right of franchise at any election, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 210.05).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence by candidate: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, loss, or harm, upon any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, in any particular way; nor shall anyone, by abduction, duress, or fraudulent means, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any voter at a primary or election, or to induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at a primary or election (sec. 211.12). Violation of this provision is deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30).}}
{{smaller block|Refusing employee election privilege: Any person who, as principal or as agent for another, shall directly or indirectly refuse, abridge, or interfere with the election privileges of an employee, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 210.11).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer, or his agent, shall make any verbal or written, express or implied threats against his employees, involving their employment, with the intention of influencing their political opinion or action (sec. 211.24). Violation of this provision by any person as an individual shall be deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30). Violation by an officer or agent of a corporation shall be punished by a fine of from $100 to $5,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years or by both (sec. 211.28). Violation by an officer shall be deemed ''prima facie'' evidence of violation by the corporation. It is made the duty of the county attorney to conduct prosecutions under this chapter (211) on proper complaint.}}
Mississippi: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1942.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Whoever shall procure, or endeavor to procure, the vote of any elector, or the influence of any person over electors, at any election, by violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing a debt, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or of inflicting any injury, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or shall be fined not more than $1,000, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 2032).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Any person who shall by illegal force, or threats of force, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any elector from giving his vote, shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for not more than 2 years, or in a county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not over $500, or by both fine and imprisonment (sec. 2106).}}
{{smaller block|Coercing employees in primary: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to directly or indirectly coerce his employees to vote for any particular person or party in a primary election, by express or implied threats involving their employment (sec. 3172). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or both, and if violation is by a candidate, he shall forfeit his nomination (sec. 3193 (a)).}}
Missouri: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Annotated Statutes, 1952.
{{smaller block|Violence to influence voter: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, or loss upon or against any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any elector, or shall thereby induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 129.050).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, attempts to influence any qualified voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or to disturb or hinder him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, he shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.430).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter, when inside the guardrail, or when marking his ballot, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.880).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every person, whether an individual employer or an officer or agent of a firm or corporation, who shall directly or indirectly discharge, or attempt to discharge, any employee for his political opinions, or who shall coerce, or threaten to coerce, intimidate, or bribe any employee in an attempt to influence him to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate or measure at any election, shall be deemed guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 2 to 5 years (sec. 129.080).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision by a corporation shall be held as a forfeiture of its charter or franchise, which may be so adjudged in a suit brought by the county or circuit prosecuting attorney or by the attorney general (sec. 129.070).}}
{{smaller block|Denial of time to vote: Any person or corporation who shall deny an employee a certain time for voting without a penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (1956 Supp., sec. 129.060).}}
Montana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Codes, 1947.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Every person who, directly or indirectly, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb any elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of not over 1 year, or both (sec. 94–1411).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meetings of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in a public meeting for the consideration of public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 94–1419).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether individual or corporation, to enclose printed or written material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election, to display placards, etc., in his working establishment, containing express or implied threats or promises regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or actions of his employees. Violation of this provision by an individual is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $25 to $500, and imprisonment for not over 6 months in the county jail. Violation by a corporation is punishable by a fine of not over $5,000, or forfeiture of its charter, or both (sec. 94–1424).}}
Nebraska: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1943, reissue of 1952.
{{smaller block|Registration: If at any registration of voters, any person, by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or other unlawful means, shall prevent, hinder, or delay any qualified person from being registered, he shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 32–1224 (7)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voters: It shall be unlawful for any person to willfully or wrongly obstruct or prevent persons from voting who have the right to do so, at any election. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor, punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 to 6 months. This shall apply to all elections and caucuses (sec. 32–1237 (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to coerce, or attempt to coerce, an employee in his voting at any caucus, convention, or election, by threats concerning his employment. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $100, or imprisonment in the county jail for not over 30 days (sec. 32–1223).}}
Nevada.
{{smaller block|Coercion of voters: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or other means, or who shall inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm, or publish, or threaten to publish, any fact concerning a person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, or by threats to discharge an employee, impede or prevent a voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, shall be guilty of undue influence and shall be punished as for a gross misdemeanor (Laws, 1951, ch. 242, p. 360).}}
{{smaller block|Time off to vote: Any employer who shall deny an employee certain time for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (Laws, 1955, ch. 203, p. 301).}}
New Hampshire: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: If any person shall, directly or indirectly, by threats, intimidation, or bribery, induce, or attempt to induce, any voter to stay away from, or to avoid voting at, or to vote for or against any candidate in any town meeting, primary, or election, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned for not more than 3 months (sec. 69: 11).}}
New Jersey: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1940, title 19.
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: A person who shall, on election day, obstruct or interfere with any voter, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment for not more than 1 year, or both (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–6).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular person, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–28).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Whoever shall, at any election, in any way, willfully hinder or prevent a voter from casting his legal vote, knowing such person to have a right to vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of $500, or imprisonment in the State prison for 3 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–20).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall, by abduction, duress, force, or fraud, impede, prevent, or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 19: 34–29, 19: 34–31). An employer who shall so act toward an employee shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by fine of not over $2,000, or imprisonment for not over 5 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–27), and any corporation so acting, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 19: 34–31).}}
{{smaller block|Expenditures prohibited: No person shall contribute money toward the hiring of a person to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of voters awaiting their turn to enter a polling place to vote (sec. 19: 34–38d).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert written or printed material into the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days before an election, shall exhibit placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relative to their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 19: 34–30).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is punishable as for Interfering with voter, above.}}
New Mexico: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1953, Annotated.
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Any person who shall willfully coerce, browbeat, intimidate, or threaten any voter within a polling place, or shall attempt to do so, in order to influence the voter in marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $200, imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–8–29).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, damage, or loss on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of his right of suffrage by any elector, shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years, or by both (sec. 3–8–17).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who shall, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee, on account of his political opinion, or who shall, by corrupt means, attempt to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate or measure, shall be fined from $100 to $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–18–15).}}
New York: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Penal Law (McKinney’s), 1949.
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Any person who willfully and unlawfully hinders or delays, or aids in obstructing or delaying, an elector on his way to register or vote, or while he is attempting to register or vote in a general or special election, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 764 (3)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of elector in military service: Any person, who, directly or indirectly, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to control an elector in the military service of the United States in the exercise of his election rights, or who annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he exercises those rights, is guilty of a misdemeanor for which he may be tried in the future when in the State, and upon conviction of which he shall thereafter be ineligible to any office in the State (sec. 771).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. Violation of this provision shall be punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not over 1 year, or both (sec. 772–a (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation of voters: Any person or corporation who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or threatens to inflict any injury, damage, or loss on, or otherwise intimidates, any person, in order to induce him to vote, or to refrain from voting, at any election, for or against any person or measure, or to refrain from registering to vote, or for having registered and voted, or for having refrained from registering and voting, or who, by abduction, duress, or fraud, interferes with his free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor and, if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (1), (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer who inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter, or, within 90 days before a general election displays placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, is guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (3)).}}
North Carolina: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes, 1952 Recompilation.
{{smaller block|Interference with voters: Any person who shall interfere with, or attempt to interfere with, any voter when inside enclosed polling space or when marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–176).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, in connection with any primary or election, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, from employment, or otherwise intimidate or oppress any qualified voter on account of any vote such voter may cast, or intend to cast or not to cast, or which he may have failed to cast, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–196 (6)).}}
North Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code of 1943.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Every person who, by force, threat, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote at any election, or to deter him from giving his vote, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or to induce him to vote differently than he intended to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year, and shall forever be disfranchised and ineligible to any office of trust or profit within the State (sec. 12–1106).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector: Every person who willfully, and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1111).}}
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence: Every person, who, willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, and violence, threats of violence, intimidation, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing payment of debts, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to prevent an elector from freely giving his vote at any election, or hinders him from voting, or attempts to influence his vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1121).}}
Ohio: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, Page’s, 1951.
{{smaller block|Congregating at the polls: Nobody shall congregate in or about a voting place during the voting, so as to hinder an elector in registering or casting his ballot, after having been ordered by the election officer to disperse. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $20 to $300, or imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3599.30).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: No person shall before, during or after any primary, convention, or election, attempt by intimidation, coercion, ​or other unlawful means to induce a delegate or an elector to register or to vote, or to refrain from registering or from voting for a particular person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is deemed bribery and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of from 1 to 3 years, or both, and if offender is a candidate for office or has been elected to office, he shall forfeit such nomination or office (1956 supp., sec. 3599.01 (B)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert in pay envelopes or shall post on placards, etc., any express or implied threats concerning their employment, with intent to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a corrupt practice, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000 (sec. 3599.05).}}
{{smaller block|Second offense: Any person who is again convicted of a violation of the election laws, whether for the same offense or not, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000, or imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years, or both, and in addition shall be disfranchised (1956 Supp., sec. 3599.39).}}
Oklahoma: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Ann., 1937, title 21.
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector on way to polls: Every person who willfully and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on the way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 186).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meeting: Every person, who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in, or prevents an elector from attending public meeting to consider public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 212, 213).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Every person who willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, violence, threats, or intimidation, prevents or, attempts to prevent, an elector from freely giving his vote at an election or attempts to hinder him from voting or to cause him to vote for any person or candidate, shall be fined from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 214).}}
{{smaller block|Illegally influencing vote: Every person who procures, or attempts to procure, the vote of any elector, either for himself, or for or against any candidate, by means of violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, of enforcing payment of debts, of bringing civil or criminal action, or any other threats of injury, shall be fined not more than $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for not over 6 months (sec. 215).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidations: If any person in any manner intimidates or attempts to intimidate or deter anyone from voting at a general or primary election, he shall be fined not less than $10, or be imprisoned for not more than 3 months (title 26, sec. 479).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who denies employees certain time for voting in an election, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 for each elector so denied, and every agent of employer who violates this provision, shall in addition to the fine, be imprisoned in the county jail for from 2 to 6 months (title 26, sec. 438).}}
{{smaller block|Employer corporation: Any corporation which attempts to influence the votes of its employees or of other persons by threat, intimidation, bribe, or other corrupt means, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $5,000, and the person acting as its agent, who so acts, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for from 60 to 120 days (title 26, sec. 440).}}
Oregon: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1955.
{{smaller block|Undue influence: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or inflict, or threaten to inflict, harm or damage on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure. No minister, priest, or officer of a church, shall otherwise than by public speech or print persuade any voter to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, or measure. No person shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent any voter in the free exercise of the franchise in any election.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be punished as for a corrupt practice (sec. 260.300), by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not more than $5,000 or both (sec. 260.510).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: No person shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter when inside the enclosed space or when marking his ballot (sec. 260.640 (4)). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $200 (sec. 260.640 (6)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voter: No person shall, by menace, threat, or violence, whether armed or unarmed, intimidate or prevent any person from voting, or attempt to do so. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year (sec. 260.720).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person or corporation shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, harm, or loss, on any of his employees, to compel them to register or to vote, or refrain from registering or from voting, at any election, or for or against any person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|No person or corporation shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, attempt to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|No such employer shall insert in the pay envelopes any written or printed matter, or within 90 days before a general election display placards, etc., which shall contain express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 260.730), punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and if a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter in addition (sec. 260.740).}}
Pennsylvania: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Purdon’s Statutes Annotated, 1938, title 25.
{{smaller block|Interference with primaries and election: If any person shall block up the avenue to the door of any polling place, or shall attempt to do so, or shall use intimidation, threats, force, or violence, to unduly influence or overawe any elector, or to prevent him from voting or to restrain his freedom of choice at a primary or election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of from 6 months to 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3527).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation: Any person or corporation who directly or indirectly (a) uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, injury, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to register or vote or refrain from registering or from voting at any election, or for or against any person or measure, or for having so registered, voted, or refrained, or (b) by abduction, fraud, or duress impedes or hinders any voter from freely exercising his right of suffrage, or (c) being an employer, inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter or within 90 days before an election or primary exhibits placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of the offending officers or agents for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3547).}}
Rhode Island: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Laws of 1938, chapter 325.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use any threat, or employ any means of intimidation, for the purpose of influencing an elector to vote, or withhold his vote, at any election, for or against any candidate or measure, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years or by both in the discretion of the court, and shall be disfranchised (sec. 5).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person, being an employer, who, within 90 days before a general election, inserts written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or exhibits placards in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court, and shall thereafter be disfranchised and ineligible for public office. If employer is a corporation, it shall forfeit its charter (sec. 5).}}
South Carolina: South Carolina constitution election provisions:
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9:}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9: SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10: ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5: APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8: REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15: RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–73. Appeal from denial of registration''}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–74. Proceedings in court of common pleas''}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–75. Further appeal to supreme court''}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–100. Right to vote''}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats''}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct''}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally''}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
South Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1939.
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence of voters: Every person who, directly or indirectly, willfully, by force or violence, or unlawful arrest, or abduction, duress, damage, harm, or loss, or by fraud, or by threats to use any such means, or by threats to bring civil or criminal action, or to withdraw trade or to enforce payment of debts, or to inflict any injury on the voter or other person, attempts to intimidate a voter into voting, or refraining from voting, for any candidate or measure, or who does any of these things because a voter has already voted or refrained from voting for any candidate or measure, or who willfully and without lawful authority obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0913).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing public meeting of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful force or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meeting for considering public questions, or who so hinders or prevents any elector from attending any such meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0915).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: Any person who shall in any way obstruct the voting of any elector at a primary election, or intimidate any elector from attending a primary or voting thereat shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9907).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person who shall deny an employee certain time for voting at a general election without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9922). This shall only apply in the case of an employee who does not have a period of 2 consecutive hours during the time the polls are open when he is not required to be at work (Laws, 1955, ch. 57, p. 157).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall insert written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or shall within 90 days prior to an election exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 13.0914).}}
Tennessee: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It is a misdemeanor for any person, directly or indirectly, by force or threats, to prevent or attempt to prevent an elector from voting at a primary or general election or to inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm or other means of intimidation upon any person in order to compel him to vote or refrain from voting for any person or measure or because he has already so voted or refrained from voting (sec. 2–2211).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer to coerce or direct any employee or to threaten to discharge him, in order to induce him to vote or refrain from ​​voting for any candidate at a primary or general election or for any measure. It shall be unlawful to discharge an employee for his having voted, or refrained from voting, or for his having voted for or against any candidate or measure. Violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisonment in the county jail or workhouse for not more than 6 months, or both, and in addition thereto, if employer is a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 2–2236).}}
{{smaller block|It is a misdemeanor for an employer, within 90 days of an election or primary, to display placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 2–2237).}}
Texas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Penal Code, Annotated 1951.
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: Any election officer who shall, by violence or threats of violence, attempt to influence the vote of an elector for or against any particular candidate, shall be fined not over $1,000 (art. 220).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: Whoever shall by force or intimidation, obstruct or influence, or attempt to obstruct or influence, any voter in his free exercise of the elective franchise, shall be fined from $100 to $500, and in addition thereto, may be imprisoned in jail for not more than 1 month (art. 256, 255).}}
{{smaller block|Election for constitutional amendments: Any election officer or any other person within 100 feet of the voting box on election day, who shall intimidate or attempt to intimidate any qualified voter from voting on any question submitted to the people for amending the constitution of the State, or who shall attempt to influence his vote, shall be fined from $50 to $500 (art. 272).}}
{{smaller block|Person in service of United States: Any person in the civil or military service of the United States in Texas, who by threats, bribery, menace, or other corrupt means, controls, or attempts to control, the vote of an elector, or annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he has exercised his right of elective franchise, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be arrested and tried at any future time when he may be found in Texas (art. 258).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Whoever shall deny an employee the privilege of attending the polls without penalty or deduction of wages, shall be fined not more than $500 (art. 209).}}
Utah: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1953.

The following provisions apply to general, special, and primary elections (sec. 20–13–20):
{{smaller block|Disturbance: Any person who so interferes with the voters at any election as to prevent such election from being fairly held, is guilty of a felony (sec. 20–13–3), punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years or by both (sec. 20–13–4).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any person or measure at any election, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, fraud, or duress, to impede, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter. Violation of these provisions is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose in pay envelopes of employees, written or printed matter, or within 90 days of any election, to exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful for any corporation or its agent to influence or attempt to influence any employee, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury or damage, or by discharging from employment or promoting in employment, or by any other form of intimidation, to vote, or not to vote, at any election, or for any person or measure. Violation of this chapter is a misdemeanor, in addition to punishment for which, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 20–13–7).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who shall refuse to allow an employee certain time off for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. This shall not apply to employees who are paid by the hour (sec. 20–13–18).}}
Vermont: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Revision of 1947.
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: A person who interferes with a voter when inside the guardrail, shall be fined $50. The election officers shall see that the offender is duly prosecuted (sec. 379).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence: A person who attempts by bribery, threats, or any undue influence to dictate, or control, or alter the vote of a freeman about to be given at a general election shall be fined not more than $200 (sec. 388).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voting: A person who willfully hinders the voting of others during an election, shall be fined $50 (art. 390).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: The above provisions under “undue influence” and “hindering voting” shall also apply to primary elections (sec. 391).}}
Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1950.
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: If it shall appear at an election that the voters are being intimidated or coerced from any source in the exercise of their suffrage by bystanders about the polling place, or that voters are being hindered or tampered with in any way so as to prevent their casting a secret ballot, the judges of election may order the person engaged in so intimidating, coercing, or hindering the voters, to cease such action, and if he does not forthwith desist, the judges or a majority of them may order the arrest of such person by anyone authorized to make arrests, and may confine him in the county or city jail for not over 24 hours, and such person, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished as for a misdemeanor (sec. 24–190).}}
{{smaller block|Voting offenses: If any person, by threat or bribery, attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or attempts to deter him from giving his vote, he shall be confined in jail for not more than 1 year and fined not over $1,000 (sec. 24–450).}}
{{smaller block|Registration: Any registration officer who willfully or maliciously rejects from registering any person, contrary to law, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 24–453).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanor: A misdemeanor, under the election laws, unless otherwise specified, is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 12 months, or both (sec. 24–455).}}
Washington: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, 1951, title 29.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Any person who uses menace, force, threat, or corrupt means, at or prior to any election, toward any elector, to hinder or deter him from voting at such election, or authorizes another to do so, shall be guilty of a felony. Any election officer who, by menace, persuasion, or reward, attempts to induce an elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 29.85.060).}}
{{smaller block|Influencing voter: Any person who directly or indirectly, by menace or other corrupt means, attempts to influence a person in giving or refusing to give his vote in any election, or deters, disturbs, hinders, persuades, threatens, or intimidates any person from giving his vote therein, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $250 or by imprisonment for 6 months or both (sec. 29.85.070).}}
{{smaller block|Recall: Every person shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor, who by any corrupt means or by threats or intimidation, interferes with or attempts to interfere with the right of any legal voter to sign, or not to sign, any recall petition, or to vote for or against any recall (1953 Supp., sec. 29.82.220 (5)).}}
West Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1955, Annotated (Michie).
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall, by any manner of force, fraud, menace, or intimidation, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any voter from attending any election or from freely exercising his right of suffrage thereat, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or by confinement in the county jail for not over 1 year, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 164).}}
{{smaller block|Threat of violence: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, or on account of his having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, prevent or impede any voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, or shall thereby compel him to either vote, or refrain from voting, for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (c)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual or corporation, who prints on pay envelopes of employees or on placards, etc., in his establishment, express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of corrupt practices, punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $20,000, or by imprisonment in jail for not more than 1 year, or both (sec. 169 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall give any notice or information to his employees containing any threat, either express or implied, intended to influence the political view or actions of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (d)).}}
Wisconsin: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1951.
{{smaller block|Threats: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, in order to compel any person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise at any election, or shall thereby induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at any election for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be punished by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 346.17, renumbered sec. 12.52 by Laws, 1955, ch. 696, sec. 160).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall distribute among his employees any printed or written matter containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, calculated to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 12.19). Penalties for violation of this provision refer to violations by candidates or their committees (sec. 12.28).}}
Wyoming: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Wyoming Compiled Statutes Annotated, 1945.
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who shall, during an election, willfully hinder the voting of others, shall be fined from $25 to $100 (sec. 31–2309).}}
{{smaller block|Misconduct: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of election by means of violence, or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing trade, or enforcing payment of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a civil or criminal action or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him (sec. 31–2312 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|No person shall prevent or attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting (sec. 31–2312 (10)).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of these provisions is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not over 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or both (sec. 31–2312 (22)).}}
Mr. President, I have read the election laws.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have read the election laws of every State in the Union, from Alabama to Wyoming, showing that the States now have, on their statute books and in their constitutions, provisions to protect the right to vote. The accuracy of the statutes which I have just recited is confirmed by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress.

No one can say that any State, from Alabama through Wyoming, does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

The bill before the Senate is called a right-to-vote bill. Why is it called that? Every State has statutes to protect the right to vote. The sovereign States are protecting their citizens in the right to vote. Yet there is a big cry and a big hue about a voting law. As a matter of fact, the only thing that instigated this bill was the desire of both parties, the Democratic and the Republican, to play to minority votes. That is the purpose of the bill. It is purely political. Why do we need a Federal law when every State has a statute to protect the right to vote? And who is in a better position to protect the right to vote than the officials of the States?

Suppose the voting laws of all the States were abrogated and violated. Does the Federal Government have a police system which would enable it to send officials into every State to police the election laws of every State? If so, it would change our entire conception of the Government of this Nation.

The Constitution of the United States was written in 1789, in Philadelphia. It was ratified by nine Colonies which made them States and created the Union; 2 years later the Bill of Rights was adopted; and in the 10th amendment, which is a part of the Bill of Rights, it is provided that all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States. There is nothing in the Constitution that delegates those powers to the Federal Government. Therefore, those rights are reserved to the States, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for Congress to attempt to pass a law that will set up an administration which will attempt to bring about a policing of all the elections in all the 48 States of this Nation.

Some persons say, “Well, the States won’t enforce the voting laws. We have got to have a Federal law. Some States deny the vote to citizens.” I question that. Has there been a single instance brought before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the United States and proof presented that anyone has been denied the vote? From my understanding, and from the minority report which was submitted by some members of the Judiciary Committee, that has not been the case. So why does the Federal Government want to enter a field into which it has no constitutional authority to enter? As a matter of fact, the Federal Government already has a statute, I say to those who say the States are not protecting the right to vote. I am wondering if the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives have overlooked the Federal statute. I shall read that statute, so that Senators can know that we now have a Federal statute to protect the right to vote.

I shall read several provisions. The last one is the most applicable, and one on which I shall comment a little more, but I want to start with chapter 29 of title 18 of the Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

That is the United States Code, Criminal Code, and Criminal Procedure. Chapter 29 is entitled “Elections and Political Activities.”

Section 591 reads:
{{smaller block|Definitions:}}
{{smaller block|When used in sections 597, 599, 602, 609, and 610 of this title—}}
{{smaller block|The term “election” includes a general or special election, but does not include a primary election or convention of a political party.}}
But under a decision of the Supreme Court, in a case which went up from my own State of South Carolina, it was held that the primary election was a part of the election machinery; and the decision was rendered on that subject.
{{smaller block|The term “candidate” means an individual whose name is presented for election as Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress of the United States, whether or not such individual is elected;}}
{{smaller block|The term “political committee” includes any committee, association, or organization which accepts contributions or makes expenditures for the purpose of influencing or attempting to influence the election of candidates or presidential and vice presidential electors (1) in two or more States, or (2) whether or not in more than one State if such committee, association, or organization (other than a duly organized State or local committee of a political party) is a branch or subsidiary of a national committee, association, or organization;}}
{{smaller block|The term “contribution” includes a gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make a contribution, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “expenditure” includes a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make an expenditure, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “person” or the term “whoever” includes an individual, partnership, committee, association, corporation, and any other organization or group of persons;}}
{{smaller block|The term “State” includes Territory and possession of the United States. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 9, 63 Stat. 90.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 592. Troops at polls.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer of the Army or Navy, or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 593. Interference by Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States, prescribes or fixes or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, prevents, or attempts to prevent, by force, threat, intimidation, advice, or otherwise any qualified voter of any State from fully exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, orders or compels or attempts to compel any election officer in any State to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election in a State, different from those prescribed by law; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, interferes in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of his duties—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces from exercising the right of suffrage in any district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State of such district. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
I shall now comment on section 594, which is entitled “Intimidation of Voters.” I cannot help but believe that Members of Congress in some way must have overlooked this statute, if they believe a Federal statute is essential on this subject, which I do not. This is the way the section reads:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 594. Intimidation of voters.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
Mr. President, I do not think this statute is constitutional, in section 594, because I think the question is a matter reserved to the States. Since evidently there were people who thought the Federal Government did need to enter this field and who must have felt that it would not be unconstitutional for the Federal Government to enter it, this section was adopted. This section provides, as I have just read, for the punishment of anyone who attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose.

What is the purpose of the bill now under consideration, H. R. 6127? It is called the right-to-vote bill. The Federal statute here, in section 594 of title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure, is just as plain on the subject as it can be. There is the Federal statute on the question of voting. I do not like it, because I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field, but we have the statute, in section 594.

If there has been any violation of voting rights in this country, if there has been a single case of any person who claims that he has been intimidated or threatened or coerced to vote, the Federal Government has the power, under that statute, to punish anyone if he is convicted for such offense.

Either this statute has not been enforced, if there have been violations, or else there have been no violations. So when the Federal Government asks that another voting law be passed, such as House bill 6127, it is admitting 1 of 2 things: Either there have been no violations of the rights of people to vote, or the Justice Department is not enforcing the law on this subject.

I do not see what good it would do to enact another statute. What good would another statute do, if we have a statute already on the books? I have heard of no cases brought under this statute. There must not have been any violations. If there have been violations, the Federal Government has failed to prosecute violators, which it could do under this law.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 595. Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial governments.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a person employed in any administrative position by the United States, or by any department or agency thereof, or by the District of Columbia, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, or by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States, or any political subdivision, municipality, or agency thereof, or agency of such political subdivision or municipality (including any corporation owned or controlled by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States or by any such political subdivision, municipality, or agency), in connection with any activity which is financed in whole or in part by loans or grants made by the United States, or any department or agency thereof, uses his official authority for the purpose of interfering with, or affecting, the nomination or the election of any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner from any Territory or possession, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prohibit or make unlawful any act by any officer or employee of any educational or research institution, establishment, agency, or system which is supported in whole or in part by any State or political subdivision thereof, or by the District of Columbia or by any Territory or possession of the United States; or by any recognized religious, philanthropic, or cultural organization. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 596. Polling Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, within or without the Armed Forces of the United States, polls any member of such forces, either within or without the United States, either before or after he executes any ballot under any Federal or State law, with reference to his choice of or his vote for any candidate, or states, publishes, or releases any result of any purported poll taken from or among the members of the Armed Forces of the United States or including within it the statement of choice for such candidate or of such votes cast by any member of the Armed Forces of the United States, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned for not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|The word “poll” means any request for information, verbal or written, which by its language or form of expression requires or implies the necessity of an answer, where the request is made with the intent of compiling the result of the answers obtained, either for the personal use of the person making the request, or for the purpose of reporting the same to any other person, persons, political party, unincorporated association or corporation, or for the purpose of publishing the same orally, by radio, or in written or printed form. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 597. Expenditures to influence voting.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever makes or offers to make an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote, or to vote for or against any candidate; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits, accepts, or receives any such expenditure in consideration of his vote or the withholding of his vote—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 598. Coercion by means of relief appropriations.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever uses any part of any appropriation made by Congress for work relief, relief, or for increasing employment by providing loans and grants for public-works projects, or exercises or administers any authority conferred by any appropriation act for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing any individual in the exercise of his right to vote at any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 599. Promise of appointment by candidate.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a candidate, directly or indirectly promises or pledges the appointment, or the use of his influence or support for the appointment of any person to any public or private position or employment, for the purpose of procuring support in his candidacy shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 600. Promise of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, directly or indirectly, promises any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit, provided for or made possible in whole or in part by any act of Congress, to any person as consideration, favor, or reward for any political activity, or for the support of or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 601. Deprivation of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, except as required by law, directly or indirectly, deprives, attempts to deprive, or threatens to deprive any person of any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, on account of race, creed, color, or any political activity, support of, or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62, Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 602. Solicitation of political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, or a candidate for Congress, or individual elected as, Senator, Representative, Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, or an officer or employee of the United States or any department or agency thereof, or a person receiving any salary or compensation for services from money derived from the Treasury of the United States, directly or indirectly solicits, receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose whatever, from any other such officer, employee, or person, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 603. Place of solicitation.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by any person mentioned in section 602 of this title, or in any navy yard, fort, or arsenal, solicits or receives any contribution of money or other thing of value for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722; October 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (b), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 604. Solicitation from persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits or receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose from any person known by him to be entitled to, or receiving​ compensation, employment, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 605. Disclosure of names of persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, for political purposes, furnishes or discloses any list or names of persons receiving compensation, employment, or benefits provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating, or authorizing the appropriation of funds for work relief or relief purposes, to a political candidate, committee, campaign manager, or to any person for delivery to a political candidate, committee, or campaign manager; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever receives any such list or names for political purposes—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 606. Intimidation to secure political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being one of the officers or employees of the United States mentioned in section 602 of this title, discharges, or promotes, or degrades, or in any manner changes the official rank or compensation of any other officer or employee, or promises or threatens so to do, for giving or withholding or neglecting to make any contribution of money or other valuable thing for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 607. Making political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States or any department or agency thereof, directly or indirectly gives or hands over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator or Member of or Delegate to Congress, or Resident Commissioner, any money or other valuable thing on account of or to be applied to the promotion of any political object, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 608. Limitations on political contributions and purchases.}}
{{smaller block|(a) Whoever, directly or indirectly, makes contributions in an aggregate amount in excess of $5,000 during any calendar year, or in connection with any campaign for nomination or election, to or on behalf of any candidate for an elective Federal office, including the offices of President of the United States and presidential and vice presidential electors, or to or on behalf of any committee or other organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not apply to contributions made to or by a State or local committee or other State or local organization or to similar committees or organizations in the District of Columbia or in any Territory or possession of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|(b) Whoever purchases or buys any goods, commodities, advertising, or articles of any kind or description, the proceeds of which, or any portion thereof, directly or indirectly inures to the benefit of or for any candidate for an elective Federal office including the offices of President of the United States, and presidential and vice-presidential electors or any political committee or other political organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not interfere with the usual and known business, trade, or profession of any candidate.}}
{{smaller block|(c) In all cases of violations of this section by a partnership, committee, association, corporation, or other organization or group of persons, the officers, directors, or managing heads thereof who knowingly and willfully participate in such violation, shall be punished as herein provided.}}
{{smaller block|(d) The term “contribution,” as used in this section, shall have the same meaning prescribed by section 591 of this title. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina. The Senator may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue by reading section 609:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 609. Maximum contributions and expenditures.}}
{{smaller block|No political committee shall receive contributions aggregating more than $3 million, or make expenditures aggregating more than $3 million, during any calendar year.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section, any contributions received and any expenditures made on behalf of any political committee with the knowledge and consent of the chairman or treasurer of such committee shall be deemed to be received or made by such committee.}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of this section by any political committee shall be deemed also to be a violation by the chairman and the treasurer of such committee and by any other person responsible for such violation and shall be punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment of not more than 1 year, or both; and, if the violation was willful, by a fine of not more than $10,000, or imprisonment of not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 610. Contributions or expenditures by national banks, corporations, or labor organizations.}}
{{smaller block|It is unlawful for any national bank, or any corporation organized by authority of any law of Congress, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election to any political office, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any political office, or for any corporation whatever, or any labor organization, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which presidential and vice-presidential electors or a Senator or Representative are, or a Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress are to be voted for, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate, political committee, or other person to accept or receive any contribution prohibited by this section.}}
{{smaller block|Every corporation or labor organization which makes any contribution or expenditure in violation of this section shall be fined not more than $5,000; and every officer or director of any corporation, or officer of any labor organization, who consents to any contribution or expenditure by the corporation or labor organization, as the case may be, and any person who accepts or receives any contribution, in violation of this section, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section “labor organization” means any organization of any kind, or any agency or employee representation committee or plan, in which employees participate and which exist for the purpose, in whole or in part, of dealing with employers concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay, hours of employment, or conditions of work. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 10, 63 Stat. 90; Oct. 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (c), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 611. Contributions by firms or individuals contracting with the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, entering into any contract with the United States or any department or agency thereof, either for the rendition of personal services or furnishing any material, supplies, or equipment to the United States or any department or agency thereof, or selling any land or building to the United States or any department or agency thereof, if payment for the performance of such contract or payment for such material, supplies, equipment, land, or building is to be made in whole or in part from funds appropriated by the Congress, during the period of negotiation for, or performance under such contract or furnishing of material, supplies, equipment, land, or buildings, directly or indirectly makes any contribution of money or any other thing of value, or promises expressly or impliedly to make any such contribution, to any political party committee, or candidate for public office or to any person for any political purpose or use; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever knowingly solicits any such contribution from any such person or firm, for any such purpose during any such period—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 612. Publication or distribution of political statements.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever willfully publishes or distributes, or causes to be published or distributed, or for the purpose of publishing or distributing the same, knowingly deposits for mailing or delivery, or causes to be deposited for mailing or delivery, or, except in cases of employees of the Post Office Department in the official discharge of their duties, knowingly transports or causes to be transported in interstate commerce any card, pamphlet, circular, poster, dodger, advertisement, writing, or other statement relating to or concerning any person who has publicly declared his intention to seek the office of President, or Vice President of the United States, or Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress, in a primary, general, or special election, or convention of a political party, or has caused or permitted his intention to do so to be publicly declared, which does not contain the names of the persons, associations, committees, or corporations responsible for the publication or distribution of the same, and the names of the officers of each such association, committee, or corporation, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724; Aug. 25, 1950, ch. 784, sec. 2, 64 Stat. 475.)}}
Mr. President, I have read those Federal statutes to show that we have in title 18, chapter 29, provision for elections and political activities, and the specific section to which I referred and attempted to emphasize, section 594, provides especially for the punishment of anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces any other person for interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. That is in the Federal statutes.

Again I ask, Why does the Congress need to pass another law when we have a law, a law with teeth in it, a law that provides a punishment of as much as $1,000 or imprisonment for as long as one year, or both? In other words, under this statute, the Federal Government, through the Justice Department, can prosecute any person who intimidates, threatens, or coerces another person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote and to vote as he chooses. If we have that kind of law on the books now, why do we need another law? As I stated a few moments ago, I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field. But they have entered this field, and laws on the subject have been enacted. Section 594 gives the Federal Government all the authority it needs to protect the right to vote in any State of this Nation. Section 594 makes provision for specific punishment if anyone violates the section and attempts to deny the right to vote, or threatens, intimidates, or coerces one in his right to vote and to vote as he chooses.

So with every State in the Nation having laws on the subject to protect the right to vote, and with the Federal Government having laws on this subject to protect the right to vote, why do we need to pass another bill, another bill which is unconstitutional, another bill which violates the Constitution of the United States? I will come to that later on in my address. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States.

I am going to take up after a while a decision which shows that criminal contempt is a crime, and if criminal contempt is a crime, then it falls within the category of the provision of the Constitution of the United States which says that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. It does not specify by degree. If he is entitled to a jury trial, he is entitled to it. The Senate passed a bill with an amendment providing for jury trial. The bill went back to the House, the House amended it, and added a provision that the judge in his discretion could try the case if the punishment was not over 45 days or a fine of $300. That is not what the Constitution says. The Constitution does not provide that a man is entitled to a jury trial under certain conditions, if the House had fixed the fine at $1 instead of $300 and denied a man the right of a trial by jury, in my opinion it still would have been unconstitutional. I shall develop that more as my address goes on.

Mr. President, I shall now take up specific points of the proposed compromise on the jury trial provisions of H. R. 6127, so as to point out the lack of constitutionality of the provisions in connection with contempt of court proceedings.

A so-called compromise has been reached among advocates of civil-rights legislation—H. R. 6127—whereby a jury trial would be given in certain criminal contempts of Federal courts.

The purpose of this speech is to point out the objectionable features of the proposed compromise and to show conclusively that it is unconstitutional.

The proposed jury-trial amendment, being part V of H. R. 6127, reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|PART V—TO PROVIDE TRIAL BY JURY FOR PROCEEDINGS TO PUNISH CRIMINAL CONTEMPTS OF COURT ARISING OUT OF CIVIL-RIGHTS CASES AND TO AMEND THE JUDICIAL CODE RELATING TO FEDERAL JURY QUALIFICATIONS}}}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 151. In all cases of criminal contempt arising under the provisions of this act, the accused, upon conviction, shall be punished by fine or imprisonment or both: ''Provided, however'', That in case the accused is a natural person the fine to be paid shall not exceed the sum of $1,000, nor shall imprisonment exceed the term of 6 months: ''Provided further'', That in any such proceeding for criminal contempt, at the discretion of the judge, the accused may be tried with or without a jury: ''Provided further, however'', That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of the $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury, which shall conform as near as may be to the practice in other criminal cases.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not apply to contempts committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice nor to the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders, or process of the court.}}
{{smaller block|Nor shall anything herein or in any other provision of law be construed to deprive courts of their power, by civil contempt proceedings, without a jury, to secure compliance with or to prevent obstruction of, as distinguished from punishment for violations of, any lawful writ, process, order, rule, decree, or command of the court in accordance with the prevailing usages of law and equity, including the power of detention.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 152. Section 1861, title 28, of the United States Code is hereby amended to read as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“1861. Qualifications of Federal jurors.}}
{{smaller block|“Any citizen of the United States who has attained the age of 21 years and who has resided for a period of 1 year within the judicial district, is competent to serve as a grand or petit juror unless:}}
{{smaller block|“(1) He has been convicted in a State or Federal court of record of a crime punishable by imprisonment for more than 1 year and his civil rights have not been restored by pardon or amnesty.}}
{{smaller block|“(2) He is unable to read, write, speak, and understand the English language.}}
{{smaller block|“(3) He is incapable, by reason of mental or physical infirmities, to render efficient jury service.”}}
Mr. President, those are the provisions of the so-called compromise.

I wish to have all other Members of the Senate and all other citizens of these United States know just what the compromise provides.

First, Mr. President, this amendment is clearly unconstitutional because of vagueness.

It is an established principle of constitutional law that crimes must be clearly defined. If this amendment were enacted, persons charged with contempt would be deprived of their liberty and property without due process of law, in violation of the 14th amendment to the Federal Constitution. Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under a statute by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them.

This point is clearly brought out in Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, in the second edition, third volume, at page 1727. Here is what this great authority on the Constitution has to say on this point:
{{smaller block|1142. Crimes must be clearly defined.}}
{{smaller block|Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under statutes by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them. “A statute which either forbids or requires the doing of an act in terms so vague that men of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ as to its application violates the first essential of due process of law.” ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' (269 U. S. 385).}}
The first sentence of the proposed amendment—section 151—refers to criminal contempt and provides for punishment upon conviction. The first ''proviso'' of the first sentence refers to natural persons; and for such natural persons, the fine is limited to $1,000 or—in the alternative—imprisonment is limited to 6 months. This first ''proviso'' is obviously drafted to bring the offense within the present definition of “misdemeanor,” as classified by the Congress in the adoption of title 18 of the United States Code on June 25, 1948. Section 1 of title 18, United States Code, classifies offenses against the United States as follows:
{{smaller block|1. Offenses classified:}}
{{smaller block|Notwithstanding any act of Congress to the contrary:}}
{{smaller block|(1) Any offense punishable by death or imprisonment for a term exceeding 1 year is a felony.}}
{{smaller block|(2) Any other offense is a misdemeanor.}}
{{smaller block|(3) Any misdemeanor, the penalty for which does not exceed imprisonment for a period of 6 months or a fine of not more than $500, or both, is a petty offense.}}
The second ''proviso'' of the first sentence still refers to criminal contempt, and vests in the Federal district judge the discretion to determine whether the person accused of contempt is to be tried with or without a jury.

The third proviso of the first sentence, still referring only to criminal contempts, says that where the district judge proceeds summarily—without benefit of a jury—to convict the accused and fine him or her for more than $300 or imprison him or her for more than 45 days, then the person so convicted—fined or imprisoned—may demand a trial ''de novo''. It is assumed that trial ''de novo'' contemplates a trial anew of the entire controversy, including the hearing of evidence, as though no previous action had been taken. In ''Pittsburgh S. S. Co.'' v. ''Brown'' ((1948 Ct. App. Ill.) 171 Fed. 2d. 175, 177), “trial ''de novo''” is defined as an entirely new trial, but that was a civil case. The term “trial ''de novo''” nowhere appears in criminal cases referred to in volume 42 A, Words and Phrases, 1952 edition or 1957 supplement.

The second sentence of the amendment, without any reference to “criminal contempt” or without defining or differentiating between “criminal contempt” and “civil contempt,” proceeds to make the provisions of the first sentence inapplicable to those contempts “committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice” and likewise inapplicable to “misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders or process of the court.” In other words, this second sentence deals with certain “contempts” and with “misbehavior of any officers of the court” and excludes such “contempts” and “misbehavior of any officer of the court” from the provisions of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. In other words, the second sentence says that if any contempt is committed in the presence of the court, or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice, it is not dealt with in the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. Likewise excluded from coverage by the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127—would be “the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court” in respect to any writ, order, or process of court issued presumably under authority of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127.

The last sentence of the amendment—section 151—simply tries to restate the proposition now appearing in section 401 of title 18, United States Code, that a court of the United States has power to punish contempts of its authority. However, in restating that proposition, this last sentence refers to “civil contempts,” whereas section 401 refers to “contempt of its”—the court’s—“authority.” Thus we see the last sentence of the amendment, section 151, refers to “civil contempt,” as distinguished from the first sentence, which deals with “criminal contempt.”

Nowhere in the amendment is any definition given of either “criminal contempt” or “civil contempt;” nor has Congress ever attempted to draw any such distinction. The sole provision attempting to draw a distinction between criminal and civil contempt is contained in rule 42 (b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in the requirement that the notice with respect to a criminal contempt shall describe it as such. The Advisory Committee on Rules, appointed by the United States Supreme Court pursuant to the act of June 29, 1940—Fifty-fourth United States Statutes at Large, page 686—to assist in the preparation of rules of pleading, in their notes indicate that the requirement of notice written into rule 42 (b) was “intended to obviate the frequent confusion between criminal and civil contempt proceedings” pursuant to the suggestion made in ''McCann'' v. ''New York Stock Exchange'' ((2d Cir., 1935) 80 F. 2d 211). See Civil and Criminal Contempt in the Federal Courts, report of Los Angeles Bar Association, 17 Federal Rules Decisions 167–182—1955. The Supreme Court itself has belabored the distinction between civil and criminal contempts. For the Court’s distinction see ''Bessette'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' ((1904) 194 U.S. 324, 328).

A contempt statute certainly comes within the due process of law requirements of the Constitution. To substantiate this point, I refer again to Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, page 1727, section 1141. In this section Willoughby points out that a contempt which is not committed in open court does require due process of law for the defendant. The United States Supreme Court, in an opinion by Chief Justice Taft, held on April 13, 1925, that all the guaranties of due process of law are available to a person charged with contempt. ''Cooke'' v. ''United States'' ((1925) 267 U.S. 517.) Thus it is quite clear that the amendment—section 151—as now drafted, would subject a person to criminal prosecution for a statutory offense so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable him to determine whether or not he is committing that offense. ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' ((1926) 269 U. S. 385); ''International Harvester Co.'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 216); ''Collins'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 634).

Second. This amendment is unconstitutional, in violation of the fifth amendment prohibiting double jeopardy.

That provision of the amendment which permits the accused to be tried a second time by a jury for the same offense following conviction in a summary proceeding violates the fifth amendment to the United States Constitution, which declares “nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb.”

In ''ex parte'' Grossman the Supreme Court stated that contempt is an “offense” within the meaning of the pardoning power of the President granted in article II, section 2, clause 1 of the enumerated powers of the President. Clause 1 declares the President “shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons of offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.” Chief Justice Taft in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1925) 267 U. S. 87, 107) quoting ''Myers'' v. ''United States'' ((1924) 264 U. S. 95, 104–105).

If contempt is an offense when it comes to the pardoning power of the President, it certainly is an offense under the fifth amendment. Thus reading the language of the amendment—section 151—''in pari materia'' with the decisions in ''ex parte'' Grossman and ''Myers'' against ''United States'', for the Congress to grant a second trial following conviction, with the same defendant, the same charges, and the same evidence, would place the defendant in double jeopardy.

The proposal—section 151—even if it were not in violation of the fifth amendment, would place Congress in the position of gambling with the rights of our citizens. Suppose a judge tries a man or woman and finds the person guilty. The press reports this fact to the public and such cases are bound to stir the public interest. The person so convicted is then tried again on the same evidence. Any jury is bound to be influenced.

In addition, what basis or standard of conduct is to be the determining factor as to whether the judge imposes the lesser fine or sentence and lets his verdict stand or imposes the greater fine or punishment and moves the case along to a jury trial. There would be no uniformity in the application of the proposed statute—section 151—and the entire procedure would be awkward, cumbersome, and impracticable.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', a note is made of an interruption in Mr. Thurmond’s speech, regarding the results of a special election for a Senator, upon which several pages of the ''Record'' are used to record the reading of documents and the discussion of matters relevant thereto. As this is not a constituent portion of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, it is absent from this record. However, following this notice, several other parliamentary procedures are maintained, and other matters are dealt with; the ''Record'' then replaces the remainder of Mr. Thurmond’s speech to the records of the succeeding day, beginning on p. 16383. This record begins again from this section.''

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I now wish to take up Chief Justice Taft’s opinion on jury trials in contempt cases. Considerable has been said about what Chief Justice Taft said concerning contempt and jury trials. Chief Justice Taft was at one time President of the United States, and he was Chief Justice of the United States. He was a great man and a great American. His opinions are highly revered, but some of his opinions have been quoted out of context or when not applicable. I wish to take up at this time his opinions on jury trials in contempt cases.

On June 5, 1957, at his White House press conference, President Eisenhower, in answer to a question asked by the National Negro Press Association as to how he stood on the jury-trial amendment to the so-called civil-rights bill, quoted President Taft, as being opposed to a jury trial in contempt cases. President Eisenhower stated that Mr. Taft made this statement when he was President in 1908 and there is no evidence that he ever changed his mind.

In the first place the statement was not made by Mr. Taft while President. The statement was made by Mr. Taft in a political speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on Tuesday, July 28, 1908, in acceptance of the Republican nomination for President. Mr. Taft at the time was Secretary of War. He did not become President until March 4, 1909.

In this political speech Mr. Taft also said a trial by jury in contempt cases was never known in the history of the jurisprudence of England, or America, except in the constitution of Oklahoma. See Presidential Addresses and Papers, William H. Taft, 1910 ed., page 26.

Also in this speech Mr. Taft said the popular impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, may be affected by a personal feeling was unfounded.

Did Mr. Taft change his mind when he became Chief Justice? He most assuredly did. He not only changed his mind on the subject of whether jury trials were had at common law in contempt cases but also changed his mind about judges having personal vindictiveness in contempt orders.

While Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Mr. Taft delivered the opinion in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1924) 267 U. S. 87) and cited eight cases at common law to show that in England a jury trial was had in contempt cases. This decision was rendered by him in upholding a pardon granted by President Hoover to a man imprisoned by a United States district judge in Illinois for contempt in a summary proceeding. Chief Justice Taft declared at page 118 of volume 267, United States Reports:
{{smaller block|The King of England before our Revolution, in the exercise of his prerogative, had always exercised the power to pardon contempts of court, just as he did ordinary crimes and misdemeanors and as he has done to the present day. In the mind of a common-law lawyer of the 18th century the word pardon included within its scope the ending by the King’s grace of the punishment of such derelictions, whether it was imposed by the court without a jury or upon indictment, for both forms of trial for contempts were had. ''Thomas of Chartham'' v. ''Benet of Stamford'' ((1313), 24 Selden Society, 185); ''Fulwood'' v. ''Fulwood'' ((1585), Toothill, 46); ''Rex'' v. ''Buckenham'' ((1665), 1 Deble 751, 707, 852); Anonymous (1674), Cases in Chancery (238); ''King and Codrington'' v. ''Rodmap'' ((1630), Cr. Car. 198); ''Bartram'' v. ''Dannett'' ((1676), Finch, 253); ''Phipps'' v. ''Earl of Angelsea'' ((1721), 1 Peere Williams, 696).}}
In all probability Mr. Taft was induced to recognize the fact that jury trials were customarily had at common law in contempts as a result of research conducted by the distinguished historian of English law, Mr. W. S. Holdsworth. The efforts of this great historian were first made public in 1909 after Mr. Taft had made his earlier statement.

Mr. Holdsworth declared that the only cases in which contempts were punished summarily was where the contemnor confessed his guilt. If he did not confess the accused was tried by the ordinary course of law which meant trial by jury. To quote Mr. Holdsworth:
{{smaller block|A History of English Law, volume III., pages 392–393. * * * But all through the medieval period, and long afterwards, the courts, though they might attack persons who were guilty of contempts of court, could not punish them summarily. Unless they confessed their guilt, they must be regularly indicted and convicted. Mr. Fox has given a list of 40 cases of various contempts—insults to the judges, an assault on the attorney general, beating jurors, striking a witness, trampling on a writ of prohibition—in all of which the offender was tried by the ordinary course of law. That this was the correct course to pursue was stated by Anderson, C. J., in 1599.}}
In another opinion while Chief Justice Mr. Taft changed his mind about the immunity of Federal judges from vindictiveness in issuing contempt orders.

On November 19, 1923, in a concurring opinion in ''Craig'' v. ''Hecht'' (263 U. S. 255 at p. 279), the Chief Justice said:
{{smaller block|The delicacy there is in the judge’s deciding whether an attack upon his own judicial action is mere criticism or real obstruction, and the possibility that impulse may incline his view to personal vindication, are manifest. But the law gives the person convicted of contempt in such a case the right to have the whole question on facts and law reviewed by three judges of the circuit court of appeals who have had no part in the proceedings, and if not successful in that court, to apply to this Court for an opportunity for a similar review here.}}
Mr. President, on June 10, 1957, the Supreme Court delivered an opinion in the case of [[Reid v. Covert (354 U.S. 1)|''Reid'' against ''Covert'']]. Since this opinion deals with the question “the right of trial by jury,” I think it is advisable for the Senate to consider this decision of the Supreme Court. I shall read a number of pages from the opinion and a concurring opinion by Justice Frankfurter.

Some of the material in this opinion necessarily discusses the background of the cases. However, I believe it appropriate to read this material because it is necessary to a full understanding of this decision which upheld the constitutional right of trial by jury which H. R. 6127 would deny under certain conditions. I read from the opinion of the Court:
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Black announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan join.}}
{{smaller block|These cases raise basic constitutional issues of the utmost concern. They call into question the role of the military under our system of government. They involve the power of Congress to expose civilians to trial by military tribunals, under military regulations and procedures, for offenses against the United States thereby depriving them of trial in civilian courts, under civilian laws and procedures and with all the safeguards of the Bill of Rights. These cases are particularly significant because for the first time since the adoption of the Constitution wives of soldiers have been denied trial by jury in a court of law and forced to trial before courts-martial.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701 Mrs. Clarice Covert killed her husband, a sergeant in the United States Air Force, at an airbase in England. Mrs. Covert, who was not a member of the armed services, was residing on the base with her husband at the time. She was tried by a court-martial for murder under Article 118 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The trial was on charges preferred by Air Force personnel and the court-martial was composed of Air Force officers. The court-martial asserted jurisdiction over Mrs. Covert under Article 2 (11) of the UCMJ, which provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The following persons are subject to this code:}}
{{smaller block|“(11) Subject to the provisions of any treaty or agreement to which the United States is or may be a party or to any accepted rule of international law, all persons serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces without the continental limits of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|Counsel for Mrs. Covert contended that she was insane at the time she killed her husband, but the military tribunal found her guilty of murder and sentenced her to life imprisonment. The judgment was affirmed by the Air Force Board of Reviews (16 CMR 465) but was reversed by the Court of Military Appeals (6 USCMA 48), because of prejudicial errors concerning the defense of insanity. While Mrs. Covert was being held in this country pending a proposed retrial by court-martial in the District of Columbia, her counsel petitioned the district court for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to set her free on the ground that the Constitution forbade her trial by military authorities. Construing this court’s decision in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), as holding that “a civilian is entitled to a civilian trial,” the district court held that Mrs. Covert could not be tried by court-martial and ordered her released from custody. The Government appealed directly to this court under, title 28, United States Code, section 1252. See Three Hundred and Fiftieth United States Reports, page 985.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713 Mrs. Dorothy Smith killed her husband, an Army officer, at a post in Japan where she was living with him. She was tried for murder by a court-martial and despite considerable evidence that she was insane was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. The judgment was approved by the Army Board of Review (10 CMR 350, 13 CMR 307), and the Court of Military Appeals (5 USCMA 314). Mrs. Smith was then confined in a Federal penitentiary in West Virginia. Her father, respondent here, filed a petition for ''habeas corpus'' in a district court for West Virginia. The petition charged that the court-martial was without jurisdiction because article 2 (11) of the UCMJ was unconstitutional insofar as it authorized the trial of civilian dependents accompanying servicemen overseas. The district court refused to issue the writ (137 F. Supp. 806), and while an appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit we granted ''certiorari'' at the request of the Government (350 U. S. 986).}}
{{smaller block|The two cases were consolidated and argued last term and a majority of the Court, with 3 Justices dissenting and 1 reserving opinion, held that military trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert for their alleged offenses was constitutional. Three hundred and fifty-first United States Reports, page 470, 487. The majority held that the provisions of article III and the fifth and sixth amendments which require that crimes be tried by a jury after indictment by a grand jury did not protect an American citizen when he was tried by the American Government in foreign lands for offenses committed there and that Congress could provide for the trial of such offenses in any manner it saw fit so long as the procedures established were reasonable and consonant with due process. The opinion then went on to express the view that military trials, as now practiced, were not unreasonable or arbitrary when applied to dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces overseas. In reaching their conclusion the majority found it unnecessary to consider the power of Congress “to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces” under article I of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Subsequently, the Court granted a petition for rehearing. Three Hundred and Fifty-second United States Reports, page 901. Now, after further argument and consideration, we conclude that the previous decisions cannot be permitted to stand. We hold that Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert could not constitutionally be tried by military authorities.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|I}}}}
{{smaller block|At the beginning we reject the idea that when the United States acts against citizens abroad it can do so free of the Bill of Rights. The United States is entirely a creature of the Constitution. Its power and authority have no other source. It can only act in accordance with all the limitations imposed by the Constitution. When the Government reaches out to punish a citizen who is abroad, the shield which the Bill of Rights and other parts of the Constitution provide to protect his life and liberty should not be stripped away just because he happens to be in another land. This is not a novel concept. To the contrary, it is as old as government. It was recognized long before Paul successfully invoked his right as a Roman citizen to be tried in strict accordance with Roman law. And many centuries later an English historian wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“In a settled colony the inhabitants have all the rights of Englishmen. They take with them, in the first place, that which no Englishman can by expatriation put off, namely, allegiance to the Crown, the duty of obedience to the lawful commands of the Sovereign, and obedience to the laws which Parliament may think proper to make with reference to such a colony. But, on the other hand, they take with them all the rights and liberties of British subjects; all the rights and liberties as against the prerogative of the Crown, which they would enjoy in this county.”}}
{{smaller block|The rights and liberties which citizens of our country enjoy are not protected by custom and tradition alone, they have been jealously preserved from the encroachments of Government by express provisions of our written Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Among those provisions, article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments are directly relevant to these cases. Article III, section 2, lays down the rule that—}}
{{smaller block|“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth amendment declares:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|And the sixth amendment provides:}}
{{smaller block|“In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.”}}
{{smaller block|The language of article III, section 2, manifests that constitutional protections for the individual were designed to restrict the United States Government when it acts outside of this country, as well as here at home. After declaring that all criminal trials must be by jury, the section states that when a crime is “not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.” If this language is permitted to have its obvious meaning, section 2 is applicable to criminal trials outside of the States as a group without regard to where the offense is committed or the trial held. From the very first Congress, Federal statutes have implemented the provisions of section 2 by providing for trial of murder and other crimes committed outside the jurisdiction of any State “in the district where the offender is apprehended, or into which he may first be brought.” The fifth and sixth amendments, like article III, section 2, are also all inclusive with their sweeping references to “no person” and to “all criminal prosecutions.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court and other Federal courts have held or asserted that various constitutional limitations apply to the Government when it acts outside the continental United States. While it has been suggested that only those constitutional rights which are “fundamental” protect Americans abroad, we can find no warrant, in logic or otherwise, for picking and choosing among the remarkable collection of “Thou shalt nots” which were explicitly fastened on all departments and agencies of the Federal Government by the Constitution and its amendments. Moreover, in view of our heritage and the history of the adoption of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, it seems peculiarly anomalous to say that trial before a civilian judge and by an independent jury picked from the common citizenry are not fundamental rights. As Blackstone wrote in his Commentaries:}}
{{smaller block|“The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * [I]t is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals.”}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
{{smaller block|The keystone of supporting authorities mustered by the Court’s opinion last June to justify its holding that article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments did not apply abroad was ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). The Ross case is one of those cases that cannot be understood except in its peculiar setting; even then, it seems highly unlikely that a similar result would be reached to-day. Ross was serving as a seaman on an American ship in Japanese waters. He killed a ship’s officer, was seized and tried before a consular court in Japan. At that time, statutes authorized American consuls to try American citizens charged with committing crimes in Japan and certain other non-Christian countries. These statutes provided that the laws of the United States were to govern the trial except:}}
{{smaller block|“Where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.”}}
{{smaller block|The consular power approved in the Ross case was about as extreme and absolute as that of the potentates of the non-Christian countries to which the statutes applied. Under these statutes consuls could and did make the criminal laws, initiate charges, arrest alleged offenders, try them, and after conviction take away their liberty or their life—sometimes at the American consulate. Such a blending of executive, legislative, and judicial powers in one person or even in one branch of the Government is ordinarily regarded as the very acme of absolutism. Nevertheless, the Court sustained Ross’ conviction by the consul. It stated that constitutional protections applied “only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad.” Despite the fact that it upheld Ross’ conviction under United States laws passed pursuant to asserted constitutional authority, the Court went on to make a sweeping declaration that “[t]he Constitution can have no operation in another country.”}}
{{smaller block|The Ross approach that the Constitution has no applicability abroad has long since been directly repudiated by numerous cases. That approach is obviously erroneous if the United States Government, which has no power except that granted by the Constitution, can and does try citizens for crimes committed abroad. Thus the Ross case rested, at least in substantial part, on a fundamental misconception and the most that can be said in support of the result reached there is that the consular court jurisdiction had a long history antedating the adoption of the Constitution. The Congress has recently buried the consular system of trying Americans. We are not willing to jeopardize the lives and liberties of Americans by disinterring it. At best, the Ross case should be left as a relic from a different era.}}
{{smaller block|The Court’s opinion last term also relied on the Insular Cases to support its conclusion that article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments were not applicable to the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. We believe that reliance was misplaced.}}
{{smaller block|The Insular Cases can be distinguished from the present cases in that they involved the power of Congress to provide rules and regulations to govern temporarily territories with wholly dissimilar traditions and institutions whereas here the basis for governmental power is American citizenship. None of these cases had anything to do with military trials and they cannot properly be used as vehicles to support an extension of military jurisdiction to civilians. Moreover, it is our judgment that neither the cases nor their reasoning should be given any further expansion. The concept that the Bill of Rights and other constitutional protections against arbitrary government are inoperative when they become inconvenient or when expediency dictates otherwise is a very dangerous doctrine and if allowed to flourish would destroy the benefit of a written Constitution and undermine the basis of our Government. If our foreign commitments become of such nature that the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority, or inclination, to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|II}}}}
{{smaller block|At the time of Mrs. Covert’s alleged offense, an executive agreement was in effect between the United States and Great Britain which permitted United States military courts to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over offenses committed in Great Britain by American servicemen or their dependents. For its part, the United States agreed that these military courts would be willing and able to try and to punish all offenses against the laws of Great Britain by such persons. In all material respects, the same situation existed in Japan when Mrs. Smith killed her husband. Even though a court-martial does not give an accused trial by jury and other Bill of Rights protections, the Government contends that section 2(11) of the UCMJ, insofar as it authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces in Great Britain and Japan, can be sustained as legislation which is necessary and proper to carry out the United States obligations under the international agreements made with those countries. The obvious and decisive answer to this, of course, is that no agreement with a foreign nation can confer power on the Congress, or on any other branch of Government, which is free from the restraints of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI., the supremacy clause of the Constitution, declares:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in this language which intimates that treaties and laws enacted pursuant to them do not have to comply with the provisions of the Constitution. Nor is there anything in the debates which accompanied the drafting and ratification of the Constitution which even suggests such a result. These debates as well as the history that surrounds the adoption of the treaty provision in article VI. make it clear that the reason treaties were not limited to those made in pursuance of the Constitution was so that agreements made by the United States under the Articles of Confederation, including the important peace treaties which concluded the Revolutionary War, would remain in effect. It would be manifestly contrary to the objectives of those who created the Constitution, as well as those who were responsible for the Bill of Rights—let alone alien to our entire constitutional history and tradition—to construe article VI. as permitting the United States to exercise power under an international agreement without observing constitutional prohibitions. In effect, such construction would permit amendment of that document in a manner not sanctioned by article V. The prohibitions of the Constitution were designed to apply to all branches of the National Government and they cannot be nullified by the executive or by the executive and the Senate combined.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing new or unique about what we say here. This court has regularly and uniformly recognized the supremacy of the Constitution over a treaty. For example, in ''Geofroy'' v. ''Riggs'' (133 U. S. 258, 267), it declared:}}
{{smaller block|“The treaty power, as expressed in the Constitution, is in terms unlimited except by those restraints which are found in that instrument against the action of the Government or of its departments, and those arising from the nature of the Government itself and of that of the States. It would not be contended that it extends so far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids, or a change in the character of the Government or in that of one of the States, or a cession of any portion of the territory of the latter, without its consent.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court has also repeatedly taken the position that an act of Congress, which must comply with the Constitution, is on a full parity with a treaty, and that when a statute which is subsequent in time is inconsistent with a treaty, the statute to the extent of conflict renders the treaty null. It would be completely anomalous to say that a treaty need not comply with the Constitution when such an agreement can be overridden by a statute that must conform to that instrument.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in ''Missouri'' v. ''Holland'' (252 U. S. 416), which is contrary to the position taken here. There the Court carefully noted that the treaty involved was not inconsistent with any specific provision of the Constitution. The Court was concerned with the 10th amendment which reserves to the States or the people all power not delegated to the National Government. To the extent that the United States can validly make treaties, the people and the States have delegated their power to the National Government and the 10th amendment is no barrier.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, we conclude that the Constitution in its entirety applied to the trials of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. Since their court-martial did not meet the requirements of article III., section 2, or the fifth and sixth amendments, we are compelled to determine if there is anything within the Constitution which authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces overseas.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|III}}}}
{{smaller block|Article I., section 8, clause 14, empowers Congress “To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” It has been held that this creates an exception to the normal method of trial in civilian courts as provided by the Constitution and permits Congress to authorize military trial of members of the armed services without all the safeguards given an accused by article III. and the Bill of Rights. But if the language of clause 14 is given its natural meaning, the power granted does not extend to civilians—even though they may be dependents living with servicemen on a military base. The term “land and naval forces” refers to persons who are members of the armed services and not to their civilian wives, children, and other dependents. It seems inconceivable that Mrs. Covert or Mrs. Smith could have been tried by military authorities as members of the land and naval forces had they been living on a military post in this country. Yet this constitutional term surely has the same meaning everywhere. The wives of servicemen are no more members of the land and naval forces when living at a military post in England or Japan than when living at a base in this country or in Hawaii or Alaska.}}
{{smaller block|The Government argues that the necessary and proper clause, when taken in conjunction with clause 14, allows Congress to authorize the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert by military tribunals and under military law. The Government claims that the two clauses together constitute a broad grant of power without limitation authorizing Congress to subject all persons, civilians and soldiers alike, to military trial if necessary and proper to govern and regulate the land and naval forces. It was on a similar theory that Congress once went to the extreme of subjecting persons who made contracts with the military to court-martial jurisdiction with respect to frauds related to such contracts. In the only judicial test a Circuit Court held that the legislation was patently unconstitutional. ''Ex parte'' Henderson (11 Fed. Cas. 1067, No. 6349).}}
{{smaller block|It is true that the Constitution expressly grants Congress power to make all rules necessary and proper to govern and regulate those persons who are serving in the land and naval forces. But the necessary and proper clause cannot operate to extend military jurisdiction to any group of persons beyond that class described in clause 14—“the land and naval forces.” Under the grand design of the Constitution civilian courts are the normal repositories of power to try persons charged with crimes against the United States. And to protect persons brought before these courts, article III. and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments establish the right to trial by jury, by indictment by a grand jury, and a number of other specific safeguards. By way of contrast the jurisdiction of military tribunals is a very limited and extraordinary jurisdiction derived from the cryptic language in article I., section 8, and, at most, was intended to be only a narrow exception to the normal and preferred method of trial in courts of law. Every extension of military jurisdiction is an encroachment on the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and, more important, acts as a deprivation of the right to jury trial and of other treasured constitutional protections. Having run up against the steadfast bulwark of the Bill of Rights, the necessary and proper clause cannot extend the scope of clause 14.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing said here contravenes the rule laid down in ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, at 421), that:}}
{{smaller block|“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.”}}
{{smaller block|In McCulloch this Court was confronted with the problem of determining the scope of the necessary and proper clause in a situation where no specific restraints on governmental power stood in the way. Here the problem is different. Not only does clause 14, by its terms, limit military jurisdiction to members of the land and naval forces, but article III., section 2 and the fifth and sixth amendments require that certain express safeguards, which were designed to protect persons from oppressive governmental practices, shall be given in criminal prosecutions—safeguards which cannot be given in a military trial. In the light of these as well as other constitutional provisions, and the historical background in which they were formed, military trial of civilians is inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Further light is reflected on the scope of clause 14 by the fifth amendment. That amendment which was adopted shortly after the Constitution reads:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|Since the exception in this amendment for cases arising in the land or naval forces was undoubtedly designed to correlate with the power granted Congress to provide for the government and regulation of the armed services, it is a persuasive and reliable indication that the authority conferred by clause 14 does not encompass persons who cannot fairly be said to be in the military service.}}
{{smaller block|Even if it were possible, we need not attempt here to precisely define the boundary between civilians and members of the land and naval forces. We recognize that there might be circumstances where a person could be in the armed services for purposes of clause 14 even though he had not formally been inducted into the military or did not wear a uniform. But the wives, children, and other dependents of servicemen cannot be placed in that category, even though they may be accompanying a serviceman abroad at Government expense and receiving other benefits from the Government. We have no difficulty in saying that such persons do not lose their civilian status and their right to a civilian trial because the Government helps them live as members of a soldier’s family.}}
{{smaller block|The tradition of keeping the military subordinate to civilian authority may not be so strong in the minds of this generation as it was in the minds of those who wrote the Constitution. The idea that the relatives of soldiers could be denied a jury trial in a court of law and instead be tried by courts-martial under the guise of regulating the Armed Forces would have seemed incredible to those men, in whose lifetime the right of the military to try soldiers for any offenses in time of peace had only been grudgingly conceded. The founders envisioned the Army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds. Their fears were rooted in history. They knew that ancient republics had been overthrown by their military leaders. They were familiar with the history of 17th century England, where Charles I. tried to govern through the army and without Parliament. During this attempt, contrary to the common law, he used courts-martial to try soldiers for certain nonmilitary offenses. This court-martialing of soldiers in peacetime evoked strong protests from Parliament. The reign of Charles I. was followed by the rigorous military rule of Oliver Cromwell. Later, James II. used the army in his fight against Parliament and the people. He promulgated articles of war (strangely enough relied on in the Government’s brief) authorizing the trial of soldiers for nonmilitary Crimes by courts-martial. This action hastened the revolution that brought William and Mary to the throne upon their agreement to abide by a bill of rights which, among other things, protected the right of trial by jury. It was against this general background that two of the greatest English jurists, Lord Chief Justice Hale and Sir William Blackstone—men who exerted considerable influence on the founders—expressed sharp hostility to any expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. For instance, Blackstone went so far as to assert:}}
{{smaller block|“For martial law, which is built upon no settled principles, but is entirely arbitrary in its decisions, is, as Sir Matthew Hale observes, in truth and reality no law, but something indulged rather than allowed as a law. The necessity of order and discipline in an army is the {{SIC|ony|only}} thing which can give it countenance; and therefore it ought not to be permitted in time of peace, when the king’s courts are open for all persons to receive justice according to the laws of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|The generation that adopted the Constitution did not distrust the military because of past history alone. Within their own lives they had seen royal governors sometimes resort to military rule. British troops were quartered in Boston at various times from 1768 until the outbreak of the Revolutionary War to support unpopular royal governors and to intimidate the local populace. The trial of soldiers by courts-martial and the interference of the military with the civil courts aroused great anxiety and antagonism not only in Massachusetts but throughout the colonies. For example, Samuel Adams in 1768 wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“[I]s it not enough for us to have seen soldiers and mariners forejudged of life, and executed within the body of the county by martial law? Are citizens to be called upon, threatened, ill-used at the will of the soldiery, and put under arrest, by pretext of the law military, in breach of the fundamental rights of subjects, and contrary to the law and franchise of the land? * * * Will the spirits of people as yet unsubdued by tyranny, unawed by the menaces of arbitrary power, submit to be governed by military force? No! Let us rouse our attention to the common law—which is our birthright, our great security against all kinds of insult and oppression.”}}
{{smaller block|Colonials had also seen the right to trial by jury subverted by acts of Parliament which authorized courts of admiralty to try alleged violations of the unpopular Molasses and Navigation Acts. This gave the admiralty courts jurisdiction over offenses historically triable only by a jury in a court of law and aroused great resentment throughout the colonies. As early as 1765 delegates from nine colonies meeting in New York asserted in a declaration of rights that trial by jury was the inherent and invaluable right of every citizen in the colonies.}}
{{smaller block|With this background it is not surprising that the Declaration of Independence protested that George III. had affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power and that Americans had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. And those who adopted the Constitution embodied their profound fear and distrust of military power, as well as their determination to protect trial by jury, in the Constitution and its amendments. Perhaps they were aware that memories fade and hoped that in this way they could keep the people of this Nation from having to fight again and again the same old battles for individual freedom.}}
{{smaller block|In the light of this history, it seems clear that the founders had no intention to permit the trial of civilians in military courts, where they would be denied jury trials and other constitutional protections, merely by giving Congress the power to make rules which were necessary and proper for the regulation of the land and naval forces. Such a latitudinarian interpretation of these clauses would be at war with the well-established purpose of the founders to keep the military strictly within its proper sphere, subordinate to civil authority. The Constitution does not say that Congress can regulate the land and naval forces and all other persons whose regulation might have some relationship to maintenance of the land and naval forces. There is no indication that the founders contemplated setting up a rival system of military courts to compete with civilian courts for jurisdiction over civilians who might have some contact or relationship with the Armed Forces. Courts-martial were not to have concurrent jurisdiction with courts of law over nonmilitary America.}}
{{smaller block|On several occasions this Court has been faced with an attempted expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. ''Ex parte'' Milligan (4 Wall. 2), one of the great landmarks in this Court’s history, held that military authorities were without power to try civilians not in the military or naval service by declaring martial law in an area where the civil administration was not deposed and the courts were not closed. In a stirring passage the Court proclaimed:}}
{{smaller block|“Another guaranty of freedom was broken when Milligan was denied a trial by jury. The great minds of the country have differed on the correct interpretation to be given to various provisions of the Federal Constitution; and judicial decision has been often invoked to settle their true meaning; but until recently no one ever doubted that the right of trial by jury was fortified in the organic law against the power of attack. It is now assailed; but if ideas can be expressed in words, and language has any meaning, this right—one of the most valuable in a free country—is preserved to everyone accused of crime who is not attached to the Army, or Navy, or militia in actual service.”}}
{{smaller block|In ''Duncan'' v. ''Kahanamoku'' (327 U. S. 304), the Court reasserted the principles enunciated in ''Ex parte'' Milligan and reaffirmed the tradition of military subordination to civil authorities and institutions. It refused to sanction the military trial of civilians in Hawaii during wartime despite Government claims that the needs of defense made martial law imperative.}}
{{smaller block|Just last term, this Court held in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), that military courts could not constitutionally try a discharged serviceman for an offense which he had allegedly committed while in the Armed Forces. It was decided (1) that since Toth was a civilian he could not be tried by military court-martial, and (2) that since he was charged with murder, a crime in the constitutional sense, he was entitled to indictment by a grand jury, jury trial, and the other protections contained in article III., section 2 and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments. The Court pointed out that trial by civilian courts was the rule for persons who were not members of the Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|There are no supportable grounds upon which to distinguish the ''Toth'' case from the present cases. Toth, Mrs. Covert, and Mrs. Smith were all civilians. All three were American citizens. All three were tried for murder. All three alleged crimes were committed in a foreign country. The only differences were: (1) Toth was an exserviceman while they were wives of soldiers; (2) Toth was arrested in the United States while they were seized in foreign countries. If anything, Toth had closer connection with the military than the two women for his crime was committed while he was actually serving in the Air Force. Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith had never been members of the Army, had never been employed by the Army, had never served in the Army in any capacity. The Government appropriately argued in Toth that the constitutional basis for court-martialing him was clearer than for court-martialing wives who are accompanying their husbands abroad. Certainly Toth’s conduct as a soldier bears a closer relation to the maintenance of order and discipline in the Armed Forces than the conduct of these wives. The fact that Toth was arrested here while the wives were arrested in foreign countries is material only if constitutional safeguards do not shield a citizen abroad when the Government exercises its power over him. As we have said before, such a view of the Constitution is erroneous. The mere fact that these women had gone overseas with their husbands should not reduce the protection the Constitution gives them.}}
{{smaller block|The Milligan, ''Duncan'', and ''Toth'' cases recognized and manifested the deeply rooted and ancient opposition in this country to the extension of military control over civilians. In each instance an effort to expand the jurisdiction of military courts to civilians was repulsed.}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of decisions in the lower Federal courts which have upheld military trial of civilians performing services for the Armed Forces in the field during time of war. To the extent that these cases can be justified, insofar as they involved trial of persons who were not members of the Armed Forces, they must rest on the Government’s war powers. In the face of an actively hostile enemy, military commanders necessarily have broad power over persons on the battlefront. From a time prior to the adoption of the Constitution the extraordinary circumstances present in an area of actual fighting have been considered sufficient to permit punishment of some civilians in that area by military courts under military rules. But neither Japan nor Great Britain could properly be said to be an area where active hostilities were underway at the time Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert committed their offenses or at the time they were tried.}}
{{smaller block|The Government urges that the concept in the field should be broadened to reach dependents accompanying the military forces overseas under the conditions of world tension which exist at the present time. It points out how the war powers include authority to prepare defenses and to establish our military forces in defensive posture about the world. While we recognize that the war powers of the Congress and the Executive are broad, we reject the Government’s argument that present threats to peace permit military trial of civilians accompanying the Armed Forces overseas in an area where no actual hostilities are underway. The exigencies which have required military rule on the battlefront are not present in areas where no conflict exists. Military trial of civilians in the field is an extraordinary jurisdiction, and it should not be expanded at the expense of the Bill of Rights. We agree with Colonel Winthrop, an expert on military jurisdiction, who declared: “A statute cannot be framed by which a civilian can lawfully be made amenable to the military jurisdiction in time of peace.”}}
{{smaller block|As this Court stated in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), the business of soldiers is to fight and prepare to fight wars, not to try civilians for their alleged crimes. Traditionally, military justice has been a rough form of justice emphasizing summary procedures, speedy convictions, and stern penalties with a view to maintaining obedience and fighting fitness in the ranks. Because of its very nature and purpose the military must place great emphasis on discipline and efficiency. Correspondingly, there has always been less emphasis in the military on protecting the rights of the individual than in civilian society and in civilian courts.}}
{{smaller block|Courts-martial are typically ''ad hoc'' bodies appointed by a military officer from among his subordinates. They have always been subject to varying degrees of command influence. In essence, these tribunals are simply executive tribunals whose personnel are in the executive chain of command. Frequently, the members of the court-martial must look to the appointing officer for promotions, advantageous assignments, and efficiency ratings—in short, for their future progress in the service. Conceding to military personnel that high degree of honesty and sense of justice which nearly all of them undoubtedly have, the members of a court-martial, in the nature of things, do not and cannot have the independence of jurors drawn from the general public or of civilian judges.}}
{{smaller block|We recognize that a number of improvements have been made in military justice recently by engrafting more and more of the methods of civilian courts on courts-martial. In large part these ameliorations stem from the reaction of civilians, who were inducted during the two World Wars, to their experience with military justice. Notwithstanding the recent reforms, military trial does not give an accused the same protection which exists in the civil courts. Looming far above all other deficiencies of the military trial, of course, are the absence of trial by jury before an independent judge after an indictment by a grand jury. Moreover, the reforms are merely statutory; Congress—and perhaps the President—can reinstate former practices, subject to any limitations imposed by the Constitution, whenever it desires. As yet it has not been clearly settled to what extent the Bill of Rights and other protective parts of the Constitution apply to military trials.}}
{{smaller block|It must be emphasized that every person who comes within the jurisdiction of courts-martial is subject to military law—law that is substantially different from the law which governs civilian society. Military law is, in many respects, harsh law which is frequently cast in very sweeping and vague terms. It emphasizes the iron hand of discipline more that it does the even scales of justice. Moreover, it has not yet been definitely established to what extent the President, as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, or his delegates, can promulgate, supplement, or change substantive military law as well as the procedures of military courts in time of peace, or in time of war. In any event, Congress has given the President broad discretion to provide the rules governing military trials. For example, in these very cases a technical manual issued under the President’s name with regard to the defense of insanity in military trials was of critical importance in the convictions of Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith. If the President can provide rules of substantive law as well as procedure, then he and his military subordinates exercise legislative, executive, and judicial powers with respect to those subject to military trials. Such blending of functions in one branch of the Government is the objectionable thing which the draftsmen of the Constitution endeavored to prevent by providing for the separation of governmental powers.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, “it still remains true that military tribunals have not been and probably never can be constituted in such way that they can have the same kind of qualifications that the Constitution has deemed essential to fair trials of civilians in Federal courts.” In part this is attributable to the inherent differences in values and attitudes that separate the Military Establishment from civilian society. In the military, by necessity, emphasis must be placed on the security and order of the group rather than on the value and integrity of the individual.}}
{{smaller block|It is urged that the expansion of military jurisdiction over civilians claimed here is only slight, and that the practical necessity for it is very great. The attitude appears to be that a slight encroachment on the Bill of Rights and other safeguards in the Constitution need cause little concern. But to hold that these wives could be tried by the military would be a tempting precedent. Slight encroachments create new boundaries from which legions of power can seek new territory to capture. “It may be that it is the obnoxious thing in its mildest and least repulsive form; but illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing in that way; namely, by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure. This can only be obviated by adhering to the rule that constitutional provisions for the security of person and property should be liberally construed. A close and literal construction deprives them of half their efficacy, and leads to gradual depreciation of the right, as if it consisted more in sound than in substance. It is the duty of courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the citizen, and against any stealthy encroachments thereon.” Moreover we cannot consider this encroachment a slight one. Throughout history many transgressions by the military have been called slight and have been justified as reasonable in light of the uniqueness of the times. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that today the peoples of many nations are ruled by the military.}}
{{smaller block|We should not break faith with this Nation’s tradition of keeping military power subservient to civilian authority, a tradition which we believe is firmly embodied in the Constitution. The country has remained true to that faith for almost 170 years. Perhaps no group in the Nation has been truer than military men themselves. Unlike the soldiers of many other nations, they have been content to perform their military duties in defense of the Nation in every period of need and to perform those duties well without attempting to usurp power which is not theirs under our system of constitutional government.}}
{{smaller block|Ours is a Government of divided authority on the assumption that in division there is not only strength but freedom from tyranny. And under our Constitution courts of law alone are given power to try civilians for their offenses against the United States. The philosophy expressed by Lord Coke, speaking long ago from a wealth of experience, is still timely:}}
{{smaller block|“God send me never to live under the law of conveniency or discretion. Shall the soldier and justice sit on one bench, the trumpet will not let the cryer speak in Westminster Hall.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701, ''Reid'' v. ''Covert'', the judgment of the district court directing that Mrs. Covert be released from custody is affirmed.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713, ''Kinsella'' v. ''Krueger'', the judgment of the district court is reversed and the case is remanded with instructions to order Mrs. Smith released from custody. Reversed and remanded.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Whittaker took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.}}
{{rule|3em}}
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Frankfurter, concurring in the result.}}
{{smaller block|These cases involve the constitutional power of Congress to provide for trial of civilian dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces abroad by court-martial in capital cases. The normal method of trial of Federal offenses under the Constitution is in a civilian tribunal. Trial of offenses by way of court-martial, with all the characteristics of its procedure so different from the forms and safeguards of procedure in the conventional courts, is an exercise of exceptional jurisdiction, arising from the power granted to Congress in article I., section 8, clause 14, of the Constitution of the United States—“To make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” ''Dynes'' v. ''Hoover'', (20 How. 65); see ''Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11); Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d ed. 1896), 52. Article 2(11) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, 64th United States Statutes at Large, pages 107, 109, title 50, United States Code, section 532, and its predecessors were passed as an exercise of that power, and the agreements with England and Japan recognized that the jurisdiction to be exercised under those agreements was based on the relation of the persons involved to the military forces. See the agreement with Great Britain (57 Stat. 1193, E. A. S. No. 355) and the United States of America (Visiting Forces) Act (1942, 5 and 6 Geo. 6, ch. 31); and the 1952 administrative agreement with Japan (3 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 3341, T. I. A. S. No. 2492).}}
{{smaller block|Trial by court-martial is constitutionally permissible only for persons who can, on a fair appraisal, be regarded as falling within the authority given to Congress under article I. to regulate the “land and naval forces,” and who therefore are not protected by specific provisions of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. It is, of course, true that, at least regarding the right to a grand-jury indictment, the fifth amendment is not unmindful of the demands of military discipline. Within the scope of appropriate construction, the phrase “except in cases arising in the land and naval forces” has been assumed also to modify the guaranties of speedy and public trial by jury. And so, the problem before us is not to be answered by recourse to the literal words of this exception. The cases cannot be decided simply by saying that since these women were not in uniform, they were not “in the land and naval forces.” The Court’s function in constitutional adjudications is not exhausted by a literal reading of words. It may be tiresome, but it is nonetheless vital, to keep our judicial minds fixed on the injunction that “it is a Constitution we are expounding.” ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, 407). Although Winthrop in his treatise states that the Constitution “clearly distinguishes the military from the civil class as separate communities” and “recognizes no third class which is part civil and part military—military for a particular purpose or in a particular situation, and civil for all other purposes and in all other situations. * * *” Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d edition 1896), 145, this Court, applying appropriate methods of constitutional interpretation, has long held, and in a variety of situations, that in the exercise of a power specifically granted to it, Congress may sweep in what may be necessary to make effective the explicitly worded power. See ''Jacob Ruppert'' v. ''Caffey'' (251 U. S. 264) especially 289 and following; ''Purity Extract Co.'' v. ''Lynch'' (226 U. S. 192, 201); ''Railroad Commission'' v. ''Chicago, Burlington, &amp; Quincy R. Co.'' (257 U. S. 563, 588). This is the significance of the necessary and proper clause, which is not to be considered so much a separate clause in article I., section 8, as an integral part of each of the preceding 17 clauses. Only thus may be avoided a strangling literalness in construing a document that is not an enumeration of static rules, but the living framework of Government designed for an undefined future. ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316); ''Hurtado'' v. ''California'' (110 U. S. 516, 530–531).}}
{{smaller block|Everything that may be deemed, as the exercise of an allowable judgment by Congress, to fall fairly within the conception conveyed by the power given to Congress “to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces” is constitutionally within that legislative grant and not subject to revision by the independent judgment of the Court. To be sure, every event or transaction that bears some relation to “the land and naval forces” does not ''ipso facto'' come within the tolerant conception of that legislative grant. The issue in these cases involves regard for considerations not dissimilar to those involved in a determination under the due process clause. Obviously, the practical situations before us bear some relation to the military. Yet the question for this Court is not merely whether the relation of these women to the “land and naval forces” is sufficiently close to preclude the necessity of finding that Congress has been arbitrary in its selection of a particular method of trial. For although we must look to article I., section 8, clause 14, as the immediate justifying power, it is not the only clause of the Constitution to be taken into account. The Constitution is an organic scheme of government to be dealt with as an entirety. A particular provision cannot be dissevered from the rest of the Constitution. Our conclusion in these cases therefore must take due account of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must weigh all the factors involved in these cases in order to decide whether these women dependents are so closely related to what Congress may allowably deem essential for the effective “government and regulations of the land and naval forces” that they may be subjected to court-martial jurisdiction in these capital cases, when the consequence is loss of the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|We are not concerned here even with the possibility of some alternative nonmilitary type of trial that does not contain all the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must judge only what has been enacted and what is at issue. It is the power actually asserted by Congress under article I., section 8, clause 14, that must now be adjudged in the light of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. In making this adjudication, I must emphasize that it is only the trial of civilian dependents in a capital case in time of peace that is in question. The Court has not before it, and therefore I need not intimate any opinion on, situations involving civilians, in the sense of persons not having a military status, other than dependents. Nor do we have before us a case involving a noncapital crime. This narrow delineation of the issue is merely to respect the important restrictions binding on the Court when passing on the constitutionality of an act of Congress. “In the exercise of that jurisdiction, it is bound by two rules, to which it has rigidly adhered, one, never to anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it; the other never to formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to be applied. These rules are safe guides to sound judgment. It is the dictate of wisdom to follow them closely and carefully.” ''Steamship Co.'' v. ''Emigration Commissioners'' (113 U. S. 33, 39).}}
{{smaller block|We are also not concerned here with the substantive aspects of the grant of power to Congress to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces. What conduct should be punished and what constitutes a capital case are matters for Congressional discretion, always subject, of course, to any specific restrictions of the Constitution. These cases involve the validity of procedural conditions for determining the commission of a crime in fact punishable by death. The taking of life is irrevocable. It is in capital cases especially that the balance of conflicting interests must be weighted most heavily in favor of the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights. Thus, in ''Powell'' v. ''Alabama'' (287 U. S. 45, 71), the fact “above all that they stood in deadly peril of their lives” led the Court to conclude that the defendants had been denied due process by the failure to allow them reasonable time to seek counsel and the failure to appoint counsel. I repeat. I do not mean to imply that the considerations that are controlling in capital cases involving civilian dependents are constitutionally irrelevant in capital cases involving civilians other than dependents or in noncapital cases involving dependents or other civilians. I do say that we are dealing here only with capital cases and civilian dependents.}}
{{smaller block|The Government asserts that civilian dependents are an integral part of our Armed Forces overseas and that there is substantial military necessity for subjecting them to court-martial jurisdiction. The Government points out that civilian dependents go abroad under military auspices, live with military personnel in a military community, enjoy the privileges of military facilities, and that their conduct inevitably tends to influence military discipline.}}
{{smaller block|The prosecution by court-martial for capital crimes committed by civilian dependents of members of the Armed Forces abroad is hardly to be deemed; under modern conditions, obviously appropriate to the effective exercise of the power to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces when it is a question of deciding what power is granted under article I. and, therefore, what restriction is made on article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. I do not think that the proximity, physical and social, of these women to the land and naval forces is, with due regard to all that has been put before us, so clearly demanded by the effective Government and regulation of those forces as reasonably to demonstrate a justification for court-martial jurisdiction over capital offenses.}}
{{smaller block|The Government speaks of the “great potential impact on military discipline” of these accompanying civilian dependents. This cannot be denied, nor should its implications be minimized. But the notion that discipline over military personnel is to be furthered by subjecting their civilian dependents to the threat of capital punishment imposed by court-martial is too hostile to the reasons that underlie the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights for those safeguards to be displaced. It is true that military discipline might be affected seriously if civilian dependents could commit murders and other capital crimes with impunity. No one, however, challenges the availability to Congress of a power to provide for trial and punishment of these dependents for such crimes. The method of trial alone is in issue. The Government suggests that if trial in an article III. court subject to the restrictions of the fifth and sixth amendments is the only alternative, such a trial could not be held abroad practicably, and it would often be equally impracticable to transport all the witnesses back to the United States for trial. But although there is no need to pass on that issue in this case, trial in the United States is obviously not the only practical alternative and other alternatives may raise different constitutional questions. The Government’s own figures for the Army show that the total number of civilians (all civilians serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces overseas and not merely civilian dependents) for whom general courts-martial for alleged murder were deemed advisable was only 13 in the 7 fiscal years, 1950–56. It is impossible to ascertain from the figures supplied to us exactly how many persons were tried for other capital offenses, but the figures indicate that there could not have been many. There is nothing to indicate that the figures for the other services are more substantial. It thus appears to be a manageable problem within the procedural restrictions found necessary by this opinion.}}
{{smaller block|A further argument is made that a decision adverse to the Government would mean that only a foreign trial could be had. Even assuming that the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, (4 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 1792, T. I. A. S. No. 2846) covering countries where a large part of our Armed Forces are stationed, gives jurisdiction to the United States only through its military authorities, this court cannot speculate that any given nation would be unwilling to grant or continue such extraterritorial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in capital cases if they were to be tried by some other manner than court-martial. And even if such were the case, these civilian dependents would then merely be in the same position as are so many Federal employees and their dependents and other United States citizens who are subject to the laws of foreign nations when residing there. See also the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, ''supra'', article VII., sections 2, 3.}}
{{smaller block|The Government makes the final argument that these civilian dependents are part of the United States military contingent abroad in the eyes of the foreign nations concerned and that their conduct may have a profound effect on our relations with these countries, with a consequent effect on the Military Establishment there. But the argument that military courts-martial in capital cases are necessitated by this factor assumes either that a military court-martial constitutes a stronger deterrent to this sort of conduct or that in the absence of such a trial no punishment would be meted out and our foreign policy thereby injured. The reasons why these considerations carry no conviction have already been indicated.}}
{{smaller block|I therefore conclude that in capital cases the exercise of court-martial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in time of peace cannot be justified by article I., considered in connection with the specific protections of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|Since the conclusion thus reached differs from what the Court decided last term, a decent respect for the judicial process calls for reexamination of the two grounds that then prevailed. The court sustained its action on the authority of the cases dealing with the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for the territories, reinforced by ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453), in which this Court, in 1891, sustained the criminal jurisdiction of a consular court in Japan. These authorities grew out of, and related to, specific situations very different from those now here. They do not control or even embarrass the problem before us.}}
{{smaller block|Legal doctrines are not self-generated abstract categories. They do not fall from the sky; nor are they pulled out of it. They have a specific judicial origin and etiology. They derive meaning and content from the circumstances that gave rise to them and from the purposes they were designed to serve. To these they are bound as is a live tree to its roots. Doctrines like those expressed by the Ross case and the series of cases beginning with ''American Insurance Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511), must be placed in their historical setting. They cannot be wrenched from it and mechanically transplanted into an alien, unrelated context without suffering mutilation or distortion. “If a precedent involving a black horse is applied to a case involving a white horse, we are not excited. If it were an elephant or an animal ''ferae naturae'' or a chose in action, then we would venture into thought. The difference might make a difference. We really are concerned about precedents chiefly when their facts differ somewhat from the facts in the case at bar. Then there is a gulf or hiatus that has to be bridged by a concern for principle and a concern for practical results and practical wisdom.” Thomas Reed Powell, Vagaries and Varieties in Constitutional Interpretation 36. This attitude toward precedent underlies the whole system of our case law. It was thus summarized by Mr. Justice Brandeis: “It is a peculiar virtue of our system of law that the process of inclusion and exclusion, so often employed in developing a rule, is not allowed to end with its enunciation and that an expression in an opinion yields later to the impact of facts unforeseen.” ''Jaybird Mining Co.'' v. ''Weir'' (271 U. S. 609, 619 (dissenting)). Especially is this attitude to be observed in constitutional controversies.}}
{{smaller block|The Territorial cases relied on by the Court last term held that certain specific constitutional restrictions on the Government did not automatically apply in the acquired Territories of Florida, Hawaii, the Philippines, or Puerto Rico. In these cases, the Court drew its decisions from the power of Congress to “make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory * * * belonging to the United States,” for which provision is made in article IV., section 3. The United States from time to time acquired lands in which many of our laws and customs found an uncongenial soil because they ill accorded with the history and habits of their people. Mindful of all relevant provisions of the Constitution and not allowing one to frustrate another—which is the guiding thought of this opinion—the Court found it necessary to read article IV., section 3 together with the fifth and sixth amendments and article III. in the light of those circumstances. The question arose most frequently with respect to the establishment of trial by jury in possessions in which such a system was wholly without antecedents. The Court consistently held with respect to such Territory that Congressional power under article IV., section 3 was not restricted by the requirement of article III., section 2, clause 3, and the sixth amendment of providing trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|“If the right to trial by jury were a fundamental right which goes wherever the jurisdiction of the United States extends; or if Congress, in framing laws for outlying territory belonging to the United States, was obliged to establish that system by affirmative legislation, it would follow that, no matter what the needs or capacities of the people, trial by jury, and in no other way, must be forthwith established, although the result may be to work injustice and provoke disturbance rather than to aid the orderly administration of justice. If the United States, impelled by its duty or advantage, shall acquire territory peopled by savages, and of which it may dispose or not hold for ultimate admission to statehood, if this doctrine is sound, it must establish there the trial by jury. To state such a proposition demonstrates the impossibility of carrying it into practice. Again, if the United States shall acquire by treaty the cession of territory having an established system of jurisprudence, where jury trials are unknown, but a method of fair and orderly trial prevails under an acceptable and long-established code, the preference of the people must be disregarded, their established customs ignored, and they themselves coerced to accept, in advance of incorporation into the United States, a system of trial unknown to them and unsuited to their needs. We do not think it was intended, in giving power to Congress to make regulations for the territories, to hamper its exercise with this condition.” ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138, 148.)}}
{{smaller block|The fundamental right test is the one which the Court has consistently enunciated in the long series of cases—''e. g.'', ''American Ins. Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511); ''De Lima'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 1); ''Downes'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 244); ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138); ''Balzac'' v. ''Porto Rico'' (258 U. S. 298)—dealing with claims of constitutional restrictions on the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for governing the unincorporated territories. The process of decision appropriate to the problem led to a detailed examination of the relation of the specific territory to the United States. This examination, in its similarity to analysis in terms of due process, is essentially the same as that to be made in the present cases in weighing Congressional power to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces against the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|The results in the cases that arose by reason of the acquisition of exotic territory do not control the present cases for the territorial cases rest specifically—on article IV., section 3, which is a grant of power to Congress to deal with territory and other Government property. Of course the power sought to be exercised in Great Britain and Japan does not relate to territory. The Court’s opinions in the territorial cases did not lay down a broad principle that the protective provisions of the Constitution do not apply outside the continental limits of the United States. This Court considered the particular situation in each newly acquired territory to determine whether the grant to Congress of power to govern territory was restricted by a specific provision of the Constitution. The territorial cases, in the emphasis put by them on the necessity for considering the specific circumstances of each particular case, are thus relevant in that they provide an illustrative method for harmonizing constitutional provisions which appear, separately considered, to be conflicting.}}
{{smaller block|The Court last term relied on a second source of authority, the consular court case, ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). Pursuant to a treaty with Japan, Ross, a British subject but a member of the crew of a United States ship, was tried and convicted in a consular court in Yokohama for murder of a fellow seaman while the ship was in Yokohama Harbor. His application for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to a United States circuit court was denied, 44 F. 185, and on appeal here, the judgment was affirmed. This Court set forth the ground of the circuit court, “the long and uniform acquiescence by the executive, administrative, and legislative departments of the Government in the validity of the legislation,” 140th United States Reports, at page 461, and then stated:}}
{{smaller block|“The circuit court might have found an additional ground for not calling in question the legislation of Congress, in the uniform practice of civilized governments for centuries to provide consular tribunals in other than Christian countries * * * for the trial of their own subjects or citizens for offenses committed in those countries, as well as for the settlement of civil disputes between them; and in the uniform recognition, down to the time of the formation of our Government, of the fact that the establishment of such tribunals was among the most important subjects for treaty stipulations. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The treatymaking power vested in our Government extends to all proper subjects of negotiation with foreign governments. It can, equally with any of the former or present governments of Europe, make treaties providing for the exercise of judicial authority in other countries by its officers appointed to reside therein.}}
{{smaller block|“We do not understand that any question is made by counsel as to its power in this respect. His objection is to the legislation by which such treaties are carried out * * *.}}
{{smaller block|“By the Constitution a government is ordained and established ‘for the United States of America,’ and not for countries outside of their limits. The guarantees it affords against accusation of capital or infamous crimes, except by indictment or presentment by a grand jury, and, for an impartial trial by a jury when thus accused, apply only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad. * * * The Constitution can have no operation in another country. When, therefore, the representatives or officers of our Government are permitted to exercise authority of any kind in another country, it must be on such conditions as the two countries may agree, the laws of neither one being obligatory upon the other. The deck of a private American vessel, it is true, is considered for many purposes constructively as territory of the United States, yet persons on board of such vessels, whether officers, sailors, or passengers, cannot invoke the protection of the provisions referred to until brought within the actual territorial boundaries of the United States.” (140 U. S., at 462–464.)}}
{{smaller block|One observation should be made at the outset about the grounds for decision in Ross. Insofar as the opinion expressed a view that the Constitution is not operative outside the United States—and apparently Mr. Justice Field meant by “United States” all lands over which the United States flag flew, see John W. Burgess, How May the United States Govern Its Extra-Continental Territory? (14 Pol. Sci. Q. 1 (1899))—it expressed a notion that has long since evaporated. Governmental action abroad is performed under both the authority and the restrictions of the Constitution—for example, proceedings before American military tribunals, whether in Great Britain or in the United States, are subject to the applicable restrictions of the Constitution. See opinions in ''Burns'' v. ''Wilson'' (346 U. S. 137).}}
{{smaller block|The significance of the Ross case and its relevance to the present cases cannot be assessed unless due regard is accorded the historical context in which that case was decided. Ross is not rooted in any abstract principle or comprehensive theory touching constitutional power or its restrictions. It was decided with reference to a very particular, practical problem with a long history. To be mindful of this does not attribute to Mr. Justice Field’s opinion some unavowed historical assumption. On behalf of the whole court, he spelled out the considerations that controlled it:}}
{{smaller block|“The practice of European governments to send officers to reside in foreign countries, authorized to exercise a limited jurisdiction over vessels and seamen of their country, to watch the interests of their countrymen and to assist in adjusting their disputes and protecting their commerce, goes back to a very early period, even preceding what are termed the Middle Ages. * * * In other than Christian countries they were, by treaty stipulations, usually clothed with authority to hear complaints against their countrymen and to sit in judgment upon them when charged with public offenses. After the rise of Islamism, and the spread of its followers over eastern Asia and other countries bordering on the Mediterranean, the exercise of this judicial authority became a matter of great concern. The intense hostility of the people of Moslem faith to all other sects, and particularly to Christians, affected all their intercourse, and all proceedings had in their tribunals. Even the rules of evidence adopted by them placed those of different faith on unequal grounds in any controversy with them. For this cause, and by reason of the barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted in those countries, and the frequent use of torture to enforce confession from parties accused, it was a matter of deep interest to Christian governments to withdraw the trial of their subjects, when charged with the commission of a public offence, from the arbitrary and despotic action of the local officials. Treaties conferring such jurisdiction upon these consuls were essential to the peaceful residence of Christians within those countries and the successful prosecution of commerce with their people.” One Hundred and Fortieth United States Reports, at page 463.}}
{{smaller block|“It is true that the occasion for consular tribunals in Japan may hereafter be less than at present, as every year that country progresses in civilization and in the assimilation of its system of judicial procedure to that of Christian countries, as well as in the improvement of its penal statutes; but the system of consular tribunals * * * is of the highest importance, and their establishment in other than. Christian countries, where our people may desire to go in pursuance of commerce, will often be essential for the protection of their persons and property” (''id.'', at 480).}}
{{smaller block|It is important to have a lively sense of this background before attempting to draw on the Ross case. Historians have traced grants of extraterritorial rights as far back as the permission given by Egypt in the 12th or 13th century {{asc|B. C.}} to the merchants of Tyre to establish factories on the Nile and to live under their own law and practice their own religion. Numerous other instances of persons living under their own law in foreign lands existed in the later pre-Christian era and during the Roman Empire and the so-called Dark and Middle Ages—Greeks in Egypt, all sorts of foreigners in Rome, inhabitants of Christian cities and states in the Byzantine Empire, the Latin kingdoms of the Levant, and other Christian cities and states, Mohammedans in the Byzantine Empire and China, and many others lived in foreign lands under their own law. While the origins of this extraterritorial jurisdiction may have differed in each country, the notion that law was for the benefit of the citizens of a country and its advantages not for foreigners appears to have been an important factor. Thus, there existed a long-established custom of extraterritorial jurisdiction at the beginning of the 15th century when the complete conquest of the Byzantine Empire by the Turks and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire substantially altered political relations between Christian Europe and the Near East. But commercial relations continued, and in 1535 Francis I. of France negotiated a treaty with Suleiman I. of Turkey that provided for numerous extraterritorial rights, including criminal and civil jurisdiction over all disputes among. French subjects. (1 Ernest Charriere, Negotiations de la France dans le Levant 283.) Other nations and eventually the United States in 1830 (8 Stat. 408), later negotiated similar treaties with the Turks. (For a more complete history of the development of extraterritorial rights and consular jurisdiction, see 1 Calvo, Le Droit International Theorique et Pratique (5th ed., Rousseau, 1896), 2–18, 2 ''id.'', 9–12; Hinckley, American Consular Jurisdiction in the Orient, 1–9; 1 Miltitz, Manuel des Consuls passim; Ravndal, The Origin of the Capitulations and of the Consular Jurisdiction, S. Doc. No. 34, 67th Cong., 1st sess. 5–45, 56–96; Shih Shun Liu, Extraterritoriality, 23–66; Twiss, The Law of Nations (1884 ed.), 443–457.)}}
{{smaller block|The emergence of the nation-state in Europe and the growth of the doctrine of absolute territorial sovereignty changed the nature of extraterritorial rights. No longer were strangers to be denied the advantages of local law. Indeed, territorial sovereignty meant the exercise of sovereignty over all residents within the borders of the state, and the system of extraterritorial consular jurisdiction tended to die out among Christian nations in the 18th and 19th centuries. But a new justification was found for the continuation of that jurisdiction in those countries whose systems of justice were considered inferior, and it was this strong feeling with respect to Moslem and Far Eastern countries that was reflected, as we have seen, in the Ross opinion.}}
{{smaller block|Until 1842, China had asserted control over all foreigners within its territory (Shih Shun Liu, ''op. cit.'', ''supra'', 76–89) but, as a result of the Opium War, Great Britain negotiated a treaty with China whereby she obtained consular offices in five open ports and was granted extraterritorial rights over her citizens. On July 3, 1844, Caleb Cushing negotiated a similar treaty on behalf of the United States (8 Stat. 592). In a letter to Secretary of State Calhoun, he explained: “I entered China with the formed general conviction that the United States ought not to concede to any foreign state, under any circumstances, jurisdiction over the life and liberty of a citizen of the United States, unless that foreign state be of our own family of nations—in a word a Christian state.” Quoted in 7 Op. Atty. Gen. 495, 496–497. Later treaties continued the extraterritorial rights of the United States, and the treaty of 1903 contained the following article demonstrating the purpose of those rights:}}
{{smaller block|“The Government of China having expressed a strong desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of western nations, the United States agrees to give every assistance to such reform and will also be prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant it in doing so” (33 Stat. 2208, 2215).}}
{{smaller block|The first treaty with Japan was negotiated by Commodore Perry in 1854 (11 Stat. 597). It opened two ports, but did not provide for any exercise of judicial powers by United States officials. Under the treaty of 1857 (11 Stat. 723), such power was given, and later treaties, which opened up further Japanese cities for trade and residence by United States citizens, retained these rights. The treaty of 1894, effective on July 17, 1899, however, ended these extraterritorial rights and Japan, even though a non-Christian nation, came to occupy the same status as Christian nations (29 Stat. 848). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction by consuls over United States citizens was also provided for, at one time or another, in treaties with Borneo (10 Stat. 909, 910); Siam (11 Stat. 683, 684); Madagascar (15 Stat. 491, 492); Samoan Islands (20 Stat. 704); Korea (23 Stat. 720, 721); Tonga Islands (25 Stat. 1440, 1442) and, by virtue of most-favored-nation clauses; in treaties with Tripoli (8 Stat. 154); Persia (11 Stat. 709); the Congo (27 Stat. 926); and Ethiopia (33 Stat. 2254). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction was also provided for in a treaty with Morocco (8 Stat. 100), by virtue of a most-favored-nation clause and by virtue of a clause granting jurisdiction if “any citizens of the United States * * * shall have any disputes with each other.” The word “disputes” has been interpreted by the International Court of Justice to comprehend criminal as well as civil disputes. ''France'' v. ''United States'' (I. C. J. Rept. 1952, p. 176, 188–189.) The treaties with Algiers (8 Stat. 133, 224, 244); Tunis (8 Stat. 157); and Muscat (8 Stat. 458) contained similar disputes clauses.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial power exercised by consuls was defined by statute and was sweeping:}}
{{smaller block|“Jurisdiction in both criminal and civil matters shall, in all cases, be exercised and enforced in conformity with the laws of the United States, which are hereby, so far as is necessary to execute such treaties, respectively, and so far as they are suitable to carry the same into effect, extended over all citizens of the United States in those countries, and over all others to the extent that the terms of the treaties, respectively, justify or require. But in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.” (Rev. Stat. sec. 4086.)}}
{{smaller block|The consuls, then, exercised not only executive and judicial power, but legislative power as well.}}
{{smaller block|The number of people subject to the jurisdiction of these courts during their most active periods appears to have been fairly small. In the Chronicle &amp; Directory for China, Japan, and the Philippines, for the year 1870, there is a listing of the total number of foreign, not just United States, residents in these three places. The list is 81 pages long, with a total of some 4,500 persons (pp. 54–134). This same publication gives the following information about Japan. “The number of foreigners settled in Japan is as yet very small. At the end of the year 1862, the foreign community at Kanagawa, the principal of the three ports of Japan open to aliens, consisted of * * * 38 Americans * * * and in the latter part of 1864 the permanent foreign residents at Kanagawa had increased to 300, not counting soldiers, of which number * * * about 80 [were] Americans. * * * At Nagasaki, the second port of Japan thrown open to foreign trade by the Government, the number of alien settlers was as follows on the 1st of January 1866: * * * American citizens, 32. * * * A third port opened to European and American traders, that of Hakodadi, in the north of Japan, was deserted, after a lengthened trial, by nearly all the foreign merchants settled there * * *.” (Appendix, p. 353.) The statesman’s Yearbook of 1890 shows: China at the end of 1888: 1,020 Americans (p. 411); Japan in 1887, 711 Americans (p. 709); Morocco; 1889 estimate: “The number of Christians is very small, not exceeding 1,500” (p. 739). The Statesman’s Yearbook of 1901 shows: China at the end of 1899: 2,335 Americans (p. 484); Japan, December 31, 1898, just before the termination of our extraterritorial rights: 1,165 Americans (p. 809); Morocco: “The number of Christians does not exceed 6,000; the Christian population of Tangier alone probably amounts to 5,000” (p. 851). These figures of course do not include those civilians temporarily in the country coming within consular jurisdiction.}}
{{smaller block|The consular court jurisdiction, then, was exercised in countries whose legal systems at the time were considered so inferior that justice could not be obtained in them by our citizens. The existence of these courts was based on long-established custom and they were justified as the best possible means for securing justice for the few Americans present in those countries. The Ross case, therefore, arose out of, and rests on, very special, confined circumstances, and cannot be applied automatically to the present situation, involving hundreds of thousands of American citizens in countries with civilized systems of justice. If Congress had established consular courts or some other nonmilitary procedure for trial that did not contain all the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments for the trial of civilian dependents of military personnel abroad, we would be forced to a detailed analysis of the situation of the civilian dependent population abroad in deciding whether the Ross case should be extended to cover such a case. It is not necessary to do this in the present cases in view of our decision that the form or trial here provided cannot constitutionally be justified.}}
{{smaller block|The Government, apparently recognizing the constitutional basis for the decision in Ross, has, on rehearing, sought to show that civilians in general and civilian dependents in particular have been subject to military order and discipline ever since the colonial period. The materials it has submitted seem too episodic, too meager, to form a solid basis in history, preceding and contemporaneous with the framing of the Constitution, for constitutional adjudication. What has been urged on us falls far too short of proving a well-established practice—to be deemed to be infused into the Constitution—of court-martial jurisdiction, certainly not in capital cases, over such civilians in time of peace.}}
Mr. President, the decision which I have read in the {{sc|Record}} is in the case of Curtis Reid, Superintendent of the District of Columbia Jail, Appellant, against Clarice B. Covert, and Nina Kinsella, Warden of the Federal Reformatory for Women, Alderson, W. Va., petitioner, against Walter Krueger. The opinion, which was written by Mr. Justice Black, was concurred in by the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan. It pointed out clearly that even though the court-martial so provided, the jury trial could not be denied to civilians accompanying the Armed Forces. It is very clear on that point.

There was a concurring opinion, which I have just included in the {{sc|Record}}, by Justice Frankfurter, which upholds that contention.

There is no question that under the United States Constitution citizens are entitled to a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the discretion of a Federal judge to say whether he is going to grant a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the Congress to say that if the punishment is only a $300 fine or 45 days imprisonment we will let the judge try the case, but if it is above that the defendant can get a jury trial. That simply does not make sense. It violates the Constitution and is in derogation of the administration of justice in this country. As someone has said, it is a split-level statute.

Mr. President, on May 9, 1957, before the mountain and plain regional meeting of the American Bar Association in Denver, Colo., Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., of the Supreme Court, made an address on our judicial systems. In this address he discussed the advantages of our traditional jury-trial system. Because of the clear, straightforward nature of this address, I want to quote the following statement made by Justice Brennan. This is what he said:
{{smaller block|We hear much, for example, of the proposal that we turn all automobile-accident litigation over to an administrative agency. The idea is that, because automobile litigation accounts for a major part of court business, the simple solution is to dispose of the problem by throwing it out the window. What an abject abdication of our profession’s responsibility to provide judicial justice for our citizens. But, at best, there is utterly no hope for that idea, at least not in our lifetimes, when the job of judicial reform must be done. It will be a long day before our society will pay the price of damages for every automobile injury or death without regard to the fault of the person injured or killed. There is no true analogy between compensation for the injured workman who helps produce goods or services for profit, where the cost is passed on to the consumer in the price of the goods or services, and compensation to the automobile victim, where the cost would have to be borne by all of us.}}
{{smaller block|Another nostrum is that, because jury trials take more time than trials before a judge without a jury, the easy answer to calendar congestion is to get rid of jury trials in automobile accident cases. Actual studies are being made to prove that the average jury trial in a negligence case takes more time than a nonjury trial of a negligence case. I question the need for a study to prove something that every judge and lawyer knows. Of course jury trials usually take more time than nonjury trials. But those who propose this suggest also that fairer justice will result if a judge, unprejudiced for one side or the other—they really mean that juries are prejudiced in favor of plaintiffs—disposes of them. I doubt that that proposition can withstand analysis. As a trial judge I was always interested in how often the jury brought in the same verdict on liability that I would have reached. And that seems to be the experience of trial judges generally. A recent survey proved that in upwards of 85 percent of the cases the trial judge reported that the jury reached the result on liability that he would have reached. Moreover, the idea that juries go haywire in fixing damages where plaintiffs prevail should be looked at a little more closely. I think at least that judge-decided verdicts under the Federal Tort Claims Act (no jury trial is had under that act) do not persuade the Department of Justice that juries are any less conscientious in fixing damages. I know that at times juries do go overboard. But I can count on the fingers of one hand the instances in my time as a trial judge when I felt it necessary to set aside verdicts because they had done so. My experience left me with the definite impression that jurors almost always do try to fix damages within allowable limits.}}
{{smaller block|I think, at all events, this proposal to abolish jury trials in automobile accident cases also faces an almost insurmountable hurdle. The success of our British brothers in abolishing jury trials should not mislead us. American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. Perhaps the emotion generated by proposals to modify or deny the right has its roots in the Jacksonian era of distrust of the legal profession and the insistence upon the people’s control of the administration of justice. Perhaps it is a survival of the same thing which gave us the elective system of judges in most States and in some, as in my own, New Jersey, actual lay participation on the bench. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of the preservation of their liberties. The road of him who would take away jury trial in automobile accident cases is a long and rocky one.}}
{{smaller block|I submit that it is a sorry response to the litigant who suffers from long delay in having his accident suit tried that we can offer no relief beyond “let’s throw accident litigation out of the courts,” or “let’s deny the victim the right of a jury trial.” Our profession must stand up and reject those nostrums. We know now that there are judicial structures and techniques of judicial administration which not only can cope with problems of calendar control but to far more {{SIC|signficant|significant}} purposes can also measurably assist in our ceaseless striving to give better justice. Our need is to get up our courage to fight for these things and to do battle with the powerfully entrenched opponents of any reform who too often take their position out of self-interest without sufficient consideration of what is best in the people’s interest. It doubtless is true that achievement of a modernized, efficient judicial structure requires far-reaching legislative and constitutional changes in most jurisdictions. But, far better to do the arduous labor of getting that essential job done than to promote equally drastic changes which are nothing more than a humiliating confession of defeat.}}
{{smaller block|Let us not forget that the integrity and efficiency of the judicial process is the first essential in a democratic society. The confidence of the people in the administration of justice is a prime requisite for free representative government. The public entrusts the legal profession with the sacred mission of dealing with the vital affairs that affect the whole pattern of human relations and certainly has a stake entitling it to demand not only that judges dispense justice impartially and fairly but also that judicial business shall be handled and disposed of by a modernized process which assures a minimum of friction and waste, for such a process also plays a large role in the achievement of impartial and fair justice for all litigants. There is actually no difference between the business of judicial administration and the business of running an industrial or commercial enterprise in the sense that the efficient and businesslike conduct of each means better service for the public. An inefficient and wasteful judicial administration actually can and often does result in a denial of justice, however earnestly an honest and upright judge may strive to prevent that lamentable result.}}
{{smaller block|I think it is not difficult to account for today’s heightened interest on the part of the general public throughout our Nation and, indeed, the Free World in the improvement of the process for administering justice. That growing interest is in large measure a product of the tumultuous times in which we live. For these are not only times which have produced a monstrous threat to all freedom, but, by the very reason of that threat, are times which have induced in free peoples everywhere an ever intensifying critical self-examination of the institutions upon which their freedoms depend—an insistence upon exposure of the imperfections of those institutions, a peremptory demand upon those who are entrusted with those institutions to improve and strengthen them the more surely to withstand the onslaught bent upon their destruction. It is but natural then that the judicial process should come under examination, for never was it more true than today that “Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.”}}
Mr. President, I submit, just as Justice Brennan has quoted here, which never was more true than today:
{{smaller block|Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.}}
I contend that since our forefathers placed in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights provisions which are so plain it seems no one could misinterpret them, providing for trial by jury in criminal cases, there can be no question that jury trials are not only desirable but are demanded under the Constitution. There should be no doubt in the mind of anyone, if he studies the Constitution, that the so-called compromise which tends to compromise the Constitution of the United States is not a just, is not a fair, is not a wise, and is not a constitutional provision, and that this bill should be killed.

Mr. President, one of the most interesting books ever written on the American system of Government was by Alexis de Tocqueville, a young Frenchman who wrote a book entitled “Democracy in America” after visiting this country during the 1830s. One of the chapters of his book was entitled “Trial by Jury in the United States Considered as a Political Institution.”

I shall read excerpts from this chapter because it provides an excellent insight into the prestige attained by the system of jury trial from the observation of an unbiased observer.
{{smaller block|[From de Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America,” written after visiting America in the 1830s.]}}
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Trial by Jury in the United States Constitution as a Political Institution}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury, which is one of the forms of the sovereignty of the people, ought to be compared with the other laws which establish that sovereignty: Composition of the jury in the United States; effect of trial by jury upon the national character; it educates the people; how it tends to establish the influence of the magistrates and to extend the legal spirit among the people.}}
{{smaller block|Since my subject has led me to speak of the administration of justice in the United States, I will not pass over it without referring to the institution of the jury. Trial by jury may be considered in two separate points of view: as a judicial, and as a political institution. * * *}}
{{smaller block|My present purpose is to consider the jury as a political institution; any other course would divert me from my subject. Of trial by jury considered as a judicial institution I shall here say but little. When the English adopted trial by jury, they were a semi-barbarous people; they have since become one of the most enlightened nations of the earth, and their attachment to this institution seems to have increased with their increasing cultivation. They have emigrated and colonized every part of the habitable globe; some have formed colonies, others independent states; the mother country has maintained its monarchial constitution; many of its offspring have founded powerful republics; but everywhere they have boasted of the privilege of trial by jury. They have established it, or hastened to reestablish it, in all their settlements. A judicial institution which thus obtains the suffrages of a great people for so long a series of ages, which is zealously reproduced at every stage of civilization, in all the climates of the earth, and under every form of human {{SIC|govment|government}}, cannot be contrary to the spirit of justice.}}
{{smaller block|But to leave this part of the subject. It would be a very narrow view to look upon the jury as a mere judicial institution; for however great its influence may be upon the decisions of the courts, it is still greater on the destinies of society at large. The jury is, above all, a political institution, and it must be regarded in this light in order to be duly appreciated.}}
{{smaller block|By the jury I mean a certain number of citizens chosen by lot and invested with a temporary right of judging. Trial by jury, as applied to the repression of crime, appears to me an eminently republican element in the government, for the following reasons.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury may be aristocratic or democratic, according to the class from which the jurors are taken; but it always preserves its republican character, in that it places the real direction of society in the hands of the governed, or of a portion of the governed, and not in that of the government. Force is never more than a transient element of success, and after force comes the notion of right. A government able to reach its enemies only upon a field of battle would soon be destroyed. The true sanction of political laws is to be found in penal legislation; and if that sanction is wanting, the law will sooner or later lose its cogency. He who punishes the criminal is therefore the real master of society. Now, the institution of the jury raises the people itself, or at least a class of citizens, to the bench of judges. The institution of the jury consequently invests the people, or that class of citizens, with the direction of society.}}
{{smaller block|In England the jury is selected from the aristocratic portion of the nation; the aristocracy makes the laws, applies the laws, and punishes infractions of the laws; everything is established upon a consistent footing, and England may with truth be said to constitute an aristocratic republic. In the United States the same system is applied to the whole people. Every American citizen is both an eligible and a legally qualified voter. The jury system as it is understood in America appears to me to be as direct and as extreme a consequence of the sovereignty of the people as universal suffrage. They are two instruments of equal power, which contribute to the supremacy of the majority. All the sovereigns who have chosen to govern by their own authority, and to direct society instead of obeying its directions, have destroyed or enfeebled the institution of the jury. The Tudor monarchs sent to prison jurors who refused to convict, and Napoleon caused them to be selected by his agents.}}
{{smaller block|However clear most of these truths may seem to be, they do not command universal assent; and in France, at least, trial by jury is still but imperfectly understood. If the question arises as to the proper qualification of jurors, it is confined to a discussion of the intelligence and knowledge of the citizens who may be returned, as if the jury was merely a judicial institution. This appears to me the least important part of the subject. The jury is preeminently a political institution; it should be regarded as one form of the sovereignty of the people; when that sovereignty is repudiated, it must be rejected, or it must be adapted to the laws by which that sovereignty is established. The jury is that portion of the nation to which the execution of the laws is entrusted, as the legislature is that part of the nation which makes the laws; and in order that society may be governed in a fixed and uniform manner, the list of citizens qualified to serve on juries must increase and diminish with the list of electors. This I hold to be the point of view most worthy of the attention of the legislator; all that remains is merely accessory.}}
{{smaller block|I am so entirely convinced that the jury is preeminently a political institution that I still consider it in this light when it is applied in civil causes. Laws are always unstable unless they are founded upon the customs of a nation; customs are the only durable and resisting power in a people. When the jury is reserved for criminal offenses, the people witness only its occasional action in particular cases; they become accustomed to do without it in the ordinary course of life, and it is considered as an instrument, but not as the only instrument, of obtaining justice.}}
{{smaller block|When, on the contrary, the jury acts also on civil causes, its application is constantly visible; it affects all the interests of the community; everyone cooperates in its work; it thus penetrates into all the usages of life, it fashions the human mind to its peculiar forms, and is gradually associated with the idea of justice itself.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury, if confined to criminal causes, is always in danger; but when once it is introduced into civil proceedings, it defies the aggressions of time and man. If it had been as easy to remove the jury from the customs as from the laws of England, it would have perished under the Tudors, and the civil jury did in reality at that period save the liberties of England. In whatever manner the jury be applied, it cannot fail to exercise a powerful influence upon the national character; but this influence ts prodigiously increased when it is introduced into civil causes. The jury, and more especially the civil jury, serves to communicate the spirit of the judges to the minds of all the citizens; and this spirit, with the habits which attend it, is the soundest preparation for free institutions. It imbues all classes with a respect for the thing judged and with the notion of right. If these two elements be removed, the love of independence becomes a mere destructive passion. It teaches men to practice equity; every man learns to judge his neighbor as he would himself be judged. And this is especially true of the jury in civil causes; for while the number of persons who have reason to apprehend a criminal prosecution is small, everyone is liable to have a lawsuit. The jury teaches every man not to recoil before the responsibility of his own actions and impresses him with that manly confidence without which no political virtue can exist. It invests each citizen with a kind of magistracy; it makes them all feel the duties which they are bound to discharge toward society and the part which they take in its government. By obliging men to turn their attention to other affairs than their own, it rubs off that private selfishness which is the rust of society.}}
{{smaller block|The jury contributes powerfully to form the judgment and to increase the natural intelligence of a people; and this, in my opinion, is its greatest advantage. It may be regarded as a gratuitous public school, ever open, in which every juror learns his rights, enters into daily communication with the most learned and enlightened members of the upper classes, and becomes practically acquainted with the laws, which are brought within the reach of his capacity by the efforts of the bar, the advice of the judge, and even the passions of the parties. I think that the practical intelligence and political good sense of the Americans are mainly attributable to the long use that they have made of the jury in civil causes.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know whether the jury is useful to those who have lawsuits, but I am certain it is highly beneficial to those who judge them; and I look upon it as one of the most efficacious means for the education of the people which society can employ.}}
{{smaller block|What I have said applies to all nations, but the remark I am about to make is peculiar to the Americans and to democratic communities. I have already observed that in democracies the members of the legal profession and the judicial magistrates constitute the only aristocratic body which can moderate the movements of the people. This aristocracy is invested with no physical power; it exercises its conservative influence upon the minds of men; and the most abundant source of its authority is the institution of the civil jury. In criminal causes, when society is contending against a single man, the jury is apt to look upon the judge as the passive instrument of social power and to mistrust his advice. Moreover, criminal causes turn entirely upon simple facts, which commonsense can readily appreciate; upon this ground the judge and the jury are equal. Such is not the case, however, in civil causes; then the judge appears as a disinterested arbiter between the conflicting passions of the parties. The jurors look up to him with confidence and listen to him with respect, for in this instance, his intellect entirely governs theirs. It is the judge who sums up the various arguments which have wearied their memory, and who guides them through the devious course of the proceedings; he points their attention to the exact question of fact that they are called upon to decide and tells them how to answer the question of law. His influence over them is almost unlimited.}}
{{smaller block|If I am called upon to explain why I am but little moved by the arguments derived from the ignorance of jurors in civil causes, I reply that in these proceedings, whenever the question to be solved is not a mere question of fact, the jury has only the semblance of a judicial body. The jury only sanctions the decision of the judge; they sanction this decision by the authority of society which they represent, and he by that of reason and of law.}}
{{smaller block|The jury, then, which seems to restrict the rights of the judiciary does in reality consolidate its power; and in no country are the judges so powerful as where the people share their privileges. It is especially by means of the jury in civil causes that the American magistrates imbue even the lower classes of society with the spirit of their profession. Thus the jury, which is the most energetic means of making the people rule, is also the most efficacious means of teaching it how to rule well.}}
Mr. President, de Tocqueville contributed a great deal to literature and to society. He was a Frenchman who came to our country and studied our form of government. He was so impressed that he wrote the chapter on trial by jury, in which he emphasized the fact that the jury is the heart of the administration of justice in a democracy.

On Friday, July 5, 1957, there was printed in the State, a newspaper published in Columbia, S. C., an article quoting the then president of the American Bar Association, Mr. David F. Maxwell, on the subject of jury trials.

I believe Mr. Maxwell is a member of the Philadelphia bar, of which our distinguished Presiding Officer [Mr. {{sc|Clark}}] is also a member. I am sure that the Presiding Officer, as well as the Senate, will be interested in what Mr. Maxwell had to say on the subject of jury trials, and that the views expressed by him will be of interest to everyone who believes in constitutional government. I read as follows:
{{smaller block|The president of the American Bar Association today answered charges that trial by jury is an outmoded, time-consuming process which can be replaced by more efficient legal procedure.}}
{{smaller block|David F. Maxwell, of Philadelphia, who heads the lawyers organization, said instead that jury trials are the ultimate protection against invasion of personal freedom.}}
{{smaller block|He spoke at the diamond jubilee celebration of the State Bar of Texas.}}
{{smaller block|“Too many persons today are prone to view trial by jury solely as a factfinding device, and hence expendable, if as good or better a method can be devised,” he said.}}
{{smaller block|These critics are influenced, Maxwell said, by the late Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who wrote that an experienced judge should be able to represent the commonsense of the community far better than the average jury.}}
{{smaller block|The Pennsylvania attorney said, “Such a contention presupposes the ability of the trial judge to discard foibles and prejudices built up within himself through his personal experience and background,” adding that a group of average citizens can mete out more even justice than can the most competent and experienced judge.}}
{{smaller block|“So let us in this country take warning,” he said. “The jury alone is able to function as the thin wedge of reserved power that separates our system of law from the monolithic, totalitarian despotism behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.”}}
Mr. President, an editorial appeared in the Greenville (S. C.) News of June 6, 1957. It is entitled “Jury Trial Is at Heart of Rights Issue” and has this to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{smaller block|The day after it was reported from Washington that the administration would protest the southern claim that the so-called civil-rights bill would deny the right to trial by jury, the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate approved an amendment intended to guarantee that right to persons who might come under an injunction authorized in the proposed law.}}
{{smaller block|In his several appearances before the Senate and House committees studying the various proposals, Attorney General Brownell tried to claim that a trial by jury would not be denied. He had rough going, and at times was downright evasive, when Senator {{sc|Sam. J. Ervin}}, of North Carolina, began to cross-examine him on his statements.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|Ervin}}, an eminent lawyer and a former member of his State’s supreme court, is of the opinion that trial by jury not only would not be guaranteed under the bills as submitted, but could be denied. Certainly, it would be possible for the courts to deny a jury hearing and a judge, if he chose, could sit in judgment on the testimony as well as the law.}}
{{smaller block|Speaking for the administration, Attorney General Brownell is taking his case to the House of Representatives, but the action of the Senate committee on Monday indicates that even a number of northern Democrats and Republicans have been convinced of the facts.}}
{{smaller block|The jury trial issue came up in this way:}}
{{smaller block|Among the bills included in the civil rights packages (various versions of which have been offered by the administration and by individuals and groups of Democratic and Republican Members of Congress) is one which would set up a special civil rights division of the Department of Justice.}}
{{smaller block|It would be manned by a number of assistants to the Attorney General and would have the authority to initiate civil suits against persons accused of violating the civil rights of others or whom it might have reason to believe were about to violate such rights.}}
{{smaller block|(At present, it is a criminal offense to violate the civil rights of another. But a person accused of violating such laws has the right to be arraigned before a grand jury and to be tried by a petit jury.)}}
{{smaller block|The administration proposal—and members of both parties have supported this or made similar proposals of their own—is to transfer civil rights cases from the criminal to the civil side of the Federal courts. The Government itself would bring such suits, with or without the request of the allegedly injured persons.}}
{{smaller block|The Government could ask for and obtain an injunction forbidding anyone to do certain things, such as to refuse a voting certificate to a certain person or to oppose an integration order issued against a certain school. Such action on the part of the defendant might be a violation of an injunction or it might be a violation of a criminal law on civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|But in such cases, the Government would bring the individual before the judge on a charge of contempt. And the judge could convict and sentence the individual without a trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|That is what prompted the southern amendment to the bill aimed at assuring a jury trial. And that is the principle Mr. Brownell is assailing in his statements to Congress.}}
{{smaller block|He does not deny that trial by jury would be denied the defendants. He merely says the amendment would make the bill ineffective and would weaken the power of the Federal courts to enforce their orders. He says this power to punish for contempt has long been available to the Government in other Federal cases.}}
{{smaller block|That much is true. When the Government brings a civil suit and obtains an injunction, contempt can be adjudged and punished without a jury. But these are cases entirely different from those Mr. Brownell proposes to bring in the name of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|In this instance, Mr. Brownell is trying to do in a roundabout way what the Constitution forbids him to do directly; that is, try and convict a person for an alleged crime without a jury.}}
Mr. President, here is an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of April 17, 1957. It is entitled “Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} Understands Threat to Liberty in Civil-Rights Bill” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Speaking at the annual banquet of the Hibernian Society in Charleston, March 18, 1947, Senator {{sc|Joseph C. O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, stressed the fact that the United States has repudiated the doctrine of arbitrary power.}}
{{smaller block|This week, 10 years after he made this statement, Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} gave evidence that he believes what he said. The Democratic Senator lined up with southern critics of the so-called civil-rights bill. He said he was in favor of a civil-rights bill but one that is conceived in justice and freedom rather than in any thought of punishment.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} told reporters that the proposed Presidential Civil Rights Commission to investigate complaints of civil-rights violations could easily do more harm than good. And with respect to another part of the bill vigorously opposed by southern Senators, he said, “I don’t think we should be afraid of a jury trial in matters of this kind.” In announcing his stand on the legislation, he said that the South has made many striking advances in racial relations, while such relations in some other parts of the country have worsened.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}’s stand on the civil-rights bill is of major significance. His statement shows that the South is gaining ground in its battle to convince other regions that the force bills are a threat to the liberties of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is not a western conservative like, say, Senator {{sc|Barry Goldwater}}, Republican, of Arizona, who might be expected to line up with southern conservatives. The Senator from Wyoming is a western liberal and an old-time supporter of the New Deal. Hence his acceptance of some of the southern constitutional arguments is all the more meaningful.}}
{{smaller block|If Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is convinced that the right to jury trial and other parts of our heritage are being threatened by the civil-rights bill, the likelihood of convincing other northern and western Senators is considerable.}}
{{smaller block|In order to overcome the propaganda barriers of the NAACP and convince these Senators, the South must continue to argue its case—and on the highest level. Senator {{sc|Sam Ervin}} of North Carolina has done especially fine work this session in accomplishing just that.}}
{{smaller block|The other task facing southerners is that of insisting on respect for law and order throughout our region. The enemies of the South must not have any excuse for urging Federal intervention. Hoodlumism must be put down. The ignorant elements who join the Ku Klux Klan must be made to realize they are under the eyes of local and State police. Responsible men must stay active in movements such as the citizens council, and prevent infiltration by troublemakers or hotheads.}}
{{smaller block|If the South can speak with dignity in Washington and act with honesty and good sense at home, there will be more Senator O’Mahoneys who will realize southerners are fighting the good fight for American liberties.}}
Mr. President, here is another article from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Trial by Jury Right of All Americans” and it appears in the June 5, 1957, issue of the News and Courier, and has this to say:
{{smaller block|A guaranty of trial by jury, squeezed into a civil-rights law by vote of a Senate subcommittee, has been hailed as a southern victory.}}
{{smaller block|This victory—though it is little more than solace in a string of defeats—in fact belongs to the American Republic. Southerners are not alone in danger. If the Federal Government can deprive southerners of the right of trial by jury, on the ground that they are unfair to Negroes, it can do the same to citizens of other regions on equally flimsy grounds.}}
{{smaller block|Thanks to the NAACP and its political allies, defense of Negroes’ civil rights is popular today. Even at the sacrifice of rights of all citizens, restrictive laws have won serious support. The News and Courier finds biting irony in the need for Congress to guarantee the right of trial by jury. Americans have been brought up in the belief that the United States Constitution meant what it said in guaranteeing them this right.}}
{{smaller block|Nowadays, the ruling clique no longer trusts ordinary people to govern themselves. Juries, they fear, will bring in unjust verdicts. The bosses prefer to entrust such delicate matters as civil rights to hand-picked Federal judges, who are screened by the Department of Justice and appointed by the President. With both national parties committed to the NAACP program, no lawyer who takes a strong stand against that program stands much chance of appointment. As older judges die or retire, Attorney General Brownell will make sure, insofar as he is able, that replacements have a “liberal” view of race.}}
{{smaller block|With administration of election laws removed from the hands of elected State officials and placed under Federal appointees, government is being removed ever further from the people. The jury system, safeguard of Anglo–Saxon liberty, may yet be a victim of alien notions now gathering power in our Republic.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the May 10, 1957, issue of the Charleston, (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “The Civil-Rights Fight and Trial-by-Jury Issue” and was written by the distinguished southern newspaperman, Dr. John Temple Graves. Here is what it has to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm|“}}Backward, turn backward,
O Time in thy flight * * *”&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}
{{smaller block|Time accommodates.}}
{{smaller block|Its comment on jury trials last week overlooked the Federal march of time.}}
{{smaller block|Admitting that the trial-by-jury issue has come to dominate the civil-rights fight, the magazine pontificated that “the contempt citation is the judiciary’s historic enforcement tool.” It avowed that “jury trials in contempt cases have absolutely no basis in equity or constitutional law and precious little legislative sanction.”}}
{{smaller block|The trick in this extraordinary statement is in Time’s small print at the bottom of the page. It explains that “with a single exception (the Norris–La Gaurdia Act covering labor disputes) trial by jury has never been required in contempt cases to which the United States has been a party.” With the United States Government proposing now to be a party to just about everything in heaven, earth, and the waters beneath—a new situation exists.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution loves the principle of trial by jury and says so over and over again. That great basic principle, rather than any technicality, is what is involved for the South.}}
{{smaller block|Call it contempt or something else, let the Government be a party or not a party, what concerns us and what concerned the makers of the Constitution is that citizens in handcuffs shall not be adjudged by those who put the handcuffs on them, that the right of an accused to be properly tried in the Anglo–Saxon ideal shall not be abridged in the name of contempt or participation of the Government.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution speaks for this principle in article 3. The fifth amendment speaks for it, and the sixth, and the seventh.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing in the whole instrument is more emphatic.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the April 8, 1957, issue of South, the news magazine of Dixie. It is entitled “Force Bill ‘Liberals’ Would Kill Jury Trial.” Here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|It is incredible that those who like to boast that they are liberals and protectors of individual rights are crying the loudest for the currently misnamed civil-rights legislation which would deny alleged violators the right to trial by jury. The politically inspired anti-South force bill package has induced such a state of hypnosis in the self-styled liberals that they want to replace constitutional guarantees of civil liberties with their own false notions of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|If the question of race were not at issue, the very people who are pressing for passage of this abominable travesty on constitutional principle would be the first to denounce it for discarding the sacred right of trial by jury. At the outset the legislation violates the rights spelled out in article III., section 3, and by the seventh amendment, one of the historic ten making up the Bill of Rights. It would empower the United States Attorney General to seek injunctions against persons suspected of being about to violate the so-called civil-rights measure. Then a Federal judge, acting also as prosecutor and jury, would decree a whole community or State in contempt. An individual cited for contempt would be tried without a jury by the judge who cited him.}}
{{smaller block|The proponents of this evil proposal know exactly what they are doing. By design they are taking away the right of jury trial. In fact, they are bold to say that if they did not set aside the right of trial by jury, they could not get convictions in the South. To allow jury trials, they say, would be to gut the bill. Attorney General Brownell is horror-struck at the thought that the no-jury-trial provision be stricken. President Eisenhower, who violates a campaign pledge made at Miami by pushing this legislation, says he would have to get Brownell’s opinion as to whether to sign or veto a civil-rights bill containing the assurance of jury trial in contempt cases. The civil strife proponents protest that this guaranty—in the Constitution which Eisenhower, Brownell, and all Congressmen are sworn to uphold—would cripple the bill. Has the President so soon forgotten that he said at Miami, 2 weeks before the election, that civil-rights problems should be handled to the greatest extent on a local and State basis?}}
{{smaller block|Surely our liberals know that Hitler, Mussolini, and all tyrants from the time of King John (until forced to sign the Magna Carta) opposed jury trials because they would cripple their programs.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the April 14, 1957, issue of the Greenville, S. C., News. It is entitled “Jackie Robinson on Meet the Press: Negro Athlete Favors Jury Trials” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Jackie Robinson, Negro baseball star, when asked if he favored jury trials for civil-rights defendants, said Sunday night he would personally prefer a jury trial.}}
{{smaller block|The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People strongly opposes a jury trial guaranty in criminal injunction cases arising under the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Robinson is leading the NAACP’s freedom-fund campaign for a million dollars to attain first-class citizenship for all members.}}
{{smaller block|The former Brooklyn Dodger told an NBC Meet the Press television panel that he did not know what the million dollars would be spent for—possibly for lawsuits against school segregation.}}
{{smaller block|He said he favored the civil-rights bill but knows very little about it.}}
{{smaller block|Frank Van Der Linden, this newspaper’s Washington correspondent, asked the questions about the civil-rights bill.}}
This is a man, Mr. President, who favors the civil-rights bill, but even he says he favors a trial by jury.

That is what the House did on this so-called compromise. In effect, they have nullified the right of trial by jury. There are very, very few instances in which a judge, when he finds a man guilty of contempt, would give a sentence of more than 45 days in prison or a fine of more than $300. That simply means the practical effect is that the jury trial has been completely nullified.

As I have said earlier, and as I will say later in my address, the right of jury trial is something the Constitution grants to the citizens of the United States. The Congress does not have the authority to take the jury trial away from the people of America.

Mr. President, I have an excerpt from an editorial from the August 26, 1957, issue of the Columbia (S. C.) Record. It is entitled “Jury-Trial Compromise No Compromise,” and this is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|The “compromise” on the jury-trial amendment to the civil-rights bill, worked out between the House and Senate leaders of both parties, is anything but a genuine compromise. It is a nullification of the jury-trial principle, for which the southern Democrats fought so valiantly in the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|The amendment written into the bill by the Senate provided that in all cases of criminal contempt defendants should be entitled to jury trials, guaranteed by the Constitution to all persons accused of crime. This applied not only to criminal contempt charges growing out of voting-right cases, but also to other criminal contempt proceedings as well.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called compromise allows jury trials only in voting-rights cases and then only after a defendant has been tried and convicted without a jury trial and sentenced to more than 45 days’ imprisonment and a $300 fine. In such a case the defendant could ask for a jury trial and the case would then be tried ''de novo'' before a jury. But no jury, of course, could try such a case ''de novo'' in fact. Every juror would know that the defendant had been found guilty by a judge and given more than a minimum sentence. This is a condition precedent to a jury trial in these voting-right cases. And no jury trial under such circumstances is anything approaching the right of trial by jury guaranteed by the Constitution.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the August 25, 1957, issue of the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Jury Trial ‘Compromise’ Is False Bait in Wicked Trap for Liberty,” and here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|A proposed compromise now pending in Congress is as wicked and immoral, in our opinion, as total denial of trial by jury under Federal election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Reports from Washington indicate a likelihood that the civil rights force bill may be rammed through Congress with this compromise to grease the way. Perhaps the northern scrambles for Negro votes and their “liberal” southern allies have the power in Congress to enact this hateful law. They should not get even silent support from anyone who loves the American Republic.}}
{{smaller block|The compromise is really no compromise at all. It would grant the opportunity to seek a new trial before a jury by a defendant in an election case who had received a sentence greater than a $1,000 fine or 45 days in jail.}}
The amount there, incidentally, Mr. President, should be corrected. Instead of a $1,000 fine, it should be a $300 fine.
{{smaller block|But the size of a fine and the duration of imprisonment are not the key issue in this legislation. Penalties may be amended once the principle is set up. Besides, imprisoning State election officials even for a short time could rig the outcome of voting.}}
{{smaller block|The key issue here is whether the liberty of a citizen, and the constitutional rights of the States to conduct free elections, should be sacrificed for the sake of current political advantage of national parties and politicians.}}
As I have said before, Mr. President—to digress there—the only purpose of this so-called right-to-vote bill is to advance the cause of the national political parties with the minorities and to advance the cause of certain politicians. If it were not for the purpose of both parties playing to the minorities and advancing the cause of certain politicians to high offices, I do not believe this bill would ever have been introduced. It is a disgrace to the United States even to have the Congress consider such an abominable and obnoxious bill.
{{smaller block|Behind this force bill lies a game of power politics. Both national parties are struggling to control the votes of herded Negroes in big northern cities and their liberal allies. These bloc voters are believed to hold the balance of political power in the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Buried beneath the nauseating political greed that has produced this force bill are principles once dear to Americans. The bill has many of the earmarks of totalitarian government that the Constitution was built to prevent.}}
Among these earmarks are Federal control of elections, seizing the power of the ballot box from the people most likely to be affected; substitution of judges for juries in enforcement of the law; and secrecy in working up prosecutions.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would set up a powerful commission on the phony pretense of guarding voting rights of minority groups. This Commission’s actions would be shielded from public view. Persons are forbidden under penalties to make known what it is doing. The Star Chamber—a tyrannous device once used by English Kings—thus would be imposed for the first time on the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Southerners may be overwhelmed by superior force, but they should go down fighting every step of the way.}}
{{smaller block|In honorable defeat they may sound an alarm to fellow Americans not yet awake to dangers to the Republic. Passage of the civil-rights force bill would be a defeat for all citizens of whatever race or region, for it would help to set the stage for dictatorship and oppression. The compromise on which passage now seems to hinge is only a deceptive detail in a dirty business.}}
Mr. President, I have here an excellent editorial from the Washington Evening Star of July 12, 1957. It is an editorial full of quotes, but the editor made his point well in this editorial without even having to insert his own comments. Here is what the editorial says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Brownell}} ''v.'' {{sc|Norris}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Attorney General Brownell (in a letter explaining the civil-rights bill):}}
{{smaller block|“Enactment of legislation providing for jury trial in contempt cases arising out of governmental litigation would undermine the authority of the Federal courts by seriously weakening their power to enforce their lawful orders. The effect of adopting current proposals for jury trial would be to weaken and undermine the authority of the Federal courts by making their every order, even when issued after due hearing and affirmed on appeal, reviewable by a local jury. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“Furthermore the proposed amendment to existing procedures that is being advocated under the innocuous slogan of jury trial would permit practical nullification of the effectiveness of the proposed civil-rights legislation. The enforcement of any court order may require prompt and vigorous action if it is to be effective. Prompt action will often be vital in civil-rights cases, especially election cases, where the registration period or the election may pass while enforcement is delayed. The injection of a jury trial between an order of a court enjoining discrimination against Negroes in an election, and the enforcement of that order would provide numerous opportunities for delay beyond the time when the order could have practical effect.”}}
{{smaller block|The late Senator George W. Norris (insisting on the right of trial by jury, by Congressional enactment, in every case of indirect contempt):}}
{{smaller block|“I agree that any man charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.”}}
I wish to repeat that statement. He said:
{{smaller block|I agree that any many charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.}}
Under the proposed compromise amendment which came from the House, the people will not get a jury trial. In 99 percent of the cases the judge will sentence people without a jury trial. It is said, “Well, they are able to get a jury trial if the fine is more than $300 or if the imprisonment is for more than 45 days.”

That is not the point. The point is that in 99 percent of the cases the compromise would deny to the citizens a jury trial, which is guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Congress should not be a party to violating the Constitution of the United States by passing the compromise amendment.

I continue to read from the editorial:
{{smaller block|“It is no answer to say that there will sometimes be juries which will not convict. That is a charge which can be made against our jury system. Every man who has tried lawsuits before juries, every man who has ever presided in court and heard jury trials, knows that juries make mistakes, as all other human beings do, and they sometimes render verdicts which seem almost obnoxious. But it is the best system I know of. I would not have it abolished; and when I see how juries will really do justice when a biased and prejudiced judge is trying to lead them astray I am confirmed in my opinion that, after all, our jury system is one which the American people, who believe in liberty and justice, will not dare to surrender. I like to have trial by jury preserved in all kinds of cases where there is a dispute of facts.”}}
Mr. President, I have before me an editorial from the Greenville (S. C.) News of March 29, 1957, entitled “How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?”

It reads:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Rather smugly, perhaps, we Americans have taken for granted our right to a trial before a jury when we stand accused of violating the law.}}
{{smaller block|So fixed in our system of jurisprudence and our common concepts of justice is the jury trial that few of us ever have stopped to consider the difference between having our guilt or innocence determined by a group of ordinary citizens and having a judge, a creature of the Government, mete out justice singlehandedly, as he alone sees it.}}
{{smaller block|Article III., section 2 of the United States Constitution, says that “the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.”}}
{{smaller block|The sixth amendment, article VI. of the Bill of Rights, spells out further the right to the accused in criminal proceedings “to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|It goes on to guarantee the accused the right to be informed specifically of the charges against him, to confront the witnesses against him, to subpena witnesses in his favor, and to be represented by counsel.}}
{{smaller block|The seventh amendment, article VII. of the Bill of Rights, provides that in suits at common law the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.}}
{{smaller block|One would think that, with all these references in the Constitution, the right to a jury trial would be secure. But liberal elements, including our own Department of Justice, advocating passage of proposed civil-rights legislation are teaching us that this basic right is not so secure as we might have thought.}}
{{smaller block|For the bills now before the Congress would, in fact, deny persons accused of violating the civil rights of others the right of a trial by a jury of citizens of their State and district. And the NAACP and Attorney General Brownell are insisting on this provision of the bill. Attempts of southern Senators and Congressmen to write into it a guaranty of that right have thus far been beaten down.}}
{{smaller block|If the bill is enacted, the Government would be empowered to bring civil, rather than criminal charges, against an individual accused of violating someone else’s rights. He would be prosecuted by a Government attorney before a Federal judge, who might be sent in from outside his State, who would pass on the facts as well as the law and would pass sentence.}}
{{smaller block|The accused would be just as apt to go to jail on the civil charge as he would if he were charged with a criminal offense in which the jury trial would be guaranteed. Indeed, the chances of his going to jail might be even greater.}}
{{smaller block|But that is only part of it.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint. If the individual did complain, the Government would bear the whole cost of prosecuting his case.}}
{{smaller block|The defendant, on the other hand, would find himself faced with the necessity of hiring a lawyer and, perhaps, of going through a long series of court proceedings that could very well break him financially.}}
{{smaller block|This could become vicious persecution instead of reasonable prosecution.}}
{{smaller block|This threat of persecution is no less real in another phase of the proposed civil-rights legislation relating to the creation of a commission empowered to investigate alleged incidents of discrimination, economic boycotts, and the like.}}
{{smaller block|If this plan became a reality, a citizen accused of discriminating against a member of a minority, or of applying economic pressure against him, could be ordered to report to a place in Washington at a given time and be subjected to an investigation. His need for counsel and, hence, the expense of defending himself, could be just as great as it would be if he were accused of some crime.}}
{{smaller block|All of this is being proposed in the name of civil rights by persons calling themselves liberals.}}
{{smaller block|How can we create rights by destroying rights? And how liberal is it?}}
Mr. President, I wish to repeat a paragraph in the editorial which I believe is most important. It should appeal to every lawyer, and, in fact, to every citizen. It reads:
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint.}}
Mr. President, I believe we are setting a very dangerous precedent when the Government can bring suits of the kind provided in the civil-rights bill, even if an individual does not complain. The Government can file a suit in behalf of an individual, even if the individual has not complained, and it can bring a suit for an individual who has complained. In either case, the Government can substitute its name in behalf of the defendant in bringing the case.

Furthermore, the Government would bear the cost of prosecuting the case. The poor defendant must pay his own expense. If an individual wishes to bring a case in court, why should he not pay his own expense? Why should the Federal Government bear the expense of a person whose statement may be true or which may not be true? I can foresee untold litigation. I can see all kinds of fabrications being made in order to have cases brought. It is a dangerous bill, Mr. President. It is far more dangerous than I believe the average man on the street has been able to understand. The average man in the street does not realize what is in the bill. I cannot imagine why Members of Congress would even consider passing such a bill. Again I say that it would not even have been introduced, in my opinion, or given any consideration at all, if it were not purely a political bill.

Mr. President, I have an editorial published in the Greenville (S. C.) News of February 26, 1957, entitled “Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty.”
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty}}}}}}
{{smaller block|({{sc|Editor’s Note}}.—The following editorial is taken from a statement prepared by the editor of the News at the request of the Governor of South Carolina. The statement is to be offered to the subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon by representatives of this State who are appearing in opposition to the civil-rights bills.)}}
{{smaller block|The civil-rights bills of 1957, like those proposed during the last 20 years and more by individuals of both parties and by administrations of both parties, are anachronistic.}}
{{smaller block|An anachronism is something that is misplaced in time. In this instance, it is a throwback to a more primitive age which is, at best, a misfit and, at worst, a destructive force in the age in which it occurs.}}
{{smaller block|And when intelligent and otherwise dedicated men ignore more pressing and more serious problems and pass up greater opportunities for service to deliberately create such an anachronism, the result is bound to be tragic.}}
{{smaller block|Even if we could assume, which we cannot, that the broad and untested powers these proposed laws would confer on an already oversized and unwieldy Federal bureaucracy would always be wisely and fairly administered, the need for them, if it ever existed, has long since passed.}}
{{smaller block|The purposes now claimed for them have been better served by processes springing from the people themselves than ever they can be by pressure and threat of punishment imposed upon the people by an omnipotent and omnipresent “Big Brother” sort of government.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, the instruments now proposed to protect liberty and to uplift men are such as to be capable of being used to destroy liberty and to oppress men.}}
{{smaller block|To appreciate the origin of the civil-rights bills and the natural resistance to them in many parts of the country, especially the South, one must consider them in their proper perspective with past history and present trends.}}
{{smaller block|To put it bluntly, this legislation grows out of a latter-day extension of the overzealous efforts of the abolitionists, who profited and were exalted during the era preceding the War Between the States. It is being pushed in the same sort of spirit that motivated the vengeant and vindictive planners and executors of the reconstruction.}}
{{smaller block|Not even during the tragic and oppressive reconstruction did a Congress, which was dominated by radicals and in which the conquered South had few friends and spokesmen, see fit to enact such laws as now proposed.}}
{{smaller block|There was military occupation and corrupt government imposed from Washington, but there was no permanent board of inquisitors that could be turned into an agency of harassment and intimidation. There was injustice, but there was no permanent overturning of the processes of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|Purged by bloodshed of the sin of slavery, which was not his alone, nor his country’s alone, the southern white resisted the reconstruction. He resisted it because he feared, with justification, that it was intended to take from him in order to give to the Negro. He resists court-decreed integration and the civil-rights proposals for the same reason—again with justification for his fears.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NEGRO IS MISLED}}}}
{{smaller block|The Negro was misled in those days, and he is being misled now.}}
{{smaller block|The end of the abominable institution of slavery was inevitable, and it could have been accomplished without fratricide and without threatening the Union and creating abiding bitterness. At its end, the Negro was led to believe he could switch from the status of slave to that of master. In some instances, for a time, he did. In others, he was promised “40 acres and a mule,” but more often than not he didn’t know what to do with the 40 acres and he never got the mule.}}
{{smaller block|The Negro again is being falsely led to believe that integration will solve all of his remaining problems and that all he needs to realize the millennium is a few more court decrees and Federal laws. He has been led to believe that political largesse will bring to him those things that he can best realize by earning and exercising the rights and privileges already available to him.}}
{{smaller block|Until fairly recent decades, southern whites and Negroes engaged in a pathetic sort of competition for the lesser degree of poverty, but they have made progress together and they have achieved a mutual understanding. Education and a rising prosperity were easing the old bitterness and misunderstanding and improving relations between the races at a rate that has been positively amazing.}}
{{smaller block|The tragedy of this era is that, since 1954, with the Supreme Court decision in the school cases, and especially since the renewal of agitation of civil-rights legislation with almost virulent vigor, this progress has been slowed down. And the Negro stands to lose the most. The bitterness and the old suspicions are being revived.}}
{{smaller block|A few years ago in a prosperous South Carolina industrial city, a joint committee of white and Negro citizens conducted a survey of the needs of the Negro community, ranging from health and housing to transportation and recreation. Much progress came of it.}}
{{smaller block|Also, a few years ago, with the help of the newspapers and interested white citizens, certain racial barriers in the public hospital were broken down and qualified Negro doctors were granted staff privileges for the first time on full equality with their white colleagues.}}
{{smaller block|Along about the same time, the newspapers and interested white citizens campaigned for better housing for Negroes. City substandard housing laws were strengthened and better enforcement machinery established. The improvement in rental property has been marked.}}
{{smaller block|Also, it was urged that property be made available to Negroes of means who wanted to build better homes away from congested areas in which Negroes tend to congregate. Subsequently, a fairly exclusive Negro residential section, near white neighborhoods, was started. There were no objections.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|PROGRESS IS SLOWED}}}}
{{smaller block|This sort of things would be more difficult now, if not impossible, in no small part because the Negro is reluctant to cooperate. Both he and his white friends are subject to pressure and unpleasantness from radical elements among their respective races. The Negro apparently has been led to believe the moon may be within his grasp; and lawless and more extreme whites have been aroused.}}
{{smaller block|In many cities in the South, the newspapers have sought for years to treat the Negro with the dignity any citizen deserves in their handling of the news. Special sections devoted to news of the Negro community, often prepared by Negro reporters, were started. Until recently, there was no protest. Now there are murmurs, direct protests, and anonymous letters.}}
{{smaller block|None of this has to do with integration. Neither race is ready for integration, and may never be. But if they become so it will be on the only basis of successful close human association—natural affinity, mutual appreciation, and individual choice. Neither court decrees nor laws can create these conditions.}}
{{smaller block|In his speech on conciliation with the American Colonies in 1775, Edmund Burke said, “I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.”}}
{{smaller block|With the help of the proposed legislation, and the injunctive process, the Federal courts may one day find such a method, but the result will be the destruction, not the preservation of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|Burke also said in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontent in 1770 that, “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”}}
{{smaller block|This cause is not the South’s alone. The extension of the judicial process into areas it was not intended to reach and stretching it for purposes it is incapable of serving; the striking down of the police power of the States in field after field; the unprecedented use of the injunctive power without jury trial to punish for contempt persons not before the court; all of these, as able judges and lawyers are solemnly warning, threaten the future security of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|The granting of the powers the Justice Department is now asking can only hasten this process. Even the layman can see that. The proposed commission, with power to investigate and harass at its own will could, in the wrong hands, become an instrument of coercion and intimidation.}}
{{smaller block|Like other Americans, no southerner of good conscience condones the denial of rights, either by violation of the law or by threat or violence. But the atmosphere created by agitation is not only inciting lawless elements to violence, but is making such incidents even harder to deal with.}}
{{smaller block|Of laws we have aplenty. The Federal Government has ample power to deal with the violations the Attorney General alleges but doesn’t specify. The States have laws against violence, and many of them, like South Carolina, have laws making violation of any citizen’s rights a crime.}}
{{smaller block|They should be left free to enforce them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Orangeburg (S. C.) Times and Democrat of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “On Jury Trials.” This is what it has to say on this subject:
{{smaller block|The committee in the Senate which has been considering the civil-rights bill has added an amendment to the bill which would allow persons accused of contempt to be given jury trials. Many Senators who were and are in favor of the civil-rights bill are supporting this amendment.}}
{{smaller block|We do not see how Congress can go wrong in providing jury trials for persons accused of contempt. While we do not wish to join in a wholesale assault on the judiciary of this Nation, it is nevertheless true that the judiciary—like the other branches of the Government—must have its limitations.}}
{{smaller block|No one branch of our Government functions perfectly, nor is it made up of perfect citizens. The judicial branch has assumed increasing power in recent years and it would be wise to safeguard the right of persons to a trial by jury because of what might follow if this right is denied citizens. It may be that only one issue is involved at present, but the future might well turn up an undesirable situation in which the principle wherein judges who find American citizens guilty of contempt, exercise such unlimited powers concerning various issues and freedom that any bill limiting the right of jury trial would be a tragedy and result in injustice to many Americans.}}
{{smaller block|We do not believe that any one section of the country has a monopoly on all the good people in the United States. We believe that trial by jury is the best possible system establishing guilt and that the people themselves, who make up our juries, will come nearer seeing that justice is done than any group, acting individually, no matter how talented the various individuals may be.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Columbia (S. C.) State of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “A Wise Provision,” and here is what it has to say on the question of jury trials:
{{smaller block|Administration forces fell before six Democrats and a Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee who insisted upon including in the so-called civil-rights bill a proviso guaranteeing trial by jury to persons accused in court in civil-rights cases. In supporting the amendment as a poor substitute for killing the bill, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} explained that the section would give civil-rights defendants the same right now enjoyed by trade unionists in labor injunction cases.}}
{{smaller block|The development does not, however, meet with the approval of Attorney General Brownell, who has been playing out of position before now in lobbying for controversial and doubtful legislation, arraying section against section and class against class. He complains the proviso would permit practical nullification of proposed civil-rights legislation. In the words of Orphan Annie, “Would that be bad?”}}
{{smaller block|One wonders just what the advocates of such legislation are after. Could they be seeking to destroy the Constitution?}}
{{smaller block|Everything considered, the section guaranteeing jury trials to defendants in civil-rights cases follows the orderly procedure defined by the Founding Fathers as to the rights and dignity of the individual. Trial by jury is one of the cardinal triumphs of our Constitution as inherited from Magna Carta. There is no reason why any exception should be made to gratify the unilateral zeal of special interests of self-appointed reregulators.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, of July 10, 1957. Here is what it has to say:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|A Principle of Rights: South Making Its Point}}}}}}
{{smaller block|More Senators, it appears, are seeing the validity of the South’s insistence on trial by jury as a fixed point of law and due process—{{SIC|bone|borne}} of contention with the civil-rights brigade. They are seeing, surely, what logic underscores: that if this principle falls under the impact of biased thinking against the South, it falls for all. It is not, therefore, a regional issue, but national. The southern protest is not addressed to a narrow, selfish view, but to a view exactly as broad as the Constitution—and as far reaching.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, has paid tribute to the fairness of southern colleagues—having spoken out prior to this showdown for the stated right of due process; and recognizing the progress already made, and voluntarily, on race relations. As a further point of edification, the fact of voting rights enjoyed and practiced in the South should be laid before him.}}
{{smaller block|Who, influenced by propaganda to the contrary, has bothered to examine the record in State after State? By what process of competent investigation have these civil-rights firebrands arrived at a conclusion of wholesale indictment?}}
{{smaller block|Voting is a privilege, as well as a duty, of citizenship, asserted and protected by law. With that principle there can be no quarrel. The issue is invasion by Federal authority, and methods of enforcement begetting strife by the measures of force contemplated in this iniquitous legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There are States, outside the South, where people of voting age are denied the right to vote—Indians, for example. Negro citizens do vote, under the same rules of eligibilty applied in the case of white citizens; and if any Senator doubts that, he should come this way and watch.}}
{{smaller block|In Tennessee, and other Southern States, he would find Negroes holding public office. In Nashville they elect their own representatives to city council; they have membership on the school board. They staff their schools. They are employed on the police department and the fire department.}}
{{smaller block|Facts, it appears, are coming out in the Senate and registering—and they are facts answering organized diatribe; substantiating both the concept of justice and of constitutional law.}}
{{smaller block|The South does not stand at the bar of public opinion convicted—just accused. It is not on the defensive. It is defending a basic right of responsible treatment, and the place of that defense is the floor of the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|As manifested by the implied readiness of opponents to concede the trial-by-jury point, its stand to date is influencing that decision. It cannot compromise any principle to the detriment of established, constitutional rights, much less yield to the whip of caprice.}}
A column written by Dr. John Temple Graves, one of the outstanding men in the South and in the Nation, printed in the Charleston, S. C., News and Courier of July 8, 1957, is entitled “South’s Most Civil Right Is Right To Be Let Alone,” reads as follows:
{{smaller block|“The right to be let alone.”}}
{{smaller block|That is our most civil liberty.}}
{{smaller block|Remember it and be of good cheer as Senators from the South fight against the so-called civil-liberty bill.}}
{{smaller block|Civil liberty is indivisible.}}
{{smaller block|It is the whole Constitution, the whole ideal. When you sacrifice one part for another you decrease and endanger the total. When the right to jury trial is impeached to save the right to vote there is net loss, and the same loss runs the whole constitutional gamut.}}
{{smaller block|Basically, all American rights are civil rights. States’ rights are civil. The rights of Congress against the Supreme Court are civil, and of the executive against each, and vice versa.}}
{{smaller block|And when the Federal Government (or the State) invades areas never intended or authorized there is violation of the most civil right of all—the right to be let alone.}}
{{smaller block|If the Founding Fathers made a mistake, if they failed to look ahead enough, if they should have anticipated a future so social and interrelated that nothing short of a totalitarian central government and law would serve, we should face it and get a new Constitution. Certainly we should not undertake to cover the situation by ignoring the Constitution in one place and insisting on it in another, sacrificing one civil right to make another safe.}}
{{smaller block|Most of us believe no mistake was made, that liberty and justice can still be had in the great terms of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If the President could just be reached on this jury-trial issue in the civil-force bill many of us who go on liking him believe he would see the South’s case as the Nation’s. The Baltimore Sun nails it thus: “The injunction contemplated would forbid actions already forbidden under Federal criminal laws. This being so, the injunction procedure is obviously a judicial shortcut, and one which would deprive those cited for contempt of a right which would be guaranteed them under the Federal Constitution (if they) were indicted for the same offense. It is proposed to assure one right—the right to vote—by ignoring another right—the right to a jury trial.”}}
{{smaller block|As pointed out here many times, jury trials should be stretched just as far as contempt is stretched, you would think. The civil-rights bill would stretch contempt into areas that ordinarily involve jury trial. It should not be permitted to deny jury trial, therefore, on the plea that contempt cases don’t allow for them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of July 4, 1957, entitled &quot;“Unless Citizens Fight Against Tyranny Independence Will Perish in the United States of America:”
{{smaller block|The 181st anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 today finds independence at low ebb in these United States.}}
{{smaller block|There is a real question as to whether Americans of this day are capable of keeping whatever measure of independence is left to them, let alone restoring lost liberties.}}
{{smaller block|The original Independence Day was celebrated a long time ago.}}
{{smaller block|The national memory of what it means is dim. There is a certain amount of speechifying by political leaders. And the White House will hand reporters a mimeographed Fourth of July statement, written by one of the President’s ghostwriters.}}
{{smaller block|But the deep meaning of the day will not be especially clear to millions of Americans who are looking forward to a long weekend at the beach or other pleasure resorts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason why the Fourth of July should be a long-faced affair. Nor is there any reason why it should be just another holiday—another day for family picnics, parties, and romping in the surf.}}
{{smaller block|Except for a few lines of it embodied in newspaper stories, no one will read the Declaration of Independence. And yet our ancestors read it with the greatest care, for it touched their lives.}}
{{smaller block|It is an angry document, full of resentment toward a government that was steadily pushing Americans into a corner. Finally, in the Declaration, the people said they had enough.}}
{{smaller block|Throughout June 1957 the American people were being pushed into a corner, precisely as the people of the province of South Carolina and 12 other colonies were being pushed in the broiling summer of 1776. No one attacked Sullivan’s Island last month, except possibly mosquitoes. But liberties of South Carolinians and their fellow citizens in 47 States were under attack.}}
{{smaller block|Who knows it? Who cares? Today Fort Moultrie, which should be a national shrine, is padlocked and the grounds overgrown with grass. Today, grass is growing over American liberties.}}
{{smaller block|Americans cared in 1776. Of George III., the signers said: “The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.”}}
{{smaller block|And so they submitted the facts. They said that King George “has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation; for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; for suspending our legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.”}}
{{smaller block|Does this have a familiar ring?}}
{{smaller block|Is not the Congress, on recommendation of the President, preparing a civil-rights bill that would deny trial by jury to some Americans? Isn’t the Supreme Court striking down State laws, abolishing important laws of Congress and altering fundamental forms of our State and Federal governments? Isn’t the Supreme Court legislating school laws for the South?}}
{{smaller block|The answer to all these questions is “Yes.”}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence says that it is the duty of a free people, when a design to reduce them to despotism has been perceived, to provide new guards for their future security.}}
{{smaller block|That is what Americans living in 1957 must do. There is no need for flag-waving demonstrations—nothing of that sort. All that is needed is for millions of Americans to halt one moment, in the midst of holiday pleasure, to resolve that they will support their elected representatives in setting up new guards against tyranny.}}
{{smaller block|Unless there is such a resolve, there won’t be much independence to celebrate in the years ahead.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the July 9, 1957, Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier entitled “People Should Accept No Compromise on States’ Control of Elections:”
{{smaller block|Talk about compromise on civil rights force bills before Congress is in the news from Washington. What goes on behind the scenes the public seldom knows at the time, and doesn’t always find out later. We speak with no knowledge other than what we read in press dispatches.}}
{{smaller block|The comment of Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, Republican, of South Dakota, who has predicted a compromise in time to let the Senate adjourn by mid-August, is especially interesting. He said the compromise would be one “for which the South can’t vote, but one with which the South can live.” The terms of the compromise would be to guarantee the right of Negro and other minority groups to vote without harassment.}}
{{smaller block|Qualified Negroes, like qualified white people, already have a right to vote. Race agitators from time to time dig up cases of alleged intimidation of Negro voters in the South. No doubt there are voting irregularities in the South, as in other regions of the country. In the areas that the News and Courier knows about, Negroes register and vote without hindrance. If there is widespread violation of anybody’s civil rights we are not aware of it. The big question is not so much whether and where violations may occur, but who has authority to enforce guaranties of the rights.}}
{{smaller block|Heretofore in our country the States have set up and supervised elections within their borders. We strongly believe that the future of the American Republic depends on saving a balance of power between State and Federal authorities. Control of the ballot and voting procedures is essential to that balance.}}
{{smaller block|The force bill now before Congress, generally known as the civil-rights bill, would set up new Federal machinery, armed with power to imprison without trial by jury, to manage racial aspects of elections. It would be a short step to amend this law to put other, perhaps all, election machinery into Federal hands. Thus some of the safeguards—precious few of them remaining—would disappear.}}
{{smaller block|Compromise on the force bill is a compromise with freedom. Today the Southern States may seem to be the target. But the danger exists for all 48 States.}}
{{smaller block|Perhaps the danger cannot be avoided in the present mood of our Government. Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, in the past a stanch supporter of States’ rights, has forecast a compromise “with which the South can live,” even though it cannot vote for the compromise.}}
{{smaller block|The South could not live with Reconstruction after the Civil War. Some of the proposals today seem designed to revive the spirit of Reconstruction. The News and Courier does not believe the South can live with that spirit now any better than it could live with it 80 years ago.}}
{{smaller block|For that reason we reject any compromise with basic rights and basic freedom.}}
{{smaller block|If the South loses to superior power, either in the form of votes in Congress or any other form of force, let it not be said that the South gave its consent. Someday, if it is not then too late, the rest of the country may come to its senses. The South may be able to hasten that day by resisting wreckers of the Republic. If the people of the United States realized what was being done to their country, they would not offer up the South as a sacrifice, nor compromise with liberty.}}
{{smaller block|The South might be able to live with compromise, but not at the same time with pride and self-respect.}}
Mr. President, there have been a number of occasions on which I have spoken before the subcommittees of the Committees on the Judiciary of the House and Senate, and on the floor of the Senate, in opposition to the provisions of H. R. 6127 and the other so-called civil-rights bills which were introduced both in the House and in the Senate. The first of these statements was made before the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives on February 26. Because a good portion of the statement was made with reference to certain so-called civil-rights bills then being considered, but which are not now before the Senate, I have edited out portions of the statement. I now read my statement as edited.
{{smaller block|I am here today to oppose the so-called civil-rights bills.}}
{{smaller block|Tyranny by any other name is just as bad.}}
{{smaller block|In other countries tyranny has taken the forms of fascism, communism, and absolute monarchy. I do not want to see it foisted on the American people under the alias of “civil rights.”}}
{{smaller block|Real civil rights and so-called civil rights should not be confused. Everybody favors human rights. But it is a fraud on the American people to pretend that human rights can long endure without constitutional restraint on the power of government.}}
{{smaller block|The actual power of the Federal Government should not be confused with power longed for by those who would destroy the States as sovereign governments.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY JUDICIARY}}}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of instances of attempted and real usurpation of power by the Federal Government, which these pending bills would attempt to legalize, expand, and extend.}}
{{smaller block|The most notorious illustration of this type of usurpation is the May 17, 1954, school segregation decision by the United States Supreme Court. Since that time there have been several other decisions by the Court which I think have wakened people all over the country who previously paid little attention, or cared little, what the result might be in the school segregation cases.}}
{{smaller block|There are two recent cases. One arose in Pennsylvania and one in New York. The Pennsylvania case is ''Pennsylvania'' v. ''Steve Nelson'', decided April 2, 1956, dealing with the right of the State to take action against a Communist. The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that because there was a Federal sedition law, the State of Pennsylvania had no authority in that field. The laws of 42 States were invalidated by the decision. Even the protest of the Department of Justice that the laws of the States did not interfere with enforcement of the Federal law did not stop the Court.}}
{{smaller block|The author of the Federal law, the Honorable {{sc|Howard Smith}}, Of Virginia, has stated there was no intent embodied in the Federal act to prohibit the States from legislating against sedition.}}
{{smaller block|The second case to which I refer arose when the city of New York dismissed from employment a teacher who had refused to disclose whether he was a Communist when questioned by duly constituted authority.}}
{{smaller block|Here again the United States Supreme Court ruled against the power and authority of the local government contained in the charter of the city of New York.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY EXECUTIVE}}}}
{{smaller block|Now let me refer briefly to some attempts at usurpation of the rights of the States by the executive branch of the Federal Government. Administrators in some Federal departments and agencies have issued directives having the effect of laws which have never been enacted by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|A specific illustration is that of the Civil Aeronautics Administration issuing a directive last year to withhold Federal funds from facilities in the construction of airports where segregation of the races is practiced.}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no basis in law for this administrative action, but by use of a directive or an edict the administrator effected a result just as though a law had been enacted.}}
{{smaller block|Other attempts at Federal interference from the executive branch with the rights of the individual citizen is demonstrated by the Contracts Compliance Commission. This Commission has dictated that contractors working on Federal projects must employ persons of both the white and Negro races, whether the contractors wish to do so or not. The strength of the Commission lies in the power to withhold contracts, or threatening to do so, if a contractor fails to carry out the dictates of the Commission.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ATTEMPTED USURPATION BY CONGRESS}}}}
{{smaller block|I can think of no better {{SIC|ilustration|illustration}} of attempted usurpation of the rights of the States by the legislative branch of the Federal Government than what is going on here now. I believe that the Congress, by attempting to enact these so-called civil-rights bills, is invading the rights of the States.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NO DOUBT AS TO CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|Wherever a person lives in this country, whatever political faith he holds, whatever he believes in connection with any matter of interest, he has one firm basis for knowing his rights. Those rights are enumerated in the Constitution of the United States. I believe in that document. I believe that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less.}}
{{smaller block|If American citizens cannot believe in the Constitution, and know that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less, then there is no assurance that our representative form of government will continue in this country.}}
{{smaller block|I believe that people all over the country are beginning to realize that steps should be taken to preserve the constitutional guaranties which are being infringed upon in many ways.}}
{{smaller block|I believe we should also take steps to regain for the States some of the powers previously lost in unwarranted assaults on the States by the Federal Government.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE OFFICIALS UNDERSTANDING}}}}
{{smaller block|The administration of laws relating to civil rights is being carried out much more intelligently at the local levels of government than they could ever possibly be administered by edicts handed down from Washington. State officials and county officials know the people and know the problems of those people. Most officials of the Federal Government in Washington know much less about local problems than do the public officials in the States and in the counties.}}
{{smaller block|If these so-called civil-rights bills should be approved, then we must anticipate that the Federal Government, having usurped the authority of local government, will try to send Federal detectives snooping throughout the land. Federal police could be sent into the home of any citizen charged with violating the civil-rights laws.}}
{{smaller block|If there are constitutional proposals here which any of the States wish to enact, I have no objection to that. Every State has the right to enact any constitutional law which has not been specifically delegated to the Federal Government in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|On the other hand, I am firmly opposed to the enactment by Congress of laws in fields where the Congress has no authority, or in fields where there is no necessity for action by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|From my observations, I have gained the strong feeling that most of the States are performing their police duties well. I believe that the individual States are looking after their own problems in the field of civil rights better than any enactment of this Congress could provide for, and better than any commission appointed by the Chief Executive could look after them.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question, with the understanding that he will not lose his right to the floor, and the understanding that it will not be considered a second speech or jeopardize the Senator’s right to the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. If unanimous consent is granted, under the conditions which the distinguished Senator has outlined, I will be pleased to yield.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from California? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I shall preface my question by this brief statement of fact, namely, since the House has adopted a ''sine die'' adjournment resolution, and there is no fixed period for adjournment, and the Senate can, and in my judgment will, continue in session as long as it is necessary to complete its business, I put these questions in all seriousness to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina:

First. What is the Senator’s purpose by his interesting but prolonged remarks? Is it a matter of education of the Senate or of the country?

Second. Is it to establish a record of discussion on the floor of the Senate?

Third. Is it merely to delay a vote on the civil rights bill, which is the pending business?

Fourth. Is it to prevent a final vote on H. R. 6127, the so-called civil rights bill?

Fifth. Is it to make friends and to influence other Senators in the southern position?

Sixth. Is it to emphasize to the Senate the need for a change, beginning in January, of rule XXII.?

There may be other reasons, but I should be very much interested—and I believe the Senate would be interested also—if the Senator from South Carolina would agree to indicate the purpose of his prolonged address.

Mr. THURMOND. I would merely say that my purpose in making the extended address is for educational purposes—to educate the Senate and the people of the country. There is no question in my mind that the so-called civil-rights bill violates the Constitution of the United States. I do not believe the Senator was in the Chamber when I spoke earlier and cited a decision pointing out that criminal contempt has been held to be a crime and that under the Constitution of the United States it is provided that a man charged with crime shall get a jury trial.

The so-called compromise bill provides that if a person is sentenced by a judge by being fined more than $300 or imprisoned for more than 45 days, he will get a jury trial. The Constitution does not say that. The Constitution provides that if he is charged with a crime, he shall get a jury trial.

I believe in the Constitution. I believe that the Constitution is clear. I hope the Senator will take the time one of these days—probably he will not have an opportunity soon—to read the address I have made in which I have gone into these matters and have tried to delineate them and point them out for the benefit of the American people, as well as for the benefit of the Senate.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am confident that the pending bill is a dangerous bill in a number of ways. I have pointed out that it is necessary that every State in the Nation have laws to protect the right to vote. The Senator’s own State of California has such laws. I started with the State of Alabama and read the laws for every State. Those laws were confirmed to be accurate by the Library of Congress. I read the State laws beginning with Alabama and ending with Wyoming. Every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote.

I say there is no need for the pending bill. This is a matter that comes under the Constitution, and it should be left to the States. It is a State matter. It is not a Federal matter.

Furthermore, the Federal Government has invaded the field. It has already invaded the field. I believe it made a mistake when it did so.

I should like to invite the attention of the Senator—again I do not believe he was in the Chamber when I referred to it previously—section 594 of chapter 29 of title 18 of the United States Code. That section provides:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield again under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. That is the Federal law today. If anyone is being denied his right to vote today he has recourse to that statute. If anyone is being denied the right to vote and complains about it, the Justice Department fails to do its duty if it fails to prosecute under that section of the Federal statute. Either that condition exists or there are no just complaints. The Committee on the Judiciary held hearings for months on the question, and it did not have before it one valid complaint. It had some fictitious complaints from a parish in Mississippi. It turned out that they asked a witness to return the next day, but he did not return, and it proved that the whole testimony was a fabrication, according to the chairman of the committee.

Therefore, there are State laws which protect the right to vote, and there is a Federal law which protects the right to vote. Under that act, if a man is tried, he would have a right to trial by jury. Under the so-called compromise, if he is tried, he would not have the right of trial by jury if the sentence were less than $300 or if the imprisonment were for less than 45 days.

Ninety-nine percent of all the criminal contempt cases would fall within that sphere. I was a circuit court judge for 8 years and heard cases all over South Carolina. I cannot remember the case of even one man who was sentenced by me or by any other circuit court judge in South Carolina for contempt of court for longer than 45 days in jail.

Therefore, the effect of the so-called compromise is to deny to the citizens of South Carolina and of the United States the right to a jury trial, as is guaranteed in several places in the Constitution. That is the reason I have made this extended address. It is to call to the attention of the Senate and to the people of the Nation that the pending bill is a dangerous bill. In my opinion, it is purely a political bill.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions as heretofore stated?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I can assure the Senator, whether we make that proviso in our remarks back and forth, the Senator will be fully protected in his rights to the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield to the Senator from California under those conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I did listen to the earlier part of the Senator’s address. I was in the Chamber at the time. I must confess that for several hours I did get some sleep and was able to freshen up and to change my clothes, and I am now back in the Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. I notice that the Senator looks very fresh at about 6:45 in the morning.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Yes. I am glad to be here with the Senator. Of course, the question which obviously disturbed a majority of the two Houses of Congress was that the statutes which are now on the statute books were not effective in protecting those constitutional rights. The Senators who felt that way are just as sincere as the Senator from South Carolina. I know the Senator from South Carolina has a deep conviction and is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. However, I refer to the provisions of section 1 of the 15th amendment to the Constitution, which provides:
{{smaller block|The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.}}
Section 2 of the 15th amendment reads:
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.}}
Both sections point up the fundamental constitutional right of American citizens and clearly underscore the fact that Congress not only has the right, but the responsibility in this field.

The Senator may feel that in his State or perhaps in other States—and I have no doubt it is true in many areas of the South—there is no problem relative to the voting rights of American citizens.

But at least the predominant opinion in Congress indicates that there is also a strong feeling that in many areas—and this may not be related only to the South, for that matter—the full rights under the 15th amendment are not being effectively implemented. It was for that reason that the House, by a vote, I believe, of more than 2 to 1, and the Senate finally by a very substantial majority, passed the bill, which is now going through another legislative process. It finally came back to the Senate floor after the House had concurred and amended the Senate version, as the House had a right to do.

My only point is that obviously the Senate of the United States is going to stay in session and complete work on the proposed legislation. It may sit for the remainder of the week, and it may sit next month and, if necessary, the month after that. I wish to emphasize to the Senator from South Carolina that, so far as the recommendations of the minority leader might be followed—and I know of no difference of opinion so far as the majority is concerned, although I cannot speak for the majority, and I would not attempt to do so—there will be no ''sine die'' adjournment resolution adopted by the Senate which would permit Congress to adjourn the first session of the 85th Congress until we have completed the work on the pending legislation, which is the civil-rights bill, and completed the work on the proposed legislation dealing with the mutual aid appropriation bill. Therefore, there is no fixed hour and date of adjournment.

I was wondering, therefore, why the Senator was making his extended address, and that is the reason I asked the questions I asked of him. He said he was making the address for the purpose of an educational campaign, for the benefit of the country and the Senate. I was wondering whether he hoped to prevent passage of the bill or merely delay its passage, or whether he had some other reason in mind.

Mr. THURMOND. In answer to the distinguished Senator, I wish to say that I should be highly pleased if the bill did not pass. I should like to ask the Senator this question: Under the statute which I have just read—and that is not a State statute, but a Federal statute, which provides “whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote as he may choose,” and so forth, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both—is there any deficiency in the statute? Is that not as clear as it can be? If anyone interferes with another’s right to vote, or intimidates, or if he threatens or coerces, he shall be punished. Is that not what it says? If that is the case, why does the Senator believe we should have another statute on voting added to it? Is this statute deficient? The Senator says the present laws are defective, as I understand. The statute I have read is a criminal statute. It will punish a guilty person by fining him for as much as $1,000 and could send him to jail for a year. In what respect does the Senator believe the statute is defective?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I shall not at this hour get into a detailed legal argument, because I am not a lawyer, but a newspaperman; furthermore, I would not attempt to put myself up against the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, who has been a judge in his own State and has been for a long time a distinguished member of the bar. I have listened to the arguments on the floor of the Senate. I have read a number of the reports and the proceedings, and I have had some discussions with people who are familiar with the circumstances connected with the subject. I do know that those in the Department of Justice who have been concerned with this problem apparently feel that that statute is not effective so far as the constitutional rights of American citizens are concerned.

Secondly, I am not in a position to argue with the Senator relative to what the legal definition of coercion is. I do say to the Senator that I believe there are various forms of coercion, some of which might be very difficult to prove in a court of law, but which might still be equally effective in keeping people from exercising their voting rights.

The coercion might consist of economic pressure, or there might be some difficulty about finding work in a community or there might be the difficulty of a small merchant maintaining his business. It might be very difficult to trace such things to the fact that a person had tried to go to a voting place on voting day to cast his vote. Nevertheless, such coercion could be quite effective in keeping a person from exercising his right to the voting franchise.

It is also true that in the debate which has taken place on the floor of the Senate it was disclosed that in one of the parishes or voting districts in a Southern State which had been mentioned on the floor of the Senate, there had been the situation where certain facts were laid before a grand jury in that particular State, and the facts were very clear, but still no action was taken in that particular situation.

I will say to the Senator that it should be remembered that the bill has now been stripped practically to a voting-rights bill.

Furthermore, I certainly believe that the fundamental right of an American citizen in this day and age should be protected, because every citizen has the right to vote. If that right is assured to a citizen, in time he may help himself secure the other civil rights to which he is entitled and which are guaranteed to him by the 14th amendment. The bill before us, as I say, is primarily a voting-rights bill. Those who have had some responsibility in this field—and I think some knowledge of it also—feel that the procedure outlined in the bill would at least facilitate the exercise of the voting rights of American citizens in all sections of the country.

Mr. THURMOND. I might say to the distinguished Senator that he is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. Even though he is not a lawyer, he knows a statute when he hears one read. The criminal statute I have read is just as plain as any criminal statute can be. I am in favor of having every qualified voter enjoy the right of franchise. I want to say that in my State every qualified voter has that privilege. No one—white, colored, or anyone else—is denied the right to vote in South Carolina. The statute I have read protects people from being coerced and intimidated and threatened in any way. If there is any violation of law now, a person who is discriminated against may go to the Department of Justice, and under the statute I have read a violator of that statute will be either sent to jail or fined or both. What the proposed compromise would do would be to take away that right of trial by jury.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say that both the original bill as passed by the two Houses and the final form now before us are not intended to deprive anyone of his vote, but to encourage the constitutional right of people to enjoy the right to vote. The fact of the matter is that quite a due process procedure is set up. If a person comes forward and alleges that he has been denied the right, there is a procedure set up by which he may go into Federal court, under his constitutional right, under the 15th amendment and the other constitutional rights he has, and make certain allegations. The judge must make certain findings. If he finds the facts are correct, he issues a court order, directed to what we in our State would call the registrar of voters, but what in other States might be the county clerk, or whatever else he might be, and says, in effect, “You are violating the constitutional rights of this man. He is being discriminated against under the laws of this State. Put him on the registration rolls.”

If the local official complies with the law and complies with the Constitution, nobody is fined, and nobody goes to jail. It is only if the local official or the local individuals involved in the case ignore the order of the court and, in effect, say that “we will not comply with the order seeking to protect the constitutional rights of American citizens,” that the judge may, under either civil contempt, which may be used in most cases, and may in most cases be effective, or under the criminal contempt provisions, impose the penalties.

So this bill is not seeking to punish people. To the contrary, it is seeking to gain for American citizens the very fundamental right to vote. If nobody is denied the right to vote in the State of the Senator from South Carolina, there will not be a single citizen in the State of South Carolina who will be involved in either a civil or criminal contempt. If nobody is being denied the right to vote in any other State, there will not be a single citizen, man or woman, who will be involved in either civil or criminal contempt under this bill. There will not be large numbers of persons who will be fined or jailed for 10 days or 30 days or 45 days, to force compliance with the constitutional rights of American citizens. That is going to be so only if the conditions which the Senator says prevail in his State do not prevail in other areas of the country and large numbers of American citizens are denied their constitutional rights. It seems to me it is all clear and simple. The Senator has nothing to fear in his own State or in any other State, because if nobody is being denied the right to vote, nobody can be punished by either civil or criminal contempt proceedings under the bill.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to say, in reply to that statement, whether a single person in South Carolina would be affected by the bill or not would not change my opinion about the bill, because the bill as passed by the House affects American citizens everywhere. The bill the Senate passed delineated and made a distinction between civil contempt, the purpose of which is to bring about compliance with an order, and criminal contempt, the purpose of which is to punish for a crime.

A criminal contempt has been held, in a court decision which I cited earlier today, to be a crime. Criminal contempt is a crime. The bill as passed by the House provides for punishment for criminal contempt and provides that a judge can try the case, in his discretion. The defendant does not get a jury trial for a criminal contempt unless the punishment goes beyond 45 days or beyond a $300 fine. I am not concerned about the people of South Carolina violating the voting rights of citizens, because I do not think anybody in South Carolina is violating anyone’s voting rights. I presume this bill is aimed chiefly at helping the Negroes, is it not, Senator?

Mr. KNOWLAND. No. The bill would be aimed at any American citizen, without regard to race, creed, or color, whose voting rights under the 15th amendment would be denied.

Mr. THURMOND. As a matter of fact, it is the Negro whom it is chiefly aimed to help. Is that not a fact?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I suppose most allegations of a denial of voting rights come from colored citizens of the United States, but I assume the same situation might apply to Indians, in some instances, or might apply to others who might be entitled, under the Constitution, to the right to vote; but it is not aimed at any one race or one section of the country. The Constitution, as the Senator well knows, and I think would not dispute, applies to all 48 States of the Union, and not merely to a part of the Union.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is correct, but I refer to the practical purpose of the bill. I understood that was so admitted, and one reason why the right of trial by jury was attempted to be taken away was that southern juries would not convict in cases involving the right of Negroes to vote.

For the Senator’s information, in my State I would like him to know that in the 1952 election President Eisenhower lacked just a few votes of carrying the State. The Negroes voted in heavy numbers. The Negro newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer, of Columbia, S. C., published by and for Negroes, bragged about the fact that they were responsible for winning the State for Stevenson. It said that more than 80,000 of them had voted in that election, and that represented about one-fourth of the entire votes cast in that general election. The Negroes of our State comprise only 40 percent of the population. If they voted to the extent of almost one-fourth of all the votes cast in that election—and they probably voted more, because they admitted they cast that many—think it is indicative that the Negroes are voting in large numbers. Of course, they are not so well qualified to vote as are the White people. I do not know of a Negro in South Carolina who is qualified and wants to vote who is denied that privilege. So Negroes are voting in my State.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I might say to the Senator I was in his State in 1952. I happened to travel with then General Eisenhower, who was a candidate for the presidency before he became President of the United States. I attended meetings with the President-to-be. The point I want to make perfectly clear is that I do not dispute the fact, as stated by the distinguished Senator, that a large number—perhaps a good majority—of the Negro citizens of this country or of his State may be registered Democrats. I think they may continue to vote for the Democratic ticket, so far as that is concerned. They may have been responsible, as the Senator says, for having carried South Carolina for Stevenson—

Mr. THURMOND. That is what they said.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Or, at least, that is what they said; but that would not change my viewpoint in the slightest, as a Republican, if they were entitled as American citizens to vote, even though they were responsible for the defeat of my party in that State. I might say that in the northern areas, the heavily populated areas, with large Negro populations, for the most part Negroes have voted the Democratic ticket, and generally for New Deal candidates, and it certainly is not politically advantageous to my party when they vote that way. That still would not change my viewpoint that, if they, are American citizens and if under the Constitution they are entitled to the right of any other citizen to vote, which the Constitution clearly gives them, both the Senate and the House, as well as the executive branch of the Government and the local public officials and the national public officials, have the responsibility to see that they are not denied the right to vote and to exercise their constitutional rights, whether the citizens may be predominantly Democratic, predominantly Republican, or predominantly Independent.

That point is not at issue here. The issue is whether they are entitled, under the qualifications of the State laws, and under the Constitution of the United States, to vote. If they are, they should be assured that every public official who raises his hand to support both the State and National Constitution has the responsibility to see that citizens get the right to vote when they want to exercise it. In this country, we do not have coerced voting, where citizens have to go to the polls. But if citizens want to do so, they should be allowed to do so, without any direct intimidation or without any of the more subtle, indirect intimidations or coercions which sometimes can be practiced, as the distinguished Senator knows.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator if he has had evidence presented to him which has convinced him that there is a need for this bill to be passed, in spite of all the laws the States have to protect the right to vote, and in spite of section 594 of the United States criminal code which protects the right to vote. Has the Senator ever had evidence presented to him that convinced him it is necessary to pass the bill, in spite of the laws of the States and the Federal statutes?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator if I did not feel that it was both necessary and desirable to pass the bill, I would not have supported it. I believe there have been sufficient facts presented to indicate that a bill of this type is both necessary and desirable.

I have never taken the position on the floor, or publicly or privately, in which I have made a blanket indictment and stated that southern juries would not convict, because I have the highest respect for the people of the South, for their responsibilities of citizenship, for their loyalty to this country, and for the fact that they have served in uniform side by side with citizens from other sections of the country in fighting off our enemies in the various struggles in which this Nation has been engaged. I have never suggested that there should be a blanket indictment of a whole people under any circumstances. I do not now say that the facts outlined by the Senator from South Carolina, with respect to his own State, are not correct. Of course, I do not know his State as well as does the Senator from South Carolina, but if he tells me that there are no cases where a person is deprived of his right to vote, where a Negro citizen, if he possesses precisely the same qualifications that would be expected of a white citizen—

Mr. THURMOND. None that I know about.

Mr. KNOWLAND. That he has exactly the same rights to register, exactly the same rights to vote, I take the Senator’s word for it, because I have great respect for him. I will say, however, that in the facts presented by the Attorney General’s office before the committee, relative to another State in the broad general area of the South—I might say the same thing might apply in an area of the North or the West, for that matter, because what we are seeking to protect is the rights of American citizens in all 48 States of the Union—it was shown that large numbers of persons who had been registered were purged from the registration rolls. The predominant number, if not all of the purgees, were members of the Negro race, with very few, if any, members of the white race. Purely on the law of averages, to a reasonable man, one would not have to be a lawyer to know that it does not seem to be a matter of chance. Then when they sought to re-register, according to the facts presented, the local registrar indicated, though there were several thousand of them, he could not register more than 50 a day. That meant those persons had to stand in line for long periods of time, which would naturally be a discouraging thing in trying to get back on the registration rolls.

There was used the apparently rather interesting and novel provision of verbal question. I doubt very much whether many, if any, Members of the Senate could have answered some of the questions which were asked. If a question was answered one way, that apparently was not the right answer. If the question was answered the other way, which any reasonable person might have done, that apparently was not the right answer. Perhaps the same position would have been taken by the local registrar if the citizen involved had been of any other race, but, again, to a reasonable person it seems that there was at least an effort made to discourage American citizens from exercising the right of franchise.

I again reiterate that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that occurrence did not take place in the State of South Carolina.

The Senator has made a very fine statement of the rights the citizens of his State enjoy. I think all Americans will rejoice in that fact. I want to say there is nothing in the proposal before the Senate which will in the least change the power of the States to prescribe the qualifications of their voters. They have that right under our Federal system. I think, however, the States have the obligation not merely to give lip service to, but to follow both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and that whenever such qualifications are prescribed, whatever they may be, they should be applied impartially and equitably to every American citizen, regardless of his race, color, creed, or previous condition of servitude.

Those are the words of the Constitution. Those are the words that every citizen occupying a position as a registrar, a county clerk, or a local voting commissioner has a full obligation to comply with. Such persons should not apply one rule to one group of citizens and a different rule to a different group of citizens. If they will apply the laws with equity and with impartiality, then they have nothing to fear in the slightest in the way of either civil or criminal contempt under this bill, at least in my judgment.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator from California one more question, and with that I will desist.

Although the Senator is not a lawyer, he is one of the best read men in the United States. I imagine he is an expert on the Constitution, also, because he is a very deep student.

I wonder how the Senator could agree to this compromise, which would deprive people in criminal contempt cases of the right to a trial by jury, when the Constitution is so clear on that point?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator that I will leave the matter to the lawyers, to debate later the specific point which the Senator mentions. I, at least, have heard of no section of the country where there is a provision for a trial by jury in an equity proceeding where there is a contempt of the court.

Mr. THURMOND. I am speaking of criminal contempt.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I know, but I am speaking also of a contempt of the court in carrying out its order in an equity proceeding.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to that I will say to the Senator I agree that in civil contempt cases under the present law the court has the right to use its power to bring about compliance with an order, in civil contempt cases. However, I am speaking of criminal contempt cases, which are provided for in the compromise bill. The bill provides for criminal contempt actions.

Criminal contempt is a crime. I have here a decision which sustains that point. Since criminal contempt is a crime, there is a right to a trial by jury.

The Constitution of the United States in article III., section 2, says this:
{{smaller block|The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases or Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; * * *.}}
The sixth amendment reads:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions—}}
That is what we are referring to. We refer to a criminal prosecution for criminal contempt. It is a prosecution by the judge, who is the prosecutor, the legislature, the judge, and the jury.

The court has held that criminal contempt is a crime, and the Constitution makes reference to all criminal prosecutions. We refer here to a criminal prosecution.

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, * * *.}}
And so forth.

In the seventh amendment to the Constitution there is also a reference to a jury trial. The amendment I have read is exactly to the point.

If the Senator had provided in the compromise bill that the judge could impose a sentence of imprisonment for 1 day—not 45 days, but even 1 day—or a fine of even $1 in a criminal-contempt case, he would be giving the judge the power to try a man without a jury in violation of the Constitution, even though the punishment would be negligible.

What I am opposed to is the fact that the compromise bill, the way it is written and the way it has come to the Senate, violates the Constitution of the United States. I am vitally concerned about that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the Senator will yield further, then I shall not interrupt him any more.

All I can say to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is that the highest law officers of the Government of the United States are the Attorney General of the United States and representatives of the Department of Justice. They, too, have sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States. The most able lawyers in the Department of Justice have looked over the proposed legislation, as well. In their judgment, it is constitutional and it does not violate the Constitution of the United States.

The Senator is entitled, of course, to make the assertion that in his judgment the provision is not constitutional. Such arguments come up even before the Supreme Court of the United States, as the distinguished Senator knows, from time to time, as well as before other courts. Sometimes the judges can agree by a unanimous vote as to what they think is constitutional or what they think is unconstitutional. However, over the long period of our history there have been many notable cases relative to the constitutionality of some act of Congress or the constitutional rights of some individual as to which the Supreme Court of the United States, which is the highest judicial tribunal of the land, has divided on a 5-to-4 decision.

The Senator’s assertion that the provision is not constitutional—I am sure the Senator would be the first to admit—does not make it unconstitutional. I quite admit that the assertion of any qualified lawyer on this side, who might make the assertion the provision was constitutional, would not, by that assertion, make it so. Nor would the opinion of the Attorney General make it so.

At least I do not want the record to show that merely by having the Senator make the assertion that in his judgment it is not constitutional, necessarily, ''ipso facto'', that assertion makes a fact.

Mr. THURMOND. Of course, we remember also that the Attorney General in the original bill wanted to transfer these matters to the equity side of the court to deprive citizens of the right of jury trial. We have to keep that in mind.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the distinguished Senator will yield further, I wish to thank him for his courtesy in yielding. I hope he has enjoyed our discussion as much as I have. I hope perhaps it has been a brief respite to him, under all the circumstances. I would stay to listen to the Senator, but I have a breakfast engagement with the President at the White House. I know under those circumstances the distinguished Senator will excuse me.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to yield to the distinguished Senator, for whom I have such high admiration.

Mr. President, I continue to read my statement:
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS GUARANTIES}}}}
{{smaller block|Before taking up specific provisions of several of the bills pending before the committee, I should like to read for you two of the basic provisions in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|The ninth amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”}}
{{smaller block|The 10th amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”}}
{{smaller block|Those last two amendments of the Bill of Rights make clear the intent of the Founding Fathers. Their intent was that all rights not specifically listed, and all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government, would be held inalienable by the States, and the people.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS UNALTERED}}}}
{{smaller block|This basic concept of the Bill of Rights has never been constitutionally amended, no matter what the Federal courts have done, no matter what the executive branch of the Federal Government has done, and no matter what the Congress might have done or attempted to do in the past. The people and the States still retain all rights not specifically delegated to the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|Let us also consider these proposals from a practical standpoint.}}
{{smaller block|What could be accomplished by a Federal law embodying provisions which are already on the statute books of the States that cannot be accomplished by the State laws? I fail to see that any benefit could come from the enactment of Federal laws duplicating State statutes which guarantee the rights of citizens. Certainly the enactment of still other laws not approved by the States could result only in greater unrest than has been created by the recent decisions of the Federal courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|MR. DOOLEY WAS RIGHT}}}}
{{smaller block|The truth is very much as Mr. Dooley, the writer-philosopher, stated it many years ago, that the Supreme Court follows the election returns.}}
{{smaller block|If he were alive today, I believe Mr. Dooley would note also that the election returns follow the Supreme Court.}}
{{smaller block|And now it looks as if some people are trying to follow both the Supreme Court and the election returns. Having made these general comments, I would like to comment specifically on some of the pending proposals. First, on the proposal for the establishment of a Commission on Civil Rights.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|COMMISSION UNNEEDED}}}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no reason for the establishment of such a commission. The Congress and its committees can perform all of the investigative functions which would come within the sphere of constitutional authority.}}
{{smaller block|I do not believe the members of any commission, however established, could represent the views of the people of this country as well as the Members of Congress can. I hope that the members of this committee and the Members of the Congress will not permit themselves to be persuaded that anyone else can look after the problems of the people any better, or as well, as the Congress can.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, there is no justification for an investigation in this field.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will recommend against the establishment of such a commission.}}
{{smaller block|Another bill would provide for an additional Assistant Attorney General to head a department given by the Attorney General last year. I have searched the testimony given by the Attorney General last year before the committees of the Congress with regard to this proposal, and I have found no valid reason why an additional Assistant Attorney General is needed.}}
{{smaller block|I can understand how an additional Assistant Attorney General might be needed if the Congress were to approve a Civil Rights Division and enact some of the other proposals in the so-called civil-rights bills. But they are proposals not dealing with criminal offenses—they deal with efforts of the Justice Department to enter into civil actions against citizens.}}
{{smaller block|If the Justice Department is permitted to go into the various States to stir up and agitate persons to seek injunctions and to enter suits against their neighbors, then the Attorney General might need another assistant. However, the Justice Department should avoid civil litigation, instead of seeking to promote it.}}
{{smaller block|I hope the members of this committee will recognize this proposal as one which could turn neighbor against neighbor, and will treat it as it deserves by voting against it.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|WORSE THAN ''EX POST FACTO''}}}}
{{smaller block|Another proposal of the so-called civil-rights bills is closely related to the one I have just discussed. It would provide that—}}
{{smaller block|“Whenever any persons have engaged or about to engage in any acts or practices which would give rise to a cause of action * * * the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States but for the benefit of the real party in interest, a civil action or other proper proceeding or redress or preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order.”}}
{{smaller block|Now that proposal is one which I would label as even more insidious than any ''ex post facto'' law which could possibly be imagined.}}
{{smaller block|An ''ex post facto'' law would at least apply to some real act committed by a person which was not in violation of law at the time. The point is, however, in such instance the person would actually have committed the act.}}
{{smaller block|This proposal would permit the Justice Department to secure an injunction from a Federal judge or to institute a civil suit on behalf of some person against a second person when the latter had committed no act at all. An injunction might be secured from a Federal judge charging a violation of the law without any evidence that a person even intended to do so.}}
{{smaller block|How any person could support by oath a charge as to whether another person was about to engage in violating the law is beyond my understanding.}}
{{smaller block|Many of the pioneers who settled this new continent came because they wanted to escape the tyranny of European despots. They wanted their families to live in a new land where everybody could be guaranteed the right to trial by jury, instead of the decrees of dictators.}}
{{smaller block|Congress, as the directly elected representatives of the people, should be the last to consider depriving the people of jury trials. We should never consider it at all. But, if this proposal to strengthen the civil-rights statutes is approved, that would be its effect.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|AGENTS COULD MEDDLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Under this provision, the Attorney General could dispatch his agents throughout the land. They would be empowered to meddle with private business, police elections, intervene in private lawsuits, and breed litigation generally. They would keep our people in a constant state of apprehension and harassment. Liberty quickly perishes under such government, as we have seen it perish in foreign nations.}}
{{smaller block|A further provision of that same proposal would permit the bypassing of State authorities in such cases. The Federal district courts would take over original jurisdiction, regardless of administrative remedies, and the right of appeal to the State courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE COURTS STRIPPED}}}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and vest the Federal courts with that authority.}}
{{smaller block|Still another proposal among the so-called civil-rights bills would “provide a means of further securing and protecting the right to vote.” I have had a search made of the laws of all 48 States and the right to vote is protected by law in every State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION PROTECTS VOTER}}}}
{{smaller block|In South Carolina, my own State, the constitution of 1895 provides in article III., section 5, that the general assembly shall provide by law for crimes against the election laws and, further, for right of appeal to the State supreme court for any person denied registration.}}
{{smaller block|The South Carolina election statute spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court. It also requires a special session of the court if no session is scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|Article II., section 15 of South Carolina’s constitution, provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State.}}
{{smaller block|In pursuance of the constitutional provisions, the South Carolina General Assembly has passed laws to punish anyone who shall threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. Anyone who violates any of the provisions in regard to general, special, or primary elections, is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|In this proposed Federal bill to “protect the right to vote,” a person could be prosecuted or an injunction obtained against him based on surmise as to what he might be about to do. The bill says that the Attorney General may institute proceedings against a person who has engaged or “is about to engage in” any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege concerned with voting.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|UNCONSTITUTIONAL AMENDING}}}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enactment of such legislation as these proposals would be to alter our form of government, without following the procedures established by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enacting these bills into law would be to take from the States power and authority guaranteed to them by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|In recent years there have been more and more assaults by the Federal Government on the rights of the States, as the Federal Government has seized power held by the States. In many instances, I believe, this has been done without a constitutional basis.}}
{{smaller block|The States have lost prestige. But more important, the States have lost a part of their sovereignty whenever the Federal Government has taken over additional responsibilities. That loss might seem unimportant at the time, but gradually it could become a major part of the sovereignty of the States.}}
{{smaller block|Officials of the Federal Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or the judicial branch, should not forget to whom they owe their allegiance. Each of us owes his allegiance to the Constitution and to the people—not to any agency, department, or person. We have taken an oath to support and defend the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|We must take into account the facts as they really are, and not be panicked by the organized pressures which so often beset public officials.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATES CREATED UNION}}}}
{{smaller block|We must not lose sight of the fact that the States created the Federal Union; the Federal Government did not create the States.}}
{{smaller block|All of the powers held by the Federal Government were delegated to it by the States in the Constitution. The Federal Government had no power, and should have no power, which was not granted by the States in the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If this Congress approves the legislation embodied in the bills pending before the committee, it will be an unwarranted attempt to seize power not rightfully held by the Congress or by any branch of the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will consider these facts and recommend the disapproval of these bills.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement I made before the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives on February 26.

Mr. President, on August 6 I made my third address on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced my vigorous objections to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127, as amended by the Senate, which was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of this bill.

I shall now repeat my several objections to this milder form of the bill as I stated them on August 6. These were my words at that time:
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I am opposed to the creation of a Commission on Civil Rights as proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127.}}
{{smaller block|To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a Commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, such an investigation should be conducted by the States or by an appropriate committee of the Congress, acting within the jurisdiction of Congressional authority. It should not be done by a commission.}}
{{smaller block|I also object to part I. of H. R. 6127 because of the fact that it places duties upon the Commission and endows it with powers which no governmental commission should have.}}
{{smaller block|In fact, Mr. President, the language of the bill proposing to establish this Commission is so broad and so general that it may encompass more evils than have yet been detected in it.}}
{{smaller block|Under its duties and powers the Commission would be able to subpena citizens to appear before it to answer questions on many subjects outside the scope of elections and voting rights.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(1) Investigate allegations in writing under oath or affirmation that certain citizens of the United States are being deprived of their right to vote and have that vote counted by reason of their color, race, religion, or national origin; which writing, under oath or affirmation, shall set forth the facts upon which such belief or beliefs are based.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, the bill, in part IV., contains an additional protection of the voting right of citizens above and beyond present State and Federal laws. Provision is made for enforcement of part IV., and there were already sufficient enforcement provisions to carry out the intent of the existing State and Federal laws. I do not see how a commission could enhance officers nor the powers of law enforcement officers nor the enforcement and punitive authority of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|I can see no valid reason why a commission should be created, in addition to the legal enforcement procedures, unless the purpose is for the Commission to stir up litigation among our people.}}
{{smaller block|This bill has been advertised, promoted, and ballyhooed as a right-to-vote bill. However, I want to cite two paragraphs which give broad authority for investigations other than alleged violations of a person’s right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|“(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|Instead of limiting the power of the Commission, these two paragraphs provide it with ''carte blanche'' authority to probe into and meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals which the Commission and members of its staff could conjure up.}}
{{smaller block|I want to call particular attention to a divergence in language between paragraphs 2 and 3. Paragraph 2 refers to a study of “legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection.” Paragraph 3 says “appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection.”}}
{{smaller block|The significant thing here is the omission of the specific intent of paragraph 2. Although the language of paragraph 2 is obscure and omits a governmental reference, it obviously must refer to State and local governments, else it would be redundant and have no meaning at all.}}
{{smaller block|Also, as I pointed out, investigations conducted under paragraphs 2 and 3 could go far afield from the question of voting rights. The Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools, and elsewhere, under the authorization of these two paragraphs. Combining its authority to investigate on an unlimited scale and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions, the Commission would have a powerful weapon.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I do not believe the people of this country realize the virtually unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. While the Commission would have no power to implement its desires, I do not believe the people of this country want such a totalitarian type of persuasion imposed upon them.}}
{{smaller block|Part I. of H. R. 6127 purports to create a Civil Rights Commission. Actually, it would create a traveling investigation commission.}}
{{smaller block|Section 103(b) of part I. also would place tremendous power within the grasp of the Attorney General with reference to members of the Commission “otherwise in the service of the Government.” The clear implication is that whoever drafted this scheme to send traveling agents over the country intended to make use of certain members of the executive branch of the Federal Government. I don’t believe it would be necessary to look further than the Justice Department to determine where Commission members already in Government service would be secured. By placing his employees on the Commission, the Attorney General would transform the traveling agents into an additional investigative arm of the Justice Department.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I next call attention to the potential abuse found in section 102(g) under the innocuous title, “Rules of Procedure of the Commission.” That section provides that “no evidence or testimony taken in executive session may be released or used in public sessions without the consent of the Commission. Whoever releases or uses in public without the consent of the Commission evidence or testimony taken in executive session shall be fined not more than $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 1 year.”}}
{{smaller block|In an editorial of July 26, 1957, the Washington Post very correctly pointed out how this section could be used to imprison reporters and other citizens for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them.}}
{{smaller block|This editorial provides a penetrating and enlightening criticism of this section. Because of its pertinency and fine analysis, I shall read the last three paragraphs of the editorial which is entitled “Open Rights Hearings,” which states:}}
{{smaller block|“The bill contains an invitation to the Commission to operate behind closed doors. It provides that ‘if the Commission determines that evidence or testimony at any hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, it shall * * * receive such evidence or testimony in executive session * * *.’ Some closed sessions may be necessary to avoid unfair reflections upon individuals, but these should certainly be an exception to the general rule. In our opinion, this section ought to be rewritten in more positive vein to provide that sessions of the Commission should be open to the public, unless it should find that closed hearings were essential to avoid unfairness.}}
{{smaller block|“The House also wrote into the bill a dangerous section providing for the fining or imprisonment for not more than 1 year of anyone who might ‘release or use in public,’ without the consent of the Commission, any testimony taken behind closed doors. If the Commission should choose to operate under cover, without any valid reason to do so, newspaper reporters and other citizens could be jailed for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them. This is a penalty that has been shunned even in matters affecting national security. Such a provision is an invitation to abuse and a serious menace to the right of the people to know about the activities of governmental agencies.}}
{{smaller block|“It is well to remember that this would not be merely a study commission. In addition it would be under obligation to investigate allegations that persons were being deprived of their rights under the 14th and 15th amendments. It could subpena witnesses and documents and appeal to the courts for enforcement of such edicts. Its powers would be such that it should be held to scrupulous rules of fairness. To encourage the Commission to operate in secret, and then to penalize news mediums and citizens for disclosing what should have been public in the first place, would be the sort of mistake that Congress ought to avoid at the outset.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I think the points made in the editorial are clear and valid. Secrecy in the activities of such a Commission could only lead to a denial of the rights of an individual rather than to protection of his rights.}}
{{smaller block|Another subject which must not be passed over is the subpena power of the Commission. Section 105(f) provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the production of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding Commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Neither would the power contained in section 105(g) which provides that Federal courts shall have the power, upon application by the Attorney General, to issue “an order requiring” a witness to answer a subpena of the Commission and “any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.”}}
{{smaller block|The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority of the traditional American factfinding commission. I look with suspicion upon such a Commission so endowed with authority, and I object to its establishment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to discuss another reason, briefly, why I would be opposed to the establishment of the Commission proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127. Every appropriation bill which has come before the Senate this year has been reduced by the Senate below the budget request. The people of this country have called upon the Members of Congress to reduce the costs of government, not to increase them by creating new agencies or commissions.}}
{{smaller block|The advocates of the Commission might argue that the cost of its operation would not be great, but nowhere in the records of the hearings have I found an estimate of what the total cost would be. If the Commission were to exist only for the 2 years provided in the bill, the compensation and ''per diem'' allowance of Commission members would amount to more than a quarter of a million dollars, not counting their travel allowances.}}
{{smaller block|Since there is no limitation on the number of personnel which might be appointed by the Commission, there is no way to estimate the ultimate cost of personnel salaries and expenses. Since the Commission is designed to travel over the country at will, very heavy travel expenses undoubtedly would be incurred.}}
{{smaller block|The taxpayers would never know how many of their tax dollars were wasted by virtue of the seemingly innocuous language in section 105(e). Unknown, concealed costs are not, however, the only dangers lurking in that subsection. A serious departure from sound legislative procedure is also involved.}}
{{smaller block|In the past, when creating an agency or commission, Congress retained control of its creation by the appropriation power. This is a wonderful check, Mr. President, against the abuse or misuse of Commission authority. Scrupulous care should be taken to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|However, section 105(e) provides that “all Federal agencies shall cooperate fully with the Commission to the end that it may effectively carry out its functions and duties.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the Civil Rights Commission could call on the other governmental agencies to perform many of its tasks. Congressional control over the Commission would be much less than if the Commission had to depend on its own appropriations and would not be permitted to use the resources of other agencies. Once the commission is created, only another law can check its activity during the period of its existence.}}
{{smaller block|Another thing that concerns me about this Commission is the fact that once a Government agency or commission is established, nothing else on earth so nearly approaches eternal existence as that Government agency or commission. Mr. President, I feel that the 2-year limitation placed upon the Commission in this bill would simply be a starting point, and the people of this country should realize that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|With further reference to section 104(a), I want to point out the use of the mandatory word shall. This word requires the Commission to investigate all sworn allegations submitted to the Commission of any citizen allegedly being deprived of his right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|But the provision neglects to require that such allegations be submitted by parties in interest—not simply by some meddler who seeks to create trouble between other persons. This is another provision of this bill similar to section 131(c) which would permit the Attorney General to make the United States a party to a case without the consent of the party actually involved.}}
{{smaller block|Another objection to 104(a) is that under this provision a person could make an allegation to the Commission against a person who was not even a citizen of the same State. Even so, under the mandatory language of section 104(a), the Commission would be required to make an investigation of the charges.}}
{{smaller block|Since the Commission is limited by section 102(k) to subpenaing witnesses to hearings only within the State of residence of the witness, there would be no opportunity in such a situation for the accused to confront his accuser. Charges against a person should not be accepted by the Commission unless the accuser is a citizen of the same State as the person he is charging with a violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|Also, Mr. President, once the Commission has received the sworn allegation, there is no requirement that other testimony received relating to the allegation be taken under oath. Failure to make all persons giving testimony subject to perjury prosecutions in the event they testify to falsehoods would surely destroy the value of any such testimony received.}}
{{smaller block|The Commission could and might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony; but I should not like to see the Senate leave that point to the discretion of the Commission because, in my judgment, the Congress should require that practice to be followed.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, as I stated earlier, it is my view that an inquiry into the field of civil rights, or so-called civil rights, is entirely unnecessary at this time. The laws of the States and the Federal laws are being enforced effectively.}}
{{smaller block|Should there come a time when information might be needed on this subject, the Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with deliberation and care. The appropriate committees of the Congress itself should hold hearings limited to the jurisdiction of the Congress, and the Congress should make its own determination as to the need for legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There is no present indication that any such study will be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Part II. of the bill still provides for the appointment of one additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. As I have stated in previous addresses, there is absolutely no need for an additional Attorney General to be appointed at a cost to the taxpayers of $20,000 per year.}}
{{smaller block|Of course, that would merely be a small part of the total cost because a large staff of lawyers would also be employed.}}
{{smaller block|The other provisions of the bill do not necessitate the establishment of a civil-rights division in the Justice Department, because there is no indication there would be any substantial increase in such cases with which the Department should be concerned.}}
{{smaller block|As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have admitted time and again here in the Senate that there has been a steady decrease in the number of civil-rights cases throughout the country.}}
{{smaller block|Since there has been a decrease in civil-rights cases, and since there is no indication that any increase should be expected, I can see absolutely no reason for the expansion of the present civil-rights section of the Justice Department into a Civil Rights Division with an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the fact that sufficient justification has not been presented for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, I hope the Senate will not approve such additional expenditures as would be required for this purpose. In my opinion, the Attorney General has failed entirely to show a need for an additional assistant.}}
{{smaller block|Part III. of the bill as amended has been thoroughly discussed and I shall not dwell on that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|Part IV., which is the section dealing with what the advocates of the bill have said was the entire purpose of the bill, still has provisions which are objectionable to me. Section 131(c) still contains language which, to me, borders on an effort at thought control instead of providing an unneeded additional guaranty of the right to vote. Also, it gives the Attorney General undue authority. The section reads as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“(c) Whenever any person has engaged, or there are reasonable grounds to believe that any person is about to engage, in any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege secured by subsection (a) or (b), the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States, a civil action or other proper proceeding for preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order. In any proceeding hereunder the United States shall be liable for costs the same as a private person.”}}
{{smaller block|As long ago as February 26, when I appeared before the special Judiciary Subcommittee of the House of Representatives to testify against pending civil-rights bills, I expressed my opposition to the language contained in the section I. have just quoted. I do not believe it possible for the Attorney General, for any of his representatives, or for anybody else to determine what is in another person’s mind and whether he is about to engage in some violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|If the Attorney General should attempt to ascertain what is going on in the minds of other persons, he will need soothsayers and prophets instead of an additional Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|I object to this language because I do not believe it possible for any witness to testify truthfully that he knows another person was about to violate the law, unless some overt action had been taken by the accused person.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, an attempt to apply this provision against American citizens would be completely out of keeping with the guaranties of personal freedom contained in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|I object also to the authority granted the Attorney General in section (c) to “institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States,” a civil action or other court proceeding on behalf of a person without the consent of that person. Individuals have adequate legal remedies which they themselves may institute on their own behalf. It is not necessary to give the Attorney General this extreme power of absolute discretion to be exercised as he desires on behalf of some individual who may not wish to take court action or to have anybody else take such action on his behalf.}}
{{smaller block|If one of the duties of the proposed additional Assistant Attorney General would be to seek out persons and insist upon entering the courts on their behalf, this provision, combined with part II., provides another objection to the appointment of an Assistant Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|The American system has never condoned the idea that a third party should stir up trouble between two other persons. Instead, the American system abhors troublemakers, especially when troublemaking takes the form of barratry. This form of troublemaking has been looked down upon much in the same way other lawyers look down upon their colleagues who chase ambulances.}}
{{smaller block|The United States Government should not be placed in this position of disrepute and certainly it should not be called upon to bear the expenses of such court proceedings.}}
{{smaller block|Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which provides that—}}
{{smaller block|“(b) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.”}}
{{smaller block|No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States, should not be exhausted prior to Federal district courts taking jurisdiction in election-law violations.}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 have spoken out strongly on behalf of the Federal courts during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them.}}
{{smaller block|The laws of all the 48 States contain provisions protecting the right to vote. No additional protection is needed beyond existing State and Federal laws.}}
{{smaller block|In my own State of South Carolina, the constitution of 1895 required the general assembly to provide by law for the punishment of crimes against the election laws. That has been done. The State constitution further required a provision to permit a person to appeal to the State supreme court if he should be denied registration. The election law spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court, and requires that the court hold a special session if one is not scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|South Carolina’s constitution also provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State. In pursuance of this constitutional provision, the South Carolina General Assembly has enacted laws for the punishment of anyone who threatens, mistreats, or abuses any voter in an effort to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. These laws apply to all elections. Anyone who violates these laws is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the existing laws of the States and the existing Federal laws, I now contend, as I have contended since the so-called civil-rights bills were introduced, that any qualified voter in the United States is fully protected in his right of suffrage.}}
{{smaller block|This bill, H. R. 6127, is unnecessary. It is an encroachment upon the rights of the States, and it infringes upon the rights of individuals when the Attorney General is empowered to take action on the behalf of any person without his consent.}}
{{smaller block|I believe this bill should be rejected, because of the various unnecessary and unconstitutional provisions which I have discussed.}}
{{smaller block|Part V. of the bill, which was added to insure and provide for trial by jury in proceedings to punish criminal contempts, is an amendment which I approved and voted for, but I do not consider it as strong as desirable. In my opinion, the bill which the senior Senators from Mississippi and Virginia and I introduced in the Senate last March should be approved, to provide best for the right of trial by jury for every American citizen.}}
{{smaller block|However, the addition of part V. to the bill makes it much less objectionable than the bill would have been without the assurance of trial by jury in criminal-contempt proceedings contained in part V.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to reiterate my previous assertions that this bill is unnecessary, and in some respects unconstitutional.}}
{{smaller block|H. R. 6127 in its original form carried the label of being a right-to-vote bill; but when we unwrapped the package here in the Senate and examined it carefully, as we have, we found the label was entirely misleading.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called civil-rights bill should have been entitled “A bill to empower the Attorney General to deprive certain citizens of their right to trial by jury.” Also, it should have been labeled as an implement intended to be used to force integration of the races in the public schools.}}
{{smaller block|Happily, we examined the contents of the package, stripped off the old label, and advertised the deception so that every citizen could recognize the dangers wrapped in the package.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments which have been enacted have reduced the power which was intended to be placed in the hands of the Attorney General. They have removed the authority for the use of military forces in cases of alleged civil-rights violations. They have made the proposed Commission answerable to Congress as well as to the President, and have provided for the members to be subject to confirmation by the Senate. They have better defined and narrowed the powers of Federal judges in contempt proceedings. All of these amendments have vastly ameliorated the original obnoxiousness of H. R. 6127. However, nothing could entirely remove the objectionable features of this packaged bill of goods, submitted to the American people under a deceptive label.}}
{{smaller block|I shall vote against passage of H. R. 6127, because I believe that in so doing I shall be casting a vote for the preservation of our liberties, and for the preservation of constitutional government in this country.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement which I made on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced vigorous objection to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127 as amended by the Senate.

Of course, the Senate bill was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of the bill.

Mr. President, I now wish to discuss part IV. of H. R. 6127 and the 15th amendment to the Constitution.
{{smaller block|PART IV.—TO PROVIDE MEANS OF FURTHER SECURING AND PROTECTING THE RIGHT TO VOTE}}
Part IV. of the proposed civil-rights bill confers on the Attorney General the right to bring civil action and seek an injunction in a Federal district in the name of the United States if he believes any person is violating or about to violate either of two laws presently existing for the protection of voters.

Let us examine the two laws the Attorney General seeks to enforce by civil suit or injunction.

The first of these laws, presently appearing as section 2004 of the Revised Statutes of 1874—title 42, United States Code, section 1971—is actually section 1 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870—Sixteenth United States Statutes at Large, page 140. This bill, S. 810 and H. R. 1293, passed the respective Houses of Congress without debate on its merits under the rule on motion. This bill as it passed Congress contained in its second section a definite provision that civil damages to the aggrieved might be recovered through civil suit in the Federal courts. Furthermore, it provided for the obtaining of political office by civil suit through ''quo'' warrant proceedings in Federal courts.

On May 20, 1870, an attempt was made in the Senate to allow third parties to sue in behalf of the aggrieved party. This is the same proposal contained in the present bill whereby the Attorney General would be allowed to bring civil action and seek injunctions.

Even this radical 41st Congress would not accept any such proposition providing double penalties. The proposition in the present bill would provide double penalties because present law contained in both title 18, Section 242—Deprivation of Rights Under Color of Law—and title 42, Section 1971—Race, Color, or Previous Condition Not To Affect Right to Vote—afford appropriate criminal and civil remedy.

To show how the Senate in 1870 rejected such an idea of double penalties, let us examine the colloquy in the Senate on the proposal to allow someone other than the aggrieved to bring civil suit—Congressional Globe, volume 93, 41st Congress, 2d session, 1870, pages 3563–3564:
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I understand I am in order in offering to amend the amendment.}}
{{smaller block|The {{sc|Presiding Officer}}. The amendment to the amendment is in order.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I will repeat it, then, for the information of the Senate. I move to amend the Senate bill in section 2, line 15, by striking out the words “the person aggrieved thereby” and inserting “any person who shall sue for the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. I hope that this amendment will not be agreed to. There are now two views taken of this branch of the bill as it stands. One is that there ought not to be any provision at all for the party aggrieved; that it ought all to be out; and another view is that taken by my friend from Alabama, that it does not go far enough; that we ought not to confine this redress to the person whose vote is refused. The committee considered both those views, and thought, in analogy to State legislation and to the simple proprieties of justice, that this middle ground was the true one.}}
{{smaller block|If a voter is deprived of his right to vote by the misconduct of an official, it is a personal grievance to him, an actionable injury, for which all civilized laws give him redress in some form. It is true that in most States and countries no specific amount of damages is allowed, for the reason that it is thought safer, inasmuch as that might be a matter of speculation, to leave it under the circumstances of each case to be great or small, as a jury shall think it wise to make it. But in applying the 15th amendment, which is intended to secure the rights of a large class of the population of the United States, and to secure their rights in courts which may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, by juries who may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, in communities where the local officers are found to be those who deny the rights that the 15th amendment secures, we thought it wise not to leave it to an unfriendly jury to give only 1 penny damages, if a man under the 15th amendment was deprived of a right he had, but to fix the sum the party should be entitled to recover as his damages; and on the other hand, in a community where juries might be very favorable to the party aggrieved, we thought it right to impose upon juries a limit above which they ought not to go; so that they should not either give no damages at all nor excessive damages.}}
{{smaller block|This branch of the section, therefore, is framed upon that theory. It is to give to the person aggrieved, as damages for the deprivation of his rights as a citizen, a private right of his own, a right to sue, which all laws give; it would not be necessary to put that into the statute—he would have the right of action; but to fix the amount for each specific wrong to him {{SIC|whch|which}} he should be entitled to recover. Then we provide in another part of the bill, and perhaps in the same section, just as we ought to do if we are to have any law at all, that the officer guilty of this wrong to the citizen is also guilty of an offense against the public, a criminal misdemeanor, for which he may be indicted and fined, of course within certain limits, in the discretion of the court. I submit to my friend from Alabama whether, on the whole, this middle ground, which is defensible both by philosophy and by analogy, is not the true one.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I desire to make this bill as effective for the purpose intended as possible. The persons who will be aggrieved, particularly in our section of the country, will in the main be ignorant and timid persons, who will be afraid to sue. The fact that they may be afraid to go to the polls and vote is evidence that they will not perhaps have the courage and fearlessness to sue; but there may be some third party who would be willing to enforce the penalty. I think in the great majority of cases the person aggrieved would not avail himself of this provision.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Then, I suggest to my friend that he would not be entitled to any action at all under this section, because this is not a section to give every man $500 who is afraid to offer to do what he has a right to do; but it is to give him as damages the sum of $500 for a positive and specific denial to him of the exercise of a right that he attempts to exercise; otherwise, he would have no cause of action. You cannot give a right of action to anybody because he is intimidated. The intimidation part of the law must be purely criminal, and is found in another part of the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. But my amendment would give a remedy by enabling any other person than the party aggrieved to enforce the penalty. The party aggrieved I think in most cases would fail to enforce it; but some other party might.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Some other party may in his name.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I desire to say a word in regard to the particular amendment now pending. This bill is for the purpose of enforcing the 15th amendment, which applies to colored voters, most of whom reside in the section of the country from which the Senator from Alabama and myself come. The great and most effectual means used to interfere with their exercise of the right secured to them by the 15th amendment is by intimidation, by violence. I think that the penalty which is named in this second section, to be enforced by the party aggrieved, would never be put into operation at all. The purpose of the bill is to protect those citizens against intimidation from voting.}}
{{smaller block|I confess that there is something in the suggestion of the Senator from Vermont, that there is no intimidation in this particular section aimed at. But, sir, it is perfectly sure that the very same means of intimidation which prevents a colored citizen from voting will be resorted to to prevent him from bringing this penal action, and unless the section is amended as suggested by the Senator from Alabama, I do not believe that an action will ever be brought in those States, because it is much more difficult for one of those citizens to bring and maintain a criminal action than it is for him to perform the single act of voting.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Will my friend permit me to make a suggestion right there?}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. Certainly.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. If you take out this penalty, as it is called, really liquidated damages, from the person who is aggrieved, whose right is denied, and who has suffered injury, and give it to anybody who will sue for it, it becomes a pure penalty. Then the question is, whether you can have a bill which contains double penalties; whether you are to punish, in the strict sense of punishment, a man twice for the same offense; because my friend will see that the section, in addition to giving these damages to the party aggrieved as damages, makes it a criminal misdemeanor, punishable on indictment and conviction by a fine of not less than $500 and imprisonment not less than a month nor more than a year. I suggest to my friend, who is a cultivated and educated lawyer, whether he would not in court find himself in great difficulty with a bill of double penalties, which were purely such.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I have never examined that question under the laws of the United States. I only know that is frequently done in my own State. We have statutes with double penalties, as referred to by the Senator, and we have never had any difficulty in that State with regard to them.}}
{{smaller block|But I understood the committee to mean by this section that there was danger in the States where it is principally to apply of not being able to obtain a grand jury who will find a bill of indictment, and that in the event no bill of indictment could be found before a grand jury the party aggrieved, or, if amended as the Senator from Alabama suggests, any person in the community may still punish the offender by bringing a penal action. It seems I had mistaken the purpose of the committee entirely from what is said by the Senator from Vermont. I think, nevertheless, the amendment had better be made, unless there really be that legal objection which the Senator suggests as to double penalties, so that it could not, under the laws of the United States and the practice of the United States courts, be enforced. If that were so, it would be conclusive that the amendment ought not to be adopted. I did not understand the Senator as expressing the positive opinion that such could not be done.}}
Now, Mr. President, I shall discuss injunctions issuing from Federal district judges on the question of a person’s qualification for voting.

The civil-rights bill in part IV. confers on the district courts of the United States jurisdiction to issue injunctions in civil-rights actions and it is to be assumed that these injunctions will concern, among other supposed rights, the right to vote.

Actually appropriate remedy already exists where a person’s civil rights are violated. Section 242 of title 18, United States Code, provides a penalty and damages may be recovered in a civil action. The West Virginia Jehovah’s Witnesses case is a typical example of adequate remedy existing in such cases. In this case, the United States attorney was unable to get an indictment by the grand jury. He therefore proceeded to prosecute by information, as provided by rule 7(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and subsequently got a conviction. The information charged that two public officers, acting under color of law, had willfully deprived their victims of the Federal rights of free speech, freedom of religion, the right not to be deprived of liberty without due process of law, and the right to equal protection of the laws. The conviction was upheld by the United States court of appeals—''Catlette'' v. ''U. S.'' ((1943) 132 F. 2d 902). Civil suits were brought by the Witnesses against their prosecutors—those who had deprived them of their rights—and a settlement was made totaling $1,170 in damages which was paid.

How can the Congress vest jurisdiction in Federal courts to determine the qualifications of voters and allow Federal judges to issue injunctions in effect requiring that certain persons—the judge thinks are qualified—shall be registered and allowed to vote?

The qualifications of voters are fixed and enumerated in the constitution of each sovereign State. For purposes of determining who is entitled to vote in each State for United States Representatives and Senators, the Federal Constitution simply adopts such qualifications as the State has fixed for voting for members of that State’s legislature.

The language of article I., section 2, clause 3 of the United States Constitution reads:
{{smaller block|The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.}}
Similarly, the 17th amendment adopts for the purpose of electing United States Senators such qualifications as the States have fixed:
{{smaller block|The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 2 Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for 6 years; and each Senator shall have 1 vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.}}
In the fixing of qualifications of voters the States are limited only by the 15th amendment and the 19th amendment in that the right to vote may not be denied because of race or color or sex, respectively.

That the respective States determine who are entitled to vote has never been seriously controverted. The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly declared that the right to vote comes from the State. In declaring sections 3 and 4 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, unconstitutional, the Supreme Court in 1875 said—''U. S.'' v. ''Reese'' ((1875) 92 U. S. 214, 217, 218); also ''Butts'' v. ''Merchants and Miners Transportation Co.'' ((1913) 230 U. S. 126):
{{smaller block|The 15th amendment does not confer the right of suffrage upon anyone. It prevents the States, or the United States, however, from giving preference, in this particular, to one citizen of the United States over another on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Before its adoption, this could be done. It was as much within the power of a State to exclude citizens of the United States from voting on account of race, etc., as it was on account of age, one race having certain qualifications are permitted by law to vote, those of another having the same qualifications must be. Previous to this amendment, there was no constitutional guaranty against this discrimination; now there is. It follows that the amendment has invested the citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. This, under the express provisions of the second section of the amendment, Congress may enforce by appropriate legislation.}}
This leads us to inquire whether the act now under consideration is appropriate legislation for that purpose. The power of Congress to legislate at all upon the subject of voting at State elections rests upon this amendment. The effect of article I., section 4, of the Constitution, in respect to elections for Senators and Representatives, is not now under consideration. It has not been contended, nor can it be, that the amendment confers authority to impose penalties for every wrongful refusal to receive the vote of a qualified elector at State elections. It is only when the wrongful refusal at such an election is because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, that Congress can interfere, and provide for its punishment: If, therefore, the third and fourth sections of the act are beyond that limit, they are unauthorized.}}
Thus, if the 15th amendment has not conferred the right to vote upon anyone, how can Congress give a Federal judge authority to confer that right by injunction?

The Attorney General knows that it is a settled principle of law that an injunction will not issue to prevent a crime. At the present time the laws governing enforcement of civil rights are criminal statutes and as such he seeks to have them reenacted as civil statutes so he can secure injunctions. An injunction is really a serious proposition.

Actually an injunction is a proceeding in equity and not of law and under this principle since all of the States have adequate procedure for determining the qualifications of voters in courts of law, injunctions cannot issue in such cases.

An injunction is actually the giving of validity to a judge’s own individual opinion. The injunction had its origin during the reign of Henry VIII., when Cardinal Wolsey augmented the authority of the Court of Chancery in exercising his equitable authority over everything that could be a matter of judicial inquiry. Both Wolsey and his successor, Sir Thomas More, were severely criticized by the English judiciary for issuing injunctions in equity and thereby substituting their individual opinions for the verdict of a jury in a common law court—the Law magazine, London, volume XXVII., 1870, pages 1–25.

Such great importance is attached to the issuance of an injunction that Lord Correnham in his judgment in ''Brown'' v. ''Newall'' ((1870), 2 M. and C. 558, 570), said:
{{smaller block|Now, that that ''ex parte'' injunction was an order which ought not to have been made, is not in dispute. It has been subsequently dissolved, and nothing is attempted (570) to be said in support of it at the bar; and it is impossible that it could have been sustained. The order was a departure from the known and established rule and practice of this court. Nothing is so difficult as to bring within any general rule every case in which a special injunction ought to be granted; but, when an action has regularly proceeded, and is on the very eve of trial, an ''ex parte'' injunction to stop it is an order such as I have not before seen. The vice chancellor appears to have stated that the order was made under some misapprehension of the facts; and indeed it is quite obvious that it must have been so, for the vice chancellor could not have made the order if the facts had been thoroughly understood. It is very probable that some facts were then supposed to exist which did not actually exist.}}
{{smaller block|I am not entitled, however, to assume that the order was made upon any other grounds than those stated in the affidavit which was used upon the application for the injunction; and I am, therefore, to see whether, on that affidavit, the parties have suppressed or misrepresented facts in such a way as was calculated to induce the court to grant the injunction.}}
{{smaller block|I am most unwilling to lay down any rule which should limit the power and discretion of the court as to the particular cases in which a special injunction should or should not be granted; but I have always felt—and since I have been upon the bench I have seen no reason to alter my opinion—that extreme danger attends the exercise of this part of the jurisdiction of the court, and that it is a jurisdiction which is to be exercised with extreme caution. It is absolutely necessary that the power should exist, because there are cases in which it is indispensable; but I believe that practically it does as much injustice as it promotes (571) justice; and it is, therefore, to be exercised with extreme caution. The court can have no ground upon which it can proceed, in granting an ''ex parte'' injunction, but a faithful statement of the case; and where the court has found a party misstating the case, either by misrepresentation or suppression, the court has always exercised its jurisdiction, for the purpose of repressing that practice; and I am desirous to abstain from putting, by anticipation, a limit to that power. The extent to which the court is to go in so doing is only to be determined by the case itself; but then it must appear, upon the affidavits, that there was such misrepresentation. Now the affidavit upon which the ''ex parte'' injunction was obtained certainly does not state all the facts; but the question is, whether there was any such suppression or misstatement as to lead the court to grant the injunction. I do not find on that affidavit that description of misrepresentation or suppression which, in my opinion, presented a case likely to procure a judgment on the application, but different from the case which really existed.}}
Thus we can easily see, even if we had the power, that it would be a dangerous experiment to allow Federal district judges to issue injunctions on simple ''ex parte'' affidavits as is proposed in the present bill. And it might be possible under this proposal to assign New York or Vermont Federal judges to a crowded injunction calendar in Virginia to determine who is qualified to vote in that State. Section 134 of title 26, United States Code, simply requires that a district judge reside in the district or one of the districts for which he is appointed and does not preclude his assignment to another district. In fact, Chief Justice Warren under section 292 of the Judicial Code—title 28, United States Code—may assign California judges to South Carolina:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 292. District judges:}}
{{smaller block|(a) The chief judge of a circuit may designate and assign one or more district judges within the circuit to sit upon the court of appeals or a division thereof whenever the business of that court so requires. Such designations or assignments shall be in conformity with the rules or orders of the court of appeals of the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(b) The chief judge of a district may, in the public interest, designate and assign temporarily any district judge of the circuit to hold a district court in any district within the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(c) The Chief Justice of the United States may designate and assign temporarily a district judge of one circuit for service in another circuit, either in a district court or court of appeals, upon presentation of a certificate of necessity by the chief judge or circuit justice of the circuit wherein the need arises. (June 25, 1948, ch. 646, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 901.)}}
The Federal Enforcement Act of 1870 attempted to do just what this bill seeks to do, that is, take away from the States the control of their elections and place that control in the hands of federally appointed officials. If anyone has any doubts about the failure of the Enforcement Act or even its constitutionality he should read the various decisions of the United States Supreme Court declaring almost every section of the act unconstitutional. When Congress finally got around to repealing that act in 1893 here are some of the frauds cited in Congress as reasons for repeal. They included 19,000 fraudulent naturalization certificates being issued by a single judge in New York State. They included payment in fees from the United States Treasury to a single Federal supervisor of elections and commissioner of the Federal court the sum of $145,000. Interestingly enough, repeal was initiated by a New York Congressman. See {{sc|Congressional Record}}, Volume 25, pages 1959, 1808.

Mr. President, on Tuesday afternoon, August 27, I made a motion in the Senate to have H. R. 6127 in its so-called compromise form referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. I pointed out that I believed it to be a dangerous procedure to allow bills to come over from the House of Representatives and be placed on the calendar of the Senate without being referred to the appropriate committee. However, my motion was voted down 66 to 18, so the bill is now before the Senate for consideration.

Since very few Members of the Senate were present at that time to hear my objections to the present version of H. R. 6127, I shall present my arguments again.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution because that would be the result insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common-law cases.

These guaranties were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historic document their complaints against denial of the right of trial by jury.

That document was the Declaration of Independence.

After declaring that all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the signers of the Declaration pointed out that the King had a history of “repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object to the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States.” Then they proceeded to the listing of a bill of particulars against the King.

He was charged with “depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.”

That is what the Declaration of Independence contained. The King was charged, among other things, with depriving the American people of the benefit of trial by jury. That is the very thing I am fighting for—the right of trial by jury, which is contained in the Constitution, and embodied in it in quite a number of places. The compromise bill which comes from the House attempts to compromise the Constitution of the United States. The bill does not provide for a trial by jury unless the penalty is more than 45 days’ imprisonment or more than a $300 fine. That is a compromise of the Constitution.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

When the original Constitution was written there was placed in it article III., section 2, which guarantees the right of trial by jury. Then the Bill of Rights was adopted, and that right was provided in three different places.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights.

A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and onetime Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him. “The Bill of Rights,” he declared, “denies the power of any government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.”

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic law if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes, in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

When our forefathers met in 1787 in Philadelphia they wrote in article III., section 2, of the Constitution that in all crimes except treason a man shall be entitled to a jury trial. In several places in the Bill of Rights they wrote it again, with special emphasis in the sixth amendment that a man is entitled to a jury trial. Yet the compromisers brought forth a compromise which {{SIC|attemps|attempts}} to compromise the Constitution of the United States. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States. The compromise would have been unconstitutional if it had provided that if a judge wanted to punish for criminal contempt he could sentence the defendant to serve 1 day or fine him $1. He has no right to fine him $1 or give him 1 day’s punishment in prison without a jury trial, because the Constitution says that in a criminal case a man charged with crime is entitled to a jury trial.

I cited last night a decision which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and this so-called compromise which has come to the Senate is an effort of the Senate and the House of Representatives to get together, but in the effort to get together and pass a political bill—and that is all it is—they have  been willing to compromise the Constitution of the United States.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says, “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says, “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.”

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved.

If the Constitution had had an exception in it and read, “This shall not apply to criminal contempt or crimes of criminal contempt,” then there would be some basis for the Congress to legislate. But it did not make such an exception. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “The trial of ''all'' crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

What right has a Federal judge to use his discretion and tell a man he can be tried by a jury? The Constitution says if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to be tried by a jury if he wants to be tried by a jury. In the Constitution there is no exception of criminal contempt or any exception that gives a judge the power to try a man so charged rather than a jury.

We are dealing with the basic rights of the people of this Nation and we should be careful to protect those precious rights which have been handed down to us by our forefathers. This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted. We cannot make trial by jury a matter of degree. If the Constitution gives a man the right of trial by jury, he has that right and we cannot take it away from him. The Congress cannot take it away. Furthermore, this compromise pretends to let the judge try the case if he wants to do so, in his discretion. Then if he finds the defendant ought to be punished by a fine in excess of $300 or by imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the man is entitled to a trial by jury. Do you not know, Mr. President, that if a judge has already tried a man, and then the defendant asks for a jury trial, the judge’s decision is bound to affect the jury in the case strongly, even if it were constitutional for that to be done, which it is not?

Under this proposal if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days in prison he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of punishment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. I realize that Congress may want to get away from Washington. We have had a long, hard session. I also realize that both national parties are playing to the minorities by means of the right-to-vote bill, when each State in the Nation has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and section 594 of the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure protects the right to vote. Yet, as a political gesture, both parties are making this play to try to claim credit. Watch my prediction that in the elections of 1958 both parties will try to claim that they got the civil-rights bill through the Congress.

Why are we not more interested in preserving the Constitution? Are we going to violate the Constitution by passing a political civil-rights bill in order to give thunder and political fodder to politicians to enable them to garner votes? Which is more important, the Constitution of this country or the political parties vying for the votes of minorities?

I wish to see the right to vote exercised by every man who is qualified to vote and who wants to vote. If he is entitled to vote, I want to see him vote. But the true purpose of this bill is not to insure the right to vote, because we have statutes in every State, and we have statutes on the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure now already that punish people interfering with anybody trying to vote. If the statutes we now have on the books are not being enforced, what good will it do to put another statute on the books? If the Justice Department is claiming that there are any individuals who have been denied their right to vote, why does it not prosecute them under the present law, which is completely adequate? And if no people have been denied the right to vote, then why is it claimed that this bill is necessary? The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents and in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

Perhaps the House and the Senate wanted to get together and they thought this was the only way they could do it, but I want to tell the American people when they did get together and brought forth this compromise they violated the Constitution of the United States. This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill. Like father, like son; a chip off the old block. Both are bad.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of the fine—or even 1 cent—and if a day, or even an hour, were added to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial, and a jury would decide the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

The proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was passed by the Senate.

The inclusion by the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, made the bill a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, the present unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope a majority of the Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the ''bloc'' voting of the pivotal states. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.

Those are the words of Stewart Alsop; and he is not a southerner, so far as I know.

To explain his point, he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States, Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.

The following four paragraphs are quoted directly from Mr. Alsop’s column:
{{smaller block|In 1954, Averell Harriman was elected Governor of New York by less than 15,000 votes over Senator {{sc|Irving Ives}}. According to Harris’ analysis, Harriman polled a whopping 79 percent of the Negro vote. Negro voters thus supplied Harriman with his margin of victory several times over. Two years later, the Democrats had dropped some 90,000 Negro votes to the Republicans—or about 6 times the number of votes {{sc|Ives}} needed to defeat Harriman.}}
{{smaller block|Or take another close race—the victory of Senator {{sc|Joseph Clark}}, of Pennsylvania, over the Republican incumbent, Senator James Duff, in 1956. Again, {{sc|Clark}} just squeaked in, with a plurality of less than 18,000 votes. {{sc|Clark}}, despite the Supreme Court, carried the Negro vote by a huge 76 percent margin, which was worth about 150,000 votes to him. Suppose the Negro vote had dropped off as sharply in Pennsylvania as it did in Illinois, where it nosedived from 75 percent in 1952 to 58 percent in 1956. Then Duff would be in the Senate by a comfortable majority, and {{sc|Clark}} would be practicing law.}}
{{smaller block|Other examples could be cited, like that of Senator {{sc|Paul Douglas}}, of Illinois, who owes about 60 percent of his 1954 plurality to the Negro vote. But the lesson is clear enough. If the Republicans can attract something approaching half the Negro vote in the Northern States, the Republican Party will then be the normal majority party in those States.}}
{{smaller block|Read the role of big States in which the Negroes can be expected to poll 5 percent or more of the total vote—not only New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, but such States as Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, and California. It then becomes clear what is at stake in the civil-rights struggle—nothing less than the future balance of political power in the Nation.}}
But, Mr. President, are we going to compromise the Constitution, whether we lose an election or not? Which is more important—to win an election or to preserve the Constitution? It is about time that both parties began to consider the welfare of the country and to determine whether the Constitution is of more importance, or whether winning an election is of more importance.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today; but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law, eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of the bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily.

Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law.

Under the provisions of the compromise, jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge, so long as the sentence he metes does not exceed the maximum limit set for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of the bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim, the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges.

No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When the bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted the great legal mind of 18th century England, Blackstone. Because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him again at this time. This is what Blackstone had to say:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
That is what Blackstone, the leading legal light the world has known, had to say. I wish to repeat one of his sentences:
{{smaller block|And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
Mr. President, a trial by jury is one of the bedrocks of this democracy. It is one of the bedrocks of this Nation. It is one of the bedrocks of this Government. When we talk to people in the street and to laymen generally about taking away their right of trial by jury, they cannot understand it, because they know that the Constitution provides that a man shall have a trial by jury when he is charged with the commission of a crime.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen, chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth, and the surest guardians of public justice. For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan of the United States Supreme Court delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, that is a significant statement to me, coming from a member of the present Supreme Court. I will not predict what the Court might do when the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury as embodied in this so-called compromise is presented to the Court.

However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the people of this Nation want Federal judges to have the power to punish persons for criminal contempt by sentences of either days, weeks, or months in jail, or by fines of dollars, they can amend the Constitution and provide for it. If the people of this country want Federal judges to have the discretion of determining whether a person shall have a jury trial or not, then they can amend the Constitution and so provide. There is no provision and no exception for either instance in the present Constitution.

That is certainly a clue to what might be expected from the Court when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

I think what the Supreme Court did in the ''Reid'' against ''Covert'' case might be a clue to what it might do, or what might be expected of the Court, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all of the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State. A summary of these laws was submitted to me, and I request that this summary be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks.

As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote.

The people of my State vote. I am in favor of qualified people voting. All the people of my State vote if they are qualified.

Whence comes this hue and cry? Those raising it have not presented the matter to the Judiciary Committee, so the chairman of that committee may hold hearings. They have held hearings for weeks and months on the subject, and the proponents of the bill have failed to present evidence to show that people do not have the right to vote.

It is inescapable, as I have said, that this is a political bill and not a bill to provide the right to vote. The people already have that privilege.

If any such incident as a refusal to permit a citizen to vote had occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina.

The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice. The people of the States are interested in justice just as are the officials of the Federal Government, but I shall return to that subject in a few minutes and go into the matter of the Federal statutes a little more fully.

We have Federal statutes to protect the right to vote, if the voters are not satisfied with the State statutes, and certainly the Federal statutes protect them.

I say that the Negro citizens in South Carolina are safeguarded in their rights; and the payment of a poll tax is not required.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. As I have said, South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. Registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that the poll tax be repealed as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature acted promptly and submitted the matter to the people, and the people voted in favor of repeal of the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature approved it, and we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina, if proof is desired, can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia, S. C., Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that “estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina constitution which protect a citizen’s right to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9, suffrage: The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 10, elections free and open: All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 5, appeal; crimes against election laws: Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 8, registration provided; elections; board of registration; books of registration: The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 15, right of suffrage free: No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the record to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Code, title 23}}}}}}
{{smaller block|23–73. Appeal from denial of registration.}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|23–74. Proceedings to court of common pleas.}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as Calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{smaller block|23–75. Further appeal to supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
In other words, in our State, if anybody has an appeal and it goes before the trial judge and he denies it, the supreme court will go into session in order to hear such a case so as to be sure that nobody is deprived of the right to vote.
{{smaller block|23–100. Right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{smaller block|23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{smaller block|23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guard rail; assistance.}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guard rail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{smaller block|23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats.}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct.}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{smaller block|23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{smaller block|23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally.}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State. Also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, proves that there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right-to-vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a Commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise. Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an unusual grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people.

This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so.

If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A Civil Rights Division in the Justice Department is not needed because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed, and he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country.

Since conditions have improved, and there is no indication that conditions will change unless the Attorney General and the Civil Rights Commission create trouble, there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of civil-rights matters in the Department of Justice.

Mr. President, permit me to digress in order to discuss certain matters pertaining to the Bill of Rights.

I have before me a book entitled “Our Bill of Rights: What It Means To Me—A National Symposium,” edited by James Waterman, Wisconsin:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Things of the spirit never die. They flame anew each time they are under fire. They are flaming high at this moment.}}
{{smaller block|Bombs may blow the body to bits, but they bind the soul together.}}
{{smaller block|This book is testimony to the spirit of man; to his personality; to his right to be decent.}}
{{smaller block|From the beginning of time men have had to fight for this sort of life. The fight has never been easy, but it has always been won.}}
{{smaller block|As long as men believe in freedom they will achieve it. The Dark Ages shall not return.}}
{{smaller block|When freedom dies man lives on his knees. When freedom lives man walks erect.}}
{{smaller block|The Bill of Rights is our prayer book and our promise of salvation. The cause of freedom is the cause of God. That is the dedication of this volume.}}
{{smaller block|None of us is wise enough to say finally what one event is the greatest in our history. There are some that cry aloud for that description:}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence; the Treaty of Paris, ending the Revolutionary War; the adoption of the Constitution; the pronouncement of the Monroe Doctrine; the Emancipation Proclamation; the end of the War Between the States; the war for freedom and democracy, begun in 1917—and still going on.}}
{{smaller block|I have left to the last, although it belongs at the top, the formulation and adoption of the Bill of Rights—the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, adopted by the baby nation December 15, 1791.}}
{{smaller block|In this group of principles are to be found the soul and spirit of the Constitution. With the Bill of Rights added, the Constitution becomes nearly a perfect thing. Without the bill, the seven articles of the original draft are largely given over to the protection of property.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson, shocked by the omissions in the Constitution, as promulgated in 1789, while he was United States Minister to France (another type of France than Vichy represents today), drafted the additions to our great charter. Thus we were given the four freedoms by which we grew strong in self-reliance, in courage, in independence, and in self-respect.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments gave us free speech, free press, free worship, free assembly, and also the right to petition. They gave us full protection Of the citizen against oppression; the right of trial by jury and, generally, the right of the individual against the state. Jefferson said himself, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount, Magna Carta, and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|Herbert Bayard Swope}}}},{{em|6}}&lt;br /&gt;
''Chairman, Bill of Rights Sesquicentennial Committee''.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson himself said, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments; the Sermon on the Mount; Magna Carta; and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{***|5}}
{{smaller block|America is face to face with certain grim realities. It is apparent that the expense attached to the defense effort will run into an appalling sum. The sweeping readjustments that will eventually reach every family are becoming clearer by the day. The need for redirection of our whole economy in order to supply plants which manufacture implements of war with an abundance of raw materials is now painfully obvious.}}
{{smaller block|Yes, the world that we know is being re-fashioned. But so be it, and although the disappearance of familiar patterns and habits of living brings a momentary shock, there must be no regrets, no longing backward glances. Neither can we afford to hang our heads, wring our hands and insist that we cannot defend democracy without destroying it. After all, the only disaster that will overtake us is the disaster that comes from indecision and inaction.}}
{{smaller block|I like to remind myself of the origin of the Bill of Rights. It came into being at a time of great distress and clearly represented the desires of the people who had paid a high price for their independence, and were determined to keep it. Since that time it has weathered an internal conflict, foreign wars, periods of economic depression. Even during these emergencies there has been no foreshortening of the scope of the Bill of Rights, nor has its fundamental character been altered. Invariably after these crises have passed each American has turned his face homeward and found, to his intense joy, his personal liberty inviolate. This augurs well for the future. Perhaps the destructive forces loose in the world will assume more awesome proportions than any yet seen; perhaps the dangers and hardships of the civilian population will be greater than ever before; but I cannot believe that these new developments will serve to swerve us from our course any more than the vicissitudes of the past.}}
{{smaller block|Undoubtedly it will mean a vigilant citizenry constantly on guard. But we have that. Undoubtedly it will mean leadership of the highest quality, but we have that, too. In fact, I can think of no more impressive reiteration of belief in the Bill of Rights than that made by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his message to Congress last January:}}
{{smaller block|“In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.}}
{{smaller block|“The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The third is freedom from want. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The fourth is freedom from fear. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.}}
{{smaller block|“This Nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads, and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.}}
{{smaller block|“To that high concept there can be no end save victory.”}}
Mr. President, those were the words of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in speaking of the Bill of Rights, which guarantees a jury trial to the people of the United States, but which the so-called compromise civil-rights bill would deprive the people of.

I read further:
{{smaller block|We accept our liberty, as we do our health, pretty much as a matter of course, hardly giving it a thought until we begin to lose it. Then we become conscious of how much it means.}}
{{smaller block|Experience throughout the long period of human history teaches that liberty must be won in every generation and can be held only by eternal vigilance. As foes of freedom the aggressors reappear with different weapons, but always with the same aim—to destroy the souls of freemen.}}
{{smaller block|That religion and democracy are closely linked together is a truism proved amply in the history of our country. The American colonies were settled by men and women seeking a free life, as well as a home for freedom. Religion was written prominently into their agreements, covenants, pacts, and constitutions, but the early colonists made no provision for the the free exercise of religion. Those who had fled before the demands of conformity later determined by law that others must conform or get out of the colony. It was said of Governor Endicott of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, if he had found toleration in his dictionary, he would have cut the word out, just as he drew his sword and cut the red cross out of the English flag because it represented the ancient Catholic faith of England. This attitude, formulated into law and supported by stern preaching, led to the founding of Rhode Island by Roger Williams and his associates. They were the first ones to put into practice the principle of the independence of the individual conscience even beyond the grants of liberty by the State. Maryland was founded by a small company of Catholics seeking freedom of worship in 1634, only 14 years after the Protestant Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth.}}
{{smaller block|Under Lord Baltimore’s liberal rule there developed a large degree of freedom in religion, as well as a remarkable advance in democratic procedure. The people of Maryland not only took part in making their laws but were given power to originate laws. No other colony at the time enjoyed quite as much freedom, and in 1649 the assembly passed the Toleration Act which confirmed by law these liberties. Following this action, Maryland became the refuge not only for the oppressed Catholics from England, but Protestants from some of the other American colonies, Puritans from Virginia, Quakers, and others who found congenial homes in this colony.}}
It is true that the Toleration Act was not very broad in that it tolerated only those of the Christian religion, but it was a step forward on the road to liberty and marked a greater advance than anything even in England at the time. It remained for the colony at Providence, R. I., to advance the act of toleration by granting full religious freedom to Christians and Jews and even to those without any religious affiliation or belief. The act affirmed “that men of all religions should live unmolested so long as they behaved themselves.”

The Bill of Rights provides for freedom of religion. Our Bill of Rights provides for many vital rights which we enjoy.

The study of the Constitution should be an essential part not only of the education of the American youth, but of all Americans, and especially those who have become naturalized citizens of this great Nation. While all of us cannot be trained in the technicalities of the law, we should have some idea of our fundamental institutions. We need to know their relationship to our daily life, the reasons for their existence, and the benefits we derive from them, as well as the importance to ourselves of their perpetuation. The Constitution is not self-perpetuating by any means; if it is to survive it will be because it has the support of the people—not passive, but active public support. This means making adequate sacrifice to maintain that which is of the greatest benefit to the greatest number.

The Constitution has its roots in the great and heroic past of the English-speaking race. Today, under that Constitution which was adopted through the blood and sweat of the pioneers of our country, the safeguard of personal liberty is ever present. Under our great Bill of Rights our governmental power is divided into three parts. The first is the power granted to the Central Government; the second that reserved to the States; and the third, and by far the most important, although at times the fact may not be generally recognized, the power reserved to the people under the many inhibitions upon both State and Federal legislation.

In the turmoil which now seems to have engulfed the entire world, the citizens of the United States should well remember particularly that it is the people, those who go to make up the great cross-section of this country, who must guard the ramparts from the ever-increasing dangers of nazism, fascism, and communism. Our Constitution is the final safeguard of every right that is enjoyed by any American citizen. So long as it is observed, those rights will be secure, but should it fall into disrespect or disrepute the way of orderly, organized government as we have known it for the past 150 years will be at an end.

When the Federal Constitution was, on September 28, 1787, submitted by Congress to the legislatures of the several States for ratification, there was very strong opposition to its adoption in all the States. The Democrats, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, feared that the provisions of the instrument would unduly abridge States rights and result in a Government too highly centralized for their views. It was necessary for nine States to ratify the Constitution before it could take effect. It was not until June 21, 1788, that the ninth State, New Hampshire, gave its approval. The States which had not ratified up to that time were Virginia, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island. Virginia and New York gave their assent in 1788. When President Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, on the steps of the Federal Hall in New York, neither North Carolina nor Rhode Island had ratified and, therefore, were not States of the United States. These two reluctant States did, however, come into line. North Carolina ratified on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The Bill of Rights was a pacer in the democratic movement in America and as such is entitled to all the prestige of leadership. Yet it really took a century after its enactment for American women to procure the 19th amendment to the Federal Constitution which compelled reluctant States to grant them the basic right of the free—the right to vote. Non-Christian men and freethinkers of their sex more readily wrested from State legislatures the guaranty of their civil rights.

But even the original Bill of Rights would have been a dead letter if dauntless men and women, risking death, had not taught the public to listen without rioting to opinions which it abhorred. That educational process enabled the letter of the law to live in practice, or application, for the American way of life. In celebrating the original Bill of Rights now, we should celebrate with it the courage and skill of the men and the women who made tolerance a fact as well as a principle of law. The open forum, so characteristic of American democracy, owes its inception and its continuation to persons of both sexes who insisted that law and practice were parts of the same thing.

That rights carry duties has become a third aspect of democratic evaluations, nurtured on free debates. It is increasingly understood in America that liberty could become license; that rights if viewed as extreme personal privileges could reduce society to anarchy. There is today, in connection with rights, the wide prevalence of the philosophy that rights are granted to individuals in order that they may develop their talents for competent voluntary cooperation in the thought and action essential to the strength of society, to general welfare, and to the very endurance of civil liberties themselves.

A history of civilization could be written around the derivation of the privileges that constitute our Bill of Rights. The emphasis would be not on rulers and governments but on the struggle mankind has waged for centuries to obtain recognition of the rights of individual men. These rights are guaranties necessary to any people who wish to live in the free atmosphere of liberty. They are the foundation of any government that exists by the free will of the governed and not by the military force of self-appointed rulers.

The history of our own Bill of Rights is fired with the determination of the American people to preserve their liberties as individuals living in a free state. It is significant that these first 10 amendments in our Constitution were drawn from earlier declarations of rights which a number of the Original Thirteen States had formulated for themselves before they joined the Union. They not only served as models for our Federal Constitution but became basic patterns for new democracies all over the world.

Today there is abroad in the world a monstrous force that would set the clock back and reestablish regimes that rank the state above the individual. Already in many lands fundamental rights have been destroyed; and the existence of our own is threatened. Such crises have occurred before in the history of man but never with such ruthless vehemence and on such a worldwide scale.

Mr. President, there are many objections to H. R. 6127, but the strongest objection is the failure to give a jury trial. I wish now to present to the Senate some information on the jury trial and I shall go into the historical development of the jury system. This information is coming from the History of the Jury System, by Maximus A. Lesser, instructor of political science, New York Evening High School. Some very important points are brought out here about the jury system which are pertinent to this debate.
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Historical Development of the Jury System}}}}}}
{{c|{{sm|(By Maximus A. Lesser)}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JURY}}}}
{{smaller block|The subject we propose to investigate is the historical genesis and gradual development of an institution which, today is an inseparable element of English jurisprudence and an important factor in the administration of justice, wherever the English or common law, “* * * the State’s collected will, o’er thrones and globes elate, sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.”}}
{{smaller block|This purpose is not free from difficulties, for, while the nature and functions of the tribunal, as today existent, are sufficiently well comprehended, still the origin of that institution and the successive steps by which it was evolved are less clearly understood and subject to considerable misconception, as is evinced by the many and conflicting theories advanced in explanation thereof. It is the object of this treatise to reconcile, as far as may be, these various views, to give to each well sustained suggestion its proper weight and effect during the formative period, and to trace its influence in the production of the result. The method of treatment is, in general, chronological; for the English jury is so closely interwoven with the historical and political development of the English nation, that every component which contributed to the formation and completion of the latter had a concomitant effect upon the former; accordingly, the history and features of each foreign factor will be described in connection with that period of our history at which it first made itself felt. For to the jury may be truly applied, what Maine says of law, that it is a matter of growth, the result of the needs of the community in which it originated; and an institution—as another writer well observes—which “does not owe its existence to any positive law; it is not the creature of an act of Parliament establishing the form and defining the functions of the new tribunal. It arose * * * silently and gradually out of the usages of a state of society which has forever passed away.” We will, in the first place, regard its general aspect and characteristics as beheld today, and then proceed to consider whether, and in what respects, it is resembled by institutions of early days. The body with which we have to deal—in the language of an able Scotch jurist—“is the institution by which disputed facts are to be decided for judicial purposes in the administration of civil or criminal justice, and which is in modern times familiar to us under the denomination of trial by jury. * * * The etymological derivation of the term is obviously from ''juro'', to swear, whence we find this institution called in forensic Latin ''jurata'', and the persons composing it ''jurati''. * * * When the object is inquiry only, this tribunal is sometimes called an inquest or inquisition, as in the instance of a grand jury or coroner’s inquest; but when facts are to be determined by it for judicial purposes, it is always styled a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|This board of inquiry, then, is composed of “a body of men taken from the community at large, summoned to find the truth of disputed facts. Their office is to decide upon the effect of evidence and thus inform the court truly upon the question at issue, in order that the latter may be enabled to pronounce a right judgment. But they are not the court itself nor do they form part of it; and have nothing to do with the sentence which follows the delivery of their verdict.” While, concerning the third characteristic element of our jury, De Lolme wrote that they who have the power to discriminate between disputed facts and “to whom the law has thus exclusively delegated the prerogative of deciding that a punishment is to be inflicted—those men without whose declaration the executive and the judicial powers are both thus bound down to inaction, do not form among themselves a permanent body, who may have had time to study how their power can serve to promote their private views or interest; they are men selected at once from among the people, who perhaps never were before called to the exercise of such a function, nor foresee that they ever shall be called to it again.”}}
{{smaller block|In other words, the jury is the sole judge of the weight of evidence adduced and the arbiter of compensation for contracts broken or injuries sustained, and is composed of men selected by lot and “sworn to declare the facts of a case as they are delivered from the evidence placed before them”—its province being to determine the truth of facts or the amount of damages in civil, and the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal, cases.}}
{{smaller block|This province is confined by the following limitations:}}
{{smaller block|(1) It is restricted to the consideration of matters proved by evidence at the trial;}}
{{smaller block|(2) It is subject to the instructions of the judge, concerning the rules of law applicable;}}
{{smaller block|(3) It is influenced by the directions of the judge, as to weight, value, and materiality of evidence;}}
{{smaller block|(4) It is affected by the selection of the jurors from the locality of the action, whence they discharge their duties with a certain amount of independent local knowledge, whilom “counted on, and deemed essential to a just consideration of the case.”}}
{{smaller block|Two other qualifications may be added. After the rendition of a verdict in a civil case, it is still within the power of the trial judge to modify or even annul the same, in a proper case; for instance, “because the verdict is for excessive or insufficient damages, or otherwise contrary to the evidence or contrary to law.”}}
{{smaller block|Again, in a criminal case, a verdict of conviction, even when accompanied by a recommendation of mercy, does not control the sentence to be meted out by the presiding magistrate, who may impose the highest or lowest or any intermediate penalty prescribed by law as proper for the offense committed.}}
{{smaller block|How, then, did this institution, whose features as currently administered have just been described, originate? What are the sources from whence it arose, and the forces by which it was developed? Did it spring forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, ready for action and fully equipped with forensic vesture and legal armament, or was its development the result of the gradual accretion of successive strata of growth? As stated above, various and conflicting theories are advanced to answer these queries.}}
{{smaller block|“Many writers of authority,” says Canon Stubbs, “have maintained that the entire jury system indigenous in England, some deriving it from Celtic tradition based on the principles of Roman law, and adopted by the Anglo-Saxons and Normans from the people they had conquered, others have regarded it as a product of that legal genius of the Anglo-Saxons of which Alfred is the mythic impersonation, or as derived by that nation from the customs of primitive Germany or from their intercourse with the Danes. Nor even, when it is admitted that the system of recognition was introduced from Normandy, have legal writers agreed as to the source from which the Normans themselves derived it. One scholar maintains that it was brought by the Norsemen from Scandinavia; another, that it was derived from the processes of the Canon Law; another, that it was developed on Gallic soil from Roman principles; another, that it came from Asia through the Crusades.” An American authority insists that it “is undoubtedly a development of English institutions and civilization.” Again, it is suggested that it was borrowed by the Angles and Saxons from their Slavonic neighbors in northern Europe; it has been traced to the assises de Jerusalem of Godfrey de Bouillon; it is even claimed to be of divine origin; and, finally, a French scholar despairingly exclaims: “Son origine se perd dans la niut de temps.”}}
{{smaller block|According to Robertson, “the true answer is, that forms of trial resembling the jury system in various particulars are to be found in the primitive institutions of all [Aryan] nations. That which comes nearest in time and character to trial by jury is the system of recognition by sworn inquest, introduced into England by the Normans * * * the instrument which the lawyers in England ultimately shaped into trial by jury.” The name “Recognition,” Bracton tells us, is deduced from the fact that the participants “acknowledged” a disseisin or dispossession by their verdict, and the inquest itself was “directly derived from the Frank capitularies, into which it may have been adopted from the fiscal regulations of the Theodosian Code and thus own some distant relationship with the Roman jurisprudence.” This is the system which, Lord Campbell writes, “in the fifth Norman reign had nearly superseded the simple juridical institutions of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors;” while an eminent American jurist, after observing that investigation has shown among Norman legal usages traces more closely resembling our form of jury trial than anything afforded by the system of the Anglo-Saxons, concludes:}}
{{smaller block|“We regard it, therefore, as certain that all these influences contributed to establish this mode of trial in England, and to shape it as we know it to exist there. Indeed, it was not until all of them had had an opportunity of completing their work, that we find what we should now call a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|A due regard for the definiteness of legal phraseology calls for some comment on the meaning of “law and fact,” terms so frequently employed in the course of this work. Law, in its widest sense, is a rule of action; in its technical sense, it is a general rule of human action, taking cognizance only of external acts, enforced by a determinate human authority paramount within a state. Whether the rule so enforced be moral or pernicious, is impertinent to the question. “The existence of law is one thing, its merit or demerit another.” Again, “although human actions are the subject-matter about which law is conversant, they are not essential to its existence; for the rule is the same, whether its application is called forth or not. * * * The rule continues in abstraction and theory, until an act is done on which it can attach. * * * The maxim, ''ex facto oritur jus'' must be understood in this sense; and the duty of judicial tribunals, consequently, embraces the investigation of doubtful or disputed facts, as well as the application of the principles of jurisprudence to such as are ascertained.”}}
{{smaller block|Fact is a term most difficult to define—so much so that Mr. Justice Stephen (in the third edition of his Digest of the Law of Evidence) abandoned the attempt previously made. Webster’s definition (ed. 1859) is: “Anything done, or that comes to pass; an act; a deed; an effect produced or achieved; an event.” Negatively, a learned American jurist suggests that “nothing is a question of fact which is not a question of the existence, reality, truth of something.” Anything which is the subject of testimony is “matter of fact,” while “matter of law” is the general law of the land of which courts take judicial cognizance. Evidence is the means or method by which a fact under judicial examination may be proved or disproved. “Whether there be any evidence, is a question for the judge. Whether sufficient evidence, is for the jury.”}}
{{smaller block|In any event, it is clear that the formula of Coke, hereinabove quoted, “was never meant to be taken absolutely. * * * It relates to issues of fact, and not to the incidental questions that spring up before the parties are at issue. The jury has to do with only a limited class of questions of fact, namely, questions of ultimate fact.” “In general, issues of fact, and only issues of fact, are to be tried by jury; when they are so tried, the jury and not the court are to find the facts, and the court and not the jury is to give the rule of law; the jury are not to refer the evidence to the judge and ask his judgment upon that, but are to find the facts which the evidence tends to establish, and may only ask the court for judgment upon these.”}}
Mr. President, I shall next take up the history of the jury system of the Anglo-Saxons:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Chapter VI.—The System of the Anglo-Saxons}}}}}}
{{smaller block|As regards the manner of men who now directed the destinies of England—for under that name (derived from the Angles) the island is henceforth known—and who indelibly impressed their characteristics upon it, and concerning their status in the scale of civilization, a graphic description is afforded us by the same historian. They “were little removed from the original state of nature; the social confederacy among them was more martial than civil; they had chiefly in view the means of attack and defense against public enemies, not those of protection against their fellow citizens; their possessions were so slender and so equal that they were not exposed to great danger, and the natural bravery of the people made every man trust to himself and to his particular friends for his defense. * * * An insult upon any man was regarded by his relations and associates as a common injury; they were bound by honor, as well as by a sense of common interest, to revenge his death or any violence which he had suffered; they retaliated on the aggressor by like acts of violence; and if he were protected, as was natural and unusual, by his own clan, the quarrel was spread still wider and bred endless disorders in the nation.”}}
{{smaller block|Such, then, was the state of civilization which the Saxons enjoyed, and such the social and political structure which superseded the administration of the Romans. For almost four centuries the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms—true to the characteristics of their founders—present a history of uninterrupted warfare, bloodshed and internecine strife, though Christianity had meanwhile prevailed among them. Wessex, however, gradually acquired the hegemony, and in A. D. 827 its King Egbert succeeded in securing his acknowledgment as supreme head of the heptarchy, with which event the history of the English nation properly begins.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning their civil and social condition, at this period, after a sojourn of 400 years on English soil, it appears that “though they had been so long settled in the island [they] seem not as yet to have been much improved beyond their German ancestors, either in arts, civility, knowledge, humanity, justice, or obedience to the laws. * * * Bounty to the church atoned for every violence against society.” It cannot be doubted that, under ordinary circumstances, nationalization would have paved the way to improvements in the administration of justice, which, under the primitive system and the constant wars of the Saxons, had sadly degenerated. For, since “their language was everywhere nearly the same, their customs, laws, institutions, civil and religious * * * a union also in government opened to them the agreeable prospect of future tranquility. * * * But these flattering views were soon overcast by the appearance of the Danes, who, during some centuries, kept the Anglo-Saxons in perpetual inquietude, committed the most barbarous ravages upon them, and at last reduced them to grievous servitude.”}}
{{smaller block|The first great landmark in the history of English law is the reign of King Alfred (871–901), who, after he had restored peace, and either settled the Danes in or expelled them from the country, turned his attention to the administration of justice, which had become a mere name. His political and juridical institutions are recorded by Hume, as follows: “That he might render the execution of justice strict and regular, he divided all England into counties; these counties he divided into hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings. Every householder was answerable for the behavior of his family. * * * Ten neighboring householders were formed into one corporation, who, under the name of a tithing, decennary, or fribourg, were answerable for each other’s conduct, and over whom one person, called a tithingman, headbourg, or borsholder, was appointed to preside. Every man was punished as an outlaw who did not register himself in some tithing.}}
{{smaller block|“By this institution, every man was obliged from his own interest to keep a watchful eye on the conduct of his neighbors; and was in a manner surety for the behavior of those who were placed under the division to which he belonged. Whence these decennaries received the name of frankpledges. The barsholder summoned together the whole decennary to assist him in deciding any lesser difference which occurred among the members. In appeals from the decennary, or in controversies arising between members of different decennaries, the case was brought before the hundred, which consisted of 10 decennaries or 100 families of freemen, and which was regularly assembled once in 4 weeks for the deciding of causes. (Leg. Edw. c. 2.)}}
{{smaller block|“Their method of decision deserves to be noted, as being”—at least in our historian’s opinion—“the origin of juries. * * * Twelve freeholders were chosen, who, having sworn (together with the hundred or presiding magistrate of that division) to administer impartial justice, proceeded to the examination of that cause which was submitted to their jurisdiction. And besides these monthly meetings of the hundred, there was an annual meeting appointed * * * for the inquiry into crimes, the correction of abuses, and other matters of public concern. If a further appeal were desired, or in controversies between members of different hundreds, the case was brought before the freeholders of the county (or shire) over whom the bishop together with the alderman presided. A final appeal lay to the King himself.}}
{{smaller block|“Formerly the alderman possessed both the civil and military authority; but Alfred * * * appointed also a sheriff in each county, who enjoyed a coordinate authority with the former in his judicial (as distinguished from the military) function. His office also empowered him to guard the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy the fines imposed.”}}
{{smaller block|Such was the system established by Alfred, and adhered to by his successors as far as those turbulent times permitted. For its promotion and perpetuation, as well as for the guidance of the magistrates, on whom the duty to administer it was incumbent, the same king—according to our historical guide—“framed a body of laws which, though now lost, served long as the basis of English jurisprudence, and is generally deemed the origin of what is denominated the common law.” While his judgment concerning the paternity of the system is, that “the similarity of these institutions to the customs of the ancient Germans, and to the Saxon laws during the heptarchy, prevents us from regarding Alfred as the sole author of this plan of government, and leads us rather to think that he contented himself with reforming, extending, and executing the institutions which he found previously established.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus far Hume, whose profound historical researches, combined with his early legal training, certainly entitle his opinion to much weight. But the existence, among the Saxons, of any institution resembling the jury has been hotly contested, and the dispute whether it was known to the Anglo-Saxons or introduced as a result of the Norman conquest, may be thus summarized: Coke (in his Institutes), Spelman (Glossarium Archaiologicum), Blackstone (Com. III., ch. 23), Nicholson (preface to Wilkin’s Anglo-Saxon Laws), and Turner (Hist. Anglo-Saxons, IV., book XI., ch. 9) ascribe it to Saxon paternity. On the other hand, Hickes (Dissert. Epist. p. 34), Reeves (Hist. Eng. Law, I., 22, 24), and Palgrave (Rise and Progress of Commonwealth, I, 243) claim with equal confidence that it was introduced by or at least derived from the Normans and was not of Anglo-Saxon origin.}}
{{smaller block|So Judge Cooley (Am. Cycl. IX. 722) approvingly observes that “so many of the attendant circumstances indicate that it was a Norman institution, bestowed upon his English subjects by a Norman king, that Sir Francis Palgrave has not hesitated to consider our jury trial as derived directly from Norman law” and Mr. Macclachlan (Eng. Cycl. III., 24) remarks: “Without entering minutely into this controversy, it may be stated that the traces of the trial by jury, in the form in which it existed for several centuries after the conquest, are more distinctly discernible in the ancient customs of Normandy than in the few and scanty fragments of Anglo-Saxon law which have descended to our time.”}}
{{smaller block|The conclusion reached by Mr. Forsyth affords perhaps the fairest statement of the case, and may be advantageously quoted in this place: “It may be confidently asserted that trial by jury was unknown to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors; and the idea of its existence in their legal system has arisen from a want of attention to the radical distinction between the members or judges composing a court, and a body of men set apart from that court, but summoned to attend in order to determine conclusively the facts of the case in dispute. This is the principle on which is founded the intervention of a jury; and no trace whatever can be found of such an institution in Anglo-Saxon times.}}
{{smaller block|“If it has existed,” he continues, “it is utterly inconceivable that distinct mention of it should not frequently have occurred in the body of Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporary chronicles which we possess, extending from the time of Ethelbert (568–616) to the Norman Conquest (1066). Those who have fancied that they discover indications of its existence during that period, have been misled by false analogies and inattention to the distinguishing features of the jury trial which have been previously pointed out. While, however, we assert that it was unknown in Saxon times, it is nevertheless true that we can recognize the traces of a system which paved the way for its introduction, and rendered its adaptation at a later period [the reign of Henry II.] neither unlikely nor abrupt. * * * Of the exact mode in which trials were conducted in these [ante-Norman] courts, we know little; but the Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporaneous annals make frequent mention of two classes of witnesses, who play a most important part in the judicial proceedings of the time.” These are compurgators and official witnesses, who, together with other features of their system, will be more fully considered hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|With the demise of King Alfred, his system gradually lost ground. “During the reign of eight kings who succeeded Alfred,” wrote Gilmans, “the country suffered constant invasions from Denmark, which became so oppressive that in 991 the King, Ethelred II., agreed to pay the Danes 10,000 pounds, called danegelt, to buy immunity. This sum was raised by a tax on land, the first one recorded in English history.” Eleven years later the same King planned and partly executed a general massacre of foreigners in the island (Danemort) which led to a fierce attack from the Danes, to the expulsion of the King, and to the establishment of Sweyn as ruler of England. His son Canute married Ethelred’s widow, a sister of the Duke of Normandy, in order, as it were, to legitimize his title, to strengthen his alliances, and to make secure the succession of his line.}}
{{smaller block|When Canute, the Dane, mounted the English throne (1014) it might be supposed that he would transplant to, and incorporate in the system of, England the Danish quasi-jury or Nævninger—an institution common, with modifications, to all the Scandinavian nations—which derived its appellation from the fact of being composed of a fixed number of men (usually 12) named by the inhabitants of each district; a majority of those so chosen was competent to render a decision (subject to the ratification of the bishop and 8 best men of the district) in civil suits; while in criminal cases the accuser was obliged to convince the Nævn by sworn evidence of the truth of his charge, before the accused would be subjected to a public trial—this institution thus combining the functions of grand and petit jury with the exercise of judicial powers.}}
{{smaller block|Canute, however, who was a lineal descendant of Alfred, and desirous of emulating that monarch, adopted a policy of conciliation toward the English. He had his succession to the throne ratified by a general assembly (Witenagemot) and publicly consented to restore and observe the Saxon customs and laws. In 1030, he addressed a letter “To all the Nations of the English”—under which designation he also meant to include the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians—in which he said: “Be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to God, to govern my kingdom with justice, and to observe the right in all things.” That is, he refrained from making any essential innovations or alterations in the systems (political or judicial) to which his several dominions were accustomed, and in consequence Danish rule had no tangible formative effect on English jurisprudence.}}
{{smaller block|The last of the Saxon line who ruled in England—chosen by the people when Sweyn’s family became extinct—was Edward the Confessor (1042–66) whom Hume deems commendable for his attention to the administration of justice, and his compiling for that purpose a body of laws which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for the laws that pass under Edward’s name were composed afterward) was long the object of affection to the English nation.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER VII.—FORMS OF TRIAL AND TRIBUNALS AMONG THE SAXONS}}}}
{{smaller block|Having examined the social and political status of the Saxons in England, as evidenced by their history and environment, we may expect to find, on considering the judicial institutions, their personal characteristics reflected therein. Here, as there, we distinguish the same primitive system of administration, the same rudimentary ideas of right, the same regard for the efficacy of clerical absolution, the same adherence to old and meaningless forms, and the same reverence for the vis major.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial system of the Anglo-Saxons depended for its administration on, and consisted of, four distinct factors or elements: these were, sectatores or suitors of court, the secta or suit of witnesses, official witnesses, and compurgators. These have been generally confounded or at least not clearly distinguished, and the misconception of their proper functions has given rise to many ingenious theories. In general it may be said that of all these functionaries the first class only performed judicial duties; the second and the third were species of witnesses; the fourth officiated (at least originally) in criminal cases only, while none of them were jurors. A delineation of the functions of each will be given, and a distinction attempted.}}
{{smaller block|The name of sectatores is applied by Forsyth to the limited number of freemen “who attended the hundred, county, and manorial courts, to try offenses and determine disputes there; * * * and the obligation to attend was in the nature of a tenure, for neglect of which they might be distrained to appear.” For, in accordance with the customs of those days, “to do suit at a county or other inferior court was * * * one of the common tenures by which land was held, and the suitors, called sectatores, or * * * at a later period pares, were therefore bound to give their attendance.” Anciently their number appears to have depended on chance or convenience; nor do they appear to have acted always under the sanction of an oath; for to Reeves “it seems that causes in the county and other courts were heard and determined by an indefinite number of persons called sectatores,” of whom “the frequent mention,” he continues, “is no proof of juries, properly so-called, being known to our Saxon ancestors.” It would seem that this form of judicial tribunal was the modified outcome of a feature of the elaborate county system established by Alfred, and a result of the alterations necessitated and the encroachments caused by the incessant warfare prevalent after the death of that monarch, which must have greatly affected his system of government. The whole matter, however, is involved in much obscurity, and will be resumed, to some extent, in the chapter treating of the ''judicium parium''.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning the second of the four classes, Professor Robertson observes: “The trial ''per sectam'' * * * resembled in principle the system of compurgation. The plaintiff proved his case by vouching a certain number of witnesses (secta) who had seen the transaction in question, and the defendant rebutted the presumption thus created by vouching a larger number of witnesses on his own side.” It was thus an application to civil suits of the principle, which governed the system of compurgation in relation to criminal causes. At a later period in Saxon history, however, it seems that compurgation was also extended to (and thus superseded the use of the secta in) * * * civil proceedings; or, at least, that the term “compurgation” was employed to designate both the criminal and the civil (''i. e.'', the sectatory) method. Indeed, the very name of secta became an alternative term for sectatores—the judges above described—which led to the confounding of the one with the other, and bred endless confusion and mistake.}}
{{smaller block|At a more advanced period of the Anglo-Saxon dominion, when the defects of their mode of evidence and system of trial became perceptible even to their untutored minds, an attempt was made to partially remedy these defects by the official appointment in each district of sworn witnesses, whose duty it was to attest therein all sales, endowment of a woman ''ad ostium ecclesiae'', and the execution of charters. They were not subject to cross-examination, and their oath was decisive in case of dispute. Later, persons peculiarly qualified by circumstances (though not preappointed), were similarly sworn to prove age, ownership of chattels, and the death of one in whose estate dower was claimed. Hence in the Year Books (16 Edw. II., 507, A. D. 1323) we read complaint that one “may name ses cosyns et ses auns, who by his procurement will decide against us.”}}
{{smaller block|The most important of the four elements, and that destined to play the largest part in the development of trial by jury, was compurgation. Under the Saxon system, in criminal cases the charge of the prosecutor or accuser sufficed to put the accused on his defense.}}
{{smaller block|This defense was by means of the process of compurgation, which was in vogue among the various Teutonic nations (12 being the usual number) and rested on the maxim: “Nobilis homo ingenuus—cum duodecim ingenuis se purget.” Compurgators may be defined as persons, who supported by their oaths the credibility of the party accused, pledging their belief in the latter’s denial of the charge brought against him.}}
{{smaller block|These were in no sense witnesses, for they might be wholly ignorant of the real facts in dispute; nor were they a jury, for no evidence was submitted to their consideration. They were merely friends of the party who summoned them; they knew his character, and by their united oaths they at once attested that character and their confidence in his truthfulness and the justice of his cause.}}
{{smaller block|This mode of trial was brought into England by the Saxons, and Judge Cooley thus describes it: “Then the party accused—or, in later times, the party plaintiff or defendant—appeared with his friends, and they swore, he laying his hand on theirs and swearing with them, to the innocence of the accused, or to the claim or defense of the party. Little is certainly known either of the origin or of the extent, in point of time or of country, over which the trial by compurgators prevailed; but it must have had great influence over the subsequent forms of procedure. It fixed the number of the traverse (''i. e.'', the petit or trial) jury at 12, that being the common number of compurgators * * * and this was a great improvement on the varying and sometimes very large number in Greece and Rome.”}}
{{smaller block|Where the compurgators coincided in a favorable declaration, there was a complete acquittal. But if the accused was unable to present a sufficient number of these purgers; or, “if the party had been before accused of larceny or perjury, or had otherwise been rendered infamous and was thought not worthy of credit—he was driven to make out his innocence by an appeal to heaven, in the trial by ordeal,” which was practiced either by the boiling water or the red-hot iron; the former being supplied to the common people, while the latter was reserved for the nobility. The nature of this institution is so curious and interesting, and its peculiarities throw so much light on the character of that age, as to warrant a fuller consideration of this primitive predecessor and sometime competitor of our criminal jury.}}
{{smaller block|If the accused was sentenced to undergo the ordeal by hot water, “he was to put his head into it or his whole arm, according to the degree of the offense: if it was by cold water, his thumbs were tied to his toes, and in this posture he was thrown into it. If he escaped unhurt by the boiling water (which might easily be contrived by the art of the priests), or if he sunk in the cold water, which would certainly happen, he was declared innocent. If he was hurt by the boiling water or swum in the cold, he was considered as guilty.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator tell me the name of the case he is reading?

Mr. THURMOND. It is the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. This so-called amendment that came from the House does not provide for a jury trial unless the judge in his discretion sees fit to give one; or unless he imposes punishment of more than 45 days’ imprisonment or a fine of more than $300.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator quoting at this point from a particular case, and, if so, will the Senator give us the name of the case?

Mr. THURMOND. I am not quoting from a case at this particular time. I am going back into the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And to show how through the life of this Nation the jury trial has developed.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And how our forefathers in writing the Constitution put into it by article III., section 2, under which a man charged with a crime is entitled to a trial by jury.

To remove any further doubt, when the Bill of Rights was written the same provision was made in several places. The sixth amendment of the Bill of Rights guarantees a man charged with a crime the right to a jury trial.

During the night, probably about 4 or 5 o’clock this morning, I did cite a case holding that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man who is being tried for criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know whether it has ever been held that criminal contempt is not a crime under the law of the Nation?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not know of any decision in the courts where criminal contempt has not been considered a crime, and I have had all the authorities and ran them down. Criminal contempt is a crime. We have a decision on that point. When a man is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a trial by jury. However, under this proposal, the so-called compromise which came from the House, he will not get a jury trial unless the judge, out of the goodness of his heart, says “I think you are entitled to a jury trial, and I am going to give you one.”

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Or unless the judge tries him first and finds him guilty and finds that he should be punished by more than 45 days’ imprisonment or $300 fine, in which event he can give him a new trial. The judge tries him once, and then he will be tried again. I think there again the so-called compromise is unconstitutional because you cannot put a man in jeopardy two times. If he is tried once, he has been in jeopardy and he cannot be put in jeopardy again.

The whole thing is a concoction to get a compromise on something for civil rights. It is purely an endeavor to get some kind of compromise; but it violates the Constitution, and I hope the Senate and the Congress will not pass it. Even people who believe in civil rights and have fought for civil rights are of that opinion.

The distinguished Senator from Minnesota [Mr. {{sc|Humphrey}}] has made many speeches on civil rights. I remember one he made in 1948 at the Democratic Convention in Philadelphia, which I did not like at all because I am a States righter and not a so-called civil righter. I believe in real civil rights, but not the kind of civil rights which are being alleged here.

I do not know how Senators who really believe in civil rights and who know the Constitution can vote for a bill which flatfootedly violates several provisions of the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know of any greater civil right any person possesses in any nation than the right to a trial by a jury of his peers and his neighbors when he is accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot imagine any civil right I would rather possess were I charged with a crime. I do not know of any civil right that is more vital to the people of the United States than the right of trial by jury. I do not know of any civil right that one could envision that could be more important. The right of trial by jury is most important because a man may be tried for his life. If he is not tried for his life, he can be put in prison. He can have his liberty taken away from him.

It is only after trial by jury that a man in this Nation can have his liberty taken away from him. I do not want a judge to try me if I ever have to be tried. I want 12 of my peers, 12 of my fellow countrymen, as the Constitution provides.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Is not the right to trial by jury, in which a person accused of a crime to challenge any prejudiced person who might be on the jury venire one of the possible differences between the free system of government that exists in this Nation and other free nations as compared to the system of government that exists in Communist nations?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Senator has the vision to see and realize the importance of what jury trial means to the people of this Nation.

I quoted during the night Associate Justice Brennan of the Supreme Court. I do not think a man could have made a stronger address than he made on the jury-trial question. Justice Brennan made a powerful argument for a jury trial even in automobile-accident cases. Even where property is involved—not liberty, not life, but property—he believed there should be protection to the citizen through jury trial. Under the so-called compromise civil-rights bill a judge can put a man in jail for 45 days, and some judges will do so if they have the opportunity. They will make it exactly 45 days if they want to punish a man.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Under the facts stated in regard to the situation in Washington Parish, La., it was contended that more than 1,000 colored people were denied voting rights. I am not sure if that was correct or not. Perhaps those people should or should not be on the rolls. But assuming the charge was correct, it would be possible for a judge in that case to put a person in jail for {{SIC|4,500|45,000}} days without a jury trial, alleging that there were 1,000 different offenses.

Mr. THURMOND. I see no reason why he could not, if he tries the defendant on each separate offense, which I think he would have to do to sentence him for more than 45 days. If he tries the accused for one act of depriving a person of his right to vote, there would be only one act, and 45 days in my opinion would be the limit. But if a judge saw fit to try a man and sentence him to prison for 45 days, he could try him again on another charge with respect to a man who claims his rights were violated in connection with voting and the defendant could be given another 45 days. I do not think there is any limit to that. I think he could keep filing them.

Mr. LONG: Is it not conceivable following such a procedure a judge could put a man in jail for his natural lifetime without a jury trial? Suppose he alleges that the defendant prevented 2,000 people from registering. That would be 90,000 days he could put the man in jail without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. While I think theoretically that is possible, I do not think actually it would be practicable. But it is theoretically possible to do that.

I wish to read the distinguished Senator what Associate Justice Brennan said:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it.}}
What is the Congress doing here if they let a judge try a man for criminal contempt, which is a crime?

I quote Associate Justice Brennan further:
{{smaller block|One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence—}}
In my State they cannot comment on the evidence and I do not believe they can in the State of the Senator from Louisiana, can they? In a few cases I believe they can.

Mr. LONG. No; not in a criminal case.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not believe they can even instruct the jury except as the parties request instruction. In some States the judge cannot charge the jury at all except where the parties request him to instruct, so jealously is the right of trial by jury regarded, leaving to the 12 fellow countrymen, 12 peers of the defendant, the authority to decide the case.

I wish to quote further from Associate Justice Brennan:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies, and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question to my distinguished colleague from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. I regret that because of my ill health, of which the Senator is aware, I was unable to be here.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sorry, too. I thought about the distinguished Senator a great deal and inquired about him.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure during the night sometime the distinguished Senator from South Carolina discussed how the jury system came into being; is that correct? The divine right of kings principle was set aside and the jury system installed in its place.

Mr. THURMOND. That is right. I am going now into the history of the jury system. That is the very thing I am discussing now.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that in the State of South Carolina—and, I might say, it is true in some of the other States—the higher courts have set aside verdicts of guilty because of the presence of prejudiced jurors or jurors who did not tell the truth on their examination, when they were asked if they knew anything about the facts.

We have always been extremely jealous under the Constitution to see that every defendant receives a fair and honest trial. I know that there have been such cases in the State of South Carolina as the type to which I have referred.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. I was a trial judge for 8 years, and came into close contact with jurors. I know how jurors feel. I know how the people feel. The citizens of this country believe in the jury system. It is a part of their nature to believe in the jury system. Those who have talked with me do not like the fact that the bill provides for compromising the Constitution in order to get a compromise civil-rights bill. We should not compromise the Constitution. That is exactly what this so-called compromise bill does, on the jury-trial question.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure that when the distinguished Senator was a judge, if any efforts were made to influence a jury, either by telephone or letter, if the judge became aware of it, he promptly declared a mistrial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is correct. Any judge would set aside a verdict if a juror were influenced.

Judges are human. Some people look upon a Federal judge as sacrosanct, so to speak—clothed with a robe, high, mighty, and arrogant. They are human, and they are subject to the errors of human nature, just as any other citizen is. They should not be entrusted with this great power, involving the liberty of our people, in violation of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that once in a while there is a dishonest judge. Is not that true?

Mr. THURMOND. I presume it is. However, I have never heard of any in South Carolina.

Mr. LANGER. We had a very dishonest Federal judge in the State of North Dakota at one time. I had personal experience with him. Time and again during my service in the Senate I have charged that judge with being dishonest. He is still alive. I did not rely upon Congressional immunity. I have made that statement often. I have never been sued for it, and I know very well that I never will be.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the distinguished Senator would not want such a judge to try him for criminal contempt, which is a crime. I am certain that the distinguished Senator from North Dakota would want a jury to try him. Is not that correct?

Mr. LANGER. That is certainly correct. I believe that in the State of South Carolina, or any other State, the people will insist not only on good, honest judges, but also on seeing to it that the jury system is kept unimpaired.

Mr. THURMOND. Some of the proponents of the bill think they are going to punish the South. However, the bill applies to every American. The bill will fly back in the faces of some of its proponents and their friends, and they will be surprised.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to discuss this question with the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

I was discussing the history of the jury system.

I continue to read from “History of the Jury System,” in the chapter entitled “Trials and Tribunals Among the Saxons.”
{{smaller block|It will be observed that it was the priests who had charge of administering these tests of innocence—termed ''judicia dei''—and they doubtless reaped a rich harvest from the monopoly of this privilege, commensurate with the wealth and the guilt of the accused.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator further yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In view of the fact that I mentioned a dishonest judge, I should like to give an illustration of how a dishonest judge operates.

In the first place, when it is desired to obtain a jury which is dishonest, a special assistant United States marshal will be appointed. The marshal will walk into a store, for example, and say, “Mr. Jones, I would like to have you take 100 subscriptions to a certain newspaper.” The man behind the counter might say, “Why should I take a hundred subscriptions?” The marshal may say, “We are fighting the Governor of the State.”

If the man takes 100 subscriptions, and pays $100, or $1 apiece for a year, his name goes into the jury box; and if he does not subscribe, his name does not go into the jury box.

In the case to which I have reference, the slips which were put into the box were different. The names of those who were prejudiced against a defendant would be written on wide slips. The names of those who were not so prejudiced were written upon narrow slips. A clerk was conniving with the judge. I may say that later the clerk went to the penitentiary. He would feel around until he felt a broad slip, and withdraw that slip.

A Federal judge has a vast amount of power. A judge may say, “I am not going to allow any of the defense lawyers to examine any prospective jurors. Let them write out their questions and submit them to me, and I will ask the prospective jurors whether or not they are prejudiced, or what answers they have to the questions.”

Two or three days might be consumed in the effort to get a fair jury; but because of the fact that the Federal judge will not allow the lawyers for the defendant to ask any questions, the judge will finally get a jury which has not been thoroughly examined from the viewpoint of the defendant.

That is not all. A dishonest judge, by the tone of his voice, can let the jury know what he himself thinks of the case. For example, the defendant may be giving testimony, and if the United States attorney interrupts him the Federal judge may say, “Well, let the defendant tell his story,” with a sneer on his face, for the benefit of the jury.

When it comes to his instructions, he may, in a very low tone of voice, give the instructions he is required to give which are favorable to the defendant. Then he raises his voice and makes gestures which let the jury know he does not believe the defendant to be innocent. He tries to impress the jury by his loud tone of voice and the things he says in his instructions, which tend to prejudice the jury.

I have seen it happen. I myself was a trial lawyer. I served at one time as attorney general of my State, and later as governor of the State.

As I have previously stated, a Federal judge has a vast amount of power. He can name special bailiffs is he decides that the number of bailiffs in the court is not sufficient. He can appoint half a dozen or a dozen more, and have them carry revolvers to impress the rank and file of the jurors with the great importance of the case.

A Federal judge can claim that his life is in danger, and he can have Federal troops escort him back and forth between the courthouse and the hotel. A Federal judge can have airplanes flying over the courthouse, to repel the mob, for the purpose of impressing the jury with the gravity of the case which is pending before it.

I have gone all through that experience. When I came to the Senate one of the charges brought against me was with respect to the four Federal cases in which I, as governor of the State, was tried.

A Federal judge who is dishonest, with all the power he has, need not be afraid of any governor, because he holds the position for life. During the history of the United States there have been only five impeachments of Federal judges.

I well remember a case which was brought before I became a Member of the Senate. Senator Josiah Bailey, a very distinguished Senator, said to me in connection with that case, “I voted ‘not guilty’ on all counts except the last one. I voted ‘guilty’ on the last one.”

It was the fact that he voted “guilty” on that count which resulted in the impeachment of the judge.

We must take into consideration the money that is required, the lawyers who are required, and so forth. The Senate does not like to take up an impeachment case. Yet, that is the only remedy a poor man has in the matter of impeaching a dishonest Federal judge.

I am frankly delighted that the distinguished Senator from South Caroline has been going into the history of how the jury trial originated. There was a great battle to obtain the right of trialby jury on behalf of the people of England before they ever achieved their goal. One of the very first of the English juries was sent out by the judge time and time again and asked to bring in a verdict of guilty, and the jury refused to do so. They were out for many hours defying the judge. Finally, the judge said he would put them in jail.

One of the greatest calamities that could possibly occur in this country or in any other country would be to have the “divine right of kings” come back and the jury system made inoperative. I wish to thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina for bringing the matter to the attention of the Senate.

Mr. THURMOND. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota is to be commended for his statement.

Mr. President, it is not a question of civil rights. They have hooked to it an unconstitutional provision. It is now a question of whether we shall vote for a bill that violates the Constitution and takes away from citizens the right to a trial by jury.

I believe it was at Runnymeade, in 1215, that there were wrenched from King John certain rights for the benefit of the people which were written into a paper known as the Magna Carta. One of the rights wrenched from King John and which the people had cherished so long and which had been denied them was the right of trial by jury.

Mr. President, our Declaration of Independence starts out by citing grievances, among which was the fact that in many instances the citizens of the Colonies had been tried without a jury. That was one of the grievances brought up and included in the Declaration of Independence.

When our Constitution was written our forefathers had heard their fathers speak of how in generations back the people had suffered persecution. That was why many of them came to these shores, to enjoy liberty and freedom. After studying the governments of the world at that time, our forefathers finally decided on the tripartite system of government, with its three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial, which could check on each other.

They did not stop with that, Mr. President. The States organized their governments on the same basis, so that what we have is what is known as a compound Republic. We have a division of power between the States and the Federal Government. We have a division of power between the different branches on the national level and on the State level. Our forefathers, when they wrote the Constitution in Philadelphia in 1787, were determined that one thing would be contained in it would be the right of trial by jury. It is found in article III., section 2, and it provides that the trial of all crimes except cases of impeachment shall be by jury. It does not make any other exceptions for civil rights or anything else. It provides that all crimes except that of impeachment shall be tried by jury and that the trial shall be held in the State in which the crime was committed.

Even after the Constitution was written, three distinguished men attending the Convention would not sign it. They were George Mason, of Virginia, who was the author of the Bill of Rights; John Randolph, of Virginia, another very prominent citizen; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. They refused to sign the Constitution even after it was written.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, would the Senator from South Carolina be willing to yield to me for the purpose of submitting a unanimous-consent request to the Senate to the effect that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears the telegram of the Governor of the State of Wisconsin may be read and the oath be administered by unanimous consent of the Senate, without my friend from South Carolina losing the floor thereby, and that his remarks thereafter shall not count as a second speech against him, and that this interruption be placed in another portion of the {{sc|Record}}?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield under those conditions.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears in the Chamber the clerk may read the telegram from the Governor of Wisconsin and that the Senate give its consent to the oath being administered to the Senator-elect.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous-consent request of the Senator from Texas? The Chair thinks it also includes the provision that the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}] shall not lose the floor.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. All the conditions enumerated, Mr. President.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, reserving the right to object—and, of course, I shall not object—I should like to be associated with the unanimous-consent request made by the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I make the request on behalf of the minority leader and myself. I wish to make it abundantly clear that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears consent will have already been given to his being sworn in after the telegrams have been read; and that the Senator from South Carolina will still retain the floor and will be protected in his right to the floor and in the fact that he has made only one speech on this subject. Also, Mr. President, I request that the interruption be placed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from South Carolina.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and the request is agreed to.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. I thank the Senator from South Carolina for yielding.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was engaged in colloquy with the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Langer}}] ,at the time when we were interrupted. I should like to continue the colloquy with him.

Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from North Dakota for his questions and for bringing out the points he did. What I started to say is that when the Constitution Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1787 for the purpose of writing a constitution, the deputies, as they were called then, were confronted with the very difficult proposition of how the States would have representation. The large States wanted representation in proportion to population; the small States wanted representation according to States, regardless of size. Of course, they reached a compromise, and we have the two bodies of Congress. The Senate has an equal number of Senators from each State, regardless of the size of the State, and the House of Representatives is based on population. That is only one of the many intricate problems which had to be fought and settled by the Convention. It was a very difficult task to bring about the adoption of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question at this point?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator from North Dakota, as the distinguished Senator from South Carolina knows, is very much interested in the small States. The two Senators from North Dakota are very much interested in the small States. They have been battling and fighting for the rights of the small States. Today there are six States which never have had any Cabinet members. For example, take the State of Florida. It has now for 107 years been a member of this Union. Yet the State of Florida has never had a member of the Cabinet, although the city of New York under Franklin Roosevelt at one time had six from the State of New York.

Take the State of Nevada. Nevada had an Ambassador. The State of South Dakota has never had one. Montana never has had one. Idaho never has had one. The Senator from North Dakota finally succeeded in getting one for North Dakota, the first one after 62 years of statehood. It seems to me that the Senators from these States and from the States of smaller population a long time ago ought to have gotten together and said to the State Department, “We demand that citizens of the States of lesser population also have some appointments as ambassadors, or occasionally have a man appointed to the Cabinet of the President of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree with the Senator, and what I said was by way of illustration.

Mr. LANGER. Yes.

Mr. THURMOND. The point I started to make was this: There were so many problems confronting the deputies in Philadelphia that they had a very hard time drafting a constitution, and even after it was drafted, it would not have been ratified if they had not promised the leading political leaders of the day that there would be a Bill of Rights. That is the only way they were able to have the Constitution adopted; and even then, George Mason, of Virginia; John Hancock, of Massachusetts; Elbridge Gary, of Massachusetts, refused to sign it. They did not want to take for granted any question about the rights to which the people were entitled, and one of the precious rights in which they were most interested was the right of trial by jury. The right of trial by jury was not only written in article III., section 2 of the Constitution, but in several places in the Bill of Rights. The right of trial by jury has been handed down to us as part of our Government as a great heritage, and we do not want to run the risk of losing that precious right.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true at the present time in one foreign country after another, to whom we have been sending foreign aid and with whom we fought in World War II., later in the Korean war—one of the very things we are advocating in these countries are reforms which will provide trial by jury. Is that not correct?

Mr. THURMOND. I understand we have been advocating that other countries, in which we have been trying to help the people to set up democratic governments, accord the right of trial by jury. It is going to look a little inconsistent to those people to whom we have held out trial by jury as the ideal, when we pass a bill which proposes to take away trial by jury.

Some persons do not feel this is important; some of them say, “Well it is a compromise. The House held to a certain idea and the Senate another; and it is a matter of getting together as best they could.”

But this is a vital question. There is nothing more important, no right more important than that of trial by jury.

Mr. LANGER. I assume the Senator means a fair trial, an honest trial.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. The experience the Senator has had as judge ably demonstrated that, did it not?

Mr. THURMOND. My experience has been that a jury will come nearer rendering a fair verdict than a judge will, because there are 12 men on the jury—and Mr. Justice Brennan concurs in this—who hear the evidence and reach a conclusion. It is a most important matter; yet here in this so-called civil rights bill—

Madam President, may we have order, please?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair). The Senate will be in order.

The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. The effect of the so-called civil-rights bill is to amend the Constitution. The Constitution says, in article III., section 2, that “the trial of all crimes, except cases of impeachment; shall be by jury,” and then in the sixth amendment to the Constitution the statement is made again. It says, “In all”—it does not say in some—it does not say in all but civil rights; it makes no exception. It says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and a public trial, by an impartial jury of the State * * * to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses.}}
And so forth. instead of that, this civil-rights bill now includes an amendment—which has been added by the House of Representatives—which gives the judge the power to make the decision, without a trial by jury, unless the fine exceeds a certain amount of money or unless the period of incarceration exceeds a certain number of days.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair) Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true that one of the arguments used when the right of women’s suffrage was asked for, was that women should have the right to sit on juries?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that women be allowed to sit on the juries. I think it is very wholesome to have that allowed. Such a law has not yet been passed in South Carolina, but I think it will be; in my opinion, that time will come.

Mr. LANGER. We who live in North Dakota have had such a law for many years, and it works very satisfactorily.

Mr. THURMOND. I so understand.

In some States, women are allowed to serve on juries, if they wish, but they are not forced to do so. In other States, women must serve on juries, if called. In other States, women do not have to serve at all on juries.

Madam President, the bill of rights—and the right of trial by jury is the heart of the bill of rights—is the most precious document of the American people.

Madam President, let me say to the distinguished Senator from North Dakota that when the Declaration of Independence was written, it included a very definite reference to trial by jury. I wish to read part of the Declaration of Independence, in order to remind the distinguished Senator from North Dakota of that fact.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, I shall be very glad to have the Senator from South Carolina do so.

Mr. THURMOND. Madam President, I read now from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.}}
{{smaller block|We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.}}
{{smaller block|He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.}}
{{smaller block|He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.}}
{{smaller block|He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.}}
A little later in the Declaration of Independence, we find the following—

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, it is very interesting to hear the Declaration of Independence read.

Mr. THURMOND. It is, indeed.

I read further from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.}}
{{smaller block|He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.}}
{{smaller block|He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.}}
{{smaller block|He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.}}
{{smaller block|He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.}}
{{smaller block|He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.}}
{{smaller block|He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.}}
{{smaller block|He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:}}
{{smaller block|For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:}}
{{smaller block|For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States:}}
{{smaller block|For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:}}
{{smaller block|For imposing taxes on us without our consent:}}
{{smaller block|For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
That was one of the cardinal points which was set forth in the Declaration of Independence, namely, that the King of England had deprived the colonists “in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.”

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}, in accordance with the previous unanimous-consent agreement, yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas, for the purpose of having the Senator-elect from Wisconsin take the oath of office. By agreement, the proceedings incident thereto appear in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

The VICE PRESIDENT. Pursuant to the order, the Chair recognizes the Senator from South Carolina.

The Senate will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a good many Senators were not here when I presented my views earlier during this debate, and I shall take a few minutes now to express a few points which I should like to have them hear.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution, because that would be the result, insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common law cases.

As I have stated earlier today, I cited a decision during this debate to show that criminal contempt is a crime. Since criminal contempt is a crime, a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no way, under the Constitution, by which a man charged with a crime can be denied a trial by jury.

Since the decision I have cited shows that criminal contempt is a crime, it simply follows that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

These guaranties to which I referred, in article III., section 2, of the Constitution, and in the fifth and seventh amendments, were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historical document their complaints against the denial of the right to trial by jury. That document was the Declaration of Independence. I am going to read the section of the Declaration of Independence in which our forefathers with courage and stamina severed their relations with the mother country, Great Britain, and established their own government. A list of grievances against the King was set forth in that document and among those grievances there was one pertaining to trial by jury. It reads as follows:
{{smaller block|Depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
In other words, those who signed the Declaration of Independence gave as one of the reasons for declaring their independence and for cutting loose from the King the fact that they had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. Therefore we can see with that incentive in mind in writing the Declaration of Independence why there was such a strong urge in writing the Constitution to include in it a provision for trial by jury, and then later in writing the Bill of Rights, to provide a trial by jury without the exceptions which are contained in this so-called compromise that came from the House of Representatives.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights. A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790. The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and one-time Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him.

The Bill of Rights, he declared—
{{smaller block|denies the power of any Government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.}}
Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional Government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic laws, if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes; in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.}}
The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “the trial of all crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days’ imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. In this day and time I wonder, sometimes, if there is not too much compromise. It does my heart good to see a man with strong convictions, a man who believes in something, a man who stands for something and who is not willing to compromise on everything when there is a vital principle at stake.

Mr. President, I realize that legislation to a large extent is compromise. That is perfectly legitimate when it does not involve the Constitution. But when it involves the Constitution, there should be no compromise. There should have been no compromise on this bill which comes back to the Senate from the House. There can be no compromise with reference to the manner in which the bill was amended.

The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of Government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was approved by the Senate.

The enactment in the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, was a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, this unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope that a majority of this Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the bloc voting of the pivotal States. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that—
{{smaller block|Behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.}}
'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', 12 members of the Italian Chamber of Deputies visit the Senate, and Mr. Thurmond’s is interrupted, so as to introduce the deputies appropriately. At the time in the ''Record'', several other matters are read into the ''Record'', namely, a “Message from the House,” the “House Bills and Joint Resolutions Referred,” and the “House Concurrent Resolution Referred.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, to explain his point Mr. Alsop cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the “Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States,” Mr. Alsop stated that it is “almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.”

In other words, Mr. Alsop says that the whole civil-rights fight is purely political, and the effect of it is that both parties are vying to get the Negro vote in the doubtful States.

To explain his point he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in those States. Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any Presidential candidate could lose those three States and win the election.

I shall not take any more further time to present the analysis he made, but he went into considerable detail.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today, but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of this bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily. Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether or not to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law. Jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge so long as he does not exceed the maximum limit prescribed for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of this bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges. No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected by it. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When this bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted that great legal mind of the 18th century of England, Blackstone, because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence.

I have also quoted heretofore and cited a case which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That is a decision I have heretofore reviewed. I might refer to it again for the benefit of any who missed it, because that is an important point. I do not believe that some of the lawyers in the Congress have realized that criminal contempt is a crime.

''Bessett'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' (194 U. S. 324) says a contempt proceeding is criminal in its nature. ''Ex parte'' Grossman (267 U. S. 87) says a criminal contempt committed by disobedience of an injunction issued by the district court to abate a nuisance in pursuance of the prohibition law is an offense against the United States, and within the pardoning powers of the President under article II. of the Constitution.

The ''Conkey'' case I just referred to, volume 194 United States Reports, page 324, defines civil and criminal contempt, pointing out that the latter, criminal contempt, is criminal and punitive in its nature, and the Government, the courts, and the people are interested in their prosecution.

If criminal contempt is a crime, as the United States Supreme Court decision holds it is, then under the Constitution of the United States a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury. There is no ifs, ands, and buts about it. There can be no exceptions.

Article III., section 2 of the Constitution provides:
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment in the Bill of Rights, it is provided:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
Mr. President, when this bill was previously debated in the Senate, I cited Blackstone as an authority, and I may cite him again today, but I want to refer to a portion of this bill, to show how it violates the Constitution on the jury trial question.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to my distinguished friend for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Could the Senator from South Carolina tell us how it happened that the Federal judges encroached upon the rights of defendants? How did they come to hold that contempt of court was not a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. There is a long story about contempt and how it arrived at where it is now. I might say, in brief, and that is what my distinguished friend is interested in, that under the present law a man charged with criminal contempt gets a jury trial unless the Government is a party to the suit, and in labor disputes defendants get a jury trial even if the Government is a party to the suit.

Under this so-called compromise which the House sent to the Senate, that will not be the case unless a judge in his discretion sees fit to give the defendant a jury trial, or the judge tries him and decides he wants to punish him to a greater extent than a $300 fine or a 45 days’ prison sentence, in which event he would then have a jury trial.

Mr. President, under the version of the bill which was passed by the House of Representatives, the Attorney General could substitute the government for a private party, and thereby could deprive an individual of a jury trial.

But the Senate amended the bill as passed by the House of Representatives; and the Senate sent the bill, as thus amended, back to the House of Representatives. The Senate, by means of one of its amendments, drew a distinction and delineated between civil contempt and criminal contempt. The amendment provided that if the purpose of the action the judge wished to obtain was compliance with his order, in the case of something to be done in the future, failure to comply with the order would constitute civil contempt; but if the purpose was to punish for something done in the past, failure to comply with the judge’s order would constitute criminal contempt.

The Senate amended the bill, as I have stated, and returned the bill, as thus amended, to the House of Representatives. Then the House of Representatives added the amendment which I believe violates the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. It has been a pleasure, I assure the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. President, because of the authoritative place that Blackstone holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him at this time. Every lawyer respects Mr. Blackstone. He said:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law.}}
That is what Blackstone said about trial by jury—that it is “the glory of the English law.”

Blackstone further said:
{{smaller block|And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under Providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
In other words, Rome, Sparta, and Carthage did not have trial by jury when their people lost their liberties.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen; chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth and the surest guardians of public justice, For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, that is what Mr. Blackstone said. No brighter legal mind ever shone in the brilliant galaxy of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence.

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied to another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court, delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and he made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. * * * One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions.}}
Mr. President, in my State the judge charges the jury as to the law, but he cannot comment on the facts. In some States a judge is not even permitted to charge the jury, unless the parties to the suit request it.

I read further from the address by Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials, because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, those are the words of Associate Justice Brennan, in speaking about jury trials. I do not know how he could have stated the matter in much stronger terms.

Mr. President, that statement by Associate Justice Brennan is most significant, to me, in that it comes from a member of the present Supreme Court of the United States. I shall not predict what the Court may do when the question of the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury, as embodied in the so-called compromise, is presented to the Court. However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill to be unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in the case of ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said—and this is the Supreme Court of the United States speaking:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Kennedy}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. If the Congress can say to the people of the United States that a Federal judge has absolute power to forbid a jury trial if the sentence is not more than 45 days in jail or a fine of not more than $300, and if such a law is held constitutional, what would there be to stop a future Congress from changing the amounts to 10 times those—in other words, let us say, to 450 days in jail and a fine of $3,000, or even more?

As I see it, the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is fighting for a principle.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. The principle—not the exact amount of the punishment or the exact amount of the fine—is the important consideration in this case.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, the Senator from South Carolina is chiefly concerned with the principle, rather than with the exact amount of the punishment—whether it be 45 days in jail or a fine of $300, or whether it be more than that; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. Certainly it is a fact that the Congress should not give to any Federal judge the power to levy fines of $300 or to imprison for 45 days, without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Congress does not have power to do it if it wants to.

Mr. LANGER. In my opinion, you certainly quoted excellent authority to sustain that view.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much.

These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the Constitution provided that a Federal judge could give to a defendant a jury trial if he wanted to do so, or to refuse it if he wanted to do that, then there would be authority for what the House sent to the Senate. If the Constitution provided that in cases of criminal contempt defendants would be excepted from the jury. trial, the House would have been legally justified in passing what they did. But there is no exception to the right of jury trial in the Constitution or in the Bill of Rights.

The Constitution will first have to be amended in order that this so-called compromise bill, which has passed the House and is before the Senate, can be upheld.

I cannot say what the Supreme Court will do, no one can say, but I do not see how they could make any other holding in view of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. That is certainly what may be expected from the Court, in view of the statement I just quoted from Justice Brennan, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State, and I spoke on them during the night, starting with Alabama, and covered every State, including Wyoming.

I cited the law and the section of the code, including North Dakota and all the States. They all have laws to protect the right to vote. In a few minutes, I am going to cite a Federal section to show that there is a Federal law already on the subject; so, if a Federal law were desired on the subject, we already have one.

I think it is a matter that ought to be left to the States, but if people disagree about that, and if it is within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, we already have a statute on the subject. But this bill is a violation of the Constitution on the right to a jury trial question, regardless.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Would the Senator be kind enough to read the statutes in South Carolina and Mississippi, if he has them?

Mr. THURMOND. Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote. I shall discuss them in a few minutes.

I do not know of a single case having arisen in South Carolina in which a potential voter has charged that he has been deprived of his right to vote. Had such an instance occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina. The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, on May 1, 1947, I recommended to the State legislature that it repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

The legislature took favorable action and submitted the question to a vote of the people at the next general election, which was in November 1948.

The people voted favorably on the amendment, and then in January 1949, or early in 1949, the legislature ratified the action of the people. Our poll tax was eliminated as a prerequisite to voting. So we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting. We have a school tax, but no one has to pay to vote. Moreover, registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina—if proof is desired—can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia (S. C.) Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that: “Estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution which protect a citizen’s tight to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9. SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10. ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5. APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8. REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the first of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15. RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the {{sc|Record}} to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–73. APPEAL FROM DENIAL OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–74. PROCEEDINGS IN COURT OF COMMON PLEAS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–75. FURTHER APPEAL TO SUPREME COURT}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make.}}
I do not know of any other State which gives this protection.
{{smaller block|If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
The supreme court will be called together to hear one man’s case on appeal. What more can we do than that? We have, first, the board of registration; next the court of common pleas, and then the supreme court. The supreme court will hold an extra session, if necessary, to hear the appeal, and even if there is only one man who feels that he has been disenfranchised, or disqualified, for any reason, to receive a registration certificate.
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–100. RIGHT TO VOTE}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
In other words, if he loses his certificate, or has any trouble with the board—the books are filed there—if his name is on the book, the clerk will give him a certificate. If it is not there, he can even go to the secretary of state at Columbia, if there is any local prejudice or other trouble. He can go to the State capital, and obtain a certificate from the secretary of state. That is the protection we give. We have some others. 
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–349. VOTER NOT TO TAKE MORE THAN 5 MINUTES IN BOOTH; TALKING IN BOOTH, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. A little while ago the distinguished Senator said that he had before him the election laws of all 48 States.

Mr. THURMOND. That is true.

Mr. LANGER. Are not the laws of South Carolina more liberal than those of other States?

Mr. THURMOND. I think they are more liberal with respect to voting. I think we have gone further than have most of the other States. We repealed the poll-tax requirement. We have given every opportunity to everyone to vote. I do not know of anyone in my State today who is denied the right to vote if he wishes to vote.

Our requirements are not too severe. The only requirement is that the voter must be able to read or write the Constitution. The Constitution was used in order to have reference to some document. Anyone who can read and write can read the Constitution as well as he can read anything else. Or if he cannot do that, he must own $300 worth of property. If he meets either requirement, he can vote.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator stated that there was a Federal law in this connection.

Mr. THURMOND. Yes.

Mr. LANGER. May we have the Federal statute read?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has just asked me about the Federal law on the books with regard to voting. I should like to have the Senator from North Dakota and other Senators hear this. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Case}}] and other Senators to listen to the statute I am about to read. Last night I made the point that every State in the Union has laws on this subject. Of course, if the Senator from South Dakota has already made up his mind, I do not wish to take his time. Will he give me his attention for just a moment?

Mr. CASE of South Dakota. The Senator from South Dakota is listening.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not wish to take the Senator’s time if his mind is made up. But if his mind is open, I want him to hear this. I made the statement last night that every State in the Nation has statutes to protect the right to vote. I called upon the Library of Congress to compile those statutes, and I read them into the {{sc|Record}}. They will be found in my speech. Starting with Alabama and going through Wyoming, every State has laws protecting the right to vote.

But some people say that we need Federal laws. I do not believe many people know that we have Federal statutes on the subject. For some reason or other they must have overlooked them. I wish to read the Federal law at this time to show that there is a Federal law on the statute books. It is designated as section 594 of chapter 29, title 18, of Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure. It reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|594. INTIMIDATION OF VOTERS}}}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the Office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
If anyone intimidates, threatens, or coerces another with respect to voting, or with respect to how he wishes to vote, or for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote, or to vote for whomever he chooses, there is a Federal statute under which a Federal judge can send him to jail for 1 year, or fine him $1,000. There is already a Federal statute on the subject. So why pass the bill coming from the House, or any other bill to provide the right to vote?

The statute which I have just read is a criminal statute. It enables the Federal Government, if it wishes to protect the right to vote, to protect any man’s right to vote, because it can put a man in jail for as long as 1 year, or fine him $1,000 if he interferes with the right of anyone to vote.

The only difference is that this is a criminal statute, and if a man were prosecuted under this statute he would get a jury trial. If we believe in the Constitution and in jury trials, we want to preserve that right anyway. The Constitution is clear on the question of jury trials. Article III., section 2, is specific on it. The Bill of Rights contains several references to it. The sixth amendment, in the Bill of Rights, is directly to the point.

I have before me a decision—I do not know whether the Senator heard it or not—which upholds the contention that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man is entitled to a trial by jury under the Constitution of the United States if he is charged with criminal contempt.

If there have been complaints to the Federal Government in any State of the Nation about people not being allowed to vote, why has not the Justice Department taken action under the statute to which I have just referred, and put offenders behind bars or fined them if they interfered with the right of other people to vote?

The Federal Government has the power to do it. It is not necessary for it to have more power. The accused should have a jury trial. This is a free country. The mere fact that a jury returns a verdict which one of the parties may not like is no excuse for abolishing the jury trial.

Either the Federal Government is not doing its duty in protecting people who have complained to it that they could not vote for one reason or another, or that voting has been interfered with for one reason or another, and has not given the proper protection to those people who complained to it, or there have been no complaints.

If there have been any complaints, it was the duty of the Department of Justice to take action, and they could take action under the statute I have cited. There is no use beating about the bush and saying there is a duty to pass a right to vote bill. There is such a law on the statute books. Every State in the Union has such a law. The United States Code contains a provision protecting the right to vote. Let the Attorney General enforce this statute I have cited. If he has received any complaint from South Carolina about any man not voting, or has received a complaint from any other State, it is his duty to take action under the statute, and see that the one who interferes is punished. He can be put in jail for a year or fined $1,000.

Mr. President, I am merely desiring to call this to the attention of Senators who are in the Chamber at this time, because so many of them do not seem to understand that we now have a Federal law on the books, section 594, which provides for the protection of voting rights. I do not know how it could be made any stronger.

The Senator from North Dakota was asking about the South Carolina statute. I read from the statutes:
{{smaller block|After the voter’s ballot has been prepared, the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–656. PROCURING OR OFFERING TO PROCURE VOTES BY THREAT}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–657. THREATENING OR ABUSING VOTERS, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–658. SELLING OR GIVING AWAY LIQUOR WITHIN 1 MILE OF VOTING PRECINCT}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–659. ALLOWING BALLOT TO BE SEEN, IMPROPER ASSISTANCE, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–667. ILLEGAL CONDUCT AT ELECTION GENERALLY}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, I believe what I have read covers the constitutional provisions and the statutory provisions. Does not the Senator from North Dakota think those provisions add to the protection of voters?

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator be kind enough to repeat the Federal statute?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am particularly interested in where the Federal statute states that one can be both fined and imprisoned.

Mr. THURMOND. It says “or both.”
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
But such person can get a jury trial, though. In other words, that is just another crime. It is like when a man is charged with murder or any other crime.

He will have a jury trial. If he is found guilty, then the judge can sentence him to $1,000 or 1 year in prison, or both. That is a strong statute.

Mr. LANGER. I want to thank the distinguished Senator for bringing that to the attention of the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is entirely welcome.

I think it is a statute that a good many people may have overlooked. There has been so much talk about the right to vote and people not having the right to vote protected until I thought the Senate and the people of the Nation ought to know that not only every State has laws protecting the right to vote, but the Federal Government also has on the statute books a statute protecting the right to vote. As I stated, that is section 594, of chapter 29, title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be glad to yield to my distinguished friend.

Mr. LANGER. For a question?

Mr. THURMOND. For a question.

Mr. LANGER. Have there been any decisions by the South Carolina Supreme Court on any of the statutes which the distinguished Senator has read?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall offhand that any cases have gone to the supreme court. In our State everybody registers and votes who wants to, and I guess that is probably the reason there have been no cases taken to the supreme court.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, prove there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right to vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise.

Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an {{SIC|unsual|unusual}} grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and non-political, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I should like to have the Senator hear this. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people, to involve neighbor against neighbor. This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others, to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so. If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make the testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate, before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A civil-rights division in the Justice Department is not needed, because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed; in fact, he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country. Since conditions have improved and since there is no indication that conditions will change—unless the Attorney General and the Civil-Rights Commission create trouble—there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of a Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department.

Part III. of the bill, as originally written—which was completely obnoxious—was removed. I have several times stated my views on part IV. I object to its grant of dictatorial power to the Attorney General. The Congress should never agree to place such authority in the hands of any one official of the Government.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which reads as follows:
{{smaller block|(d) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield to me?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. As I understand, in the case of the existing section 594, during all these years the Attorney General of the United States has had the power to enforce that section, and he has had the assistance of the United States attorneys in every State of the Union, and they have had the help of their assistants; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. In some of the States there are eastern districts, northern districts, southern districts, and western districts—for instance, as in the case of New York; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That also is correct.

Mr. LANGER. And each of those districts has United States attorneys and assistant United States attorneys and United States marshals; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. So all the necessary machinery for the enforcement of section 594, to protect the voting right of any citizen of the United States who may have had his voting right denied, has been in existence all during this period of time; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. Can the distinguished Senator from South Carolina name a single case in which the Attorney General of the United States has tried to enforce any of these statutes?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator, I will say that I do not know about the situation in other States; but as for the situation in my own State, I have not heard of such a case. However, I can see why that would be; I can understand why probably there would not be any such cases in South Carolina. That is because anyone in South Carolina who wishes to register to vote, has no trouble doing so. But I have not heard that any cases of this sort have been brought in other States. Such cases may have been brought in other States, but I have not heard of any.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I wish to ask what additional power the Attorney General will have, if a new Assistant Attorney General is appointed, inasmuch as the Attorney General already has the help of other Assistant Attorneys General and the help of United States attorneys, whose appointments have to be approved by the Senate; they cannot be appointed until the Congress has consented to the appointments.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question asked by the Senator from North Dakota, I would say that I see no need for an additional Assistant Attorney General—who, if appointed, would receive a large salary. I see no need for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, because the Department of Justice already has a civil-rights section; and there has been no evidence of any need for a big division, similar to the one now proposed to be created. I think the establishment of such a division would simply mean the payment of more salaries and a larger Federal payroll and more taxes on the backs of the American people.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, there has never been a time when, under present law, the Department of Justice could not have presented a case of that sort before a grand jury, if the Department had wished to do so; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. If there had been any complaint in either North Dakota or South Carolina, let us say, to the effect that someone had not been able to vote, although he was eligible to vote, all the Department of Justice would have had to do would have been to have the United States attorneys in those States look into the matter and take whatever action would have been appropriate under the circumstances.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator from North Dakota for his questions.

Mr. President, a moment ago I read the provisions of section 131(d). It simply means that the district courts can, under that provision, bypass the State procedures, the administrative remedies under the State laws, and can take action, and thus can cause much tension, embarrassment, and trouble although it is not necessary to do so. If anyone cannot obtain justice through the administrative remedies of his State, then of course he will be able to go to the district attorneys, and they can prosecute under the Federal statute I have just read. But the use of the existing remedies under the State laws should first be required—which is the usual procedure one would follow.

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States should not be exhausted prior to having Federal district courts take jurisdiction in cases of election-law violations.

In other words, I believe in letting the States run their business, if they will. A Federal statute already is in existence; and if there is need to use it, it can be used. But why not let the States handle the matter of voting and the other matters which are reserved to them under the Constitution? Let the States handle them. Then, if the States fail to do so or if they fall down in the performance of their duty, section 594 is in existence, and it can be used as a hammer with which they can be clubbed to death, if need be.

The present proposal could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority, and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 spoke strongly on behalf of the Federal courts, during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them. That is the point I made just a few minutes ago.

I shall not go into further details with reference to the provisions of this part of the bill, but I am just as strongly opposed to it as I was when it was first introduced. I shall continue to oppose such grants of power to the Attorney General or to any other official.

Mr. President, I based my opposition to H. R. 6127 throughout its consideration in the Senate on three principal points. I am convinced the bill is unconstitutional in several respects which I have cited. I know that it is unnecessary because the right to vote is fully protected in every State and under the laws of the United States where applicable.

Finally, I know that the enactment of such legislation is extremely unwise.

It is unwise because the sure result of passing this bill would be to destroy a great deal of the good feeling existing between the white and the Negro races, not only in the South but in every community where a substantial number of Negroes live. Nothing would be gained, but much would be lost.

The Civil Rights Commission, by using its powers to attempt to force integration of the races, is bound to create suspicion and tension between the races to an even greater degree than the suspicion and tension which was created by the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the school segregation cases.

Unbiased persons who are familiar with the segregation problem, and who observed the detrimental result of the Supreme Court decision, know that a traveling investigation commission and a meddling Attorney General could bring about chaos in racial relations.

The chaos would not be confined to the South because the provisions of this bill will apply to every citizen in every State. However, the Attorney General, in exercising the discretion granted him, along with the extraordinary powers also granted him, must be expected to confine his investigations and his court actions to the States of the South.

The South has often been derided and condemned on charges of sectionalism, but if the advocates of this legislation believe they will create greater unity instead of greater division in this country by the enactment of this bill, they are entirely mistaken.

George Washington in his Farewell Address used his strongest language against those who would divide our country and urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern, Atlantic, and western—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
H. R. 6127 is a blueprint for suspicion, confusion, and disunity.

The laws of the Nation are dependent upon the customs and traditions of the people. Unless law is based upon the will of the people, it will not meet with acceptance.

Government in this country derives no power except the power coming from the people. Laws which are not based on the Constitution, which is the basic statement of the will of the people, cannot be justified on any ground.

Mr. President, when there is so much evidence that this bill is unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unwise, it should never be approved. Force may subjugate the human body, but force by itself can never change the human mind. Laws, like leaders, must be of the people, by the people, and for the people.

H. R. 6127 fails to measure up by any standard. It should be rejected. I appeal to every Member of this body who believes in constitutional government and the sovereignty of the people to vote against this bill.

Mr. President, this bill, as I have stated before, has been widely called a right-to-vote bill. That is a completely misleading term. The bill, as I have stated, in my opinion, is unnecessary, because we have laws in every State to protect the right to vote. We have laws by the Federal Government to protect the right to vote. In the sections I have cited, a man can be punished severely for any interference with the right to vote.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}} yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas and other Senators, who requested the transaction of certain business, all of which appears in the {{sc|Record}} following Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, we have the finest Nation in the world. We have the finest Government in the world. In 1787 our forefathers met in Philadelphia and wrote a document called the Constitution. It was simply a compact between the States. Our forefathers came to this country to get away from tyranny. They had been punished many times without juries. They had been denied the right to worship as they pleased. They have been denied the right of freedom of speech. They had been denied the right of assemblage. They had been denied the right to petition the government, and they had been denied many other rights which we take as a commonplace in this country. They came here to enjoy the benefits of the Government they would establish to provide them those rights. After the States operating as colonies for a while felt the need of a central government for purposes of national defense, for purposes of commerce, for purposes of postal service, trade, and other reasons, they decided to form a union. They met in Philadelphia in 1787, and with deputies from all the 13 States attending that conferential meeting, all except Rhode Island—at that time Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals and ignored the whole proceeding—all with the exception of that one State, had deputies at the Constitutional Convention.

They wrote a document to delegate certain of their powers—there were States before there was a Federal union, of course—to the Federal Government for the purpose of forming a union and a central government which could do certain things for the States better than they themselves could do them.

At that convention there was a very difficult situation. The delegates had to start from scratch, so to speak, to write the basic law for a new nation. Much discussion and debate occurred there, but after working together for several months in Philadelphia they finally arrived at a document, or a compact, which was signed by the representatives of the States, delegating certain powers to the Central Government.

Three of the delegates attending the convention were not pleased, and did not sign it. I believe I stated this morning who they were. They were George Mason, of Virginia; John Randolph, of Virginia; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. The other delegates signed their names, except one, who left, but had his friend sign it.

The document was then presented to the States for ratification. Within due time ratification was had, but there was considerable opposition at the convention, and when the question of ratification arose, the main objection which was raised was that there was not spelled out in the Constitution a bill of rights. Some of the most powerful leaders in the States opposed ratification for that reason. Those who did not sign in Philadelphia opposed it chiefly, I understand, for that reason.

The Bill of Rights is a document which we cherish. The Bill of Rights is the finest civil-rights bill in the world. The Bill of Rights is a genuine civil-rights bill. That document provides us with the fundamental civil rights which we enjoy in this country today.

One of the bases of the Bill of Rights—and I like to call it the heart of the Bill of Rights—is the right of trial by jury. In the Bill of Rights, the sixth amendment is a trial-by-jury amendment. It provides specifically that any person charged with a crime shall be tried by a jury. I have previously brought out today that criminal contempt is a crime, and therefore, since it is a crime, a person charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

The bill which passed the House is a compromise, as most legislation is. Some people may have felt that that was the best the House and Senate could do, because the conferees got together and reconciled the differences between the two Houses. Ordinarily that principle would be sound in connection with legislation, but it is not sound here, because the effect of the so-called compromise would be to violate the Constitution of the United States.

If the so-called compromise had provided that a judge, in his discretion, could try a man for criminal contempt, I would have opposed it just as much if no punishment whatever were involved, because the Constitution says that a man is entitled to a trial by jury when he is prosecuted for a crime. There is no discretion in the Constitution. There is no ''proviso'' in the Constitution. There is no exception in the Constitution. The Constitution is perfectly clear on that point.

If the punishment provided in the bill in the House had called for 1 day’s imprisonment, or a fine of $1, I would be just as bitterly opposed to it. The Constitution of the United States provides that if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to a jury trial. Under the decision which I have cited here twice today, I believe, holding that criminal contempt is a crime, it is clear that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial.

I do not believe that the compromise amendment is valid. I do not think it is constitutional. The amendment of the distinguished Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] delineated and defined civil contempt and criminal contempt, and provided that civil contempt proceedings were for the purpose of bringing about compliance, in which case the order would be issued prior to the act, and that criminal contempt proceedings were to punish, in which case the order would be issued after the act. If the House had accepted it, the American people would be guaranteed trial by jury in the event of a charge of criminal contempt, which is a crime.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield to me for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to ask the Senator if I understood him correctly to say that in his opinion the so-called jury-trial provision of the bill which has been returned to us by the House is invalid and unconstitutional?

Mr. THURMOND. That is my opinion.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to say to the Senator from South Carolina that I completely agree with that opinion. It is impossible to govern the right of trial by jury by the discretion of the judge, according to the penalty he conceives he intends to inflict.

I should like to ask the Senator another question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the distinguished Senator.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina if he agrees with me that the question of jury trial should be reexamined as soon as conveniently possible, and that I would be doing a wise thing if, when the new session of Congress assembles, I should introduce a repetition of the general jury-trial amendment, firm in the belief that the advocates of civil rights, upon examination of the pretended amendment which has come to us from the House, will discover that they have bought a pigeon instead of a swallow.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question, I will say that I agree with him that the bill should be reexamined; but I think the reexamination should take place before Congress passes the bill, and not wait until next January.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. If the Senator will permit me to make this comment—will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND: I will yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I shall frame it in the form of a question. Does not the Senator agree that we are all weary and worn down; that most of us are almost as tired as is the Senator himself; and that perhaps when we return in January in the full vigor of our bodies and minds we shall be able to do a better job than we can do at this session of the Congress? I am going to introduce a jury-trial amendment in the next session in the firm belief that this jury-trial amendment accomplishes nothing; that it does not at all help the advocates of civil rights.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question I will say that I have been on my feet for the past 17 hours, and I still feel pretty good. But I agree that it has been a long, tough session. But even though it has been a long, tough session, I do not think we ought to quit now and pass a bill that the Senator and I both feel is unconstitutional. I think we should refer it to the committee, which I tried to do the other night, but was unsuccessful in my attempt. But I think this bill should not be passed at this session. I believe the Senator would prefer that it not be passed; but if it is passed, of course I should be delighted to have the Senator offer an amendment to correct the unconstitutional portion of it when we return in January. But I really do not see why we should have to pass an unconstitutional piece of legislation if we can avoid it.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for another question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. This question is a little different from the one I asked before. I am wondering if the Senator from South Carolina would cooperate with me in enabling me to pass a bill which does not involve any constitutional question. The Senate passed the bill without any opposition at all, and the House has returned it to the Senate with an amendment. I should like to move that the House amendment be concurred in by the Senate, and thus get the bill disposed of.

Mr. THURMOND. If the Senator will ask unanimous consent for me to yield to him on condition that I can retain the floor, and, further, that I shall not be charged with a second speech when I resume the discussion of the present subject—

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wyoming ask unanimous consent based on those conditions?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I do, Mr. President.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator from Wyoming this question: This is not a civil-rights bill, as I understand, is it?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. No; it is not.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Wyoming? The Chair hears none.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Mr. O’Mahoney, the “Approval of Contract with the Casper–Alcova Irrigation District, Wyoming,” is dealt with, as is a “Message from the House” and the “Enrolled Bills and Joint Resolution Signed.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was speaking a few moments ago about the States and the Federal Government. I should like to remind the people of this country that we had States before we had a union, and that the only power the Federal Government had and the only power the Union had was the power delegated by the States in Philadelphia in 1787 and in the amendments to the Constitution since that time. All other powers which have not been delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States or to the people.

I think the bill which is under consideration is unconstitutional. I think it is invalid. I think we are doing a useless thing. The proponents of the bill who feel that they are helping people, in my judgment, are going to find that there is just a lot of lost motion involved, because I do not believe the Supreme Court will hold this bill constitutional. I do not see how it could hold it constitutional. This compromise bill which came from the House leaves it entirely up to a Federal judge to say whether or not he is going to give a man a jury trial. That is not what our forefathers wrote into the Constitution. This bill provides that a judge shall decide whether he will grant a jury trial. Suppose he decides he will not grant a jury trial and then tries the defendant. Suppose he decides that the man ought to be imprisoned for more than 45 days or should pay a fine of more than $300. Then the case must be tried all over again.

That is another reason why I think the bill is unconstitutional. When we once try a man we put him in double jeopardy by trying him again.

So I think we are doing a useless thing here to pass a bill to provide that a judge can try a man and then, if he imposes above a certain sentence, the man can ask for a jury trial and then a jury can try the man. He would be tried twice. That is not only unconstitutional, it is also unfair, because if a judge tries the man himself and fines him more than $300 or sentence him to be imprisoned more than 45 days, then there is a trial ''de novo'', as they call it.

But the judge’s finding of guilt is bound to influence the jury when the jury tries him a second time. It is my opinion that the man can plead double jeopardy. The distinguished Presiding Officer was a distinguished judge in Texas. Any lawyer knows that we cannot try a man more than once for the same offense. The bill coming from the House would allow the man to be tried twice.

Mr. President, I want the American people to know what they are getting in this bill. They are getting a bill under which a judge can try a man and a jury can then try the same man. It is unconstitutional, in my opinion. Furthermore, I think it is extremely unfair, because the judge has already expressed his opinion, and if he is the judge who tries the case a second time he would be bound to show his feelings during the trial. Even if he did not show his feelings during the trial, in my opinion, his feelings would enter into the sentence after the trial.

Mr. President, there are many things in this bill. I am not against civil rights, and I am not against voting. As I have said, the finest civil rights are those in the Bill of Rights. I am for genuine civil rights, not this so-called political civil rights.

Both national parties that are pushing civil rights bills, this right to vote and other bills, are not doing it because they love the Negro. The southern white man does more for the Negro than any other man in any part of the country. This bill is motivated purely by politics. It is a political bill.

We might as well face the facts as they are. Both parties are trying to play to get the Negro vote, and, in some States, if the Negroes vote as a bloc, which they should not do, they are herded to the polls like sheep and voted. If they vote as individual citizens, which they should, this would not occur. But for some reason, both parties think that they are going to vote as a bloc. I do not know how a few leaders do it, or just how it is done. But it is unfortunate, and it is unfair to the Negro, because it takes him out of the category of an individual. It takes away his dignity. It takes away his sanctity as an individual, in which he can take pride in himself, his accomplishments and his race and not be led around like a bull with a ring in his nose. But that is the feeling of both parties in this country. They think they can vote the Negroes in a bloc, and they are making this play on these civil rights bills, so-called. They are not civil rights bills. They are so-called civil rights bills. The politicians are pushing these so-called civil rights bills to make a play and try to get the vote of the Negroes in certain doubtful States.

I have some good friends who are Negroes. I have helped many of them. I have represented them in lawsuits. I have loaned them money. I value the friendship of many Negroes, and I hate to see them treated like they are being treated. I hope that their real leaders, their genuine leaders, who are sincerely interested in them, will wake up some day and inform the members of their race just what is going on.

Mr. President, there is no need in the world to pass this bill. In the wee hours last night, when most Senators were sleeping, I was here talking, and after I had the Library of Congress, Legislative Section, prepare for me, and I put into the {{sc|Record}} at that time, statutes which provide voting rights in all the States of the Nation.

The {{sc|Congressional Record}} of last night contains those statutes of all the States from Alabama to Wyoming. In every one of the States of the Nation there are statutes that protect the right to vote. There is not a single one of the 48 States that does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

Why does the Federal Government have to have this bill passed? Is it not practically an insult to the States?

It is.

“We need it. The States will not enforce their laws?” If that be the case, all the Government has to do is to enforce the Federal statute I referred to today. Title 18, section 594, is the number of that Federal statute, which provides punishment for anyone who intimidates, coerces, or threatens any person for interfering with any other person in voting. That statute is as clear as a crystal. It provides for a fine of $1,000, or punishment of 1 year in prison, for anyone who interferes with the right of another citizen to vote. So, if there is anybody in this country today who is prevented from voting, all he has to do is to report it to the district attorney in his State, of if he prefers, to write the Justice Department. He can take that course, and action can be taken under that statute which is already on the books.

Why put another statute on the books? Why put another statute which the Supreme Court will very probably hold to be unconstitutional? I do not know what the Supreme Court will hold. I do not like to take any chances with the Supreme Court.

At any rate, the Constitution of the United States is clear, the wording is simple. Any seventh-grade child can read article III., section 2, of the Constitution of the United States and see that any citizen charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. He can also read the sixth amendment to the Constitution, one of the amendments in the Bill of Rights, and see that any man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial.

It is very difficult to understand why the Congress, which is supposed to be composed of the brightest intellects in the country, or some of the brightest intellects, would pass a bill of this kind.

Yet, if the Congress passes such a bill, this so-called compromise bill on voting rights, it will certainly amaze me if the Supreme Court does not hold it to be unconstitutional. I shall be badly disappointed if the Congress passes it.

Of course, under the pressure of different organizations, left-wing organization, ADA and NAACP, both parties are dancing like jitterbugs on the civil-rights question, because they want to carry the doubtful States where the Negroes, although only a small percentage, if they vote in a bloc, can swing a State.

I think it will be a great pity if the Congress passes this bill. I hate to see it pass such an unnecessary bill.

It seems to me that every Representative in Congress and every Senator is practically insulting his home State if he votes for this bill. He is practically saying to the governor of his State and the legislators of his State, “Although you have bills to protect voting rights, we have no confidence in you, and although we have one Federal law, we are going to pass another Federal law, and ram it down your throats whether or not you want it.” I think it is almost an insult to the States.

I suggest that they write the governors and see how many of them want this bill passed. I am wondering how many Senators in this body and how many House members have checked with the governors to find out if they want this unconstitutional monstrosity passed by the Congress.

I do not believe 10 percent of the governors of the Nation would say, “We are weaklings, and we want you to pass a strong civil-rights bill because we do not have the courage to do it. We do not have the courage to protect our people.”

As a matter of fact, Mr. President, the States already have laws on that subject, and I have read them into the {{sc|Record}}. The voting-rights statutes of the States have been read into the {{sc|Congressional Record}}, in the case of every State of the Union. Those who read the {{sc|Congressional Record}} will find them set forth there.

Mr. President, if any Senator, on either side of the aisle, can state why it is necessary to enact another Federal law to protect the right to vote, I should like to have him do so, provided I am able to yield for that purpose without losing the floor and without having the remarks I make after yielding for that purpose counted as a second speech by me. I challenge any Senator on either side of the aisle to answer this question: Why is another Federal law needed in order to protect the right to vote, when there is already on the statute books section 594, which reads, in part, as follows:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose.}}
In other words, one who intimidates, threatens, or coerces a voter, or even attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce him, may, under the provisions of this statute, be prosecuted. He may be prosecuted, not only if his purpose is to interfere with the right of such other person to vote, but also if his purpose is to interfere as to the person for whom such other person may wish to vote.

Mr. President, are there teeth in this statute? There certainly are. This statute provides that anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, or attempts to interfere with his voting for whomever he wishes to vote for, can be prosecuted in a Federal court and can be fined $1,000 or sentenced to a prison term of 1 year. Do not those provisions constitute teeth and strength in the existing law? Of course they do.

If there is in the United States, today, any person who is having any trouble in exercising his voting right, again I say that all he has to do is contact the Department of Justice or the district attorney in his home State, and action can be taken under this Federal law to punish any person who interferes with his right to vote.

Inasmuch as section 594 is an existing Federal statute on that subject, why is it necessary to enact another Federal statute dealing with the right to vote? It would be absolutely useless, unnecessary, and futile to enact another Federal statute on that subject; it would be a great mistake to do so, especially in view of the fact that such a statute would be unconstitutional.

Mr. President, please understand that I do not even concede that the Federal Government has a right to enter this field. Instead, I believe that these matters should be handled by the respective States. However, the Federal Government is already in this field—under the provisions of section 594, by means of which a person can be fined as much as $1,000 or put in jail for as long as one year, if her tries to interfere with the right of someone else to vote.

Since the Federal Government already is in this field, why should another Federal law on the same subject be enacted?

Mr. President, every day that passes, the Federal Government, here in Washington, D. C., is whittling away the rights of the States. It hurts me to see the Federal Government invade fields which are reserved to the States. I deeply regret that a bigger and more powerful Federal Government is being built up in Washington, D. C. This Central Government has become tremendously top-heavy. I should like to see the States have more power.

Since World War II., the Communists have taken over approximately 17 countries. In doing so, they did not invade by means of troops using bayonets and tanks; those countries were not taken over in that way by the Communists. Instead, the Communists proceeded by way of infiltration. Poland was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Poles. Czechoslovakia was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Czechs. China was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Chinese. The Communists have been able to infiltrate into the central governments; they have been able to worm their way into the police systems, and then into the election systems. Then, before one could realize it, the countries were taken over by the Communists.

Mr. President, why have the Communists been able to take over those countries? Since the end of World War II., they have been able to take over 17 countries, with populations totaling between 600 million and 800 million. The Communists have been able to do that because each of those countries has had a strong central government; and when the Communists obtained control of that central government, they were able to take over control of the entire country.

Mr. President, the more we in the United States build up power in a strong central government, the more risk we run from the standpoint of subversive activities and infiltration. If the people of the United States have the vision to keep the 48 States strong—each with its own election laws and its own police system—there will be no way by means of which the United States can be taken over by subversion. But if more and more power is given to our Central Government, after a while the States will be nothing but territories, and will not have any power.

Mr. President, the so-called civil-rights bill which the Congress is about to pass would simply take power a way from the States and would give it to the Federal Government.

A Senator might say, “I should vote for the bill because it will help me in the elections.” Mr. President, Senators had better begin to think more about the welfare and safety of their country, and less about the elections.

Mr. President, I am convinced that we must protect the States. The Constitution now protects them; but the Supreme Court and the Congress and the executive branch of the Government have been taking steps—by handing down decisions, passing laws, and issuing regulations and edicts—which violate the rights of the States and take away from the States the power they have.

Mr. President, this development cannot continue to occur, if our country is to be safe. I am disturbed for the safety of my country.

I am a brigadier general in the Army Reserve and if our country becomes engaged in an armed conflict, I am ready to serve. But we must keep our country stronger, or we shall find it engaged in conflict.

One of the ways to weaken it is to weaken the States, as we are doing today, and to keep taking away the powers of the States and building up a powerful Central Government in Washington. It is the greatest mistake in the world. It was not contemplated when our Constitution was written.

Our forefathers decided they would delegate a few powers to the Federal Government, and they spelled them out in the Constitution. All one has to do is to get the Constitution and read it. It spells out just what powers the Congress has, what powers the Federal Government has, but all other powers are reserved to the States and to the people thereof. At the rate we are going now, we will not have any States after a while. The Federal Government will have all the power.

Mr. President, some time ago I read a book by a man by the name of James Jackson Kilpatrick, of Richmond, Va., printed by the Henry Regner Co., of Chicago, entitled “The Sovereign States.”

I wish every American could read this book. I am going to read some excerpts from it today. I should like to have Senators listen to some of the passages in this book. This man is a great writer, a true patriot, and a great American.

First, I am going to read a passage by John C. Calhoun, one of the five all-time great Senators, recently selected to have his portrait placed in the Senate reception room. John C. Calhoun, I think, is one of the greatest men this country has produced. I nominated him to be selected to have his portrait placed here, and I am proud the committee selected it. He was a man who had keen vision and a proper conception of the Constitution.

There is one page in the beginning of the book by him that I want to read; it is very short.

This is what he says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|The great and leading principle is, that the General Government emanated from the people of the several States, forming distinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community; that the Constitution of the United States is, in fact, a compact, to which each State is a party, in the character already described; and that the several States, or parties, have a right to judge of its infractions; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of power not delegated, they have the right, in the last resort, to use the language of the Virginia resolutions, “to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.”}}
{{smaller block|This right of interposition, thus solemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may—state right, veto, nullification, or by any other name—I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system, resting on facts historically as certain as our revolution itself, and deductions as simple and demonstrative as that of any political or moral truth whatever; and I firmly believe that on its recognition depend the stability and safety of our political institutions.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|John C. Calhoun}}}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Fort Hill}}, ''July 26, 1831''}}.|1em}}
This was John C. Calhoun.

He wrote that at Fort Hill, and if any Senators want to know where it is, it is at Simpson College. In fact, his home was at the college.

Mr. President, my statement was that Fort Hill is at Simpson College in South Carolina. Of course, that is the greatest college in the United States.

This book on the sovereign State was written, as I have said, by James J. Kilpatrick. First, I want to take up his introduction, and then I want to present some excerpts from the book:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Introduction}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Among the more melancholy aspects of the genteel world we live in is a slow decline in the enjoyment that men once found in the combat of ideas, free and unrestrained. Competition of any sort, indeed, seems to be regarded these days, in our schools and elsewhere, as somehow not in very good taste. Under the curious doctrines of the Fair Trade Act, vigorous salesmanship is unfair, and retailers are enjoined against discommoding their fellows. Mr. Stevenson’s criticism of the administration’s foreign policy, during the last presidential campaign, was not that the policies were so very wrong: they were not bipartisan. With a few robust exceptions, our writers paint in pastels; our political scholars write a sort of ruffled-sleeve, harpsichord prose. We duel with soft pillows, or with buttoned foils; our ideas have lace on them; we are importuned to steer, with moderation, down the middle of the road.}}
{{smaller block|These chamber music proprieties I acknowledge, simply to say, now, that the essay which follows should not be misunderstood. May it please the court, this is not a work of history; it is a work of advocacy. The intention is not primarily to inform, but to exhort. The aim is not to be objective; it is to be partisan.}}
{{smaller block|I plead the cause of States rights.}}
{{smaller block|My thesis is that our Union is a Union of States; that the meaning of this Union has been obscured, that its inherent value has been debased and all but lost.}}
{{smaller block|I hold this truth to be self-evident: That government is least evil when it is closest to the people. I submit that when effective control of government moves away from the people, it becomes a greater evil, a greater restraint upon liberty.}}
{{smaller block|My object is not to prove that the powers and functions of government have grown steadily more centralized, more remote from the people, for that proposition requires no proof; it requires only that one open one’s eyes. Rather, my intention is to plead that the process of consolidation first be halted, then reversed, toward the end that our Federal Government may be strictly limited to its constitutional functions and the States may again be encouraged to look after their own affairs, for good or ill.}}
{{smaller block|A long time ago, the geometric mind of Edmund Pendleton offered a theorem. The State and Federal Governments, he said, must follow the path of parallel lines. Others have conceived the relationship in terms of spheres, separate but touching. The idea, when all this began, was that neither authority would encroach upon the other; and in the beginning, it was more feared that the States would usurp Federal powers than the other way around.}}
{{smaller block|Now the rights and powers of the States are being obliterated. The encroachments of the Federal Government have widened its road to a highway and narrowed the road of the States to a footpath. Having deceptively added a dimension to the Federal line, the broad constructionists declare their faithful adherence to the plans of the original draftsmen. Soon, a geometry unknown to Pendleton can proclaim the apparent miracle of parallels that meet this side of infinity.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know that the sovereign powers of the States may be regained at all. Justice Salmon P. Chase once remarked, with great satisfaction, that State sovereignty died at Appomattox. But I do most earnestly believe that an effort must be made to regain these powers. The alternative is for American Government to grow steadily more centralized, steadily more remote from the people, steadily more monolithic and despotic.}}
{{smaller block|Only the States themselves can make the effort; which is to say, only the people of the States. Only if the citizens of Virginia, as Virginians; or of Texas, as Texans; or of Iowa, as Iowans, insist upon a strict obedience to the spirit of the 10th amendment, can the Federal juggernaut be slowed. Only if the people evidence a determination once more to do for themselves can the essential vitality of a responsible and resourceful society be restored.}}
{{smaller block|I do not despair. So long as the I-beams and rafters of the Constitution remain undisturbed, the ravages of Federal encroachment may be repaired. A latent yearning for personal liberty, an inherited resentment against the authoritarian state, a drowsing spirit of independence—these may yet be awakened.}}
{{smaller block|But again, the States, as States, will have to do it.}}
{{smaller block|It will not be easy. In many influential quarters, it will not be popular. It is a sweet narcotic that centralists sell.}}
{{smaller block|Yet there is high example to be found in what the States have done before to preserve their identity. They have not always been spineless. In times past they have resisted, now successfully, now unsuccessfully; but even in their failures, something has been gained merely in the assertion of State convictions.}}
{{smaller block|My purpose here is first to examine the bases of State sovereignty; then to follow the State and Federal relationship from its beginnings under the Articles of Confederation through its refinement in the Constitution; next to review some of the comment on the role the States were expected to play. The place of the States scarcely had been fixed, it will be submitted, before advocates of consolidation began to whittle it down—first in the ''Chisholm'' case, which led to the 11th amendment, and more memorably in the Alien and Sedition Acts, which led to the “Doctrine of ’98” and the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of that year. It is proposed to follow this doctrine of the States’ “right to interpose,” in its various forms and applications down through the years, with particular emphasis upon the dangers of judicial encroachment and the need for State resistance against it. Finally, I have in mind to marshal some of the evidence which supports the case for the South in its immediate conflict with Federal authority, and to review other recent events that seem to me usurpations of the States’ reserved powers.}}
{{smaller block|So much, then for the plan of this book. The political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall will not care much for it.}}
{{right|{{sm|J. J. K}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Richmond, Va.}}, ''September 1956''.|1em}}
That was the introduction to the book The Sovereign States, by James J. Kilpatrick. James J. Kilpatrick is one of the greatest editors in the Nation today. I will read certain excerpts from the book, beginning on page 3. First I will read a quotation opposite page 3:
{{smaller block|The States within the limitations of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the 10th amendment, “reserved,” are as independent of the General Government as the General Government, within its sphere, is independent of the States. (Justice Samuel Nelson, ''Collector'' v. ''Day'' (1871).)}}
Mr. Kilpatrick has done a fine job and rendered a great service to this country in writing this book:
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to here yield to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana, for a question.

Mr. LONG. Did I correctly understand the Senator to make the statement that, according to the preface or introduction to the book, the book would be displeasing to those who agreed with Alexander Hamilton, who was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, the forerunner of the American Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. The editor said that the political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall would not care much for the book.

Alexander Hamilton was a great American, but his philosophy was different from that of Thomas Jefferson. They were both great Americans, but Alexander Hamilton believed more in the theory of a strong Central Government, with the power residing in Washington. Thomas Jefferson’s idea was that the power should remain with the States, and that only so much power should be given to the Federal Government as was necessary to perform its functions as delineated in the Constitution.

The Senator has probably read many books about Hamilton. In one of such books his philosophy is described in this way:
{{smaller block|Speaking of education, Alexander Hamilton’s thought was to select some of the brightest young men and educate them, to make them leaders. Thomas Jefferaon’s philosophy was to give all an opportunity, and let the leaders rise where they would.}}
So, when Kilpatrick wrote this statement I am confident that he was contrasting the philosophy of Hamilton more or less with that of Thomas Jefferson.

Hamilton was a very able man, one of the greatest Americans this country has produced; but his philosophy, as the Senator well knows from studying his life and history, was different from that of Thomas Jefferson.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it the view of the Senator that Alexander Hamilton would ever for a moment have approved of any proposal whereby an American accused of a crime would have been denied the right to present his case before a jury of impartial people who would hear the case, judge the evidence, and find him guilty or innocent?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply, I will say no. I think Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson both would have approved of trial by jury. They were both delegates to the Constitutional Convention, and they both rendered magnificent service in many ways.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, if the Senator will further yield, I believe he will find that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, did the Senator yield for a question or a statemen?

Mr. LONG. The Senator yielded for a question.

Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the Senator from Louisiana for a question.

The Senator is correct about Thomas Jefferson. I had in mind Madison.

Mr. LONG. Does not the Senator realize that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention? The Senator is perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the convention which adopted the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson was the drafter of the American Declaration of Independence. Is not, the Senator perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the fact that Thomas Jefferson was one of those who participated in drafting the Declaration of Independence? Thomas Jefferson was the American Ambassador to France at the time the Constitution was drafted.

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. Thomas Jefferson was Ambassador to France, but Alexander Hamilton was a delegate from New York State, and he signed the Constitution. In fact, he was the only delegate from New York State who signed the Constitution.

When I spoke a few minutes ago about Jefferson, I was thinking about Madison. Madison signed the Constitution, as did Blair. Both were from Virginia. George Washington presided over the Convention.

Mr. LONG. Is there any doubt in the Senator’s mind that, so far as Alexander Hamilton was concerned, he would never for a moment have contested the right of any citizen to be tried before a jury if he were accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree. If he had taken any other position, he would not have signed the Constitution.

As I have stated, Alexander Hamilton was the only delegate from the State of New York who signed the Constitution as representing the State of New York. In the original Constitution, article III, section 2, provided for jury trial.

Mr. LONG. Is it not, therefore, true that insofar as the right of a citizen to be tried by jury for a crime is concerned, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would have agreed 100 percent that the freedoms guaranteed Americans under their form of government included the right to be tried by a jury of their own neighbors, in the area where the crime was committed, in the event they were accused of committing a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I can yield only for a question. I shall be glad to express myself after the Senator has concluded. Let the Senator ask any question he wishes. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to state that, although the book from which the Senator is reading may not reflect the views of Alexander Hamilton, it is nevertheless correct to state that Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would both have agreed that anyone accused of a crime should have the right to be tried before a jury of his neighbors?

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree. In my judgment, if Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson were living today, and both were Members of the Senate, both would be fighting for the right to a jury trial, as provided in the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to say that so far as we can determine there has never been a man who served in this body, and who was regarded as a great statesman, who has ever at any time advocated that American citizens should be denied their right to be tried by a jury in the event they were accused of committing a crime against the United States or against a State?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the able Senator is eminently correct. I do not know of a great man in our history, any man whom I would consider great, whose name is on the lips of the people—I cannot think of a single one in our history who would take a position in opposition to jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Scott}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from Louisiana?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to paraphrase more or less the words of Shakespeare, that those American politicians who have fought against the freedom of Americans to be tried by a jury when accused of a crime have been politicians who more or less strutted and strutted their brief hour on the stage to be heard from no more?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not think any man who takes a stand against giving a person a jury trial will be long remembered after he has gone or when his record is searched and it is found that he opposed a jury trial. I think we would immediately call for a reappraisal of his whole life in the event he had been considered a great man previous to that time.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that men like George Norris, William Borah, and Robert M. La Follette, who fought through the years for the right of trial by jury, have statues standing in the Hall of Fame in the Capitol Building?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. In fact, there is a quotation from George Norris which I read last night. If I can put my hand on it I should like to read it to the Senator from Louisiana. I have never read a stronger statement in behalf of a jury trial. He said that in all cases a man should have a jury trial. The distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr. {{sc|Byrd}}] and the distinguished Senator from Mississippi [Mr. {{sc|Eastland}}] and I introduced a bill in March to provide the very type of jury trial which Senator Norris recommended.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. The Senator from South Carolina having made a great study of all these matters involving jury trials, the freedom of Americans, and States rights, can he now name from memory a single one of those Senators who made a fight down through the years to deny American citizens of the right of trial by jury?

Mr. THURMOND. I could not name a single man whom I considered a great man or a great Senator who opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator recall the names of any Americans who have served in this body and who have made a fight against the right of a man accused of a crime to be tried by a jury? Can the Senator offhand recall the name of any such person?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot recall the name of any American of any stature within my recollection who has opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator Borah’s statue is just outside the main entrance of the Senate Chamber, immediately outside the door?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. I see it every time I go through the door.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator William E. Borah, a great constitutional lawyer, even though he came from a very small Western State, population considered, was seriously considered by the Republican Party as its nominee for the Presidency of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. I have been told that. I did not know the Senator personally; only through reputation. But I know he was a great American. He declared on April 8, 1930:
{{smaller block|I am not contending here that labor organizations can at any time employ threats, force, or violence or intimidation. They must keep within the law—}}
He was referring there to jury trials in labor cases.

I have a long report including a speech by Senator Norris on May 2, 1930. I read it last night—

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question at that point?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that those who oppose the right of jury trials are basically those who do not believe in the freedoms that Americans enjoy under the Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. I certainly agree with the Senator. I think the jury trial is one of the greatest freedoms we have. I look upon it as the heart of the Bill of Rights.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

MT. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that persons who fear that juries may not convict guilty persons are those who really have very little confidence in the determination of people to uphold free government?

Mr. THURMOND. It seems to me they could not have much confidence in human nature; otherwise they would favor jury trials. To be tried by a man’s neighbors, his peers, his fellow men, is the fairest way a man could be tried. I sat on the bench for 8 years and tried many cases, but I always felt much better about it when a jury passed on the question. I watched closely the verdicts of juries. I was deeply impressed. I feel that juries come nearer to meting out justice to criminals than it can be done in any other way.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Recognizing the fact that it is possible for a jury to turn a guilty person free, is it not also true that the freedoms which Americans enjoy under their Constitution were calculated in such fashion as to express the philosophy that it is better to turn 9 guilty men free than to send 1 innocent man to the penitentiary or to his death?

Mr. THURMOND. I never did go on the theory of nine guilty ones being turned loose. There is no doubt that there is a common saying to that effect. If I had to make a decision as to whether I would turn 9 guilty ones loose, or put 1 innocent man in prison, I would turn the 9 loose. I think that would be the thinking and the feeling of the average American.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Does not this logic become conclusively clear when we contemplate for a moment a capital punishment case where it is possible to put an innocent man to death? In such a situation, would it not be better for the court to turn 9 culprits loose rather than to kill 1 innocent man?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. There is no question about it. Some juries make mistakes. Anybody in any kind of work makes mistakes. Everybody has weaknesses and there are bound to be errors. Judges make mistakes. Of course, often a judge’s philosophy is different.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that anyone can make mistakes, is it not somewhat better that the scales of justice should be weighted a little in favor of finding a person innocent when there is a considerable doubt as to whether the person is innocent or guilty?

Mr. THURMOND. Our law is based on the presumption that a man is innocent until he is proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. That is a common legal principle that any lawyer knows about who has practiced any criminal law. I do not know precisely what the Senator had in mind on that, though, for this reason: I do not think if a man is given a jury trial, a jury necessarily lets him go free. I think a jury is going to do what it thinks is right unless it is biased, or has been approached in some way, or influenced in some way. Of course, that happens sometimes. It does not happen often, but I think it does happen sometimes.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Can the Senator imagine a judge who issues an order ordering the entire world to comply with his injunction as being as fair and impartial as a jury before which a case involving a violation of his order should be tried?

Mr. THURMOND. When a judge hears a contempt case he is the legislator, he is the prosecutor, he is the judge, and he is the jury. If I were a judge and if such a law as is here proposed were on the books, if I were back on the bench, and if I had to act under this type law, I would submit it to the jury anyway.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that it is contemplated that a judge makes a law by issuing the injunction and then cites the individuals whom he cares to cite, can the Senator think of anything any more inappropriate than the judge who makes the law, addressed to individuals, should be the same person to try the same individuals for violating his own order? Does the Senator not believe that any judge worthy of the name would at least want to have a jury to prove that justice is being done to people who violated his own order?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the Senator is eminently correct. It is unfortunate that a judge who issues an order of contempt has to try the case, because he has already made up his mind to a certain degree. Of course, that might be removed. But still he has made up his mind, or he would not issue the order.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that a person who is responsible for issuing the edict and commanding people to do certain things at his discretion should be the last person to make the final decision on who should be punished for not obeying his order?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator. In fact, this is known as injunction-made law. That is what it is. It is injunction-made law, and it is bad law. It is much better to have a jury trial. That is the American way of doing things. That is one of the grievances complained of by those who signed the Declaration of Independence, as I have brought out, namely, that in a great many cases they were denied jury trials. Provisions for jury trial are embodied in several places in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, so there is no question about the whole intent of our judicial system. Our administration of justice has been based upon jury trials. I think it is one of the most fundamental principles embodied in our type of government.

If this so-called compromise amendment were to go a little bit further, it would sound more like a Communist amendment.

I do not believe I read what Senator Norris said about jury trial. He said:
{{smaller block|I wonder if a suffering people, whose forefathers fought for liberty, are going to give up the idea of it in this day and age, in this civilized day, and are going to submit to injunction-made law.}}
He was wondering whether they were going to submit to it.
{{c|{{x-smaller|1. THE BEGINNINGS}}}}
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
{{smaller block|This was on the sunny afternoon of Thursday, June 12, 1788, in the New Academy on Shockoe Hill in Richmond. The Virginia Convention had been grappling for 10 days with the new Constitution, and Edmund Pendleton, aging and crippled, had been sitting in dignified silence for as long as he could stand it. Patrick Henry, who was a hard man to live with at any time, was being especially difficult. Once before, on the 5th, Pendleton bad attempted to soothe him, but Henry was not to be soothed.}}
{{smaller block|The State and Federal Governments would be at war with one another, Henry had predicted, and the State governments ultimately would be destroyed and consolidated into the General Government. One by one their powers would be snatched from them. A rapacious Federal authority, ever seeking to expand its grasp, could not be confined by the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Notwithstanding what the worthy gentleman said,” remarked Mr. Pendleton with some warmth, for there were times when he regarded Mr. Henry as neither worthy nor a gentleman. “I believe I am still correct, and insist that, if each power is confined within its proper bounds, and to its proper objects, an interference can never happen. Being for two different purposes, as long as they are limited to the different objects, they can no more clash than two parallel lines can meet. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|They were big ifs that Edmund Pendleton, a judicious man, here used as qualifications. If the State and Federal Governments were each confined within its proper bounds, be said, the clash could never come. But the Federal Government could not be kept confined, even as Henry feared, and the clash did come. It continues to this day. Mr. Pendleton’s geometry was fine, but his powers of prophecy (for be believed that each government could be kept in check) were sadly in error.}}
{{smaller block|To understand how the parallel lines of State and Federal powers have turned awry, it is necessary to look back at the period before these lines were drawn. The acts of ratification by Virginia and her neighbors were acts of sovereign States. At stake was their consent to a written constitution. How, it may be inquired, did they come to be sovereign States? What is this concept of State sovereignty?}}
{{smaller block|It would be possible, in any such review, to go back to the great roots of Runnymede, but it will suffice to begin much later, in the turbulent summer of 1776. The startling commitments of Lexington and Concord were behind us then; the bitter trials of White Plains, Vincennes, Camden, and Yorktown still lay ahead. March and April and May had passed—a time of bringing forth of newness, of fresh hope—and great human events had run their course. Now, in June, a resurgent people made the solemn decision to dissolve the political bands which had connected them with another. Thus Jefferson’s draft began, thus the Continental Congress adopted it at Philadelphia; from this moment Americans unborn were to date the years of their independence.}}
{{smaller block|The eloquent beginning of the Declaration—the assertion of truths self-evident and rights beyond alienation—is well known: It is a towering irony that Jefferson, whose convictions were cemented in the inequality of man, should have his precise phrase corrupted by the levelers of a bulldozer society. The Declaration’s beginning is too much recited and too little read.}}
{{smaller block|What counts, for our present purpose, is not the first paragraph, but the last. Let us inquire, What, precisely, was it that we declared ourselves to be that Fourth of July? Hitherto there had been colonies subject to the King. That form of government would now be abolished. We would now solemnly publish and declare to a candid world—what? That the people of the colonies had formed a free and independent nation? By no means. Or that they were henceforth a free and independent people? Still no.}}
{{smaller block|This was the declaration: “That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.” Not one State, or one Nation, but in the plural—States; and again, in the next breath, so this multiple birth could not be misunderstood, “that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.”}}
{{smaller block|It had opened, this Declaration, as an enunciation of what often are termed the “human rights,” but it concluded, in the plainest terms, as a pronouncement of political powers—the political powers of newly created States. And these powers of war and peace, these powers of alliance and commerce, were published not as the powers of a national government, but as powers henceforth asserted by 13 free and independent states.}}
{{smaller block|To be sure, the States were united. Their representatives styled themselves Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, but it was not the spokesmen of a nation who gathered in parliament. These were States in Congress. “One out of many,” it is said. In a sense, yes. But the many remained—separate States, individual entities, each possessed, from that moment, of sovereign rights and powers.}}
{{smaller block|Certainly Jefferson so understood our creation. “The several States,” he was to write much later, “were, from their first establishment, separate and distinct societies, dependent on no other society of men whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|So Mr. Justice Samuel Chase comprehended it: He considered the Declaration of Independence, “as a declaration, not that the United Colonies Jointly, in a collective capacity, were independent States, etc., but that each of them was a sovereign and independent State, that is, that each of them had a right to govern itself by its own authority, and its own laws without any control from any other power on earth.” From the Fourth of July, said Chase, “the American States were ''de facto'' as well as ''de jure'' in the possession and actual exercise of all the rights of independent governments. * * * I have ever considered it as the established doctrine of the United States, that their independence originated from, and commenced with, the declaration of Congress, on the Fourth of July 1776; and that no other period can be fixed on for its commencement; and that all laws made by the legislatures of the several States, after the Declaration of Independence, were the laws of sovereign and independent governments.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, the sage and cool-minded Mr. Justice Cushing: “The several States which composed this Union * * * became entitled, from the time when they declared themselves independent, to all the rights and powers of sovereign States.”}}
{{smaller block|Even Marshall himself had no doubts: In the beginning, “we were divided into independent States, united for some purposes, but in most respects sovereign.” The lines which separate the States, he later remarked, were too clear ever to be misunderstood.}}
{{smaller block|And for a contemporary authority, it is necessary only to turn to Mr. Justice Frankfurter, who some years ago fell to discussing the dual powers of taxation preserved under the Constitution: “The States,” he said, “after they formed the Union”—not the people, but the States, “continued to have the same range of taxing power which they had before, barring only duties affecting exports, imports, and on tonnage.” Regrettably, Mr. Justice Frankfurter appears in more recent times to have lost his concept of States forming a Union.}}
{{smaller block|It is no matter. Evidence of the States’ individual sovereignty is abundantly available. Consider for example, the powers asserted on the part of each State in the Declaration “to levy War, conclude Peace, and contract Alliances.” Surely these are sovereign powers. The States exercised them, as States, in the Revolutionary War. But it is of value to note that New York also very nearly exercised her war powers to enter into formal hostilities with the State of Vermont. Tensions reached so grave a point that Massachusetts, in 1784, felt compelled to adopt a formal resolution of neutrality, enjoining her citizens to give “no aid or assistance to either party,” and to send “no provisions, arms, or ammunition or other necessities to a fortress or garrison” besieged by either belligerent. When New York adopted a resolution avowing her readiness to “ecur to force,”&quot; Vermont’s Governor Chittenden (whose son was to be heard from 30 years later in another row) observed that Vermont “does not wish to enter into a war with the State of New York.” But should this unhappy contingency result, Vermont “expects that Congress and the 12 States will observe a strict neutrality, and let the contending States settle their own controversy.”}}
{{smaller block|They did settle it, of course. New York and Vermont concluded a peace. The point is that no one saw anything especially remarkable in two separate sovereignties arraying themselves against each other. Vermont was then an individual political entity, as remote at law as any France or Italy. And New York, though a member of the Confederation, and hence technically required to obtain the consent of Congress before waging war, had every right to maintain a standing army for her own defense.}}
{{smaller block|The status of the individual States as separate sovereign powers was recognized on higher authority than the proclamations of Vermont and Massachusetts. It is worth our while to keep in mind the first article of the treaty of September 3, 1783, by which the war of the Revolution came to an end:}}
{{smaller block|“His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such.”}}
{{smaller block|More than 5 years earlier, a treaty of amity and commerce with France had established the same sovereign status of the contracting parties. Louis XVI. treated with the 13 American States, but he recognized each of them as a separate power. And it is interesting to note that Virginia, feeling some action desirable to complete the treaty, prior to action by Congress, on June 4, 1779, undertook solemnly to ratify this treaty with France on her own. By appropriate resolution, transmitted by Governor Jefferson to the French minister at Philadelphia, the sovereign Commonwealth of Virginia declared herself individually bound by the French treaty. In terms of international law, Virginia was a nation; in terms of domestic law, she was a sovereign State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|2. THE STATE}}}}
{{smaller block|To review the process by which the colonies became States is not necessarily to answer the basic question, What is a State? It is a troublesome word. The standard definition is that a State is “a political body, or body politic; any body of people occupying a definite territory and politically organized under one government, especially one that is not subject to external control.” Chief Justice Chase, in ''Texas'' v. ''White'', put it this way: “A State, in the ordinary sense of the Constitution, is a political community of free citizens, occupying a territory of defined boundaries, and organized under a government sanctioned and limited by a written constitution, and established by the consent of the governed.” In the Cherokee case, John Marshall described a State as “a distinct political society, separated from others, capable of managing its own affairs and governing itself.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, variously, a State is defined as a body, a community, and a distinct society. Plainly, mere boundary lines are not enough; a tract of waste and uninhabited land cannot constitute a State. Nor are people, as such, sufficient to constitute a State. James Brown Scott once offered this clear and succinct definition:}}
{{smaller block|“The State is an artificial person, representing and controlled by its members, but not synonymous or identical with them. Created for a political purpose, it is a body politic. It is a distinct body, an artificial person; it has a will distinct from its members, although its exercise is controlled by them; it has rights and duties distinct from its members, but subject to being changed by them; it may hold property distinct from its members, but in trust for them; it may act separately and distinctly from them and bind them by its acts, but only insofar as it is authorized by the law of its creation, and subject to being changed by the source of that power.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the State is seen as a continuing political being, controlled by its citizens and yet controlling them. The State can be bound in ways that its own people cannot be bound; it can exercise powers that no citizen or group of citizens may exercise for themselves. The State may buy, sell, hold, grant, convey; it may tax and spend; it may sue, and if it consent, be sued; it exists to create law and to execute law, to punish crime, administer justice, regulate commerce, enter into compacts with other States. Yet there is no State until a community of human beings create a State; and no State may exist without the will and the power of human beings to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|It is this combination of will and power which lies at the essence of the State in being. This is sovereignty. In the crisp phrase of John Taylor, of Caroline, sovereignty is “the will to enact, the power to execute.” Long books have been written on the nature of sovereignty, but they boil down to those necessities: The will to make, the power to unmake.}}
{{smaller block|It was this power, this will, that the people as States claimed for themselves in 1776. Henceforth, they said, we are sovereign: The State government is not sovereign, nor is any citizen by himself sovereign. By the “sovereign State” we mean us citizens, the State; we collectively, within our established boundaries; this community of people; we alone who are possessed of the power to create or to abandon.}}
{{smaller block|God knows it was a great, a priceless, power these people as Stat es claimed for themselves. True, not everyone saw it that way. Mr. Justice Story, for one, never grasped the concept of States. Nor did Jackson. Albert J. Beveridge, in his biography of Marshall, refers sneeringly to the States as “these pompous sovereignties,” but in a way, Beveridge’s is perhaps a high acknowledgment of the simple truth: These infant States were sovereignties, and the people within them were proudly jealous of the fact. They saw themselves, in Blackstone’s phrase, “a supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority.” This, among other things, was the aim they had fought for. It cannot be imagined that they ever would have relinquished this high power of sovereignty except in the most explicit terms.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|3. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION}}}}
{{smaller block|In time, the Continental Congress gave way to the Articles of Confederation. The articles merit examination with the utmost care; they are too little studied, and there is much to be learned from them.}}
{{smaller block|First proposed in 1778, the articles became binding upon all the States with Maryland’s ratification in 1781. Throughout this period, as the war ran on, each of the States was individually sovereign, each wholly autonomous. Mr. Justice Iredell was to observe, in 1795, that had the individual States decided not to unite together, each would have gone its own way, because each “possessed all the powers of sovereignty, internal and external * * * as completely as any of the ancient kingdoms or republics of the world which never yet had formed, or thought of forming, any sort of Federal union whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|But they did form a Federal union—a “perpetual union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.” They styled themselves, “The United States of America,” and in the very second article of their compact, they put this down so no one might miss it:}}
{{smaller block|“Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.”}}
{{smaller block|The third article is almost equally brief, and may be quoted in less space than would be required to summarize it:}}
{{smaller block|“The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|There will be seen, in these opening paragraphs, the genesis of constitutional provisions that were to follow in less than a decade. Here is the forerunner of the 10th amendment, with its reservation of undelegated powers to the State or to the people; here are the aims set forth of “common defense” and the “general welfare.”}}
{{smaller block|The fourth article advanced other phrases that have come down to us: The free inhabitants of each State (“paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted”) were to be entitled to “all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States.” Here, too, one finds the provision, later to be inserted substantially verbatim in article IV. of the Constitution of 1787, providing for the extradition of fugitives. Here the States mutually agreed that “full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth article provided for representation of the States in Congress. There were to be no less than 2, no more than 7 delegates from each State. They would assemble on the first Monday in November of every year. In this Congress, each State cast one vote; each State paid the salary and maintenance of its own delegates. These provisions, of course, were later abandoned; but we may note that the fifth article prohibited delegates to the Congress from “holding any office under the United States for which he or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind,” and also provided that “freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress.” Both provisions were to turn up later in article I., section 6, of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The sixth and seventh articles dealt generally with limitations upon the States in terms of foreign affairs and the waging of war. Again, many a familiar phrase leaps from this much-maligned compact of Confederation. No State, nor the Congress, was to grant a title of nobility; no two or more States were to enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance without the consent of the other States in Congress assembled; no State was to keep vessels of war in time of peace (“except such number as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled”), nor was any State to engaged in war without the consent of Congress “unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or * * * the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|The eighth article provided for defraying the expenses of war among the State “in proportion to the value of all land within each State,” and the ninth article dealt with the powers of Congress. Once more, the origin of a dozen specific phrases in our present Constitution is evident. Congress was given the “sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war.” It was to enter into treaties and alliances, establish certain courts, fix standard weights and measures, and establish post offices. But the Congress alone could do almost none of these things—it could exercise no important power—without the consent of nine of the member States.}}
{{smaller block|The remaining 4 articles are of less interest and concern, although it may be noted that in 3 places, the framers of the Articles of Confederation provided that their union was a permanent union. The articles were to be inviolably observed by the States the delegates respectively represented, “and the union shall be perpetual.”}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|4. WE, THE PEOPLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Of course, it wasn’t perpetual at all. Before 6 years had elapsed, the States came to recognize grave defects in the Articles of Confederation. And because they were sovereign States—because they had the will to enact and the power to execute, because they who had made could unmake—they set out to do the job again.}}
{{smaller block|What they made, this time, was the Constitution of the United States. So much has been {{SIC|writen|written}} of the deliberations that summer of 1787 in Philadelphia—so many critics have examined every word of the great document which came forth—that probably no new light can be shed upon it here. Yet the constitutions of most States command their citizens to recur frequently to fundamental principles and the commandment is too valuable an admonition to be passed by. There is much of interest to be found if one examines the Constitution, the debates and the commentaries of the time, in terms of the relationship there established between the States and the new Federal Government they formed.}}
{{smaller block|It may be inquired, was sovereignty here surrendered in whole or in part? What powers were delegated, what powers retained?}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I do not want the Senator to strain his voice, but I do have some responsibilities as minority leader. I do not think the Senator is making any motion, but I should at least like to know what is going on in the Senate Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield for a question if the Senator has a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. My question is, Would the Senator speak up? I do not want him to strain his voice, but I should like him to speak a little louder so I shall be sure no motions are being made or anything of that sort. I do have some responsibility here.

Mr. THURMOND. I suggest that the Senator move closer to me.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Under the rules of the Senate, which are now being strictly enforced, both Senators being in their respective seats, and this happening to be my seat as the minority leader, I urge my request of the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. We might get unanimous consent to allow the Senator to come closer to me if he wishes. I do not think my colleagues will raise any point. There is an excellent seat here, I may say to the Senator.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I am very well satisfied with the seat to which I am assigned.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I continue to read:
{{smaller block|What were the functions to be performed by the States in the future? Was it ever intended that the States should be reduced to the weakling role thrust upon them in our own time? We must inquire whether this proud possession of State sovereignty, so eloquently proclaimed in 1776, so resolutely affirmed in the articles of 1781, so clearly recognized in the events of the time, somehow vanished, died, turned to dust, totally ceased to exist in the period of the next 6 years.}}
{{smaller block|Now, the argument here advanced is this—it is the argument of John Taylor of Caroline and John Randolph of Roanoke—that sovereignty, like chastity, cannot be surrendered in part. This was the argument also of Calhoun: “I maintain that sovereignty is in its nature indivisible. It is the supreme power in a State, and we might just as well speak of half a square, or half a triangle, as of half a sovereignty.” This was the position, too, of the bellicose George Troup of Georgia, of Alexander H. Stephens, of Jefferson Davis. It is the position of plain commonsense: Supreme and ultimate power must be precisely that. Finality knows no degrees. In law, as in mountain climbing, there comes a point at which the pinnacle is reached; nothing higher or greater remains. And so it is with the States of the American Union. In the last resort, it is their prerogative alone (not that of Congress, not that of the Supreme Court, not that of the whole people) to make or unmake our fundamental law. The argument here is that the States, in forming a new perpetual union to replace their old perpetual union, remained in essence what they had been before: Separate, free, and independent States. They surrendered nothing to the Federal Government they created. Some of their powers they delegated; all of their sovereignty they retained.}}
{{smaller block|It is keenly important that this distinction be understood. There is a difference between sovereignty and sovereign power. The power to coin money, or to levy taxes, is a sovereign power, but it is not sovereignty. Powers can be delegated, limited, expanded, or withdrawn, but it is through the exercise of sovereignty that these changes take place. Sovereignty is the moving river, sovereign powers the stone at the mill. Only while the river flows can the inanimate stone revolve. To be sure, sovereignty can be lost—it can be lost by conquest, as in war; the extent or character of sovereignty can be changed, as in the acquisition or relinquishment of territory or the annexation of new peoples; sovereignty can be divided, when two States are created of one. But properly viewed, sovereignty is cause; sovereign powers, the effect: The wind that blows; the branches that move. Sovereignty is the essence, the life spirit, the soul: And in this Republic, sovereignty remains today where it was vested in 1776, in the people. But in the people as a whole? No. In the people as States.}}
{{smaller block|The delusion that sovereignty is vested in the whole people of the United States is one of the strangest misconceptions of our public life. This hallucination has been encouraged, if not directly espoused, by such eminent figures as Marshall, Story, and Andrew Jackson. It is still embraced by excessively literal and unthinking fellows who read “we the people” in the preamble to the Constitution, and cry triumphantly, “that means everybody.” It does not; it never did.}}
{{smaller block|The preamble to the abandoned Articles of Confederation, it was noted, declared the articles “binding between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York,” and so forth. The preamble offered by the Convention of 1787, reads:}}
{{smaller block|“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”}}
{{smaller block|The opening few words were questioned repeatedly by Patrick Henry in the Virginia Convention of 1788. He kept asking querulously, what was meant by “we the people,” but he got no very satisfactory answer for his pains. Governor Randolph ducked the question, and Pendleton missed the point. Pendleton asked, rhetorically, “who but the people have a right to form government?” and the answer, obviously, in America, is “no one.” Then Pendleton said this:}}
{{smaller block|“If the objection be, that the Union ought to be not of the people, but of the State governments, then I think the choice of the former very happy and proper. What have the State governments to do with it?”}}
{{smaller block|Again, the obvious answer is, “The State governments have nothing to do with it,” but that was not the question Henry asked. There is a plain distinction between “we the States” and “we the State governments,” for States endure while governments fall. It was Madison who came closest to answering the insistent Henry. Who are the parties to the Constitution? The people, said Madison, to be sure, are the parties to it, but “not the people as composing one great body.” Rather, it is “the people as composing 13 sovereignties.” And he added:}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina when he was a judge in South Carolina?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair cannot hear. Will the Senator speak a little louder?

Mr. THURMOND. From 1938 to 1946, 8 years.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator was a circuit judge, was he not?

Mr. THURMOND. Yes; in the highest trial court in the State. About half that time I was in the Army, overseas.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Continuing to quote from the Kilpatrick book:
{{smaller block|“Were it * * * a consolidated government, the assent of a majority of the people would be sufficient for its establishment; and, as a majority have adopted it already, we remaining States would be bound by the act of the majority, even if they unanimously reprobated it * * * But, sir, no State is bound by it, as it is, without its own consent.”}}
{{smaller block|Col. Henry Lee took the same point of view in responding to Patrick Henry. Lighthorse Harry spoke as other proponents of the Constitution did, in irritation and perplexity. He could not comprehend why Henry’s question should even be asked. Obviously, the “we the people” mentioned in the preamble—the “we the people” there and then engaged in ratifying the Constitution—were we “the people of Virginia.” If the people of Virginia “do not adopt it, it will always be null and void as to us.”}}
{{smaller block|Here Lee touched and tossed aside what doubtless was so clear to others that they could not understand what Henry was quibbling about. Of course, “we the people” meant what Madison and Lee found so obvious: It meant “we the people of the States.” Why argue the point? “I take this,” said Randolph testily, “to be one of the least and most trivial objections that will be made to the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|The self-evident fact, as plain as the buttons on their coats, was that the whole people, the mass of people from Georgia to New Hampshire, obviously had nothing to do with the ratification of the Constitution. The basic charter of our Union never was submitted to popular referendum, taken simultaneously among the 3 million inhabitants of the country on some Tuesday in 1788. Ratification was achieved by the people of the States, acting in their sovereign capacity not as “Americans,” for there is no “State of America,” but in their sovereign capacity as citizens of the States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and Georgia.}}
{{smaller block|This was the sovereign power that sired the new Union, breathed upon it, gave it life—the power of the people of the States, acting as States, binding themselves as States, seeking to form a more perfect union not of people, but of States. And if it be inquired, as a matter of drafting, why the preamble of the Articles of Confederation spelled out 13 States and the preamble of the Constitution referred only to “we the people,” a simple, uncomplicated explanation may be advanced: The framers of the Constitution, in the summer of 1787, had no way of knowing how many States would assent to the compact.}}
{{smaller block|Suppose they .had begun the preamble, as they thought of doing, “We the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island,” etc., and the State of Rhode Island had refused to ratify? It very nearly did. It was not until May 29, 1790, by a vote of 34 to 32, that Rhode Island agreed to join a union that actually had been created with New Hampshire’s ratification nearly 2 full years before. Given a switch of two votes, Rhode Island might have remained, to this day, as foreign to the United States (in terms of international law) as any Luxembourg or Switzerland.}}
{{smaller block|Some of these forebodings clearly passed through the minds of the delegates at Philadelphia. When the preamble first appears in the notes, on August 6, it reads: “We the people of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts,” etc., “do ordain, declare and establish the following Constitution.” In that form it was tentatively approved on August 7. But the preamble, in that form, never is mentioned again. When the document came back from the Committee on Style in early September, the preamble had been amended to eliminate the spelled-out names of States, and to make it read simply that “we the people” ordain and establish. The change was not haggled over. No significance was attached to it. Why arouse antagonism in New York or North Carolina (where there was opposition enough already) by presuming to speak, in the preamble, as if it were unnecessary for New York or North Carolina even to debate the matter? The tactful and prudent thing was to name no States. Only the people as States could create the Union; only the people in ratifying States would be bound, as States, by its provisions.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|5. THE STATES IN THE CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, that was the way the compact read. It bound States—“The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between”—between whom?—“between the States so ratifying the same.” Not among people; it was “between States.” And this proposal was put forward “by the unanimous consent,” not of delegates assembled or of people gathered, but by “the unanimous consent of the States present the 17th day of September in the year of our Lord 1787 * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|On the plain evidence of the instrument itself, it is therefore clear: States consented to the drafting of the Constitution; States undertook to bind themselves by its provisions. If 9 States ratified, the Constitution would bind those 9; if 10, those 10. Rhode Island had not even attended the convention; “poor, despised Rhode Island,” as Patrick Henry later was to describe her, could stay aloof if she chose. There was no thought here of people in the mass. There was thought only of people as States, and while the new Constitution would of course act directly upon people—that was to be its revolutionary change—it would reach those people only because they first were people of States.}}
{{smaller block|The one essential prerequisite was for the State, as a State, to ratify; then the people of the State would become themselves subject to the Constitution. No individual human being, in his own capacity, possibly could assent to the new compact or bind himself to its provisions. Only as a citizen of Virginia or Georgia or Massachusetts could he become a citizen also of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Madison recognized this. He acknowledged in his famed Federalist 39 that ratification of the Constitution must come from the people “not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong.” “Each State,” he said, in ratifying the Constitution, “is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.” This fact lay at the essence of the Federal Union being formed. The States, and within them their local governments, were to be “no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere.” The jurisdiction of the Federal Government was to extend “to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” Even the most casual reading of the Constitution, it may be submitted, abundantly supports Madison’s comment here.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield to the able Senator from North Dakota for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I should like to ask whether at any time in the history of South Carolina the courts permitted a defendant to be tried without a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In South Carolina anyone who wishes a jury may have one. There are a few instances where both sides agree to be tried without a jury, by the court. But a defendant is entitled to a jury trial in my State, as is the case in other States which follow the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. In what year was South Carolina admitted to the Union? It was one of the original colonies, was it not?

Mr. THURMOND. In 1789. It was the eighth State admitted to the Union.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further for a question?

Mr: THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Even at that time in South Carolina a defendant had the right to a jury trial, did he not?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. That has been the law continuously up to the present time?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. A defendant in South Carolina is always entitled to a jury trial when charged with a crime.

Mr. LANGER. Is that also true in North Carolina?

Mr. THURMOND. I would not attempt to speak for North Carolina, but I feel quite certain that that is a fact. I believe nine States ratified the Constitution before North Carolina did. So North Carolina came in after the Union was formed. So did Rhode Island. Rhode Island was the only State that did not send representatives to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. The reason for that was that Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals at that time and it did not send any deputies.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it true that in every State in the United States under our Constitution a defendant has the right to a trial by jury in a criminal case?

Mr. THURMOND. In every State of the United States a defendant charged with a crime has the right of trial by jury. Some persons confuse magistrate courts or minor courts; but even there, although we may not see it, there is a jury box.

Most persons, unless they are lawyers, do not know that defendants are entitled to a jury trial in those courts. There is a jury box hidden somewhere. Nine out of ten do not ask for a jury trial; that is, in cases where the punishment is a fine of $100 or 30 days. But even there if a man says “Wait a minute, Mr. Recorder; I want a trial before a jury,” it must be given to him.

Mr. LANGER. That is true, for example, if a man is arrested and charged with spitting on the sidewalk or with stealing one cent?

Mr. THURMOND. Any crime.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, trial by jury is fundamental?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct; and rightly so, because that was one of the grievances pointed out a little earlier today that our forefathers listed in the Declaration of Independence. That was one grievance charged against the King, that in many cases persons had been denied trial by jury. That is written definitely into the Constitution. The right of trial by jury was included in several places in the Bill of Rights. The sixth amendment provides that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That was because our forefathers were taking no chances on not having a jury trial assured to them under the Constitution.

In the seventh amendment it is provided, also, and there is another provision, I believe, in the fifth amendment, that a man must be indicted by a grand jury before he is tried.

Under the bill that came from the House a grand jury will not pass on the question at all. Under this so-called compromise, a man is taken before a judge and is tried. He is not even asked if he wants a trial by a jury. But in the usual procedure, when the Constitution is followed, a man has to be indicted by a grand jury. In my State 18 grand jurors have to agree to a true bill before a man can be brought up for trial. He has a trial before a petit jury. In Federal courts a man can be indicted by a grand jury or on information, but in State courts a man is indicted by a grand jury. But in all the history of judicial administration in this country it has been clear that the American people have been entitled to a jury trial, and it goes back even further than the Declaration of Independence. It goes back to the Magna Carta, when the citizens of England wrung from King John in the year 1215, at Runnymede, certain rights for the people. I presume you and I, Mr. President, would call them civil rights, more or less, or corresponding to our Bill of Rights. But the people wrung from King John certain rights, and one of those rights was that a man charged with a crime would be entitled to a jury trial. So, going back to the year 1215, on down to this time, our people have had a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a further question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it the opinion of the Senator from South Carolina that of all the 10 amendments in the Bill of Rights the very heart and very core of the 10 amendments is the right of the defendant to be tried by a jury?

Mr. THURMOND. All the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights are important, but I think the trial-by-jury provision as generally spoken of is the heart of the Bill of Rights. That is the importance attached to it. It is generally spoken of as the heart of the Bill of Rights. In other words, if there should be cut out of the Bill of Rights the right of a trial by jury you have cut the heart of the Bill of Rights out; it would be excised.

What is it to have freedom of speech or freedom of religion or freedom of the press or right to petition the Government or the right to assemble, all of which are guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, or to keep troops from being quartered in our homes, or all the other things guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, if some tyrant, whether a Federal district judge, or any other kind of tyrant, can take a man and himself try him without a jury and put him in prison; and, of course, if a man is in prison he cannot enjoy his civil rights?

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator. We have gotten down to the very core of this entire proposal.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much. I appreciate his deep interest in this matter. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota has manifested an unusual interest in the right of trial by jury. He has the vision to see the importance of trial by jury and to see how this proposed bill the House has passed is attempting to bypass the Constitution and in doing so, of course, is violating the Constitution and therefore is a bill the Congress ought to kill.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. For 4 years I was attorney general of my State.

Mr. THURMOND. I understand the Senator made a very distinguished record as attorney general of the State of North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. During that time, of course, I had a great deal to do with juries.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure the Senator did.

Mr. LANGER. And in every single case I submitted to a court a jury trial had been waived.

Mr. THURMOND. Every case the Senator tried I imagine was before a jury.

Mr. LANGER. That is correct.

I should like to ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina whether in his experience in South Carolina it is true that the average defendant can get better justice from a jury than he can from a judge, no matter how honest and fair the judge may be?

Mr. THURMOND. Regardless of how fair and impartial the judge is or wants to be, it is my judgment from my experience on the bench for 8 years—and as I said, for about half of that time I was in the Army during World War II.—and from my practice of law before then, since 1930 when I was admitted to the bar—and after I left the Governor’s office in January 1951, I practiced until I came to the Senate—I consider that juries give fair verdicts, and I think it would be destroying the administration of justice if we should take any step to hamper or injure or impair in any way the jury system of the United States.

Mr. LANGER. Again I want to thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I read further:
{{smaller block|But the Constitution ought not to be read casually. Viewed from the standpoint of State and Federal relations, what does the Constitution say and do? The rubrics do not demand, before an ordinary mortal may explore the question, that he be ordained a constitutional lawyer or put on the chasuble of the bench. Our Constitution is not the property of a juridical clergy only. The laity may read it too, and with equal acuity and understanding. The terms are not ambiguous.}}
{{smaller block|The first thing to note, perhaps, is that the words “State” or “States” appear no fewer than 94 times, either as proper nouns or pronominals, in the brief 6,000 words of the original 7 articles. The one theme that runs steadily through the whole of the instrument is the knitting together of States: It is a union that is being formed, and while the people are concerned for themselves and their posterity, the Constitution is to be established binding States.}}
{{smaller block|Legislative powers, to begin at the beginning, are vested not in one national parliament of the people, but in a Congress of the United States. The word “Congress” was chosen with precision; it repeated and confirmed the political relationship of the preceding 11 years, when there had been first a Continental Congress and then a Congress under the Articles of Confederation.}}
{{smaller block|This Congress is to consist of two Houses. The first is the House of Representatives, whose Members are to be chosen “by the people of the several States.” And here, in the very second paragraph, the framers encountered and opportunity to choose between a “national” and a “federal” characteristic: They might have established uniform national qualifications for the franchise, but they did not. Electors qualified to vote for candidates for the House of Representatives are to have “the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Representatives and direct taxes are to be apportioned—how? “Among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers.” How is this enumeration to be determined? The provision should be noted with care, for it is the first of four clauses that speaks eloquently of the plural nature of our Union: “The actual enumeration shall be made within 3 years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of 10 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct.” Now, the antecedent of they is not “Congress,” but “United States.” Nowhere in the whole of the Constitution or in any of the subsequent amendments is the United States an “it.” The singular never appears.}}
{{smaller block|What else sheds light in the second section of article I.? We find that “each State shall have at least one Representative,” whereupon follows a rollcall of the States themselves: “Until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse 3, Massachusetts 8,” and so forth. And when vacancies happen “in the representation from any State,” the Governor thereof is to issue a writ of election.}}
{{smaller block|The dignity and sovereignty of States are made still more evident in the composition of the Senate. It is to be composed “of two Senators from each State,” and whereas Representatives are required to be inhabitants of the States “in which” they shall be chosen, Senators must be inhabitants of the States “for which” they shall be chosen.}}
{{smaller block|It is in section 4 that the first grant of authority to the Federal Government appears: “The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but”—and here the qualified concession—“the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators.”}}
{{smaller block|The delegations of power to a federal government appear most fully, of course, in section 8, but it is worth noting that not all the powers delegated to Congress are exclusive and unqualified powers. Thus, the Congress may raise and support armies, “but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.” Thus, the Congress may provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of the militia as may be employed in the service of the United States, but there is reserved “to the States respectively” the appointment of officers and the authority to train their militia according to regulation established by Congress. Thus, too, Congress may exercise Federal authority over federally owned property within the States, but how is such property to be acquired? The authority of the Congress extends only to those places “purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be,” and this applies not only to military and naval installations but also to “other needful buildings.”}}
{{smaller block|Several provisions in section 9 merit attention. As a concession to the slave trade—one of the essential compromises without which the Constitution never would have come into being at all—it was provided that “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,” shall not be prohibited prior to 1808. Then follow seven paragraphs of specific restrictions upon the powers of Congress. The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended; no bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed; no direct tax shall be levied except according to the census of the people as a whole; no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported “from any State;” and—again emphasizing the separateness of the member States forming the Union—“no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue of the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.”}}
{{smaller block|In section 10, the States undertook to restrict themselves. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; no State shall coin money or make anything but gold and silver legal tender; no State shall make any law impairing the obligation of contracts. Yet even here, the prohibitions are not without qualification. Thus, the States reserved to themselves the right to levy tariffs on imports or exports sufficient to execute their inspection laws; and though the fact is often forgotten, the States even reserved to themselves the solemn power they had claimed under the Articles of Confederation, to “engage in war,” as States, if “actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.”}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Ellender}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am very curious. I ask the Senator from South Carolina whether he knows how the House of Representatives arrived at the decision to provide for a maximum of 45 days and $300 in this instance. Why did not the House of Representatives decide to make the maximum number of days 50, and why did it not choose, as the maximum amount of fine, $250 or $500?

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to answer the question the distinguished Senator asked, but I cannot do so. I was not consulted about this compromise. All I know about it is that I heard the majority leader made an announcement, following the taking of action in the House of Representatives. And then I read about it in the newspaper.

But I had understood—and the distinguished Senator from California [Mr. {{sc|Knowland}}] can correct me about this if I am mistaken—that there was an effort on the part of the Republicans to provide for 60 days. But, since the Senate had not voted for any provision of this sort, but had voted only for a straight jury-trial provision, 45 days was selected as a compromise. That is my understanding of the matter. I pass on to the Senator from North Dakota only what I heard. But perhaps the Senator from California can answer the question. At any rate, even if 60 days had been originally proposed, and finally 45 days was decided on, the Senate got the worst end of the bargain.

However, even if the provision had been for only 1 day, in my opinion the principle would be the same, because under the Constitution a citizen is entitled to a jury trial; and the Congress has no power to pass a law providing that a Federal judge or any other judge can deprive a citizen of a jury trial. However, under this proposal, a judge would be able, in two ways, to deprive a citizen of a jury trial. In the first place, the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to allow the person to have a jury trial in the first instance. If the judge decided that there could be a jury trial, the citizen would have a jury trial. If the judge decided that there would not be a jury trial, the judge himself would try the case.

Next, if the judge decided to try the case himself, without a jury, the judge would proceed to try it. If, at the conclusion of the case, the judge were to determine that the punishment he would mete would be more than 45 days imprisonment or a fine of more than $300, the judge would then give the citizen another trial. In other words, this provision of the compromise would give the judge the option of trying the citizen in the first place, and it would give the judge the option of deciding how much punishment he would mete, and then the amount of punishment imposed would determine whether the citizen would receive still another trial.

All those exceptions are entirely foreign to the Constitution. The Constitution provides that a man charged with the commission of a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That provision is as plain as can be. Any child in the fifth grade in school can read it and understand it; and there should not be any difficulty in understanding it.

However, as I have understood in arriving at the compromise an attempt was made to get together on some provision; and the result was a monstrosity. It turned out to be an unconstitutional provision, in my opinion.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield again?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. What I should like to know is this: Is there any precedent, anywhere in the entire United States, for a measure such as this, by means of which a defendant could be tried by a judge, if the sentence imposed were imprisonment for not more than 45 days, or any other number of days, or the imposition of a fine of any size; but that if the term of imprisonment were longer or the amount of the fine were greater, there must be a jury trial? Can the Senator from South Carolina name any precedent at all for such a provision?

Mr. THURMOND. I know of no place in the United States where a person charged with a crime does not have a jury trial. Even under the present criminal-contempt procedure, under existing law, if one is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no instance in any part of the United States, from Maine or the State of Washington on the north, to California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Louisiana, Florida, or any of the other States in the southern part of the Nation, in which one who is charged with the commission of a crime does not have a trial by jury. It seems to me that in the conference, some one or more of the conferees should have raised the point, “This provision would be contrary to the Constitution, and we cannot include such a provision.” It seems to me some of the conferees would have suggested that the Constitution provides to the contrary. There is a decision which can be cited on that point; I think I have called it to the attention of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota. The decision in that case holds that criminal contempt is a crime; and, since it is a crime, one charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. If there is to be passed a bill providing punishment for criminal contempt, it should provide for a jury trial. I know of no way to get around a jury trial in this matter because the Constitution has laid down the law. That is basic law.

The Constitution can be amended. Congress can submit an amendment to it. There are four ways to amend the Constitution, and it can be amended so as to provide that a Federal judge in his discretion can give a man a jury trial. Then the compromise would be legal, and what it proposes would be effective. It would be. valid.

As the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] said today, confirming my judgment, as it stands now it is not valid. I think it is unconstitutional. The Senator from Wyoming expressed his opinion likewise. We could amend the Constitution to provide for it. Congress could pass a law to provide that a Federal judge could punish a man for contempt, by so many days’ imprisonment, or by a fine of so many dollars. We could do that, but it has not been done. Until the Constitution is amended in the manner provided in the Constitution itself, we must abide by it. I know that many people in this country would like to get around the Constitution, and it looks as if they have been doing so.

The Supreme Court has been rewriting the Constitution in some cases, and other branches of the Government at times have encroached upon the Constitution because there is divisional power between the Federal Government and the State governments. When we cross the line of the State government, as here, without constitutional authority, we violate the Constitution.

The States entered into this pact, the Constitution, about which we are talking so much, and in this pact they delegated to the Union only certain things, and they are just as plain as they can be. They are listed in the Constitution. I should like to read to the distinguished Senator what the Constitution says on that point.

Article I., section 1, provides:
{{smaller block|All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in the Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.}}
I will not take the time to go through all that. I will skip to the pertinent portions.

Section 7 of article I. provides:
{{smaller block|All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.}}
{{smaller block|Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two-thirds—}}
I will skip to section 8. That is more pertinent. This is what the Congress has power to do. The powers are listed.
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To borrow money on credit of the United States;}}
{{smaller block|To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator suspend to receive a message from the President of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. Certainly.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Presiding Officer, the “Message from the President,” is dealt with, as is the “Executive Message Referred” and a “Message from the House.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to Senate amendments Nos. 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue to read from article I., section 2:
{{smaller block|To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.}}
Congress would not have the power to pass bankruptcy laws, indeed Congress could not pass a law on any subject except for the power given to it by the Constitution. This provision I have read is the basis for our bankruptcy law.
{{smaller block|To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To establish post offices and post roads.}}
That is your authority for the Federal Government to act in that field.
{{smaller block|To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.}}
{{smaller block|To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court.}}
That gives authority to Congress to establish certain courts of appeals and district courts. They are inferior tribunals, that is, inferior to the United States Supreme Court.
{{smaller block|To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations.}}
{{smaller block|To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.}}
{{smaller block|To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.}}
But no appropriation of money for that purpose shall be for a longer term than 2 years. We cannot appropriate money for the Defense Establishment for more than 2 years because the Constitution limits it. If we should attempt to do that, we would go beyond the Constitution.

I think that is a suggestion which may apply to foreign aid. If we should commit ourselves for 5 years or 10 years, I think that would be unconstitutional. But some of the defense items are classified under the term “foreign aid.”
{{smaller block|To provide and maintain a Navy;}}
{{smaller block|To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;}}
{{smaller block|To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
I want to read that last part again. I wish to call attention to a point:
{{smaller block|Reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
Do you not know, Mr. President, that if that section was not in the Constitution the Federal Government would be appointing the officers of the National Guard? That is the reason the Government cannot do it: the Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 10 miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;}}
For that reason the Federal Government cannot go to Louisiana, North Dakota, South Carolina, or New Hampshire and buy a piece of land until the legislature passes an act approving such purchase. Under the provision the State must approve the transaction with respect to property within its borders, whether it owns the property or not, before the Federal Government can get it. Of course, the Government could condemn it; but if it followed the Constitution it would not be able to take it. The Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 for each person.}}
{{smaller block|The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.}}
Regardless of what a State wishes to do, the United States Constitution provides that a writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended unless—note the exception—“unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”
{{smaller block|No bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed.}}
{{smaller block|No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.}}
We have the income-tax amendment to the Constitution. The 16th amendment to the Constitution provides that Congress can levy an income tax. That is the only authority in the Federal Government to levy an income tax. It does not inherently have that authority. The Federal Government can do only what the States gave it the authority to do when they entered into the compact in Philadelphia in 1787, and the amendments which have been adopted since then. Two years later, in 1789, the States adopted the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights, for which there was so much sentiment. I do not believe the Constitution would have been ratified if the delegates to the convention had not promised the Bill of Rights would be submitted, and it was submitted and adopted 2 years after the convention, in 1789.
{{smaller block|No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.}}
{{smaller block|No preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.}}
{{smaller block|No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.}}
That is the only reason the States do not impose duties on some articles; otherwise they would probably do it, but under the Constitution they cannot do it.
{{smaller block|No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.}}
In other words, if I were an ambassador in London and the Queen of England wished to confer on me a title or wished to give me extra compensation for some reason I could not take the title or compensation unless Congress permitted it. Congress would have to pass an act to permit it.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ''ex post facto'' law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.}}
In other words, that goes right down the line to support the point I make. So the Constitution provides exactly what the Federal Government can do. What hurts me is to see some distinguished Members of Congress, able men who believe in the division of powers between the Federal and State Governments—or I always thought they did—going along with the bill, because this is a bill that takes power away from the States and gives it to the Federal Government.

The matter of elections is left up to each State. That power was not delegated. The qualifications for electors, the holding of elections, and all relevant matters were reserved to the States. There has been a movement, I understand to get the Congress to pass a bill eliminating the poll tax. I believe I told the Senate this morning, or this afternoon, that when I was Governor, I recommended that the poll tax be removed in my State and it was removed. But Congress may not pass a law to do it. It could do it, but it would be unconstitutional for the reason that there is a provision of the Constitution which states that the qualifications of electors shall be left to each State. Therefore, New Hampshire has qualifications and if the people of that State wish to make as a qualification for voting in that State the payment of a poll tax, they have a right to do so. The only way such a measure could be enacted legally, if it were going to be the law nationwide, would be for Congress to submit an amendment to the Constitution eliminating the poll tax.

The Senator from Florida [Mr. {{sc|Holland}}] has now pending a proposed constitutional amendment to eliminate the poll tax, amending the Constitution. To do that would be legal; it would be constitutional, and it would be proper. Personally I think it is better to leave to each State the power to fix the qualifications for voting of its citizens. In my State, as I have said, we have very low qualifications. We have heard much about people in my State not voting. I believe more people vote in my State than vote in New York, because New York has a much higher standard for voting. That State requires, I believe someone said, a high-school education. Someone else said it requires a grade-school education. It is certainly one of the two. In my State we require only that a man be able to read and write the Constitution, or that he own $300 worth of assessed property. So our requirements for voting are not stringent. They are not nearly as strict as they are in New York. I do not know about the requirements in the State of the Senator from North Dakota.

A few years ago I was Governor of South Carolina. At that time a bill was pending in Congress to remove the poll tax on a nationwide basis. Congress was to do it. It would have been just as unconstitutional as this so-called compromise, whose proponents are trying to get it through the Congress, to deprive the people of a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. I thank my distinguished friend.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, I do not believe that American history is taught sufficiently in our high schools and colleges. I do not believe that a course in government is taught in our high schools and colleges. I come in contact with a great many intelligent people, people who have been educated, big financiers who have made a great deal of money, and many others; yet they do not know the fundamentals of the Constitution. It is because they have not studied it. I think the people of the country would be wise to study the Constitution. I think it is more important today than ever before for the people to study it and be able to delineate the powers of the Federal Government, and learn what the Federal Government has not the power to do.

For example, the Congress has no power to abolish the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting, because the qualifications of voters are left to each State. There are a great many things which Congress cannot do. Yet pressure is brought on Members of Congress, and they vote for certain measures anyway, because of the pressure.

Why do Senators think this so-called compromise on the civil rights bill is being pressed? Why is there any civil rights bill before us? Why call this measure a right-to-vote bill? It is a perfect farce. It is not a right-to-vote bill.

As I have stated, every State in the Union has statutes providing for the right to vote. The Federal Government has statutes providing for the right to vote.

Why is such a bill as this being considered at this time? Because there are pressures on Members of Congress to do so. Some Members of Congress attempted to do so, even though they were doubtful of the constitutionality of the measure. The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] stated earlier in the day that he did not think the jury trial amendment which was put in the compromise bill in the House was constitutional. He said he would offer an amendment in January to correct it.

I would rather see him vote against it now. If the bill should pass anyway, he could later offer his amendment. But if a bill is unconstitutional, I think it is better for us not to vote for it. I think Members of Congress must develop stamina, fortitude, and courage to resist pressures, and to stand by the Constitution. If we do not do so, as I stated earlier in the day, we shall keep whittling away the rights of the States until, after a while, the States will not have any rights. There will be a powerful Central Government—and it will be a powerful monster, too. Everything will radiate from Washington.

I understand there is a movement on foot to establish a national police system. It is desired to convert the FBI, which is purely an investigative agency, into a law-enforcement agency. It is not a law-enforcement agency. Congress would not have the right to establish a national police agency, because under the Constitution the police power is reserved to the States.

However, this investigative agency, the FBI, is in a different situation. It does not do police work. It apprehends criminals and works with the States, and cooperates in the execution of Federal laws, apprehending violators and bringing them to trial. But it is not a police agency. I am glad that Mr. J. Edgar Hoover said that he was opposed to a national police system. I am sorry to see that the President has been recommending a bill to provide Federal aid to education by way of construction of school buildings. I have been amazed at the fact that so many people are not acquainted with the fact that in the entire Federal Constitution there is not a sentence which contains the word “education.” The word “education” is not to be found in the United States Constitution. Therefore, since the States did not delegate the field of education to the Federal Government, the Federal Government has no jurisdiction in that field, unless we amend the Constitution and give the Federal Government jurisdiction in the field of education.

We can amend the Constitution. We can follow one of the four methods of amending the Constitution, and give the Federal Government authority in that field, if that is the wise thing to do, which I do not think it is. However, that is the way it must be done. We have no authority to appropriate money for Federal aid to education. I know that the President’s intentions are good. However, at Columbia University several years ago he was against Federal aid to education. At any rate, it would be a great mistake for the Federal Government to enter the field of education.

After we begin giving money for Federal aid to education by way of construction, the next demand from the powerful National Education Association, which I understand is building a tremendous office building in Washington, will be for a supplement to the salaries of teachers. The National Education Association will bring pressure on Members of Congress, as do other pressure organizations, and will say, “We need supplements to teachers’ salaries.”

When we enact legislation for Federal aid to construct the buildings, and to provide supplements to teachers’ salaries, the Federal Government will be asked to pay a larger share of such salaries, and there will be more and more control to go with it. Before we know it, there will be Federal control of education, and the parents of the Nation will find their children studying books selected in Washington, instead of by the people in Delaware, North Dakota, and South Carolina.

It is a great mistake for us not to follow the Constitution. If the Constitution needs amending, we can amend it. There is a provision for amending it, and it should be amended from time to time. There have been 22 amendments since it was adopted. In 1789 the first 10 amendments were adopted. Since then, 12 other amendments have been adopted. There are now 22 amendments to the Constitution.

We were talking about the 16th amendment awhile ago, the income-tax amendment. I think most people feel that it is necessary, although the income tax appears high. Therefore there had to be a way to bring it about. Congress could not pass an income-tax law. It had no authority to do so until the Constitution had been amended to give Congress the power to do it.

I think it is important to understand what we mean by the division of powers between the Federal Government and the State governments. We have a compound Republic. It is a compound Republic because there are Federal powers and State powers. There are three branches in the Federal Government, each of which checks on the others, with the exception of the Supreme Court. It has practically no check on it, and it has gone wild.

There are three branches in the State governments. Each is supposed to be a check on the others.

There are two checks on the Supreme Court. In the first place, we can impeach Supreme Court justices. However, the House must do the impeaching, and the Senate sits as a jury to hear the case. So, there is not much the Senate can do from that standpoint.

The other one is that, under the Constitution, the appellate power of the Supreme Court can be controlled by the Congress, so that if Congress saw fit to pass a bill to limit the {{SIC|appelate|appellate}} power of the Supreme Court, Congress would have that right. The Constitution gives it the power to do that. Many persons think we have to amend the Constitution before we can do that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Would the Senator say that would be a form of cruel and inhuman punishment to impose upon his colleagues?

Mr. THURMOND. I would say it is cruel and inhuman punishment to impose on the citizens of America if we pass a bill without providing for a jury trial.

(Manifestations of applause in the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The galleries will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. I have received letters from a number of States, and I have been in California. I spent a week there in the fall of 1953. Starting at Long Beach and ending up at San Francisco, I made addresses all the way up the coast. I even went to Bakersfield and saw an old friend of the Senator from California there. I talked with many persons there. Unless they have had a change in sentiment, they think, just as the people of South Carolina do, that there should be jury trials.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does not the distinguished Senator also think that the people of California are interested in the 15th amendment to the Constitution, assuring all American citizens the right to vote?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the people of California are, and I am sure the people of South Carolina are. The people of South Carolina have done something about it, just as have the people of California. Last night, when the distinguished Senator from California was resting comfortably, I was speaking here and trying to rouse the people of America concerning the dangers of taking away their right of trial by jury. I placed in the {{sc|Record}} the statutes of California on that subject, and here is what they provide:
{{smaller block|“California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:}}
{{smaller block|“Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders of prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).}}
{{smaller block|“Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other forms of intimidation, to compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election (sec 1158).}}
{{smaller block|“Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).}}
{{smaller block|“Election officers: Any election officer who induces, or attempts to induce, any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony. (sec. 11583).}}
{{smaller block|“Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or action of employees, or who, within 90 days before an election, exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (secs. 11584, 11585).}}
{{smaller block|“Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).}}
{{smaller block|“Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).}}
{{smaller block|“Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).”}}
Those are statutes of the State of California, and they are good statutes.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does the Senator not recognize the fact that under the voting rights bill which the Senate is attempting to pass but which the Senator from South Carolina has, for the moment, successfully prevented the Senate from passing, there is not a single individual who can be cited for either civil or criminal contempt if another American citizen is deprived of his right to vote under the Constitution? So, if the Senator is correct in his statement that no person is deprived of his right to vote in his State—and I feel certain that no American citizen is denied the right to vote in my State—neither California nor South Carolina would cite any public official or other person criminally unless they were depriving people of their right to vote under the laws of the State.

Mr. THURMOND. I think some part of the Union could nullify the Constitution, just as I think some juries turn loose some defendants who are guilty. Some judges will make mistakes, too. But why do we not let the States alone and let them handle their own problems? I know the southern people and I know they are doing all they can for the Negro.

I see my friend the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting next to the Senator from California. He feels that his State is doing all it can. I know the State of Mississippi, from which come my good friends, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} and Senator {{sc|Stennis}}, is doing all it can. We cannot change customs overnight. We have to let the local people work these things out. But Congress did not care to let the local people work these things out.

All that is necessary is to have enforcement of the Federal statute. There is a Federal statute, to which I called attention today. For the benefit of Senators who were not here at the time, I may say that this statute provides that whoever intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, is guilty of a crime, punishable by a $1,000 fine or by imprisonment of 1 year.

Mr. COOPER. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator know that there has never been any question, since the War Between the States, about the Negro population in Kentucky having the right to vote, and exercising that right?

Mr. THURMOND. I have never heard any question about it. I simply say that in my State the Negroes are voting in large numbers. They claimed the credit for carrying the election for Stevenson in 1952, and at that time there was a very close election. They claimed they cast more than 80,000 votes, which was about 25 percent of the total. Their own newspaper contained that information. I have a clipping from that newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer. So they are certainly voting in my State, and I am sure they are voting in the Senator’s State.

Is it not better to let the local people work out these problems, rather than to rush things on them, and try to change their customs overnight?

As a matter of fact, if you gentlemen want to take any action, however, if the proponents of this bill are not satisfied—I do not think the distinguished Senator is dissatisfied—with the enforcement by the governors of the States of the Nation—and the governors are the chief executive officers of the States and are responsible for enforcing the law—or if the Federal Government is not satisfied with the enforcement being given by the governors to the voting laws of the States to protect the rights of people to vote, then why do they not enforce the Federal statute, which is already on the books?

Mr. COOPER. Because of the Senator’s kind reference, I should like to ask a question as follows: Does the Senator know that in Kentucky all citizens, including all Negroes, have had, since the War Between the States, the right to vote, have exercised that right, and that it has never been questioned?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is the case, because I have heard that they vote there. They are voting in the South in larger numbers than ever before. No persons in my State are deprived of the right to vote. If they are qualified to vote, they are allowed to vote. Of course, no man who is not qualified ought to be allowed to vote. New York State has a much higher standard, as I said a while ago, than we have. If a person can merely read or write in my State, he can vote. In New York one has to be a high-school graduate, I believe, or at least has to meet a literacy test. So we are not nearly so strict in South Carolina as they are in New York.

The Senator comes from a border State. Kentucky is a great State. I suggest to the Senator, however, since he is from a border State that went in part with the North and in part with the South, that the Senator stick with the South.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I will ask the Senator if it is not true that Kentucky had to make that choice almost a hundred years ago and they chose to stick with the Union?

Mr. THURMOD. Mr. President, if there is any Member in the Senate who is not satisfied with the voting protection given by the governors and the other officials of the States of the Nation, again I say that all they have to do is to call upon the Justice Department to enforce section 594. It is now against the Federal law to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any voter, in any way, shape, or form. That is the Federal statute which is on the books now. Why not enforce that statute? What is the idea of coming here with a right-to-vote bill? That is a big, high-sounding word that does not mean anything. If we pass this bill, we will pass an unconstitutional bill. It will be all right if the Justice Department will enforce section 594. I believe they are enforcing it. Is there anyone that thinks they are not enforcing this law? Is there anyone who thinks the present administration is not enforcing section 594?

If the Justice Department are enforcing this law, they are protecting people in this matter now. If they are not enforcing this law, let them enforce it, and that will protect them. Either the Justice Department are not enforcing this law, if they have had complaints, or they have not had any complaints.

Has the Justice Department had complaints, such as we have been hearing about, that many people have been denied the right to vote? We hear that in the South many people are denied the right to vote. What is there now; what has there been in the past 5 years to keep the Attorney General from going to any Southern State to enforce this statute? It is a Federal statute. The Attorney General not only has the right to enforce it, but he has the duty. If there have been any complaints about people in the South not voting, I have not heard of them. But if there have been any complaints about them not voting, then the Justice Department ought to do something about it. If the Justice Department has taken no action to enforce this statute, it shows one of two things: The Department has not had anybody objecting, or, if there were objections, it ignored them and did not do its duty by enforcing the statute. The point is there is a Federal statute now, so why pass another bill? All the Congress needs to do is to follow the Constitution. If we will follow the line of demarcation in the Constitution between the powers delegated to the Federal Government and the powers reserved to the States, we will not get into difficulties about all these different things.

If a bill were introduced to repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting, there would not be any question but that the Congress would not consider it because it would be unconstitutional. The qualifications of voting are reserved to the States. Why can we not look at it from that viewpoint and not try to say whether it is a good bill or a bad bill? On the right to vote bill, should there be any question whether we are going to accept this compromise? I do not think there should be any question at all, because the Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The court decision which I have before me holds that criminal contempt is a crime.

Mr. President—

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). The Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I will proceed now, if there are no further questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina has the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. Article III., defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield to the able Senator for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it correct that under Federal statute 594 there can be imposed a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. The compromise right to vote bill cuts it down to a fine of $300 and 45 days in jail. If the judge determines that the defendant ought to suffer a greater penalty than that, the case has to go to a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator, I will say if this bill is passed, of course I am expecting it to be held unconstitutional as soon as it can be tested. But until that is done, they will have a choice.

There could be a prosecution under the Federal statute, which is section 594: or such a person could be taken before a Federal judge, and the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to try the case. If the judge decided he was in a hurry to take a vacation trip, he could simply say, “I will try the case myself.” Then, under the provisions of the compromise measure, the judge would try the case; and the person being tried could not complain.

Let me ask the Senator from North Dakota what he would do. Suppose he were to find himself in such a situation; and suppose the judge were to say to him, “Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I will not give you a jury trial. I will try you myself”—and then the judge would rear back on his haunches and would grin.

What would the Senator from North Dakota do under those circumstances? There would be nothing he could do, because the judge would have a right to try him under the provisions of the compromise measure which has come to us from the House of Representatives.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Inasmuch as section 594 is on the statute books, why is not this right-to-vote bill entirely superfluous?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has put his finger on exactly what I have been discussing in the Senate for—let me see, Mr. President, how long has it been?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Twenty-one hours.

Mr. THURMOND. No; Mr. President, it has been 22 hours and 10 minutes. [Laughter.] For 22 hours and 10 minutes I have been trying to emphasize that point—namely, why is this compromise necessary, when a Federal statute on this subject is already on the statute books? It provides for a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail.

If the Department of Justice is interested in the persons who are alleged to have been deprived of the right to vote—regardless of whether they are whites, Negroes, or others—why does not the Department of Justice take action to enforce section 594 and thus protect the right to vote? The Department of Justice can do that under section 594. That is up to the Department of Justice. I do not know what the Department will do; that is up to the Department of Justice.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. During the last 5 years, has anyone been arrested under section 594?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota, I wish to say that I have never heard that anyone in my State has been tried under that statute. So there is no use in having the representatives of the Department of Justice come to South Carolina and say that people there are deprived of the right to vote, because if anyone representing the Department of Justice does come to South Carolina and does make such a statement, I will tell him that it is his own fault, for those in the Department of Justice have failed to do their duty; they have a law under which they can punish such persons, but they have not done so. Either no one in South Carolina is deprived of the right to vote, or else the Department of Justice has failed to do its duty.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina. I get the point very clearly.

Mr. THURMOND. Let me ask whether there are any more questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I shall proceed. I am just trying to find a section of the Constitution to which I wish to refer.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, while the Senator from South Carolina is doing that, will he yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Can the Senator from South Carolina tell the Senate how many years ago section 594 was enacted into law?

Mr. THURMOND. I believe it was in 1939.

Mr. LANGER. Do I correctly understand that since that time, there has been no prosecution under that provision of law? Is that true, so far as the Senator from South Carolina knows?

Mr. THURMOND. I have not heard of a single prosecution in South Carolina under that statute.

Mr. LANGER. Has the Senator heard of one in any other State?

Mr. THURMOND. If there has been one, I have not heard of it. I would not say there has not been one in some other State, but I do not know of a case of that sort which has been tried in the Federal courts. Some have been tried in the State courts; we are enforcing our State laws.

But I have not heard of a case in which anyone has been tried under this Federal statute—which carries with it a heavy penalty, namely, a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment in jail for 1 year. I have never heard of anyone who has been tried under that law. But, Mr. President, of course I am not surprised at that, because in South Carolina, everyone who wishes to register to vote and to vote, does register and does vote, if he is qualified. So I do not think it likely that there would be any cases of that sort in South Carolina.

Mr. President, there have been insinuations to the effect that the Southern States are denying some people the right to vote. I think insinuations about any States should stop—whether that be Northern States, Southern States, Eastern States, or Western States. All of us are Americans. We have a great country. In all the wars the United States has ever fought, the United States has had brave soldiers from all sections of the country. It is very bad to have people in one section of the country try to snipe at people in another section of the country. That is the very thing George Washington warned against in his Farewell Address.

Mr. LANGER. Yes, I am familiar with that admonition by George Washington.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, if anyone in the South has been intimidated or coerced or threatened with regard to voting—if anyone in any Southern State has been treated in that way—the district attorney in the State can take action any day he wishes to; and if the Department of Justice does not do it, the Department is failing to perform its duty with respect to such violations; or else there are no violations of that sort. So evidently there have not been any violations of that sort in the State of South Carolina, or else no one has complained about them. As a matter of fact, I am quite sure that there have not been any violations of that sort in my State, because, as I have said, anyone in South Carolina who wishes to vote, and who is qualified to vote, and who registers, can vote.

Mr. President, I should like to read what George Washington said.

Sometimes, Mr. President, when I see the able Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting in his seat in this Chamber—so able a judge and lawyer, and a fine soldier in World War II.; and when I see in the Chamber the distinguished senior Senator from Michigan [Mr. {{sc|Potter}}], who lost both of his legs in that war; and when I see my other fellow veterans who are distinguished Members of this body or are distinguished Members of the House of Representatives, and then when I see matters of a sectional nature brought up here, and when one group wishes to try to have enacted into law a measure aimed at punishing another section of the country, it makes my heart ache. My colleagues who are veterans did not feel that way when they were serving in the Armed Forces overseas; they did not feel that way when they were in uniform. If the Members of Congress from various sections of the United States would just accord to all the other States the same respect that they expect to have accorded to their own States I am sure that we would not be having this trouble; and then I would not have been speaking here on this subject for more than 22 hours in an effort to arouse the American people.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. For 22 hours and 10 minutes.

Mr. THURMOND. No, Mr. President, for 22 hours and 20 minutes. [Laughter.]

I would not be trying to arouse the American people if it were not necessary. But why should the North want to pick on those of us who live in the South? Why do the people in New York want to pick on us? Why do the people in New Jersey want to pick on us? Or why do the people of any other section of the country want to pick on us? We think we are fairly good people. We think we are patriotic. The Members of Congress from the Southern States want to work together with all the other Members of Congress.

Mr. President, I want to extend every courtesy to every other Member of Congress, and I want to see those who live in any particular section of the country extend to the rest of the people of the country the same courtesy that they expect to have extended to themselves.

But, Mr. President, I can tell you this: This right-to-vote bill—and I say this because I know something about its history—is aimed at the South. It is aimed at the South; and it hurts me to see that done, because South Carolina is not guilty, and this bill should not be enacted. I do not believe the other Southern States are guilty. The Southern States have done their part in every way. As I have said, the people of the Southern States have fought for their country and have served in public office in every way. They have been honorable people.

Yet, in order to try to win the votes of certain minority blocs, some pressure groups are willing to punish us, to put us under the heel, and to grind and grind and grind us. I am getting tired of it.

(Manifestations of applause by the occupants of the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The doorkeepers must keep the galleries in order.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. COOPER. A minute ago the Senator spoke very generously of our association and friendship during World War II. I know that he did not mean to intimate that there was any intention upon the part of the Senator from Kentucky, in his vote on the civil-rights bill, to show any bias or prejudice toward his own people in the South.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that there was not, Senator.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator remember?

Mr. THURMOND. I remember, and I say to the Senator from Kentucky he is one of the finest and most gracious gentlemen I have known.

The Senator from Kentucky is not one of those ardent proponents of the bill who is trying to ram the bill home. I do not know how he is going to vote, but he is a good constitutional lawyer. I hope he will not vote for it. I hope he will think over the jury trial issue and not vote for it.

He has not been one of those who has been baiting the South.

Mr. COOPER. The Senator from Kentucky is a good friend of the Senator from South Carolina, but the Senator from Kentucky will vote for civil rights. He intends to vote for the bill this evening or at some later time.

In the debate he said again and again that he believes in the juries in the South, and that the people of the South would respect the law and would follow the law. I am sure the Senator from South Carolina knows that the Senator from Kentucky said that.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure he did say that.

The only thing is that if the Senator feels that the South obeys the law, I do not understand why he should want to have this bill passed.

I will get on with what George Washington said.

Mr. President, George Washington, in his Farewell Address, used his strongest language against those who would divide our country; he urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern—Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
That was George Washington speaking.

George Washington wanted to see the people from the North to the South, and to the East and the West, bound together with a fraternal feeling. He wanted a fraternal attitude manifested.

Why should we not manifest a fraternal attitude on these matters? Why should we not try to help another section, and not sponsor legislation which is aimed at any particular section, merely to try to get votes to win an election?

I have said, and I repeat, that since every State in the United States from Alabama to Wyoming has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and since the Federal Government has a statute on its books to protect the right to vote, there is no need for this bill.

I say, and I repeat, that I think the bill is purely political, and I think that both parties have been trying to grab the ball to see who could get the spotlight for the elections coming up in 1958.
{{smaller block|Article III, defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review. We may note, for example, two further uses of the plural: First, the judicial power is to extend “to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority.” Second, treason against the United States is to consist “only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies.” Because the authority of the Court will be considered at length in a later chapter, it will suffice here merely to point out that nowhere in article III is the Court given jurisdiction over controversies between a State and the United States. That proposal was specifically advanced during the convention, and specifically rejected.}}
{{smaller block|Every section—indeed, every paragraph—of article IV touches upon the Federal nature of the Union. Full faith and credit are to be given in each State, to the acts and judicial proceedings of every other State. If this were not a Federal Union, the provision would be nonsense. Beyond this, the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall be delivered upon demand to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.}}
{{smaller block|Then comes the provision that Northern States were to flout over a period of 30 years: “No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.”}}
{{smaller block|Finally, we may note in article IV the provision for admitting new States into this Union (not this Nation, but this Union): “No new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.”}}
{{smaller block|Article V had best be quoted in full. It has not been changed by so much as an apostrophe in the years since it came from Philadelphia in September of 1787. It still fixes and defines the sovereign power:}}
{{smaller block|Pause for a moment over this article of the Constitution. We are dealing here with Taylor’s “will to enact” and “power to execute;” we are dealing with Marshall’s “power to make and unmake.” It was plainly envisioned by the framers that their work would require amendment through the years. “That useful alterations will be suggested by experience, could not but be foreseen,” Madison was to write. There was a double aim in the provision, even a triple aim. {{SIC|Aricle|Article}} V, Madison tells us, was intended, first, to guard equally against too-easy amendment on the one hand and too-difficult amendment on the other. It was drafted, secondly, to permit amendments to originate both with the Federal and with the State Governments. But it was intended, finally, to leave the ultimate decision upon changing the Constitution to the sovereign States themselves—not to the people as a mass, nor even to a bare majority of the States as such. It was recognized that the great, overriding principle of protection for minorities should apply here as bindingly as it was to apply elsewhere. If one-fourth of the States plus one should object to a change in the Constitution—even if that change were desired by three-fourths minus one (and even if this larger fraction should include the great bulk of the total population)—the change could not be engrafted to the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI is brief. Its first provision covers debts and engagements entered into under the Articles of Confederation and continues these obligations under the proposed new Constitution; its third provision prohibits any religious test as a qualification for public office and requires an oath to support the Constitution of all public officers, both State and Federal.}}
{{smaller block|It is the second provision that merits brief attention in this summary review:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”}}
{{smaller block|Let us go back: What is to be supreme? Three things. First, “this Constitution.” Secondly, “laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof.” Third, treaties made “under the authority of the United States.” That is all. Not Executive orders of the President. Not even judgments of the Supreme Court. The Constitution, the laws made in pursuance thereof, the treaties.}}
{{smaller block|In passing, note the phrase “law of the land.” It stems originally from the Magna Carta; but as it appears in the Constitution, “law of the land” was merely a substitution, proposed by the committee on style, for “law of the several States and their citizens and inhabitants.” The object was to extend this new supreme law to Territories as well as to the States. And this phrase, “law of the land,” is as close as the Constitution ever comes to suggesting a “nation.” Actually the word “nation” or the word “national” never appears in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The aim, we will recall, was to form “a more perfect Union.” Representatives and taxes were to be apportioned among the several States which may be included “within this Union.” The militia may be called forth to execute “the laws of the Union.” The President is to provide Congress with information on the “state of the Union.” New States are to be admitted “into this Union.” The guaranty of a republican form of government goes “to every State in this Union.” But never, at any point, are the United States described, in the Constitution, as comprising a “nation.”}}
{{smaller block|This is not to contend, of course, that ours is not a Nation, or that the Federal Government does not operate nationally. It is only to suggest that the deliberate terms of the Constitution speak for themselves, and should be heeded: Our country is, first and foremost, originally and still, a Union of States. And when we speak of the law of the land, it should be kept steadily in mind that the land is a Federal Union, in which each of the States stands coequal with every other State. The Constitution is supreme not only in its authority over each State, but also in its protection over each State. And each State, each respective State, is entitled to rely upon the Constitution as embodying supreme law that all other States must adhere to with equal fidelity, like it or not, until the Constitution be changed by the States themselves.}}
{{smaller block|Note, too, the careful qualification that defines laws enacted by the Congress. Just any laws of the United States are not enough: Laws, to be binding, must be laws made in pursuance of the Constitution. Any attempted statutes that invade the residuary authority of the States, Hamilton tells us, “will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such.” And he adds, at another point, that:}}
{{smaller block|“There is no position which depends on clearer principles than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid.”}}
{{smaller block|Surely, it may be urged that precisely the same standard must be applied to other branches of the Federal Government—the executive and judicial no less than the legislative. By extension, thus, judgments of the Court, to be supreme law of the land, must be made pursuant to the Constitution. A judgment of the Court, so violative of the clear terms and understandings of the Constitution as to invade the residuary authority of the States, must also be regarded as a usurpation, and should deserve to be treated as such. The argument will be pursued at greater length hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|Finally, this brief examination of the Constitution from the standpoint of the States may be concluded with a second look at article VII. It should be read carefully; for this is the clause that binds: “The ratification of the conventions of 9 States”—not, again, the approval of a majority of the people in a popular referendum, but the ratification of 9 States—“shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, on September 17, the Convention concluded its work. George Washington, as President of the Convention, transmitted the document to the Congress. A prophetic sentence appeared in his letter, as he mentioned the compromises necessary for the surrender of sovereign powers: “It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved.” The States had done the best they could through their delegates. Eager to consolidate their Union, each State had been disposed “to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected.” They launched the ship.}}
{{smaller block|“Well, Doctor,” said the lady to Mr. Franklin, “what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?”}}
{{smaller block|“A republic,” replied the doctor, “if you can keep it.”}}
It is pretty hard to keep when bills are introduced to violate the Constitution by chipping off and whittling away the rights of the States in an effort, it seems, to reduce them to colonial status.

Continuing the quotation from the Kilpatrick book:
{{c|{{x-smaller|6. THE PROPHETIC MR. HENRY}}}}
{{smaller block|For the States’ understanding of what the Constitution was to mean to them, as States, we can look not only to the internal evidence of the Constitution itself, but to the debates in the ratifying conventions and to some of the contemporary criticism, notably in the Federalist papers. We can look, also, to some of the pronouncements of the Supreme Court from time to time, and to the writings of scholars of our own day.}}
{{smaller block|The evidence is overwhelming. By written compact, solemnly ratified, the States agreed mutually to delegate certain of their sovereign powers to a Federal Government. They enumerated these powers. All other powers they reserved to themselves, and these reserved powers did not need to be enumerated: the reserved powers constituted an inherent powers of sovereign States not specifically abridged.}}
{{smaller block|So plain was this understanding that the feeling most frequently encountered, in reading comments of the period, is one of incredulity that anyone should doubt it.}}
{{smaller block|“The proposed constitution,” said Hamilton, “so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, said Madison:}}
{{smaller block|“It is to be remembered that the General Government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administering laws. Its {{SIC|jursidiction|jurisdiction}} is limited to certain enumerated objects which concern all the members of the Republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate provisions of any. The subordinate governments, which can extend their care to all other objects which can be separately provided for, will retain their due authority and activity.”}}
{{smaller block|Neither Hamilton nor Madison could quite imagine the Federal Government ever seriously encroaching upon the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Allowing the utmost latitude to the love of power which any reasonable man can require,” said Hamilton, “I confess I am at a loss to discover what temptation the persons intrusted with the administration of the General Government could ever feel to divest the States of the authorities of that description. The regulation of the mere domestic police of a State appears to me to hold out slender allurements to ambition. Commerce, finance, negotiation, and war seem to comprehend all the objects which have charms for minds governed by that passion; and all the powers necessary to those objects ought, in the first instance, to be lodged in the national depository.”}}
{{smaller block|Then he added, with a singular absence of prophecy:}}
{{smaller block|“The administration of private justice between the citizens of the same State, the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation, can never be desirable cares of a general jurisdiction. It is therefore improbable that there should exist a disposition in the Federal councils to usurp the powers with which they are connected. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“It will always be far more easy for the State governments to encroach upon the national authorities, than for the National Government to encroach upon the State authorities.”}}
That is where he was wrong. In other words, Hamilton had no idea that the Federal Government would ever attempt to encroach on the rights of the states. In his day it looked to him as if it would be easier for the States to encroach on the rights of the Federal Government than for the Federal Government to encroach on the rights of the States. But in recent years do-gooders, welfare-staters, left-wingers, and other pressure groups are trying to transform this Government. They are trying to make of it a national government. It is not a national government; it is a Federal Government. The States came together in a federation and formed this Government. That is the conception which I hope we can get over to the people of the Nation, that our Government is not a national government; it is a Federal Government made by the States coming together and forming a federation and signing the compact which became the Constitution. Therefore we have a Federal Government, not a national government. I hope we shall never have a national government. We must stop the Federal usurpation that is now going on and has been going on for some years.
{{smaller block|Madison, also, imagined that the Federal Government would “be disinclined to invade the rights of the individual States, or the prerogatives of their governments.” For his part, Hamilton thought it more probable that the States would encroach upon the Federal Government, and he imagined that in such contests the State governments, because they “will commonly possess most influence” over the people, would dominate Federal agencies “to the disadvantage of the Union.” However, all such conjectures Hamilton viewed as “extremely vague and fallible.” He preferred to assume that the people “will always take care to preserve the constitutional equilibrium between the general and the State governments.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 45, Madison treated at considerable length the widespread apprehension that the States would be obliterated. Some of his comments have been outdated; what he has to say about the election of Senators, for example, unhappily has been superseded by the misfortune of the 17th amendment. Some of his other observations, dealing with functions of what was to become the Bureau of Internal Revenue, may occasion some wary reflection on the lengths by which even a Madison could miss his guess. But as contemporary evidence of the role guaranteed to the States, No. 45 justifies quotation at some length:}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments will have the advantage of the Federal Government, whet her we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them to the predilection and probable support of the people; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the Federal Government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the people, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the people obtains for themselves an election into the State legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the Federal Government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious than too overbearing toward them. On the other side, the component parts of the State governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the Federal Government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.}}
{{smaller block|“The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller than the number employed under the particular States. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side or the former than of the latter. The members of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments of 13 and more States, the justices of peace, officers of militia, ministerial officers of justice, with all the county, corporation, and town officers, for 3 millions and more of people, intermixed, and having particular acquaintance with every class and circle of people, must exceed, beyond all proportion, both in number and influence, those of every description who will be employed in the administration of the Federal system. Compare the members of the three great departments of the 13 States, excluding from the judiciary department the justices of peace, with the members of the corresponding departments of the single government of the Union; compare the militia officers of 3 millions of people with the military and marine officers of any establishment which is within the compass of probability, or, I may add, of possibility, and in this view alone, we may pronounce the advantage of the States to be decisive.}}
{{smaller block|“If the Federal Government is to have collectors of revenue, the State governments will have theirs also. And as those of the former will be principally on the seacoast, and not very numerous, whilst those of the latter will be spread over the face of the country, and will be very numerous, the advantage in this view also lies on the same side. It is true, that the confederacy is to possess, and may exercise, the power of collecting internal as well as external taxes throughout the States; but it is probable that this power will not be resorted to, except for supplemental purposes of revenue; that an option will then be given to the States to supply their quotas by previous collections of their own; and that the eventual collection, under the immediate authority of the Union·, will generally be made by the officers, and according to the rules, appointed by the several States. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the Federal Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.}}
{{smaller block|“The operations of the Federal Government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments in times of peace and security. As the former periods will probably bear a small proportion to the latter, the State governments will here enjoy another advantage over the Federal Government. The more adequate, indeed, the Federal powers may be rendered to the national defense, the less frequent will be those scenes of danger which might favor their ascendancy over the governments of the particular States.}}
{{smaller block|“If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of new powers to the union, than in the invigoration of its original powers. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the Articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them.”}}
{{smaller block|Even John Marshall, who did more than any man in our history to aggrandize the Federal Government and to weaken the States, never doubted the basic structure of divided powers. Consider, briefly, his comment in the famed case of ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland''. The case arose when Congress established the Bank of the United States, and Maryland undertook to levy a tax upon the bank’s Baltimore branch; James McCulloch, the cashier, refused to pay the tax, and Maryland sued.}}
{{smaller block|The legal questions were two: Did Congress have power to incorporate the bank, and secondly, did Maryland have power to tax it? Marshall answered the first one “Yes,” the second, “No.” With the bulk of his reasoning, strict constructionists and apostles of States rights will disagree: Marshall’s sophisticated mind did not boggle at stretching “necessary” to mean “convenient.” In considering the actual act of ratification by which the Union was formed, Marshall was not much impressed by the fact, which he could not escape, that the people met in State conventions. “Where else should they have assembled?” he asked. But even here, a couple of sentences merit quotation as evidence from the States greatest detractor:}}
{{smaller block|“It is true, [the people] assembled in their several States—and where else should they have assembled? No political dreamer was ever wild enough to think of breaking down the lines which separate the States, and of compounding the American people into one common mass. Of consequence, when they act, they act in their States.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall went on in his opinion to confuse “States” and “State governments,” thus setting up a convenient strawman to batter down. No one ever had contended that the Constitution was ratified by State governments, but Marshall, with a glittering display of intellectual swordsmanship, neatly skewered the nonexistent objection. Then he went on to say:}}
{{smaller block|“This Government is acknowledged by all to be one of enumerated powers. The principle that it can exercise only the powers granted to it would seem too apparent to have required to be enforced by all those arguments which its enlightened friends, while it was pending before the people, found it necessary to urge. That principle is now universally admitted. But the question respecting the extent of the powers actually granted is perpetually arising, and will probably continue to arise, as long as our system shall exist.”}}
{{smaller block|True enough, the question of “the extent of powers” does continue to arise to this day, though the doctrines of Marshall have so pervaded public thinking that it often is forgotten that the Federal Government has any limitations whatever. But the separateness of the States and the nature of their delegated powers were clearly recognized when the Constitution was created. The prophets who foresaw the trend toward consolidation—notably Patrick Henry and George Mason—were told they were old women, seeing ghosts.}}
{{smaller block|Consider, if you will, the debate on ratification in Virginia. The transcript offers some absorbing reading. If the clash of a Henry and a Mason with a Pendleton and a Madison does not prompt reflection upon subsequent corruption of the Constitution, at the very least their battle must lead to regrets at the decline in the quality of today’s legislative debates. There were giants in those days. This was, to paraphrase Marshall, a Constitution they were debating. What was said of the relationship of the States and the Federal Government?}}
{{smaller block|Go back in time. This was a sultry summer in Richmond. At least twice the brief convention was interrupted by thunder storms so severe the delegates were forced to recess. Tempers flared sharply. At one point Edmund Randolph, infuriated with Patrick Henry, was prepared to let their friendship “fall like Lucifer, never to rise again.” They began on Monday, June 2; they adjourned ''sine die'' on Friday, June 27. Into those 4 weeks, the Virginians of 1788 packed a world of profound reflection upon the meaning and intention of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Edmund Pendleton served as president of the Virginia convention. He was a remarkable man: lawyer, scholar, statesman, thinker. In advocating ratification, Pendleton was joined by James Madison, John Marshall, Edmund Randolph, and Light Horse Harry Lee. They carried the day against Patrick Henry and George Mason, as leading opponents of the proposition.}}
{{smaller block|The convention scarcely had begun before Henry established the broad spread of argument. He did not propose to abide by any parliamentary decision to debate one clause at a time. Before the convention in Philadelphia the previous summer, said Henry, a general peace and a universal tranquillity had prevailed. Now he was “extremely uneasy at the proposed change of government.” He swept the room with a cold eye: “Be extremely cautious, watchful, jealous of your liberty. Instead of securing your rights, you may lose them forever.”}}
{{smaller block|George Mason came to his side. He charged that the new Constitution would create “a national government, and no longer a confederation.” He especially denounced the authority proposed in the general government to levy direct taxes. This power, being at the discretion of Congress and unconfined, “and without any kind of control, must carry everything before it.” “The idea of a consolidated government,” he said, “is totally subversive of every principle which has hitherto governed us. This power is calculated to annihilate totally the State governments. * * * These two concurrent powers cannot exist long together; the one will destroy the other; the general government, being paramount to and in every respect more powerful than the State governments, the latter must give way to the former.”}}
{{smaller block|Then Mason voiced the argument that is as applicable in the mid-20th century as it was toward the end of the 18th:}}
{{smaller block|“Is it to be supposed that one national government will suit so extensive a country, embracing so many climates, and containing inhabitants so very different in manners, habits, and customs? It is ascertained, by history, that there never was a government over a very extensive country without destroying the liberties of the people. * * * Popular governments can only exist in small territories.”}}
{{smaller block|On Thursday, June 5, Pendleton undertook to respond to Henry and to Mason. Was the proposed government, he inquired, truly a consolidated government? Of course not. “If this be such a government, I will confess, with my worthy friend, that it is inadmissible. * * *” The proposed Federal Government, he said, “extends to the general purposes of the Union. It does not intermeddle with the local, particular affairs of
the States. * * * It is the interest of the Federal to preserve the State governments; upon the latter the existence of the former depends. * * * I wonder how any gentleman, reflecting on the subject, could have conceived an idea of the possibility of the latter.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry conceived it. He conceived it very clearly. The proposed Constitution, he felt, was “extremely pernicious, impolitic and dangerous.” He saw no jeopardy to the people in the Articles of Confederation; he saw great jeopardy in this new Constitution. And he had this to say:}}
{{smaller block|“We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty: Our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of every thing. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors: By that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, ts about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.”}}
{{smaller block|And note this prophetic observation:}}
{{smaller block|“There will be no checks, no real balances, in this government. What can avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope-dancing, chain-rattling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances?”}}
{{smaller block|What indeed? What have these ideal checks and balances availed the States in the 20th century? Henry saw the empty prospect: “This Constitution is said to have beautiful features; but when I come to examine these features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful. Among other deformities, it has an awful squinting; it squints toward monarchy; and does not this raise indignation in the breast of every true American?”}}
{{smaller block|It was monarchy, ''per se'', that Henry foresaw. And it was despotism at the hands of a general government that he feared.}}
{{smaller block|“What are your checks in this Government?” he kept asking.}}
{{smaller block|No one ever answered him accurately, though half a dozen members of the Convention undertook to refute Henry and to allay his apprehensions. Randolph, replying to the objection that the country soon would be too large for effective government from the capital, commented that “no extent on earth seems to me too great,” but he added, “provided the laws be wisely made and executed.” It has proved to be a large qualification.}}
{{smaller block|Madison also responded to Henry’s general objection that the liberty of the people was in danger: “Since the general civilization of mankind,” he said, “I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations.”}}
{{smaller block|Follow closely what Madison had to say next. He is expounding the relationship of the State and Federal Governments as he, above all men, understood it:}}
{{smaller block|“Give me leave to say something of the nature of the Government. * * * There are a number of opinions; but the principal question is, whether it be a federal or consolidated government. In order to judge properly of the question before us, we must consider it minutely in its principal parts. I conceive myself that it is of a mixed nature; it is in a manner unprecedented; we cannot find one express example in the experience of the world. It stands by itself. In some respects it is a government of a federal nature; in others it is of a consolidated nature. * * * Who are parties to it?”}}
{{smaller block|Note this, especially; it was quoted earlier, but it bears repetition:}}
{{smaller block|“The people—but not the people as composing one great body; but the people as composing 13 sovereignties.”}}
{{smaller block|Francis Corbin, one of the ablest political students of his time, then joined Madison, in soothing the growing fear that the Federal Government might one day absorb the State Governments. “The powers of the General Government,” he said, “are only of a general nature, and their object is to protect, defend, and strengthen the United States; but the internal administration of government is left to the State legisiatures, who exclusively retain such powers as will give the States the advantages of small republics, without the danger commonly attendant on the weakness of such governments.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry, undaunted, straightened his red wig and returned to the debate. “That government is no more than a choice among evils,” he remarked, “is acknowledged by the most intelligent among mankind, and has been a standing maxim for ages.” He could not accept the idea that this new government would be “a mighty benefit to us.”}}
{{smaller block|“Sir, I am made of so incredulous materials, that assertions and declarations do not satisfy me. I must be convinced, sir. I shall retain my infidelity on that subject till I see our liberties secured in a manner perfectly satisfactory to my understanding.”}}
{{smaller block|This exchange occurred on Friday, June 16. The following Monday, Henry renewed his assault:}}
{{smaller block|“A number of characters, of the greatest eminence in this country, object to this government for its consolidating tendency. This is not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If consolidation proves to be as mischievous to this country as it has been to other countries, what will the poor inhabitants of this country do? This government will operate like an ambuscade. It will destroy the State governments, and swallow the liberties of the people, without giving previous notice.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison came back with fresh replies and new remonstrances. The States were safely protected, he assured the Virginia convention. And renewing the arguments he had advanced in the Federalist, “There will be an irresistible bias toward the State governments.” It was utterly improbable—almost impossible—that the Federal Government ever would encroach upon the States. “The means of influence consist in having the disposal of gifts and emoluments, and in the number of persons employed by and dependent upon a government. Will any gentleman compare the number of persons which will be employed in the General Government with the number of those which will be in the State governments? The number of dependents upon the State governments will be infinitely greater than those on the General Government. I may say, with truth, that there never was a more economical government in any age or country, nor which will require fewer hands, or give less influence.”}}
{{smaller block|Pendleton again gained the floor to tackle Henry’s objection. We are told, he said, “that there will be a war between the two bodies equally our representatives, and that the State government will be destroyed, and consolidated into the General Government. I stated before, that this could not be so. The two governments act in different manners, and for different purposes—the General Government in great national concerns, in which we are interested in common with other members of the Union; the State legislature in our mere local concerns. * * * Our dearest rights—life, liberty and property—as Virginians, are still in the hands of our State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Patrick Henry remained unconvinced. His opinion and Madison’s were “diametrically opposite.” The mild-mannered Madison said the States would prevail. Henry, a dramatic and eloquent speaker, feared the Federal Government would prevail. Bring forth the Federal allurements, he cried, “and compare them with the poor, contemptible things that the State legislatures can bring forth. * * * There are rich, fat, Federal emoluments. Your rich, smug, fine, fat, Federal officers—the number of collectors of taxes and excises—will outnumber anything from the States. Who can cope with the excise man and the tax men?”}}
{{smaller block|Henry did not imagine that the dual governments could be kept each within its proper orbit. “I assert that there is danger of interference,” he remarked, “because no line is drawn between the powers of the two governments, in many instances; and where there is a line, there is no check to prevent the one from encroaching upon the powers of the other. I therefore contend that they must interfere, and that this interference must subvert the State government as being less powerful. Unless your government have checks, it must inevitably terminate in the destruction of your privileges.”}}
{{smaller block|William Grayson, burly veteran of the Revolution, was another member of the Virginia convention who clearly perceived the absence of effective checks and balances. “Power ought to have such checks and limitations,” he said, “as to prevent bad men from abusing it. It ought to be granted on a supposition that men will be bad; for it may eventually be so.”}}
{{smaller block|Grayson was here discussing his apprehensions toward the powers vested by article III in the Supreme Court of the United States. “This Court,” he protested, “has more power than any court under heaven.” The Court’s appellate jurisdiction, especially, aroused his alarm: “What has it in view, unless to subvert the State governments?”}}
Mr. President, only in the past few months this Court rendered a decision which struck down the sedition statutes in 48 States and two Territories, merely because the Federal Government had a statute on sedition. The Supreme Court held that because of that fact, the Federal Government had preempted the whole field, and struck down the State statutes on sedition. Sedition means overthrowing the Government. That is the practical effect of it.

Steve Nelson, in Pennsylvania, was convicted under Pennsylvania law. He appealed his case to the United States Supreme Court, and the Court turned him loose, on the ground that when the Federal sedition statute was enacted, that statute preempted the field. Thus it struck down all the State statutes on the subject. Forty-two States and two Territories had statutes on the subject.

Judge Howard Smith, in the House, who was the author of the bill, said there was no such intention on his part when he introduced the bill. There was even a provision in the bill that the State laws should not be affected. Yet the Supreme Court struck down the sedition statutes in 42 States and two Territories. Nine men overruled the legislatures of 42 States, and would have overruled the supreme courts in 42 States if their statutes had been tested.

In New York, a man named Slochower was employed by the City College of New York. The charter of the City College provides that if any schoolteacher takes refuge behind the fifth amendment, upon being asked by an official body about his Communist connections, he shall be automatically dismissed. He was questioned by an official body. He was automatically dismissed. But what happened? The Supreme Court reinstated him in his job. City College of New York cannot control its own faculty because of these nine men in Washington. Forty-eight State legislatures cannot have sedition statutes because of these nine men in Washington. Out in New Mexico a man applied for membership in the bar. A similar situation occurred in California. One of the men was admittedly a former Communist. The bar did not want him to become a member. Certainly the bar board should have discretion enough to determine whether a man had the character to be admitted. The board turned him down.

In the other case the man refused to answer questions about his Communist connections. Both of those men—one a former Communist, the other tied in with the Communists—were refused licenses to practice law, one in New Mexico and the other in California. But the nine men comprising the Supreme Court ordered those boards to give the applicants their licenses.

Also, in California there were 14 Communists convicted of actually organizing Communist cells. They were preaching the doctrine of communism. They were convicted in the California court. The case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court. What did that Court do? It turned five of them loose and gave the other nine a new trial. It virtually held, in fact, that one can preach communism all he wants to. So long as the organizing does not begin until a future day, it will be all right. In other words, there would have to be action to put it into effect immediately under the holding of the Court.

How are we going to protect this Government? How is the FBI going to protect it? How are the people of California going to protect it when they catch people who are actually organizing Communist cells and who are advocating communism and preaching communism, and then the Supreme Court turns them loose, laying down a dangerous doctrine—and it is a dangerous doctrine to which I just referred.

Then there is the Watkins case, Mr. President, which has hampered investigations by the Congress. The Supreme Court handed down a decision after Watkins had been convicted of contempt and turned him loose. The Court, in effect, held that a member of the counsel or someone who wanted to ask questions would have to explain the questions to the witness. A smart witness would never admit he understood or comprehended what was meant.

In the city of Washington, Mr. President, one of the most dangerous decisions, I think, that has ever been handed down involved the man Mallory, who raped a white woman. He was caught the next day. He was caught about 2 o’clock. Along about 8 or 9 o’clock he was given a lie-detector test, and he confessed the crime and admitted that he raped the white woman. The officers could not get hold of the United States Commissioner that night, and had to wait until the next morning, about 9 o’clock. They held the admitted criminal from about 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, and in the meantime he gave a confession to the police in Washington. He was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. He had confessed his crime. But the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. What did those nine men do with it? They reversed the decision and said the police had held the man too long.

What is going to happen in this Nation if police officers cannot hold criminals from 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, especially when those criminals have confessed to their crimes?

Heretofore in judicial administration there has been no particular time fixed. A person could be held a reasonable time before arraignment. Under this decision the man would have to confess at just about the time he was arrested, because the Supreme Court held that after he is arrested he is under coercion; and because he was held that short time the Supreme Court reversed the case, and the district attorney said there would not be any use to try it again; that the evidence depended on the confession.

As a result of that case, the Chief of Police in Washington said it would be very difficult to apprehend and detect criminals and arrest them hereafter and be able to make the evidence stand up in court. He called it a terrible handicap to law enforcement in such cases.

Mr. President, there are other decisions the Supreme Court has handed down about which I should like to tell the Senate. The Court seems to get its greatest delight out of turning loose Communists.

The record is disgraceful. The FBI, the law-enforcement agencies, police officers chase down Communists and narcotic people—and they are hard to catch. Then the Supreme Court reverses decisions and turns them loose and they walk the streets, as did the confessed rapist who was sentenced on his own confession. It is a disgrace to this Nation.

Mr. President, I still think this compromise bill is unconstitutional, but with the present Supreme Court no one can predict what they will do about it.
{{smaller block|It was John Marshall, who 15 years later would do so much to justify Mason’s apprehensions, who undertook to allay his fears now. The Federal Government, he insisted, certainly would not have the power “to make laws on every subject.” Could Members of the Congress make laws affecting the transfer of property, or contracts, or claims, between citizens of the same State?}}
{{smaller block|“Can they go beyond the delegated powers? If they were to make a law not warranted by any of the powers enumerated, it would be considered by the judges as an infringement of the Constitution which they are to guard. They would not consider such a law as coming under their jurisdiction. They would declare it void.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall saw no danger to the States from decrees of the Supreme Court: “I hope that no gentleman will think that a State will be called at the bar of the Federal court. * * * It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power should be dragged before a court.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison, Monroe, and others joined Marshall in defending the third article. Their debate was long and detailed. Much of it was concerned with questions of pleading and practice. But after several days, they went on to other aspects of the Constitution: The prospect of judicial despotism was recognized by the few, and denied by the many.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|7. THE STATES RATIFY}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, Virginia ratified. It was a close vote. A motion to postpone ratification until amendments, in the nature of a bill of rights, could be considered by “the other States in the American confederacy,” failed by 88 to 80. Then the main question was put, and this was what Virginia agreed to. It merits careful reading:}}
{{smaller block|“We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, * * * having fully and freely investigated and discussed the proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, be resumed by them whensoever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power, not granted thereby, remains with them, and at their will; that, therefore, no right, of any denomination, can be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by the Congress, by the Senate or House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by the President, or any department or officer of the United States, except in those instances in which power is given by the Constitution for those purposes; and that, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by any authority of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|The vote on that main question was 89 to 79, but even that narrow margin of approval was predicated upon a gentlemen’s agreement that the Virginia convention would recommend a number of amendments, in the form of a Bill of Rights, to be presented to the first Congress. And the first of these recommended amendments reads: “That each State in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|By the time Virginia completed ratification, of course her decision no longer carried compelling importance. The Virginia convention had opened on June 2, not quite 2 weeks after South Carolina, on May 23, had become the eighth State to ratify. But while the Virginians were debating the issue, New Hampshire, on June 21, had become No. 9: The new union had been formed, and the Constitution had become binding upon the nine States “ratifying the same.” It has ever been Virginia’s fate to make the right decisions, but to put off making them as long as possible.}}
{{smaller block|In this consideration of State and Federal relationships, there is something to be learned from the other resolutions of ratification. The easy ones came first: Delaware came first, on December 7, 1787, “fully, freely, and entirely” approving and assenting to the Constitution; and then, in quick succession, Pennsylvania on December 12, after a bitter fight; New Jersey on December 18, and Georgia—Georgians had not even read the Constitution—on January 2, 1788. Connecticut followed a week later, with a comfortable vote of 128 to 40.}}
{{smaller block|Then a month’s hiatus set in. Massachusetts did not become No. 6 until February 7, and her approval of this “explicit and solemn compact” was not unqualified:}}
{{smaller block|“It is the opinion of this convention that certain amendments and alterations in the said Constitution would remove the fears and quiet the apprehensions of many of the good people of this commonwealth, and more effectually guard against an undue administration of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|It will come as no surprise that the very first amendment recommended by Massachusetts was “that it be explicitly declared that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States to be by them exercised.”}}
{{smaller block|Two months later, on April 28, Maryland ratified. Then there was another lapse of nearly a month before South Carolina, on May 23, became No. 8; South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.” Then South Carolina added:}}
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
{{smaller block|New Hampshire, in voting its approval on June 21, closely paralleled the action of Massachusetts, but New Hampshire’s declaration as to reserved powers was even more explicit. The people of New Hampshire wanted it understood that all powers not “expressly and particularly delegated” were reserved.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield.

Mr. LANGER. Was the action of the South Carolina convention unanimous? [Laughter.]

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall, from reading the history of that matter, whether it was unanimous or not. The action of the South Carolina convention was not unanimous when it acted on the question of adopting the resolution of ratification for the admission of South Carolina to the Union. South Carolina was the eighth State to be admitted to the Union. New Hampshire was the ninth. New Hampshire’s action resulted in the formation of the Union; ratification by nine States was required in order to form the Union.

After that, Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island ratified the Constitution and became members of the Union.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I am not sure whether the action by the South Carolina convention was unanimous or not.

Mr. LANGER. I know the Senator from South Carolina, who has been a very distinguished governor of his State, is very well informed in regard to such matters.

Mr. THURMOND. As stated in the book, The Sovereign States—
{{smaller block|South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.”}}
Then South Carolina added:
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
I construe that declaration to be part of the resolution of ratification, which was not adopted unanimously.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have been glad, Mr. President, to have the Senator from North Dakota ask these questions.

Mr. President, a few years ago, when I was a young State senator, I made a commencement address in another county, about 40 miles from my home. The commencement was held in a long school building in which the acoustics were very bad. People in the rear could not hear, and looked as if they were going to sleep—and maybe they were. So I raised my voice, and said, “Ladies and gentlemen, I want you to know that I am speaking for the future citizens of South Carolina.” By raising my voice, I woke up the people in the rear of the room; and one fellow rose up, shook his head, and said, “Well, brother, if you speak much longer, they will soon be here, too.” [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I feel so good that I believe I could speak quite a long time. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I felt it my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort to emphasize the dangers of this bill.

I began speaking at 8:50 last night. It is now 5 minutes after 9. I shall conclude my remarks in a very few minutes.

Mr. President, in closing, I desire to remind the Senate that every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote; and the Federal Government has a statute which protects the right to vote. In my opinion, Mr. President, this bill is unconstitutional, for the reasons I have stated during this debate.

This so-called compromise, which came to the Senate from the House of Representatives, permits a Federal judge to decide whether he will try one who is charged with criminal contempt, or whether he will permit him to be tried by a jury. The bill further provides a Federal judge with the discretionary power—if he does not try the person without a jury—to decide what punishment he will impose. If he imposes a fine greater than $300 or imprisonment for more than 45 days, the defendant can then demand a jury trial. That process could result in two trials in the case of a defendant charged with criminal contempt. I believe that would be unconstitutional. Under our system of jurisprudence, a man can never be put in jeopardy more than once for the same offense. Furthermore, if a judge should find such a person guilty, as a result of the first trial, we can realize what effect that would have on the jury which would be used in the second trial.

Mr. President, I should like to remind the Senate of the decision I have cited today, which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That decision says criminal contempt is a crime. The Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The Constitution makes no exceptions.

The pending bill, which has come to the Senate from the House of Representatives, has now been amended in such a way that it could not conform to the Constitution.

Mr. President, in spite of the great amount of debate and discussion which previously have taken place on the subject of House bill 6127, I felt that this bill was of such importance to the citizens of the United States that it was my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort again to emphasize the dangers of the bill. I have spoken several times on it before.

Mr. President, I wish to say that my action was taken entirely on my own volition. I believe that every Senator must follow the dictates of his own conscience, in connection with such matters. I do not believe that the action of any other Senator should be judged according to the action I have taken.

Mr. President, if I have helped to bring home to the American people, the citizens of this Nation, the heartfelt conviction which I hold, namely, that this bill is unwise, unnecessary, and unconstitutional, then I shall have done what I believe to be my duty.

I should like to believe that some have been convinced by my arguments, and that my arguments have been accepted on the basis on which I intended them to be accepted—as arguments against what I am convinced is bad proposed legislation, proposed legislation which never should have been introduced, and which never should be approved by the Senate.

Mr. President, I urge every Member of this body to consider this bill most carefully. I hope the Senate will see fit to kill it.

I expect to vote against the bill. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I wish to extend my sincerest gratitude to the officials of the Senate, to those who have come in to listen to this debate, to the various Senators who have listened to this debate from time to time; to the clerks and the attachés, and to all who did everything they could to make me as comfortable as possible during the 24 hours and 22 minutes I have spoken.

Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for these courtesies, and again I want to thank the Presiding Officer and the others for their courtesies extended to me, and with this I now give up the floor, and suggest the absence of a quorum.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.

The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the rollcall be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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      <text bytes="868633" xml:space="preserve">{{header
|title=Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957
|author=Strom Thurmond
|section=
|previous=
|next=
|year=1957
|notes=Strom Thurmond’s filibuster against certain provisions of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1957, at 24 hours, 18 minutes in length, was the longest ever given in the U. S. Senate. It is recorded in the ''Congressional Record'', vol. 103, part 12, pp. 16263–16456.
}}

&lt;div class=prose style=&quot;text-indent:1em&quot;&gt;
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, earlier this morning we had scheduled speakers for the day, and attempted to estimate the number of speakers. In connection with the next speaker, we had estimated that we would reach him about 9 o’clock. We are running a little ahead of schedule. Therefore, there are no speakers available at this time. We do not desire to have a vote on the bill until every Senator has had an opportunity to express himself, and we do not wish to take advantage of any Senator, or inconvenience any Senator more than is necessary.

Therefore I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 8:45 p. m. At 8:45 p. m. we will reconvene and I shall suggest the absence of a quorum. I assume that by 9 o’clock the speaker will be ready to proceed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Texas?

There being no objection, the Senate (at 7 o’clock and 38 minutes p. m.) took a recess until 8:45 p. m.

{{c|{{asc|AFTER RECESS}}}}

On the expiration of the recess, the Senate reassembled, when called to order by the Vice President.

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secretary will call the roll.

The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. McNAMARA. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Without objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise to speak against the so-called voting-right bill H. R. 6127, which bill was passed by the House of Representatives. It came to the Senate without being referred to a committee and was placed on the Senate Calendar, which is something unusual and out of ordinary procedure. The bill was then amended by the Senate and returned to the House, after which time the House amended it again by adopting what was called a compromise. The compromise as well as the bill is entirely unreasonable, and I hope that the Senate will not pass the bill.

There are mainly three reasons why I feel the bill should not be passed. The first is that it is unnecessary.

{{c|{{asc|STATE LEGISLATION PROTECTING THE VOTING RIGHTS OF CITIZENS}}}}

Every State has enacted some legislation making it unlawful to intimidate a voter or to hinder him in the exercising of his voting rights. Penalties have been provided for such violations.

I now expect to take up the voting laws in each of the 48 States and show that each of the States affords adequate protection to the voting right. The first is Alabama.

Alabama: Unless otherwise designated, references are to the code, 1940, title 17:

{{smaller block|Intimidating or hindering voter: It Is a corrupt practice for any person on election day to intimidate an elector or an election officer, or to obstruct, hinder, or prevent or to attempt to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of the voters awaiting their turn to enter the election booths (sec. 285).

It is a corrupt practice for any person directly or indirectly to hire a person to take a place in line or to otherwise obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of the line of voters awaiting their turn to enter the polling place (sec. 286).

Penalty: Any person who does any act declared to be a corrupt practice under the election laws of the State shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, must be fined not more than $500, and may also be imprisoned in the county jail or sentenced to hard labor for the county for not more than 6 months at the discretion of the court (sec. 332).

Attempt to influence voter: Any person who by corrupt means attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or deter him from giving the same, or to disturb, or to hinder him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, at any election, must, on conviction, be fined not less than $50 nor more than $500 (sec. 304).

Disturbing elector on election day: Any person who, on election day, disturbs or prevents or attempts to prevent any elector from freely casting his ballot, must, on conviction be fined not less than $500 nor more than $1,000, and also be sentenced to hard labor for the county, or be imprisoned in the county jail for not less than 6 months nor more than 1 year (sec. 306).

Employer intimidating employee: Any employer or officer of an employer corporation, who attempts by coercion, intimidation, or threats, to discharge or lessen wages, to influence the vote of an employee, or who demands an inspection of employee’s ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not less than $500 (secs. 317, 318).}}

Arizona: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, Annotated, 1956, title 16:

{{smaller block|Coercion or intimidation of elector: It is unlawful for a person, directly or indirectly, to use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or in any other manner, to intimidate a person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure, or to commit such acts on account of a person’s having voted or refrained from voting at an election.

It is unlawful for a person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent device, to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or to compel him to either vote or refrain from voting at an election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure. Violation of this provision by a person, whether acting in his individual capacity or as an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (secs. 16–1303, 16–1305).

Intimidation of elector by employer: It is unlawful for an employer to place written or printed material in pay envelopes or, within 90 days prior to an election, to put up notices or placards, etc., in the place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of employees.

Violation of this provision by an employer, whether an individual or an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (sec. 16–1304).

Changing vote of elector by corrupt means: It is unlawful for a person, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, either directly or indirectly, to attempt to influence an elector in casting his vote, or to deter him from casting his vote, or to attempt to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, or to defraud an elector by deceiving him and causing him to vote for a different person or measure than he intended. A person violating this provision is guilty of a felony (sec. 16–1307).

Primary: The penal provisions involving crimes against the elective franchise apply to general, primary, and special elections (sec. 16–1311).}}

Arkansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes 1947, Annotated, 1956 replacement:

{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to threaten or attempt to intimidate any elector or his family, his business, or his profession, and it shall also be unlawful to attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting at any primary election. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (sec. 3–1414).

Intimidation of voters: No person shall coerce, intimidate, or unduly influence any elector to vote for or against the nominee of any political party or for or against any question or candidate, by threat of personal violence or of ejectment from rented premises, of foreclosure of mortgage, of discharge from employment, of any action at law or equity or of expulsion from membership in any church or society. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 3 years (sec. 3–1415).}}

California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:

{{smaller block|Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).

Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation to compel a person to vote or refrain from voting at any election (sec. 1158).

Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter; or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).

Election officers: Any election officer who induces or attempts to induce any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony (sec. 11583).

Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or actions of employees, or who within 90 days before an election exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (sees. 11584, 11585).

Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).

Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).

Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).}}

Colorado: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1953, chapter 49:
{{smaller block|Intimidation unlawful: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict or threaten to inflict any injury, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation, to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, for any particular person or measure at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means to impede or prevent or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise of any voter. It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether corporation, firm, or person, to enclose material in the pay envelopes, containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees, or within 90 days before an election, to display placards in the place of employment, containing such threats (sec. 49–21–5).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any person convicted of violating the above provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine of not over $1,000 or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both (secs. 49–21–5, 49–21–9).}}
{{smaller block|Discharge or promotion illegal: It shall be unlawful for any corporation, or any of its officers, to influence, or attempt to influence, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or by discharging from employment, or promoting in employment, or by other intimidation, any employee to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor and shall be punishable as outlined in the “Penalty” provision, above. In addition, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 49–21–6).}}
Connecticut: Unless otherwise designated, references are to 1955 Supplement to the General Statutes:
{{smaller block|Interference with electors in voting: Any person who does any act which invades or interferes with the secrecy of the voting, or causes the same to be invaded or interfered with, shall be imprisoned for not more than 5 years (sec. 843d).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Any person who influences or attempts to influence the vote or speech of any person in a primary caucus, or convention, by force or threat, shall be fined not less than $25, nor more than $100, or imprisoned not less than 7 days nor more than 3 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 821d).}}
{{smaller block|Employers’ threats: Any person who, within 60 days before an election, attempts to influence any employee in his vote, by threats of withholding employment, or who dismisses an employee because of the way he voted at an election, shall be fined from $100 to $500 or be imprisoned for from 6 to 12 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 842d).}}
Delaware: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code, Annotated, 1953, title 15:
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: An election officer, who, in any way, attempts to intimidate or coerce any voter in the marking of his ballot, or in the choice of the candidates for whom he votes, or who willfully discloses the manner in which any person has voted, shall be guilty of willful and malicious perjury (as violating his oath of office) and in addition to the penalties for perjury, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be imprisoned for not more than 2 years (sec. 5125).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: If any person or corporation hinders, controls, coerces, or intimidates any employee in the exercise of his right to vote at any general, special, or municipal election by threats of depriving him of employment, every elector, so aggrieved, may bring a civil action and recover $500 from such employer (secs. 5162, 5163).}}
{{smaller block|Civil remedy: Any qualified elector who is prevented from voting at any election because of intimidation or threats, or because of the requirement of unconstitutional qualifications, may bring a civil action against the person who promoted such interference, and the court or jury may give exemplary damages (sec. 5304).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Whoever, at any primary election, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, by force, threat, or intimidation, or prevents or hinders or attempts to prevent or hinder any qualified voter from exercising the rights of suffrage, shall for each offense, be fined not more than $200 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or shall both be fined and imprisoned (sec. 3168 (a)).}}
Florida: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1955 Supplement:
{{smaller block|Corruptly influencing voting: Whoever, by bribery, menace, threat, or other corruption whatsoever, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence or deceive an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or disturbs or interferes with him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage at any election, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor upon the first conviction and of a felony upon the second conviction (sec. 104.061).}}
{{smaller block|Felony penalty: The penalty for every felony under the election laws, not otherwise specifically provided, shall be imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 1 year or a fine of not more than $5,000, or both (sec. 104.40).}}
{{smaller block|Threats of employers: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee for voting or not voting in any State, county, or municipal election for any candidate or measure. Any person violating this provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. If a firm or corporation violates this provision, each officer or agent who participated in the violation shall be punished for a misdemeanor, and the firm or corporation, shall, in addition, be fined not more than $1,000 (sec. 104.081).}}
Georgia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1936:
{{smaller block|Improper voting; disorderly conduct: No person outside a voting room or voting booth shall, in any manner, either by words or gestures, attempt to influence or interfere with any voter who is in said room or booth preparing his ballot; nor shall any person enter any booth while a voter is in there; nor shall any person commit any act of disorder, or be guilty of any disorderly conduct in or near the voting rooms or booths (sec. 34–1909).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be a misdemeanor (sec. 34–9918).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: All penal laws relating to illegal practices in general elections are extended to all primary elections held for State, county, or municipal offices (1955 Supp., sec. 34–9933).}}
Idaho: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1948:
{{smaller block|Intimidation, corruption, and frauds: Every person, who, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote or to deter him from giving same, or to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or defrauds an elector at an election by deceiving him and causing him to vote differently than he intended, or who, being an officer of any election, induces, or attempts to induce, any elector, by menace or reward, to vote differently than he desired, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 18–2305), punishable by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than 6 months, or by a fine of not over $300, or by both (sec. 18–113).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with election: Any person who willfully disturbs any election place, or is guilty of riotous conduct near such place, with intent to disturb same, or interferes with the access of electors to the polling place, or interferes in any manner with the free exercise of the election franchise of any of the voters there assembled, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable as stated above (sec. 18–2313).}}
{{smaller block|Attempt to influence vote: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of any elector by means of a promise of a favor, or by means of violence or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a suit or criminal process, or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him, or by any other means (sec. 18–2319). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison not exceeding 5 years, or by both (sec. 18–2315).}}
Illinois: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Smith–Hurd Annotated Statutes, 1944, chapter 46:
{{smaller block|Offenses involving polling places: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court, for each offense. It shall be the duty of judges of election to enforce this provision (sec. 29–14).}}
{{smaller block|Miscellaneous offenses: Any person, who, at a primary or any election, shall (1) by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or otherwise unlawfully, directly or indirectly, induce or attempt to induce any voter or any person to exercise the right of franchise, or to vote for or against any person or measure, or (2) intentionally practice any fraud on any elector regarding his ballot, or (3) otherwise defraud him of his vote, or (4) by unlawful means prevent or attempt to prevent any voter from attending or voting at an election or primary, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or imprisoned in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 29–16).}}
Indiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Burma Statutes Annotated, 1949, replacement:
{{smaller block|Using violence, threats, or restraint: Whoever, for the purpose of influencing a voter, by violence or threats, seeks to enforce the payment of a debt, or ejects or threatens to eject a person from any house he may occupy, or begins a criminal prosecution, or injures the business or trade of a person, or threatens to withhold the wages of or to dismiss from service, any laborer in his employ, or refuses to allow such employee time to vote, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5941).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by election board officer: Any member of a precinct election board, who attempts, by persuasion, menace, or reward to induce any elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5935).}}
{{smaller block|Defrauding voter: Whoever fraudulently causes or attempts to cause any voter, at any election, to vote for a different person than he intended, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5938).}}
{{smaller block|Bribery or threat by candidate: Whoever gives or offers a bribe or makes a threat to procure his election to any office, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5907).}}
{{smaller block|Threats by employer: Every employer who places written or printed material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election or primary, exhibits placards, etc., in his place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of such employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5711).}}
{{smaller block|Felonies, penalty: A person, convicted of a felony under the election laws, shall be imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years in either the State prison or the reformatory, as may be required by law, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period, to which may be added a fine of from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 29–5964).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanors, penalty: Any person convicted of a misdemeanor under the election laws may either be fined from $1 to $500, or be imprisoned in either the county jail or the State farm for from 30 days to 1 year, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period not to exceed 5 years (sec. 29–5965).}}
Iowa: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Prohibited acts: Interrupting, hindering, or opposing any voter while in or approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting, or interfering, or attempting to interfere, with a voter, when inside the closed space, or when marking his ballot, are prohibited on any election day (sec. 49.107).}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $5 to $100, or by imprisonment for from 10 to 30 days in the county jail, or by both (sec. 49.108).}}
{{smaller block|Duress to prevent voting: If any person unlawfully, and by force, or threats of force, prevents, or attempts to prevent, an elector from giving his vote at any public election, he shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, and fined not more than $200 (sec. 738.13).}}
{{smaller block|Procuring vote by duress: If any person, by means of violence, threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing the payment of debts, or bringing a civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to procure the vote of any elector, at any election, or the influence of any person over other electors, either for himself or for or against any candidate, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 738.15).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: Any employer who shall refuse to allow an employee 2 hours to vote at a general election or who shall reduce his wages for such privilege, or who shall attempt to influence an employee’s vote by reward or by threats of discharge, or shall otherwise attempt to intimidate an employee from exercising his right to vote, shall be fined not less than $5 nor more than $100 (sec. 49.110).}}
Kansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Unlawful attempt to deter voting: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or hinders him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, at any election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 21–815).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Any person who shall willfully hinder the voting of others shall be punished by a fine of from $10 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days or by both (sec. 25–1717).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters at polls: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $25 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days, or by both such fine and imprisonment, for each offense (sec. 25–1719).}}
Kentucky: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Kentucky Revised Statutes, 1953:
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who unlawfully prevents or attempts to prevent any voter from casting his ballot, or intimidates, or attempts to intimidate, a voter to prevent him from casting his ballot, shall be confined in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years for each offense (sec. 124.140).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall coerce an employee to vote for any political party or candidate for nomination or election to any office in the State, or threaten to discharge an employee for exercising his right of suffrage or for voting for any candidate, nor shall an employer circulate statements that employees are expected to vote for any candidate, party, or measure (sec. 123.110 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who violates this provision shall be fined from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 123.990 (13)).}}
Louisiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, West’s, 1951:
{{smaller block|Primary: No person shall intimidate any voter at a primary election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 and imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years (sec. 18.369 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: No person shall willfully and without lawful authority obstruct, hinder, or delay any voter on his way to a polling place to vote in an election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.587, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Prior to or during an election, no person shall willfully hinder the voting of others. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.736, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Public intimidation: The use of violence, force, or threats upon a voter in a general, primary, or special election to influence his conduct, is deemed public intimidation, and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment with or without hard labor for not more than 5 years, or both (sec. 14.122 (4)).}}
Maine: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1954, chapter 5:
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall interfere or attempt to interfere with any voter while inside the voting enclosure or while marking his ballot shall be fined from $5 to $100. Election officers shall report any such person to a police officer or constable, whose duty it shall be to see that the offender is duly brought before the proper court (sec. 107).}}
{{smaller block|Corruption at elections: Whoever, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to induce him to withhold his vote, or hinders or disturbs him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned for not more than 11 months, and shall be ineligible to office for 10 years (sec. 109).}}
Maryland: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Annotated Code of Maryland, Flack, 1951, article 33.
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: If, at any general, special or primary election, any person shall by force, threat, menace, intimidation, or bribery, either directly or indirectly influence or attempt to influence any voter in giving his vote, or hinder, or attempt to hinder, a voter from freely voting or induce him to vote, such person shall be imprisoned in jail or in the penitentiary for from 6 months to 5 years (sec. 179).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether an individual or a corporation, who shall deny an employee time off for voting at a general, special, or primary election, or shall directly or indirectly hinder him from exercising his right to vote freely or shall attempt to influence his vote by threats concerning his employment, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable, for each offense, by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in jail for not over 6 months, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 180).}}
Massachusetts: Unless otherwise specified, references are to Annotated Laws, Michie, 1953 edition.
{{smaller block|Corrupt practice by candidate: A candidate is deemed to have committed a corrupt practice if he fraudulently and willfully obstructs and delays a voter in a general election, primary or caucus (ch. 55, secs. 27, 29).}}
{{smaller block|If five or more persons have reason to believe that a corrupt practice has been committed by any successful candidate, other than a candidate for the United States Congress or the general court, such voters may apply to a justice of the superior court sitting in equity in Suffolk County, for leave to bring an election petition declaring the election of such candidate void (ch. 55, sec. 28).}}
{{smaller block|A candidate found guilty, upon an election petition, of such corrupt practice, who forfeits his office, or who is convicted in a criminal proceeding of violating a law relating to corrupt practices in elections, shall be disqualified to hold office, and to vote, for 3 years (ch. 55, sec. 37).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Whoever willfully and without lawful authority hinders, delays, or interferes with a voter while on his way to a primary, caucus, or election, or while within the guardrail, or while marking his ballot, or while voting, or attempting to vote, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 29).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voting: Whoever willfully obstructs the voting at a primary, caucus, or election shall be fined not more than $100 (ch. 56, sec. 30).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall, by threats to discharge or to reduce wages, or promises of rewards, attempt to influence his employee to either give or withhold a vote, nor shall he discharge an employee, or reduce his wages, because he gave or withheld a vote. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment for not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 33).}}
Michigan: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1956 Revision, title 6.
{{smaller block|Violation deemed felony: Any person who shall, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempt to influence any elector in giving his vote or to deter him from or interrupt him in giving same at any general or primary election, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 6.1932 (a)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1935).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose written or printed matter in the pay envelopes, or within 90 days before a primary or general election, to exhibit a placard, etc., in establishment where his workers will see it, containing express or implied threats concerning employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 6 .1912). Violation of this provision is deemed a misdemeanor (sec. 6.1931 (d)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 90 days, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1934).}}
Minnesota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1946.
{{smaller block|Coercing voters: Any person who, within or without any polling place, directly or indirectly uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or causes, or threatens to cause, damage, harm, or loss to any person, with intent to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, or to vote in a particular way at any election, or who, by abduction, duress, or other fraudulent device, impedes the free exercise of the right of franchise at any election, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 210.05).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence by candidate: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, loss, or harm, upon any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, in any particular way; nor shall anyone, by abduction, duress, or fraudulent means, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any voter at a primary or election, or to induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at a primary or election (sec. 211.12). Violation of this provision is deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30).}}
{{smaller block|Refusing employee election privilege: Any person who, as principal or as agent for another, shall directly or indirectly refuse, abridge, or interfere with the election privileges of an employee, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 210.11).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer, or his agent, shall make any verbal or written, express or implied threats against his employees, involving their employment, with the intention of influencing their political opinion or action (sec. 211.24). Violation of this provision by any person as an individual shall be deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30). Violation by an officer or agent of a corporation shall be punished by a fine of from $100 to $5,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years or by both (sec. 211.28). Violation by an officer shall be deemed ''prima facie'' evidence of violation by the corporation. It is made the duty of the county attorney to conduct prosecutions under this chapter (211) on proper complaint.}}
Mississippi: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1942.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Whoever shall procure, or endeavor to procure, the vote of any elector, or the influence of any person over electors, at any election, by violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing a debt, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or of inflicting any injury, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or shall be fined not more than $1,000, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 2032).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Any person who shall by illegal force, or threats of force, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any elector from giving his vote, shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for not more than 2 years, or in a county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not over $500, or by both fine and imprisonment (sec. 2106).}}
{{smaller block|Coercing employees in primary: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to directly or indirectly coerce his employees to vote for any particular person or party in a primary election, by express or implied threats involving their employment (sec. 3172). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or both, and if violation is by a candidate, he shall forfeit his nomination (sec. 3193 (a)).}}
Missouri: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Annotated Statutes, 1952.
{{smaller block|Violence to influence voter: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, or loss upon or against any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any elector, or shall thereby induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 129.050).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, attempts to influence any qualified voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or to disturb or hinder him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, he shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.430).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter, when inside the guardrail, or when marking his ballot, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.880).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every person, whether an individual employer or an officer or agent of a firm or corporation, who shall directly or indirectly discharge, or attempt to discharge, any employee for his political opinions, or who shall coerce, or threaten to coerce, intimidate, or bribe any employee in an attempt to influence him to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate or measure at any election, shall be deemed guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 2 to 5 years (sec. 129.080).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision by a corporation shall be held as a forfeiture of its charter or franchise, which may be so adjudged in a suit brought by the county or circuit prosecuting attorney or by the attorney general (sec. 129.070).}}
{{smaller block|Denial of time to vote: Any person or corporation who shall deny an employee a certain time for voting without a penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (1956 Supp., sec. 129.060).}}
Montana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Codes, 1947.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Every person who, directly or indirectly, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb any elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of not over 1 year, or both (sec. 94–1411).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meetings of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in a public meeting for the consideration of public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 94–1419).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether individual or corporation, to enclose printed or written material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election, to display placards, etc., in his working establishment, containing express or implied threats or promises regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or actions of his employees. Violation of this provision by an individual is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $25 to $500, and imprisonment for not over 6 months in the county jail. Violation by a corporation is punishable by a fine of not over $5,000, or forfeiture of its charter, or both (sec. 94–1424).}}
Nebraska: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1943, reissue of 1952.
{{smaller block|Registration: If at any registration of voters, any person, by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or other unlawful means, shall prevent, hinder, or delay any qualified person from being registered, he shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 32–1224 (7)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voters: It shall be unlawful for any person to willfully or wrongly obstruct or prevent persons from voting who have the right to do so, at any election. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor, punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 to 6 months. This shall apply to all elections and caucuses (sec. 32–1237 (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to coerce, or attempt to coerce, an employee in his voting at any caucus, convention, or election, by threats concerning his employment. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $100, or imprisonment in the county jail for not over 30 days (sec. 32–1223).}}
Nevada.
{{smaller block|Coercion of voters: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or other means, or who shall inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm, or publish, or threaten to publish, any fact concerning a person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, or by threats to discharge an employee, impede or prevent a voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, shall be guilty of undue influence and shall be punished as for a gross misdemeanor (Laws, 1951, ch. 242, p. 360).}}
{{smaller block|Time off to vote: Any employer who shall deny an employee certain time for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (Laws, 1955, ch. 203, p. 301).}}
New Hampshire: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: If any person shall, directly or indirectly, by threats, intimidation, or bribery, induce, or attempt to induce, any voter to stay away from, or to avoid voting at, or to vote for or against any candidate in any town meeting, primary, or election, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned for not more than 3 months (sec. 69: 11).}}
New Jersey: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1940, title 19.
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: A person who shall, on election day, obstruct or interfere with any voter, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment for not more than 1 year, or both (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–6).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular person, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–28).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Whoever shall, at any election, in any way, willfully hinder or prevent a voter from casting his legal vote, knowing such person to have a right to vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of $500, or imprisonment in the State prison for 3 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–20).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall, by abduction, duress, force, or fraud, impede, prevent, or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 19: 34–29, 19: 34–31). An employer who shall so act toward an employee shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by fine of not over $2,000, or imprisonment for not over 5 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–27), and any corporation so acting, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 19: 34–31).}}
{{smaller block|Expenditures prohibited: No person shall contribute money toward the hiring of a person to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of voters awaiting their turn to enter a polling place to vote (sec. 19: 34–38d).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert written or printed material into the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days before an election, shall exhibit placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relative to their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 19: 34–30).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is punishable as for Interfering with voter, above.}}
New Mexico: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1953, Annotated.
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Any person who shall willfully coerce, browbeat, intimidate, or threaten any voter within a polling place, or shall attempt to do so, in order to influence the voter in marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $200, imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–8–29).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, damage, or loss on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of his right of suffrage by any elector, shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years, or by both (sec. 3–8–17).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who shall, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee, on account of his political opinion, or who shall, by corrupt means, attempt to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate or measure, shall be fined from $100 to $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–18–15).}}
New York: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Penal Law (McKinney’s), 1949.
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Any person who willfully and unlawfully hinders or delays, or aids in obstructing or delaying, an elector on his way to register or vote, or while he is attempting to register or vote in a general or special election, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 764 (3)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of elector in military service: Any person, who, directly or indirectly, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to control an elector in the military service of the United States in the exercise of his election rights, or who annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he exercises those rights, is guilty of a misdemeanor for which he may be tried in the future when in the State, and upon conviction of which he shall thereafter be ineligible to any office in the State (sec. 771).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. Violation of this provision shall be punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not over 1 year, or both (sec. 772–a (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation of voters: Any person or corporation who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or threatens to inflict any injury, damage, or loss on, or otherwise intimidates, any person, in order to induce him to vote, or to refrain from voting, at any election, for or against any person or measure, or to refrain from registering to vote, or for having registered and voted, or for having refrained from registering and voting, or who, by abduction, duress, or fraud, interferes with his free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor and, if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (1), (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer who inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter, or, within 90 days before a general election displays placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, is guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (3)).}}
North Carolina: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes, 1952 Recompilation.
{{smaller block|Interference with voters: Any person who shall interfere with, or attempt to interfere with, any voter when inside enclosed polling space or when marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–176).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, in connection with any primary or election, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, from employment, or otherwise intimidate or oppress any qualified voter on account of any vote such voter may cast, or intend to cast or not to cast, or which he may have failed to cast, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–196 (6)).}}
North Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code of 1943.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Every person who, by force, threat, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote at any election, or to deter him from giving his vote, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or to induce him to vote differently than he intended to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year, and shall forever be disfranchised and ineligible to any office of trust or profit within the State (sec. 12–1106).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector: Every person who willfully, and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1111).}}
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence: Every person, who, willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, and violence, threats of violence, intimidation, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing payment of debts, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to prevent an elector from freely giving his vote at any election, or hinders him from voting, or attempts to influence his vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1121).}}
Ohio: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, Page’s, 1951.
{{smaller block|Congregating at the polls: Nobody shall congregate in or about a voting place during the voting, so as to hinder an elector in registering or casting his ballot, after having been ordered by the election officer to disperse. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $20 to $300, or imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3599.30).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: No person shall before, during or after any primary, convention, or election, attempt by intimidation, coercion, ​or other unlawful means to induce a delegate or an elector to register or to vote, or to refrain from registering or from voting for a particular person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is deemed bribery and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of from 1 to 3 years, or both, and if offender is a candidate for office or has been elected to office, he shall forfeit such nomination or office (1956 supp., sec. 3599.01 (B)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert in pay envelopes or shall post on placards, etc., any express or implied threats concerning their employment, with intent to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a corrupt practice, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000 (sec. 3599.05).}}
{{smaller block|Second offense: Any person who is again convicted of a violation of the election laws, whether for the same offense or not, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000, or imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years, or both, and in addition shall be disfranchised (1956 Supp., sec. 3599.39).}}
Oklahoma: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Ann., 1937, title 21.
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector on way to polls: Every person who willfully and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on the way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 186).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meeting: Every person, who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in, or prevents an elector from attending public meeting to consider public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 212, 213).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Every person who willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, violence, threats, or intimidation, prevents or, attempts to prevent, an elector from freely giving his vote at an election or attempts to hinder him from voting or to cause him to vote for any person or candidate, shall be fined from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 214).}}
{{smaller block|Illegally influencing vote: Every person who procures, or attempts to procure, the vote of any elector, either for himself, or for or against any candidate, by means of violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, of enforcing payment of debts, of bringing civil or criminal action, or any other threats of injury, shall be fined not more than $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for not over 6 months (sec. 215).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidations: If any person in any manner intimidates or attempts to intimidate or deter anyone from voting at a general or primary election, he shall be fined not less than $10, or be imprisoned for not more than 3 months (title 26, sec. 479).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who denies employees certain time for voting in an election, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 for each elector so denied, and every agent of employer who violates this provision, shall in addition to the fine, be imprisoned in the county jail for from 2 to 6 months (title 26, sec. 438).}}
{{smaller block|Employer corporation: Any corporation which attempts to influence the votes of its employees or of other persons by threat, intimidation, bribe, or other corrupt means, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $5,000, and the person acting as its agent, who so acts, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for from 60 to 120 days (title 26, sec. 440).}}
Oregon: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1955.
{{smaller block|Undue influence: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or inflict, or threaten to inflict, harm or damage on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure. No minister, priest, or officer of a church, shall otherwise than by public speech or print persuade any voter to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, or measure. No person shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent any voter in the free exercise of the franchise in any election.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be punished as for a corrupt practice (sec. 260.300), by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not more than $5,000 or both (sec. 260.510).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: No person shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter when inside the enclosed space or when marking his ballot (sec. 260.640 (4)). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $200 (sec. 260.640 (6)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voter: No person shall, by menace, threat, or violence, whether armed or unarmed, intimidate or prevent any person from voting, or attempt to do so. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year (sec. 260.720).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person or corporation shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, harm, or loss, on any of his employees, to compel them to register or to vote, or refrain from registering or from voting, at any election, or for or against any person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|No person or corporation shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, attempt to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|No such employer shall insert in the pay envelopes any written or printed matter, or within 90 days before a general election display placards, etc., which shall contain express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 260.730), punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and if a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter in addition (sec. 260.740).}}
Pennsylvania: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Purdon’s Statutes Annotated, 1938, title 25.
{{smaller block|Interference with primaries and election: If any person shall block up the avenue to the door of any polling place, or shall attempt to do so, or shall use intimidation, threats, force, or violence, to unduly influence or overawe any elector, or to prevent him from voting or to restrain his freedom of choice at a primary or election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of from 6 months to 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3527).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation: Any person or corporation who directly or indirectly (a) uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, injury, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to register or vote or refrain from registering or from voting at any election, or for or against any person or measure, or for having so registered, voted, or refrained, or (b) by abduction, fraud, or duress impedes or hinders any voter from freely exercising his right of suffrage, or (c) being an employer, inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter or within 90 days before an election or primary exhibits placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of the offending officers or agents for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3547).}}
Rhode Island: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Laws of 1938, chapter 325.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use any threat, or employ any means of intimidation, for the purpose of influencing an elector to vote, or withhold his vote, at any election, for or against any candidate or measure, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years or by both in the discretion of the court, and shall be disfranchised (sec. 5).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person, being an employer, who, within 90 days before a general election, inserts written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or exhibits placards in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court, and shall thereafter be disfranchised and ineligible for public office. If employer is a corporation, it shall forfeit its charter (sec. 5).}}
South Carolina: South Carolina constitution election provisions:
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9:}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9: SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10: ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5: APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8: REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15: RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–73. Appeal from denial of registration''}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–74. Proceedings in court of common pleas''}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–75. Further appeal to supreme court''}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–100. Right to vote''}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats''}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct''}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally''}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
South Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1939.
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence of voters: Every person who, directly or indirectly, willfully, by force or violence, or unlawful arrest, or abduction, duress, damage, harm, or loss, or by fraud, or by threats to use any such means, or by threats to bring civil or criminal action, or to withdraw trade or to enforce payment of debts, or to inflict any injury on the voter or other person, attempts to intimidate a voter into voting, or refraining from voting, for any candidate or measure, or who does any of these things because a voter has already voted or refrained from voting for any candidate or measure, or who willfully and without lawful authority obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0913).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing public meeting of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful force or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meeting for considering public questions, or who so hinders or prevents any elector from attending any such meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0915).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: Any person who shall in any way obstruct the voting of any elector at a primary election, or intimidate any elector from attending a primary or voting thereat shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9907).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person who shall deny an employee certain time for voting at a general election without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9922). This shall only apply in the case of an employee who does not have a period of 2 consecutive hours during the time the polls are open when he is not required to be at work (Laws, 1955, ch. 57, p. 157).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall insert written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or shall within 90 days prior to an election exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 13.0914).}}
Tennessee: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It is a misdemeanor for any person, directly or indirectly, by force or threats, to prevent or attempt to prevent an elector from voting at a primary or general election or to inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm or other means of intimidation upon any person in order to compel him to vote or refrain from voting for any person or measure or because he has already so voted or refrained from voting (sec. 2–2211).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer to coerce or direct any employee or to threaten to discharge him, in order to induce him to vote or refrain from ​​voting for any candidate at a primary or general election or for any measure. It shall be unlawful to discharge an employee for his having voted, or refrained from voting, or for his having voted for or against any candidate or measure. Violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisonment in the county jail or workhouse for not more than 6 months, or both, and in addition thereto, if employer is a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 2–2236).}}
{{smaller block|It is a misdemeanor for an employer, within 90 days of an election or primary, to display placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 2–2237).}}
Texas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Penal Code, Annotated 1951.
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: Any election officer who shall, by violence or threats of violence, attempt to influence the vote of an elector for or against any particular candidate, shall be fined not over $1,000 (art. 220).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: Whoever shall by force or intimidation, obstruct or influence, or attempt to obstruct or influence, any voter in his free exercise of the elective franchise, shall be fined from $100 to $500, and in addition thereto, may be imprisoned in jail for not more than 1 month (art. 256, 255).}}
{{smaller block|Election for constitutional amendments: Any election officer or any other person within 100 feet of the voting box on election day, who shall intimidate or attempt to intimidate any qualified voter from voting on any question submitted to the people for amending the constitution of the State, or who shall attempt to influence his vote, shall be fined from $50 to $500 (art. 272).}}
{{smaller block|Person in service of United States: Any person in the civil or military service of the United States in Texas, who by threats, bribery, menace, or other corrupt means, controls, or attempts to control, the vote of an elector, or annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he has exercised his right of elective franchise, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be arrested and tried at any future time when he may be found in Texas (art. 258).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Whoever shall deny an employee the privilege of attending the polls without penalty or deduction of wages, shall be fined not more than $500 (art. 209).}}
Utah: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1953.

The following provisions apply to general, special, and primary elections (sec. 20–13–20):
{{smaller block|Disturbance: Any person who so interferes with the voters at any election as to prevent such election from being fairly held, is guilty of a felony (sec. 20–13–3), punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years or by both (sec. 20–13–4).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any person or measure at any election, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, fraud, or duress, to impede, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter. Violation of these provisions is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose in pay envelopes of employees, written or printed matter, or within 90 days of any election, to exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful for any corporation or its agent to influence or attempt to influence any employee, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury or damage, or by discharging from employment or promoting in employment, or by any other form of intimidation, to vote, or not to vote, at any election, or for any person or measure. Violation of this chapter is a misdemeanor, in addition to punishment for which, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 20–13–7).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who shall refuse to allow an employee certain time off for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. This shall not apply to employees who are paid by the hour (sec. 20–13–18).}}
Vermont: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Revision of 1947.
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: A person who interferes with a voter when inside the guardrail, shall be fined $50. The election officers shall see that the offender is duly prosecuted (sec. 379).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence: A person who attempts by bribery, threats, or any undue influence to dictate, or control, or alter the vote of a freeman about to be given at a general election shall be fined not more than $200 (sec. 388).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voting: A person who willfully hinders the voting of others during an election, shall be fined $50 (art. 390).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: The above provisions under “undue influence” and “hindering voting” shall also apply to primary elections (sec. 391).}}
Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1950.
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: If it shall appear at an election that the voters are being intimidated or coerced from any source in the exercise of their suffrage by bystanders about the polling place, or that voters are being hindered or tampered with in any way so as to prevent their casting a secret ballot, the judges of election may order the person engaged in so intimidating, coercing, or hindering the voters, to cease such action, and if he does not forthwith desist, the judges or a majority of them may order the arrest of such person by anyone authorized to make arrests, and may confine him in the county or city jail for not over 24 hours, and such person, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished as for a misdemeanor (sec. 24–190).}}
{{smaller block|Voting offenses: If any person, by threat or bribery, attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or attempts to deter him from giving his vote, he shall be confined in jail for not more than 1 year and fined not over $1,000 (sec. 24–450).}}
{{smaller block|Registration: Any registration officer who willfully or maliciously rejects from registering any person, contrary to law, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 24–453).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanor: A misdemeanor, under the election laws, unless otherwise specified, is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 12 months, or both (sec. 24–455).}}
Washington: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, 1951, title 29.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Any person who uses menace, force, threat, or corrupt means, at or prior to any election, toward any elector, to hinder or deter him from voting at such election, or authorizes another to do so, shall be guilty of a felony. Any election officer who, by menace, persuasion, or reward, attempts to induce an elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 29.85.060).}}
{{smaller block|Influencing voter: Any person who directly or indirectly, by menace or other corrupt means, attempts to influence a person in giving or refusing to give his vote in any election, or deters, disturbs, hinders, persuades, threatens, or intimidates any person from giving his vote therein, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $250 or by imprisonment for 6 months or both (sec. 29.85.070).}}
{{smaller block|Recall: Every person shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor, who by any corrupt means or by threats or intimidation, interferes with or attempts to interfere with the right of any legal voter to sign, or not to sign, any recall petition, or to vote for or against any recall (1953 Supp., sec. 29.82.220 (5)).}}
West Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1955, Annotated (Michie).
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall, by any manner of force, fraud, menace, or intimidation, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any voter from attending any election or from freely exercising his right of suffrage thereat, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or by confinement in the county jail for not over 1 year, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 164).}}
{{smaller block|Threat of violence: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, or on account of his having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, prevent or impede any voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, or shall thereby compel him to either vote, or refrain from voting, for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (c)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual or corporation, who prints on pay envelopes of employees or on placards, etc., in his establishment, express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of corrupt practices, punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $20,000, or by imprisonment in jail for not more than 1 year, or both (sec. 169 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall give any notice or information to his employees containing any threat, either express or implied, intended to influence the political view or actions of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (d)).}}
Wisconsin: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1951.
{{smaller block|Threats: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, in order to compel any person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise at any election, or shall thereby induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at any election for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be punished by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 346.17, renumbered sec. 12.52 by Laws, 1955, ch. 696, sec. 160).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall distribute among his employees any printed or written matter containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, calculated to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 12.19). Penalties for violation of this provision refer to violations by candidates or their committees (sec. 12.28).}}
Wyoming: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Wyoming Compiled Statutes Annotated, 1945.
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who shall, during an election, willfully hinder the voting of others, shall be fined from $25 to $100 (sec. 31–2309).}}
{{smaller block|Misconduct: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of election by means of violence, or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing trade, or enforcing payment of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a civil or criminal action or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him (sec. 31–2312 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|No person shall prevent or attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting (sec. 31–2312 (10)).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of these provisions is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not over 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or both (sec. 31–2312 (22)).}}
Mr. President, I have read the election laws.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have read the election laws of every State in the Union, from Alabama to Wyoming, showing that the States now have, on their statute books and in their constitutions, provisions to protect the right to vote. The accuracy of the statutes which I have just recited is confirmed by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress.

No one can say that any State, from Alabama through Wyoming, does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

The bill before the Senate is called a right-to-vote bill. Why is it called that? Every State has statutes to protect the right to vote. The sovereign States are protecting their citizens in the right to vote. Yet there is a big cry and a big hue about a voting law. As a matter of fact, the only thing that instigated this bill was the desire of both parties, the Democratic and the Republican, to play to minority votes. That is the purpose of the bill. It is purely political. Why do we need a Federal law when every State has a statute to protect the right to vote? And who is in a better position to protect the right to vote than the officials of the States?

Suppose the voting laws of all the States were abrogated and violated. Does the Federal Government have a police system which would enable it to send officials into every State to police the election laws of every State? If so, it would change our entire conception of the Government of this Nation.

The Constitution of the United States was written in 1789, in Philadelphia. It was ratified by nine Colonies which made them States and created the Union; 2 years later the Bill of Rights was adopted; and in the 10th amendment, which is a part of the Bill of Rights, it is provided that all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States. There is nothing in the Constitution that delegates those powers to the Federal Government. Therefore, those rights are reserved to the States, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for Congress to attempt to pass a law that will set up an administration which will attempt to bring about a policing of all the elections in all the 48 States of this Nation.

Some persons say, “Well, the States won’t enforce the voting laws. We have got to have a Federal law. Some States deny the vote to citizens.” I question that. Has there been a single instance brought before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the United States and proof presented that anyone has been denied the vote? From my understanding, and from the minority report which was submitted by some members of the Judiciary Committee, that has not been the case. So why does the Federal Government want to enter a field into which it has no constitutional authority to enter? As a matter of fact, the Federal Government already has a statute, I say to those who say the States are not protecting the right to vote. I am wondering if the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives have overlooked the Federal statute. I shall read that statute, so that Senators can know that we now have a Federal statute to protect the right to vote.

I shall read several provisions. The last one is the most applicable, and one on which I shall comment a little more, but I want to start with chapter 29 of title 18 of the Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

That is the United States Code, Criminal Code, and Criminal Procedure. Chapter 29 is entitled “Elections and Political Activities.”

Section 591 reads:
{{smaller block|Definitions:}}
{{smaller block|When used in sections 597, 599, 602, 609, and 610 of this title—}}
{{smaller block|The term “election” includes a general or special election, but does not include a primary election or convention of a political party.}}
But under a decision of the Supreme Court, in a case which went up from my own State of South Carolina, it was held that the primary election was a part of the election machinery; and the decision was rendered on that subject.
{{smaller block|The term “candidate” means an individual whose name is presented for election as Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress of the United States, whether or not such individual is elected;}}
{{smaller block|The term “political committee” includes any committee, association, or organization which accepts contributions or makes expenditures for the purpose of influencing or attempting to influence the election of candidates or presidential and vice presidential electors (1) in two or more States, or (2) whether or not in more than one State if such committee, association, or organization (other than a duly organized State or local committee of a political party) is a branch or subsidiary of a national committee, association, or organization;}}
{{smaller block|The term “contribution” includes a gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make a contribution, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “expenditure” includes a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make an expenditure, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “person” or the term “whoever” includes an individual, partnership, committee, association, corporation, and any other organization or group of persons;}}
{{smaller block|The term “State” includes Territory and possession of the United States. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 9, 63 Stat. 90.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 592. Troops at polls.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer of the Army or Navy, or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 593. Interference by Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States, prescribes or fixes or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, prevents, or attempts to prevent, by force, threat, intimidation, advice, or otherwise any qualified voter of any State from fully exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, orders or compels or attempts to compel any election officer in any State to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election in a State, different from those prescribed by law; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, interferes in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of his duties—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces from exercising the right of suffrage in any district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State of such district. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
I shall now comment on section 594, which is entitled “Intimidation of Voters.” I cannot help but believe that Members of Congress in some way must have overlooked this statute, if they believe a Federal statute is essential on this subject, which I do not. This is the way the section reads:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 594. Intimidation of voters.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
Mr. President, I do not think this statute is constitutional, in section 594, because I think the question is a matter reserved to the States. Since evidently there were people who thought the Federal Government did need to enter this field and who must have felt that it would not be unconstitutional for the Federal Government to enter it, this section was adopted. This section provides, as I have just read, for the punishment of anyone who attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose.

What is the purpose of the bill now under consideration, H. R. 6127? It is called the right-to-vote bill. The Federal statute here, in section 594 of title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure, is just as plain on the subject as it can be. There is the Federal statute on the question of voting. I do not like it, because I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field, but we have the statute, in section 594.

If there has been any violation of voting rights in this country, if there has been a single case of any person who claims that he has been intimidated or threatened or coerced to vote, the Federal Government has the power, under that statute, to punish anyone if he is convicted for such offense.

Either this statute has not been enforced, if there have been violations, or else there have been no violations. So when the Federal Government asks that another voting law be passed, such as House bill 6127, it is admitting 1 of 2 things: Either there have been no violations of the rights of people to vote, or the Justice Department is not enforcing the law on this subject.

I do not see what good it would do to enact another statute. What good would another statute do, if we have a statute already on the books? I have heard of no cases brought under this statute. There must not have been any violations. If there have been violations, the Federal Government has failed to prosecute violators, which it could do under this law.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 595. Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial governments.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a person employed in any administrative position by the United States, or by any department or agency thereof, or by the District of Columbia, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, or by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States, or any political subdivision, municipality, or agency thereof, or agency of such political subdivision or municipality (including any corporation owned or controlled by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States or by any such political subdivision, municipality, or agency), in connection with any activity which is financed in whole or in part by loans or grants made by the United States, or any department or agency thereof, uses his official authority for the purpose of interfering with, or affecting, the nomination or the election of any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner from any Territory or possession, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prohibit or make unlawful any act by any officer or employee of any educational or research institution, establishment, agency, or system which is supported in whole or in part by any State or political subdivision thereof, or by the District of Columbia or by any Territory or possession of the United States; or by any recognized religious, philanthropic, or cultural organization. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 596. Polling Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, within or without the Armed Forces of the United States, polls any member of such forces, either within or without the United States, either before or after he executes any ballot under any Federal or State law, with reference to his choice of or his vote for any candidate, or states, publishes, or releases any result of any purported poll taken from or among the members of the Armed Forces of the United States or including within it the statement of choice for such candidate or of such votes cast by any member of the Armed Forces of the United States, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned for not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|The word “poll” means any request for information, verbal or written, which by its language or form of expression requires or implies the necessity of an answer, where the request is made with the intent of compiling the result of the answers obtained, either for the personal use of the person making the request, or for the purpose of reporting the same to any other person, persons, political party, unincorporated association or corporation, or for the purpose of publishing the same orally, by radio, or in written or printed form. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 597. Expenditures to influence voting.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever makes or offers to make an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote, or to vote for or against any candidate; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits, accepts, or receives any such expenditure in consideration of his vote or the withholding of his vote—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 598. Coercion by means of relief appropriations.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever uses any part of any appropriation made by Congress for work relief, relief, or for increasing employment by providing loans and grants for public-works projects, or exercises or administers any authority conferred by any appropriation act for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing any individual in the exercise of his right to vote at any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 599. Promise of appointment by candidate.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a candidate, directly or indirectly promises or pledges the appointment, or the use of his influence or support for the appointment of any person to any public or private position or employment, for the purpose of procuring support in his candidacy shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 600. Promise of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, directly or indirectly, promises any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit, provided for or made possible in whole or in part by any act of Congress, to any person as consideration, favor, or reward for any political activity, or for the support of or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 601. Deprivation of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, except as required by law, directly or indirectly, deprives, attempts to deprive, or threatens to deprive any person of any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, on account of race, creed, color, or any political activity, support of, or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62, Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 602. Solicitation of political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, or a candidate for Congress, or individual elected as, Senator, Representative, Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, or an officer or employee of the United States or any department or agency thereof, or a person receiving any salary or compensation for services from money derived from the Treasury of the United States, directly or indirectly solicits, receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose whatever, from any other such officer, employee, or person, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 603. Place of solicitation.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by any person mentioned in section 602 of this title, or in any navy yard, fort, or arsenal, solicits or receives any contribution of money or other thing of value for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722; October 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (b), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 604. Solicitation from persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits or receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose from any person known by him to be entitled to, or receiving​ compensation, employment, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 605. Disclosure of names of persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, for political purposes, furnishes or discloses any list or names of persons receiving compensation, employment, or benefits provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating, or authorizing the appropriation of funds for work relief or relief purposes, to a political candidate, committee, campaign manager, or to any person for delivery to a political candidate, committee, or campaign manager; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever receives any such list or names for political purposes—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 606. Intimidation to secure political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being one of the officers or employees of the United States mentioned in section 602 of this title, discharges, or promotes, or degrades, or in any manner changes the official rank or compensation of any other officer or employee, or promises or threatens so to do, for giving or withholding or neglecting to make any contribution of money or other valuable thing for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 607. Making political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States or any department or agency thereof, directly or indirectly gives or hands over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator or Member of or Delegate to Congress, or Resident Commissioner, any money or other valuable thing on account of or to be applied to the promotion of any political object, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 608. Limitations on political contributions and purchases.}}
{{smaller block|(a) Whoever, directly or indirectly, makes contributions in an aggregate amount in excess of $5,000 during any calendar year, or in connection with any campaign for nomination or election, to or on behalf of any candidate for an elective Federal office, including the offices of President of the United States and presidential and vice presidential electors, or to or on behalf of any committee or other organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not apply to contributions made to or by a State or local committee or other State or local organization or to similar committees or organizations in the District of Columbia or in any Territory or possession of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|(b) Whoever purchases or buys any goods, commodities, advertising, or articles of any kind or description, the proceeds of which, or any portion thereof, directly or indirectly inures to the benefit of or for any candidate for an elective Federal office including the offices of President of the United States, and presidential and vice-presidential electors or any political committee or other political organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not interfere with the usual and known business, trade, or profession of any candidate.}}
{{smaller block|(c) In all cases of violations of this section by a partnership, committee, association, corporation, or other organization or group of persons, the officers, directors, or managing heads thereof who knowingly and willfully participate in such violation, shall be punished as herein provided.}}
{{smaller block|(d) The term “contribution,” as used in this section, shall have the same meaning prescribed by section 591 of this title. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina. The Senator may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue by reading section 609:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 609. Maximum contributions and expenditures.}}
{{smaller block|No political committee shall receive contributions aggregating more than $3 million, or make expenditures aggregating more than $3 million, during any calendar year.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section, any contributions received and any expenditures made on behalf of any political committee with the knowledge and consent of the chairman or treasurer of such committee shall be deemed to be received or made by such committee.}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of this section by any political committee shall be deemed also to be a violation by the chairman and the treasurer of such committee and by any other person responsible for such violation and shall be punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment of not more than 1 year, or both; and, if the violation was willful, by a fine of not more than $10,000, or imprisonment of not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 610. Contributions or expenditures by national banks, corporations, or labor organizations.}}
{{smaller block|It is unlawful for any national bank, or any corporation organized by authority of any law of Congress, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election to any political office, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any political office, or for any corporation whatever, or any labor organization, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which presidential and vice-presidential electors or a Senator or Representative are, or a Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress are to be voted for, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate, political committee, or other person to accept or receive any contribution prohibited by this section.}}
{{smaller block|Every corporation or labor organization which makes any contribution or expenditure in violation of this section shall be fined not more than $5,000; and every officer or director of any corporation, or officer of any labor organization, who consents to any contribution or expenditure by the corporation or labor organization, as the case may be, and any person who accepts or receives any contribution, in violation of this section, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section “labor organization” means any organization of any kind, or any agency or employee representation committee or plan, in which employees participate and which exist for the purpose, in whole or in part, of dealing with employers concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay, hours of employment, or conditions of work. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 10, 63 Stat. 90; Oct. 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (c), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 611. Contributions by firms or individuals contracting with the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, entering into any contract with the United States or any department or agency thereof, either for the rendition of personal services or furnishing any material, supplies, or equipment to the United States or any department or agency thereof, or selling any land or building to the United States or any department or agency thereof, if payment for the performance of such contract or payment for such material, supplies, equipment, land, or building is to be made in whole or in part from funds appropriated by the Congress, during the period of negotiation for, or performance under such contract or furnishing of material, supplies, equipment, land, or buildings, directly or indirectly makes any contribution of money or any other thing of value, or promises expressly or impliedly to make any such contribution, to any political party committee, or candidate for public office or to any person for any political purpose or use; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever knowingly solicits any such contribution from any such person or firm, for any such purpose during any such period—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 612. Publication or distribution of political statements.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever willfully publishes or distributes, or causes to be published or distributed, or for the purpose of publishing or distributing the same, knowingly deposits for mailing or delivery, or causes to be deposited for mailing or delivery, or, except in cases of employees of the Post Office Department in the official discharge of their duties, knowingly transports or causes to be transported in interstate commerce any card, pamphlet, circular, poster, dodger, advertisement, writing, or other statement relating to or concerning any person who has publicly declared his intention to seek the office of President, or Vice President of the United States, or Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress, in a primary, general, or special election, or convention of a political party, or has caused or permitted his intention to do so to be publicly declared, which does not contain the names of the persons, associations, committees, or corporations responsible for the publication or distribution of the same, and the names of the officers of each such association, committee, or corporation, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724; Aug. 25, 1950, ch. 784, sec. 2, 64 Stat. 475.)}}
Mr. President, I have read those Federal statutes to show that we have in title 18, chapter 29, provision for elections and political activities, and the specific section to which I referred and attempted to emphasize, section 594, provides especially for the punishment of anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces any other person for interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. That is in the Federal statutes.

Again I ask, Why does the Congress need to pass another law when we have a law, a law with teeth in it, a law that provides a punishment of as much as $1,000 or imprisonment for as long as one year, or both? In other words, under this statute, the Federal Government, through the Justice Department, can prosecute any person who intimidates, threatens, or coerces another person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote and to vote as he chooses. If we have that kind of law on the books now, why do we need another law? As I stated a few moments ago, I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field. But they have entered this field, and laws on the subject have been enacted. Section 594 gives the Federal Government all the authority it needs to protect the right to vote in any State of this Nation. Section 594 makes provision for specific punishment if anyone violates the section and attempts to deny the right to vote, or threatens, intimidates, or coerces one in his right to vote and to vote as he chooses.

So with every State in the Nation having laws on the subject to protect the right to vote, and with the Federal Government having laws on this subject to protect the right to vote, why do we need to pass another bill, another bill which is unconstitutional, another bill which violates the Constitution of the United States? I will come to that later on in my address. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States.

I am going to take up after a while a decision which shows that criminal contempt is a crime, and if criminal contempt is a crime, then it falls within the category of the provision of the Constitution of the United States which says that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. It does not specify by degree. If he is entitled to a jury trial, he is entitled to it. The Senate passed a bill with an amendment providing for jury trial. The bill went back to the House, the House amended it, and added a provision that the judge in his discretion could try the case if the punishment was not over 45 days or a fine of $300. That is not what the Constitution says. The Constitution does not provide that a man is entitled to a jury trial under certain conditions, if the House had fixed the fine at $1 instead of $300 and denied a man the right of a trial by jury, in my opinion it still would have been unconstitutional. I shall develop that more as my address goes on.

Mr. President, I shall now take up specific points of the proposed compromise on the jury trial provisions of H. R. 6127, so as to point out the lack of constitutionality of the provisions in connection with contempt of court proceedings.

A so-called compromise has been reached among advocates of civil-rights legislation—H. R. 6127—whereby a jury trial would be given in certain criminal contempts of Federal courts.

The purpose of this speech is to point out the objectionable features of the proposed compromise and to show conclusively that it is unconstitutional.

The proposed jury-trial amendment, being part V of H. R. 6127, reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|PART V—TO PROVIDE TRIAL BY JURY FOR PROCEEDINGS TO PUNISH CRIMINAL CONTEMPTS OF COURT ARISING OUT OF CIVIL-RIGHTS CASES AND TO AMEND THE JUDICIAL CODE RELATING TO FEDERAL JURY QUALIFICATIONS}}}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 151. In all cases of criminal contempt arising under the provisions of this act, the accused, upon conviction, shall be punished by fine or imprisonment or both: ''Provided, however'', That in case the accused is a natural person the fine to be paid shall not exceed the sum of $1,000, nor shall imprisonment exceed the term of 6 months: ''Provided further'', That in any such proceeding for criminal contempt, at the discretion of the judge, the accused may be tried with or without a jury: ''Provided further, however'', That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of the $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury, which shall conform as near as may be to the practice in other criminal cases.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not apply to contempts committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice nor to the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders, or process of the court.}}
{{smaller block|Nor shall anything herein or in any other provision of law be construed to deprive courts of their power, by civil contempt proceedings, without a jury, to secure compliance with or to prevent obstruction of, as distinguished from punishment for violations of, any lawful writ, process, order, rule, decree, or command of the court in accordance with the prevailing usages of law and equity, including the power of detention.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 152. Section 1861, title 28, of the United States Code is hereby amended to read as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“1861. Qualifications of Federal jurors.}}
{{smaller block|“Any citizen of the United States who has attained the age of 21 years and who has resided for a period of 1 year within the judicial district, is competent to serve as a grand or petit juror unless:}}
{{smaller block|“(1) He has been convicted in a State or Federal court of record of a crime punishable by imprisonment for more than 1 year and his civil rights have not been restored by pardon or amnesty.}}
{{smaller block|“(2) He is unable to read, write, speak, and understand the English language.}}
{{smaller block|“(3) He is incapable, by reason of mental or physical infirmities, to render efficient jury service.”}}
Mr. President, those are the provisions of the so-called compromise.

I wish to have all other Members of the Senate and all other citizens of these United States know just what the compromise provides.

First, Mr. President, this amendment is clearly unconstitutional because of vagueness.

It is an established principle of constitutional law that crimes must be clearly defined. If this amendment were enacted, persons charged with contempt would be deprived of their liberty and property without due process of law, in violation of the 14th amendment to the Federal Constitution. Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under a statute by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them.

This point is clearly brought out in Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, in the second edition, third volume, at page 1727. Here is what this great authority on the Constitution has to say on this point:
{{smaller block|1142. Crimes must be clearly defined.}}
{{smaller block|Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under statutes by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them. “A statute which either forbids or requires the doing of an act in terms so vague that men of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ as to its application violates the first essential of due process of law.” ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' (269 U. S. 385).}}
The first sentence of the proposed amendment—section 151—refers to criminal contempt and provides for punishment upon conviction. The first ''proviso'' of the first sentence refers to natural persons; and for such natural persons, the fine is limited to $1,000 or—in the alternative—imprisonment is limited to 6 months. This first ''proviso'' is obviously drafted to bring the offense within the present definition of “misdemeanor,” as classified by the Congress in the adoption of title 18 of the United States Code on June 25, 1948. Section 1 of title 18, United States Code, classifies offenses against the United States as follows:
{{smaller block|1. Offenses classified:}}
{{smaller block|Notwithstanding any act of Congress to the contrary:}}
{{smaller block|(1) Any offense punishable by death or imprisonment for a term exceeding 1 year is a felony.}}
{{smaller block|(2) Any other offense is a misdemeanor.}}
{{smaller block|(3) Any misdemeanor, the penalty for which does not exceed imprisonment for a period of 6 months or a fine of not more than $500, or both, is a petty offense.}}
The second ''proviso'' of the first sentence still refers to criminal contempt, and vests in the Federal district judge the discretion to determine whether the person accused of contempt is to be tried with or without a jury.

The third proviso of the first sentence, still referring only to criminal contempts, says that where the district judge proceeds summarily—without benefit of a jury—to convict the accused and fine him or her for more than $300 or imprison him or her for more than 45 days, then the person so convicted—fined or imprisoned—may demand a trial ''de novo''. It is assumed that trial ''de novo'' contemplates a trial anew of the entire controversy, including the hearing of evidence, as though no previous action had been taken. In ''Pittsburgh S. S. Co.'' v. ''Brown'' ((1948 Ct. App. Ill.) 171 Fed. 2d. 175, 177), “trial ''de novo''” is defined as an entirely new trial, but that was a civil case. The term “trial ''de novo''” nowhere appears in criminal cases referred to in volume 42 A, Words and Phrases, 1952 edition or 1957 supplement.

The second sentence of the amendment, without any reference to “criminal contempt” or without defining or differentiating between “criminal contempt” and “civil contempt,” proceeds to make the provisions of the first sentence inapplicable to those contempts “committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice” and likewise inapplicable to “misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders or process of the court.” In other words, this second sentence deals with certain “contempts” and with “misbehavior of any officers of the court” and excludes such “contempts” and “misbehavior of any officer of the court” from the provisions of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. In other words, the second sentence says that if any contempt is committed in the presence of the court, or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice, it is not dealt with in the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. Likewise excluded from coverage by the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127—would be “the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court” in respect to any writ, order, or process of court issued presumably under authority of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127.

The last sentence of the amendment—section 151—simply tries to restate the proposition now appearing in section 401 of title 18, United States Code, that a court of the United States has power to punish contempts of its authority. However, in restating that proposition, this last sentence refers to “civil contempts,” whereas section 401 refers to “contempt of its”—the court’s—“authority.” Thus we see the last sentence of the amendment, section 151, refers to “civil contempt,” as distinguished from the first sentence, which deals with “criminal contempt.”

Nowhere in the amendment is any definition given of either “criminal contempt” or “civil contempt;” nor has Congress ever attempted to draw any such distinction. The sole provision attempting to draw a distinction between criminal and civil contempt is contained in rule 42 (b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in the requirement that the notice with respect to a criminal contempt shall describe it as such. The Advisory Committee on Rules, appointed by the United States Supreme Court pursuant to the act of June 29, 1940—Fifty-fourth United States Statutes at Large, page 686—to assist in the preparation of rules of pleading, in their notes indicate that the requirement of notice written into rule 42 (b) was “intended to obviate the frequent confusion between criminal and civil contempt proceedings” pursuant to the suggestion made in ''McCann'' v. ''New York Stock Exchange'' ((2d Cir., 1935) 80 F. 2d 211). See Civil and Criminal Contempt in the Federal Courts, report of Los Angeles Bar Association, 17 Federal Rules Decisions 167–182—1955. The Supreme Court itself has belabored the distinction between civil and criminal contempts. For the Court’s distinction see ''Bessette'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' ((1904) 194 U.S. 324, 328).

A contempt statute certainly comes within the due process of law requirements of the Constitution. To substantiate this point, I refer again to Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, page 1727, section 1141. In this section Willoughby points out that a contempt which is not committed in open court does require due process of law for the defendant. The United States Supreme Court, in an opinion by Chief Justice Taft, held on April 13, 1925, that all the guaranties of due process of law are available to a person charged with contempt. ''Cooke'' v. ''United States'' ((1925) 267 U.S. 517.) Thus it is quite clear that the amendment—section 151—as now drafted, would subject a person to criminal prosecution for a statutory offense so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable him to determine whether or not he is committing that offense. ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' ((1926) 269 U. S. 385); ''International Harvester Co.'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 216); ''Collins'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 634).

Second. This amendment is unconstitutional, in violation of the fifth amendment prohibiting double jeopardy.

That provision of the amendment which permits the accused to be tried a second time by a jury for the same offense following conviction in a summary proceeding violates the fifth amendment to the United States Constitution, which declares “nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb.”

In ''ex parte'' Grossman the Supreme Court stated that contempt is an “offense” within the meaning of the pardoning power of the President granted in article II, section 2, clause 1 of the enumerated powers of the President. Clause 1 declares the President “shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons of offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.” Chief Justice Taft in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1925) 267 U. S. 87, 107) quoting ''Myers'' v. ''United States'' ((1924) 264 U. S. 95, 104–105).

If contempt is an offense when it comes to the pardoning power of the President, it certainly is an offense under the fifth amendment. Thus reading the language of the amendment—section 151—''in pari materia'' with the decisions in ''ex parte'' Grossman and ''Myers'' against ''United States'', for the Congress to grant a second trial following conviction, with the same defendant, the same charges, and the same evidence, would place the defendant in double jeopardy.

The proposal—section 151—even if it were not in violation of the fifth amendment, would place Congress in the position of gambling with the rights of our citizens. Suppose a judge tries a man or woman and finds the person guilty. The press reports this fact to the public and such cases are bound to stir the public interest. The person so convicted is then tried again on the same evidence. Any jury is bound to be influenced.

In addition, what basis or standard of conduct is to be the determining factor as to whether the judge imposes the lesser fine or sentence and lets his verdict stand or imposes the greater fine or punishment and moves the case along to a jury trial. There would be no uniformity in the application of the proposed statute—section 151—and the entire procedure would be awkward, cumbersome, and impracticable.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', a note is made of an interruption in Mr. Thurmond’s speech, regarding the results of a special election for a Senator, upon which several pages of the ''Record'' are used to record the reading of documents and the discussion of matters relevant thereto. As this is not a constituent portion of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, it is absent from this record. However, following this notice, several other parliamentary procedures are maintained, and other matters are dealt with; the ''Record'' then replaces the remainder of Mr. Thurmond’s speech to the records of the succeeding day, beginning on p. 16383. This record begins again from this section.''

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I now wish to take up Chief Justice Taft’s opinion on jury trials in contempt cases. Considerable has been said about what Chief Justice Taft said concerning contempt and jury trials. Chief Justice Taft was at one time President of the United States, and he was Chief Justice of the United States. He was a great man and a great American. His opinions are highly revered, but some of his opinions have been quoted out of context or when not applicable. I wish to take up at this time his opinions on jury trials in contempt cases.

On June 5, 1957, at his White House press conference, President Eisenhower, in answer to a question asked by the National Negro Press Association as to how he stood on the jury-trial amendment to the so-called civil-rights bill, quoted President Taft, as being opposed to a jury trial in contempt cases. President Eisenhower stated that Mr. Taft made this statement when he was President in 1908 and there is no evidence that he ever changed his mind.

In the first place the statement was not made by Mr. Taft while President. The statement was made by Mr. Taft in a political speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on Tuesday, July 28, 1908, in acceptance of the Republican nomination for President. Mr. Taft at the time was Secretary of War. He did not become President until March 4, 1909.

In this political speech Mr. Taft also said a trial by jury in contempt cases was never known in the history of the jurisprudence of England, or America, except in the constitution of Oklahoma. See Presidential Addresses and Papers, William H. Taft, 1910 ed., page 26.

Also in this speech Mr. Taft said the popular impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, may be affected by a personal feeling was unfounded.

Did Mr. Taft change his mind when he became Chief Justice? He most assuredly did. He not only changed his mind on the subject of whether jury trials were had at common law in contempt cases but also changed his mind about judges having personal vindictiveness in contempt orders.

While Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Mr. Taft delivered the opinion in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1924) 267 U. S. 87) and cited eight cases at common law to show that in England a jury trial was had in contempt cases. This decision was rendered by him in upholding a pardon granted by President Hoover to a man imprisoned by a United States district judge in Illinois for contempt in a summary proceeding. Chief Justice Taft declared at page 118 of volume 267, United States Reports:
{{smaller block|The King of England before our Revolution, in the exercise of his prerogative, had always exercised the power to pardon contempts of court, just as he did ordinary crimes and misdemeanors and as he has done to the present day. In the mind of a common-law lawyer of the 18th century the word pardon included within its scope the ending by the King’s grace of the punishment of such derelictions, whether it was imposed by the court without a jury or upon indictment, for both forms of trial for contempts were had. ''Thomas of Chartham'' v. ''Benet of Stamford'' ((1313), 24 Selden Society, 185); ''Fulwood'' v. ''Fulwood'' ((1585), Toothill, 46); ''Rex'' v. ''Buckenham'' ((1665), 1 Deble 751, 707, 852); Anonymous (1674), Cases in Chancery (238); ''King and Codrington'' v. ''Rodmap'' ((1630), Cr. Car. 198); ''Bartram'' v. ''Dannett'' ((1676), Finch, 253); ''Phipps'' v. ''Earl of Angelsea'' ((1721), 1 Peere Williams, 696).}}
In all probability Mr. Taft was induced to recognize the fact that jury trials were customarily had at common law in contempts as a result of research conducted by the distinguished historian of English law, Mr. W. S. Holdsworth. The efforts of this great historian were first made public in 1909 after Mr. Taft had made his earlier statement.

Mr. Holdsworth declared that the only cases in which contempts were punished summarily was where the contemnor confessed his guilt. If he did not confess the accused was tried by the ordinary course of law which meant trial by jury. To quote Mr. Holdsworth:
{{smaller block|A History of English Law, volume III., pages 392–393. * * * But all through the medieval period, and long afterwards, the courts, though they might attack persons who were guilty of contempts of court, could not punish them summarily. Unless they confessed their guilt, they must be regularly indicted and convicted. Mr. Fox has given a list of 40 cases of various contempts—insults to the judges, an assault on the attorney general, beating jurors, striking a witness, trampling on a writ of prohibition—in all of which the offender was tried by the ordinary course of law. That this was the correct course to pursue was stated by Anderson, C. J., in 1599.}}
In another opinion while Chief Justice Mr. Taft changed his mind about the immunity of Federal judges from vindictiveness in issuing contempt orders.

On November 19, 1923, in a concurring opinion in ''Craig'' v. ''Hecht'' (263 U. S. 255 at p. 279), the Chief Justice said:
{{smaller block|The delicacy there is in the judge’s deciding whether an attack upon his own judicial action is mere criticism or real obstruction, and the possibility that impulse may incline his view to personal vindication, are manifest. But the law gives the person convicted of contempt in such a case the right to have the whole question on facts and law reviewed by three judges of the circuit court of appeals who have had no part in the proceedings, and if not successful in that court, to apply to this Court for an opportunity for a similar review here.}}
Mr. President, on June 10, 1957, the Supreme Court delivered an opinion in the case of [[Reid v. Covert (354 U.S. 1)|''Reid'' against ''Covert'']]. Since this opinion deals with the question “the right of trial by jury,” I think it is advisable for the Senate to consider this decision of the Supreme Court. I shall read a number of pages from the opinion and a concurring opinion by Justice Frankfurter.

Some of the material in this opinion necessarily discusses the background of the cases. However, I believe it appropriate to read this material because it is necessary to a full understanding of this decision which upheld the constitutional right of trial by jury which H. R. 6127 would deny under certain conditions. I read from the opinion of the Court:
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Black announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan join.}}
{{smaller block|These cases raise basic constitutional issues of the utmost concern. They call into question the role of the military under our system of government. They involve the power of Congress to expose civilians to trial by military tribunals, under military regulations and procedures, for offenses against the United States thereby depriving them of trial in civilian courts, under civilian laws and procedures and with all the safeguards of the Bill of Rights. These cases are particularly significant because for the first time since the adoption of the Constitution wives of soldiers have been denied trial by jury in a court of law and forced to trial before courts-martial.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701 Mrs. Clarice Covert killed her husband, a sergeant in the United States Air Force, at an airbase in England. Mrs. Covert, who was not a member of the armed services, was residing on the base with her husband at the time. She was tried by a court-martial for murder under Article 118 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The trial was on charges preferred by Air Force personnel and the court-martial was composed of Air Force officers. The court-martial asserted jurisdiction over Mrs. Covert under Article 2 (11) of the UCMJ, which provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The following persons are subject to this code:}}
{{smaller block|“(11) Subject to the provisions of any treaty or agreement to which the United States is or may be a party or to any accepted rule of international law, all persons serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces without the continental limits of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|Counsel for Mrs. Covert contended that she was insane at the time she killed her husband, but the military tribunal found her guilty of murder and sentenced her to life imprisonment. The judgment was affirmed by the Air Force Board of Reviews (16 CMR 465) but was reversed by the Court of Military Appeals (6 USCMA 48), because of prejudicial errors concerning the defense of insanity. While Mrs. Covert was being held in this country pending a proposed retrial by court-martial in the District of Columbia, her counsel petitioned the district court for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to set her free on the ground that the Constitution forbade her trial by military authorities. Construing this court’s decision in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), as holding that “a civilian is entitled to a civilian trial,” the district court held that Mrs. Covert could not be tried by court-martial and ordered her released from custody. The Government appealed directly to this court under, title 28, United States Code, section 1252. See Three Hundred and Fiftieth United States Reports, page 985.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713 Mrs. Dorothy Smith killed her husband, an Army officer, at a post in Japan where she was living with him. She was tried for murder by a court-martial and despite considerable evidence that she was insane was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. The judgment was approved by the Army Board of Review (10 CMR 350, 13 CMR 307), and the Court of Military Appeals (5 USCMA 314). Mrs. Smith was then confined in a Federal penitentiary in West Virginia. Her father, respondent here, filed a petition for ''habeas corpus'' in a district court for West Virginia. The petition charged that the court-martial was without jurisdiction because article 2 (11) of the UCMJ was unconstitutional insofar as it authorized the trial of civilian dependents accompanying servicemen overseas. The district court refused to issue the writ (137 F. Supp. 806), and while an appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit we granted ''certiorari'' at the request of the Government (350 U. S. 986).}}
{{smaller block|The two cases were consolidated and argued last term and a majority of the Court, with 3 Justices dissenting and 1 reserving opinion, held that military trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert for their alleged offenses was constitutional. Three hundred and fifty-first United States Reports, page 470, 487. The majority held that the provisions of article III and the fifth and sixth amendments which require that crimes be tried by a jury after indictment by a grand jury did not protect an American citizen when he was tried by the American Government in foreign lands for offenses committed there and that Congress could provide for the trial of such offenses in any manner it saw fit so long as the procedures established were reasonable and consonant with due process. The opinion then went on to express the view that military trials, as now practiced, were not unreasonable or arbitrary when applied to dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces overseas. In reaching their conclusion the majority found it unnecessary to consider the power of Congress “to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces” under article I of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Subsequently, the Court granted a petition for rehearing. Three Hundred and Fifty-second United States Reports, page 901. Now, after further argument and consideration, we conclude that the previous decisions cannot be permitted to stand. We hold that Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert could not constitutionally be tried by military authorities.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|I}}}}
{{smaller block|At the beginning we reject the idea that when the United States acts against citizens abroad it can do so free of the Bill of Rights. The United States is entirely a creature of the Constitution. Its power and authority have no other source. It can only act in accordance with all the limitations imposed by the Constitution. When the Government reaches out to punish a citizen who is abroad, the shield which the Bill of Rights and other parts of the Constitution provide to protect his life and liberty should not be stripped away just because he happens to be in another land. This is not a novel concept. To the contrary, it is as old as government. It was recognized long before Paul successfully invoked his right as a Roman citizen to be tried in strict accordance with Roman law. And many centuries later an English historian wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“In a settled colony the inhabitants have all the rights of Englishmen. They take with them, in the first place, that which no Englishman can by expatriation put off, namely, allegiance to the Crown, the duty of obedience to the lawful commands of the Sovereign, and obedience to the laws which Parliament may think proper to make with reference to such a colony. But, on the other hand, they take with them all the rights and liberties of British subjects; all the rights and liberties as against the prerogative of the Crown, which they would enjoy in this county.”}}
{{smaller block|The rights and liberties which citizens of our country enjoy are not protected by custom and tradition alone, they have been jealously preserved from the encroachments of Government by express provisions of our written Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Among those provisions, article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments are directly relevant to these cases. Article III, section 2, lays down the rule that—}}
{{smaller block|“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth amendment declares:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|And the sixth amendment provides:}}
{{smaller block|“In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.”}}
{{smaller block|The language of article III, section 2, manifests that constitutional protections for the individual were designed to restrict the United States Government when it acts outside of this country, as well as here at home. After declaring that all criminal trials must be by jury, the section states that when a crime is “not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.” If this language is permitted to have its obvious meaning, section 2 is applicable to criminal trials outside of the States as a group without regard to where the offense is committed or the trial held. From the very first Congress, Federal statutes have implemented the provisions of section 2 by providing for trial of murder and other crimes committed outside the jurisdiction of any State “in the district where the offender is apprehended, or into which he may first be brought.” The fifth and sixth amendments, like article III, section 2, are also all inclusive with their sweeping references to “no person” and to “all criminal prosecutions.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court and other Federal courts have held or asserted that various constitutional limitations apply to the Government when it acts outside the continental United States. While it has been suggested that only those constitutional rights which are “fundamental” protect Americans abroad, we can find no warrant, in logic or otherwise, for picking and choosing among the remarkable collection of “Thou shalt nots” which were explicitly fastened on all departments and agencies of the Federal Government by the Constitution and its amendments. Moreover, in view of our heritage and the history of the adoption of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, it seems peculiarly anomalous to say that trial before a civilian judge and by an independent jury picked from the common citizenry are not fundamental rights. As Blackstone wrote in his Commentaries:}}
{{smaller block|“The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * [I]t is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals.”}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
{{smaller block|The keystone of supporting authorities mustered by the Court’s opinion last June to justify its holding that article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments did not apply abroad was ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). The Ross case is one of those cases that cannot be understood except in its peculiar setting; even then, it seems highly unlikely that a similar result would be reached to-day. Ross was serving as a seaman on an American ship in Japanese waters. He killed a ship’s officer, was seized and tried before a consular court in Japan. At that time, statutes authorized American consuls to try American citizens charged with committing crimes in Japan and certain other non-Christian countries. These statutes provided that the laws of the United States were to govern the trial except:}}
{{smaller block|“Where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.”}}
{{smaller block|The consular power approved in the Ross case was about as extreme and absolute as that of the potentates of the non-Christian countries to which the statutes applied. Under these statutes consuls could and did make the criminal laws, initiate charges, arrest alleged offenders, try them, and after conviction take away their liberty or their life—sometimes at the American consulate. Such a blending of executive, legislative, and judicial powers in one person or even in one branch of the Government is ordinarily regarded as the very acme of absolutism. Nevertheless, the Court sustained Ross’ conviction by the consul. It stated that constitutional protections applied “only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad.” Despite the fact that it upheld Ross’ conviction under United States laws passed pursuant to asserted constitutional authority, the Court went on to make a sweeping declaration that “[t]he Constitution can have no operation in another country.”}}
{{smaller block|The Ross approach that the Constitution has no applicability abroad has long since been directly repudiated by numerous cases. That approach is obviously erroneous if the United States Government, which has no power except that granted by the Constitution, can and does try citizens for crimes committed abroad. Thus the Ross case rested, at least in substantial part, on a fundamental misconception and the most that can be said in support of the result reached there is that the consular court jurisdiction had a long history antedating the adoption of the Constitution. The Congress has recently buried the consular system of trying Americans. We are not willing to jeopardize the lives and liberties of Americans by disinterring it. At best, the Ross case should be left as a relic from a different era.}}
{{smaller block|The Court’s opinion last term also relied on the Insular Cases to support its conclusion that article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments were not applicable to the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. We believe that reliance was misplaced.}}
{{smaller block|The Insular Cases can be distinguished from the present cases in that they involved the power of Congress to provide rules and regulations to govern temporarily territories with wholly dissimilar traditions and institutions whereas here the basis for governmental power is American citizenship. None of these cases had anything to do with military trials and they cannot properly be used as vehicles to support an extension of military jurisdiction to civilians. Moreover, it is our judgment that neither the cases nor their reasoning should be given any further expansion. The concept that the Bill of Rights and other constitutional protections against arbitrary government are inoperative when they become inconvenient or when expediency dictates otherwise is a very dangerous doctrine and if allowed to flourish would destroy the benefit of a written Constitution and undermine the basis of our Government. If our foreign commitments become of such nature that the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority, or inclination, to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|II}}}}
{{smaller block|At the time of Mrs. Covert’s alleged offense, an executive agreement was in effect between the United States and Great Britain which permitted United States military courts to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over offenses committed in Great Britain by American servicemen or their dependents. For its part, the United States agreed that these military courts would be willing and able to try and to punish all offenses against the laws of Great Britain by such persons. In all material respects, the same situation existed in Japan when Mrs. Smith killed her husband. Even though a court-martial does not give an accused trial by jury and other Bill of Rights protections, the Government contends that section 2(11) of the UCMJ, insofar as it authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces in Great Britain and Japan, can be sustained as legislation which is necessary and proper to carry out the United States obligations under the international agreements made with those countries. The obvious and decisive answer to this, of course, is that no agreement with a foreign nation can confer power on the Congress, or on any other branch of Government, which is free from the restraints of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI., the supremacy clause of the Constitution, declares:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in this language which intimates that treaties and laws enacted pursuant to them do not have to comply with the provisions of the Constitution. Nor is there anything in the debates which accompanied the drafting and ratification of the Constitution which even suggests such a result. These debates as well as the history that surrounds the adoption of the treaty provision in article VI. make it clear that the reason treaties were not limited to those made in pursuance of the Constitution was so that agreements made by the United States under the Articles of Confederation, including the important peace treaties which concluded the Revolutionary War, would remain in effect. It would be manifestly contrary to the objectives of those who created the Constitution, as well as those who were responsible for the Bill of Rights—let alone alien to our entire constitutional history and tradition—to construe article VI. as permitting the United States to exercise power under an international agreement without observing constitutional prohibitions. In effect, such construction would permit amendment of that document in a manner not sanctioned by article V. The prohibitions of the Constitution were designed to apply to all branches of the National Government and they cannot be nullified by the executive or by the executive and the Senate combined.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing new or unique about what we say here. This court has regularly and uniformly recognized the supremacy of the Constitution over a treaty. For example, in ''Geofroy'' v. ''Riggs'' (133 U. S. 258, 267), it declared:}}
{{smaller block|“The treaty power, as expressed in the Constitution, is in terms unlimited except by those restraints which are found in that instrument against the action of the Government or of its departments, and those arising from the nature of the Government itself and of that of the States. It would not be contended that it extends so far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids, or a change in the character of the Government or in that of one of the States, or a cession of any portion of the territory of the latter, without its consent.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court has also repeatedly taken the position that an act of Congress, which must comply with the Constitution, is on a full parity with a treaty, and that when a statute which is subsequent in time is inconsistent with a treaty, the statute to the extent of conflict renders the treaty null. It would be completely anomalous to say that a treaty need not comply with the Constitution when such an agreement can be overridden by a statute that must conform to that instrument.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in ''Missouri'' v. ''Holland'' (252 U. S. 416), which is contrary to the position taken here. There the Court carefully noted that the treaty involved was not inconsistent with any specific provision of the Constitution. The Court was concerned with the 10th amendment which reserves to the States or the people all power not delegated to the National Government. To the extent that the United States can validly make treaties, the people and the States have delegated their power to the National Government and the 10th amendment is no barrier.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, we conclude that the Constitution in its entirety applied to the trials of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. Since their court-martial did not meet the requirements of article III., section 2, or the fifth and sixth amendments, we are compelled to determine if there is anything within the Constitution which authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces overseas.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|III}}}}
{{smaller block|Article I., section 8, clause 14, empowers Congress “To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” It has been held that this creates an exception to the normal method of trial in civilian courts as provided by the Constitution and permits Congress to authorize military trial of members of the armed services without all the safeguards given an accused by article III. and the Bill of Rights. But if the language of clause 14 is given its natural meaning, the power granted does not extend to civilians—even though they may be dependents living with servicemen on a military base. The term “land and naval forces” refers to persons who are members of the armed services and not to their civilian wives, children, and other dependents. It seems inconceivable that Mrs. Covert or Mrs. Smith could have been tried by military authorities as members of the land and naval forces had they been living on a military post in this country. Yet this constitutional term surely has the same meaning everywhere. The wives of servicemen are no more members of the land and naval forces when living at a military post in England or Japan than when living at a base in this country or in Hawaii or Alaska.}}
{{smaller block|The Government argues that the necessary and proper clause, when taken in conjunction with clause 14, allows Congress to authorize the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert by military tribunals and under military law. The Government claims that the two clauses together constitute a broad grant of power without limitation authorizing Congress to subject all persons, civilians and soldiers alike, to military trial if necessary and proper to govern and regulate the land and naval forces. It was on a similar theory that Congress once went to the extreme of subjecting persons who made contracts with the military to court-martial jurisdiction with respect to frauds related to such contracts. In the only judicial test a Circuit Court held that the legislation was patently unconstitutional. ''Ex parte'' Henderson (11 Fed. Cas. 1067, No. 6349).}}
{{smaller block|It is true that the Constitution expressly grants Congress power to make all rules necessary and proper to govern and regulate those persons who are serving in the land and naval forces. But the necessary and proper clause cannot operate to extend military jurisdiction to any group of persons beyond that class described in clause 14—“the land and naval forces.” Under the grand design of the Constitution civilian courts are the normal repositories of power to try persons charged with crimes against the United States. And to protect persons brought before these courts, article III. and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments establish the right to trial by jury, by indictment by a grand jury, and a number of other specific safeguards. By way of contrast the jurisdiction of military tribunals is a very limited and extraordinary jurisdiction derived from the cryptic language in article I., section 8, and, at most, was intended to be only a narrow exception to the normal and preferred method of trial in courts of law. Every extension of military jurisdiction is an encroachment on the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and, more important, acts as a deprivation of the right to jury trial and of other treasured constitutional protections. Having run up against the steadfast bulwark of the Bill of Rights, the necessary and proper clause cannot extend the scope of clause 14.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing said here contravenes the rule laid down in ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, at 421), that:}}
{{smaller block|“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.”}}
{{smaller block|In McCulloch this Court was confronted with the problem of determining the scope of the necessary and proper clause in a situation where no specific restraints on governmental power stood in the way. Here the problem is different. Not only does clause 14, by its terms, limit military jurisdiction to members of the land and naval forces, but article III., section 2 and the fifth and sixth amendments require that certain express safeguards, which were designed to protect persons from oppressive governmental practices, shall be given in criminal prosecutions—safeguards which cannot be given in a military trial. In the light of these as well as other constitutional provisions, and the historical background in which they were formed, military trial of civilians is inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Further light is reflected on the scope of clause 14 by the fifth amendment. That amendment which was adopted shortly after the Constitution reads:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|Since the exception in this amendment for cases arising in the land or naval forces was undoubtedly designed to correlate with the power granted Congress to provide for the government and regulation of the armed services, it is a persuasive and reliable indication that the authority conferred by clause 14 does not encompass persons who cannot fairly be said to be in the military service.}}
{{smaller block|Even if it were possible, we need not attempt here to precisely define the boundary between civilians and members of the land and naval forces. We recognize that there might be circumstances where a person could be in the armed services for purposes of clause 14 even though he had not formally been inducted into the military or did not wear a uniform. But the wives, children, and other dependents of servicemen cannot be placed in that category, even though they may be accompanying a serviceman abroad at Government expense and receiving other benefits from the Government. We have no difficulty in saying that such persons do not lose their civilian status and their right to a civilian trial because the Government helps them live as members of a soldier’s family.}}
{{smaller block|The tradition of keeping the military subordinate to civilian authority may not be so strong in the minds of this generation as it was in the minds of those who wrote the Constitution. The idea that the relatives of soldiers could be denied a jury trial in a court of law and instead be tried by courts-martial under the guise of regulating the Armed Forces would have seemed incredible to those men, in whose lifetime the right of the military to try soldiers for any offenses in time of peace had only been grudgingly conceded. The founders envisioned the Army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds. Their fears were rooted in history. They knew that ancient republics had been overthrown by their military leaders. They were familiar with the history of 17th century England, where Charles I. tried to govern through the army and without Parliament. During this attempt, contrary to the common law, he used courts-martial to try soldiers for certain nonmilitary offenses. This court-martialing of soldiers in peacetime evoked strong protests from Parliament. The reign of Charles I. was followed by the rigorous military rule of Oliver Cromwell. Later, James II. used the army in his fight against Parliament and the people. He promulgated articles of war (strangely enough relied on in the Government’s brief) authorizing the trial of soldiers for nonmilitary Crimes by courts-martial. This action hastened the revolution that brought William and Mary to the throne upon their agreement to abide by a bill of rights which, among other things, protected the right of trial by jury. It was against this general background that two of the greatest English jurists, Lord Chief Justice Hale and Sir William Blackstone—men who exerted considerable influence on the founders—expressed sharp hostility to any expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. For instance, Blackstone went so far as to assert:}}
{{smaller block|“For martial law, which is built upon no settled principles, but is entirely arbitrary in its decisions, is, as Sir Matthew Hale observes, in truth and reality no law, but something indulged rather than allowed as a law. The necessity of order and discipline in an army is the {{SIC|ony|only}} thing which can give it countenance; and therefore it ought not to be permitted in time of peace, when the king’s courts are open for all persons to receive justice according to the laws of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|The generation that adopted the Constitution did not distrust the military because of past history alone. Within their own lives they had seen royal governors sometimes resort to military rule. British troops were quartered in Boston at various times from 1768 until the outbreak of the Revolutionary War to support unpopular royal governors and to intimidate the local populace. The trial of soldiers by courts-martial and the interference of the military with the civil courts aroused great anxiety and antagonism not only in Massachusetts but throughout the colonies. For example, Samuel Adams in 1768 wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“[I]s it not enough for us to have seen soldiers and mariners forejudged of life, and executed within the body of the county by martial law? Are citizens to be called upon, threatened, ill-used at the will of the soldiery, and put under arrest, by pretext of the law military, in breach of the fundamental rights of subjects, and contrary to the law and franchise of the land? * * * Will the spirits of people as yet unsubdued by tyranny, unawed by the menaces of arbitrary power, submit to be governed by military force? No! Let us rouse our attention to the common law—which is our birthright, our great security against all kinds of insult and oppression.”}}
{{smaller block|Colonials had also seen the right to trial by jury subverted by acts of Parliament which authorized courts of admiralty to try alleged violations of the unpopular Molasses and Navigation Acts. This gave the admiralty courts jurisdiction over offenses historically triable only by a jury in a court of law and aroused great resentment throughout the colonies. As early as 1765 delegates from nine colonies meeting in New York asserted in a declaration of rights that trial by jury was the inherent and invaluable right of every citizen in the colonies.}}
{{smaller block|With this background it is not surprising that the Declaration of Independence protested that George III. had affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power and that Americans had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. And those who adopted the Constitution embodied their profound fear and distrust of military power, as well as their determination to protect trial by jury, in the Constitution and its amendments. Perhaps they were aware that memories fade and hoped that in this way they could keep the people of this Nation from having to fight again and again the same old battles for individual freedom.}}
{{smaller block|In the light of this history, it seems clear that the founders had no intention to permit the trial of civilians in military courts, where they would be denied jury trials and other constitutional protections, merely by giving Congress the power to make rules which were necessary and proper for the regulation of the land and naval forces. Such a latitudinarian interpretation of these clauses would be at war with the well-established purpose of the founders to keep the military strictly within its proper sphere, subordinate to civil authority. The Constitution does not say that Congress can regulate the land and naval forces and all other persons whose regulation might have some relationship to maintenance of the land and naval forces. There is no indication that the founders contemplated setting up a rival system of military courts to compete with civilian courts for jurisdiction over civilians who might have some contact or relationship with the Armed Forces. Courts-martial were not to have concurrent jurisdiction with courts of law over nonmilitary America.}}
{{smaller block|On several occasions this Court has been faced with an attempted expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. ''Ex parte'' Milligan (4 Wall. 2), one of the great landmarks in this Court’s history, held that military authorities were without power to try civilians not in the military or naval service by declaring martial law in an area where the civil administration was not deposed and the courts were not closed. In a stirring passage the Court proclaimed:}}
{{smaller block|“Another guaranty of freedom was broken when Milligan was denied a trial by jury. The great minds of the country have differed on the correct interpretation to be given to various provisions of the Federal Constitution; and judicial decision has been often invoked to settle their true meaning; but until recently no one ever doubted that the right of trial by jury was fortified in the organic law against the power of attack. It is now assailed; but if ideas can be expressed in words, and language has any meaning, this right—one of the most valuable in a free country—is preserved to everyone accused of crime who is not attached to the Army, or Navy, or militia in actual service.”}}
{{smaller block|In ''Duncan'' v. ''Kahanamoku'' (327 U. S. 304), the Court reasserted the principles enunciated in ''Ex parte'' Milligan and reaffirmed the tradition of military subordination to civil authorities and institutions. It refused to sanction the military trial of civilians in Hawaii during wartime despite Government claims that the needs of defense made martial law imperative.}}
{{smaller block|Just last term, this Court held in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), that military courts could not constitutionally try a discharged serviceman for an offense which he had allegedly committed while in the Armed Forces. It was decided (1) that since Toth was a civilian he could not be tried by military court-martial, and (2) that since he was charged with murder, a crime in the constitutional sense, he was entitled to indictment by a grand jury, jury trial, and the other protections contained in article III., section 2 and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments. The Court pointed out that trial by civilian courts was the rule for persons who were not members of the Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|There are no supportable grounds upon which to distinguish the ''Toth'' case from the present cases. Toth, Mrs. Covert, and Mrs. Smith were all civilians. All three were American citizens. All three were tried for murder. All three alleged crimes were committed in a foreign country. The only differences were: (1) Toth was an exserviceman while they were wives of soldiers; (2) Toth was arrested in the United States while they were seized in foreign countries. If anything, Toth had closer connection with the military than the two women for his crime was committed while he was actually serving in the Air Force. Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith had never been members of the Army, had never been employed by the Army, had never served in the Army in any capacity. The Government appropriately argued in Toth that the constitutional basis for court-martialing him was clearer than for court-martialing wives who are accompanying their husbands abroad. Certainly Toth’s conduct as a soldier bears a closer relation to the maintenance of order and discipline in the Armed Forces than the conduct of these wives. The fact that Toth was arrested here while the wives were arrested in foreign countries is material only if constitutional safeguards do not shield a citizen abroad when the Government exercises its power over him. As we have said before, such a view of the Constitution is erroneous. The mere fact that these women had gone overseas with their husbands should not reduce the protection the Constitution gives them.}}
{{smaller block|The Milligan, ''Duncan'', and ''Toth'' cases recognized and manifested the deeply rooted and ancient opposition in this country to the extension of military control over civilians. In each instance an effort to expand the jurisdiction of military courts to civilians was repulsed.}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of decisions in the lower Federal courts which have upheld military trial of civilians performing services for the Armed Forces in the field during time of war. To the extent that these cases can be justified, insofar as they involved trial of persons who were not members of the Armed Forces, they must rest on the Government’s war powers. In the face of an actively hostile enemy, military commanders necessarily have broad power over persons on the battlefront. From a time prior to the adoption of the Constitution the extraordinary circumstances present in an area of actual fighting have been considered sufficient to permit punishment of some civilians in that area by military courts under military rules. But neither Japan nor Great Britain could properly be said to be an area where active hostilities were underway at the time Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert committed their offenses or at the time they were tried.}}
{{smaller block|The Government urges that the concept in the field should be broadened to reach dependents accompanying the military forces overseas under the conditions of world tension which exist at the present time. It points out how the war powers include authority to prepare defenses and to establish our military forces in defensive posture about the world. While we recognize that the war powers of the Congress and the Executive are broad, we reject the Government’s argument that present threats to peace permit military trial of civilians accompanying the Armed Forces overseas in an area where no actual hostilities are underway. The exigencies which have required military rule on the battlefront are not present in areas where no conflict exists. Military trial of civilians in the field is an extraordinary jurisdiction, and it should not be expanded at the expense of the Bill of Rights. We agree with Colonel Winthrop, an expert on military jurisdiction, who declared: “A statute cannot be framed by which a civilian can lawfully be made amenable to the military jurisdiction in time of peace.”}}
{{smaller block|As this Court stated in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), the business of soldiers is to fight and prepare to fight wars, not to try civilians for their alleged crimes. Traditionally, military justice has been a rough form of justice emphasizing summary procedures, speedy convictions, and stern penalties with a view to maintaining obedience and fighting fitness in the ranks. Because of its very nature and purpose the military must place great emphasis on discipline and efficiency. Correspondingly, there has always been less emphasis in the military on protecting the rights of the individual than in civilian society and in civilian courts.}}
{{smaller block|Courts-martial are typically ''ad hoc'' bodies appointed by a military officer from among his subordinates. They have always been subject to varying degrees of command influence. In essence, these tribunals are simply executive tribunals whose personnel are in the executive chain of command. Frequently, the members of the court-martial must look to the appointing officer for promotions, advantageous assignments, and efficiency ratings—in short, for their future progress in the service. Conceding to military personnel that high degree of honesty and sense of justice which nearly all of them undoubtedly have, the members of a court-martial, in the nature of things, do not and cannot have the independence of jurors drawn from the general public or of civilian judges.}}
{{smaller block|We recognize that a number of improvements have been made in military justice recently by engrafting more and more of the methods of civilian courts on courts-martial. In large part these ameliorations stem from the reaction of civilians, who were inducted during the two World Wars, to their experience with military justice. Notwithstanding the recent reforms, military trial does not give an accused the same protection which exists in the civil courts. Looming far above all other deficiencies of the military trial, of course, are the absence of trial by jury before an independent judge after an indictment by a grand jury. Moreover, the reforms are merely statutory; Congress—and perhaps the President—can reinstate former practices, subject to any limitations imposed by the Constitution, whenever it desires. As yet it has not been clearly settled to what extent the Bill of Rights and other protective parts of the Constitution apply to military trials.}}
{{smaller block|It must be emphasized that every person who comes within the jurisdiction of courts-martial is subject to military law—law that is substantially different from the law which governs civilian society. Military law is, in many respects, harsh law which is frequently cast in very sweeping and vague terms. It emphasizes the iron hand of discipline more that it does the even scales of justice. Moreover, it has not yet been definitely established to what extent the President, as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, or his delegates, can promulgate, supplement, or change substantive military law as well as the procedures of military courts in time of peace, or in time of war. In any event, Congress has given the President broad discretion to provide the rules governing military trials. For example, in these very cases a technical manual issued under the President’s name with regard to the defense of insanity in military trials was of critical importance in the convictions of Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith. If the President can provide rules of substantive law as well as procedure, then he and his military subordinates exercise legislative, executive, and judicial powers with respect to those subject to military trials. Such blending of functions in one branch of the Government is the objectionable thing which the draftsmen of the Constitution endeavored to prevent by providing for the separation of governmental powers.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, “it still remains true that military tribunals have not been and probably never can be constituted in such way that they can have the same kind of qualifications that the Constitution has deemed essential to fair trials of civilians in Federal courts.” In part this is attributable to the inherent differences in values and attitudes that separate the Military Establishment from civilian society. In the military, by necessity, emphasis must be placed on the security and order of the group rather than on the value and integrity of the individual.}}
{{smaller block|It is urged that the expansion of military jurisdiction over civilians claimed here is only slight, and that the practical necessity for it is very great. The attitude appears to be that a slight encroachment on the Bill of Rights and other safeguards in the Constitution need cause little concern. But to hold that these wives could be tried by the military would be a tempting precedent. Slight encroachments create new boundaries from which legions of power can seek new territory to capture. “It may be that it is the obnoxious thing in its mildest and least repulsive form; but illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing in that way; namely, by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure. This can only be obviated by adhering to the rule that constitutional provisions for the security of person and property should be liberally construed. A close and literal construction deprives them of half their efficacy, and leads to gradual depreciation of the right, as if it consisted more in sound than in substance. It is the duty of courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the citizen, and against any stealthy encroachments thereon.” Moreover we cannot consider this encroachment a slight one. Throughout history many transgressions by the military have been called slight and have been justified as reasonable in light of the uniqueness of the times. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that today the peoples of many nations are ruled by the military.}}
{{smaller block|We should not break faith with this Nation’s tradition of keeping military power subservient to civilian authority, a tradition which we believe is firmly embodied in the Constitution. The country has remained true to that faith for almost 170 years. Perhaps no group in the Nation has been truer than military men themselves. Unlike the soldiers of many other nations, they have been content to perform their military duties in defense of the Nation in every period of need and to perform those duties well without attempting to usurp power which is not theirs under our system of constitutional government.}}
{{smaller block|Ours is a Government of divided authority on the assumption that in division there is not only strength but freedom from tyranny. And under our Constitution courts of law alone are given power to try civilians for their offenses against the United States. The philosophy expressed by Lord Coke, speaking long ago from a wealth of experience, is still timely:}}
{{smaller block|“God send me never to live under the law of conveniency or discretion. Shall the soldier and justice sit on one bench, the trumpet will not let the cryer speak in Westminster Hall.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701, ''Reid'' v. ''Covert'', the judgment of the district court directing that Mrs. Covert be released from custody is affirmed.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713, ''Kinsella'' v. ''Krueger'', the judgment of the district court is reversed and the case is remanded with instructions to order Mrs. Smith released from custody. Reversed and remanded.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Whittaker took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.}}
{{rule|3em}}
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Frankfurter, concurring in the result.}}
{{smaller block|These cases involve the constitutional power of Congress to provide for trial of civilian dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces abroad by court-martial in capital cases. The normal method of trial of Federal offenses under the Constitution is in a civilian tribunal. Trial of offenses by way of court-martial, with all the characteristics of its procedure so different from the forms and safeguards of procedure in the conventional courts, is an exercise of exceptional jurisdiction, arising from the power granted to Congress in article I., section 8, clause 14, of the Constitution of the United States—“To make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” ''Dynes'' v. ''Hoover'', (20 How. 65); see ''Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11); Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d ed. 1896), 52. Article 2(11) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, 64th United States Statutes at Large, pages 107, 109, title 50, United States Code, section 532, and its predecessors were passed as an exercise of that power, and the agreements with England and Japan recognized that the jurisdiction to be exercised under those agreements was based on the relation of the persons involved to the military forces. See the agreement with Great Britain (57 Stat. 1193, E. A. S. No. 355) and the United States of America (Visiting Forces) Act (1942, 5 and 6 Geo. 6, ch. 31); and the 1952 administrative agreement with Japan (3 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 3341, T. I. A. S. No. 2492).}}
{{smaller block|Trial by court-martial is constitutionally permissible only for persons who can, on a fair appraisal, be regarded as falling within the authority given to Congress under article I. to regulate the “land and naval forces,” and who therefore are not protected by specific provisions of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. It is, of course, true that, at least regarding the right to a grand-jury indictment, the fifth amendment is not unmindful of the demands of military discipline. Within the scope of appropriate construction, the phrase “except in cases arising in the land and naval forces” has been assumed also to modify the guaranties of speedy and public trial by jury. And so, the problem before us is not to be answered by recourse to the literal words of this exception. The cases cannot be decided simply by saying that since these women were not in uniform, they were not “in the land and naval forces.” The Court’s function in constitutional adjudications is not exhausted by a literal reading of words. It may be tiresome, but it is nonetheless vital, to keep our judicial minds fixed on the injunction that “it is a Constitution we are expounding.” ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, 407). Although Winthrop in his treatise states that the Constitution “clearly distinguishes the military from the civil class as separate communities” and “recognizes no third class which is part civil and part military—military for a particular purpose or in a particular situation, and civil for all other purposes and in all other situations. * * *” Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d edition 1896), 145, this Court, applying appropriate methods of constitutional interpretation, has long held, and in a variety of situations, that in the exercise of a power specifically granted to it, Congress may sweep in what may be necessary to make effective the explicitly worded power. See ''Jacob Ruppert'' v. ''Caffey'' (251 U. S. 264) especially 289 and following; ''Purity Extract Co.'' v. ''Lynch'' (226 U. S. 192, 201); ''Railroad Commission'' v. ''Chicago, Burlington, &amp; Quincy R. Co.'' (257 U. S. 563, 588). This is the significance of the necessary and proper clause, which is not to be considered so much a separate clause in article I., section 8, as an integral part of each of the preceding 17 clauses. Only thus may be avoided a strangling literalness in construing a document that is not an enumeration of static rules, but the living framework of Government designed for an undefined future. ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316); ''Hurtado'' v. ''California'' (110 U. S. 516, 530–531).}}
{{smaller block|Everything that may be deemed, as the exercise of an allowable judgment by Congress, to fall fairly within the conception conveyed by the power given to Congress “to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces” is constitutionally within that legislative grant and not subject to revision by the independent judgment of the Court. To be sure, every event or transaction that bears some relation to “the land and naval forces” does not ''ipso facto'' come within the tolerant conception of that legislative grant. The issue in these cases involves regard for considerations not dissimilar to those involved in a determination under the due process clause. Obviously, the practical situations before us bear some relation to the military. Yet the question for this Court is not merely whether the relation of these women to the “land and naval forces” is sufficiently close to preclude the necessity of finding that Congress has been arbitrary in its selection of a particular method of trial. For although we must look to article I., section 8, clause 14, as the immediate justifying power, it is not the only clause of the Constitution to be taken into account. The Constitution is an organic scheme of government to be dealt with as an entirety. A particular provision cannot be dissevered from the rest of the Constitution. Our conclusion in these cases therefore must take due account of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must weigh all the factors involved in these cases in order to decide whether these women dependents are so closely related to what Congress may allowably deem essential for the effective “government and regulations of the land and naval forces” that they may be subjected to court-martial jurisdiction in these capital cases, when the consequence is loss of the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|We are not concerned here even with the possibility of some alternative nonmilitary type of trial that does not contain all the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must judge only what has been enacted and what is at issue. It is the power actually asserted by Congress under article I., section 8, clause 14, that must now be adjudged in the light of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. In making this adjudication, I must emphasize that it is only the trial of civilian dependents in a capital case in time of peace that is in question. The Court has not before it, and therefore I need not intimate any opinion on, situations involving civilians, in the sense of persons not having a military status, other than dependents. Nor do we have before us a case involving a noncapital crime. This narrow delineation of the issue is merely to respect the important restrictions binding on the Court when passing on the constitutionality of an act of Congress. “In the exercise of that jurisdiction, it is bound by two rules, to which it has rigidly adhered, one, never to anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it; the other never to formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to be applied. These rules are safe guides to sound judgment. It is the dictate of wisdom to follow them closely and carefully.” ''Steamship Co.'' v. ''Emigration Commissioners'' (113 U. S. 33, 39).}}
{{smaller block|We are also not concerned here with the substantive aspects of the grant of power to Congress to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces. What conduct should be punished and what constitutes a capital case are matters for Congressional discretion, always subject, of course, to any specific restrictions of the Constitution. These cases involve the validity of procedural conditions for determining the commission of a crime in fact punishable by death. The taking of life is irrevocable. It is in capital cases especially that the balance of conflicting interests must be weighted most heavily in favor of the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights. Thus, in ''Powell'' v. ''Alabama'' (287 U. S. 45, 71), the fact “above all that they stood in deadly peril of their lives” led the Court to conclude that the defendants had been denied due process by the failure to allow them reasonable time to seek counsel and the failure to appoint counsel. I repeat. I do not mean to imply that the considerations that are controlling in capital cases involving civilian dependents are constitutionally irrelevant in capital cases involving civilians other than dependents or in noncapital cases involving dependents or other civilians. I do say that we are dealing here only with capital cases and civilian dependents.}}
{{smaller block|The Government asserts that civilian dependents are an integral part of our Armed Forces overseas and that there is substantial military necessity for subjecting them to court-martial jurisdiction. The Government points out that civilian dependents go abroad under military auspices, live with military personnel in a military community, enjoy the privileges of military facilities, and that their conduct inevitably tends to influence military discipline.}}
{{smaller block|The prosecution by court-martial for capital crimes committed by civilian dependents of members of the Armed Forces abroad is hardly to be deemed; under modern conditions, obviously appropriate to the effective exercise of the power to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces when it is a question of deciding what power is granted under article I. and, therefore, what restriction is made on article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. I do not think that the proximity, physical and social, of these women to the land and naval forces is, with due regard to all that has been put before us, so clearly demanded by the effective Government and regulation of those forces as reasonably to demonstrate a justification for court-martial jurisdiction over capital offenses.}}
{{smaller block|The Government speaks of the “great potential impact on military discipline” of these accompanying civilian dependents. This cannot be denied, nor should its implications be minimized. But the notion that discipline over military personnel is to be furthered by subjecting their civilian dependents to the threat of capital punishment imposed by court-martial is too hostile to the reasons that underlie the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights for those safeguards to be displaced. It is true that military discipline might be affected seriously if civilian dependents could commit murders and other capital crimes with impunity. No one, however, challenges the availability to Congress of a power to provide for trial and punishment of these dependents for such crimes. The method of trial alone is in issue. The Government suggests that if trial in an article III. court subject to the restrictions of the fifth and sixth amendments is the only alternative, such a trial could not be held abroad practicably, and it would often be equally impracticable to transport all the witnesses back to the United States for trial. But although there is no need to pass on that issue in this case, trial in the United States is obviously not the only practical alternative and other alternatives may raise different constitutional questions. The Government’s own figures for the Army show that the total number of civilians (all civilians serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces overseas and not merely civilian dependents) for whom general courts-martial for alleged murder were deemed advisable was only 13 in the 7 fiscal years, 1950–56. It is impossible to ascertain from the figures supplied to us exactly how many persons were tried for other capital offenses, but the figures indicate that there could not have been many. There is nothing to indicate that the figures for the other services are more substantial. It thus appears to be a manageable problem within the procedural restrictions found necessary by this opinion.}}
{{smaller block|A further argument is made that a decision adverse to the Government would mean that only a foreign trial could be had. Even assuming that the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, (4 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 1792, T. I. A. S. No. 2846) covering countries where a large part of our Armed Forces are stationed, gives jurisdiction to the United States only through its military authorities, this court cannot speculate that any given nation would be unwilling to grant or continue such extraterritorial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in capital cases if they were to be tried by some other manner than court-martial. And even if such were the case, these civilian dependents would then merely be in the same position as are so many Federal employees and their dependents and other United States citizens who are subject to the laws of foreign nations when residing there. See also the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, ''supra'', article VII., sections 2, 3.}}
{{smaller block|The Government makes the final argument that these civilian dependents are part of the United States military contingent abroad in the eyes of the foreign nations concerned and that their conduct may have a profound effect on our relations with these countries, with a consequent effect on the Military Establishment there. But the argument that military courts-martial in capital cases are necessitated by this factor assumes either that a military court-martial constitutes a stronger deterrent to this sort of conduct or that in the absence of such a trial no punishment would be meted out and our foreign policy thereby injured. The reasons why these considerations carry no conviction have already been indicated.}}
{{smaller block|I therefore conclude that in capital cases the exercise of court-martial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in time of peace cannot be justified by article I., considered in connection with the specific protections of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|Since the conclusion thus reached differs from what the Court decided last term, a decent respect for the judicial process calls for reexamination of the two grounds that then prevailed. The court sustained its action on the authority of the cases dealing with the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for the territories, reinforced by ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453), in which this Court, in 1891, sustained the criminal jurisdiction of a consular court in Japan. These authorities grew out of, and related to, specific situations very different from those now here. They do not control or even embarrass the problem before us.}}
{{smaller block|Legal doctrines are not self-generated abstract categories. They do not fall from the sky; nor are they pulled out of it. They have a specific judicial origin and etiology. They derive meaning and content from the circumstances that gave rise to them and from the purposes they were designed to serve. To these they are bound as is a live tree to its roots. Doctrines like those expressed by the Ross case and the series of cases beginning with ''American Insurance Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511), must be placed in their historical setting. They cannot be wrenched from it and mechanically transplanted into an alien, unrelated context without suffering mutilation or distortion. “If a precedent involving a black horse is applied to a case involving a white horse, we are not excited. If it were an elephant or an animal ''ferae naturae'' or a chose in action, then we would venture into thought. The difference might make a difference. We really are concerned about precedents chiefly when their facts differ somewhat from the facts in the case at bar. Then there is a gulf or hiatus that has to be bridged by a concern for principle and a concern for practical results and practical wisdom.” Thomas Reed Powell, Vagaries and Varieties in Constitutional Interpretation 36. This attitude toward precedent underlies the whole system of our case law. It was thus summarized by Mr. Justice Brandeis: “It is a peculiar virtue of our system of law that the process of inclusion and exclusion, so often employed in developing a rule, is not allowed to end with its enunciation and that an expression in an opinion yields later to the impact of facts unforeseen.” ''Jaybird Mining Co.'' v. ''Weir'' (271 U. S. 609, 619 (dissenting)). Especially is this attitude to be observed in constitutional controversies.}}
{{smaller block|The Territorial cases relied on by the Court last term held that certain specific constitutional restrictions on the Government did not automatically apply in the acquired Territories of Florida, Hawaii, the Philippines, or Puerto Rico. In these cases, the Court drew its decisions from the power of Congress to “make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory * * * belonging to the United States,” for which provision is made in article IV., section 3. The United States from time to time acquired lands in which many of our laws and customs found an uncongenial soil because they ill accorded with the history and habits of their people. Mindful of all relevant provisions of the Constitution and not allowing one to frustrate another—which is the guiding thought of this opinion—the Court found it necessary to read article IV., section 3 together with the fifth and sixth amendments and article III. in the light of those circumstances. The question arose most frequently with respect to the establishment of trial by jury in possessions in which such a system was wholly without antecedents. The Court consistently held with respect to such Territory that Congressional power under article IV., section 3 was not restricted by the requirement of article III., section 2, clause 3, and the sixth amendment of providing trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|“If the right to trial by jury were a fundamental right which goes wherever the jurisdiction of the United States extends; or if Congress, in framing laws for outlying territory belonging to the United States, was obliged to establish that system by affirmative legislation, it would follow that, no matter what the needs or capacities of the people, trial by jury, and in no other way, must be forthwith established, although the result may be to work injustice and provoke disturbance rather than to aid the orderly administration of justice. If the United States, impelled by its duty or advantage, shall acquire territory peopled by savages, and of which it may dispose or not hold for ultimate admission to statehood, if this doctrine is sound, it must establish there the trial by jury. To state such a proposition demonstrates the impossibility of carrying it into practice. Again, if the United States shall acquire by treaty the cession of territory having an established system of jurisprudence, where jury trials are unknown, but a method of fair and orderly trial prevails under an acceptable and long-established code, the preference of the people must be disregarded, their established customs ignored, and they themselves coerced to accept, in advance of incorporation into the United States, a system of trial unknown to them and unsuited to their needs. We do not think it was intended, in giving power to Congress to make regulations for the territories, to hamper its exercise with this condition.” ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138, 148.)}}
{{smaller block|The fundamental right test is the one which the Court has consistently enunciated in the long series of cases—''e. g.'', ''American Ins. Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511); ''De Lima'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 1); ''Downes'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 244); ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138); ''Balzac'' v. ''Porto Rico'' (258 U. S. 298)—dealing with claims of constitutional restrictions on the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for governing the unincorporated territories. The process of decision appropriate to the problem led to a detailed examination of the relation of the specific territory to the United States. This examination, in its similarity to analysis in terms of due process, is essentially the same as that to be made in the present cases in weighing Congressional power to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces against the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|The results in the cases that arose by reason of the acquisition of exotic territory do not control the present cases for the territorial cases rest specifically—on article IV., section 3, which is a grant of power to Congress to deal with territory and other Government property. Of course the power sought to be exercised in Great Britain and Japan does not relate to territory. The Court’s opinions in the territorial cases did not lay down a broad principle that the protective provisions of the Constitution do not apply outside the continental limits of the United States. This Court considered the particular situation in each newly acquired territory to determine whether the grant to Congress of power to govern territory was restricted by a specific provision of the Constitution. The territorial cases, in the emphasis put by them on the necessity for considering the specific circumstances of each particular case, are thus relevant in that they provide an illustrative method for harmonizing constitutional provisions which appear, separately considered, to be conflicting.}}
{{smaller block|The Court last term relied on a second source of authority, the consular court case, ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). Pursuant to a treaty with Japan, Ross, a British subject but a member of the crew of a United States ship, was tried and convicted in a consular court in Yokohama for murder of a fellow seaman while the ship was in Yokohama Harbor. His application for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to a United States circuit court was denied, 44 F. 185, and on appeal here, the judgment was affirmed. This Court set forth the ground of the circuit court, “the long and uniform acquiescence by the executive, administrative, and legislative departments of the Government in the validity of the legislation,” 140th United States Reports, at page 461, and then stated:}}
{{smaller block|“The circuit court might have found an additional ground for not calling in question the legislation of Congress, in the uniform practice of civilized governments for centuries to provide consular tribunals in other than Christian countries * * * for the trial of their own subjects or citizens for offenses committed in those countries, as well as for the settlement of civil disputes between them; and in the uniform recognition, down to the time of the formation of our Government, of the fact that the establishment of such tribunals was among the most important subjects for treaty stipulations. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The treatymaking power vested in our Government extends to all proper subjects of negotiation with foreign governments. It can, equally with any of the former or present governments of Europe, make treaties providing for the exercise of judicial authority in other countries by its officers appointed to reside therein.}}
{{smaller block|“We do not understand that any question is made by counsel as to its power in this respect. His objection is to the legislation by which such treaties are carried out * * *.}}
{{smaller block|“By the Constitution a government is ordained and established ‘for the United States of America,’ and not for countries outside of their limits. The guarantees it affords against accusation of capital or infamous crimes, except by indictment or presentment by a grand jury, and, for an impartial trial by a jury when thus accused, apply only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad. * * * The Constitution can have no operation in another country. When, therefore, the representatives or officers of our Government are permitted to exercise authority of any kind in another country, it must be on such conditions as the two countries may agree, the laws of neither one being obligatory upon the other. The deck of a private American vessel, it is true, is considered for many purposes constructively as territory of the United States, yet persons on board of such vessels, whether officers, sailors, or passengers, cannot invoke the protection of the provisions referred to until brought within the actual territorial boundaries of the United States.” (140 U. S., at 462–464.)}}
{{smaller block|One observation should be made at the outset about the grounds for decision in Ross. Insofar as the opinion expressed a view that the Constitution is not operative outside the United States—and apparently Mr. Justice Field meant by “United States” all lands over which the United States flag flew, see John W. Burgess, How May the United States Govern Its Extra-Continental Territory? (14 Pol. Sci. Q. 1 (1899))—it expressed a notion that has long since evaporated. Governmental action abroad is performed under both the authority and the restrictions of the Constitution—for example, proceedings before American military tribunals, whether in Great Britain or in the United States, are subject to the applicable restrictions of the Constitution. See opinions in ''Burns'' v. ''Wilson'' (346 U. S. 137).}}
{{smaller block|The significance of the Ross case and its relevance to the present cases cannot be assessed unless due regard is accorded the historical context in which that case was decided. Ross is not rooted in any abstract principle or comprehensive theory touching constitutional power or its restrictions. It was decided with reference to a very particular, practical problem with a long history. To be mindful of this does not attribute to Mr. Justice Field’s opinion some unavowed historical assumption. On behalf of the whole court, he spelled out the considerations that controlled it:}}
{{smaller block|“The practice of European governments to send officers to reside in foreign countries, authorized to exercise a limited jurisdiction over vessels and seamen of their country, to watch the interests of their countrymen and to assist in adjusting their disputes and protecting their commerce, goes back to a very early period, even preceding what are termed the Middle Ages. * * * In other than Christian countries they were, by treaty stipulations, usually clothed with authority to hear complaints against their countrymen and to sit in judgment upon them when charged with public offenses. After the rise of Islamism, and the spread of its followers over eastern Asia and other countries bordering on the Mediterranean, the exercise of this judicial authority became a matter of great concern. The intense hostility of the people of Moslem faith to all other sects, and particularly to Christians, affected all their intercourse, and all proceedings had in their tribunals. Even the rules of evidence adopted by them placed those of different faith on unequal grounds in any controversy with them. For this cause, and by reason of the barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted in those countries, and the frequent use of torture to enforce confession from parties accused, it was a matter of deep interest to Christian governments to withdraw the trial of their subjects, when charged with the commission of a public offence, from the arbitrary and despotic action of the local officials. Treaties conferring such jurisdiction upon these consuls were essential to the peaceful residence of Christians within those countries and the successful prosecution of commerce with their people.” One Hundred and Fortieth United States Reports, at page 463.}}
{{smaller block|“It is true that the occasion for consular tribunals in Japan may hereafter be less than at present, as every year that country progresses in civilization and in the assimilation of its system of judicial procedure to that of Christian countries, as well as in the improvement of its penal statutes; but the system of consular tribunals * * * is of the highest importance, and their establishment in other than. Christian countries, where our people may desire to go in pursuance of commerce, will often be essential for the protection of their persons and property” (''id.'', at 480).}}
{{smaller block|It is important to have a lively sense of this background before attempting to draw on the Ross case. Historians have traced grants of extraterritorial rights as far back as the permission given by Egypt in the 12th or 13th century {{asc|B. C.}} to the merchants of Tyre to establish factories on the Nile and to live under their own law and practice their own religion. Numerous other instances of persons living under their own law in foreign lands existed in the later pre-Christian era and during the Roman Empire and the so-called Dark and Middle Ages—Greeks in Egypt, all sorts of foreigners in Rome, inhabitants of Christian cities and states in the Byzantine Empire, the Latin kingdoms of the Levant, and other Christian cities and states, Mohammedans in the Byzantine Empire and China, and many others lived in foreign lands under their own law. While the origins of this extraterritorial jurisdiction may have differed in each country, the notion that law was for the benefit of the citizens of a country and its advantages not for foreigners appears to have been an important factor. Thus, there existed a long-established custom of extraterritorial jurisdiction at the beginning of the 15th century when the complete conquest of the Byzantine Empire by the Turks and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire substantially altered political relations between Christian Europe and the Near East. But commercial relations continued, and in 1535 Francis I. of France negotiated a treaty with Suleiman I. of Turkey that provided for numerous extraterritorial rights, including criminal and civil jurisdiction over all disputes among. French subjects. (1 Ernest Charriere, Negotiations de la France dans le Levant 283.) Other nations and eventually the United States in 1830 (8 Stat. 408), later negotiated similar treaties with the Turks. (For a more complete history of the development of extraterritorial rights and consular jurisdiction, see 1 Calvo, Le Droit International Theorique et Pratique (5th ed., Rousseau, 1896), 2–18, 2 ''id.'', 9–12; Hinckley, American Consular Jurisdiction in the Orient, 1–9; 1 Miltitz, Manuel des Consuls passim; Ravndal, The Origin of the Capitulations and of the Consular Jurisdiction, S. Doc. No. 34, 67th Cong., 1st sess. 5–45, 56–96; Shih Shun Liu, Extraterritoriality, 23–66; Twiss, The Law of Nations (1884 ed.), 443–457.)}}
{{smaller block|The emergence of the nation-state in Europe and the growth of the doctrine of absolute territorial sovereignty changed the nature of extraterritorial rights. No longer were strangers to be denied the advantages of local law. Indeed, territorial sovereignty meant the exercise of sovereignty over all residents within the borders of the state, and the system of extraterritorial consular jurisdiction tended to die out among Christian nations in the 18th and 19th centuries. But a new justification was found for the continuation of that jurisdiction in those countries whose systems of justice were considered inferior, and it was this strong feeling with respect to Moslem and Far Eastern countries that was reflected, as we have seen, in the Ross opinion.}}
{{smaller block|Until 1842, China had asserted control over all foreigners within its territory (Shih Shun Liu, ''op. cit.'', ''supra'', 76–89) but, as a result of the Opium War, Great Britain negotiated a treaty with China whereby she obtained consular offices in five open ports and was granted extraterritorial rights over her citizens. On July 3, 1844, Caleb Cushing negotiated a similar treaty on behalf of the United States (8 Stat. 592). In a letter to Secretary of State Calhoun, he explained: “I entered China with the formed general conviction that the United States ought not to concede to any foreign state, under any circumstances, jurisdiction over the life and liberty of a citizen of the United States, unless that foreign state be of our own family of nations—in a word a Christian state.” Quoted in 7 Op. Atty. Gen. 495, 496–497. Later treaties continued the extraterritorial rights of the United States, and the treaty of 1903 contained the following article demonstrating the purpose of those rights:}}
{{smaller block|“The Government of China having expressed a strong desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of western nations, the United States agrees to give every assistance to such reform and will also be prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant it in doing so” (33 Stat. 2208, 2215).}}
{{smaller block|The first treaty with Japan was negotiated by Commodore Perry in 1854 (11 Stat. 597). It opened two ports, but did not provide for any exercise of judicial powers by United States officials. Under the treaty of 1857 (11 Stat. 723), such power was given, and later treaties, which opened up further Japanese cities for trade and residence by United States citizens, retained these rights. The treaty of 1894, effective on July 17, 1899, however, ended these extraterritorial rights and Japan, even though a non-Christian nation, came to occupy the same status as Christian nations (29 Stat. 848). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction by consuls over United States citizens was also provided for, at one time or another, in treaties with Borneo (10 Stat. 909, 910); Siam (11 Stat. 683, 684); Madagascar (15 Stat. 491, 492); Samoan Islands (20 Stat. 704); Korea (23 Stat. 720, 721); Tonga Islands (25 Stat. 1440, 1442) and, by virtue of most-favored-nation clauses; in treaties with Tripoli (8 Stat. 154); Persia (11 Stat. 709); the Congo (27 Stat. 926); and Ethiopia (33 Stat. 2254). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction was also provided for in a treaty with Morocco (8 Stat. 100), by virtue of a most-favored-nation clause and by virtue of a clause granting jurisdiction if “any citizens of the United States * * * shall have any disputes with each other.” The word “disputes” has been interpreted by the International Court of Justice to comprehend criminal as well as civil disputes. ''France'' v. ''United States'' (I. C. J. Rept. 1952, p. 176, 188–189.) The treaties with Algiers (8 Stat. 133, 224, 244); Tunis (8 Stat. 157); and Muscat (8 Stat. 458) contained similar disputes clauses.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial power exercised by consuls was defined by statute and was sweeping:}}
{{smaller block|“Jurisdiction in both criminal and civil matters shall, in all cases, be exercised and enforced in conformity with the laws of the United States, which are hereby, so far as is necessary to execute such treaties, respectively, and so far as they are suitable to carry the same into effect, extended over all citizens of the United States in those countries, and over all others to the extent that the terms of the treaties, respectively, justify or require. But in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.” (Rev. Stat. sec. 4086.)}}
{{smaller block|The consuls, then, exercised not only executive and judicial power, but legislative power as well.}}
{{smaller block|The number of people subject to the jurisdiction of these courts during their most active periods appears to have been fairly small. In the Chronicle &amp; Directory for China, Japan, and the Philippines, for the year 1870, there is a listing of the total number of foreign, not just United States, residents in these three places. The list is 81 pages long, with a total of some 4,500 persons (pp. 54–134). This same publication gives the following information about Japan. “The number of foreigners settled in Japan is as yet very small. At the end of the year 1862, the foreign community at Kanagawa, the principal of the three ports of Japan open to aliens, consisted of * * * 38 Americans * * * and in the latter part of 1864 the permanent foreign residents at Kanagawa had increased to 300, not counting soldiers, of which number * * * about 80 [were] Americans. * * * At Nagasaki, the second port of Japan thrown open to foreign trade by the Government, the number of alien settlers was as follows on the 1st of January 1866: * * * American citizens, 32. * * * A third port opened to European and American traders, that of Hakodadi, in the north of Japan, was deserted, after a lengthened trial, by nearly all the foreign merchants settled there * * *.” (Appendix, p. 353.) The statesman’s Yearbook of 1890 shows: China at the end of 1888: 1,020 Americans (p. 411); Japan in 1887, 711 Americans (p. 709); Morocco; 1889 estimate: “The number of Christians is very small, not exceeding 1,500” (p. 739). The Statesman’s Yearbook of 1901 shows: China at the end of 1899: 2,335 Americans (p. 484); Japan, December 31, 1898, just before the termination of our extraterritorial rights: 1,165 Americans (p. 809); Morocco: “The number of Christians does not exceed 6,000; the Christian population of Tangier alone probably amounts to 5,000” (p. 851). These figures of course do not include those civilians temporarily in the country coming within consular jurisdiction.}}
{{smaller block|The consular court jurisdiction, then, was exercised in countries whose legal systems at the time were considered so inferior that justice could not be obtained in them by our citizens. The existence of these courts was based on long-established custom and they were justified as the best possible means for securing justice for the few Americans present in those countries. The Ross case, therefore, arose out of, and rests on, very special, confined circumstances, and cannot be applied automatically to the present situation, involving hundreds of thousands of American citizens in countries with civilized systems of justice. If Congress had established consular courts or some other nonmilitary procedure for trial that did not contain all the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments for the trial of civilian dependents of military personnel abroad, we would be forced to a detailed analysis of the situation of the civilian dependent population abroad in deciding whether the Ross case should be extended to cover such a case. It is not necessary to do this in the present cases in view of our decision that the form or trial here provided cannot constitutionally be justified.}}
{{smaller block|The Government, apparently recognizing the constitutional basis for the decision in Ross, has, on rehearing, sought to show that civilians in general and civilian dependents in particular have been subject to military order and discipline ever since the colonial period. The materials it has submitted seem too episodic, too meager, to form a solid basis in history, preceding and contemporaneous with the framing of the Constitution, for constitutional adjudication. What has been urged on us falls far too short of proving a well-established practice—to be deemed to be infused into the Constitution—of court-martial jurisdiction, certainly not in capital cases, over such civilians in time of peace.}}
Mr. President, the decision which I have read in the {{sc|Record}} is in the case of Curtis Reid, Superintendent of the District of Columbia Jail, Appellant, against Clarice B. Covert, and Nina Kinsella, Warden of the Federal Reformatory for Women, Alderson, W. Va., petitioner, against Walter Krueger. The opinion, which was written by Mr. Justice Black, was concurred in by the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan. It pointed out clearly that even though the court-martial so provided, the jury trial could not be denied to civilians accompanying the Armed Forces. It is very clear on that point.

There was a concurring opinion, which I have just included in the {{sc|Record}}, by Justice Frankfurter, which upholds that contention.

There is no question that under the United States Constitution citizens are entitled to a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the discretion of a Federal judge to say whether he is going to grant a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the Congress to say that if the punishment is only a $300 fine or 45 days imprisonment we will let the judge try the case, but if it is above that the defendant can get a jury trial. That simply does not make sense. It violates the Constitution and is in derogation of the administration of justice in this country. As someone has said, it is a split-level statute.

Mr. President, on May 9, 1957, before the mountain and plain regional meeting of the American Bar Association in Denver, Colo., Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., of the Supreme Court, made an address on our judicial systems. In this address he discussed the advantages of our traditional jury-trial system. Because of the clear, straightforward nature of this address, I want to quote the following statement made by Justice Brennan. This is what he said:
{{smaller block|We hear much, for example, of the proposal that we turn all automobile-accident litigation over to an administrative agency. The idea is that, because automobile litigation accounts for a major part of court business, the simple solution is to dispose of the problem by throwing it out the window. What an abject abdication of our profession’s responsibility to provide judicial justice for our citizens. But, at best, there is utterly no hope for that idea, at least not in our lifetimes, when the job of judicial reform must be done. It will be a long day before our society will pay the price of damages for every automobile injury or death without regard to the fault of the person injured or killed. There is no true analogy between compensation for the injured workman who helps produce goods or services for profit, where the cost is passed on to the consumer in the price of the goods or services, and compensation to the automobile victim, where the cost would have to be borne by all of us.}}
{{smaller block|Another nostrum is that, because jury trials take more time than trials before a judge without a jury, the easy answer to calendar congestion is to get rid of jury trials in automobile accident cases. Actual studies are being made to prove that the average jury trial in a negligence case takes more time than a nonjury trial of a negligence case. I question the need for a study to prove something that every judge and lawyer knows. Of course jury trials usually take more time than nonjury trials. But those who propose this suggest also that fairer justice will result if a judge, unprejudiced for one side or the other—they really mean that juries are prejudiced in favor of plaintiffs—disposes of them. I doubt that that proposition can withstand analysis. As a trial judge I was always interested in how often the jury brought in the same verdict on liability that I would have reached. And that seems to be the experience of trial judges generally. A recent survey proved that in upwards of 85 percent of the cases the trial judge reported that the jury reached the result on liability that he would have reached. Moreover, the idea that juries go haywire in fixing damages where plaintiffs prevail should be looked at a little more closely. I think at least that judge-decided verdicts under the Federal Tort Claims Act (no jury trial is had under that act) do not persuade the Department of Justice that juries are any less conscientious in fixing damages. I know that at times juries do go overboard. But I can count on the fingers of one hand the instances in my time as a trial judge when I felt it necessary to set aside verdicts because they had done so. My experience left me with the definite impression that jurors almost always do try to fix damages within allowable limits.}}
{{smaller block|I think, at all events, this proposal to abolish jury trials in automobile accident cases also faces an almost insurmountable hurdle. The success of our British brothers in abolishing jury trials should not mislead us. American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. Perhaps the emotion generated by proposals to modify or deny the right has its roots in the Jacksonian era of distrust of the legal profession and the insistence upon the people’s control of the administration of justice. Perhaps it is a survival of the same thing which gave us the elective system of judges in most States and in some, as in my own, New Jersey, actual lay participation on the bench. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of the preservation of their liberties. The road of him who would take away jury trial in automobile accident cases is a long and rocky one.}}
{{smaller block|I submit that it is a sorry response to the litigant who suffers from long delay in having his accident suit tried that we can offer no relief beyond “let’s throw accident litigation out of the courts,” or “let’s deny the victim the right of a jury trial.” Our profession must stand up and reject those nostrums. We know now that there are judicial structures and techniques of judicial administration which not only can cope with problems of calendar control but to far more {{SIC|signficant|significant}} purposes can also measurably assist in our ceaseless striving to give better justice. Our need is to get up our courage to fight for these things and to do battle with the powerfully entrenched opponents of any reform who too often take their position out of self-interest without sufficient consideration of what is best in the people’s interest. It doubtless is true that achievement of a modernized, efficient judicial structure requires far-reaching legislative and constitutional changes in most jurisdictions. But, far better to do the arduous labor of getting that essential job done than to promote equally drastic changes which are nothing more than a humiliating confession of defeat.}}
{{smaller block|Let us not forget that the integrity and efficiency of the judicial process is the first essential in a democratic society. The confidence of the people in the administration of justice is a prime requisite for free representative government. The public entrusts the legal profession with the sacred mission of dealing with the vital affairs that affect the whole pattern of human relations and certainly has a stake entitling it to demand not only that judges dispense justice impartially and fairly but also that judicial business shall be handled and disposed of by a modernized process which assures a minimum of friction and waste, for such a process also plays a large role in the achievement of impartial and fair justice for all litigants. There is actually no difference between the business of judicial administration and the business of running an industrial or commercial enterprise in the sense that the efficient and businesslike conduct of each means better service for the public. An inefficient and wasteful judicial administration actually can and often does result in a denial of justice, however earnestly an honest and upright judge may strive to prevent that lamentable result.}}
{{smaller block|I think it is not difficult to account for today’s heightened interest on the part of the general public throughout our Nation and, indeed, the Free World in the improvement of the process for administering justice. That growing interest is in large measure a product of the tumultuous times in which we live. For these are not only times which have produced a monstrous threat to all freedom, but, by the very reason of that threat, are times which have induced in free peoples everywhere an ever intensifying critical self-examination of the institutions upon which their freedoms depend—an insistence upon exposure of the imperfections of those institutions, a peremptory demand upon those who are entrusted with those institutions to improve and strengthen them the more surely to withstand the onslaught bent upon their destruction. It is but natural then that the judicial process should come under examination, for never was it more true than today that “Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.”}}
Mr. President, I submit, just as Justice Brennan has quoted here, which never was more true than today:
{{smaller block|Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.}}
I contend that since our forefathers placed in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights provisions which are so plain it seems no one could misinterpret them, providing for trial by jury in criminal cases, there can be no question that jury trials are not only desirable but are demanded under the Constitution. There should be no doubt in the mind of anyone, if he studies the Constitution, that the so-called compromise which tends to compromise the Constitution of the United States is not a just, is not a fair, is not a wise, and is not a constitutional provision, and that this bill should be killed.

Mr. President, one of the most interesting books ever written on the American system of Government was by Alexis de Tocqueville, a young Frenchman who wrote a book entitled “Democracy in America” after visiting this country during the 1830s. One of the chapters of his book was entitled “Trial by Jury in the United States Considered as a Political Institution.”

I shall read excerpts from this chapter because it provides an excellent insight into the prestige attained by the system of jury trial from the observation of an unbiased observer.
{{smaller block|[From de Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America,” written after visiting America in the 1830s.]}}
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Trial by Jury in the United States Constitution as a Political Institution}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury, which is one of the forms of the sovereignty of the people, ought to be compared with the other laws which establish that sovereignty: Composition of the jury in the United States; effect of trial by jury upon the national character; it educates the people; how it tends to establish the influence of the magistrates and to extend the legal spirit among the people.}}
{{smaller block|Since my subject has led me to speak of the administration of justice in the United States, I will not pass over it without referring to the institution of the jury. Trial by jury may be considered in two separate points of view: as a judicial, and as a political institution. * * *}}
{{smaller block|My present purpose is to consider the jury as a political institution; any other course would divert me from my subject. Of trial by jury considered as a judicial institution I shall here say but little. When the English adopted trial by jury, they were a semi-barbarous people; they have since become one of the most enlightened nations of the earth, and their attachment to this institution seems to have increased with their increasing cultivation. They have emigrated and colonized every part of the habitable globe; some have formed colonies, others independent states; the mother country has maintained its monarchial constitution; many of its offspring have founded powerful republics; but everywhere they have boasted of the privilege of trial by jury. They have established it, or hastened to reestablish it, in all their settlements. A judicial institution which thus obtains the suffrages of a great people for so long a series of ages, which is zealously reproduced at every stage of civilization, in all the climates of the earth, and under every form of human {{SIC|govment|government}}, cannot be contrary to the spirit of justice.}}
{{smaller block|But to leave this part of the subject. It would be a very narrow view to look upon the jury as a mere judicial institution; for however great its influence may be upon the decisions of the courts, it is still greater on the destinies of society at large. The jury is, above all, a political institution, and it must be regarded in this light in order to be duly appreciated.}}
{{smaller block|By the jury I mean a certain number of citizens chosen by lot and invested with a temporary right of judging. Trial by jury, as applied to the repression of crime, appears to me an eminently republican element in the government, for the following reasons.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury may be aristocratic or democratic, according to the class from which the jurors are taken; but it always preserves its republican character, in that it places the real direction of society in the hands of the governed, or of a portion of the governed, and not in that of the government. Force is never more than a transient element of success, and after force comes the notion of right. A government able to reach its enemies only upon a field of battle would soon be destroyed. The true sanction of political laws is to be found in penal legislation; and if that sanction is wanting, the law will sooner or later lose its cogency. He who punishes the criminal is therefore the real master of society. Now, the institution of the jury raises the people itself, or at least a class of citizens, to the bench of judges. The institution of the jury consequently invests the people, or that class of citizens, with the direction of society.}}
{{smaller block|In England the jury is selected from the aristocratic portion of the nation; the aristocracy makes the laws, applies the laws, and punishes infractions of the laws; everything is established upon a consistent footing, and England may with truth be said to constitute an aristocratic republic. In the United States the same system is applied to the whole people. Every American citizen is both an eligible and a legally qualified voter. The jury system as it is understood in America appears to me to be as direct and as extreme a consequence of the sovereignty of the people as universal suffrage. They are two instruments of equal power, which contribute to the supremacy of the majority. All the sovereigns who have chosen to govern by their own authority, and to direct society instead of obeying its directions, have destroyed or enfeebled the institution of the jury. The Tudor monarchs sent to prison jurors who refused to convict, and Napoleon caused them to be selected by his agents.}}
{{smaller block|However clear most of these truths may seem to be, they do not command universal assent; and in France, at least, trial by jury is still but imperfectly understood. If the question arises as to the proper qualification of jurors, it is confined to a discussion of the intelligence and knowledge of the citizens who may be returned, as if the jury was merely a judicial institution. This appears to me the least important part of the subject. The jury is preeminently a political institution; it should be regarded as one form of the sovereignty of the people; when that sovereignty is repudiated, it must be rejected, or it must be adapted to the laws by which that sovereignty is established. The jury is that portion of the nation to which the execution of the laws is entrusted, as the legislature is that part of the nation which makes the laws; and in order that society may be governed in a fixed and uniform manner, the list of citizens qualified to serve on juries must increase and diminish with the list of electors. This I hold to be the point of view most worthy of the attention of the legislator; all that remains is merely accessory.}}
{{smaller block|I am so entirely convinced that the jury is preeminently a political institution that I still consider it in this light when it is applied in civil causes. Laws are always unstable unless they are founded upon the customs of a nation; customs are the only durable and resisting power in a people. When the jury is reserved for criminal offenses, the people witness only its occasional action in particular cases; they become accustomed to do without it in the ordinary course of life, and it is considered as an instrument, but not as the only instrument, of obtaining justice.}}
{{smaller block|When, on the contrary, the jury acts also on civil causes, its application is constantly visible; it affects all the interests of the community; everyone cooperates in its work; it thus penetrates into all the usages of life, it fashions the human mind to its peculiar forms, and is gradually associated with the idea of justice itself.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury, if confined to criminal causes, is always in danger; but when once it is introduced into civil proceedings, it defies the aggressions of time and man. If it had been as easy to remove the jury from the customs as from the laws of England, it would have perished under the Tudors, and the civil jury did in reality at that period save the liberties of England. In whatever manner the jury be applied, it cannot fail to exercise a powerful influence upon the national character; but this influence ts prodigiously increased when it is introduced into civil causes. The jury, and more especially the civil jury, serves to communicate the spirit of the judges to the minds of all the citizens; and this spirit, with the habits which attend it, is the soundest preparation for free institutions. It imbues all classes with a respect for the thing judged and with the notion of right. If these two elements be removed, the love of independence becomes a mere destructive passion. It teaches men to practice equity; every man learns to judge his neighbor as he would himself be judged. And this is especially true of the jury in civil causes; for while the number of persons who have reason to apprehend a criminal prosecution is small, everyone is liable to have a lawsuit. The jury teaches every man not to recoil before the responsibility of his own actions and impresses him with that manly confidence without which no political virtue can exist. It invests each citizen with a kind of magistracy; it makes them all feel the duties which they are bound to discharge toward society and the part which they take in its government. By obliging men to turn their attention to other affairs than their own, it rubs off that private selfishness which is the rust of society.}}
{{smaller block|The jury contributes powerfully to form the judgment and to increase the natural intelligence of a people; and this, in my opinion, is its greatest advantage. It may be regarded as a gratuitous public school, ever open, in which every juror learns his rights, enters into daily communication with the most learned and enlightened members of the upper classes, and becomes practically acquainted with the laws, which are brought within the reach of his capacity by the efforts of the bar, the advice of the judge, and even the passions of the parties. I think that the practical intelligence and political good sense of the Americans are mainly attributable to the long use that they have made of the jury in civil causes.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know whether the jury is useful to those who have lawsuits, but I am certain it is highly beneficial to those who judge them; and I look upon it as one of the most efficacious means for the education of the people which society can employ.}}
{{smaller block|What I have said applies to all nations, but the remark I am about to make is peculiar to the Americans and to democratic communities. I have already observed that in democracies the members of the legal profession and the judicial magistrates constitute the only aristocratic body which can moderate the movements of the people. This aristocracy is invested with no physical power; it exercises its conservative influence upon the minds of men; and the most abundant source of its authority is the institution of the civil jury. In criminal causes, when society is contending against a single man, the jury is apt to look upon the judge as the passive instrument of social power and to mistrust his advice. Moreover, criminal causes turn entirely upon simple facts, which commonsense can readily appreciate; upon this ground the judge and the jury are equal. Such is not the case, however, in civil causes; then the judge appears as a disinterested arbiter between the conflicting passions of the parties. The jurors look up to him with confidence and listen to him with respect, for in this instance, his intellect entirely governs theirs. It is the judge who sums up the various arguments which have wearied their memory, and who guides them through the devious course of the proceedings; he points their attention to the exact question of fact that they are called upon to decide and tells them how to answer the question of law. His influence over them is almost unlimited.}}
{{smaller block|If I am called upon to explain why I am but little moved by the arguments derived from the ignorance of jurors in civil causes, I reply that in these proceedings, whenever the question to be solved is not a mere question of fact, the jury has only the semblance of a judicial body. The jury only sanctions the decision of the judge; they sanction this decision by the authority of society which they represent, and he by that of reason and of law.}}
{{smaller block|The jury, then, which seems to restrict the rights of the judiciary does in reality consolidate its power; and in no country are the judges so powerful as where the people share their privileges. It is especially by means of the jury in civil causes that the American magistrates imbue even the lower classes of society with the spirit of their profession. Thus the jury, which is the most energetic means of making the people rule, is also the most efficacious means of teaching it how to rule well.}}
Mr. President, de Tocqueville contributed a great deal to literature and to society. He was a Frenchman who came to our country and studied our form of government. He was so impressed that he wrote the chapter on trial by jury, in which he emphasized the fact that the jury is the heart of the administration of justice in a democracy.

On Friday, July 5, 1957, there was printed in the State, a newspaper published in Columbia, S. C., an article quoting the then president of the American Bar Association, Mr. David F. Maxwell, on the subject of jury trials.

I believe Mr. Maxwell is a member of the Philadelphia bar, of which our distinguished Presiding Officer [Mr. {{sc|Clark}}] is also a member. I am sure that the Presiding Officer, as well as the Senate, will be interested in what Mr. Maxwell had to say on the subject of jury trials, and that the views expressed by him will be of interest to everyone who believes in constitutional government. I read as follows:
{{smaller block|The president of the American Bar Association today answered charges that trial by jury is an outmoded, time-consuming process which can be replaced by more efficient legal procedure.}}
{{smaller block|David F. Maxwell, of Philadelphia, who heads the lawyers organization, said instead that jury trials are the ultimate protection against invasion of personal freedom.}}
{{smaller block|He spoke at the diamond jubilee celebration of the State Bar of Texas.}}
{{smaller block|“Too many persons today are prone to view trial by jury solely as a factfinding device, and hence expendable, if as good or better a method can be devised,” he said.}}
{{smaller block|These critics are influenced, Maxwell said, by the late Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who wrote that an experienced judge should be able to represent the commonsense of the community far better than the average jury.}}
{{smaller block|The Pennsylvania attorney said, “Such a contention presupposes the ability of the trial judge to discard foibles and prejudices built up within himself through his personal experience and background,” adding that a group of average citizens can mete out more even justice than can the most competent and experienced judge.}}
{{smaller block|“So let us in this country take warning,” he said. “The jury alone is able to function as the thin wedge of reserved power that separates our system of law from the monolithic, totalitarian despotism behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.”}}
Mr. President, an editorial appeared in the Greenville (S. C.) News of June 6, 1957. It is entitled “Jury Trial Is at Heart of Rights Issue” and has this to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{smaller block|The day after it was reported from Washington that the administration would protest the southern claim that the so-called civil-rights bill would deny the right to trial by jury, the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate approved an amendment intended to guarantee that right to persons who might come under an injunction authorized in the proposed law.}}
{{smaller block|In his several appearances before the Senate and House committees studying the various proposals, Attorney General Brownell tried to claim that a trial by jury would not be denied. He had rough going, and at times was downright evasive, when Senator {{sc|Sam. J. Ervin}}, of North Carolina, began to cross-examine him on his statements.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|Ervin}}, an eminent lawyer and a former member of his State’s supreme court, is of the opinion that trial by jury not only would not be guaranteed under the bills as submitted, but could be denied. Certainly, it would be possible for the courts to deny a jury hearing and a judge, if he chose, could sit in judgment on the testimony as well as the law.}}
{{smaller block|Speaking for the administration, Attorney General Brownell is taking his case to the House of Representatives, but the action of the Senate committee on Monday indicates that even a number of northern Democrats and Republicans have been convinced of the facts.}}
{{smaller block|The jury trial issue came up in this way:}}
{{smaller block|Among the bills included in the civil rights packages (various versions of which have been offered by the administration and by individuals and groups of Democratic and Republican Members of Congress) is one which would set up a special civil rights division of the Department of Justice.}}
{{smaller block|It would be manned by a number of assistants to the Attorney General and would have the authority to initiate civil suits against persons accused of violating the civil rights of others or whom it might have reason to believe were about to violate such rights.}}
{{smaller block|(At present, it is a criminal offense to violate the civil rights of another. But a person accused of violating such laws has the right to be arraigned before a grand jury and to be tried by a petit jury.)}}
{{smaller block|The administration proposal—and members of both parties have supported this or made similar proposals of their own—is to transfer civil rights cases from the criminal to the civil side of the Federal courts. The Government itself would bring such suits, with or without the request of the allegedly injured persons.}}
{{smaller block|The Government could ask for and obtain an injunction forbidding anyone to do certain things, such as to refuse a voting certificate to a certain person or to oppose an integration order issued against a certain school. Such action on the part of the defendant might be a violation of an injunction or it might be a violation of a criminal law on civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|But in such cases, the Government would bring the individual before the judge on a charge of contempt. And the judge could convict and sentence the individual without a trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|That is what prompted the southern amendment to the bill aimed at assuring a jury trial. And that is the principle Mr. Brownell is assailing in his statements to Congress.}}
{{smaller block|He does not deny that trial by jury would be denied the defendants. He merely says the amendment would make the bill ineffective and would weaken the power of the Federal courts to enforce their orders. He says this power to punish for contempt has long been available to the Government in other Federal cases.}}
{{smaller block|That much is true. When the Government brings a civil suit and obtains an injunction, contempt can be adjudged and punished without a jury. But these are cases entirely different from those Mr. Brownell proposes to bring in the name of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|In this instance, Mr. Brownell is trying to do in a roundabout way what the Constitution forbids him to do directly; that is, try and convict a person for an alleged crime without a jury.}}
Mr. President, here is an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of April 17, 1957. It is entitled “Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} Understands Threat to Liberty in Civil-Rights Bill” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Speaking at the annual banquet of the Hibernian Society in Charleston, March 18, 1947, Senator {{sc|Joseph C. O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, stressed the fact that the United States has repudiated the doctrine of arbitrary power.}}
{{smaller block|This week, 10 years after he made this statement, Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} gave evidence that he believes what he said. The Democratic Senator lined up with southern critics of the so-called civil-rights bill. He said he was in favor of a civil-rights bill but one that is conceived in justice and freedom rather than in any thought of punishment.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} told reporters that the proposed Presidential Civil Rights Commission to investigate complaints of civil-rights violations could easily do more harm than good. And with respect to another part of the bill vigorously opposed by southern Senators, he said, “I don’t think we should be afraid of a jury trial in matters of this kind.” In announcing his stand on the legislation, he said that the South has made many striking advances in racial relations, while such relations in some other parts of the country have worsened.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}’s stand on the civil-rights bill is of major significance. His statement shows that the South is gaining ground in its battle to convince other regions that the force bills are a threat to the liberties of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is not a western conservative like, say, Senator {{sc|Barry Goldwater}}, Republican, of Arizona, who might be expected to line up with southern conservatives. The Senator from Wyoming is a western liberal and an old-time supporter of the New Deal. Hence his acceptance of some of the southern constitutional arguments is all the more meaningful.}}
{{smaller block|If Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is convinced that the right to jury trial and other parts of our heritage are being threatened by the civil-rights bill, the likelihood of convincing other northern and western Senators is considerable.}}
{{smaller block|In order to overcome the propaganda barriers of the NAACP and convince these Senators, the South must continue to argue its case—and on the highest level. Senator {{sc|Sam Ervin}} of North Carolina has done especially fine work this session in accomplishing just that.}}
{{smaller block|The other task facing southerners is that of insisting on respect for law and order throughout our region. The enemies of the South must not have any excuse for urging Federal intervention. Hoodlumism must be put down. The ignorant elements who join the Ku Klux Klan must be made to realize they are under the eyes of local and State police. Responsible men must stay active in movements such as the citizens council, and prevent infiltration by troublemakers or hotheads.}}
{{smaller block|If the South can speak with dignity in Washington and act with honesty and good sense at home, there will be more Senator O’Mahoneys who will realize southerners are fighting the good fight for American liberties.}}
Mr. President, here is another article from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Trial by Jury Right of All Americans” and it appears in the June 5, 1957, issue of the News and Courier, and has this to say:
{{smaller block|A guaranty of trial by jury, squeezed into a civil-rights law by vote of a Senate subcommittee, has been hailed as a southern victory.}}
{{smaller block|This victory—though it is little more than solace in a string of defeats—in fact belongs to the American Republic. Southerners are not alone in danger. If the Federal Government can deprive southerners of the right of trial by jury, on the ground that they are unfair to Negroes, it can do the same to citizens of other regions on equally flimsy grounds.}}
{{smaller block|Thanks to the NAACP and its political allies, defense of Negroes’ civil rights is popular today. Even at the sacrifice of rights of all citizens, restrictive laws have won serious support. The News and Courier finds biting irony in the need for Congress to guarantee the right of trial by jury. Americans have been brought up in the belief that the United States Constitution meant what it said in guaranteeing them this right.}}
{{smaller block|Nowadays, the ruling clique no longer trusts ordinary people to govern themselves. Juries, they fear, will bring in unjust verdicts. The bosses prefer to entrust such delicate matters as civil rights to hand-picked Federal judges, who are screened by the Department of Justice and appointed by the President. With both national parties committed to the NAACP program, no lawyer who takes a strong stand against that program stands much chance of appointment. As older judges die or retire, Attorney General Brownell will make sure, insofar as he is able, that replacements have a “liberal” view of race.}}
{{smaller block|With administration of election laws removed from the hands of elected State officials and placed under Federal appointees, government is being removed ever further from the people. The jury system, safeguard of Anglo–Saxon liberty, may yet be a victim of alien notions now gathering power in our Republic.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the May 10, 1957, issue of the Charleston, (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “The Civil-Rights Fight and Trial-by-Jury Issue” and was written by the distinguished southern newspaperman, Dr. John Temple Graves. Here is what it has to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm|“}}Backward, turn backward,
O Time in thy flight * * *”&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}
{{smaller block|Time accommodates.}}
{{smaller block|Its comment on jury trials last week overlooked the Federal march of time.}}
{{smaller block|Admitting that the trial-by-jury issue has come to dominate the civil-rights fight, the magazine pontificated that “the contempt citation is the judiciary’s historic enforcement tool.” It avowed that “jury trials in contempt cases have absolutely no basis in equity or constitutional law and precious little legislative sanction.”}}
{{smaller block|The trick in this extraordinary statement is in Time’s small print at the bottom of the page. It explains that “with a single exception (the Norris–La Gaurdia Act covering labor disputes) trial by jury has never been required in contempt cases to which the United States has been a party.” With the United States Government proposing now to be a party to just about everything in heaven, earth, and the waters beneath—a new situation exists.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution loves the principle of trial by jury and says so over and over again. That great basic principle, rather than any technicality, is what is involved for the South.}}
{{smaller block|Call it contempt or something else, let the Government be a party or not a party, what concerns us and what concerned the makers of the Constitution is that citizens in handcuffs shall not be adjudged by those who put the handcuffs on them, that the right of an accused to be properly tried in the Anglo–Saxon ideal shall not be abridged in the name of contempt or participation of the Government.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution speaks for this principle in article 3. The fifth amendment speaks for it, and the sixth, and the seventh.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing in the whole instrument is more emphatic.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the April 8, 1957, issue of South, the news magazine of Dixie. It is entitled “Force Bill ‘Liberals’ Would Kill Jury Trial.” Here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|It is incredible that those who like to boast that they are liberals and protectors of individual rights are crying the loudest for the currently misnamed civil-rights legislation which would deny alleged violators the right to trial by jury. The politically inspired anti-South force bill package has induced such a state of hypnosis in the self-styled liberals that they want to replace constitutional guarantees of civil liberties with their own false notions of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|If the question of race were not at issue, the very people who are pressing for passage of this abominable travesty on constitutional principle would be the first to denounce it for discarding the sacred right of trial by jury. At the outset the legislation violates the rights spelled out in article III., section 3, and by the seventh amendment, one of the historic ten making up the Bill of Rights. It would empower the United States Attorney General to seek injunctions against persons suspected of being about to violate the so-called civil-rights measure. Then a Federal judge, acting also as prosecutor and jury, would decree a whole community or State in contempt. An individual cited for contempt would be tried without a jury by the judge who cited him.}}
{{smaller block|The proponents of this evil proposal know exactly what they are doing. By design they are taking away the right of jury trial. In fact, they are bold to say that if they did not set aside the right of trial by jury, they could not get convictions in the South. To allow jury trials, they say, would be to gut the bill. Attorney General Brownell is horror-struck at the thought that the no-jury-trial provision be stricken. President Eisenhower, who violates a campaign pledge made at Miami by pushing this legislation, says he would have to get Brownell’s opinion as to whether to sign or veto a civil-rights bill containing the assurance of jury trial in contempt cases. The civil strife proponents protest that this guaranty—in the Constitution which Eisenhower, Brownell, and all Congressmen are sworn to uphold—would cripple the bill. Has the President so soon forgotten that he said at Miami, 2 weeks before the election, that civil-rights problems should be handled to the greatest extent on a local and State basis?}}
{{smaller block|Surely our liberals know that Hitler, Mussolini, and all tyrants from the time of King John (until forced to sign the Magna Carta) opposed jury trials because they would cripple their programs.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the April 14, 1957, issue of the Greenville, S. C., News. It is entitled “Jackie Robinson on Meet the Press: Negro Athlete Favors Jury Trials” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Jackie Robinson, Negro baseball star, when asked if he favored jury trials for civil-rights defendants, said Sunday night he would personally prefer a jury trial.}}
{{smaller block|The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People strongly opposes a jury trial guaranty in criminal injunction cases arising under the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Robinson is leading the NAACP’s freedom-fund campaign for a million dollars to attain first-class citizenship for all members.}}
{{smaller block|The former Brooklyn Dodger told an NBC Meet the Press television panel that he did not know what the million dollars would be spent for—possibly for lawsuits against school segregation.}}
{{smaller block|He said he favored the civil-rights bill but knows very little about it.}}
{{smaller block|Frank Van Der Linden, this newspaper’s Washington correspondent, asked the questions about the civil-rights bill.}}
This is a man, Mr. President, who favors the civil-rights bill, but even he says he favors a trial by jury.

That is what the House did on this so-called compromise. In effect, they have nullified the right of trial by jury. There are very, very few instances in which a judge, when he finds a man guilty of contempt, would give a sentence of more than 45 days in prison or a fine of more than $300. That simply means the practical effect is that the jury trial has been completely nullified.

As I have said earlier, and as I will say later in my address, the right of jury trial is something the Constitution grants to the citizens of the United States. The Congress does not have the authority to take the jury trial away from the people of America.

Mr. President, I have an excerpt from an editorial from the August 26, 1957, issue of the Columbia (S. C.) Record. It is entitled “Jury-Trial Compromise No Compromise,” and this is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|The “compromise” on the jury-trial amendment to the civil-rights bill, worked out between the House and Senate leaders of both parties, is anything but a genuine compromise. It is a nullification of the jury-trial principle, for which the southern Democrats fought so valiantly in the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|The amendment written into the bill by the Senate provided that in all cases of criminal contempt defendants should be entitled to jury trials, guaranteed by the Constitution to all persons accused of crime. This applied not only to criminal contempt charges growing out of voting-right cases, but also to other criminal contempt proceedings as well.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called compromise allows jury trials only in voting-rights cases and then only after a defendant has been tried and convicted without a jury trial and sentenced to more than 45 days’ imprisonment and a $300 fine. In such a case the defendant could ask for a jury trial and the case would then be tried ''de novo'' before a jury. But no jury, of course, could try such a case ''de novo'' in fact. Every juror would know that the defendant had been found guilty by a judge and given more than a minimum sentence. This is a condition precedent to a jury trial in these voting-right cases. And no jury trial under such circumstances is anything approaching the right of trial by jury guaranteed by the Constitution.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the August 25, 1957, issue of the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Jury Trial ‘Compromise’ Is False Bait in Wicked Trap for Liberty,” and here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|A proposed compromise now pending in Congress is as wicked and immoral, in our opinion, as total denial of trial by jury under Federal election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Reports from Washington indicate a likelihood that the civil rights force bill may be rammed through Congress with this compromise to grease the way. Perhaps the northern scrambles for Negro votes and their “liberal” southern allies have the power in Congress to enact this hateful law. They should not get even silent support from anyone who loves the American Republic.}}
{{smaller block|The compromise is really no compromise at all. It would grant the opportunity to seek a new trial before a jury by a defendant in an election case who had received a sentence greater than a $1,000 fine or 45 days in jail.}}
The amount there, incidentally, Mr. President, should be corrected. Instead of a $1,000 fine, it should be a $300 fine.
{{smaller block|But the size of a fine and the duration of imprisonment are not the key issue in this legislation. Penalties may be amended once the principle is set up. Besides, imprisoning State election officials even for a short time could rig the outcome of voting.}}
{{smaller block|The key issue here is whether the liberty of a citizen, and the constitutional rights of the States to conduct free elections, should be sacrificed for the sake of current political advantage of national parties and politicians.}}
As I have said before, Mr. President—to digress there—the only purpose of this so-called right-to-vote bill is to advance the cause of the national political parties with the minorities and to advance the cause of certain politicians. If it were not for the purpose of both parties playing to the minorities and advancing the cause of certain politicians to high offices, I do not believe this bill would ever have been introduced. It is a disgrace to the United States even to have the Congress consider such an abominable and obnoxious bill.
{{smaller block|Behind this force bill lies a game of power politics. Both national parties are struggling to control the votes of herded Negroes in big northern cities and their liberal allies. These bloc voters are believed to hold the balance of political power in the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Buried beneath the nauseating political greed that has produced this force bill are principles once dear to Americans. The bill has many of the earmarks of totalitarian government that the Constitution was built to prevent.}}
Among these earmarks are Federal control of elections, seizing the power of the ballot box from the people most likely to be affected; substitution of judges for juries in enforcement of the law; and secrecy in working up prosecutions.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would set up a powerful commission on the phony pretense of guarding voting rights of minority groups. This Commission’s actions would be shielded from public view. Persons are forbidden under penalties to make known what it is doing. The Star Chamber—a tyrannous device once used by English Kings—thus would be imposed for the first time on the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Southerners may be overwhelmed by superior force, but they should go down fighting every step of the way.}}
{{smaller block|In honorable defeat they may sound an alarm to fellow Americans not yet awake to dangers to the Republic. Passage of the civil-rights force bill would be a defeat for all citizens of whatever race or region, for it would help to set the stage for dictatorship and oppression. The compromise on which passage now seems to hinge is only a deceptive detail in a dirty business.}}
Mr. President, I have here an excellent editorial from the Washington Evening Star of July 12, 1957. It is an editorial full of quotes, but the editor made his point well in this editorial without even having to insert his own comments. Here is what the editorial says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Brownell}} ''v.'' {{sc|Norris}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Attorney General Brownell (in a letter explaining the civil-rights bill):}}
{{smaller block|“Enactment of legislation providing for jury trial in contempt cases arising out of governmental litigation would undermine the authority of the Federal courts by seriously weakening their power to enforce their lawful orders. The effect of adopting current proposals for jury trial would be to weaken and undermine the authority of the Federal courts by making their every order, even when issued after due hearing and affirmed on appeal, reviewable by a local jury. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“Furthermore the proposed amendment to existing procedures that is being advocated under the innocuous slogan of jury trial would permit practical nullification of the effectiveness of the proposed civil-rights legislation. The enforcement of any court order may require prompt and vigorous action if it is to be effective. Prompt action will often be vital in civil-rights cases, especially election cases, where the registration period or the election may pass while enforcement is delayed. The injection of a jury trial between an order of a court enjoining discrimination against Negroes in an election, and the enforcement of that order would provide numerous opportunities for delay beyond the time when the order could have practical effect.”}}
{{smaller block|The late Senator George W. Norris (insisting on the right of trial by jury, by Congressional enactment, in every case of indirect contempt):}}
{{smaller block|“I agree that any man charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.”}}
I wish to repeat that statement. He said:
{{smaller block|I agree that any many charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.}}
Under the proposed compromise amendment which came from the House, the people will not get a jury trial. In 99 percent of the cases the judge will sentence people without a jury trial. It is said, “Well, they are able to get a jury trial if the fine is more than $300 or if the imprisonment is for more than 45 days.”

That is not the point. The point is that in 99 percent of the cases the compromise would deny to the citizens a jury trial, which is guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Congress should not be a party to violating the Constitution of the United States by passing the compromise amendment.

I continue to read from the editorial:
{{smaller block|“It is no answer to say that there will sometimes be juries which will not convict. That is a charge which can be made against our jury system. Every man who has tried lawsuits before juries, every man who has ever presided in court and heard jury trials, knows that juries make mistakes, as all other human beings do, and they sometimes render verdicts which seem almost obnoxious. But it is the best system I know of. I would not have it abolished; and when I see how juries will really do justice when a biased and prejudiced judge is trying to lead them astray I am confirmed in my opinion that, after all, our jury system is one which the American people, who believe in liberty and justice, will not dare to surrender. I like to have trial by jury preserved in all kinds of cases where there is a dispute of facts.”}}
Mr. President, I have before me an editorial from the Greenville (S. C.) News of March 29, 1957, entitled “How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?”

It reads:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Rather smugly, perhaps, we Americans have taken for granted our right to a trial before a jury when we stand accused of violating the law.}}
{{smaller block|So fixed in our system of jurisprudence and our common concepts of justice is the jury trial that few of us ever have stopped to consider the difference between having our guilt or innocence determined by a group of ordinary citizens and having a judge, a creature of the Government, mete out justice singlehandedly, as he alone sees it.}}
{{smaller block|Article III., section 2 of the United States Constitution, says that “the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.”}}
{{smaller block|The sixth amendment, article VI. of the Bill of Rights, spells out further the right to the accused in criminal proceedings “to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|It goes on to guarantee the accused the right to be informed specifically of the charges against him, to confront the witnesses against him, to subpena witnesses in his favor, and to be represented by counsel.}}
{{smaller block|The seventh amendment, article VII. of the Bill of Rights, provides that in suits at common law the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.}}
{{smaller block|One would think that, with all these references in the Constitution, the right to a jury trial would be secure. But liberal elements, including our own Department of Justice, advocating passage of proposed civil-rights legislation are teaching us that this basic right is not so secure as we might have thought.}}
{{smaller block|For the bills now before the Congress would, in fact, deny persons accused of violating the civil rights of others the right of a trial by a jury of citizens of their State and district. And the NAACP and Attorney General Brownell are insisting on this provision of the bill. Attempts of southern Senators and Congressmen to write into it a guaranty of that right have thus far been beaten down.}}
{{smaller block|If the bill is enacted, the Government would be empowered to bring civil, rather than criminal charges, against an individual accused of violating someone else’s rights. He would be prosecuted by a Government attorney before a Federal judge, who might be sent in from outside his State, who would pass on the facts as well as the law and would pass sentence.}}
{{smaller block|The accused would be just as apt to go to jail on the civil charge as he would if he were charged with a criminal offense in which the jury trial would be guaranteed. Indeed, the chances of his going to jail might be even greater.}}
{{smaller block|But that is only part of it.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint. If the individual did complain, the Government would bear the whole cost of prosecuting his case.}}
{{smaller block|The defendant, on the other hand, would find himself faced with the necessity of hiring a lawyer and, perhaps, of going through a long series of court proceedings that could very well break him financially.}}
{{smaller block|This could become vicious persecution instead of reasonable prosecution.}}
{{smaller block|This threat of persecution is no less real in another phase of the proposed civil-rights legislation relating to the creation of a commission empowered to investigate alleged incidents of discrimination, economic boycotts, and the like.}}
{{smaller block|If this plan became a reality, a citizen accused of discriminating against a member of a minority, or of applying economic pressure against him, could be ordered to report to a place in Washington at a given time and be subjected to an investigation. His need for counsel and, hence, the expense of defending himself, could be just as great as it would be if he were accused of some crime.}}
{{smaller block|All of this is being proposed in the name of civil rights by persons calling themselves liberals.}}
{{smaller block|How can we create rights by destroying rights? And how liberal is it?}}
Mr. President, I wish to repeat a paragraph in the editorial which I believe is most important. It should appeal to every lawyer, and, in fact, to every citizen. It reads:
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint.}}
Mr. President, I believe we are setting a very dangerous precedent when the Government can bring suits of the kind provided in the civil-rights bill, even if an individual does not complain. The Government can file a suit in behalf of an individual, even if the individual has not complained, and it can bring a suit for an individual who has complained. In either case, the Government can substitute its name in behalf of the defendant in bringing the case.

Furthermore, the Government would bear the cost of prosecuting the case. The poor defendant must pay his own expense. If an individual wishes to bring a case in court, why should he not pay his own expense? Why should the Federal Government bear the expense of a person whose statement may be true or which may not be true? I can foresee untold litigation. I can see all kinds of fabrications being made in order to have cases brought. It is a dangerous bill, Mr. President. It is far more dangerous than I believe the average man on the street has been able to understand. The average man in the street does not realize what is in the bill. I cannot imagine why Members of Congress would even consider passing such a bill. Again I say that it would not even have been introduced, in my opinion, or given any consideration at all, if it were not purely a political bill.

Mr. President, I have an editorial published in the Greenville (S. C.) News of February 26, 1957, entitled “Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty.”
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty}}}}}}
{{smaller block|({{sc|Editor’s Note}}.—The following editorial is taken from a statement prepared by the editor of the News at the request of the Governor of South Carolina. The statement is to be offered to the subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon by representatives of this State who are appearing in opposition to the civil-rights bills.)}}
{{smaller block|The civil-rights bills of 1957, like those proposed during the last 20 years and more by individuals of both parties and by administrations of both parties, are anachronistic.}}
{{smaller block|An anachronism is something that is misplaced in time. In this instance, it is a throwback to a more primitive age which is, at best, a misfit and, at worst, a destructive force in the age in which it occurs.}}
{{smaller block|And when intelligent and otherwise dedicated men ignore more pressing and more serious problems and pass up greater opportunities for service to deliberately create such an anachronism, the result is bound to be tragic.}}
{{smaller block|Even if we could assume, which we cannot, that the broad and untested powers these proposed laws would confer on an already oversized and unwieldy Federal bureaucracy would always be wisely and fairly administered, the need for them, if it ever existed, has long since passed.}}
{{smaller block|The purposes now claimed for them have been better served by processes springing from the people themselves than ever they can be by pressure and threat of punishment imposed upon the people by an omnipotent and omnipresent “Big Brother” sort of government.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, the instruments now proposed to protect liberty and to uplift men are such as to be capable of being used to destroy liberty and to oppress men.}}
{{smaller block|To appreciate the origin of the civil-rights bills and the natural resistance to them in many parts of the country, especially the South, one must consider them in their proper perspective with past history and present trends.}}
{{smaller block|To put it bluntly, this legislation grows out of a latter-day extension of the overzealous efforts of the abolitionists, who profited and were exalted during the era preceding the War Between the States. It is being pushed in the same sort of spirit that motivated the vengeant and vindictive planners and executors of the reconstruction.}}
{{smaller block|Not even during the tragic and oppressive reconstruction did a Congress, which was dominated by radicals and in which the conquered South had few friends and spokesmen, see fit to enact such laws as now proposed.}}
{{smaller block|There was military occupation and corrupt government imposed from Washington, but there was no permanent board of inquisitors that could be turned into an agency of harassment and intimidation. There was injustice, but there was no permanent overturning of the processes of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|Purged by bloodshed of the sin of slavery, which was not his alone, nor his country’s alone, the southern white resisted the reconstruction. He resisted it because he feared, with justification, that it was intended to take from him in order to give to the Negro. He resists court-decreed integration and the civil-rights proposals for the same reason—again with justification for his fears.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NEGRO IS MISLED}}}}
{{smaller block|The Negro was misled in those days, and he is being misled now.}}
{{smaller block|The end of the abominable institution of slavery was inevitable, and it could have been accomplished without fratricide and without threatening the Union and creating abiding bitterness. At its end, the Negro was led to believe he could switch from the status of slave to that of master. In some instances, for a time, he did. In others, he was promised “40 acres and a mule,” but more often than not he didn’t know what to do with the 40 acres and he never got the mule.}}
{{smaller block|The Negro again is being falsely led to believe that integration will solve all of his remaining problems and that all he needs to realize the millennium is a few more court decrees and Federal laws. He has been led to believe that political largesse will bring to him those things that he can best realize by earning and exercising the rights and privileges already available to him.}}
{{smaller block|Until fairly recent decades, southern whites and Negroes engaged in a pathetic sort of competition for the lesser degree of poverty, but they have made progress together and they have achieved a mutual understanding. Education and a rising prosperity were easing the old bitterness and misunderstanding and improving relations between the races at a rate that has been positively amazing.}}
{{smaller block|The tragedy of this era is that, since 1954, with the Supreme Court decision in the school cases, and especially since the renewal of agitation of civil-rights legislation with almost virulent vigor, this progress has been slowed down. And the Negro stands to lose the most. The bitterness and the old suspicions are being revived.}}
{{smaller block|A few years ago in a prosperous South Carolina industrial city, a joint committee of white and Negro citizens conducted a survey of the needs of the Negro community, ranging from health and housing to transportation and recreation. Much progress came of it.}}
{{smaller block|Also, a few years ago, with the help of the newspapers and interested white citizens, certain racial barriers in the public hospital were broken down and qualified Negro doctors were granted staff privileges for the first time on full equality with their white colleagues.}}
{{smaller block|Along about the same time, the newspapers and interested white citizens campaigned for better housing for Negroes. City substandard housing laws were strengthened and better enforcement machinery established. The improvement in rental property has been marked.}}
{{smaller block|Also, it was urged that property be made available to Negroes of means who wanted to build better homes away from congested areas in which Negroes tend to congregate. Subsequently, a fairly exclusive Negro residential section, near white neighborhoods, was started. There were no objections.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|PROGRESS IS SLOWED}}}}
{{smaller block|This sort of things would be more difficult now, if not impossible, in no small part because the Negro is reluctant to cooperate. Both he and his white friends are subject to pressure and unpleasantness from radical elements among their respective races. The Negro apparently has been led to believe the moon may be within his grasp; and lawless and more extreme whites have been aroused.}}
{{smaller block|In many cities in the South, the newspapers have sought for years to treat the Negro with the dignity any citizen deserves in their handling of the news. Special sections devoted to news of the Negro community, often prepared by Negro reporters, were started. Until recently, there was no protest. Now there are murmurs, direct protests, and anonymous letters.}}
{{smaller block|None of this has to do with integration. Neither race is ready for integration, and may never be. But if they become so it will be on the only basis of successful close human association—natural affinity, mutual appreciation, and individual choice. Neither court decrees nor laws can create these conditions.}}
{{smaller block|In his speech on conciliation with the American Colonies in 1775, Edmund Burke said, “I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.”}}
{{smaller block|With the help of the proposed legislation, and the injunctive process, the Federal courts may one day find such a method, but the result will be the destruction, not the preservation of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|Burke also said in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontent in 1770 that, “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”}}
{{smaller block|This cause is not the South’s alone. The extension of the judicial process into areas it was not intended to reach and stretching it for purposes it is incapable of serving; the striking down of the police power of the States in field after field; the unprecedented use of the injunctive power without jury trial to punish for contempt persons not before the court; all of these, as able judges and lawyers are solemnly warning, threaten the future security of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|The granting of the powers the Justice Department is now asking can only hasten this process. Even the layman can see that. The proposed commission, with power to investigate and harass at its own will could, in the wrong hands, become an instrument of coercion and intimidation.}}
{{smaller block|Like other Americans, no southerner of good conscience condones the denial of rights, either by violation of the law or by threat or violence. But the atmosphere created by agitation is not only inciting lawless elements to violence, but is making such incidents even harder to deal with.}}
{{smaller block|Of laws we have aplenty. The Federal Government has ample power to deal with the violations the Attorney General alleges but doesn’t specify. The States have laws against violence, and many of them, like South Carolina, have laws making violation of any citizen’s rights a crime.}}
{{smaller block|They should be left free to enforce them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Orangeburg (S. C.) Times and Democrat of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “On Jury Trials.” This is what it has to say on this subject:
{{smaller block|The committee in the Senate which has been considering the civil-rights bill has added an amendment to the bill which would allow persons accused of contempt to be given jury trials. Many Senators who were and are in favor of the civil-rights bill are supporting this amendment.}}
{{smaller block|We do not see how Congress can go wrong in providing jury trials for persons accused of contempt. While we do not wish to join in a wholesale assault on the judiciary of this Nation, it is nevertheless true that the judiciary—like the other branches of the Government—must have its limitations.}}
{{smaller block|No one branch of our Government functions perfectly, nor is it made up of perfect citizens. The judicial branch has assumed increasing power in recent years and it would be wise to safeguard the right of persons to a trial by jury because of what might follow if this right is denied citizens. It may be that only one issue is involved at present, but the future might well turn up an undesirable situation in which the principle wherein judges who find American citizens guilty of contempt, exercise such unlimited powers concerning various issues and freedom that any bill limiting the right of jury trial would be a tragedy and result in injustice to many Americans.}}
{{smaller block|We do not believe that any one section of the country has a monopoly on all the good people in the United States. We believe that trial by jury is the best possible system establishing guilt and that the people themselves, who make up our juries, will come nearer seeing that justice is done than any group, acting individually, no matter how talented the various individuals may be.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Columbia (S. C.) State of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “A Wise Provision,” and here is what it has to say on the question of jury trials:
{{smaller block|Administration forces fell before six Democrats and a Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee who insisted upon including in the so-called civil-rights bill a proviso guaranteeing trial by jury to persons accused in court in civil-rights cases. In supporting the amendment as a poor substitute for killing the bill, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} explained that the section would give civil-rights defendants the same right now enjoyed by trade unionists in labor injunction cases.}}
{{smaller block|The development does not, however, meet with the approval of Attorney General Brownell, who has been playing out of position before now in lobbying for controversial and doubtful legislation, arraying section against section and class against class. He complains the proviso would permit practical nullification of proposed civil-rights legislation. In the words of Orphan Annie, “Would that be bad?”}}
{{smaller block|One wonders just what the advocates of such legislation are after. Could they be seeking to destroy the Constitution?}}
{{smaller block|Everything considered, the section guaranteeing jury trials to defendants in civil-rights cases follows the orderly procedure defined by the Founding Fathers as to the rights and dignity of the individual. Trial by jury is one of the cardinal triumphs of our Constitution as inherited from Magna Carta. There is no reason why any exception should be made to gratify the unilateral zeal of special interests of self-appointed reregulators.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, of July 10, 1957. Here is what it has to say:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|A Principle of Rights: South Making Its Point}}}}}}
{{smaller block|More Senators, it appears, are seeing the validity of the South’s insistence on trial by jury as a fixed point of law and due process—{{SIC|bone|borne}} of contention with the civil-rights brigade. They are seeing, surely, what logic underscores: that if this principle falls under the impact of biased thinking against the South, it falls for all. It is not, therefore, a regional issue, but national. The southern protest is not addressed to a narrow, selfish view, but to a view exactly as broad as the Constitution—and as far reaching.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, has paid tribute to the fairness of southern colleagues—having spoken out prior to this showdown for the stated right of due process; and recognizing the progress already made, and voluntarily, on race relations. As a further point of edification, the fact of voting rights enjoyed and practiced in the South should be laid before him.}}
{{smaller block|Who, influenced by propaganda to the contrary, has bothered to examine the record in State after State? By what process of competent investigation have these civil-rights firebrands arrived at a conclusion of wholesale indictment?}}
{{smaller block|Voting is a privilege, as well as a duty, of citizenship, asserted and protected by law. With that principle there can be no quarrel. The issue is invasion by Federal authority, and methods of enforcement begetting strife by the measures of force contemplated in this iniquitous legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There are States, outside the South, where people of voting age are denied the right to vote—Indians, for example. Negro citizens do vote, under the same rules of eligibilty applied in the case of white citizens; and if any Senator doubts that, he should come this way and watch.}}
{{smaller block|In Tennessee, and other Southern States, he would find Negroes holding public office. In Nashville they elect their own representatives to city council; they have membership on the school board. They staff their schools. They are employed on the police department and the fire department.}}
{{smaller block|Facts, it appears, are coming out in the Senate and registering—and they are facts answering organized diatribe; substantiating both the concept of justice and of constitutional law.}}
{{smaller block|The South does not stand at the bar of public opinion convicted—just accused. It is not on the defensive. It is defending a basic right of responsible treatment, and the place of that defense is the floor of the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|As manifested by the implied readiness of opponents to concede the trial-by-jury point, its stand to date is influencing that decision. It cannot compromise any principle to the detriment of established, constitutional rights, much less yield to the whip of caprice.}}
A column written by Dr. John Temple Graves, one of the outstanding men in the South and in the Nation, printed in the Charleston, S. C., News and Courier of July 8, 1957, is entitled “South’s Most Civil Right Is Right To Be Let Alone,” reads as follows:
{{smaller block|“The right to be let alone.”}}
{{smaller block|That is our most civil liberty.}}
{{smaller block|Remember it and be of good cheer as Senators from the South fight against the so-called civil-liberty bill.}}
{{smaller block|Civil liberty is indivisible.}}
{{smaller block|It is the whole Constitution, the whole ideal. When you sacrifice one part for another you decrease and endanger the total. When the right to jury trial is impeached to save the right to vote there is net loss, and the same loss runs the whole constitutional gamut.}}
{{smaller block|Basically, all American rights are civil rights. States’ rights are civil. The rights of Congress against the Supreme Court are civil, and of the executive against each, and vice versa.}}
{{smaller block|And when the Federal Government (or the State) invades areas never intended or authorized there is violation of the most civil right of all—the right to be let alone.}}
{{smaller block|If the Founding Fathers made a mistake, if they failed to look ahead enough, if they should have anticipated a future so social and interrelated that nothing short of a totalitarian central government and law would serve, we should face it and get a new Constitution. Certainly we should not undertake to cover the situation by ignoring the Constitution in one place and insisting on it in another, sacrificing one civil right to make another safe.}}
{{smaller block|Most of us believe no mistake was made, that liberty and justice can still be had in the great terms of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If the President could just be reached on this jury-trial issue in the civil-force bill many of us who go on liking him believe he would see the South’s case as the Nation’s. The Baltimore Sun nails it thus: “The injunction contemplated would forbid actions already forbidden under Federal criminal laws. This being so, the injunction procedure is obviously a judicial shortcut, and one which would deprive those cited for contempt of a right which would be guaranteed them under the Federal Constitution (if they) were indicted for the same offense. It is proposed to assure one right—the right to vote—by ignoring another right—the right to a jury trial.”}}
{{smaller block|As pointed out here many times, jury trials should be stretched just as far as contempt is stretched, you would think. The civil-rights bill would stretch contempt into areas that ordinarily involve jury trial. It should not be permitted to deny jury trial, therefore, on the plea that contempt cases don’t allow for them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of July 4, 1957, entitled &quot;“Unless Citizens Fight Against Tyranny Independence Will Perish in the United States of America:”
{{smaller block|The 181st anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 today finds independence at low ebb in these United States.}}
{{smaller block|There is a real question as to whether Americans of this day are capable of keeping whatever measure of independence is left to them, let alone restoring lost liberties.}}
{{smaller block|The original Independence Day was celebrated a long time ago.}}
{{smaller block|The national memory of what it means is dim. There is a certain amount of speechifying by political leaders. And the White House will hand reporters a mimeographed Fourth of July statement, written by one of the President’s ghostwriters.}}
{{smaller block|But the deep meaning of the day will not be especially clear to millions of Americans who are looking forward to a long weekend at the beach or other pleasure resorts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason why the Fourth of July should be a long-faced affair. Nor is there any reason why it should be just another holiday—another day for family picnics, parties, and romping in the surf.}}
{{smaller block|Except for a few lines of it embodied in newspaper stories, no one will read the Declaration of Independence. And yet our ancestors read it with the greatest care, for it touched their lives.}}
{{smaller block|It is an angry document, full of resentment toward a government that was steadily pushing Americans into a corner. Finally, in the Declaration, the people said they had enough.}}
{{smaller block|Throughout June 1957 the American people were being pushed into a corner, precisely as the people of the province of South Carolina and 12 other colonies were being pushed in the broiling summer of 1776. No one attacked Sullivan’s Island last month, except possibly mosquitoes. But liberties of South Carolinians and their fellow citizens in 47 States were under attack.}}
{{smaller block|Who knows it? Who cares? Today Fort Moultrie, which should be a national shrine, is padlocked and the grounds overgrown with grass. Today, grass is growing over American liberties.}}
{{smaller block|Americans cared in 1776. Of George III., the signers said: “The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.”}}
{{smaller block|And so they submitted the facts. They said that King George “has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation; for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; for suspending our legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.”}}
{{smaller block|Does this have a familiar ring?}}
{{smaller block|Is not the Congress, on recommendation of the President, preparing a civil-rights bill that would deny trial by jury to some Americans? Isn’t the Supreme Court striking down State laws, abolishing important laws of Congress and altering fundamental forms of our State and Federal governments? Isn’t the Supreme Court legislating school laws for the South?}}
{{smaller block|The answer to all these questions is “Yes.”}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence says that it is the duty of a free people, when a design to reduce them to despotism has been perceived, to provide new guards for their future security.}}
{{smaller block|That is what Americans living in 1957 must do. There is no need for flag-waving demonstrations—nothing of that sort. All that is needed is for millions of Americans to halt one moment, in the midst of holiday pleasure, to resolve that they will support their elected representatives in setting up new guards against tyranny.}}
{{smaller block|Unless there is such a resolve, there won’t be much independence to celebrate in the years ahead.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the July 9, 1957, Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier entitled “People Should Accept No Compromise on States’ Control of Elections:”
{{smaller block|Talk about compromise on civil rights force bills before Congress is in the news from Washington. What goes on behind the scenes the public seldom knows at the time, and doesn’t always find out later. We speak with no knowledge other than what we read in press dispatches.}}
{{smaller block|The comment of Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, Republican, of South Dakota, who has predicted a compromise in time to let the Senate adjourn by mid-August, is especially interesting. He said the compromise would be one “for which the South can’t vote, but one with which the South can live.” The terms of the compromise would be to guarantee the right of Negro and other minority groups to vote without harassment.}}
{{smaller block|Qualified Negroes, like qualified white people, already have a right to vote. Race agitators from time to time dig up cases of alleged intimidation of Negro voters in the South. No doubt there are voting irregularities in the South, as in other regions of the country. In the areas that the News and Courier knows about, Negroes register and vote without hindrance. If there is widespread violation of anybody’s civil rights we are not aware of it. The big question is not so much whether and where violations may occur, but who has authority to enforce guaranties of the rights.}}
{{smaller block|Heretofore in our country the States have set up and supervised elections within their borders. We strongly believe that the future of the American Republic depends on saving a balance of power between State and Federal authorities. Control of the ballot and voting procedures is essential to that balance.}}
{{smaller block|The force bill now before Congress, generally known as the civil-rights bill, would set up new Federal machinery, armed with power to imprison without trial by jury, to manage racial aspects of elections. It would be a short step to amend this law to put other, perhaps all, election machinery into Federal hands. Thus some of the safeguards—precious few of them remaining—would disappear.}}
{{smaller block|Compromise on the force bill is a compromise with freedom. Today the Southern States may seem to be the target. But the danger exists for all 48 States.}}
{{smaller block|Perhaps the danger cannot be avoided in the present mood of our Government. Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, in the past a stanch supporter of States’ rights, has forecast a compromise “with which the South can live,” even though it cannot vote for the compromise.}}
{{smaller block|The South could not live with Reconstruction after the Civil War. Some of the proposals today seem designed to revive the spirit of Reconstruction. The News and Courier does not believe the South can live with that spirit now any better than it could live with it 80 years ago.}}
{{smaller block|For that reason we reject any compromise with basic rights and basic freedom.}}
{{smaller block|If the South loses to superior power, either in the form of votes in Congress or any other form of force, let it not be said that the South gave its consent. Someday, if it is not then too late, the rest of the country may come to its senses. The South may be able to hasten that day by resisting wreckers of the Republic. If the people of the United States realized what was being done to their country, they would not offer up the South as a sacrifice, nor compromise with liberty.}}
{{smaller block|The South might be able to live with compromise, but not at the same time with pride and self-respect.}}
Mr. President, there have been a number of occasions on which I have spoken before the subcommittees of the Committees on the Judiciary of the House and Senate, and on the floor of the Senate, in opposition to the provisions of H. R. 6127 and the other so-called civil-rights bills which were introduced both in the House and in the Senate. The first of these statements was made before the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives on February 26. Because a good portion of the statement was made with reference to certain so-called civil-rights bills then being considered, but which are not now before the Senate, I have edited out portions of the statement. I now read my statement as edited.
{{smaller block|I am here today to oppose the so-called civil-rights bills.}}
{{smaller block|Tyranny by any other name is just as bad.}}
{{smaller block|In other countries tyranny has taken the forms of fascism, communism, and absolute monarchy. I do not want to see it foisted on the American people under the alias of “civil rights.”}}
{{smaller block|Real civil rights and so-called civil rights should not be confused. Everybody favors human rights. But it is a fraud on the American people to pretend that human rights can long endure without constitutional restraint on the power of government.}}
{{smaller block|The actual power of the Federal Government should not be confused with power longed for by those who would destroy the States as sovereign governments.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY JUDICIARY}}}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of instances of attempted and real usurpation of power by the Federal Government, which these pending bills would attempt to legalize, expand, and extend.}}
{{smaller block|The most notorious illustration of this type of usurpation is the May 17, 1954, school segregation decision by the United States Supreme Court. Since that time there have been several other decisions by the Court which I think have wakened people all over the country who previously paid little attention, or cared little, what the result might be in the school segregation cases.}}
{{smaller block|There are two recent cases. One arose in Pennsylvania and one in New York. The Pennsylvania case is ''Pennsylvania'' v. ''Steve Nelson'', decided April 2, 1956, dealing with the right of the State to take action against a Communist. The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that because there was a Federal sedition law, the State of Pennsylvania had no authority in that field. The laws of 42 States were invalidated by the decision. Even the protest of the Department of Justice that the laws of the States did not interfere with enforcement of the Federal law did not stop the Court.}}
{{smaller block|The author of the Federal law, the Honorable {{sc|Howard Smith}}, Of Virginia, has stated there was no intent embodied in the Federal act to prohibit the States from legislating against sedition.}}
{{smaller block|The second case to which I refer arose when the city of New York dismissed from employment a teacher who had refused to disclose whether he was a Communist when questioned by duly constituted authority.}}
{{smaller block|Here again the United States Supreme Court ruled against the power and authority of the local government contained in the charter of the city of New York.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY EXECUTIVE}}}}
{{smaller block|Now let me refer briefly to some attempts at usurpation of the rights of the States by the executive branch of the Federal Government. Administrators in some Federal departments and agencies have issued directives having the effect of laws which have never been enacted by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|A specific illustration is that of the Civil Aeronautics Administration issuing a directive last year to withhold Federal funds from facilities in the construction of airports where segregation of the races is practiced.}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no basis in law for this administrative action, but by use of a directive or an edict the administrator effected a result just as though a law had been enacted.}}
{{smaller block|Other attempts at Federal interference from the executive branch with the rights of the individual citizen is demonstrated by the Contracts Compliance Commission. This Commission has dictated that contractors working on Federal projects must employ persons of both the white and Negro races, whether the contractors wish to do so or not. The strength of the Commission lies in the power to withhold contracts, or threatening to do so, if a contractor fails to carry out the dictates of the Commission.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ATTEMPTED USURPATION BY CONGRESS}}}}
{{smaller block|I can think of no better {{SIC|ilustration|illustration}} of attempted usurpation of the rights of the States by the legislative branch of the Federal Government than what is going on here now. I believe that the Congress, by attempting to enact these so-called civil-rights bills, is invading the rights of the States.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NO DOUBT AS TO CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|Wherever a person lives in this country, whatever political faith he holds, whatever he believes in connection with any matter of interest, he has one firm basis for knowing his rights. Those rights are enumerated in the Constitution of the United States. I believe in that document. I believe that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less.}}
{{smaller block|If American citizens cannot believe in the Constitution, and know that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less, then there is no assurance that our representative form of government will continue in this country.}}
{{smaller block|I believe that people all over the country are beginning to realize that steps should be taken to preserve the constitutional guaranties which are being infringed upon in many ways.}}
{{smaller block|I believe we should also take steps to regain for the States some of the powers previously lost in unwarranted assaults on the States by the Federal Government.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE OFFICIALS UNDERSTANDING}}}}
{{smaller block|The administration of laws relating to civil rights is being carried out much more intelligently at the local levels of government than they could ever possibly be administered by edicts handed down from Washington. State officials and county officials know the people and know the problems of those people. Most officials of the Federal Government in Washington know much less about local problems than do the public officials in the States and in the counties.}}
{{smaller block|If these so-called civil-rights bills should be approved, then we must anticipate that the Federal Government, having usurped the authority of local government, will try to send Federal detectives snooping throughout the land. Federal police could be sent into the home of any citizen charged with violating the civil-rights laws.}}
{{smaller block|If there are constitutional proposals here which any of the States wish to enact, I have no objection to that. Every State has the right to enact any constitutional law which has not been specifically delegated to the Federal Government in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|On the other hand, I am firmly opposed to the enactment by Congress of laws in fields where the Congress has no authority, or in fields where there is no necessity for action by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|From my observations, I have gained the strong feeling that most of the States are performing their police duties well. I believe that the individual States are looking after their own problems in the field of civil rights better than any enactment of this Congress could provide for, and better than any commission appointed by the Chief Executive could look after them.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question, with the understanding that he will not lose his right to the floor, and the understanding that it will not be considered a second speech or jeopardize the Senator’s right to the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. If unanimous consent is granted, under the conditions which the distinguished Senator has outlined, I will be pleased to yield.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from California? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I shall preface my question by this brief statement of fact, namely, since the House has adopted a ''sine die'' adjournment resolution, and there is no fixed period for adjournment, and the Senate can, and in my judgment will, continue in session as long as it is necessary to complete its business, I put these questions in all seriousness to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina:

First. What is the Senator’s purpose by his interesting but prolonged remarks? Is it a matter of education of the Senate or of the country?

Second. Is it to establish a record of discussion on the floor of the Senate?

Third. Is it merely to delay a vote on the civil rights bill, which is the pending business?

Fourth. Is it to prevent a final vote on H. R. 6127, the so-called civil rights bill?

Fifth. Is it to make friends and to influence other Senators in the southern position?

Sixth. Is it to emphasize to the Senate the need for a change, beginning in January, of rule XXII.?

There may be other reasons, but I should be very much interested—and I believe the Senate would be interested also—if the Senator from South Carolina would agree to indicate the purpose of his prolonged address.

Mr. THURMOND. I would merely say that my purpose in making the extended address is for educational purposes—to educate the Senate and the people of the country. There is no question in my mind that the so-called civil-rights bill violates the Constitution of the United States. I do not believe the Senator was in the Chamber when I spoke earlier and cited a decision pointing out that criminal contempt has been held to be a crime and that under the Constitution of the United States it is provided that a man charged with crime shall get a jury trial.

The so-called compromise bill provides that if a person is sentenced by a judge by being fined more than $300 or imprisoned for more than 45 days, he will get a jury trial. The Constitution does not say that. The Constitution provides that if he is charged with a crime, he shall get a jury trial.

I believe in the Constitution. I believe that the Constitution is clear. I hope the Senator will take the time one of these days—probably he will not have an opportunity soon—to read the address I have made in which I have gone into these matters and have tried to delineate them and point them out for the benefit of the American people, as well as for the benefit of the Senate.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am confident that the pending bill is a dangerous bill in a number of ways. I have pointed out that it is necessary that every State in the Nation have laws to protect the right to vote. The Senator’s own State of California has such laws. I started with the State of Alabama and read the laws for every State. Those laws were confirmed to be accurate by the Library of Congress. I read the State laws beginning with Alabama and ending with Wyoming. Every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote.

I say there is no need for the pending bill. This is a matter that comes under the Constitution, and it should be left to the States. It is a State matter. It is not a Federal matter.

Furthermore, the Federal Government has invaded the field. It has already invaded the field. I believe it made a mistake when it did so.

I should like to invite the attention of the Senator—again I do not believe he was in the Chamber when I referred to it previously—section 594 of chapter 29 of title 18 of the United States Code. That section provides:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield again under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. That is the Federal law today. If anyone is being denied his right to vote today he has recourse to that statute. If anyone is being denied the right to vote and complains about it, the Justice Department fails to do its duty if it fails to prosecute under that section of the Federal statute. Either that condition exists or there are no just complaints. The Committee on the Judiciary held hearings for months on the question, and it did not have before it one valid complaint. It had some fictitious complaints from a parish in Mississippi. It turned out that they asked a witness to return the next day, but he did not return, and it proved that the whole testimony was a fabrication, according to the chairman of the committee.

Therefore, there are State laws which protect the right to vote, and there is a Federal law which protects the right to vote. Under that act, if a man is tried, he would have a right to trial by jury. Under the so-called compromise, if he is tried, he would not have the right of trial by jury if the sentence were less than $300 or if the imprisonment were for less than 45 days.

Ninety-nine percent of all the criminal contempt cases would fall within that sphere. I was a circuit court judge for 8 years and heard cases all over South Carolina. I cannot remember the case of even one man who was sentenced by me or by any other circuit court judge in South Carolina for contempt of court for longer than 45 days in jail.

Therefore, the effect of the so-called compromise is to deny to the citizens of South Carolina and of the United States the right to a jury trial, as is guaranteed in several places in the Constitution. That is the reason I have made this extended address. It is to call to the attention of the Senate and to the people of the Nation that the pending bill is a dangerous bill. In my opinion, it is purely a political bill.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions as heretofore stated?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I can assure the Senator, whether we make that proviso in our remarks back and forth, the Senator will be fully protected in his rights to the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield to the Senator from California under those conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I did listen to the earlier part of the Senator’s address. I was in the Chamber at the time. I must confess that for several hours I did get some sleep and was able to freshen up and to change my clothes, and I am now back in the Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. I notice that the Senator looks very fresh at about 6:45 in the morning.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Yes. I am glad to be here with the Senator. Of course, the question which obviously disturbed a majority of the two Houses of Congress was that the statutes which are now on the statute books were not effective in protecting those constitutional rights. The Senators who felt that way are just as sincere as the Senator from South Carolina. I know the Senator from South Carolina has a deep conviction and is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. However, I refer to the provisions of section 1 of the 15th amendment to the Constitution, which provides:
{{smaller block|The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.}}
Section 2 of the 15th amendment reads:
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.}}
Both sections point up the fundamental constitutional right of American citizens and clearly underscore the fact that Congress not only has the right, but the responsibility in this field.

The Senator may feel that in his State or perhaps in other States—and I have no doubt it is true in many areas of the South—there is no problem relative to the voting rights of American citizens.

But at least the predominant opinion in Congress indicates that there is also a strong feeling that in many areas—and this may not be related only to the South, for that matter—the full rights under the 15th amendment are not being effectively implemented. It was for that reason that the House, by a vote, I believe, of more than 2 to 1, and the Senate finally by a very substantial majority, passed the bill, which is now going through another legislative process. It finally came back to the Senate floor after the House had concurred and amended the Senate version, as the House had a right to do.

My only point is that obviously the Senate of the United States is going to stay in session and complete work on the proposed legislation. It may sit for the remainder of the week, and it may sit next month and, if necessary, the month after that. I wish to emphasize to the Senator from South Carolina that, so far as the recommendations of the minority leader might be followed—and I know of no difference of opinion so far as the majority is concerned, although I cannot speak for the majority, and I would not attempt to do so—there will be no ''sine die'' adjournment resolution adopted by the Senate which would permit Congress to adjourn the first session of the 85th Congress until we have completed the work on the pending legislation, which is the civil-rights bill, and completed the work on the proposed legislation dealing with the mutual aid appropriation bill. Therefore, there is no fixed hour and date of adjournment.

I was wondering, therefore, why the Senator was making his extended address, and that is the reason I asked the questions I asked of him. He said he was making the address for the purpose of an educational campaign, for the benefit of the country and the Senate. I was wondering whether he hoped to prevent passage of the bill or merely delay its passage, or whether he had some other reason in mind.

Mr. THURMOND. In answer to the distinguished Senator, I wish to say that I should be highly pleased if the bill did not pass. I should like to ask the Senator this question: Under the statute which I have just read—and that is not a State statute, but a Federal statute, which provides “whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote as he may choose,” and so forth, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both—is there any deficiency in the statute? Is that not as clear as it can be? If anyone interferes with another’s right to vote, or intimidates, or if he threatens or coerces, he shall be punished. Is that not what it says? If that is the case, why does the Senator believe we should have another statute on voting added to it? Is this statute deficient? The Senator says the present laws are defective, as I understand. The statute I have read is a criminal statute. It will punish a guilty person by fining him for as much as $1,000 and could send him to jail for a year. In what respect does the Senator believe the statute is defective?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I shall not at this hour get into a detailed legal argument, because I am not a lawyer, but a newspaperman; furthermore, I would not attempt to put myself up against the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, who has been a judge in his own State and has been for a long time a distinguished member of the bar. I have listened to the arguments on the floor of the Senate. I have read a number of the reports and the proceedings, and I have had some discussions with people who are familiar with the circumstances connected with the subject. I do know that those in the Department of Justice who have been concerned with this problem apparently feel that that statute is not effective so far as the constitutional rights of American citizens are concerned.

Secondly, I am not in a position to argue with the Senator relative to what the legal definition of coercion is. I do say to the Senator that I believe there are various forms of coercion, some of which might be very difficult to prove in a court of law, but which might still be equally effective in keeping people from exercising their voting rights.

The coercion might consist of economic pressure, or there might be some difficulty about finding work in a community or there might be the difficulty of a small merchant maintaining his business. It might be very difficult to trace such things to the fact that a person had tried to go to a voting place on voting day to cast his vote. Nevertheless, such coercion could be quite effective in keeping a person from exercising his right to the voting franchise.

It is also true that in the debate which has taken place on the floor of the Senate it was disclosed that in one of the parishes or voting districts in a Southern State which had been mentioned on the floor of the Senate, there had been the situation where certain facts were laid before a grand jury in that particular State, and the facts were very clear, but still no action was taken in that particular situation.

I will say to the Senator that it should be remembered that the bill has now been stripped practically to a voting-rights bill.

Furthermore, I certainly believe that the fundamental right of an American citizen in this day and age should be protected, because every citizen has the right to vote. If that right is assured to a citizen, in time he may help himself secure the other civil rights to which he is entitled and which are guaranteed to him by the 14th amendment. The bill before us, as I say, is primarily a voting-rights bill. Those who have had some responsibility in this field—and I think some knowledge of it also—feel that the procedure outlined in the bill would at least facilitate the exercise of the voting rights of American citizens in all sections of the country.

Mr. THURMOND. I might say to the distinguished Senator that he is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. Even though he is not a lawyer, he knows a statute when he hears one read. The criminal statute I have read is just as plain as any criminal statute can be. I am in favor of having every qualified voter enjoy the right of franchise. I want to say that in my State every qualified voter has that privilege. No one—white, colored, or anyone else—is denied the right to vote in South Carolina. The statute I have read protects people from being coerced and intimidated and threatened in any way. If there is any violation of law now, a person who is discriminated against may go to the Department of Justice, and under the statute I have read a violator of that statute will be either sent to jail or fined or both. What the proposed compromise would do would be to take away that right of trial by jury.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say that both the original bill as passed by the two Houses and the final form now before us are not intended to deprive anyone of his vote, but to encourage the constitutional right of people to enjoy the right to vote. The fact of the matter is that quite a due process procedure is set up. If a person comes forward and alleges that he has been denied the right, there is a procedure set up by which he may go into Federal court, under his constitutional right, under the 15th amendment and the other constitutional rights he has, and make certain allegations. The judge must make certain findings. If he finds the facts are correct, he issues a court order, directed to what we in our State would call the registrar of voters, but what in other States might be the county clerk, or whatever else he might be, and says, in effect, “You are violating the constitutional rights of this man. He is being discriminated against under the laws of this State. Put him on the registration rolls.”

If the local official complies with the law and complies with the Constitution, nobody is fined, and nobody goes to jail. It is only if the local official or the local individuals involved in the case ignore the order of the court and, in effect, say that “we will not comply with the order seeking to protect the constitutional rights of American citizens,” that the judge may, under either civil contempt, which may be used in most cases, and may in most cases be effective, or under the criminal contempt provisions, impose the penalties.

So this bill is not seeking to punish people. To the contrary, it is seeking to gain for American citizens the very fundamental right to vote. If nobody is denied the right to vote in the State of the Senator from South Carolina, there will not be a single citizen in the State of South Carolina who will be involved in either a civil or criminal contempt. If nobody is being denied the right to vote in any other State, there will not be a single citizen, man or woman, who will be involved in either civil or criminal contempt under this bill. There will not be large numbers of persons who will be fined or jailed for 10 days or 30 days or 45 days, to force compliance with the constitutional rights of American citizens. That is going to be so only if the conditions which the Senator says prevail in his State do not prevail in other areas of the country and large numbers of American citizens are denied their constitutional rights. It seems to me it is all clear and simple. The Senator has nothing to fear in his own State or in any other State, because if nobody is being denied the right to vote, nobody can be punished by either civil or criminal contempt proceedings under the bill.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to say, in reply to that statement, whether a single person in South Carolina would be affected by the bill or not would not change my opinion about the bill, because the bill as passed by the House affects American citizens everywhere. The bill the Senate passed delineated and made a distinction between civil contempt, the purpose of which is to bring about compliance with an order, and criminal contempt, the purpose of which is to punish for a crime.

A criminal contempt has been held, in a court decision which I cited earlier today, to be a crime. Criminal contempt is a crime. The bill as passed by the House provides for punishment for criminal contempt and provides that a judge can try the case, in his discretion. The defendant does not get a jury trial for a criminal contempt unless the punishment goes beyond 45 days or beyond a $300 fine. I am not concerned about the people of South Carolina violating the voting rights of citizens, because I do not think anybody in South Carolina is violating anyone’s voting rights. I presume this bill is aimed chiefly at helping the Negroes, is it not, Senator?

Mr. KNOWLAND. No. The bill would be aimed at any American citizen, without regard to race, creed, or color, whose voting rights under the 15th amendment would be denied.

Mr. THURMOND. As a matter of fact, it is the Negro whom it is chiefly aimed to help. Is that not a fact?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I suppose most allegations of a denial of voting rights come from colored citizens of the United States, but I assume the same situation might apply to Indians, in some instances, or might apply to others who might be entitled, under the Constitution, to the right to vote; but it is not aimed at any one race or one section of the country. The Constitution, as the Senator well knows, and I think would not dispute, applies to all 48 States of the Union, and not merely to a part of the Union.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is correct, but I refer to the practical purpose of the bill. I understood that was so admitted, and one reason why the right of trial by jury was attempted to be taken away was that southern juries would not convict in cases involving the right of Negroes to vote.

For the Senator’s information, in my State I would like him to know that in the 1952 election President Eisenhower lacked just a few votes of carrying the State. The Negroes voted in heavy numbers. The Negro newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer, of Columbia, S. C., published by and for Negroes, bragged about the fact that they were responsible for winning the State for Stevenson. It said that more than 80,000 of them had voted in that election, and that represented about one-fourth of the entire votes cast in that general election. The Negroes of our State comprise only 40 percent of the population. If they voted to the extent of almost one-fourth of all the votes cast in that election—and they probably voted more, because they admitted they cast that many—think it is indicative that the Negroes are voting in large numbers. Of course, they are not so well qualified to vote as are the White people. I do not know of a Negro in South Carolina who is qualified and wants to vote who is denied that privilege. So Negroes are voting in my State.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I might say to the Senator I was in his State in 1952. I happened to travel with then General Eisenhower, who was a candidate for the presidency before he became President of the United States. I attended meetings with the President-to-be. The point I want to make perfectly clear is that I do not dispute the fact, as stated by the distinguished Senator, that a large number—perhaps a good majority—of the Negro citizens of this country or of his State may be registered Democrats. I think they may continue to vote for the Democratic ticket, so far as that is concerned. They may have been responsible, as the Senator says, for having carried South Carolina for Stevenson—

Mr. THURMOND. That is what they said.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Or, at least, that is what they said; but that would not change my viewpoint in the slightest, as a Republican, if they were entitled as American citizens to vote, even though they were responsible for the defeat of my party in that State. I might say that in the northern areas, the heavily populated areas, with large Negro populations, for the most part Negroes have voted the Democratic ticket, and generally for New Deal candidates, and it certainly is not politically advantageous to my party when they vote that way. That still would not change my viewpoint that, if they, are American citizens and if under the Constitution they are entitled to the right of any other citizen to vote, which the Constitution clearly gives them, both the Senate and the House, as well as the executive branch of the Government and the local public officials and the national public officials, have the responsibility to see that they are not denied the right to vote and to exercise their constitutional rights, whether the citizens may be predominantly Democratic, predominantly Republican, or predominantly Independent.

That point is not at issue here. The issue is whether they are entitled, under the qualifications of the State laws, and under the Constitution of the United States, to vote. If they are, they should be assured that every public official who raises his hand to support both the State and National Constitution has the responsibility to see that citizens get the right to vote when they want to exercise it. In this country, we do not have coerced voting, where citizens have to go to the polls. But if citizens want to do so, they should be allowed to do so, without any direct intimidation or without any of the more subtle, indirect intimidations or coercions which sometimes can be practiced, as the distinguished Senator knows.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator if he has had evidence presented to him which has convinced him that there is a need for this bill to be passed, in spite of all the laws the States have to protect the right to vote, and in spite of section 594 of the United States criminal code which protects the right to vote. Has the Senator ever had evidence presented to him that convinced him it is necessary to pass the bill, in spite of the laws of the States and the Federal statutes?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator if I did not feel that it was both necessary and desirable to pass the bill, I would not have supported it. I believe there have been sufficient facts presented to indicate that a bill of this type is both necessary and desirable.

I have never taken the position on the floor, or publicly or privately, in which I have made a blanket indictment and stated that southern juries would not convict, because I have the highest respect for the people of the South, for their responsibilities of citizenship, for their loyalty to this country, and for the fact that they have served in uniform side by side with citizens from other sections of the country in fighting off our enemies in the various struggles in which this Nation has been engaged. I have never suggested that there should be a blanket indictment of a whole people under any circumstances. I do not now say that the facts outlined by the Senator from South Carolina, with respect to his own State, are not correct. Of course, I do not know his State as well as does the Senator from South Carolina, but if he tells me that there are no cases where a person is deprived of his right to vote, where a Negro citizen, if he possesses precisely the same qualifications that would be expected of a white citizen—

Mr. THURMOND. None that I know about.

Mr. KNOWLAND. That he has exactly the same rights to register, exactly the same rights to vote, I take the Senator’s word for it, because I have great respect for him. I will say, however, that in the facts presented by the Attorney General’s office before the committee, relative to another State in the broad general area of the South—I might say the same thing might apply in an area of the North or the West, for that matter, because what we are seeking to protect is the rights of American citizens in all 48 States of the Union—it was shown that large numbers of persons who had been registered were purged from the registration rolls. The predominant number, if not all of the purgees, were members of the Negro race, with very few, if any, members of the white race. Purely on the law of averages, to a reasonable man, one would not have to be a lawyer to know that it does not seem to be a matter of chance. Then when they sought to re-register, according to the facts presented, the local registrar indicated, though there were several thousand of them, he could not register more than 50 a day. That meant those persons had to stand in line for long periods of time, which would naturally be a discouraging thing in trying to get back on the registration rolls.

There was used the apparently rather interesting and novel provision of verbal question. I doubt very much whether many, if any, Members of the Senate could have answered some of the questions which were asked. If a question was answered one way, that apparently was not the right answer. If the question was answered the other way, which any reasonable person might have done, that apparently was not the right answer. Perhaps the same position would have been taken by the local registrar if the citizen involved had been of any other race, but, again, to a reasonable person it seems that there was at least an effort made to discourage American citizens from exercising the right of franchise.

I again reiterate that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that occurrence did not take place in the State of South Carolina.

The Senator has made a very fine statement of the rights the citizens of his State enjoy. I think all Americans will rejoice in that fact. I want to say there is nothing in the proposal before the Senate which will in the least change the power of the States to prescribe the qualifications of their voters. They have that right under our Federal system. I think, however, the States have the obligation not merely to give lip service to, but to follow both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and that whenever such qualifications are prescribed, whatever they may be, they should be applied impartially and equitably to every American citizen, regardless of his race, color, creed, or previous condition of servitude.

Those are the words of the Constitution. Those are the words that every citizen occupying a position as a registrar, a county clerk, or a local voting commissioner has a full obligation to comply with. Such persons should not apply one rule to one group of citizens and a different rule to a different group of citizens. If they will apply the laws with equity and with impartiality, then they have nothing to fear in the slightest in the way of either civil or criminal contempt under this bill, at least in my judgment.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator from California one more question, and with that I will desist.

Although the Senator is not a lawyer, he is one of the best read men in the United States. I imagine he is an expert on the Constitution, also, because he is a very deep student.

I wonder how the Senator could agree to this compromise, which would deprive people in criminal contempt cases of the right to a trial by jury, when the Constitution is so clear on that point?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator that I will leave the matter to the lawyers, to debate later the specific point which the Senator mentions. I, at least, have heard of no section of the country where there is a provision for a trial by jury in an equity proceeding where there is a contempt of the court.

Mr. THURMOND. I am speaking of criminal contempt.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I know, but I am speaking also of a contempt of the court in carrying out its order in an equity proceeding.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to that I will say to the Senator I agree that in civil contempt cases under the present law the court has the right to use its power to bring about compliance with an order, in civil contempt cases. However, I am speaking of criminal contempt cases, which are provided for in the compromise bill. The bill provides for criminal contempt actions.

Criminal contempt is a crime. I have here a decision which sustains that point. Since criminal contempt is a crime, there is a right to a trial by jury.

The Constitution of the United States in article III., section 2, says this:
{{smaller block|The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases or Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; * * *.}}
The sixth amendment reads:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions—}}
That is what we are referring to. We refer to a criminal prosecution for criminal contempt. It is a prosecution by the judge, who is the prosecutor, the legislature, the judge, and the jury.

The court has held that criminal contempt is a crime, and the Constitution makes reference to all criminal prosecutions. We refer here to a criminal prosecution.

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, * * *.}}
And so forth.

In the seventh amendment to the Constitution there is also a reference to a jury trial. The amendment I have read is exactly to the point.

If the Senator had provided in the compromise bill that the judge could impose a sentence of imprisonment for 1 day—not 45 days, but even 1 day—or a fine of even $1 in a criminal-contempt case, he would be giving the judge the power to try a man without a jury in violation of the Constitution, even though the punishment would be negligible.

What I am opposed to is the fact that the compromise bill, the way it is written and the way it has come to the Senate, violates the Constitution of the United States. I am vitally concerned about that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the Senator will yield further, then I shall not interrupt him any more.

All I can say to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is that the highest law officers of the Government of the United States are the Attorney General of the United States and representatives of the Department of Justice. They, too, have sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States. The most able lawyers in the Department of Justice have looked over the proposed legislation, as well. In their judgment, it is constitutional and it does not violate the Constitution of the United States.

The Senator is entitled, of course, to make the assertion that in his judgment the provision is not constitutional. Such arguments come up even before the Supreme Court of the United States, as the distinguished Senator knows, from time to time, as well as before other courts. Sometimes the judges can agree by a unanimous vote as to what they think is constitutional or what they think is unconstitutional. However, over the long period of our history there have been many notable cases relative to the constitutionality of some act of Congress or the constitutional rights of some individual as to which the Supreme Court of the United States, which is the highest judicial tribunal of the land, has divided on a 5-to-4 decision.

The Senator’s assertion that the provision is not constitutional—I am sure the Senator would be the first to admit—does not make it unconstitutional. I quite admit that the assertion of any qualified lawyer on this side, who might make the assertion the provision was constitutional, would not, by that assertion, make it so. Nor would the opinion of the Attorney General make it so.

At least I do not want the record to show that merely by having the Senator make the assertion that in his judgment it is not constitutional, necessarily, ''ipso facto'', that assertion makes a fact.

Mr. THURMOND. Of course, we remember also that the Attorney General in the original bill wanted to transfer these matters to the equity side of the court to deprive citizens of the right of jury trial. We have to keep that in mind.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the distinguished Senator will yield further, I wish to thank him for his courtesy in yielding. I hope he has enjoyed our discussion as much as I have. I hope perhaps it has been a brief respite to him, under all the circumstances. I would stay to listen to the Senator, but I have a breakfast engagement with the President at the White House. I know under those circumstances the distinguished Senator will excuse me.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to yield to the distinguished Senator, for whom I have such high admiration.

Mr. President, I continue to read my statement:
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS GUARANTIES}}}}
{{smaller block|Before taking up specific provisions of several of the bills pending before the committee, I should like to read for you two of the basic provisions in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|The ninth amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”}}
{{smaller block|The 10th amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”}}
{{smaller block|Those last two amendments of the Bill of Rights make clear the intent of the Founding Fathers. Their intent was that all rights not specifically listed, and all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government, would be held inalienable by the States, and the people.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS UNALTERED}}}}
{{smaller block|This basic concept of the Bill of Rights has never been constitutionally amended, no matter what the Federal courts have done, no matter what the executive branch of the Federal Government has done, and no matter what the Congress might have done or attempted to do in the past. The people and the States still retain all rights not specifically delegated to the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|Let us also consider these proposals from a practical standpoint.}}
{{smaller block|What could be accomplished by a Federal law embodying provisions which are already on the statute books of the States that cannot be accomplished by the State laws? I fail to see that any benefit could come from the enactment of Federal laws duplicating State statutes which guarantee the rights of citizens. Certainly the enactment of still other laws not approved by the States could result only in greater unrest than has been created by the recent decisions of the Federal courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|MR. DOOLEY WAS RIGHT}}}}
{{smaller block|The truth is very much as Mr. Dooley, the writer-philosopher, stated it many years ago, that the Supreme Court follows the election returns.}}
{{smaller block|If he were alive today, I believe Mr. Dooley would note also that the election returns follow the Supreme Court.}}
{{smaller block|And now it looks as if some people are trying to follow both the Supreme Court and the election returns. Having made these general comments, I would like to comment specifically on some of the pending proposals. First, on the proposal for the establishment of a Commission on Civil Rights.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|COMMISSION UNNEEDED}}}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no reason for the establishment of such a commission. The Congress and its committees can perform all of the investigative functions which would come within the sphere of constitutional authority.}}
{{smaller block|I do not believe the members of any commission, however established, could represent the views of the people of this country as well as the Members of Congress can. I hope that the members of this committee and the Members of the Congress will not permit themselves to be persuaded that anyone else can look after the problems of the people any better, or as well, as the Congress can.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, there is no justification for an investigation in this field.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will recommend against the establishment of such a commission.}}
{{smaller block|Another bill would provide for an additional Assistant Attorney General to head a department given by the Attorney General last year. I have searched the testimony given by the Attorney General last year before the committees of the Congress with regard to this proposal, and I have found no valid reason why an additional Assistant Attorney General is needed.}}
{{smaller block|I can understand how an additional Assistant Attorney General might be needed if the Congress were to approve a Civil Rights Division and enact some of the other proposals in the so-called civil-rights bills. But they are proposals not dealing with criminal offenses—they deal with efforts of the Justice Department to enter into civil actions against citizens.}}
{{smaller block|If the Justice Department is permitted to go into the various States to stir up and agitate persons to seek injunctions and to enter suits against their neighbors, then the Attorney General might need another assistant. However, the Justice Department should avoid civil litigation, instead of seeking to promote it.}}
{{smaller block|I hope the members of this committee will recognize this proposal as one which could turn neighbor against neighbor, and will treat it as it deserves by voting against it.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|WORSE THAN ''EX POST FACTO''}}}}
{{smaller block|Another proposal of the so-called civil-rights bills is closely related to the one I have just discussed. It would provide that—}}
{{smaller block|“Whenever any persons have engaged or about to engage in any acts or practices which would give rise to a cause of action * * * the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States but for the benefit of the real party in interest, a civil action or other proper proceeding or redress or preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order.”}}
{{smaller block|Now that proposal is one which I would label as even more insidious than any ''ex post facto'' law which could possibly be imagined.}}
{{smaller block|An ''ex post facto'' law would at least apply to some real act committed by a person which was not in violation of law at the time. The point is, however, in such instance the person would actually have committed the act.}}
{{smaller block|This proposal would permit the Justice Department to secure an injunction from a Federal judge or to institute a civil suit on behalf of some person against a second person when the latter had committed no act at all. An injunction might be secured from a Federal judge charging a violation of the law without any evidence that a person even intended to do so.}}
{{smaller block|How any person could support by oath a charge as to whether another person was about to engage in violating the law is beyond my understanding.}}
{{smaller block|Many of the pioneers who settled this new continent came because they wanted to escape the tyranny of European despots. They wanted their families to live in a new land where everybody could be guaranteed the right to trial by jury, instead of the decrees of dictators.}}
{{smaller block|Congress, as the directly elected representatives of the people, should be the last to consider depriving the people of jury trials. We should never consider it at all. But, if this proposal to strengthen the civil-rights statutes is approved, that would be its effect.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|AGENTS COULD MEDDLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Under this provision, the Attorney General could dispatch his agents throughout the land. They would be empowered to meddle with private business, police elections, intervene in private lawsuits, and breed litigation generally. They would keep our people in a constant state of apprehension and harassment. Liberty quickly perishes under such government, as we have seen it perish in foreign nations.}}
{{smaller block|A further provision of that same proposal would permit the bypassing of State authorities in such cases. The Federal district courts would take over original jurisdiction, regardless of administrative remedies, and the right of appeal to the State courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE COURTS STRIPPED}}}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and vest the Federal courts with that authority.}}
{{smaller block|Still another proposal among the so-called civil-rights bills would “provide a means of further securing and protecting the right to vote.” I have had a search made of the laws of all 48 States and the right to vote is protected by law in every State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION PROTECTS VOTER}}}}
{{smaller block|In South Carolina, my own State, the constitution of 1895 provides in article III., section 5, that the general assembly shall provide by law for crimes against the election laws and, further, for right of appeal to the State supreme court for any person denied registration.}}
{{smaller block|The South Carolina election statute spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court. It also requires a special session of the court if no session is scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|Article II., section 15 of South Carolina’s constitution, provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State.}}
{{smaller block|In pursuance of the constitutional provisions, the South Carolina General Assembly has passed laws to punish anyone who shall threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. Anyone who violates any of the provisions in regard to general, special, or primary elections, is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|In this proposed Federal bill to “protect the right to vote,” a person could be prosecuted or an injunction obtained against him based on surmise as to what he might be about to do. The bill says that the Attorney General may institute proceedings against a person who has engaged or “is about to engage in” any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege concerned with voting.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|UNCONSTITUTIONAL AMENDING}}}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enactment of such legislation as these proposals would be to alter our form of government, without following the procedures established by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enacting these bills into law would be to take from the States power and authority guaranteed to them by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|In recent years there have been more and more assaults by the Federal Government on the rights of the States, as the Federal Government has seized power held by the States. In many instances, I believe, this has been done without a constitutional basis.}}
{{smaller block|The States have lost prestige. But more important, the States have lost a part of their sovereignty whenever the Federal Government has taken over additional responsibilities. That loss might seem unimportant at the time, but gradually it could become a major part of the sovereignty of the States.}}
{{smaller block|Officials of the Federal Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or the judicial branch, should not forget to whom they owe their allegiance. Each of us owes his allegiance to the Constitution and to the people—not to any agency, department, or person. We have taken an oath to support and defend the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|We must take into account the facts as they really are, and not be panicked by the organized pressures which so often beset public officials.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATES CREATED UNION}}}}
{{smaller block|We must not lose sight of the fact that the States created the Federal Union; the Federal Government did not create the States.}}
{{smaller block|All of the powers held by the Federal Government were delegated to it by the States in the Constitution. The Federal Government had no power, and should have no power, which was not granted by the States in the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If this Congress approves the legislation embodied in the bills pending before the committee, it will be an unwarranted attempt to seize power not rightfully held by the Congress or by any branch of the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will consider these facts and recommend the disapproval of these bills.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement I made before the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives on February 26.

Mr. President, on August 6 I made my third address on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced my vigorous objections to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127, as amended by the Senate, which was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of this bill.

I shall now repeat my several objections to this milder form of the bill as I stated them on August 6. These were my words at that time:
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I am opposed to the creation of a Commission on Civil Rights as proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127.}}
{{smaller block|To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a Commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, such an investigation should be conducted by the States or by an appropriate committee of the Congress, acting within the jurisdiction of Congressional authority. It should not be done by a commission.}}
{{smaller block|I also object to part I. of H. R. 6127 because of the fact that it places duties upon the Commission and endows it with powers which no governmental commission should have.}}
{{smaller block|In fact, Mr. President, the language of the bill proposing to establish this Commission is so broad and so general that it may encompass more evils than have yet been detected in it.}}
{{smaller block|Under its duties and powers the Commission would be able to subpena citizens to appear before it to answer questions on many subjects outside the scope of elections and voting rights.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(1) Investigate allegations in writing under oath or affirmation that certain citizens of the United States are being deprived of their right to vote and have that vote counted by reason of their color, race, religion, or national origin; which writing, under oath or affirmation, shall set forth the facts upon which such belief or beliefs are based.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, the bill, in part IV., contains an additional protection of the voting right of citizens above and beyond present State and Federal laws. Provision is made for enforcement of part IV., and there were already sufficient enforcement provisions to carry out the intent of the existing State and Federal laws. I do not see how a commission could enhance officers nor the powers of law enforcement officers nor the enforcement and punitive authority of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|I can see no valid reason why a commission should be created, in addition to the legal enforcement procedures, unless the purpose is for the Commission to stir up litigation among our people.}}
{{smaller block|This bill has been advertised, promoted, and ballyhooed as a right-to-vote bill. However, I want to cite two paragraphs which give broad authority for investigations other than alleged violations of a person’s right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|“(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|Instead of limiting the power of the Commission, these two paragraphs provide it with ''carte blanche'' authority to probe into and meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals which the Commission and members of its staff could conjure up.}}
{{smaller block|I want to call particular attention to a divergence in language between paragraphs 2 and 3. Paragraph 2 refers to a study of “legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection.” Paragraph 3 says “appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection.”}}
{{smaller block|The significant thing here is the omission of the specific intent of paragraph 2. Although the language of paragraph 2 is obscure and omits a governmental reference, it obviously must refer to State and local governments, else it would be redundant and have no meaning at all.}}
{{smaller block|Also, as I pointed out, investigations conducted under paragraphs 2 and 3 could go far afield from the question of voting rights. The Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools, and elsewhere, under the authorization of these two paragraphs. Combining its authority to investigate on an unlimited scale and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions, the Commission would have a powerful weapon.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I do not believe the people of this country realize the virtually unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. While the Commission would have no power to implement its desires, I do not believe the people of this country want such a totalitarian type of persuasion imposed upon them.}}
{{smaller block|Part I. of H. R. 6127 purports to create a Civil Rights Commission. Actually, it would create a traveling investigation commission.}}
{{smaller block|Section 103(b) of part I. also would place tremendous power within the grasp of the Attorney General with reference to members of the Commission “otherwise in the service of the Government.” The clear implication is that whoever drafted this scheme to send traveling agents over the country intended to make use of certain members of the executive branch of the Federal Government. I don’t believe it would be necessary to look further than the Justice Department to determine where Commission members already in Government service would be secured. By placing his employees on the Commission, the Attorney General would transform the traveling agents into an additional investigative arm of the Justice Department.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I next call attention to the potential abuse found in section 102(g) under the innocuous title, “Rules of Procedure of the Commission.” That section provides that “no evidence or testimony taken in executive session may be released or used in public sessions without the consent of the Commission. Whoever releases or uses in public without the consent of the Commission evidence or testimony taken in executive session shall be fined not more than $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 1 year.”}}
{{smaller block|In an editorial of July 26, 1957, the Washington Post very correctly pointed out how this section could be used to imprison reporters and other citizens for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them.}}
{{smaller block|This editorial provides a penetrating and enlightening criticism of this section. Because of its pertinency and fine analysis, I shall read the last three paragraphs of the editorial which is entitled “Open Rights Hearings,” which states:}}
{{smaller block|“The bill contains an invitation to the Commission to operate behind closed doors. It provides that ‘if the Commission determines that evidence or testimony at any hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, it shall * * * receive such evidence or testimony in executive session * * *.’ Some closed sessions may be necessary to avoid unfair reflections upon individuals, but these should certainly be an exception to the general rule. In our opinion, this section ought to be rewritten in more positive vein to provide that sessions of the Commission should be open to the public, unless it should find that closed hearings were essential to avoid unfairness.}}
{{smaller block|“The House also wrote into the bill a dangerous section providing for the fining or imprisonment for not more than 1 year of anyone who might ‘release or use in public,’ without the consent of the Commission, any testimony taken behind closed doors. If the Commission should choose to operate under cover, without any valid reason to do so, newspaper reporters and other citizens could be jailed for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them. This is a penalty that has been shunned even in matters affecting national security. Such a provision is an invitation to abuse and a serious menace to the right of the people to know about the activities of governmental agencies.}}
{{smaller block|“It is well to remember that this would not be merely a study commission. In addition it would be under obligation to investigate allegations that persons were being deprived of their rights under the 14th and 15th amendments. It could subpena witnesses and documents and appeal to the courts for enforcement of such edicts. Its powers would be such that it should be held to scrupulous rules of fairness. To encourage the Commission to operate in secret, and then to penalize news mediums and citizens for disclosing what should have been public in the first place, would be the sort of mistake that Congress ought to avoid at the outset.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I think the points made in the editorial are clear and valid. Secrecy in the activities of such a Commission could only lead to a denial of the rights of an individual rather than to protection of his rights.}}
{{smaller block|Another subject which must not be passed over is the subpena power of the Commission. Section 105(f) provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the production of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding Commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Neither would the power contained in section 105(g) which provides that Federal courts shall have the power, upon application by the Attorney General, to issue “an order requiring” a witness to answer a subpena of the Commission and “any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.”}}
{{smaller block|The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority of the traditional American factfinding commission. I look with suspicion upon such a Commission so endowed with authority, and I object to its establishment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to discuss another reason, briefly, why I would be opposed to the establishment of the Commission proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127. Every appropriation bill which has come before the Senate this year has been reduced by the Senate below the budget request. The people of this country have called upon the Members of Congress to reduce the costs of government, not to increase them by creating new agencies or commissions.}}
{{smaller block|The advocates of the Commission might argue that the cost of its operation would not be great, but nowhere in the records of the hearings have I found an estimate of what the total cost would be. If the Commission were to exist only for the 2 years provided in the bill, the compensation and ''per diem'' allowance of Commission members would amount to more than a quarter of a million dollars, not counting their travel allowances.}}
{{smaller block|Since there is no limitation on the number of personnel which might be appointed by the Commission, there is no way to estimate the ultimate cost of personnel salaries and expenses. Since the Commission is designed to travel over the country at will, very heavy travel expenses undoubtedly would be incurred.}}
{{smaller block|The taxpayers would never know how many of their tax dollars were wasted by virtue of the seemingly innocuous language in section 105(e). Unknown, concealed costs are not, however, the only dangers lurking in that subsection. A serious departure from sound legislative procedure is also involved.}}
{{smaller block|In the past, when creating an agency or commission, Congress retained control of its creation by the appropriation power. This is a wonderful check, Mr. President, against the abuse or misuse of Commission authority. Scrupulous care should be taken to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|However, section 105(e) provides that “all Federal agencies shall cooperate fully with the Commission to the end that it may effectively carry out its functions and duties.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the Civil Rights Commission could call on the other governmental agencies to perform many of its tasks. Congressional control over the Commission would be much less than if the Commission had to depend on its own appropriations and would not be permitted to use the resources of other agencies. Once the commission is created, only another law can check its activity during the period of its existence.}}
{{smaller block|Another thing that concerns me about this Commission is the fact that once a Government agency or commission is established, nothing else on earth so nearly approaches eternal existence as that Government agency or commission. Mr. President, I feel that the 2-year limitation placed upon the Commission in this bill would simply be a starting point, and the people of this country should realize that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|With further reference to section 104(a), I want to point out the use of the mandatory word shall. This word requires the Commission to investigate all sworn allegations submitted to the Commission of any citizen allegedly being deprived of his right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|But the provision neglects to require that such allegations be submitted by parties in interest—not simply by some meddler who seeks to create trouble between other persons. This is another provision of this bill similar to section 131(c) which would permit the Attorney General to make the United States a party to a case without the consent of the party actually involved.}}
{{smaller block|Another objection to 104(a) is that under this provision a person could make an allegation to the Commission against a person who was not even a citizen of the same State. Even so, under the mandatory language of section 104(a), the Commission would be required to make an investigation of the charges.}}
{{smaller block|Since the Commission is limited by section 102(k) to subpenaing witnesses to hearings only within the State of residence of the witness, there would be no opportunity in such a situation for the accused to confront his accuser. Charges against a person should not be accepted by the Commission unless the accuser is a citizen of the same State as the person he is charging with a violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|Also, Mr. President, once the Commission has received the sworn allegation, there is no requirement that other testimony received relating to the allegation be taken under oath. Failure to make all persons giving testimony subject to perjury prosecutions in the event they testify to falsehoods would surely destroy the value of any such testimony received.}}
{{smaller block|The Commission could and might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony; but I should not like to see the Senate leave that point to the discretion of the Commission because, in my judgment, the Congress should require that practice to be followed.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, as I stated earlier, it is my view that an inquiry into the field of civil rights, or so-called civil rights, is entirely unnecessary at this time. The laws of the States and the Federal laws are being enforced effectively.}}
{{smaller block|Should there come a time when information might be needed on this subject, the Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with deliberation and care. The appropriate committees of the Congress itself should hold hearings limited to the jurisdiction of the Congress, and the Congress should make its own determination as to the need for legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There is no present indication that any such study will be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Part II. of the bill still provides for the appointment of one additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. As I have stated in previous addresses, there is absolutely no need for an additional Attorney General to be appointed at a cost to the taxpayers of $20,000 per year.}}
{{smaller block|Of course, that would merely be a small part of the total cost because a large staff of lawyers would also be employed.}}
{{smaller block|The other provisions of the bill do not necessitate the establishment of a civil-rights division in the Justice Department, because there is no indication there would be any substantial increase in such cases with which the Department should be concerned.}}
{{smaller block|As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have admitted time and again here in the Senate that there has been a steady decrease in the number of civil-rights cases throughout the country.}}
{{smaller block|Since there has been a decrease in civil-rights cases, and since there is no indication that any increase should be expected, I can see absolutely no reason for the expansion of the present civil-rights section of the Justice Department into a Civil Rights Division with an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the fact that sufficient justification has not been presented for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, I hope the Senate will not approve such additional expenditures as would be required for this purpose. In my opinion, the Attorney General has failed entirely to show a need for an additional assistant.}}
{{smaller block|Part III. of the bill as amended has been thoroughly discussed and I shall not dwell on that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|Part IV., which is the section dealing with what the advocates of the bill have said was the entire purpose of the bill, still has provisions which are objectionable to me. Section 131(c) still contains language which, to me, borders on an effort at thought control instead of providing an unneeded additional guaranty of the right to vote. Also, it gives the Attorney General undue authority. The section reads as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“(c) Whenever any person has engaged, or there are reasonable grounds to believe that any person is about to engage, in any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege secured by subsection (a) or (b), the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States, a civil action or other proper proceeding for preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order. In any proceeding hereunder the United States shall be liable for costs the same as a private person.”}}
{{smaller block|As long ago as February 26, when I appeared before the special Judiciary Subcommittee of the House of Representatives to testify against pending civil-rights bills, I expressed my opposition to the language contained in the section I. have just quoted. I do not believe it possible for the Attorney General, for any of his representatives, or for anybody else to determine what is in another person’s mind and whether he is about to engage in some violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|If the Attorney General should attempt to ascertain what is going on in the minds of other persons, he will need soothsayers and prophets instead of an additional Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|I object to this language because I do not believe it possible for any witness to testify truthfully that he knows another person was about to violate the law, unless some overt action had been taken by the accused person.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, an attempt to apply this provision against American citizens would be completely out of keeping with the guaranties of personal freedom contained in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|I object also to the authority granted the Attorney General in section (c) to “institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States,” a civil action or other court proceeding on behalf of a person without the consent of that person. Individuals have adequate legal remedies which they themselves may institute on their own behalf. It is not necessary to give the Attorney General this extreme power of absolute discretion to be exercised as he desires on behalf of some individual who may not wish to take court action or to have anybody else take such action on his behalf.}}
{{smaller block|If one of the duties of the proposed additional Assistant Attorney General would be to seek out persons and insist upon entering the courts on their behalf, this provision, combined with part II., provides another objection to the appointment of an Assistant Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|The American system has never condoned the idea that a third party should stir up trouble between two other persons. Instead, the American system abhors troublemakers, especially when troublemaking takes the form of barratry. This form of troublemaking has been looked down upon much in the same way other lawyers look down upon their colleagues who chase ambulances.}}
{{smaller block|The United States Government should not be placed in this position of disrepute and certainly it should not be called upon to bear the expenses of such court proceedings.}}
{{smaller block|Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which provides that—}}
{{smaller block|“(b) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.”}}
{{smaller block|No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States, should not be exhausted prior to Federal district courts taking jurisdiction in election-law violations.}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 have spoken out strongly on behalf of the Federal courts during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them.}}
{{smaller block|The laws of all the 48 States contain provisions protecting the right to vote. No additional protection is needed beyond existing State and Federal laws.}}
{{smaller block|In my own State of South Carolina, the constitution of 1895 required the general assembly to provide by law for the punishment of crimes against the election laws. That has been done. The State constitution further required a provision to permit a person to appeal to the State supreme court if he should be denied registration. The election law spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court, and requires that the court hold a special session if one is not scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|South Carolina’s constitution also provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State. In pursuance of this constitutional provision, the South Carolina General Assembly has enacted laws for the punishment of anyone who threatens, mistreats, or abuses any voter in an effort to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. These laws apply to all elections. Anyone who violates these laws is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the existing laws of the States and the existing Federal laws, I now contend, as I have contended since the so-called civil-rights bills were introduced, that any qualified voter in the United States is fully protected in his right of suffrage.}}
{{smaller block|This bill, H. R. 6127, is unnecessary. It is an encroachment upon the rights of the States, and it infringes upon the rights of individuals when the Attorney General is empowered to take action on the behalf of any person without his consent.}}
{{smaller block|I believe this bill should be rejected, because of the various unnecessary and unconstitutional provisions which I have discussed.}}
{{smaller block|Part V. of the bill, which was added to insure and provide for trial by jury in proceedings to punish criminal contempts, is an amendment which I approved and voted for, but I do not consider it as strong as desirable. In my opinion, the bill which the senior Senators from Mississippi and Virginia and I introduced in the Senate last March should be approved, to provide best for the right of trial by jury for every American citizen.}}
{{smaller block|However, the addition of part V. to the bill makes it much less objectionable than the bill would have been without the assurance of trial by jury in criminal-contempt proceedings contained in part V.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to reiterate my previous assertions that this bill is unnecessary, and in some respects unconstitutional.}}
{{smaller block|H. R. 6127 in its original form carried the label of being a right-to-vote bill; but when we unwrapped the package here in the Senate and examined it carefully, as we have, we found the label was entirely misleading.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called civil-rights bill should have been entitled “A bill to empower the Attorney General to deprive certain citizens of their right to trial by jury.” Also, it should have been labeled as an implement intended to be used to force integration of the races in the public schools.}}
{{smaller block|Happily, we examined the contents of the package, stripped off the old label, and advertised the deception so that every citizen could recognize the dangers wrapped in the package.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments which have been enacted have reduced the power which was intended to be placed in the hands of the Attorney General. They have removed the authority for the use of military forces in cases of alleged civil-rights violations. They have made the proposed Commission answerable to Congress as well as to the President, and have provided for the members to be subject to confirmation by the Senate. They have better defined and narrowed the powers of Federal judges in contempt proceedings. All of these amendments have vastly ameliorated the original obnoxiousness of H. R. 6127. However, nothing could entirely remove the objectionable features of this packaged bill of goods, submitted to the American people under a deceptive label.}}
{{smaller block|I shall vote against passage of H. R. 6127, because I believe that in so doing I shall be casting a vote for the preservation of our liberties, and for the preservation of constitutional government in this country.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement which I made on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced vigorous objection to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127 as amended by the Senate.

Of course, the Senate bill was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of the bill.

Mr. President, I now wish to discuss part IV. of H. R. 6127 and the 15th amendment to the Constitution.
{{smaller block|PART IV.—TO PROVIDE MEANS OF FURTHER SECURING AND PROTECTING THE RIGHT TO VOTE}}
Part IV. of the proposed civil-rights bill confers on the Attorney General the right to bring civil action and seek an injunction in a Federal district in the name of the United States if he believes any person is violating or about to violate either of two laws presently existing for the protection of voters.

Let us examine the two laws the Attorney General seeks to enforce by civil suit or injunction.

The first of these laws, presently appearing as section 2004 of the Revised Statutes of 1874—title 42, United States Code, section 1971—is actually section 1 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870—Sixteenth United States Statutes at Large, page 140. This bill, S. 810 and H. R. 1293, passed the respective Houses of Congress without debate on its merits under the rule on motion. This bill as it passed Congress contained in its second section a definite provision that civil damages to the aggrieved might be recovered through civil suit in the Federal courts. Furthermore, it provided for the obtaining of political office by civil suit through ''quo'' warrant proceedings in Federal courts.

On May 20, 1870, an attempt was made in the Senate to allow third parties to sue in behalf of the aggrieved party. This is the same proposal contained in the present bill whereby the Attorney General would be allowed to bring civil action and seek injunctions.

Even this radical 41st Congress would not accept any such proposition providing double penalties. The proposition in the present bill would provide double penalties because present law contained in both title 18, Section 242—Deprivation of Rights Under Color of Law—and title 42, Section 1971—Race, Color, or Previous Condition Not To Affect Right to Vote—afford appropriate criminal and civil remedy.

To show how the Senate in 1870 rejected such an idea of double penalties, let us examine the colloquy in the Senate on the proposal to allow someone other than the aggrieved to bring civil suit—Congressional Globe, volume 93, 41st Congress, 2d session, 1870, pages 3563–3564:
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I understand I am in order in offering to amend the amendment.}}
{{smaller block|The {{sc|Presiding Officer}}. The amendment to the amendment is in order.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I will repeat it, then, for the information of the Senate. I move to amend the Senate bill in section 2, line 15, by striking out the words “the person aggrieved thereby” and inserting “any person who shall sue for the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. I hope that this amendment will not be agreed to. There are now two views taken of this branch of the bill as it stands. One is that there ought not to be any provision at all for the party aggrieved; that it ought all to be out; and another view is that taken by my friend from Alabama, that it does not go far enough; that we ought not to confine this redress to the person whose vote is refused. The committee considered both those views, and thought, in analogy to State legislation and to the simple proprieties of justice, that this middle ground was the true one.}}
{{smaller block|If a voter is deprived of his right to vote by the misconduct of an official, it is a personal grievance to him, an actionable injury, for which all civilized laws give him redress in some form. It is true that in most States and countries no specific amount of damages is allowed, for the reason that it is thought safer, inasmuch as that might be a matter of speculation, to leave it under the circumstances of each case to be great or small, as a jury shall think it wise to make it. But in applying the 15th amendment, which is intended to secure the rights of a large class of the population of the United States, and to secure their rights in courts which may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, by juries who may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, in communities where the local officers are found to be those who deny the rights that the 15th amendment secures, we thought it wise not to leave it to an unfriendly jury to give only 1 penny damages, if a man under the 15th amendment was deprived of a right he had, but to fix the sum the party should be entitled to recover as his damages; and on the other hand, in a community where juries might be very favorable to the party aggrieved, we thought it right to impose upon juries a limit above which they ought not to go; so that they should not either give no damages at all nor excessive damages.}}
{{smaller block|This branch of the section, therefore, is framed upon that theory. It is to give to the person aggrieved, as damages for the deprivation of his rights as a citizen, a private right of his own, a right to sue, which all laws give; it would not be necessary to put that into the statute—he would have the right of action; but to fix the amount for each specific wrong to him {{SIC|whch|which}} he should be entitled to recover. Then we provide in another part of the bill, and perhaps in the same section, just as we ought to do if we are to have any law at all, that the officer guilty of this wrong to the citizen is also guilty of an offense against the public, a criminal misdemeanor, for which he may be indicted and fined, of course within certain limits, in the discretion of the court. I submit to my friend from Alabama whether, on the whole, this middle ground, which is defensible both by philosophy and by analogy, is not the true one.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I desire to make this bill as effective for the purpose intended as possible. The persons who will be aggrieved, particularly in our section of the country, will in the main be ignorant and timid persons, who will be afraid to sue. The fact that they may be afraid to go to the polls and vote is evidence that they will not perhaps have the courage and fearlessness to sue; but there may be some third party who would be willing to enforce the penalty. I think in the great majority of cases the person aggrieved would not avail himself of this provision.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Then, I suggest to my friend that he would not be entitled to any action at all under this section, because this is not a section to give every man $500 who is afraid to offer to do what he has a right to do; but it is to give him as damages the sum of $500 for a positive and specific denial to him of the exercise of a right that he attempts to exercise; otherwise, he would have no cause of action. You cannot give a right of action to anybody because he is intimidated. The intimidation part of the law must be purely criminal, and is found in another part of the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. But my amendment would give a remedy by enabling any other person than the party aggrieved to enforce the penalty. The party aggrieved I think in most cases would fail to enforce it; but some other party might.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Some other party may in his name.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I desire to say a word in regard to the particular amendment now pending. This bill is for the purpose of enforcing the 15th amendment, which applies to colored voters, most of whom reside in the section of the country from which the Senator from Alabama and myself come. The great and most effectual means used to interfere with their exercise of the right secured to them by the 15th amendment is by intimidation, by violence. I think that the penalty which is named in this second section, to be enforced by the party aggrieved, would never be put into operation at all. The purpose of the bill is to protect those citizens against intimidation from voting.}}
{{smaller block|I confess that there is something in the suggestion of the Senator from Vermont, that there is no intimidation in this particular section aimed at. But, sir, it is perfectly sure that the very same means of intimidation which prevents a colored citizen from voting will be resorted to to prevent him from bringing this penal action, and unless the section is amended as suggested by the Senator from Alabama, I do not believe that an action will ever be brought in those States, because it is much more difficult for one of those citizens to bring and maintain a criminal action than it is for him to perform the single act of voting.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Will my friend permit me to make a suggestion right there?}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. Certainly.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. If you take out this penalty, as it is called, really liquidated damages, from the person who is aggrieved, whose right is denied, and who has suffered injury, and give it to anybody who will sue for it, it becomes a pure penalty. Then the question is, whether you can have a bill which contains double penalties; whether you are to punish, in the strict sense of punishment, a man twice for the same offense; because my friend will see that the section, in addition to giving these damages to the party aggrieved as damages, makes it a criminal misdemeanor, punishable on indictment and conviction by a fine of not less than $500 and imprisonment not less than a month nor more than a year. I suggest to my friend, who is a cultivated and educated lawyer, whether he would not in court find himself in great difficulty with a bill of double penalties, which were purely such.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I have never examined that question under the laws of the United States. I only know that is frequently done in my own State. We have statutes with double penalties, as referred to by the Senator, and we have never had any difficulty in that State with regard to them.}}
{{smaller block|But I understood the committee to mean by this section that there was danger in the States where it is principally to apply of not being able to obtain a grand jury who will find a bill of indictment, and that in the event no bill of indictment could be found before a grand jury the party aggrieved, or, if amended as the Senator from Alabama suggests, any person in the community may still punish the offender by bringing a penal action. It seems I had mistaken the purpose of the committee entirely from what is said by the Senator from Vermont. I think, nevertheless, the amendment had better be made, unless there really be that legal objection which the Senator suggests as to double penalties, so that it could not, under the laws of the United States and the practice of the United States courts, be enforced. If that were so, it would be conclusive that the amendment ought not to be adopted. I did not understand the Senator as expressing the positive opinion that such could not be done.}}
Now, Mr. President, I shall discuss injunctions issuing from Federal district judges on the question of a person’s qualification for voting.

The civil-rights bill in part IV. confers on the district courts of the United States jurisdiction to issue injunctions in civil-rights actions and it is to be assumed that these injunctions will concern, among other supposed rights, the right to vote.

Actually appropriate remedy already exists where a person’s civil rights are violated. Section 242 of title 18, United States Code, provides a penalty and damages may be recovered in a civil action. The West Virginia Jehovah’s Witnesses case is a typical example of adequate remedy existing in such cases. In this case, the United States attorney was unable to get an indictment by the grand jury. He therefore proceeded to prosecute by information, as provided by rule 7(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and subsequently got a conviction. The information charged that two public officers, acting under color of law, had willfully deprived their victims of the Federal rights of free speech, freedom of religion, the right not to be deprived of liberty without due process of law, and the right to equal protection of the laws. The conviction was upheld by the United States court of appeals—''Catlette'' v. ''U. S.'' ((1943) 132 F. 2d 902). Civil suits were brought by the Witnesses against their prosecutors—those who had deprived them of their rights—and a settlement was made totaling $1,170 in damages which was paid.

How can the Congress vest jurisdiction in Federal courts to determine the qualifications of voters and allow Federal judges to issue injunctions in effect requiring that certain persons—the judge thinks are qualified—shall be registered and allowed to vote?

The qualifications of voters are fixed and enumerated in the constitution of each sovereign State. For purposes of determining who is entitled to vote in each State for United States Representatives and Senators, the Federal Constitution simply adopts such qualifications as the State has fixed for voting for members of that State’s legislature.

The language of article I., section 2, clause 3 of the United States Constitution reads:
{{smaller block|The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.}}
Similarly, the 17th amendment adopts for the purpose of electing United States Senators such qualifications as the States have fixed:
{{smaller block|The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 2 Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for 6 years; and each Senator shall have 1 vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.}}
In the fixing of qualifications of voters the States are limited only by the 15th amendment and the 19th amendment in that the right to vote may not be denied because of race or color or sex, respectively.

That the respective States determine who are entitled to vote has never been seriously controverted. The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly declared that the right to vote comes from the State. In declaring sections 3 and 4 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, unconstitutional, the Supreme Court in 1875 said—''U. S.'' v. ''Reese'' ((1875) 92 U. S. 214, 217, 218); also ''Butts'' v. ''Merchants and Miners Transportation Co.'' ((1913) 230 U. S. 126):
{{smaller block|The 15th amendment does not confer the right of suffrage upon anyone. It prevents the States, or the United States, however, from giving preference, in this particular, to one citizen of the United States over another on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Before its adoption, this could be done. It was as much within the power of a State to exclude citizens of the United States from voting on account of race, etc., as it was on account of age, one race having certain qualifications are permitted by law to vote, those of another having the same qualifications must be. Previous to this amendment, there was no constitutional guaranty against this discrimination; now there is. It follows that the amendment has invested the citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. This, under the express provisions of the second section of the amendment, Congress may enforce by appropriate legislation.}}
This leads us to inquire whether the act now under consideration is appropriate legislation for that purpose. The power of Congress to legislate at all upon the subject of voting at State elections rests upon this amendment. The effect of article I., section 4, of the Constitution, in respect to elections for Senators and Representatives, is not now under consideration. It has not been contended, nor can it be, that the amendment confers authority to impose penalties for every wrongful refusal to receive the vote of a qualified elector at State elections. It is only when the wrongful refusal at such an election is because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, that Congress can interfere, and provide for its punishment: If, therefore, the third and fourth sections of the act are beyond that limit, they are unauthorized.}}
Thus, if the 15th amendment has not conferred the right to vote upon anyone, how can Congress give a Federal judge authority to confer that right by injunction?

The Attorney General knows that it is a settled principle of law that an injunction will not issue to prevent a crime. At the present time the laws governing enforcement of civil rights are criminal statutes and as such he seeks to have them reenacted as civil statutes so he can secure injunctions. An injunction is really a serious proposition.

Actually an injunction is a proceeding in equity and not of law and under this principle since all of the States have adequate procedure for determining the qualifications of voters in courts of law, injunctions cannot issue in such cases.

An injunction is actually the giving of validity to a judge’s own individual opinion. The injunction had its origin during the reign of Henry VIII., when Cardinal Wolsey augmented the authority of the Court of Chancery in exercising his equitable authority over everything that could be a matter of judicial inquiry. Both Wolsey and his successor, Sir Thomas More, were severely criticized by the English judiciary for issuing injunctions in equity and thereby substituting their individual opinions for the verdict of a jury in a common law court—the Law magazine, London, volume XXVII., 1870, pages 1–25.

Such great importance is attached to the issuance of an injunction that Lord Correnham in his judgment in ''Brown'' v. ''Newall'' ((1870), 2 M. and C. 558, 570), said:
{{smaller block|Now, that that ''ex parte'' injunction was an order which ought not to have been made, is not in dispute. It has been subsequently dissolved, and nothing is attempted (570) to be said in support of it at the bar; and it is impossible that it could have been sustained. The order was a departure from the known and established rule and practice of this court. Nothing is so difficult as to bring within any general rule every case in which a special injunction ought to be granted; but, when an action has regularly proceeded, and is on the very eve of trial, an ''ex parte'' injunction to stop it is an order such as I have not before seen. The vice chancellor appears to have stated that the order was made under some misapprehension of the facts; and indeed it is quite obvious that it must have been so, for the vice chancellor could not have made the order if the facts had been thoroughly understood. It is very probable that some facts were then supposed to exist which did not actually exist.}}
{{smaller block|I am not entitled, however, to assume that the order was made upon any other grounds than those stated in the affidavit which was used upon the application for the injunction; and I am, therefore, to see whether, on that affidavit, the parties have suppressed or misrepresented facts in such a way as was calculated to induce the court to grant the injunction.}}
{{smaller block|I am most unwilling to lay down any rule which should limit the power and discretion of the court as to the particular cases in which a special injunction should or should not be granted; but I have always felt—and since I have been upon the bench I have seen no reason to alter my opinion—that extreme danger attends the exercise of this part of the jurisdiction of the court, and that it is a jurisdiction which is to be exercised with extreme caution. It is absolutely necessary that the power should exist, because there are cases in which it is indispensable; but I believe that practically it does as much injustice as it promotes (571) justice; and it is, therefore, to be exercised with extreme caution. The court can have no ground upon which it can proceed, in granting an ''ex parte'' injunction, but a faithful statement of the case; and where the court has found a party misstating the case, either by misrepresentation or suppression, the court has always exercised its jurisdiction, for the purpose of repressing that practice; and I am desirous to abstain from putting, by anticipation, a limit to that power. The extent to which the court is to go in so doing is only to be determined by the case itself; but then it must appear, upon the affidavits, that there was such misrepresentation. Now the affidavit upon which the ''ex parte'' injunction was obtained certainly does not state all the facts; but the question is, whether there was any such suppression or misstatement as to lead the court to grant the injunction. I do not find on that affidavit that description of misrepresentation or suppression which, in my opinion, presented a case likely to procure a judgment on the application, but different from the case which really existed.}}
Thus we can easily see, even if we had the power, that it would be a dangerous experiment to allow Federal district judges to issue injunctions on simple ''ex parte'' affidavits as is proposed in the present bill. And it might be possible under this proposal to assign New York or Vermont Federal judges to a crowded injunction calendar in Virginia to determine who is qualified to vote in that State. Section 134 of title 26, United States Code, simply requires that a district judge reside in the district or one of the districts for which he is appointed and does not preclude his assignment to another district. In fact, Chief Justice Warren under section 292 of the Judicial Code—title 28, United States Code—may assign California judges to South Carolina:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 292. District judges:}}
{{smaller block|(a) The chief judge of a circuit may designate and assign one or more district judges within the circuit to sit upon the court of appeals or a division thereof whenever the business of that court so requires. Such designations or assignments shall be in conformity with the rules or orders of the court of appeals of the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(b) The chief judge of a district may, in the public interest, designate and assign temporarily any district judge of the circuit to hold a district court in any district within the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(c) The Chief Justice of the United States may designate and assign temporarily a district judge of one circuit for service in another circuit, either in a district court or court of appeals, upon presentation of a certificate of necessity by the chief judge or circuit justice of the circuit wherein the need arises. (June 25, 1948, ch. 646, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 901.)}}
The Federal Enforcement Act of 1870 attempted to do just what this bill seeks to do, that is, take away from the States the control of their elections and place that control in the hands of federally appointed officials. If anyone has any doubts about the failure of the Enforcement Act or even its constitutionality he should read the various decisions of the United States Supreme Court declaring almost every section of the act unconstitutional. When Congress finally got around to repealing that act in 1893 here are some of the frauds cited in Congress as reasons for repeal. They included 19,000 fraudulent naturalization certificates being issued by a single judge in New York State. They included payment in fees from the United States Treasury to a single Federal supervisor of elections and commissioner of the Federal court the sum of $145,000. Interestingly enough, repeal was initiated by a New York Congressman. See {{sc|Congressional Record}}, Volume 25, pages 1959, 1808.

Mr. President, on Tuesday afternoon, August 27, I made a motion in the Senate to have H. R. 6127 in its so-called compromise form referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. I pointed out that I believed it to be a dangerous procedure to allow bills to come over from the House of Representatives and be placed on the calendar of the Senate without being referred to the appropriate committee. However, my motion was voted down 66 to 18, so the bill is now before the Senate for consideration.

Since very few Members of the Senate were present at that time to hear my objections to the present version of H. R. 6127, I shall present my arguments again.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution because that would be the result insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common-law cases.

These guaranties were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historic document their complaints against denial of the right of trial by jury.

That document was the Declaration of Independence.

After declaring that all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the signers of the Declaration pointed out that the King had a history of “repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object to the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States.” Then they proceeded to the listing of a bill of particulars against the King.

He was charged with “depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.”

That is what the Declaration of Independence contained. The King was charged, among other things, with depriving the American people of the benefit of trial by jury. That is the very thing I am fighting for—the right of trial by jury, which is contained in the Constitution, and embodied in it in quite a number of places. The compromise bill which comes from the House attempts to compromise the Constitution of the United States. The bill does not provide for a trial by jury unless the penalty is more than 45 days’ imprisonment or more than a $300 fine. That is a compromise of the Constitution.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

When the original Constitution was written there was placed in it article III., section 2, which guarantees the right of trial by jury. Then the Bill of Rights was adopted, and that right was provided in three different places.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights.

A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and onetime Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him. “The Bill of Rights,” he declared, “denies the power of any government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.”

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic law if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes, in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

When our forefathers met in 1787 in Philadelphia they wrote in article III., section 2, of the Constitution that in all crimes except treason a man shall be entitled to a jury trial. In several places in the Bill of Rights they wrote it again, with special emphasis in the sixth amendment that a man is entitled to a jury trial. Yet the compromisers brought forth a compromise which {{SIC|attemps|attempts}} to compromise the Constitution of the United States. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States. The compromise would have been unconstitutional if it had provided that if a judge wanted to punish for criminal contempt he could sentence the defendant to serve 1 day or fine him $1. He has no right to fine him $1 or give him 1 day’s punishment in prison without a jury trial, because the Constitution says that in a criminal case a man charged with crime is entitled to a jury trial.

I cited last night a decision which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and this so-called compromise which has come to the Senate is an effort of the Senate and the House of Representatives to get together, but in the effort to get together and pass a political bill—and that is all it is—they have  been willing to compromise the Constitution of the United States.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says, “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says, “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.”

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved.

If the Constitution had had an exception in it and read, “This shall not apply to criminal contempt or crimes of criminal contempt,” then there would be some basis for the Congress to legislate. But it did not make such an exception. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “The trial of ''all'' crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

What right has a Federal judge to use his discretion and tell a man he can be tried by a jury? The Constitution says if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to be tried by a jury if he wants to be tried by a jury. In the Constitution there is no exception of criminal contempt or any exception that gives a judge the power to try a man so charged rather than a jury.

We are dealing with the basic rights of the people of this Nation and we should be careful to protect those precious rights which have been handed down to us by our forefathers. This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted. We cannot make trial by jury a matter of degree. If the Constitution gives a man the right of trial by jury, he has that right and we cannot take it away from him. The Congress cannot take it away. Furthermore, this compromise pretends to let the judge try the case if he wants to do so, in his discretion. Then if he finds the defendant ought to be punished by a fine in excess of $300 or by imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the man is entitled to a trial by jury. Do you not know, Mr. President, that if a judge has already tried a man, and then the defendant asks for a jury trial, the judge’s decision is bound to affect the jury in the case strongly, even if it were constitutional for that to be done, which it is not?

Under this proposal if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days in prison he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of punishment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. I realize that Congress may want to get away from Washington. We have had a long, hard session. I also realize that both national parties are playing to the minorities by means of the right-to-vote bill, when each State in the Nation has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and section 594 of the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure protects the right to vote. Yet, as a political gesture, both parties are making this play to try to claim credit. Watch my prediction that in the elections of 1958 both parties will try to claim that they got the civil-rights bill through the Congress.

Why are we not more interested in preserving the Constitution? Are we going to violate the Constitution by passing a political civil-rights bill in order to give thunder and political fodder to politicians to enable them to garner votes? Which is more important, the Constitution of this country or the political parties vying for the votes of minorities?

I wish to see the right to vote exercised by every man who is qualified to vote and who wants to vote. If he is entitled to vote, I want to see him vote. But the true purpose of this bill is not to insure the right to vote, because we have statutes in every State, and we have statutes on the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure now already that punish people interfering with anybody trying to vote. If the statutes we now have on the books are not being enforced, what good will it do to put another statute on the books? If the Justice Department is claiming that there are any individuals who have been denied their right to vote, why does it not prosecute them under the present law, which is completely adequate? And if no people have been denied the right to vote, then why is it claimed that this bill is necessary? The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents and in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

Perhaps the House and the Senate wanted to get together and they thought this was the only way they could do it, but I want to tell the American people when they did get together and brought forth this compromise they violated the Constitution of the United States. This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill. Like father, like son; a chip off the old block. Both are bad.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of the fine—or even 1 cent—and if a day, or even an hour, were added to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial, and a jury would decide the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

The proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was passed by the Senate.

The inclusion by the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, made the bill a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, the present unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope a majority of the Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the ''bloc'' voting of the pivotal states. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.

Those are the words of Stewart Alsop; and he is not a southerner, so far as I know.

To explain his point, he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States, Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.

The following four paragraphs are quoted directly from Mr. Alsop’s column:
{{smaller block|In 1954, Averell Harriman was elected Governor of New York by less than 15,000 votes over Senator {{sc|Irving Ives}}. According to Harris’ analysis, Harriman polled a whopping 79 percent of the Negro vote. Negro voters thus supplied Harriman with his margin of victory several times over. Two years later, the Democrats had dropped some 90,000 Negro votes to the Republicans—or about 6 times the number of votes {{sc|Ives}} needed to defeat Harriman.}}
{{smaller block|Or take another close race—the victory of Senator {{sc|Joseph Clark}}, of Pennsylvania, over the Republican incumbent, Senator James Duff, in 1956. Again, {{sc|Clark}} just squeaked in, with a plurality of less than 18,000 votes. {{sc|Clark}}, despite the Supreme Court, carried the Negro vote by a huge 76 percent margin, which was worth about 150,000 votes to him. Suppose the Negro vote had dropped off as sharply in Pennsylvania as it did in Illinois, where it nosedived from 75 percent in 1952 to 58 percent in 1956. Then Duff would be in the Senate by a comfortable majority, and {{sc|Clark}} would be practicing law.}}
{{smaller block|Other examples could be cited, like that of Senator {{sc|Paul Douglas}}, of Illinois, who owes about 60 percent of his 1954 plurality to the Negro vote. But the lesson is clear enough. If the Republicans can attract something approaching half the Negro vote in the Northern States, the Republican Party will then be the normal majority party in those States.}}
{{smaller block|Read the role of big States in which the Negroes can be expected to poll 5 percent or more of the total vote—not only New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, but such States as Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, and California. It then becomes clear what is at stake in the civil-rights struggle—nothing less than the future balance of political power in the Nation.}}
But, Mr. President, are we going to compromise the Constitution, whether we lose an election or not? Which is more important—to win an election or to preserve the Constitution? It is about time that both parties began to consider the welfare of the country and to determine whether the Constitution is of more importance, or whether winning an election is of more importance.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today; but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law, eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of the bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily.

Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law.

Under the provisions of the compromise, jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge, so long as the sentence he metes does not exceed the maximum limit set for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of the bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim, the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges.

No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When the bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted the great legal mind of 18th century England, Blackstone. Because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him again at this time. This is what Blackstone had to say:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
That is what Blackstone, the leading legal light the world has known, had to say. I wish to repeat one of his sentences:
{{smaller block|And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
Mr. President, a trial by jury is one of the bedrocks of this democracy. It is one of the bedrocks of this Nation. It is one of the bedrocks of this Government. When we talk to people in the street and to laymen generally about taking away their right of trial by jury, they cannot understand it, because they know that the Constitution provides that a man shall have a trial by jury when he is charged with the commission of a crime.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen, chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth, and the surest guardians of public justice. For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan of the United States Supreme Court delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, that is a significant statement to me, coming from a member of the present Supreme Court. I will not predict what the Court might do when the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury as embodied in this so-called compromise is presented to the Court.

However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the people of this Nation want Federal judges to have the power to punish persons for criminal contempt by sentences of either days, weeks, or months in jail, or by fines of dollars, they can amend the Constitution and provide for it. If the people of this country want Federal judges to have the discretion of determining whether a person shall have a jury trial or not, then they can amend the Constitution and so provide. There is no provision and no exception for either instance in the present Constitution.

That is certainly a clue to what might be expected from the Court when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

I think what the Supreme Court did in the ''Reid'' against ''Covert'' case might be a clue to what it might do, or what might be expected of the Court, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all of the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State. A summary of these laws was submitted to me, and I request that this summary be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks.

As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote.

The people of my State vote. I am in favor of qualified people voting. All the people of my State vote if they are qualified.

Whence comes this hue and cry? Those raising it have not presented the matter to the Judiciary Committee, so the chairman of that committee may hold hearings. They have held hearings for weeks and months on the subject, and the proponents of the bill have failed to present evidence to show that people do not have the right to vote.

It is inescapable, as I have said, that this is a political bill and not a bill to provide the right to vote. The people already have that privilege.

If any such incident as a refusal to permit a citizen to vote had occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina.

The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice. The people of the States are interested in justice just as are the officials of the Federal Government, but I shall return to that subject in a few minutes and go into the matter of the Federal statutes a little more fully.

We have Federal statutes to protect the right to vote, if the voters are not satisfied with the State statutes, and certainly the Federal statutes protect them.

I say that the Negro citizens in South Carolina are safeguarded in their rights; and the payment of a poll tax is not required.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. As I have said, South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. Registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that the poll tax be repealed as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature acted promptly and submitted the matter to the people, and the people voted in favor of repeal of the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature approved it, and we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina, if proof is desired, can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia, S. C., Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that “estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina constitution which protect a citizen’s right to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9, suffrage: The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 10, elections free and open: All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 5, appeal; crimes against election laws: Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 8, registration provided; elections; board of registration; books of registration: The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 15, right of suffrage free: No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the record to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Code, title 23}}}}}}
{{smaller block|23–73. Appeal from denial of registration.}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|23–74. Proceedings to court of common pleas.}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as Calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{smaller block|23–75. Further appeal to supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
In other words, in our State, if anybody has an appeal and it goes before the trial judge and he denies it, the supreme court will go into session in order to hear such a case so as to be sure that nobody is deprived of the right to vote.
{{smaller block|23–100. Right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{smaller block|23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{smaller block|23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guard rail; assistance.}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guard rail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{smaller block|23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats.}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct.}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{smaller block|23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{smaller block|23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally.}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State. Also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, proves that there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right-to-vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a Commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise. Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an unusual grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people.

This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so.

If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A Civil Rights Division in the Justice Department is not needed because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed, and he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country.

Since conditions have improved, and there is no indication that conditions will change unless the Attorney General and the Civil Rights Commission create trouble, there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of civil-rights matters in the Department of Justice.

Mr. President, permit me to digress in order to discuss certain matters pertaining to the Bill of Rights.

I have before me a book entitled “Our Bill of Rights: What It Means To Me—A National Symposium,” edited by James Waterman, Wisconsin:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Things of the spirit never die. They flame anew each time they are under fire. They are flaming high at this moment.}}
{{smaller block|Bombs may blow the body to bits, but they bind the soul together.}}
{{smaller block|This book is testimony to the spirit of man; to his personality; to his right to be decent.}}
{{smaller block|From the beginning of time men have had to fight for this sort of life. The fight has never been easy, but it has always been won.}}
{{smaller block|As long as men believe in freedom they will achieve it. The Dark Ages shall not return.}}
{{smaller block|When freedom dies man lives on his knees. When freedom lives man walks erect.}}
{{smaller block|The Bill of Rights is our prayer book and our promise of salvation. The cause of freedom is the cause of God. That is the dedication of this volume.}}
{{smaller block|None of us is wise enough to say finally what one event is the greatest in our history. There are some that cry aloud for that description:}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence; the Treaty of Paris, ending the Revolutionary War; the adoption of the Constitution; the pronouncement of the Monroe Doctrine; the Emancipation Proclamation; the end of the War Between the States; the war for freedom and democracy, begun in 1917—and still going on.}}
{{smaller block|I have left to the last, although it belongs at the top, the formulation and adoption of the Bill of Rights—the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, adopted by the baby nation December 15, 1791.}}
{{smaller block|In this group of principles are to be found the soul and spirit of the Constitution. With the Bill of Rights added, the Constitution becomes nearly a perfect thing. Without the bill, the seven articles of the original draft are largely given over to the protection of property.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson, shocked by the omissions in the Constitution, as promulgated in 1789, while he was United States Minister to France (another type of France than Vichy represents today), drafted the additions to our great charter. Thus we were given the four freedoms by which we grew strong in self-reliance, in courage, in independence, and in self-respect.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments gave us free speech, free press, free worship, free assembly, and also the right to petition. They gave us full protection Of the citizen against oppression; the right of trial by jury and, generally, the right of the individual against the state. Jefferson said himself, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount, Magna Carta, and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|Herbert Bayard Swope}}}},{{em|6}}&lt;br /&gt;
''Chairman, Bill of Rights Sesquicentennial Committee''.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson himself said, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments; the Sermon on the Mount; Magna Carta; and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{***|5}}
{{smaller block|America is face to face with certain grim realities. It is apparent that the expense attached to the defense effort will run into an appalling sum. The sweeping readjustments that will eventually reach every family are becoming clearer by the day. The need for redirection of our whole economy in order to supply plants which manufacture implements of war with an abundance of raw materials is now painfully obvious.}}
{{smaller block|Yes, the world that we know is being re-fashioned. But so be it, and although the disappearance of familiar patterns and habits of living brings a momentary shock, there must be no regrets, no longing backward glances. Neither can we afford to hang our heads, wring our hands and insist that we cannot defend democracy without destroying it. After all, the only disaster that will overtake us is the disaster that comes from indecision and inaction.}}
{{smaller block|I like to remind myself of the origin of the Bill of Rights. It came into being at a time of great distress and clearly represented the desires of the people who had paid a high price for their independence, and were determined to keep it. Since that time it has weathered an internal conflict, foreign wars, periods of economic depression. Even during these emergencies there has been no foreshortening of the scope of the Bill of Rights, nor has its fundamental character been altered. Invariably after these crises have passed each American has turned his face homeward and found, to his intense joy, his personal liberty inviolate. This augurs well for the future. Perhaps the destructive forces loose in the world will assume more awesome proportions than any yet seen; perhaps the dangers and hardships of the civilian population will be greater than ever before; but I cannot believe that these new developments will serve to swerve us from our course any more than the vicissitudes of the past.}}
{{smaller block|Undoubtedly it will mean a vigilant citizenry constantly on guard. But we have that. Undoubtedly it will mean leadership of the highest quality, but we have that, too. In fact, I can think of no more impressive reiteration of belief in the Bill of Rights than that made by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his message to Congress last January:}}
{{smaller block|“In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.}}
{{smaller block|“The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The third is freedom from want. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The fourth is freedom from fear. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.}}
{{smaller block|“This Nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads, and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.}}
{{smaller block|“To that high concept there can be no end save victory.”}}
Mr. President, those were the words of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in speaking of the Bill of Rights, which guarantees a jury trial to the people of the United States, but which the so-called compromise civil-rights bill would deprive the people of.

I read further:
{{smaller block|We accept our liberty, as we do our health, pretty much as a matter of course, hardly giving it a thought until we begin to lose it. Then we become conscious of how much it means.}}
{{smaller block|Experience throughout the long period of human history teaches that liberty must be won in every generation and can be held only by eternal vigilance. As foes of freedom the aggressors reappear with different weapons, but always with the same aim—to destroy the souls of freemen.}}
{{smaller block|That religion and democracy are closely linked together is a truism proved amply in the history of our country. The American colonies were settled by men and women seeking a free life, as well as a home for freedom. Religion was written prominently into their agreements, covenants, pacts, and constitutions, but the early colonists made no provision for the the free exercise of religion. Those who had fled before the demands of conformity later determined by law that others must conform or get out of the colony. It was said of Governor Endicott of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, if he had found toleration in his dictionary, he would have cut the word out, just as he drew his sword and cut the red cross out of the English flag because it represented the ancient Catholic faith of England. This attitude, formulated into law and supported by stern preaching, led to the founding of Rhode Island by Roger Williams and his associates. They were the first ones to put into practice the principle of the independence of the individual conscience even beyond the grants of liberty by the State. Maryland was founded by a small company of Catholics seeking freedom of worship in 1634, only 14 years after the Protestant Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth.}}
{{smaller block|Under Lord Baltimore’s liberal rule there developed a large degree of freedom in religion, as well as a remarkable advance in democratic procedure. The people of Maryland not only took part in making their laws but were given power to originate laws. No other colony at the time enjoyed quite as much freedom, and in 1649 the assembly passed the Toleration Act which confirmed by law these liberties. Following this action, Maryland became the refuge not only for the oppressed Catholics from England, but Protestants from some of the other American colonies, Puritans from Virginia, Quakers, and others who found congenial homes in this colony.}}
It is true that the Toleration Act was not very broad in that it tolerated only those of the Christian religion, but it was a step forward on the road to liberty and marked a greater advance than anything even in England at the time. It remained for the colony at Providence, R. I., to advance the act of toleration by granting full religious freedom to Christians and Jews and even to those without any religious affiliation or belief. The act affirmed “that men of all religions should live unmolested so long as they behaved themselves.”

The Bill of Rights provides for freedom of religion. Our Bill of Rights provides for many vital rights which we enjoy.

The study of the Constitution should be an essential part not only of the education of the American youth, but of all Americans, and especially those who have become naturalized citizens of this great Nation. While all of us cannot be trained in the technicalities of the law, we should have some idea of our fundamental institutions. We need to know their relationship to our daily life, the reasons for their existence, and the benefits we derive from them, as well as the importance to ourselves of their perpetuation. The Constitution is not self-perpetuating by any means; if it is to survive it will be because it has the support of the people—not passive, but active public support. This means making adequate sacrifice to maintain that which is of the greatest benefit to the greatest number.

The Constitution has its roots in the great and heroic past of the English-speaking race. Today, under that Constitution which was adopted through the blood and sweat of the pioneers of our country, the safeguard of personal liberty is ever present. Under our great Bill of Rights our governmental power is divided into three parts. The first is the power granted to the Central Government; the second that reserved to the States; and the third, and by far the most important, although at times the fact may not be generally recognized, the power reserved to the people under the many inhibitions upon both State and Federal legislation.

In the turmoil which now seems to have engulfed the entire world, the citizens of the United States should well remember particularly that it is the people, those who go to make up the great cross-section of this country, who must guard the ramparts from the ever-increasing dangers of nazism, fascism, and communism. Our Constitution is the final safeguard of every right that is enjoyed by any American citizen. So long as it is observed, those rights will be secure, but should it fall into disrespect or disrepute the way of orderly, organized government as we have known it for the past 150 years will be at an end.

When the Federal Constitution was, on September 28, 1787, submitted by Congress to the legislatures of the several States for ratification, there was very strong opposition to its adoption in all the States. The Democrats, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, feared that the provisions of the instrument would unduly abridge States rights and result in a Government too highly centralized for their views. It was necessary for nine States to ratify the Constitution before it could take effect. It was not until June 21, 1788, that the ninth State, New Hampshire, gave its approval. The States which had not ratified up to that time were Virginia, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island. Virginia and New York gave their assent in 1788. When President Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, on the steps of the Federal Hall in New York, neither North Carolina nor Rhode Island had ratified and, therefore, were not States of the United States. These two reluctant States did, however, come into line. North Carolina ratified on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The Bill of Rights was a pacer in the democratic movement in America and as such is entitled to all the prestige of leadership. Yet it really took a century after its enactment for American women to procure the 19th amendment to the Federal Constitution which compelled reluctant States to grant them the basic right of the free—the right to vote. Non-Christian men and freethinkers of their sex more readily wrested from State legislatures the guaranty of their civil rights.

But even the original Bill of Rights would have been a dead letter if dauntless men and women, risking death, had not taught the public to listen without rioting to opinions which it abhorred. That educational process enabled the letter of the law to live in practice, or application, for the American way of life. In celebrating the original Bill of Rights now, we should celebrate with it the courage and skill of the men and the women who made tolerance a fact as well as a principle of law. The open forum, so characteristic of American democracy, owes its inception and its continuation to persons of both sexes who insisted that law and practice were parts of the same thing.

That rights carry duties has become a third aspect of democratic evaluations, nurtured on free debates. It is increasingly understood in America that liberty could become license; that rights if viewed as extreme personal privileges could reduce society to anarchy. There is today, in connection with rights, the wide prevalence of the philosophy that rights are granted to individuals in order that they may develop their talents for competent voluntary cooperation in the thought and action essential to the strength of society, to general welfare, and to the very endurance of civil liberties themselves.

A history of civilization could be written around the derivation of the privileges that constitute our Bill of Rights. The emphasis would be not on rulers and governments but on the struggle mankind has waged for centuries to obtain recognition of the rights of individual men. These rights are guaranties necessary to any people who wish to live in the free atmosphere of liberty. They are the foundation of any government that exists by the free will of the governed and not by the military force of self-appointed rulers.

The history of our own Bill of Rights is fired with the determination of the American people to preserve their liberties as individuals living in a free state. It is significant that these first 10 amendments in our Constitution were drawn from earlier declarations of rights which a number of the Original Thirteen States had formulated for themselves before they joined the Union. They not only served as models for our Federal Constitution but became basic patterns for new democracies all over the world.

Today there is abroad in the world a monstrous force that would set the clock back and reestablish regimes that rank the state above the individual. Already in many lands fundamental rights have been destroyed; and the existence of our own is threatened. Such crises have occurred before in the history of man but never with such ruthless vehemence and on such a worldwide scale.

Mr. President, there are many objections to H. R. 6127, but the strongest objection is the failure to give a jury trial. I wish now to present to the Senate some information on the jury trial and I shall go into the historical development of the jury system. This information is coming from the History of the Jury System, by Maximus A. Lesser, instructor of political science, New York Evening High School. Some very important points are brought out here about the jury system which are pertinent to this debate.
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Historical Development of the Jury System}}}}}}
{{c|{{sm|(By Maximus A. Lesser)}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JURY}}}}
{{smaller block|The subject we propose to investigate is the historical genesis and gradual development of an institution which, today is an inseparable element of English jurisprudence and an important factor in the administration of justice, wherever the English or common law, “* * * the State’s collected will, o’er thrones and globes elate, sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.”}}
{{smaller block|This purpose is not free from difficulties, for, while the nature and functions of the tribunal, as today existent, are sufficiently well comprehended, still the origin of that institution and the successive steps by which it was evolved are less clearly understood and subject to considerable misconception, as is evinced by the many and conflicting theories advanced in explanation thereof. It is the object of this treatise to reconcile, as far as may be, these various views, to give to each well sustained suggestion its proper weight and effect during the formative period, and to trace its influence in the production of the result. The method of treatment is, in general, chronological; for the English jury is so closely interwoven with the historical and political development of the English nation, that every component which contributed to the formation and completion of the latter had a concomitant effect upon the former; accordingly, the history and features of each foreign factor will be described in connection with that period of our history at which it first made itself felt. For to the jury may be truly applied, what Maine says of law, that it is a matter of growth, the result of the needs of the community in which it originated; and an institution—as another writer well observes—which “does not owe its existence to any positive law; it is not the creature of an act of Parliament establishing the form and defining the functions of the new tribunal. It arose * * * silently and gradually out of the usages of a state of society which has forever passed away.” We will, in the first place, regard its general aspect and characteristics as beheld today, and then proceed to consider whether, and in what respects, it is resembled by institutions of early days. The body with which we have to deal—in the language of an able Scotch jurist—“is the institution by which disputed facts are to be decided for judicial purposes in the administration of civil or criminal justice, and which is in modern times familiar to us under the denomination of trial by jury. * * * The etymological derivation of the term is obviously from ''juro'', to swear, whence we find this institution called in forensic Latin ''jurata'', and the persons composing it ''jurati''. * * * When the object is inquiry only, this tribunal is sometimes called an inquest or inquisition, as in the instance of a grand jury or coroner’s inquest; but when facts are to be determined by it for judicial purposes, it is always styled a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|This board of inquiry, then, is composed of “a body of men taken from the community at large, summoned to find the truth of disputed facts. Their office is to decide upon the effect of evidence and thus inform the court truly upon the question at issue, in order that the latter may be enabled to pronounce a right judgment. But they are not the court itself nor do they form part of it; and have nothing to do with the sentence which follows the delivery of their verdict.” While, concerning the third characteristic element of our jury, De Lolme wrote that they who have the power to discriminate between disputed facts and “to whom the law has thus exclusively delegated the prerogative of deciding that a punishment is to be inflicted—those men without whose declaration the executive and the judicial powers are both thus bound down to inaction, do not form among themselves a permanent body, who may have had time to study how their power can serve to promote their private views or interest; they are men selected at once from among the people, who perhaps never were before called to the exercise of such a function, nor foresee that they ever shall be called to it again.”}}
{{smaller block|In other words, the jury is the sole judge of the weight of evidence adduced and the arbiter of compensation for contracts broken or injuries sustained, and is composed of men selected by lot and “sworn to declare the facts of a case as they are delivered from the evidence placed before them”—its province being to determine the truth of facts or the amount of damages in civil, and the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal, cases.}}
{{smaller block|This province is confined by the following limitations:}}
{{smaller block|(1) It is restricted to the consideration of matters proved by evidence at the trial;}}
{{smaller block|(2) It is subject to the instructions of the judge, concerning the rules of law applicable;}}
{{smaller block|(3) It is influenced by the directions of the judge, as to weight, value, and materiality of evidence;}}
{{smaller block|(4) It is affected by the selection of the jurors from the locality of the action, whence they discharge their duties with a certain amount of independent local knowledge, whilom “counted on, and deemed essential to a just consideration of the case.”}}
{{smaller block|Two other qualifications may be added. After the rendition of a verdict in a civil case, it is still within the power of the trial judge to modify or even annul the same, in a proper case; for instance, “because the verdict is for excessive or insufficient damages, or otherwise contrary to the evidence or contrary to law.”}}
{{smaller block|Again, in a criminal case, a verdict of conviction, even when accompanied by a recommendation of mercy, does not control the sentence to be meted out by the presiding magistrate, who may impose the highest or lowest or any intermediate penalty prescribed by law as proper for the offense committed.}}
{{smaller block|How, then, did this institution, whose features as currently administered have just been described, originate? What are the sources from whence it arose, and the forces by which it was developed? Did it spring forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, ready for action and fully equipped with forensic vesture and legal armament, or was its development the result of the gradual accretion of successive strata of growth? As stated above, various and conflicting theories are advanced to answer these queries.}}
{{smaller block|“Many writers of authority,” says Canon Stubbs, “have maintained that the entire jury system indigenous in England, some deriving it from Celtic tradition based on the principles of Roman law, and adopted by the Anglo-Saxons and Normans from the people they had conquered, others have regarded it as a product of that legal genius of the Anglo-Saxons of which Alfred is the mythic impersonation, or as derived by that nation from the customs of primitive Germany or from their intercourse with the Danes. Nor even, when it is admitted that the system of recognition was introduced from Normandy, have legal writers agreed as to the source from which the Normans themselves derived it. One scholar maintains that it was brought by the Norsemen from Scandinavia; another, that it was derived from the processes of the Canon Law; another, that it was developed on Gallic soil from Roman principles; another, that it came from Asia through the Crusades.” An American authority insists that it “is undoubtedly a development of English institutions and civilization.” Again, it is suggested that it was borrowed by the Angles and Saxons from their Slavonic neighbors in northern Europe; it has been traced to the assises de Jerusalem of Godfrey de Bouillon; it is even claimed to be of divine origin; and, finally, a French scholar despairingly exclaims: “Son origine se perd dans la niut de temps.”}}
{{smaller block|According to Robertson, “the true answer is, that forms of trial resembling the jury system in various particulars are to be found in the primitive institutions of all [Aryan] nations. That which comes nearest in time and character to trial by jury is the system of recognition by sworn inquest, introduced into England by the Normans * * * the instrument which the lawyers in England ultimately shaped into trial by jury.” The name “Recognition,” Bracton tells us, is deduced from the fact that the participants “acknowledged” a disseisin or dispossession by their verdict, and the inquest itself was “directly derived from the Frank capitularies, into which it may have been adopted from the fiscal regulations of the Theodosian Code and thus own some distant relationship with the Roman jurisprudence.” This is the system which, Lord Campbell writes, “in the fifth Norman reign had nearly superseded the simple juridical institutions of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors;” while an eminent American jurist, after observing that investigation has shown among Norman legal usages traces more closely resembling our form of jury trial than anything afforded by the system of the Anglo-Saxons, concludes:}}
{{smaller block|“We regard it, therefore, as certain that all these influences contributed to establish this mode of trial in England, and to shape it as we know it to exist there. Indeed, it was not until all of them had had an opportunity of completing their work, that we find what we should now call a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|A due regard for the definiteness of legal phraseology calls for some comment on the meaning of “law and fact,” terms so frequently employed in the course of this work. Law, in its widest sense, is a rule of action; in its technical sense, it is a general rule of human action, taking cognizance only of external acts, enforced by a determinate human authority paramount within a state. Whether the rule so enforced be moral or pernicious, is impertinent to the question. “The existence of law is one thing, its merit or demerit another.” Again, “although human actions are the subject-matter about which law is conversant, they are not essential to its existence; for the rule is the same, whether its application is called forth or not. * * * The rule continues in abstraction and theory, until an act is done on which it can attach. * * * The maxim, ''ex facto oritur jus'' must be understood in this sense; and the duty of judicial tribunals, consequently, embraces the investigation of doubtful or disputed facts, as well as the application of the principles of jurisprudence to such as are ascertained.”}}
{{smaller block|Fact is a term most difficult to define—so much so that Mr. Justice Stephen (in the third edition of his Digest of the Law of Evidence) abandoned the attempt previously made. Webster’s definition (ed. 1859) is: “Anything done, or that comes to pass; an act; a deed; an effect produced or achieved; an event.” Negatively, a learned American jurist suggests that “nothing is a question of fact which is not a question of the existence, reality, truth of something.” Anything which is the subject of testimony is “matter of fact,” while “matter of law” is the general law of the land of which courts take judicial cognizance. Evidence is the means or method by which a fact under judicial examination may be proved or disproved. “Whether there be any evidence, is a question for the judge. Whether sufficient evidence, is for the jury.”}}
{{smaller block|In any event, it is clear that the formula of Coke, hereinabove quoted, “was never meant to be taken absolutely. * * * It relates to issues of fact, and not to the incidental questions that spring up before the parties are at issue. The jury has to do with only a limited class of questions of fact, namely, questions of ultimate fact.” “In general, issues of fact, and only issues of fact, are to be tried by jury; when they are so tried, the jury and not the court are to find the facts, and the court and not the jury is to give the rule of law; the jury are not to refer the evidence to the judge and ask his judgment upon that, but are to find the facts which the evidence tends to establish, and may only ask the court for judgment upon these.”}}
Mr. President, I shall next take up the history of the jury system of the Anglo-Saxons:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Chapter VI.—The System of the Anglo-Saxons}}}}}}
{{smaller block|As regards the manner of men who now directed the destinies of England—for under that name (derived from the Angles) the island is henceforth known—and who indelibly impressed their characteristics upon it, and concerning their status in the scale of civilization, a graphic description is afforded us by the same historian. They “were little removed from the original state of nature; the social confederacy among them was more martial than civil; they had chiefly in view the means of attack and defense against public enemies, not those of protection against their fellow citizens; their possessions were so slender and so equal that they were not exposed to great danger, and the natural bravery of the people made every man trust to himself and to his particular friends for his defense. * * * An insult upon any man was regarded by his relations and associates as a common injury; they were bound by honor, as well as by a sense of common interest, to revenge his death or any violence which he had suffered; they retaliated on the aggressor by like acts of violence; and if he were protected, as was natural and unusual, by his own clan, the quarrel was spread still wider and bred endless disorders in the nation.”}}
{{smaller block|Such, then, was the state of civilization which the Saxons enjoyed, and such the social and political structure which superseded the administration of the Romans. For almost four centuries the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms—true to the characteristics of their founders—present a history of uninterrupted warfare, bloodshed and internecine strife, though Christianity had meanwhile prevailed among them. Wessex, however, gradually acquired the hegemony, and in A. D. 827 its King Egbert succeeded in securing his acknowledgment as supreme head of the heptarchy, with which event the history of the English nation properly begins.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning their civil and social condition, at this period, after a sojourn of 400 years on English soil, it appears that “though they had been so long settled in the island [they] seem not as yet to have been much improved beyond their German ancestors, either in arts, civility, knowledge, humanity, justice, or obedience to the laws. * * * Bounty to the church atoned for every violence against society.” It cannot be doubted that, under ordinary circumstances, nationalization would have paved the way to improvements in the administration of justice, which, under the primitive system and the constant wars of the Saxons, had sadly degenerated. For, since “their language was everywhere nearly the same, their customs, laws, institutions, civil and religious * * * a union also in government opened to them the agreeable prospect of future tranquility. * * * But these flattering views were soon overcast by the appearance of the Danes, who, during some centuries, kept the Anglo-Saxons in perpetual inquietude, committed the most barbarous ravages upon them, and at last reduced them to grievous servitude.”}}
{{smaller block|The first great landmark in the history of English law is the reign of King Alfred (871–901), who, after he had restored peace, and either settled the Danes in or expelled them from the country, turned his attention to the administration of justice, which had become a mere name. His political and juridical institutions are recorded by Hume, as follows: “That he might render the execution of justice strict and regular, he divided all England into counties; these counties he divided into hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings. Every householder was answerable for the behavior of his family. * * * Ten neighboring householders were formed into one corporation, who, under the name of a tithing, decennary, or fribourg, were answerable for each other’s conduct, and over whom one person, called a tithingman, headbourg, or borsholder, was appointed to preside. Every man was punished as an outlaw who did not register himself in some tithing.}}
{{smaller block|“By this institution, every man was obliged from his own interest to keep a watchful eye on the conduct of his neighbors; and was in a manner surety for the behavior of those who were placed under the division to which he belonged. Whence these decennaries received the name of frankpledges. The barsholder summoned together the whole decennary to assist him in deciding any lesser difference which occurred among the members. In appeals from the decennary, or in controversies arising between members of different decennaries, the case was brought before the hundred, which consisted of 10 decennaries or 100 families of freemen, and which was regularly assembled once in 4 weeks for the deciding of causes. (Leg. Edw. c. 2.)}}
{{smaller block|“Their method of decision deserves to be noted, as being”—at least in our historian’s opinion—“the origin of juries. * * * Twelve freeholders were chosen, who, having sworn (together with the hundred or presiding magistrate of that division) to administer impartial justice, proceeded to the examination of that cause which was submitted to their jurisdiction. And besides these monthly meetings of the hundred, there was an annual meeting appointed * * * for the inquiry into crimes, the correction of abuses, and other matters of public concern. If a further appeal were desired, or in controversies between members of different hundreds, the case was brought before the freeholders of the county (or shire) over whom the bishop together with the alderman presided. A final appeal lay to the King himself.}}
{{smaller block|“Formerly the alderman possessed both the civil and military authority; but Alfred * * * appointed also a sheriff in each county, who enjoyed a coordinate authority with the former in his judicial (as distinguished from the military) function. His office also empowered him to guard the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy the fines imposed.”}}
{{smaller block|Such was the system established by Alfred, and adhered to by his successors as far as those turbulent times permitted. For its promotion and perpetuation, as well as for the guidance of the magistrates, on whom the duty to administer it was incumbent, the same king—according to our historical guide—“framed a body of laws which, though now lost, served long as the basis of English jurisprudence, and is generally deemed the origin of what is denominated the common law.” While his judgment concerning the paternity of the system is, that “the similarity of these institutions to the customs of the ancient Germans, and to the Saxon laws during the heptarchy, prevents us from regarding Alfred as the sole author of this plan of government, and leads us rather to think that he contented himself with reforming, extending, and executing the institutions which he found previously established.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus far Hume, whose profound historical researches, combined with his early legal training, certainly entitle his opinion to much weight. But the existence, among the Saxons, of any institution resembling the jury has been hotly contested, and the dispute whether it was known to the Anglo-Saxons or introduced as a result of the Norman conquest, may be thus summarized: Coke (in his Institutes), Spelman (Glossarium Archaiologicum), Blackstone (Com. III., ch. 23), Nicholson (preface to Wilkin’s Anglo-Saxon Laws), and Turner (Hist. Anglo-Saxons, IV., book XI., ch. 9) ascribe it to Saxon paternity. On the other hand, Hickes (Dissert. Epist. p. 34), Reeves (Hist. Eng. Law, I., 22, 24), and Palgrave (Rise and Progress of Commonwealth, I, 243) claim with equal confidence that it was introduced by or at least derived from the Normans and was not of Anglo-Saxon origin.}}
{{smaller block|So Judge Cooley (Am. Cycl. IX. 722) approvingly observes that “so many of the attendant circumstances indicate that it was a Norman institution, bestowed upon his English subjects by a Norman king, that Sir Francis Palgrave has not hesitated to consider our jury trial as derived directly from Norman law” and Mr. Macclachlan (Eng. Cycl. III., 24) remarks: “Without entering minutely into this controversy, it may be stated that the traces of the trial by jury, in the form in which it existed for several centuries after the conquest, are more distinctly discernible in the ancient customs of Normandy than in the few and scanty fragments of Anglo-Saxon law which have descended to our time.”}}
{{smaller block|The conclusion reached by Mr. Forsyth affords perhaps the fairest statement of the case, and may be advantageously quoted in this place: “It may be confidently asserted that trial by jury was unknown to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors; and the idea of its existence in their legal system has arisen from a want of attention to the radical distinction between the members or judges composing a court, and a body of men set apart from that court, but summoned to attend in order to determine conclusively the facts of the case in dispute. This is the principle on which is founded the intervention of a jury; and no trace whatever can be found of such an institution in Anglo-Saxon times.}}
{{smaller block|“If it has existed,” he continues, “it is utterly inconceivable that distinct mention of it should not frequently have occurred in the body of Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporary chronicles which we possess, extending from the time of Ethelbert (568–616) to the Norman Conquest (1066). Those who have fancied that they discover indications of its existence during that period, have been misled by false analogies and inattention to the distinguishing features of the jury trial which have been previously pointed out. While, however, we assert that it was unknown in Saxon times, it is nevertheless true that we can recognize the traces of a system which paved the way for its introduction, and rendered its adaptation at a later period [the reign of Henry II.] neither unlikely nor abrupt. * * * Of the exact mode in which trials were conducted in these [ante-Norman] courts, we know little; but the Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporaneous annals make frequent mention of two classes of witnesses, who play a most important part in the judicial proceedings of the time.” These are compurgators and official witnesses, who, together with other features of their system, will be more fully considered hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|With the demise of King Alfred, his system gradually lost ground. “During the reign of eight kings who succeeded Alfred,” wrote Gilmans, “the country suffered constant invasions from Denmark, which became so oppressive that in 991 the King, Ethelred II., agreed to pay the Danes 10,000 pounds, called danegelt, to buy immunity. This sum was raised by a tax on land, the first one recorded in English history.” Eleven years later the same King planned and partly executed a general massacre of foreigners in the island (Danemort) which led to a fierce attack from the Danes, to the expulsion of the King, and to the establishment of Sweyn as ruler of England. His son Canute married Ethelred’s widow, a sister of the Duke of Normandy, in order, as it were, to legitimize his title, to strengthen his alliances, and to make secure the succession of his line.}}
{{smaller block|When Canute, the Dane, mounted the English throne (1014) it might be supposed that he would transplant to, and incorporate in the system of, England the Danish quasi-jury or Nævninger—an institution common, with modifications, to all the Scandinavian nations—which derived its appellation from the fact of being composed of a fixed number of men (usually 12) named by the inhabitants of each district; a majority of those so chosen was competent to render a decision (subject to the ratification of the bishop and 8 best men of the district) in civil suits; while in criminal cases the accuser was obliged to convince the Nævn by sworn evidence of the truth of his charge, before the accused would be subjected to a public trial—this institution thus combining the functions of grand and petit jury with the exercise of judicial powers.}}
{{smaller block|Canute, however, who was a lineal descendant of Alfred, and desirous of emulating that monarch, adopted a policy of conciliation toward the English. He had his succession to the throne ratified by a general assembly (Witenagemot) and publicly consented to restore and observe the Saxon customs and laws. In 1030, he addressed a letter “To all the Nations of the English”—under which designation he also meant to include the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians—in which he said: “Be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to God, to govern my kingdom with justice, and to observe the right in all things.” That is, he refrained from making any essential innovations or alterations in the systems (political or judicial) to which his several dominions were accustomed, and in consequence Danish rule had no tangible formative effect on English jurisprudence.}}
{{smaller block|The last of the Saxon line who ruled in England—chosen by the people when Sweyn’s family became extinct—was Edward the Confessor (1042–66) whom Hume deems commendable for his attention to the administration of justice, and his compiling for that purpose a body of laws which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for the laws that pass under Edward’s name were composed afterward) was long the object of affection to the English nation.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER VII.—FORMS OF TRIAL AND TRIBUNALS AMONG THE SAXONS}}}}
{{smaller block|Having examined the social and political status of the Saxons in England, as evidenced by their history and environment, we may expect to find, on considering the judicial institutions, their personal characteristics reflected therein. Here, as there, we distinguish the same primitive system of administration, the same rudimentary ideas of right, the same regard for the efficacy of clerical absolution, the same adherence to old and meaningless forms, and the same reverence for the vis major.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial system of the Anglo-Saxons depended for its administration on, and consisted of, four distinct factors or elements: these were, sectatores or suitors of court, the secta or suit of witnesses, official witnesses, and compurgators. These have been generally confounded or at least not clearly distinguished, and the misconception of their proper functions has given rise to many ingenious theories. In general it may be said that of all these functionaries the first class only performed judicial duties; the second and the third were species of witnesses; the fourth officiated (at least originally) in criminal cases only, while none of them were jurors. A delineation of the functions of each will be given, and a distinction attempted.}}
{{smaller block|The name of sectatores is applied by Forsyth to the limited number of freemen “who attended the hundred, county, and manorial courts, to try offenses and determine disputes there; * * * and the obligation to attend was in the nature of a tenure, for neglect of which they might be distrained to appear.” For, in accordance with the customs of those days, “to do suit at a county or other inferior court was * * * one of the common tenures by which land was held, and the suitors, called sectatores, or * * * at a later period pares, were therefore bound to give their attendance.” Anciently their number appears to have depended on chance or convenience; nor do they appear to have acted always under the sanction of an oath; for to Reeves “it seems that causes in the county and other courts were heard and determined by an indefinite number of persons called sectatores,” of whom “the frequent mention,” he continues, “is no proof of juries, properly so-called, being known to our Saxon ancestors.” It would seem that this form of judicial tribunal was the modified outcome of a feature of the elaborate county system established by Alfred, and a result of the alterations necessitated and the encroachments caused by the incessant warfare prevalent after the death of that monarch, which must have greatly affected his system of government. The whole matter, however, is involved in much obscurity, and will be resumed, to some extent, in the chapter treating of the ''judicium parium''.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning the second of the four classes, Professor Robertson observes: “The trial ''per sectam'' * * * resembled in principle the system of compurgation. The plaintiff proved his case by vouching a certain number of witnesses (secta) who had seen the transaction in question, and the defendant rebutted the presumption thus created by vouching a larger number of witnesses on his own side.” It was thus an application to civil suits of the principle, which governed the system of compurgation in relation to criminal causes. At a later period in Saxon history, however, it seems that compurgation was also extended to (and thus superseded the use of the secta in) * * * civil proceedings; or, at least, that the term “compurgation” was employed to designate both the criminal and the civil (''i. e.'', the sectatory) method. Indeed, the very name of secta became an alternative term for sectatores—the judges above described—which led to the confounding of the one with the other, and bred endless confusion and mistake.}}
{{smaller block|At a more advanced period of the Anglo-Saxon dominion, when the defects of their mode of evidence and system of trial became perceptible even to their untutored minds, an attempt was made to partially remedy these defects by the official appointment in each district of sworn witnesses, whose duty it was to attest therein all sales, endowment of a woman ''ad ostium ecclesiae'', and the execution of charters. They were not subject to cross-examination, and their oath was decisive in case of dispute. Later, persons peculiarly qualified by circumstances (though not preappointed), were similarly sworn to prove age, ownership of chattels, and the death of one in whose estate dower was claimed. Hence in the Year Books (16 Edw. II., 507, A. D. 1323) we read complaint that one “may name ses cosyns et ses auns, who by his procurement will decide against us.”}}
{{smaller block|The most important of the four elements, and that destined to play the largest part in the development of trial by jury, was compurgation. Under the Saxon system, in criminal cases the charge of the prosecutor or accuser sufficed to put the accused on his defense.}}
{{smaller block|This defense was by means of the process of compurgation, which was in vogue among the various Teutonic nations (12 being the usual number) and rested on the maxim: “Nobilis homo ingenuus—cum duodecim ingenuis se purget.” Compurgators may be defined as persons, who supported by their oaths the credibility of the party accused, pledging their belief in the latter’s denial of the charge brought against him.}}
{{smaller block|These were in no sense witnesses, for they might be wholly ignorant of the real facts in dispute; nor were they a jury, for no evidence was submitted to their consideration. They were merely friends of the party who summoned them; they knew his character, and by their united oaths they at once attested that character and their confidence in his truthfulness and the justice of his cause.}}
{{smaller block|This mode of trial was brought into England by the Saxons, and Judge Cooley thus describes it: “Then the party accused—or, in later times, the party plaintiff or defendant—appeared with his friends, and they swore, he laying his hand on theirs and swearing with them, to the innocence of the accused, or to the claim or defense of the party. Little is certainly known either of the origin or of the extent, in point of time or of country, over which the trial by compurgators prevailed; but it must have had great influence over the subsequent forms of procedure. It fixed the number of the traverse (''i. e.'', the petit or trial) jury at 12, that being the common number of compurgators * * * and this was a great improvement on the varying and sometimes very large number in Greece and Rome.”}}
{{smaller block|Where the compurgators coincided in a favorable declaration, there was a complete acquittal. But if the accused was unable to present a sufficient number of these purgers; or, “if the party had been before accused of larceny or perjury, or had otherwise been rendered infamous and was thought not worthy of credit—he was driven to make out his innocence by an appeal to heaven, in the trial by ordeal,” which was practiced either by the boiling water or the red-hot iron; the former being supplied to the common people, while the latter was reserved for the nobility. The nature of this institution is so curious and interesting, and its peculiarities throw so much light on the character of that age, as to warrant a fuller consideration of this primitive predecessor and sometime competitor of our criminal jury.}}
{{smaller block|If the accused was sentenced to undergo the ordeal by hot water, “he was to put his head into it or his whole arm, according to the degree of the offense: if it was by cold water, his thumbs were tied to his toes, and in this posture he was thrown into it. If he escaped unhurt by the boiling water (which might easily be contrived by the art of the priests), or if he sunk in the cold water, which would certainly happen, he was declared innocent. If he was hurt by the boiling water or swum in the cold, he was considered as guilty.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator tell me the name of the case he is reading?

Mr. THURMOND. It is the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. This so-called amendment that came from the House does not provide for a jury trial unless the judge in his discretion sees fit to give one; or unless he imposes punishment of more than 45 days’ imprisonment or a fine of more than $300.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator quoting at this point from a particular case, and, if so, will the Senator give us the name of the case?

Mr. THURMOND. I am not quoting from a case at this particular time. I am going back into the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And to show how through the life of this Nation the jury trial has developed.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And how our forefathers in writing the Constitution put into it by article III., section 2, under which a man charged with a crime is entitled to a trial by jury.

To remove any further doubt, when the Bill of Rights was written the same provision was made in several places. The sixth amendment of the Bill of Rights guarantees a man charged with a crime the right to a jury trial.

During the night, probably about 4 or 5 o’clock this morning, I did cite a case holding that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man who is being tried for criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know whether it has ever been held that criminal contempt is not a crime under the law of the Nation?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not know of any decision in the courts where criminal contempt has not been considered a crime, and I have had all the authorities and ran them down. Criminal contempt is a crime. We have a decision on that point. When a man is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a trial by jury. However, under this proposal, the so-called compromise which came from the House, he will not get a jury trial unless the judge, out of the goodness of his heart, says “I think you are entitled to a jury trial, and I am going to give you one.”

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Or unless the judge tries him first and finds him guilty and finds that he should be punished by more than 45 days’ imprisonment or $300 fine, in which event he can give him a new trial. The judge tries him once, and then he will be tried again. I think there again the so-called compromise is unconstitutional because you cannot put a man in jeopardy two times. If he is tried once, he has been in jeopardy and he cannot be put in jeopardy again.

The whole thing is a concoction to get a compromise on something for civil rights. It is purely an endeavor to get some kind of compromise; but it violates the Constitution, and I hope the Senate and the Congress will not pass it. Even people who believe in civil rights and have fought for civil rights are of that opinion.

The distinguished Senator from Minnesota [Mr. {{sc|Humphrey}}] has made many speeches on civil rights. I remember one he made in 1948 at the Democratic Convention in Philadelphia, which I did not like at all because I am a States righter and not a so-called civil righter. I believe in real civil rights, but not the kind of civil rights which are being alleged here.

I do not know how Senators who really believe in civil rights and who know the Constitution can vote for a bill which flatfootedly violates several provisions of the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know of any greater civil right any person possesses in any nation than the right to a trial by a jury of his peers and his neighbors when he is accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot imagine any civil right I would rather possess were I charged with a crime. I do not know of any civil right that is more vital to the people of the United States than the right of trial by jury. I do not know of any civil right that one could envision that could be more important. The right of trial by jury is most important because a man may be tried for his life. If he is not tried for his life, he can be put in prison. He can have his liberty taken away from him.

It is only after trial by jury that a man in this Nation can have his liberty taken away from him. I do not want a judge to try me if I ever have to be tried. I want 12 of my peers, 12 of my fellow countrymen, as the Constitution provides.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Is not the right to trial by jury, in which a person accused of a crime to challenge any prejudiced person who might be on the jury venire one of the possible differences between the free system of government that exists in this Nation and other free nations as compared to the system of government that exists in Communist nations?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Senator has the vision to see and realize the importance of what jury trial means to the people of this Nation.

I quoted during the night Associate Justice Brennan of the Supreme Court. I do not think a man could have made a stronger address than he made on the jury-trial question. Justice Brennan made a powerful argument for a jury trial even in automobile-accident cases. Even where property is involved—not liberty, not life, but property—he believed there should be protection to the citizen through jury trial. Under the so-called compromise civil-rights bill a judge can put a man in jail for 45 days, and some judges will do so if they have the opportunity. They will make it exactly 45 days if they want to punish a man.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Under the facts stated in regard to the situation in Washington Parish, La., it was contended that more than 1,000 colored people were denied voting rights. I am not sure if that was correct or not. Perhaps those people should or should not be on the rolls. But assuming the charge was correct, it would be possible for a judge in that case to put a person in jail for {{SIC|4,500|45,000}} days without a jury trial, alleging that there were 1,000 different offenses.

Mr. THURMOND. I see no reason why he could not, if he tries the defendant on each separate offense, which I think he would have to do to sentence him for more than 45 days. If he tries the accused for one act of depriving a person of his right to vote, there would be only one act, and 45 days in my opinion would be the limit. But if a judge saw fit to try a man and sentence him to prison for 45 days, he could try him again on another charge with respect to a man who claims his rights were violated in connection with voting and the defendant could be given another 45 days. I do not think there is any limit to that. I think he could keep filing them.

Mr. LONG: Is it not conceivable following such a procedure a judge could put a man in jail for his natural lifetime without a jury trial? Suppose he alleges that the defendant prevented 2,000 people from registering. That would be 90,000 days he could put the man in jail without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. While I think theoretically that is possible, I do not think actually it would be practicable. But it is theoretically possible to do that.

I wish to read the distinguished Senator what Associate Justice Brennan said:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it.}}
What is the Congress doing here if they let a judge try a man for criminal contempt, which is a crime?

I quote Associate Justice Brennan further:
{{smaller block|One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence—}}
In my State they cannot comment on the evidence and I do not believe they can in the State of the Senator from Louisiana, can they? In a few cases I believe they can.

Mr. LONG. No; not in a criminal case.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not believe they can even instruct the jury except as the parties request instruction. In some States the judge cannot charge the jury at all except where the parties request him to instruct, so jealously is the right of trial by jury regarded, leaving to the 12 fellow countrymen, 12 peers of the defendant, the authority to decide the case.

I wish to quote further from Associate Justice Brennan:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies, and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question to my distinguished colleague from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. I regret that because of my ill health, of which the Senator is aware, I was unable to be here.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sorry, too. I thought about the distinguished Senator a great deal and inquired about him.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure during the night sometime the distinguished Senator from South Carolina discussed how the jury system came into being; is that correct? The divine right of kings principle was set aside and the jury system installed in its place.

Mr. THURMOND. That is right. I am going now into the history of the jury system. That is the very thing I am discussing now.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that in the State of South Carolina—and, I might say, it is true in some of the other States—the higher courts have set aside verdicts of guilty because of the presence of prejudiced jurors or jurors who did not tell the truth on their examination, when they were asked if they knew anything about the facts.

We have always been extremely jealous under the Constitution to see that every defendant receives a fair and honest trial. I know that there have been such cases in the State of South Carolina as the type to which I have referred.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. I was a trial judge for 8 years, and came into close contact with jurors. I know how jurors feel. I know how the people feel. The citizens of this country believe in the jury system. It is a part of their nature to believe in the jury system. Those who have talked with me do not like the fact that the bill provides for compromising the Constitution in order to get a compromise civil-rights bill. We should not compromise the Constitution. That is exactly what this so-called compromise bill does, on the jury-trial question.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure that when the distinguished Senator was a judge, if any efforts were made to influence a jury, either by telephone or letter, if the judge became aware of it, he promptly declared a mistrial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is correct. Any judge would set aside a verdict if a juror were influenced.

Judges are human. Some people look upon a Federal judge as sacrosanct, so to speak—clothed with a robe, high, mighty, and arrogant. They are human, and they are subject to the errors of human nature, just as any other citizen is. They should not be entrusted with this great power, involving the liberty of our people, in violation of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that once in a while there is a dishonest judge. Is not that true?

Mr. THURMOND. I presume it is. However, I have never heard of any in South Carolina.

Mr. LANGER. We had a very dishonest Federal judge in the State of North Dakota at one time. I had personal experience with him. Time and again during my service in the Senate I have charged that judge with being dishonest. He is still alive. I did not rely upon Congressional immunity. I have made that statement often. I have never been sued for it, and I know very well that I never will be.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the distinguished Senator would not want such a judge to try him for criminal contempt, which is a crime. I am certain that the distinguished Senator from North Dakota would want a jury to try him. Is not that correct?

Mr. LANGER. That is certainly correct. I believe that in the State of South Carolina, or any other State, the people will insist not only on good, honest judges, but also on seeing to it that the jury system is kept unimpaired.

Mr. THURMOND. Some of the proponents of the bill think they are going to punish the South. However, the bill applies to every American. The bill will fly back in the faces of some of its proponents and their friends, and they will be surprised.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to discuss this question with the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

I was discussing the history of the jury system.

I continue to read from “History of the Jury System,” in the chapter entitled “Trials and Tribunals Among the Saxons.”
{{smaller block|It will be observed that it was the priests who had charge of administering these tests of innocence—termed ''judicia dei''—and they doubtless reaped a rich harvest from the monopoly of this privilege, commensurate with the wealth and the guilt of the accused.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator further yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In view of the fact that I mentioned a dishonest judge, I should like to give an illustration of how a dishonest judge operates.

In the first place, when it is desired to obtain a jury which is dishonest, a special assistant United States marshal will be appointed. The marshal will walk into a store, for example, and say, “Mr. Jones, I would like to have you take 100 subscriptions to a certain newspaper.” The man behind the counter might say, “Why should I take a hundred subscriptions?” The marshal may say, “We are fighting the Governor of the State.”

If the man takes 100 subscriptions, and pays $100, or $1 apiece for a year, his name goes into the jury box; and if he does not subscribe, his name does not go into the jury box.

In the case to which I have reference, the slips which were put into the box were different. The names of those who were prejudiced against a defendant would be written on wide slips. The names of those who were not so prejudiced were written upon narrow slips. A clerk was conniving with the judge. I may say that later the clerk went to the penitentiary. He would feel around until he felt a broad slip, and withdraw that slip.

A Federal judge has a vast amount of power. A judge may say, “I am not going to allow any of the defense lawyers to examine any prospective jurors. Let them write out their questions and submit them to me, and I will ask the prospective jurors whether or not they are prejudiced, or what answers they have to the questions.”

Two or three days might be consumed in the effort to get a fair jury; but because of the fact that the Federal judge will not allow the lawyers for the defendant to ask any questions, the judge will finally get a jury which has not been thoroughly examined from the viewpoint of the defendant.

That is not all. A dishonest judge, by the tone of his voice, can let the jury know what he himself thinks of the case. For example, the defendant may be giving testimony, and if the United States attorney interrupts him the Federal judge may say, “Well, let the defendant tell his story,” with a sneer on his face, for the benefit of the jury.

When it comes to his instructions, he may, in a very low tone of voice, give the instructions he is required to give which are favorable to the defendant. Then he raises his voice and makes gestures which let the jury know he does not believe the defendant to be innocent. He tries to impress the jury by his loud tone of voice and the things he says in his instructions, which tend to prejudice the jury.

I have seen it happen. I myself was a trial lawyer. I served at one time as attorney general of my State, and later as governor of the State.

As I have previously stated, a Federal judge has a vast amount of power. He can name special bailiffs is he decides that the number of bailiffs in the court is not sufficient. He can appoint half a dozen or a dozen more, and have them carry revolvers to impress the rank and file of the jurors with the great importance of the case.

A Federal judge can claim that his life is in danger, and he can have Federal troops escort him back and forth between the courthouse and the hotel. A Federal judge can have airplanes flying over the courthouse, to repel the mob, for the purpose of impressing the jury with the gravity of the case which is pending before it.

I have gone all through that experience. When I came to the Senate one of the charges brought against me was with respect to the four Federal cases in which I, as governor of the State, was tried.

A Federal judge who is dishonest, with all the power he has, need not be afraid of any governor, because he holds the position for life. During the history of the United States there have been only five impeachments of Federal judges.

I well remember a case which was brought before I became a Member of the Senate. Senator Josiah Bailey, a very distinguished Senator, said to me in connection with that case, “I voted ‘not guilty’ on all counts except the last one. I voted ‘guilty’ on the last one.”

It was the fact that he voted “guilty” on that count which resulted in the impeachment of the judge.

We must take into consideration the money that is required, the lawyers who are required, and so forth. The Senate does not like to take up an impeachment case. Yet, that is the only remedy a poor man has in the matter of impeaching a dishonest Federal judge.

I am frankly delighted that the distinguished Senator from South Caroline has been going into the history of how the jury trial originated. There was a great battle to obtain the right of trialby jury on behalf of the people of England before they ever achieved their goal. One of the very first of the English juries was sent out by the judge time and time again and asked to bring in a verdict of guilty, and the jury refused to do so. They were out for many hours defying the judge. Finally, the judge said he would put them in jail.

One of the greatest calamities that could possibly occur in this country or in any other country would be to have the “divine right of kings” come back and the jury system made inoperative. I wish to thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina for bringing the matter to the attention of the Senate.

Mr. THURMOND. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota is to be commended for his statement.

Mr. President, it is not a question of civil rights. They have hooked to it an unconstitutional provision. It is now a question of whether we shall vote for a bill that violates the Constitution and takes away from citizens the right to a trial by jury.

I believe it was at Runnymeade, in 1215, that there were wrenched from King John certain rights for the benefit of the people which were written into a paper known as the Magna Carta. One of the rights wrenched from King John and which the people had cherished so long and which had been denied them was the right of trial by jury.

Mr. President, our Declaration of Independence starts out by citing grievances, among which was the fact that in many instances the citizens of the Colonies had been tried without a jury. That was one of the grievances brought up and included in the Declaration of Independence.

When our Constitution was written our forefathers had heard their fathers speak of how in generations back the people had suffered persecution. That was why many of them came to these shores, to enjoy liberty and freedom. After studying the governments of the world at that time, our forefathers finally decided on the tripartite system of government, with its three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial, which could check on each other.

They did not stop with that, Mr. President. The States organized their governments on the same basis, so that what we have is what is known as a compound Republic. We have a division of power between the States and the Federal Government. We have a division of power between the different branches on the national level and on the State level. Our forefathers, when they wrote the Constitution in Philadelphia in 1787, were determined that one thing would be contained in it would be the right of trial by jury. It is found in article III., section 2, and it provides that the trial of all crimes except cases of impeachment shall be by jury. It does not make any other exceptions for civil rights or anything else. It provides that all crimes except that of impeachment shall be tried by jury and that the trial shall be held in the State in which the crime was committed.

Even after the Constitution was written, three distinguished men attending the Convention would not sign it. They were George Mason, of Virginia, who was the author of the Bill of Rights; John Randolph, of Virginia, another very prominent citizen; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. They refused to sign the Constitution even after it was written.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, would the Senator from South Carolina be willing to yield to me for the purpose of submitting a unanimous-consent request to the Senate to the effect that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears the telegram of the Governor of the State of Wisconsin may be read and the oath be administered by unanimous consent of the Senate, without my friend from South Carolina losing the floor thereby, and that his remarks thereafter shall not count as a second speech against him, and that this interruption be placed in another portion of the {{sc|Record}}?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield under those conditions.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears in the Chamber the clerk may read the telegram from the Governor of Wisconsin and that the Senate give its consent to the oath being administered to the Senator-elect.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous-consent request of the Senator from Texas? The Chair thinks it also includes the provision that the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}] shall not lose the floor.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. All the conditions enumerated, Mr. President.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, reserving the right to object—and, of course, I shall not object—I should like to be associated with the unanimous-consent request made by the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I make the request on behalf of the minority leader and myself. I wish to make it abundantly clear that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears consent will have already been given to his being sworn in after the telegrams have been read; and that the Senator from South Carolina will still retain the floor and will be protected in his right to the floor and in the fact that he has made only one speech on this subject. Also, Mr. President, I request that the interruption be placed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from South Carolina.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and the request is agreed to.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. I thank the Senator from South Carolina for yielding.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was engaged in colloquy with the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Langer}}] ,at the time when we were interrupted. I should like to continue the colloquy with him.

Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from North Dakota for his questions and for bringing out the points he did. What I started to say is that when the Constitution Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1787 for the purpose of writing a constitution, the deputies, as they were called then, were confronted with the very difficult proposition of how the States would have representation. The large States wanted representation in proportion to population; the small States wanted representation according to States, regardless of size. Of course, they reached a compromise, and we have the two bodies of Congress. The Senate has an equal number of Senators from each State, regardless of the size of the State, and the House of Representatives is based on population. That is only one of the many intricate problems which had to be fought and settled by the Convention. It was a very difficult task to bring about the adoption of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question at this point?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator from North Dakota, as the distinguished Senator from South Carolina knows, is very much interested in the small States. The two Senators from North Dakota are very much interested in the small States. They have been battling and fighting for the rights of the small States. Today there are six States which never have had any Cabinet members. For example, take the State of Florida. It has now for 107 years been a member of this Union. Yet the State of Florida has never had a member of the Cabinet, although the city of New York under Franklin Roosevelt at one time had six from the State of New York.

Take the State of Nevada. Nevada had an Ambassador. The State of South Dakota has never had one. Montana never has had one. Idaho never has had one. The Senator from North Dakota finally succeeded in getting one for North Dakota, the first one after 62 years of statehood. It seems to me that the Senators from these States and from the States of smaller population a long time ago ought to have gotten together and said to the State Department, “We demand that citizens of the States of lesser population also have some appointments as ambassadors, or occasionally have a man appointed to the Cabinet of the President of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree with the Senator, and what I said was by way of illustration.

Mr. LANGER. Yes.

Mr. THURMOND. The point I started to make was this: There were so many problems confronting the deputies in Philadelphia that they had a very hard time drafting a constitution, and even after it was drafted, it would not have been ratified if they had not promised the leading political leaders of the day that there would be a Bill of Rights. That is the only way they were able to have the Constitution adopted; and even then, George Mason, of Virginia; John Hancock, of Massachusetts; Elbridge Gary, of Massachusetts, refused to sign it. They did not want to take for granted any question about the rights to which the people were entitled, and one of the precious rights in which they were most interested was the right of trial by jury. The right of trial by jury was not only written in article III., section 2 of the Constitution, but in several places in the Bill of Rights. The right of trial by jury has been handed down to us as part of our Government as a great heritage, and we do not want to run the risk of losing that precious right.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true at the present time in one foreign country after another, to whom we have been sending foreign aid and with whom we fought in World War II., later in the Korean war—one of the very things we are advocating in these countries are reforms which will provide trial by jury. Is that not correct?

Mr. THURMOND. I understand we have been advocating that other countries, in which we have been trying to help the people to set up democratic governments, accord the right of trial by jury. It is going to look a little inconsistent to those people to whom we have held out trial by jury as the ideal, when we pass a bill which proposes to take away trial by jury.

Some persons do not feel this is important; some of them say, “Well it is a compromise. The House held to a certain idea and the Senate another; and it is a matter of getting together as best they could.”

But this is a vital question. There is nothing more important, no right more important than that of trial by jury.

Mr. LANGER. I assume the Senator means a fair trial, an honest trial.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. The experience the Senator has had as judge ably demonstrated that, did it not?

Mr. THURMOND. My experience has been that a jury will come nearer rendering a fair verdict than a judge will, because there are 12 men on the jury—and Mr. Justice Brennan concurs in this—who hear the evidence and reach a conclusion. It is a most important matter; yet here in this so-called civil rights bill—

Madam President, may we have order, please?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair). The Senate will be in order.

The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. The effect of the so-called civil-rights bill is to amend the Constitution. The Constitution says, in article III., section 2, that “the trial of all crimes, except cases of impeachment; shall be by jury,” and then in the sixth amendment to the Constitution the statement is made again. It says, “In all”—it does not say in some—it does not say in all but civil rights; it makes no exception. It says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and a public trial, by an impartial jury of the State * * * to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses.}}
And so forth. instead of that, this civil-rights bill now includes an amendment—which has been added by the House of Representatives—which gives the judge the power to make the decision, without a trial by jury, unless the fine exceeds a certain amount of money or unless the period of incarceration exceeds a certain number of days.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair) Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true that one of the arguments used when the right of women’s suffrage was asked for, was that women should have the right to sit on juries?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that women be allowed to sit on the juries. I think it is very wholesome to have that allowed. Such a law has not yet been passed in South Carolina, but I think it will be; in my opinion, that time will come.

Mr. LANGER. We who live in North Dakota have had such a law for many years, and it works very satisfactorily.

Mr. THURMOND. I so understand.

In some States, women are allowed to serve on juries, if they wish, but they are not forced to do so. In other States, women must serve on juries, if called. In other States, women do not have to serve at all on juries.

Madam President, the bill of rights—and the right of trial by jury is the heart of the bill of rights—is the most precious document of the American people.

Madam President, let me say to the distinguished Senator from North Dakota that when the Declaration of Independence was written, it included a very definite reference to trial by jury. I wish to read part of the Declaration of Independence, in order to remind the distinguished Senator from North Dakota of that fact.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, I shall be very glad to have the Senator from South Carolina do so.

Mr. THURMOND. Madam President, I read now from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.}}
{{smaller block|We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.}}
{{smaller block|He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.}}
{{smaller block|He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.}}
{{smaller block|He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.}}
A little later in the Declaration of Independence, we find the following—

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, it is very interesting to hear the Declaration of Independence read.

Mr. THURMOND. It is, indeed.

I read further from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.}}
{{smaller block|He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.}}
{{smaller block|He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.}}
{{smaller block|He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.}}
{{smaller block|He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.}}
{{smaller block|He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.}}
{{smaller block|He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.}}
{{smaller block|He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:}}
{{smaller block|For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:}}
{{smaller block|For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States:}}
{{smaller block|For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:}}
{{smaller block|For imposing taxes on us without our consent:}}
{{smaller block|For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
That was one of the cardinal points which was set forth in the Declaration of Independence, namely, that the King of England had deprived the colonists “in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.”

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}, in accordance with the previous unanimous-consent agreement, yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas, for the purpose of having the Senator-elect from Wisconsin take the oath of office. By agreement, the proceedings incident thereto appear in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

The VICE PRESIDENT. Pursuant to the order, the Chair recognizes the Senator from South Carolina.

The Senate will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a good many Senators were not here when I presented my views earlier during this debate, and I shall take a few minutes now to express a few points which I should like to have them hear.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution, because that would be the result, insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common law cases.

As I have stated earlier today, I cited a decision during this debate to show that criminal contempt is a crime. Since criminal contempt is a crime, a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no way, under the Constitution, by which a man charged with a crime can be denied a trial by jury.

Since the decision I have cited shows that criminal contempt is a crime, it simply follows that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

These guaranties to which I referred, in article III., section 2, of the Constitution, and in the fifth and seventh amendments, were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historical document their complaints against the denial of the right to trial by jury. That document was the Declaration of Independence. I am going to read the section of the Declaration of Independence in which our forefathers with courage and stamina severed their relations with the mother country, Great Britain, and established their own government. A list of grievances against the King was set forth in that document and among those grievances there was one pertaining to trial by jury. It reads as follows:
{{smaller block|Depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
In other words, those who signed the Declaration of Independence gave as one of the reasons for declaring their independence and for cutting loose from the King the fact that they had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. Therefore we can see with that incentive in mind in writing the Declaration of Independence why there was such a strong urge in writing the Constitution to include in it a provision for trial by jury, and then later in writing the Bill of Rights, to provide a trial by jury without the exceptions which are contained in this so-called compromise that came from the House of Representatives.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights. A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790. The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and one-time Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him.

The Bill of Rights, he declared—
{{smaller block|denies the power of any Government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.}}
Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional Government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic laws, if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes; in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.}}
The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “the trial of all crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days’ imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. In this day and time I wonder, sometimes, if there is not too much compromise. It does my heart good to see a man with strong convictions, a man who believes in something, a man who stands for something and who is not willing to compromise on everything when there is a vital principle at stake.

Mr. President, I realize that legislation to a large extent is compromise. That is perfectly legitimate when it does not involve the Constitution. But when it involves the Constitution, there should be no compromise. There should have been no compromise on this bill which comes back to the Senate from the House. There can be no compromise with reference to the manner in which the bill was amended.

The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of Government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was approved by the Senate.

The enactment in the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, was a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, this unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope that a majority of this Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the bloc voting of the pivotal States. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that—
{{smaller block|Behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.}}
'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', 12 members of the Italian Chamber of Deputies visit the Senate, and Mr. Thurmond’s is interrupted, so as to introduce the deputies appropriately. At the time in the ''Record'', several other matters are read into the ''Record'', namely, a “Message from the House,” the “House Bills and Joint Resolutions Referred,” and the “House Concurrent Resolution Referred.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, to explain his point Mr. Alsop cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the “Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States,” Mr. Alsop stated that it is “almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.”

In other words, Mr. Alsop says that the whole civil-rights fight is purely political, and the effect of it is that both parties are vying to get the Negro vote in the doubtful States.

To explain his point he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in those States. Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any Presidential candidate could lose those three States and win the election.

I shall not take any more further time to present the analysis he made, but he went into considerable detail.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today, but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of this bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily. Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether or not to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law. Jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge so long as he does not exceed the maximum limit prescribed for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of this bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges. No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected by it. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When this bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted that great legal mind of the 18th century of England, Blackstone, because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence.

I have also quoted heretofore and cited a case which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That is a decision I have heretofore reviewed. I might refer to it again for the benefit of any who missed it, because that is an important point. I do not believe that some of the lawyers in the Congress have realized that criminal contempt is a crime.

''Bessett'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' (194 U. S. 324) says a contempt proceeding is criminal in its nature. ''Ex parte'' Grossman (267 U. S. 87) says a criminal contempt committed by disobedience of an injunction issued by the district court to abate a nuisance in pursuance of the prohibition law is an offense against the United States, and within the pardoning powers of the President under article II. of the Constitution.

The ''Conkey'' case I just referred to, volume 194 United States Reports, page 324, defines civil and criminal contempt, pointing out that the latter, criminal contempt, is criminal and punitive in its nature, and the Government, the courts, and the people are interested in their prosecution.

If criminal contempt is a crime, as the United States Supreme Court decision holds it is, then under the Constitution of the United States a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury. There is no ifs, ands, and buts about it. There can be no exceptions.

Article III., section 2 of the Constitution provides:
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment in the Bill of Rights, it is provided:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
Mr. President, when this bill was previously debated in the Senate, I cited Blackstone as an authority, and I may cite him again today, but I want to refer to a portion of this bill, to show how it violates the Constitution on the jury trial question.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to my distinguished friend for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Could the Senator from South Carolina tell us how it happened that the Federal judges encroached upon the rights of defendants? How did they come to hold that contempt of court was not a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. There is a long story about contempt and how it arrived at where it is now. I might say, in brief, and that is what my distinguished friend is interested in, that under the present law a man charged with criminal contempt gets a jury trial unless the Government is a party to the suit, and in labor disputes defendants get a jury trial even if the Government is a party to the suit.

Under this so-called compromise which the House sent to the Senate, that will not be the case unless a judge in his discretion sees fit to give the defendant a jury trial, or the judge tries him and decides he wants to punish him to a greater extent than a $300 fine or a 45 days’ prison sentence, in which event he would then have a jury trial.

Mr. President, under the version of the bill which was passed by the House of Representatives, the Attorney General could substitute the government for a private party, and thereby could deprive an individual of a jury trial.

But the Senate amended the bill as passed by the House of Representatives; and the Senate sent the bill, as thus amended, back to the House of Representatives. The Senate, by means of one of its amendments, drew a distinction and delineated between civil contempt and criminal contempt. The amendment provided that if the purpose of the action the judge wished to obtain was compliance with his order, in the case of something to be done in the future, failure to comply with the order would constitute civil contempt; but if the purpose was to punish for something done in the past, failure to comply with the judge’s order would constitute criminal contempt.

The Senate amended the bill, as I have stated, and returned the bill, as thus amended, to the House of Representatives. Then the House of Representatives added the amendment which I believe violates the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. It has been a pleasure, I assure the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. President, because of the authoritative place that Blackstone holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him at this time. Every lawyer respects Mr. Blackstone. He said:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law.}}
That is what Blackstone said about trial by jury—that it is “the glory of the English law.”

Blackstone further said:
{{smaller block|And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under Providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
In other words, Rome, Sparta, and Carthage did not have trial by jury when their people lost their liberties.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen; chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth and the surest guardians of public justice, For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, that is what Mr. Blackstone said. No brighter legal mind ever shone in the brilliant galaxy of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence.

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied to another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court, delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and he made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. * * * One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions.}}
Mr. President, in my State the judge charges the jury as to the law, but he cannot comment on the facts. In some States a judge is not even permitted to charge the jury, unless the parties to the suit request it.

I read further from the address by Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials, because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, those are the words of Associate Justice Brennan, in speaking about jury trials. I do not know how he could have stated the matter in much stronger terms.

Mr. President, that statement by Associate Justice Brennan is most significant, to me, in that it comes from a member of the present Supreme Court of the United States. I shall not predict what the Court may do when the question of the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury, as embodied in the so-called compromise, is presented to the Court. However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill to be unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in the case of ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said—and this is the Supreme Court of the United States speaking:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Kennedy}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. If the Congress can say to the people of the United States that a Federal judge has absolute power to forbid a jury trial if the sentence is not more than 45 days in jail or a fine of not more than $300, and if such a law is held constitutional, what would there be to stop a future Congress from changing the amounts to 10 times those—in other words, let us say, to 450 days in jail and a fine of $3,000, or even more?

As I see it, the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is fighting for a principle.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. The principle—not the exact amount of the punishment or the exact amount of the fine—is the important consideration in this case.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, the Senator from South Carolina is chiefly concerned with the principle, rather than with the exact amount of the punishment—whether it be 45 days in jail or a fine of $300, or whether it be more than that; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. Certainly it is a fact that the Congress should not give to any Federal judge the power to levy fines of $300 or to imprison for 45 days, without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Congress does not have power to do it if it wants to.

Mr. LANGER. In my opinion, you certainly quoted excellent authority to sustain that view.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much.

These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the Constitution provided that a Federal judge could give to a defendant a jury trial if he wanted to do so, or to refuse it if he wanted to do that, then there would be authority for what the House sent to the Senate. If the Constitution provided that in cases of criminal contempt defendants would be excepted from the jury. trial, the House would have been legally justified in passing what they did. But there is no exception to the right of jury trial in the Constitution or in the Bill of Rights.

The Constitution will first have to be amended in order that this so-called compromise bill, which has passed the House and is before the Senate, can be upheld.

I cannot say what the Supreme Court will do, no one can say, but I do not see how they could make any other holding in view of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. That is certainly what may be expected from the Court, in view of the statement I just quoted from Justice Brennan, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State, and I spoke on them during the night, starting with Alabama, and covered every State, including Wyoming.

I cited the law and the section of the code, including North Dakota and all the States. They all have laws to protect the right to vote. In a few minutes, I am going to cite a Federal section to show that there is a Federal law already on the subject; so, if a Federal law were desired on the subject, we already have one.

I think it is a matter that ought to be left to the States, but if people disagree about that, and if it is within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, we already have a statute on the subject. But this bill is a violation of the Constitution on the right to a jury trial question, regardless.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Would the Senator be kind enough to read the statutes in South Carolina and Mississippi, if he has them?

Mr. THURMOND. Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote. I shall discuss them in a few minutes.

I do not know of a single case having arisen in South Carolina in which a potential voter has charged that he has been deprived of his right to vote. Had such an instance occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina. The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, on May 1, 1947, I recommended to the State legislature that it repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

The legislature took favorable action and submitted the question to a vote of the people at the next general election, which was in November 1948.

The people voted favorably on the amendment, and then in January 1949, or early in 1949, the legislature ratified the action of the people. Our poll tax was eliminated as a prerequisite to voting. So we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting. We have a school tax, but no one has to pay to vote. Moreover, registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina—if proof is desired—can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia (S. C.) Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that: “Estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution which protect a citizen’s tight to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9. SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10. ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5. APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8. REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the first of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15. RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the {{sc|Record}} to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–73. APPEAL FROM DENIAL OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–74. PROCEEDINGS IN COURT OF COMMON PLEAS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–75. FURTHER APPEAL TO SUPREME COURT}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make.}}
I do not know of any other State which gives this protection.
{{smaller block|If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
The supreme court will be called together to hear one man’s case on appeal. What more can we do than that? We have, first, the board of registration; next the court of common pleas, and then the supreme court. The supreme court will hold an extra session, if necessary, to hear the appeal, and even if there is only one man who feels that he has been disenfranchised, or disqualified, for any reason, to receive a registration certificate.
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–100. RIGHT TO VOTE}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
In other words, if he loses his certificate, or has any trouble with the board—the books are filed there—if his name is on the book, the clerk will give him a certificate. If it is not there, he can even go to the secretary of state at Columbia, if there is any local prejudice or other trouble. He can go to the State capital, and obtain a certificate from the secretary of state. That is the protection we give. We have some others. 
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–349. VOTER NOT TO TAKE MORE THAN 5 MINUTES IN BOOTH; TALKING IN BOOTH, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. A little while ago the distinguished Senator said that he had before him the election laws of all 48 States.

Mr. THURMOND. That is true.

Mr. LANGER. Are not the laws of South Carolina more liberal than those of other States?

Mr. THURMOND. I think they are more liberal with respect to voting. I think we have gone further than have most of the other States. We repealed the poll-tax requirement. We have given every opportunity to everyone to vote. I do not know of anyone in my State today who is denied the right to vote if he wishes to vote.

Our requirements are not too severe. The only requirement is that the voter must be able to read or write the Constitution. The Constitution was used in order to have reference to some document. Anyone who can read and write can read the Constitution as well as he can read anything else. Or if he cannot do that, he must own $300 worth of property. If he meets either requirement, he can vote.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator stated that there was a Federal law in this connection.

Mr. THURMOND. Yes.

Mr. LANGER. May we have the Federal statute read?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has just asked me about the Federal law on the books with regard to voting. I should like to have the Senator from North Dakota and other Senators hear this. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Case}}] and other Senators to listen to the statute I am about to read. Last night I made the point that every State in the Union has laws on this subject. Of course, if the Senator from South Dakota has already made up his mind, I do not wish to take his time. Will he give me his attention for just a moment?

Mr. CASE of South Dakota. The Senator from South Dakota is listening.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not wish to take the Senator’s time if his mind is made up. But if his mind is open, I want him to hear this. I made the statement last night that every State in the Nation has statutes to protect the right to vote. I called upon the Library of Congress to compile those statutes, and I read them into the {{sc|Record}}. They will be found in my speech. Starting with Alabama and going through Wyoming, every State has laws protecting the right to vote.

But some people say that we need Federal laws. I do not believe many people know that we have Federal statutes on the subject. For some reason or other they must have overlooked them. I wish to read the Federal law at this time to show that there is a Federal law on the statute books. It is designated as section 594 of chapter 29, title 18, of Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure. It reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|594. INTIMIDATION OF VOTERS}}}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the Office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
If anyone intimidates, threatens, or coerces another with respect to voting, or with respect to how he wishes to vote, or for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote, or to vote for whomever he chooses, there is a Federal statute under which a Federal judge can send him to jail for 1 year, or fine him $1,000. There is already a Federal statute on the subject. So why pass the bill coming from the House, or any other bill to provide the right to vote?

The statute which I have just read is a criminal statute. It enables the Federal Government, if it wishes to protect the right to vote, to protect any man’s right to vote, because it can put a man in jail for as long as 1 year, or fine him $1,000 if he interferes with the right of anyone to vote.

The only difference is that this is a criminal statute, and if a man were prosecuted under this statute he would get a jury trial. If we believe in the Constitution and in jury trials, we want to preserve that right anyway. The Constitution is clear on the question of jury trials. Article III., section 2, is specific on it. The Bill of Rights contains several references to it. The sixth amendment, in the Bill of Rights, is directly to the point.

I have before me a decision—I do not know whether the Senator heard it or not—which upholds the contention that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man is entitled to a trial by jury under the Constitution of the United States if he is charged with criminal contempt.

If there have been complaints to the Federal Government in any State of the Nation about people not being allowed to vote, why has not the Justice Department taken action under the statute to which I have just referred, and put offenders behind bars or fined them if they interfered with the right of other people to vote?

The Federal Government has the power to do it. It is not necessary for it to have more power. The accused should have a jury trial. This is a free country. The mere fact that a jury returns a verdict which one of the parties may not like is no excuse for abolishing the jury trial.

Either the Federal Government is not doing its duty in protecting people who have complained to it that they could not vote for one reason or another, or that voting has been interfered with for one reason or another, and has not given the proper protection to those people who complained to it, or there have been no complaints.

If there have been any complaints, it was the duty of the Department of Justice to take action, and they could take action under the statute I have cited. There is no use beating about the bush and saying there is a duty to pass a right to vote bill. There is such a law on the statute books. Every State in the Union has such a law. The United States Code contains a provision protecting the right to vote. Let the Attorney General enforce this statute I have cited. If he has received any complaint from South Carolina about any man not voting, or has received a complaint from any other State, it is his duty to take action under the statute, and see that the one who interferes is punished. He can be put in jail for a year or fined $1,000.

Mr. President, I am merely desiring to call this to the attention of Senators who are in the Chamber at this time, because so many of them do not seem to understand that we now have a Federal law on the books, section 594, which provides for the protection of voting rights. I do not know how it could be made any stronger.

The Senator from North Dakota was asking about the South Carolina statute. I read from the statutes:
{{smaller block|After the voter’s ballot has been prepared, the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–656. PROCURING OR OFFERING TO PROCURE VOTES BY THREAT}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–657. THREATENING OR ABUSING VOTERS, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–658. SELLING OR GIVING AWAY LIQUOR WITHIN 1 MILE OF VOTING PRECINCT}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–659. ALLOWING BALLOT TO BE SEEN, IMPROPER ASSISTANCE, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–667. ILLEGAL CONDUCT AT ELECTION GENERALLY}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, I believe what I have read covers the constitutional provisions and the statutory provisions. Does not the Senator from North Dakota think those provisions add to the protection of voters?

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator be kind enough to repeat the Federal statute?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am particularly interested in where the Federal statute states that one can be both fined and imprisoned.

Mr. THURMOND. It says “or both.”
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
But such person can get a jury trial, though. In other words, that is just another crime. It is like when a man is charged with murder or any other crime.

He will have a jury trial. If he is found guilty, then the judge can sentence him to $1,000 or 1 year in prison, or both. That is a strong statute.

Mr. LANGER. I want to thank the distinguished Senator for bringing that to the attention of the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is entirely welcome.

I think it is a statute that a good many people may have overlooked. There has been so much talk about the right to vote and people not having the right to vote protected until I thought the Senate and the people of the Nation ought to know that not only every State has laws protecting the right to vote, but the Federal Government also has on the statute books a statute protecting the right to vote. As I stated, that is section 594, of chapter 29, title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be glad to yield to my distinguished friend.

Mr. LANGER. For a question?

Mr. THURMOND. For a question.

Mr. LANGER. Have there been any decisions by the South Carolina Supreme Court on any of the statutes which the distinguished Senator has read?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall offhand that any cases have gone to the supreme court. In our State everybody registers and votes who wants to, and I guess that is probably the reason there have been no cases taken to the supreme court.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, prove there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right to vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise.

Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an {{SIC|unsual|unusual}} grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and non-political, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I should like to have the Senator hear this. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people, to involve neighbor against neighbor. This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others, to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so. If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make the testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate, before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A civil-rights division in the Justice Department is not needed, because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed; in fact, he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country. Since conditions have improved and since there is no indication that conditions will change—unless the Attorney General and the Civil-Rights Commission create trouble—there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of a Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department.

Part III. of the bill, as originally written—which was completely obnoxious—was removed. I have several times stated my views on part IV. I object to its grant of dictatorial power to the Attorney General. The Congress should never agree to place such authority in the hands of any one official of the Government.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which reads as follows:
{{smaller block|(d) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield to me?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. As I understand, in the case of the existing section 594, during all these years the Attorney General of the United States has had the power to enforce that section, and he has had the assistance of the United States attorneys in every State of the Union, and they have had the help of their assistants; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. In some of the States there are eastern districts, northern districts, southern districts, and western districts—for instance, as in the case of New York; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That also is correct.

Mr. LANGER. And each of those districts has United States attorneys and assistant United States attorneys and United States marshals; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. So all the necessary machinery for the enforcement of section 594, to protect the voting right of any citizen of the United States who may have had his voting right denied, has been in existence all during this period of time; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. Can the distinguished Senator from South Carolina name a single case in which the Attorney General of the United States has tried to enforce any of these statutes?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator, I will say that I do not know about the situation in other States; but as for the situation in my own State, I have not heard of such a case. However, I can see why that would be; I can understand why probably there would not be any such cases in South Carolina. That is because anyone in South Carolina who wishes to register to vote, has no trouble doing so. But I have not heard that any cases of this sort have been brought in other States. Such cases may have been brought in other States, but I have not heard of any.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I wish to ask what additional power the Attorney General will have, if a new Assistant Attorney General is appointed, inasmuch as the Attorney General already has the help of other Assistant Attorneys General and the help of United States attorneys, whose appointments have to be approved by the Senate; they cannot be appointed until the Congress has consented to the appointments.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question asked by the Senator from North Dakota, I would say that I see no need for an additional Assistant Attorney General—who, if appointed, would receive a large salary. I see no need for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, because the Department of Justice already has a civil-rights section; and there has been no evidence of any need for a big division, similar to the one now proposed to be created. I think the establishment of such a division would simply mean the payment of more salaries and a larger Federal payroll and more taxes on the backs of the American people.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, there has never been a time when, under present law, the Department of Justice could not have presented a case of that sort before a grand jury, if the Department had wished to do so; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. If there had been any complaint in either North Dakota or South Carolina, let us say, to the effect that someone had not been able to vote, although he was eligible to vote, all the Department of Justice would have had to do would have been to have the United States attorneys in those States look into the matter and take whatever action would have been appropriate under the circumstances.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator from North Dakota for his questions.

Mr. President, a moment ago I read the provisions of section 131(d). It simply means that the district courts can, under that provision, bypass the State procedures, the administrative remedies under the State laws, and can take action, and thus can cause much tension, embarrassment, and trouble although it is not necessary to do so. If anyone cannot obtain justice through the administrative remedies of his State, then of course he will be able to go to the district attorneys, and they can prosecute under the Federal statute I have just read. But the use of the existing remedies under the State laws should first be required—which is the usual procedure one would follow.

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States should not be exhausted prior to having Federal district courts take jurisdiction in cases of election-law violations.

In other words, I believe in letting the States run their business, if they will. A Federal statute already is in existence; and if there is need to use it, it can be used. But why not let the States handle the matter of voting and the other matters which are reserved to them under the Constitution? Let the States handle them. Then, if the States fail to do so or if they fall down in the performance of their duty, section 594 is in existence, and it can be used as a hammer with which they can be clubbed to death, if need be.

The present proposal could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority, and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 spoke strongly on behalf of the Federal courts, during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them. That is the point I made just a few minutes ago.

I shall not go into further details with reference to the provisions of this part of the bill, but I am just as strongly opposed to it as I was when it was first introduced. I shall continue to oppose such grants of power to the Attorney General or to any other official.

Mr. President, I based my opposition to H. R. 6127 throughout its consideration in the Senate on three principal points. I am convinced the bill is unconstitutional in several respects which I have cited. I know that it is unnecessary because the right to vote is fully protected in every State and under the laws of the United States where applicable.

Finally, I know that the enactment of such legislation is extremely unwise.

It is unwise because the sure result of passing this bill would be to destroy a great deal of the good feeling existing between the white and the Negro races, not only in the South but in every community where a substantial number of Negroes live. Nothing would be gained, but much would be lost.

The Civil Rights Commission, by using its powers to attempt to force integration of the races, is bound to create suspicion and tension between the races to an even greater degree than the suspicion and tension which was created by the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the school segregation cases.

Unbiased persons who are familiar with the segregation problem, and who observed the detrimental result of the Supreme Court decision, know that a traveling investigation commission and a meddling Attorney General could bring about chaos in racial relations.

The chaos would not be confined to the South because the provisions of this bill will apply to every citizen in every State. However, the Attorney General, in exercising the discretion granted him, along with the extraordinary powers also granted him, must be expected to confine his investigations and his court actions to the States of the South.

The South has often been derided and condemned on charges of sectionalism, but if the advocates of this legislation believe they will create greater unity instead of greater division in this country by the enactment of this bill, they are entirely mistaken.

George Washington in his Farewell Address used his strongest language against those who would divide our country and urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern, Atlantic, and western—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
H. R. 6127 is a blueprint for suspicion, confusion, and disunity.

The laws of the Nation are dependent upon the customs and traditions of the people. Unless law is based upon the will of the people, it will not meet with acceptance.

Government in this country derives no power except the power coming from the people. Laws which are not based on the Constitution, which is the basic statement of the will of the people, cannot be justified on any ground.

Mr. President, when there is so much evidence that this bill is unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unwise, it should never be approved. Force may subjugate the human body, but force by itself can never change the human mind. Laws, like leaders, must be of the people, by the people, and for the people.

H. R. 6127 fails to measure up by any standard. It should be rejected. I appeal to every Member of this body who believes in constitutional government and the sovereignty of the people to vote against this bill.

Mr. President, this bill, as I have stated before, has been widely called a right-to-vote bill. That is a completely misleading term. The bill, as I have stated, in my opinion, is unnecessary, because we have laws in every State to protect the right to vote. We have laws by the Federal Government to protect the right to vote. In the sections I have cited, a man can be punished severely for any interference with the right to vote.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}} yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas and other Senators, who requested the transaction of certain business, all of which appears in the {{sc|Record}} following Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, we have the finest Nation in the world. We have the finest Government in the world. In 1787 our forefathers met in Philadelphia and wrote a document called the Constitution. It was simply a compact between the States. Our forefathers came to this country to get away from tyranny. They had been punished many times without juries. They had been denied the right to worship as they pleased. They have been denied the right of freedom of speech. They had been denied the right of assemblage. They had been denied the right to petition the government, and they had been denied many other rights which we take as a commonplace in this country. They came here to enjoy the benefits of the Government they would establish to provide them those rights. After the States operating as colonies for a while felt the need of a central government for purposes of national defense, for purposes of commerce, for purposes of postal service, trade, and other reasons, they decided to form a union. They met in Philadelphia in 1787, and with deputies from all the 13 States attending that conferential meeting, all except Rhode Island—at that time Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals and ignored the whole proceeding—all with the exception of that one State, had deputies at the Constitutional Convention.

They wrote a document to delegate certain of their powers—there were States before there was a Federal union, of course—to the Federal Government for the purpose of forming a union and a central government which could do certain things for the States better than they themselves could do them.

At that convention there was a very difficult situation. The delegates had to start from scratch, so to speak, to write the basic law for a new nation. Much discussion and debate occurred there, but after working together for several months in Philadelphia they finally arrived at a document, or a compact, which was signed by the representatives of the States, delegating certain powers to the Central Government.

Three of the delegates attending the convention were not pleased, and did not sign it. I believe I stated this morning who they were. They were George Mason, of Virginia; John Randolph, of Virginia; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. The other delegates signed their names, except one, who left, but had his friend sign it.

The document was then presented to the States for ratification. Within due time ratification was had, but there was considerable opposition at the convention, and when the question of ratification arose, the main objection which was raised was that there was not spelled out in the Constitution a bill of rights. Some of the most powerful leaders in the States opposed ratification for that reason. Those who did not sign in Philadelphia opposed it chiefly, I understand, for that reason.

The Bill of Rights is a document which we cherish. The Bill of Rights is the finest civil-rights bill in the world. The Bill of Rights is a genuine civil-rights bill. That document provides us with the fundamental civil rights which we enjoy in this country today.

One of the bases of the Bill of Rights—and I like to call it the heart of the Bill of Rights—is the right of trial by jury. In the Bill of Rights, the sixth amendment is a trial-by-jury amendment. It provides specifically that any person charged with a crime shall be tried by a jury. I have previously brought out today that criminal contempt is a crime, and therefore, since it is a crime, a person charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

The bill which passed the House is a compromise, as most legislation is. Some people may have felt that that was the best the House and Senate could do, because the conferees got together and reconciled the differences between the two Houses. Ordinarily that principle would be sound in connection with legislation, but it is not sound here, because the effect of the so-called compromise would be to violate the Constitution of the United States.

If the so-called compromise had provided that a judge, in his discretion, could try a man for criminal contempt, I would have opposed it just as much if no punishment whatever were involved, because the Constitution says that a man is entitled to a trial by jury when he is prosecuted for a crime. There is no discretion in the Constitution. There is no ''proviso'' in the Constitution. There is no exception in the Constitution. The Constitution is perfectly clear on that point.

If the punishment provided in the bill in the House had called for 1 day’s imprisonment, or a fine of $1, I would be just as bitterly opposed to it. The Constitution of the United States provides that if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to a jury trial. Under the decision which I have cited here twice today, I believe, holding that criminal contempt is a crime, it is clear that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial.

I do not believe that the compromise amendment is valid. I do not think it is constitutional. The amendment of the distinguished Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] delineated and defined civil contempt and criminal contempt, and provided that civil contempt proceedings were for the purpose of bringing about compliance, in which case the order would be issued prior to the act, and that criminal contempt proceedings were to punish, in which case the order would be issued after the act. If the House had accepted it, the American people would be guaranteed trial by jury in the event of a charge of criminal contempt, which is a crime.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield to me for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to ask the Senator if I understood him correctly to say that in his opinion the so-called jury-trial provision of the bill which has been returned to us by the House is invalid and unconstitutional?

Mr. THURMOND. That is my opinion.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to say to the Senator from South Carolina that I completely agree with that opinion. It is impossible to govern the right of trial by jury by the discretion of the judge, according to the penalty he conceives he intends to inflict.

I should like to ask the Senator another question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the distinguished Senator.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina if he agrees with me that the question of jury trial should be reexamined as soon as conveniently possible, and that I would be doing a wise thing if, when the new session of Congress assembles, I should introduce a repetition of the general jury-trial amendment, firm in the belief that the advocates of civil rights, upon examination of the pretended amendment which has come to us from the House, will discover that they have bought a pigeon instead of a swallow.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question, I will say that I agree with him that the bill should be reexamined; but I think the reexamination should take place before Congress passes the bill, and not wait until next January.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. If the Senator will permit me to make this comment—will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND: I will yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I shall frame it in the form of a question. Does not the Senator agree that we are all weary and worn down; that most of us are almost as tired as is the Senator himself; and that perhaps when we return in January in the full vigor of our bodies and minds we shall be able to do a better job than we can do at this session of the Congress? I am going to introduce a jury-trial amendment in the next session in the firm belief that this jury-trial amendment accomplishes nothing; that it does not at all help the advocates of civil rights.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question I will say that I have been on my feet for the past 17 hours, and I still feel pretty good. But I agree that it has been a long, tough session. But even though it has been a long, tough session, I do not think we ought to quit now and pass a bill that the Senator and I both feel is unconstitutional. I think we should refer it to the committee, which I tried to do the other night, but was unsuccessful in my attempt. But I think this bill should not be passed at this session. I believe the Senator would prefer that it not be passed; but if it is passed, of course I should be delighted to have the Senator offer an amendment to correct the unconstitutional portion of it when we return in January. But I really do not see why we should have to pass an unconstitutional piece of legislation if we can avoid it.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for another question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. This question is a little different from the one I asked before. I am wondering if the Senator from South Carolina would cooperate with me in enabling me to pass a bill which does not involve any constitutional question. The Senate passed the bill without any opposition at all, and the House has returned it to the Senate with an amendment. I should like to move that the House amendment be concurred in by the Senate, and thus get the bill disposed of.

Mr. THURMOND. If the Senator will ask unanimous consent for me to yield to him on condition that I can retain the floor, and, further, that I shall not be charged with a second speech when I resume the discussion of the present subject—

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wyoming ask unanimous consent based on those conditions?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I do, Mr. President.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator from Wyoming this question: This is not a civil-rights bill, as I understand, is it?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. No; it is not.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Wyoming? The Chair hears none.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Mr. O’Mahoney, the “Approval of Contract with the Casper–Alcova Irrigation District, Wyoming,” is dealt with, as is a “Message from the House” and the “Enrolled Bills and Joint Resolution Signed.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was speaking a few moments ago about the States and the Federal Government. I should like to remind the people of this country that we had States before we had a union, and that the only power the Federal Government had and the only power the Union had was the power delegated by the States in Philadelphia in 1787 and in the amendments to the Constitution since that time. All other powers which have not been delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States or to the people.

I think the bill which is under consideration is unconstitutional. I think it is invalid. I think we are doing a useless thing. The proponents of the bill who feel that they are helping people, in my judgment, are going to find that there is just a lot of lost motion involved, because I do not believe the Supreme Court will hold this bill constitutional. I do not see how it could hold it constitutional. This compromise bill which came from the House leaves it entirely up to a Federal judge to say whether or not he is going to give a man a jury trial. That is not what our forefathers wrote into the Constitution. This bill provides that a judge shall decide whether he will grant a jury trial. Suppose he decides he will not grant a jury trial and then tries the defendant. Suppose he decides that the man ought to be imprisoned for more than 45 days or should pay a fine of more than $300. Then the case must be tried all over again.

That is another reason why I think the bill is unconstitutional. When we once try a man we put him in double jeopardy by trying him again.

So I think we are doing a useless thing here to pass a bill to provide that a judge can try a man and then, if he imposes above a certain sentence, the man can ask for a jury trial and then a jury can try the man. He would be tried twice. That is not only unconstitutional, it is also unfair, because if a judge tries the man himself and fines him more than $300 or sentence him to be imprisoned more than 45 days, then there is a trial ''de novo'', as they call it.

But the judge’s finding of guilt is bound to influence the jury when the jury tries him a second time. It is my opinion that the man can plead double jeopardy. The distinguished Presiding Officer was a distinguished judge in Texas. Any lawyer knows that we cannot try a man more than once for the same offense. The bill coming from the House would allow the man to be tried twice.

Mr. President, I want the American people to know what they are getting in this bill. They are getting a bill under which a judge can try a man and a jury can then try the same man. It is unconstitutional, in my opinion. Furthermore, I think it is extremely unfair, because the judge has already expressed his opinion, and if he is the judge who tries the case a second time he would be bound to show his feelings during the trial. Even if he did not show his feelings during the trial, in my opinion, his feelings would enter into the sentence after the trial.

Mr. President, there are many things in this bill. I am not against civil rights, and I am not against voting. As I have said, the finest civil rights are those in the Bill of Rights. I am for genuine civil rights, not this so-called political civil rights.

Both national parties that are pushing civil rights bills, this right to vote and other bills, are not doing it because they love the Negro. The southern white man does more for the Negro than any other man in any part of the country. This bill is motivated purely by politics. It is a political bill.

We might as well face the facts as they are. Both parties are trying to play to get the Negro vote, and, in some States, if the Negroes vote as a bloc, which they should not do, they are herded to the polls like sheep and voted. If they vote as individual citizens, which they should, this would not occur. But for some reason, both parties think that they are going to vote as a bloc. I do not know how a few leaders do it, or just how it is done. But it is unfortunate, and it is unfair to the Negro, because it takes him out of the category of an individual. It takes away his dignity. It takes away his sanctity as an individual, in which he can take pride in himself, his accomplishments and his race and not be led around like a bull with a ring in his nose. But that is the feeling of both parties in this country. They think they can vote the Negroes in a bloc, and they are making this play on these civil rights bills, so-called. They are not civil rights bills. They are so-called civil rights bills. The politicians are pushing these so-called civil rights bills to make a play and try to get the vote of the Negroes in certain doubtful States.

I have some good friends who are Negroes. I have helped many of them. I have represented them in lawsuits. I have loaned them money. I value the friendship of many Negroes, and I hate to see them treated like they are being treated. I hope that their real leaders, their genuine leaders, who are sincerely interested in them, will wake up some day and inform the members of their race just what is going on.

Mr. President, there is no need in the world to pass this bill. In the wee hours last night, when most Senators were sleeping, I was here talking, and after I had the Library of Congress, Legislative Section, prepare for me, and I put into the {{sc|Record}} at that time, statutes which provide voting rights in all the States of the Nation.

The {{sc|Congressional Record}} of last night contains those statutes of all the States from Alabama to Wyoming. In every one of the States of the Nation there are statutes that protect the right to vote. There is not a single one of the 48 States that does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

Why does the Federal Government have to have this bill passed? Is it not practically an insult to the States?

It is.

“We need it. The States will not enforce their laws?” If that be the case, all the Government has to do is to enforce the Federal statute I referred to today. Title 18, section 594, is the number of that Federal statute, which provides punishment for anyone who intimidates, coerces, or threatens any person for interfering with any other person in voting. That statute is as clear as a crystal. It provides for a fine of $1,000, or punishment of 1 year in prison, for anyone who interferes with the right of another citizen to vote. So, if there is anybody in this country today who is prevented from voting, all he has to do is to report it to the district attorney in his State, of if he prefers, to write the Justice Department. He can take that course, and action can be taken under that statute which is already on the books.

Why put another statute on the books? Why put another statute which the Supreme Court will very probably hold to be unconstitutional? I do not know what the Supreme Court will hold. I do not like to take any chances with the Supreme Court.

At any rate, the Constitution of the United States is clear, the wording is simple. Any seventh-grade child can read article III., section 2, of the Constitution of the United States and see that any citizen charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. He can also read the sixth amendment to the Constitution, one of the amendments in the Bill of Rights, and see that any man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial.

It is very difficult to understand why the Congress, which is supposed to be composed of the brightest intellects in the country, or some of the brightest intellects, would pass a bill of this kind.

Yet, if the Congress passes such a bill, this so-called compromise bill on voting rights, it will certainly amaze me if the Supreme Court does not hold it to be unconstitutional. I shall be badly disappointed if the Congress passes it.

Of course, under the pressure of different organizations, left-wing organization, ADA and NAACP, both parties are dancing like jitterbugs on the civil-rights question, because they want to carry the doubtful States where the Negroes, although only a small percentage, if they vote in a bloc, can swing a State.

I think it will be a great pity if the Congress passes this bill. I hate to see it pass such an unnecessary bill.

It seems to me that every Representative in Congress and every Senator is practically insulting his home State if he votes for this bill. He is practically saying to the governor of his State and the legislators of his State, “Although you have bills to protect voting rights, we have no confidence in you, and although we have one Federal law, we are going to pass another Federal law, and ram it down your throats whether or not you want it.” I think it is almost an insult to the States.

I suggest that they write the governors and see how many of them want this bill passed. I am wondering how many Senators in this body and how many House members have checked with the governors to find out if they want this unconstitutional monstrosity passed by the Congress.

I do not believe 10 percent of the governors of the Nation would say, “We are weaklings, and we want you to pass a strong civil-rights bill because we do not have the courage to do it. We do not have the courage to protect our people.”

As a matter of fact, Mr. President, the States already have laws on that subject, and I have read them into the {{sc|Record}}. The voting-rights statutes of the States have been read into the {{sc|Congressional Record}}, in the case of every State of the Union. Those who read the {{sc|Congressional Record}} will find them set forth there.

Mr. President, if any Senator, on either side of the aisle, can state why it is necessary to enact another Federal law to protect the right to vote, I should like to have him do so, provided I am able to yield for that purpose without losing the floor and without having the remarks I make after yielding for that purpose counted as a second speech by me. I challenge any Senator on either side of the aisle to answer this question: Why is another Federal law needed in order to protect the right to vote, when there is already on the statute books section 594, which reads, in part, as follows:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose.}}
In other words, one who intimidates, threatens, or coerces a voter, or even attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce him, may, under the provisions of this statute, be prosecuted. He may be prosecuted, not only if his purpose is to interfere with the right of such other person to vote, but also if his purpose is to interfere as to the person for whom such other person may wish to vote.

Mr. President, are there teeth in this statute? There certainly are. This statute provides that anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, or attempts to interfere with his voting for whomever he wishes to vote for, can be prosecuted in a Federal court and can be fined $1,000 or sentenced to a prison term of 1 year. Do not those provisions constitute teeth and strength in the existing law? Of course they do.

If there is in the United States, today, any person who is having any trouble in exercising his voting right, again I say that all he has to do is contact the Department of Justice or the district attorney in his home State, and action can be taken under this Federal law to punish any person who interferes with his right to vote.

Inasmuch as section 594 is an existing Federal statute on that subject, why is it necessary to enact another Federal statute dealing with the right to vote? It would be absolutely useless, unnecessary, and futile to enact another Federal statute on that subject; it would be a great mistake to do so, especially in view of the fact that such a statute would be unconstitutional.

Mr. President, please understand that I do not even concede that the Federal Government has a right to enter this field. Instead, I believe that these matters should be handled by the respective States. However, the Federal Government is already in this field—under the provisions of section 594, by means of which a person can be fined as much as $1,000 or put in jail for as long as one year, if her tries to interfere with the right of someone else to vote.

Since the Federal Government already is in this field, why should another Federal law on the same subject be enacted?

Mr. President, every day that passes, the Federal Government, here in Washington, D. C., is whittling away the rights of the States. It hurts me to see the Federal Government invade fields which are reserved to the States. I deeply regret that a bigger and more powerful Federal Government is being built up in Washington, D. C. This Central Government has become tremendously top-heavy. I should like to see the States have more power.

Since World War II., the Communists have taken over approximately 17 countries. In doing so, they did not invade by means of troops using bayonets and tanks; those countries were not taken over in that way by the Communists. Instead, the Communists proceeded by way of infiltration. Poland was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Poles. Czechoslovakia was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Czechs. China was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Chinese. The Communists have been able to infiltrate into the central governments; they have been able to worm their way into the police systems, and then into the election systems. Then, before one could realize it, the countries were taken over by the Communists.

Mr. President, why have the Communists been able to take over those countries? Since the end of World War II., they have been able to take over 17 countries, with populations totaling between 600 million and 800 million. The Communists have been able to do that because each of those countries has had a strong central government; and when the Communists obtained control of that central government, they were able to take over control of the entire country.

Mr. President, the more we in the United States build up power in a strong central government, the more risk we run from the standpoint of subversive activities and infiltration. If the people of the United States have the vision to keep the 48 States strong—each with its own election laws and its own police system—there will be no way by means of which the United States can be taken over by subversion. But if more and more power is given to our Central Government, after a while the States will be nothing but territories, and will not have any power.

Mr. President, the so-called civil-rights bill which the Congress is about to pass would simply take power a way from the States and would give it to the Federal Government.

A Senator might say, “I should vote for the bill because it will help me in the elections.” Mr. President, Senators had better begin to think more about the welfare and safety of their country, and less about the elections.

Mr. President, I am convinced that we must protect the States. The Constitution now protects them; but the Supreme Court and the Congress and the executive branch of the Government have been taking steps—by handing down decisions, passing laws, and issuing regulations and edicts—which violate the rights of the States and take away from the States the power they have.

Mr. President, this development cannot continue to occur, if our country is to be safe. I am disturbed for the safety of my country.

I am a brigadier general in the Army Reserve and if our country becomes engaged in an armed conflict, I am ready to serve. But we must keep our country stronger, or we shall find it engaged in conflict.

One of the ways to weaken it is to weaken the States, as we are doing today, and to keep taking away the powers of the States and building up a powerful Central Government in Washington. It is the greatest mistake in the world. It was not contemplated when our Constitution was written.

Our forefathers decided they would delegate a few powers to the Federal Government, and they spelled them out in the Constitution. All one has to do is to get the Constitution and read it. It spells out just what powers the Congress has, what powers the Federal Government has, but all other powers are reserved to the States and to the people thereof. At the rate we are going now, we will not have any States after a while. The Federal Government will have all the power.

Mr. President, some time ago I read a book by a man by the name of James Jackson Kilpatrick, of Richmond, Va., printed by the Henry Regner Co., of Chicago, entitled “The Sovereign States.”

I wish every American could read this book. I am going to read some excerpts from it today. I should like to have Senators listen to some of the passages in this book. This man is a great writer, a true patriot, and a great American.

First, I am going to read a passage by John C. Calhoun, one of the five all-time great Senators, recently selected to have his portrait placed in the Senate reception room. John C. Calhoun, I think, is one of the greatest men this country has produced. I nominated him to be selected to have his portrait placed here, and I am proud the committee selected it. He was a man who had keen vision and a proper conception of the Constitution.

There is one page in the beginning of the book by him that I want to read; it is very short.

This is what he says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|The great and leading principle is, that the General Government emanated from the people of the several States, forming distinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community; that the Constitution of the United States is, in fact, a compact, to which each State is a party, in the character already described; and that the several States, or parties, have a right to judge of its infractions; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of power not delegated, they have the right, in the last resort, to use the language of the Virginia resolutions, “to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.”}}
{{smaller block|This right of interposition, thus solemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may—state right, veto, nullification, or by any other name—I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system, resting on facts historically as certain as our revolution itself, and deductions as simple and demonstrative as that of any political or moral truth whatever; and I firmly believe that on its recognition depend the stability and safety of our political institutions.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|John C. Calhoun}}}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Fort Hill}}, ''July 26, 1831''}}.|1em}}
This was John C. Calhoun.

He wrote that at Fort Hill, and if any Senators want to know where it is, it is at Simpson College. In fact, his home was at the college.

Mr. President, my statement was that Fort Hill is at Simpson College in South Carolina. Of course, that is the greatest college in the United States.

This book on the sovereign State was written, as I have said, by James J. Kilpatrick. First, I want to take up his introduction, and then I want to present some excerpts from the book:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Introduction}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Among the more melancholy aspects of the genteel world we live in is a slow decline in the enjoyment that men once found in the combat of ideas, free and unrestrained. Competition of any sort, indeed, seems to be regarded these days, in our schools and elsewhere, as somehow not in very good taste. Under the curious doctrines of the Fair Trade Act, vigorous salesmanship is unfair, and retailers are enjoined against discommoding their fellows. Mr. Stevenson’s criticism of the administration’s foreign policy, during the last presidential campaign, was not that the policies were so very wrong: they were not bipartisan. With a few robust exceptions, our writers paint in pastels; our political scholars write a sort of ruffled-sleeve, harpsichord prose. We duel with soft pillows, or with buttoned foils; our ideas have lace on them; we are importuned to steer, with moderation, down the middle of the road.}}
{{smaller block|These chamber music proprieties I acknowledge, simply to say, now, that the essay which follows should not be misunderstood. May it please the court, this is not a work of history; it is a work of advocacy. The intention is not primarily to inform, but to exhort. The aim is not to be objective; it is to be partisan.}}
{{smaller block|I plead the cause of States rights.}}
{{smaller block|My thesis is that our Union is a Union of States; that the meaning of this Union has been obscured, that its inherent value has been debased and all but lost.}}
{{smaller block|I hold this truth to be self-evident: That government is least evil when it is closest to the people. I submit that when effective control of government moves away from the people, it becomes a greater evil, a greater restraint upon liberty.}}
{{smaller block|My object is not to prove that the powers and functions of government have grown steadily more centralized, more remote from the people, for that proposition requires no proof; it requires only that one open one’s eyes. Rather, my intention is to plead that the process of consolidation first be halted, then reversed, toward the end that our Federal Government may be strictly limited to its constitutional functions and the States may again be encouraged to look after their own affairs, for good or ill.}}
{{smaller block|A long time ago, the geometric mind of Edmund Pendleton offered a theorem. The State and Federal Governments, he said, must follow the path of parallel lines. Others have conceived the relationship in terms of spheres, separate but touching. The idea, when all this began, was that neither authority would encroach upon the other; and in the beginning, it was more feared that the States would usurp Federal powers than the other way around.}}
{{smaller block|Now the rights and powers of the States are being obliterated. The encroachments of the Federal Government have widened its road to a highway and narrowed the road of the States to a footpath. Having deceptively added a dimension to the Federal line, the broad constructionists declare their faithful adherence to the plans of the original draftsmen. Soon, a geometry unknown to Pendleton can proclaim the apparent miracle of parallels that meet this side of infinity.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know that the sovereign powers of the States may be regained at all. Justice Salmon P. Chase once remarked, with great satisfaction, that State sovereignty died at Appomattox. But I do most earnestly believe that an effort must be made to regain these powers. The alternative is for American Government to grow steadily more centralized, steadily more remote from the people, steadily more monolithic and despotic.}}
{{smaller block|Only the States themselves can make the effort; which is to say, only the people of the States. Only if the citizens of Virginia, as Virginians; or of Texas, as Texans; or of Iowa, as Iowans, insist upon a strict obedience to the spirit of the 10th amendment, can the Federal juggernaut be slowed. Only if the people evidence a determination once more to do for themselves can the essential vitality of a responsible and resourceful society be restored.}}
{{smaller block|I do not despair. So long as the I-beams and rafters of the Constitution remain undisturbed, the ravages of Federal encroachment may be repaired. A latent yearning for personal liberty, an inherited resentment against the authoritarian state, a drowsing spirit of independence—these may yet be awakened.}}
{{smaller block|But again, the States, as States, will have to do it.}}
{{smaller block|It will not be easy. In many influential quarters, it will not be popular. It is a sweet narcotic that centralists sell.}}
{{smaller block|Yet there is high example to be found in what the States have done before to preserve their identity. They have not always been spineless. In times past they have resisted, now successfully, now unsuccessfully; but even in their failures, something has been gained merely in the assertion of State convictions.}}
{{smaller block|My purpose here is first to examine the bases of State sovereignty; then to follow the State and Federal relationship from its beginnings under the Articles of Confederation through its refinement in the Constitution; next to review some of the comment on the role the States were expected to play. The place of the States scarcely had been fixed, it will be submitted, before advocates of consolidation began to whittle it down—first in the ''Chisholm'' case, which led to the 11th amendment, and more memorably in the Alien and Sedition Acts, which led to the “Doctrine of ’98” and the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of that year. It is proposed to follow this doctrine of the States’ “right to interpose,” in its various forms and applications down through the years, with particular emphasis upon the dangers of judicial encroachment and the need for State resistance against it. Finally, I have in mind to marshal some of the evidence which supports the case for the South in its immediate conflict with Federal authority, and to review other recent events that seem to me usurpations of the States’ reserved powers.}}
{{smaller block|So much, then for the plan of this book. The political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall will not care much for it.}}
{{right|{{sm|J. J. K}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Richmond, Va.}}, ''September 1956''.|1em}}
That was the introduction to the book The Sovereign States, by James J. Kilpatrick. James J. Kilpatrick is one of the greatest editors in the Nation today. I will read certain excerpts from the book, beginning on page 3. First I will read a quotation opposite page 3:
{{smaller block|The States within the limitations of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the 10th amendment, “reserved,” are as independent of the General Government as the General Government, within its sphere, is independent of the States. (Justice Samuel Nelson, ''Collector'' v. ''Day'' (1871).)}}
Mr. Kilpatrick has done a fine job and rendered a great service to this country in writing this book:
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to here yield to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana, for a question.

Mr. LONG. Did I correctly understand the Senator to make the statement that, according to the preface or introduction to the book, the book would be displeasing to those who agreed with Alexander Hamilton, who was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, the forerunner of the American Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. The editor said that the political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall would not care much for the book.

Alexander Hamilton was a great American, but his philosophy was different from that of Thomas Jefferson. They were both great Americans, but Alexander Hamilton believed more in the theory of a strong Central Government, with the power residing in Washington. Thomas Jefferson’s idea was that the power should remain with the States, and that only so much power should be given to the Federal Government as was necessary to perform its functions as delineated in the Constitution.

The Senator has probably read many books about Hamilton. In one of such books his philosophy is described in this way:
{{smaller block|Speaking of education, Alexander Hamilton’s thought was to select some of the brightest young men and educate them, to make them leaders. Thomas Jefferaon’s philosophy was to give all an opportunity, and let the leaders rise where they would.}}
So, when Kilpatrick wrote this statement I am confident that he was contrasting the philosophy of Hamilton more or less with that of Thomas Jefferson.

Hamilton was a very able man, one of the greatest Americans this country has produced; but his philosophy, as the Senator well knows from studying his life and history, was different from that of Thomas Jefferson.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it the view of the Senator that Alexander Hamilton would ever for a moment have approved of any proposal whereby an American accused of a crime would have been denied the right to present his case before a jury of impartial people who would hear the case, judge the evidence, and find him guilty or innocent?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply, I will say no. I think Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson both would have approved of trial by jury. They were both delegates to the Constitutional Convention, and they both rendered magnificent service in many ways.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, if the Senator will further yield, I believe he will find that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, did the Senator yield for a question or a statemen?

Mr. LONG. The Senator yielded for a question.

Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the Senator from Louisiana for a question.

The Senator is correct about Thomas Jefferson. I had in mind Madison.

Mr. LONG. Does not the Senator realize that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention? The Senator is perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the convention which adopted the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson was the drafter of the American Declaration of Independence. Is not, the Senator perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the fact that Thomas Jefferson was one of those who participated in drafting the Declaration of Independence? Thomas Jefferson was the American Ambassador to France at the time the Constitution was drafted.

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. Thomas Jefferson was Ambassador to France, but Alexander Hamilton was a delegate from New York State, and he signed the Constitution. In fact, he was the only delegate from New York State who signed the Constitution.

When I spoke a few minutes ago about Jefferson, I was thinking about Madison. Madison signed the Constitution, as did Blair. Both were from Virginia. George Washington presided over the Convention.

Mr. LONG. Is there any doubt in the Senator’s mind that, so far as Alexander Hamilton was concerned, he would never for a moment have contested the right of any citizen to be tried before a jury if he were accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree. If he had taken any other position, he would not have signed the Constitution.

As I have stated, Alexander Hamilton was the only delegate from the State of New York who signed the Constitution as representing the State of New York. In the original Constitution, article III, section 2, provided for jury trial.

Mr. LONG. Is it not, therefore, true that insofar as the right of a citizen to be tried by jury for a crime is concerned, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would have agreed 100 percent that the freedoms guaranteed Americans under their form of government included the right to be tried by a jury of their own neighbors, in the area where the crime was committed, in the event they were accused of committing a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I can yield only for a question. I shall be glad to express myself after the Senator has concluded. Let the Senator ask any question he wishes. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to state that, although the book from which the Senator is reading may not reflect the views of Alexander Hamilton, it is nevertheless correct to state that Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would both have agreed that anyone accused of a crime should have the right to be tried before a jury of his neighbors?

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree. In my judgment, if Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson were living today, and both were Members of the Senate, both would be fighting for the right to a jury trial, as provided in the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to say that so far as we can determine there has never been a man who served in this body, and who was regarded as a great statesman, who has ever at any time advocated that American citizens should be denied their right to be tried by a jury in the event they were accused of committing a crime against the United States or against a State?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the able Senator is eminently correct. I do not know of a great man in our history, any man whom I would consider great, whose name is on the lips of the people—I cannot think of a single one in our history who would take a position in opposition to jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Scott}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from Louisiana?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to paraphrase more or less the words of Shakespeare, that those American politicians who have fought against the freedom of Americans to be tried by a jury when accused of a crime have been politicians who more or less strutted and strutted their brief hour on the stage to be heard from no more?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not think any man who takes a stand against giving a person a jury trial will be long remembered after he has gone or when his record is searched and it is found that he opposed a jury trial. I think we would immediately call for a reappraisal of his whole life in the event he had been considered a great man previous to that time.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that men like George Norris, William Borah, and Robert M. La Follette, who fought through the years for the right of trial by jury, have statues standing in the Hall of Fame in the Capitol Building?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. In fact, there is a quotation from George Norris which I read last night. If I can put my hand on it I should like to read it to the Senator from Louisiana. I have never read a stronger statement in behalf of a jury trial. He said that in all cases a man should have a jury trial. The distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr. {{sc|Byrd}}] and the distinguished Senator from Mississippi [Mr. {{sc|Eastland}}] and I introduced a bill in March to provide the very type of jury trial which Senator Norris recommended.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. The Senator from South Carolina having made a great study of all these matters involving jury trials, the freedom of Americans, and States rights, can he now name from memory a single one of those Senators who made a fight down through the years to deny American citizens of the right of trial by jury?

Mr. THURMOND. I could not name a single man whom I considered a great man or a great Senator who opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator recall the names of any Americans who have served in this body and who have made a fight against the right of a man accused of a crime to be tried by a jury? Can the Senator offhand recall the name of any such person?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot recall the name of any American of any stature within my recollection who has opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator Borah’s statue is just outside the main entrance of the Senate Chamber, immediately outside the door?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. I see it every time I go through the door.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator William E. Borah, a great constitutional lawyer, even though he came from a very small Western State, population considered, was seriously considered by the Republican Party as its nominee for the Presidency of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. I have been told that. I did not know the Senator personally; only through reputation. But I know he was a great American. He declared on April 8, 1930:
{{smaller block|I am not contending here that labor organizations can at any time employ threats, force, or violence or intimidation. They must keep within the law—}}
He was referring there to jury trials in labor cases.

I have a long report including a speech by Senator Norris on May 2, 1930. I read it last night—

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question at that point?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that those who oppose the right of jury trials are basically those who do not believe in the freedoms that Americans enjoy under the Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. I certainly agree with the Senator. I think the jury trial is one of the greatest freedoms we have. I look upon it as the heart of the Bill of Rights.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

MT. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that persons who fear that juries may not convict guilty persons are those who really have very little confidence in the determination of people to uphold free government?

Mr. THURMOND. It seems to me they could not have much confidence in human nature; otherwise they would favor jury trials. To be tried by a man’s neighbors, his peers, his fellow men, is the fairest way a man could be tried. I sat on the bench for 8 years and tried many cases, but I always felt much better about it when a jury passed on the question. I watched closely the verdicts of juries. I was deeply impressed. I feel that juries come nearer to meting out justice to criminals than it can be done in any other way.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Recognizing the fact that it is possible for a jury to turn a guilty person free, is it not also true that the freedoms which Americans enjoy under their Constitution were calculated in such fashion as to express the philosophy that it is better to turn 9 guilty men free than to send 1 innocent man to the penitentiary or to his death?

Mr. THURMOND. I never did go on the theory of nine guilty ones being turned loose. There is no doubt that there is a common saying to that effect. If I had to make a decision as to whether I would turn 9 guilty ones loose, or put 1 innocent man in prison, I would turn the 9 loose. I think that would be the thinking and the feeling of the average American.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Does not this logic become conclusively clear when we contemplate for a moment a capital punishment case where it is possible to put an innocent man to death? In such a situation, would it not be better for the court to turn 9 culprits loose rather than to kill 1 innocent man?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. There is no question about it. Some juries make mistakes. Anybody in any kind of work makes mistakes. Everybody has weaknesses and there are bound to be errors. Judges make mistakes. Of course, often a judge’s philosophy is different.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that anyone can make mistakes, is it not somewhat better that the scales of justice should be weighted a little in favor of finding a person innocent when there is a considerable doubt as to whether the person is innocent or guilty?

Mr. THURMOND. Our law is based on the presumption that a man is innocent until he is proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. That is a common legal principle that any lawyer knows about who has practiced any criminal law. I do not know precisely what the Senator had in mind on that, though, for this reason: I do not think if a man is given a jury trial, a jury necessarily lets him go free. I think a jury is going to do what it thinks is right unless it is biased, or has been approached in some way, or influenced in some way. Of course, that happens sometimes. It does not happen often, but I think it does happen sometimes.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Can the Senator imagine a judge who issues an order ordering the entire world to comply with his injunction as being as fair and impartial as a jury before which a case involving a violation of his order should be tried?

Mr. THURMOND. When a judge hears a contempt case he is the legislator, he is the prosecutor, he is the judge, and he is the jury. If I were a judge and if such a law as is here proposed were on the books, if I were back on the bench, and if I had to act under this type law, I would submit it to the jury anyway.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that it is contemplated that a judge makes a law by issuing the injunction and then cites the individuals whom he cares to cite, can the Senator think of anything any more inappropriate than the judge who makes the law, addressed to individuals, should be the same person to try the same individuals for violating his own order? Does the Senator not believe that any judge worthy of the name would at least want to have a jury to prove that justice is being done to people who violated his own order?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the Senator is eminently correct. It is unfortunate that a judge who issues an order of contempt has to try the case, because he has already made up his mind to a certain degree. Of course, that might be removed. But still he has made up his mind, or he would not issue the order.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that a person who is responsible for issuing the edict and commanding people to do certain things at his discretion should be the last person to make the final decision on who should be punished for not obeying his order?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator. In fact, this is known as injunction-made law. That is what it is. It is injunction-made law, and it is bad law. It is much better to have a jury trial. That is the American way of doing things. That is one of the grievances complained of by those who signed the Declaration of Independence, as I have brought out, namely, that in a great many cases they were denied jury trials. Provisions for jury trial are embodied in several places in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, so there is no question about the whole intent of our judicial system. Our administration of justice has been based upon jury trials. I think it is one of the most fundamental principles embodied in our type of government.

If this so-called compromise amendment were to go a little bit further, it would sound more like a Communist amendment.

I do not believe I read what Senator Norris said about jury trial. He said:
{{smaller block|I wonder if a suffering people, whose forefathers fought for liberty, are going to give up the idea of it in this day and age, in this civilized day, and are going to submit to injunction-made law.}}
He was wondering whether they were going to submit to it.
{{c|{{x-smaller|1. THE BEGINNINGS}}}}
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
{{smaller block|This was on the sunny afternoon of Thursday, June 12, 1788, in the New Academy on Shockoe Hill in Richmond. The Virginia Convention had been grappling for 10 days with the new Constitution, and Edmund Pendleton, aging and crippled, had been sitting in dignified silence for as long as he could stand it. Patrick Henry, who was a hard man to live with at any time, was being especially difficult. Once before, on the 5th, Pendleton bad attempted to soothe him, but Henry was not to be soothed.}}
{{smaller block|The State and Federal Governments would be at war with one another, Henry had predicted, and the State governments ultimately would be destroyed and consolidated into the General Government. One by one their powers would be snatched from them. A rapacious Federal authority, ever seeking to expand its grasp, could not be confined by the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Notwithstanding what the worthy gentleman said,” remarked Mr. Pendleton with some warmth, for there were times when he regarded Mr. Henry as neither worthy nor a gentleman. “I believe I am still correct, and insist that, if each power is confined within its proper bounds, and to its proper objects, an interference can never happen. Being for two different purposes, as long as they are limited to the different objects, they can no more clash than two parallel lines can meet. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|They were big ifs that Edmund Pendleton, a judicious man, here used as qualifications. If the State and Federal Governments were each confined within its proper bounds, be said, the clash could never come. But the Federal Government could not be kept confined, even as Henry feared, and the clash did come. It continues to this day. Mr. Pendleton’s geometry was fine, but his powers of prophecy (for be believed that each government could be kept in check) were sadly in error.}}
{{smaller block|To understand how the parallel lines of State and Federal powers have turned awry, it is necessary to look back at the period before these lines were drawn. The acts of ratification by Virginia and her neighbors were acts of sovereign States. At stake was their consent to a written constitution. How, it may be inquired, did they come to be sovereign States? What is this concept of State sovereignty?}}
{{smaller block|It would be possible, in any such review, to go back to the great roots of Runnymede, but it will suffice to begin much later, in the turbulent summer of 1776. The startling commitments of Lexington and Concord were behind us then; the bitter trials of White Plains, Vincennes, Camden, and Yorktown still lay ahead. March and April and May had passed—a time of bringing forth of newness, of fresh hope—and great human events had run their course. Now, in June, a resurgent people made the solemn decision to dissolve the political bands which had connected them with another. Thus Jefferson’s draft began, thus the Continental Congress adopted it at Philadelphia; from this moment Americans unborn were to date the years of their independence.}}
{{smaller block|The eloquent beginning of the Declaration—the assertion of truths self-evident and rights beyond alienation—is well known: It is a towering irony that Jefferson, whose convictions were cemented in the inequality of man, should have his precise phrase corrupted by the levelers of a bulldozer society. The Declaration’s beginning is too much recited and too little read.}}
{{smaller block|What counts, for our present purpose, is not the first paragraph, but the last. Let us inquire, What, precisely, was it that we declared ourselves to be that Fourth of July? Hitherto there had been colonies subject to the King. That form of government would now be abolished. We would now solemnly publish and declare to a candid world—what? That the people of the colonies had formed a free and independent nation? By no means. Or that they were henceforth a free and independent people? Still no.}}
{{smaller block|This was the declaration: “That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.” Not one State, or one Nation, but in the plural—States; and again, in the next breath, so this multiple birth could not be misunderstood, “that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.”}}
{{smaller block|It had opened, this Declaration, as an enunciation of what often are termed the “human rights,” but it concluded, in the plainest terms, as a pronouncement of political powers—the political powers of newly created States. And these powers of war and peace, these powers of alliance and commerce, were published not as the powers of a national government, but as powers henceforth asserted by 13 free and independent states.}}
{{smaller block|To be sure, the States were united. Their representatives styled themselves Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, but it was not the spokesmen of a nation who gathered in parliament. These were States in Congress. “One out of many,” it is said. In a sense, yes. But the many remained—separate States, individual entities, each possessed, from that moment, of sovereign rights and powers.}}
{{smaller block|Certainly Jefferson so understood our creation. “The several States,” he was to write much later, “were, from their first establishment, separate and distinct societies, dependent on no other society of men whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|So Mr. Justice Samuel Chase comprehended it: He considered the Declaration of Independence, “as a declaration, not that the United Colonies Jointly, in a collective capacity, were independent States, etc., but that each of them was a sovereign and independent State, that is, that each of them had a right to govern itself by its own authority, and its own laws without any control from any other power on earth.” From the Fourth of July, said Chase, “the American States were ''de facto'' as well as ''de jure'' in the possession and actual exercise of all the rights of independent governments. * * * I have ever considered it as the established doctrine of the United States, that their independence originated from, and commenced with, the declaration of Congress, on the Fourth of July 1776; and that no other period can be fixed on for its commencement; and that all laws made by the legislatures of the several States, after the Declaration of Independence, were the laws of sovereign and independent governments.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, the sage and cool-minded Mr. Justice Cushing: “The several States which composed this Union * * * became entitled, from the time when they declared themselves independent, to all the rights and powers of sovereign States.”}}
{{smaller block|Even Marshall himself had no doubts: In the beginning, “we were divided into independent States, united for some purposes, but in most respects sovereign.” The lines which separate the States, he later remarked, were too clear ever to be misunderstood.}}
{{smaller block|And for a contemporary authority, it is necessary only to turn to Mr. Justice Frankfurter, who some years ago fell to discussing the dual powers of taxation preserved under the Constitution: “The States,” he said, “after they formed the Union”—not the people, but the States, “continued to have the same range of taxing power which they had before, barring only duties affecting exports, imports, and on tonnage.” Regrettably, Mr. Justice Frankfurter appears in more recent times to have lost his concept of States forming a Union.}}
{{smaller block|It is no matter. Evidence of the States’ individual sovereignty is abundantly available. Consider for example, the powers asserted on the part of each State in the Declaration “to levy War, conclude Peace, and contract Alliances.” Surely these are sovereign powers. The States exercised them, as States, in the Revolutionary War. But it is of value to note that New York also very nearly exercised her war powers to enter into formal hostilities with the State of Vermont. Tensions reached so grave a point that Massachusetts, in 1784, felt compelled to adopt a formal resolution of neutrality, enjoining her citizens to give “no aid or assistance to either party,” and to send “no provisions, arms, or ammunition or other necessities to a fortress or garrison” besieged by either belligerent. When New York adopted a resolution avowing her readiness to “ecur to force,”&quot; Vermont’s Governor Chittenden (whose son was to be heard from 30 years later in another row) observed that Vermont “does not wish to enter into a war with the State of New York.” But should this unhappy contingency result, Vermont “expects that Congress and the 12 States will observe a strict neutrality, and let the contending States settle their own controversy.”}}
{{smaller block|They did settle it, of course. New York and Vermont concluded a peace. The point is that no one saw anything especially remarkable in two separate sovereignties arraying themselves against each other. Vermont was then an individual political entity, as remote at law as any France or Italy. And New York, though a member of the Confederation, and hence technically required to obtain the consent of Congress before waging war, had every right to maintain a standing army for her own defense.}}
{{smaller block|The status of the individual States as separate sovereign powers was recognized on higher authority than the proclamations of Vermont and Massachusetts. It is worth our while to keep in mind the first article of the treaty of September 3, 1783, by which the war of the Revolution came to an end:}}
{{smaller block|“His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such.”}}
{{smaller block|More than 5 years earlier, a treaty of amity and commerce with France had established the same sovereign status of the contracting parties. Louis XVI. treated with the 13 American States, but he recognized each of them as a separate power. And it is interesting to note that Virginia, feeling some action desirable to complete the treaty, prior to action by Congress, on June 4, 1779, undertook solemnly to ratify this treaty with France on her own. By appropriate resolution, transmitted by Governor Jefferson to the French minister at Philadelphia, the sovereign Commonwealth of Virginia declared herself individually bound by the French treaty. In terms of international law, Virginia was a nation; in terms of domestic law, she was a sovereign State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|2. THE STATE}}}}
{{smaller block|To review the process by which the colonies became States is not necessarily to answer the basic question, What is a State? It is a troublesome word. The standard definition is that a State is “a political body, or body politic; any body of people occupying a definite territory and politically organized under one government, especially one that is not subject to external control.” Chief Justice Chase, in ''Texas'' v. ''White'', put it this way: “A State, in the ordinary sense of the Constitution, is a political community of free citizens, occupying a territory of defined boundaries, and organized under a government sanctioned and limited by a written constitution, and established by the consent of the governed.” In the Cherokee case, John Marshall described a State as “a distinct political society, separated from others, capable of managing its own affairs and governing itself.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, variously, a State is defined as a body, a community, and a distinct society. Plainly, mere boundary lines are not enough; a tract of waste and uninhabited land cannot constitute a State. Nor are people, as such, sufficient to constitute a State. James Brown Scott once offered this clear and succinct definition:}}
{{smaller block|“The State is an artificial person, representing and controlled by its members, but not synonymous or identical with them. Created for a political purpose, it is a body politic. It is a distinct body, an artificial person; it has a will distinct from its members, although its exercise is controlled by them; it has rights and duties distinct from its members, but subject to being changed by them; it may hold property distinct from its members, but in trust for them; it may act separately and distinctly from them and bind them by its acts, but only insofar as it is authorized by the law of its creation, and subject to being changed by the source of that power.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the State is seen as a continuing political being, controlled by its citizens and yet controlling them. The State can be bound in ways that its own people cannot be bound; it can exercise powers that no citizen or group of citizens may exercise for themselves. The State may buy, sell, hold, grant, convey; it may tax and spend; it may sue, and if it consent, be sued; it exists to create law and to execute law, to punish crime, administer justice, regulate commerce, enter into compacts with other States. Yet there is no State until a community of human beings create a State; and no State may exist without the will and the power of human beings to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|It is this combination of will and power which lies at the essence of the State in being. This is sovereignty. In the crisp phrase of John Taylor, of Caroline, sovereignty is “the will to enact, the power to execute.” Long books have been written on the nature of sovereignty, but they boil down to those necessities: The will to make, the power to unmake.}}
{{smaller block|It was this power, this will, that the people as States claimed for themselves in 1776. Henceforth, they said, we are sovereign: The State government is not sovereign, nor is any citizen by himself sovereign. By the “sovereign State” we mean us citizens, the State; we collectively, within our established boundaries; this community of people; we alone who are possessed of the power to create or to abandon.}}
{{smaller block|God knows it was a great, a priceless, power these people as Stat es claimed for themselves. True, not everyone saw it that way. Mr. Justice Story, for one, never grasped the concept of States. Nor did Jackson. Albert J. Beveridge, in his biography of Marshall, refers sneeringly to the States as “these pompous sovereignties,” but in a way, Beveridge’s is perhaps a high acknowledgment of the simple truth: These infant States were sovereignties, and the people within them were proudly jealous of the fact. They saw themselves, in Blackstone’s phrase, “a supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority.” This, among other things, was the aim they had fought for. It cannot be imagined that they ever would have relinquished this high power of sovereignty except in the most explicit terms.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|3. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION}}}}
{{smaller block|In time, the Continental Congress gave way to the Articles of Confederation. The articles merit examination with the utmost care; they are too little studied, and there is much to be learned from them.}}
{{smaller block|First proposed in 1778, the articles became binding upon all the States with Maryland’s ratification in 1781. Throughout this period, as the war ran on, each of the States was individually sovereign, each wholly autonomous. Mr. Justice Iredell was to observe, in 1795, that had the individual States decided not to unite together, each would have gone its own way, because each “possessed all the powers of sovereignty, internal and external * * * as completely as any of the ancient kingdoms or republics of the world which never yet had formed, or thought of forming, any sort of Federal union whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|But they did form a Federal union—a “perpetual union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.” They styled themselves, “The United States of America,” and in the very second article of their compact, they put this down so no one might miss it:}}
{{smaller block|“Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.”}}
{{smaller block|The third article is almost equally brief, and may be quoted in less space than would be required to summarize it:}}
{{smaller block|“The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|There will be seen, in these opening paragraphs, the genesis of constitutional provisions that were to follow in less than a decade. Here is the forerunner of the 10th amendment, with its reservation of undelegated powers to the State or to the people; here are the aims set forth of “common defense” and the “general welfare.”}}
{{smaller block|The fourth article advanced other phrases that have come down to us: The free inhabitants of each State (“paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted”) were to be entitled to “all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States.” Here, too, one finds the provision, later to be inserted substantially verbatim in article IV. of the Constitution of 1787, providing for the extradition of fugitives. Here the States mutually agreed that “full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth article provided for representation of the States in Congress. There were to be no less than 2, no more than 7 delegates from each State. They would assemble on the first Monday in November of every year. In this Congress, each State cast one vote; each State paid the salary and maintenance of its own delegates. These provisions, of course, were later abandoned; but we may note that the fifth article prohibited delegates to the Congress from “holding any office under the United States for which he or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind,” and also provided that “freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress.” Both provisions were to turn up later in article I., section 6, of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The sixth and seventh articles dealt generally with limitations upon the States in terms of foreign affairs and the waging of war. Again, many a familiar phrase leaps from this much-maligned compact of Confederation. No State, nor the Congress, was to grant a title of nobility; no two or more States were to enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance without the consent of the other States in Congress assembled; no State was to keep vessels of war in time of peace (“except such number as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled”), nor was any State to engaged in war without the consent of Congress “unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or * * * the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|The eighth article provided for defraying the expenses of war among the State “in proportion to the value of all land within each State,” and the ninth article dealt with the powers of Congress. Once more, the origin of a dozen specific phrases in our present Constitution is evident. Congress was given the “sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war.” It was to enter into treaties and alliances, establish certain courts, fix standard weights and measures, and establish post offices. But the Congress alone could do almost none of these things—it could exercise no important power—without the consent of nine of the member States.}}
{{smaller block|The remaining 4 articles are of less interest and concern, although it may be noted that in 3 places, the framers of the Articles of Confederation provided that their union was a permanent union. The articles were to be inviolably observed by the States the delegates respectively represented, “and the union shall be perpetual.”}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|4. WE, THE PEOPLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Of course, it wasn’t perpetual at all. Before 6 years had elapsed, the States came to recognize grave defects in the Articles of Confederation. And because they were sovereign States—because they had the will to enact and the power to execute, because they who had made could unmake—they set out to do the job again.}}
{{smaller block|What they made, this time, was the Constitution of the United States. So much has been {{SIC|writen|written}} of the deliberations that summer of 1787 in Philadelphia—so many critics have examined every word of the great document which came forth—that probably no new light can be shed upon it here. Yet the constitutions of most States command their citizens to recur frequently to fundamental principles and the commandment is too valuable an admonition to be passed by. There is much of interest to be found if one examines the Constitution, the debates and the commentaries of the time, in terms of the relationship there established between the States and the new Federal Government they formed.}}
{{smaller block|It may be inquired, was sovereignty here surrendered in whole or in part? What powers were delegated, what powers retained?}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I do not want the Senator to strain his voice, but I do have some responsibilities as minority leader. I do not think the Senator is making any motion, but I should at least like to know what is going on in the Senate Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield for a question if the Senator has a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. My question is, Would the Senator speak up? I do not want him to strain his voice, but I should like him to speak a little louder so I shall be sure no motions are being made or anything of that sort. I do have some responsibility here.

Mr. THURMOND. I suggest that the Senator move closer to me.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Under the rules of the Senate, which are now being strictly enforced, both Senators being in their respective seats, and this happening to be my seat as the minority leader, I urge my request of the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. We might get unanimous consent to allow the Senator to come closer to me if he wishes. I do not think my colleagues will raise any point. There is an excellent seat here, I may say to the Senator.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I am very well satisfied with the seat to which I am assigned.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I continue to read:
{{smaller block|What were the functions to be performed by the States in the future? Was it ever intended that the States should be reduced to the weakling role thrust upon them in our own time? We must inquire whether this proud possession of State sovereignty, so eloquently proclaimed in 1776, so resolutely affirmed in the articles of 1781, so clearly recognized in the events of the time, somehow vanished, died, turned to dust, totally ceased to exist in the period of the next 6 years.}}
{{smaller block|Now, the argument here advanced is this—it is the argument of John Taylor of Caroline and John Randolph of Roanoke—that sovereignty, like chastity, cannot be surrendered in part. This was the argument also of Calhoun: “I maintain that sovereignty is in its nature indivisible. It is the supreme power in a State, and we might just as well speak of half a square, or half a triangle, as of half a sovereignty.” This was the position, too, of the bellicose George Troup of Georgia, of Alexander H. Stephens, of Jefferson Davis. It is the position of plain commonsense: Supreme and ultimate power must be precisely that. Finality knows no degrees. In law, as in mountain climbing, there comes a point at which the pinnacle is reached; nothing higher or greater remains. And so it is with the States of the American Union. In the last resort, it is their prerogative alone (not that of Congress, not that of the Supreme Court, not that of the whole people) to make or unmake our fundamental law. The argument here is that the States, in forming a new perpetual union to replace their old perpetual union, remained in essence what they had been before: Separate, free, and independent States. They surrendered nothing to the Federal Government they created. Some of their powers they delegated; all of their sovereignty they retained.}}
{{smaller block|It is keenly important that this distinction be understood. There is a difference between sovereignty and sovereign power. The power to coin money, or to levy taxes, is a sovereign power, but it is not sovereignty. Powers can be delegated, limited, expanded, or withdrawn, but it is through the exercise of sovereignty that these changes take place. Sovereignty is the moving river, sovereign powers the stone at the mill. Only while the river flows can the inanimate stone revolve. To be sure, sovereignty can be lost—it can be lost by conquest, as in war; the extent or character of sovereignty can be changed, as in the acquisition or relinquishment of territory or the annexation of new peoples; sovereignty can be divided, when two States are created of one. But properly viewed, sovereignty is cause; sovereign powers, the effect: The wind that blows; the branches that move. Sovereignty is the essence, the life spirit, the soul: And in this Republic, sovereignty remains today where it was vested in 1776, in the people. But in the people as a whole? No. In the people as States.}}
{{smaller block|The delusion that sovereignty is vested in the whole people of the United States is one of the strangest misconceptions of our public life. This hallucination has been encouraged, if not directly espoused, by such eminent figures as Marshall, Story, and Andrew Jackson. It is still embraced by excessively literal and unthinking fellows who read “we the people” in the preamble to the Constitution, and cry triumphantly, “that means everybody.” It does not; it never did.}}
{{smaller block|The preamble to the abandoned Articles of Confederation, it was noted, declared the articles “binding between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York,” and so forth. The preamble offered by the Convention of 1787, reads:}}
{{smaller block|“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”}}
{{smaller block|The opening few words were questioned repeatedly by Patrick Henry in the Virginia Convention of 1788. He kept asking querulously, what was meant by “we the people,” but he got no very satisfactory answer for his pains. Governor Randolph ducked the question, and Pendleton missed the point. Pendleton asked, rhetorically, “who but the people have a right to form government?” and the answer, obviously, in America, is “no one.” Then Pendleton said this:}}
{{smaller block|“If the objection be, that the Union ought to be not of the people, but of the State governments, then I think the choice of the former very happy and proper. What have the State governments to do with it?”}}
{{smaller block|Again, the obvious answer is, “The State governments have nothing to do with it,” but that was not the question Henry asked. There is a plain distinction between “we the States” and “we the State governments,” for States endure while governments fall. It was Madison who came closest to answering the insistent Henry. Who are the parties to the Constitution? The people, said Madison, to be sure, are the parties to it, but “not the people as composing one great body.” Rather, it is “the people as composing 13 sovereignties.” And he added:}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina when he was a judge in South Carolina?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair cannot hear. Will the Senator speak a little louder?

Mr. THURMOND. From 1938 to 1946, 8 years.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator was a circuit judge, was he not?

Mr. THURMOND. Yes; in the highest trial court in the State. About half that time I was in the Army, overseas.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Continuing to quote from the Kilpatrick book:
{{smaller block|“Were it * * * a consolidated government, the assent of a majority of the people would be sufficient for its establishment; and, as a majority have adopted it already, we remaining States would be bound by the act of the majority, even if they unanimously reprobated it * * * But, sir, no State is bound by it, as it is, without its own consent.”}}
{{smaller block|Col. Henry Lee took the same point of view in responding to Patrick Henry. Lighthorse Harry spoke as other proponents of the Constitution did, in irritation and perplexity. He could not comprehend why Henry’s question should even be asked. Obviously, the “we the people” mentioned in the preamble—the “we the people” there and then engaged in ratifying the Constitution—were we “the people of Virginia.” If the people of Virginia “do not adopt it, it will always be null and void as to us.”}}
{{smaller block|Here Lee touched and tossed aside what doubtless was so clear to others that they could not understand what Henry was quibbling about. Of course, “we the people” meant what Madison and Lee found so obvious: It meant “we the people of the States.” Why argue the point? “I take this,” said Randolph testily, “to be one of the least and most trivial objections that will be made to the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|The self-evident fact, as plain as the buttons on their coats, was that the whole people, the mass of people from Georgia to New Hampshire, obviously had nothing to do with the ratification of the Constitution. The basic charter of our Union never was submitted to popular referendum, taken simultaneously among the 3 million inhabitants of the country on some Tuesday in 1788. Ratification was achieved by the people of the States, acting in their sovereign capacity not as “Americans,” for there is no “State of America,” but in their sovereign capacity as citizens of the States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and Georgia.}}
{{smaller block|This was the sovereign power that sired the new Union, breathed upon it, gave it life—the power of the people of the States, acting as States, binding themselves as States, seeking to form a more perfect union not of people, but of States. And if it be inquired, as a matter of drafting, why the preamble of the Articles of Confederation spelled out 13 States and the preamble of the Constitution referred only to “we the people,” a simple, uncomplicated explanation may be advanced: The framers of the Constitution, in the summer of 1787, had no way of knowing how many States would assent to the compact.}}
{{smaller block|Suppose they .had begun the preamble, as they thought of doing, “We the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island,” etc., and the State of Rhode Island had refused to ratify? It very nearly did. It was not until May 29, 1790, by a vote of 34 to 32, that Rhode Island agreed to join a union that actually had been created with New Hampshire’s ratification nearly 2 full years before. Given a switch of two votes, Rhode Island might have remained, to this day, as foreign to the United States (in terms of international law) as any Luxembourg or Switzerland.}}
{{smaller block|Some of these forebodings clearly passed through the minds of the delegates at Philadelphia. When the preamble first appears in the notes, on August 6, it reads: “We the people of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts,” etc., “do ordain, declare and establish the following Constitution.” In that form it was tentatively approved on August 7. But the preamble, in that form, never is mentioned again. When the document came back from the Committee on Style in early September, the preamble had been amended to eliminate the spelled-out names of States, and to make it read simply that “we the people” ordain and establish. The change was not haggled over. No significance was attached to it. Why arouse antagonism in New York or North Carolina (where there was opposition enough already) by presuming to speak, in the preamble, as if it were unnecessary for New York or North Carolina even to debate the matter? The tactful and prudent thing was to name no States. Only the people as States could create the Union; only the people in ratifying States would be bound, as States, by its provisions.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|5. THE STATES IN THE CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, that was the way the compact read. It bound States—“The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between”—between whom?—“between the States so ratifying the same.” Not among people; it was “between States.” And this proposal was put forward “by the unanimous consent,” not of delegates assembled or of people gathered, but by “the unanimous consent of the States present the 17th day of September in the year of our Lord 1787 * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|On the plain evidence of the instrument itself, it is therefore clear: States consented to the drafting of the Constitution; States undertook to bind themselves by its provisions. If 9 States ratified, the Constitution would bind those 9; if 10, those 10. Rhode Island had not even attended the convention; “poor, despised Rhode Island,” as Patrick Henry later was to describe her, could stay aloof if she chose. There was no thought here of people in the mass. There was thought only of people as States, and while the new Constitution would of course act directly upon people—that was to be its revolutionary change—it would reach those people only because they first were people of States.}}
{{smaller block|The one essential prerequisite was for the State, as a State, to ratify; then the people of the State would become themselves subject to the Constitution. No individual human being, in his own capacity, possibly could assent to the new compact or bind himself to its provisions. Only as a citizen of Virginia or Georgia or Massachusetts could he become a citizen also of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Madison recognized this. He acknowledged in his famed Federalist 39 that ratification of the Constitution must come from the people “not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong.” “Each State,” he said, in ratifying the Constitution, “is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.” This fact lay at the essence of the Federal Union being formed. The States, and within them their local governments, were to be “no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere.” The jurisdiction of the Federal Government was to extend “to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” Even the most casual reading of the Constitution, it may be submitted, abundantly supports Madison’s comment here.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield to the able Senator from North Dakota for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I should like to ask whether at any time in the history of South Carolina the courts permitted a defendant to be tried without a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In South Carolina anyone who wishes a jury may have one. There are a few instances where both sides agree to be tried without a jury, by the court. But a defendant is entitled to a jury trial in my State, as is the case in other States which follow the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. In what year was South Carolina admitted to the Union? It was one of the original colonies, was it not?

Mr. THURMOND. In 1789. It was the eighth State admitted to the Union.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further for a question?

Mr: THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Even at that time in South Carolina a defendant had the right to a jury trial, did he not?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. That has been the law continuously up to the present time?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. A defendant in South Carolina is always entitled to a jury trial when charged with a crime.

Mr. LANGER. Is that also true in North Carolina?

Mr. THURMOND. I would not attempt to speak for North Carolina, but I feel quite certain that that is a fact. I believe nine States ratified the Constitution before North Carolina did. So North Carolina came in after the Union was formed. So did Rhode Island. Rhode Island was the only State that did not send representatives to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. The reason for that was that Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals at that time and it did not send any deputies.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it true that in every State in the United States under our Constitution a defendant has the right to a trial by jury in a criminal case?

Mr. THURMOND. In every State of the United States a defendant charged with a crime has the right of trial by jury. Some persons confuse magistrate courts or minor courts; but even there, although we may not see it, there is a jury box.

Most persons, unless they are lawyers, do not know that defendants are entitled to a jury trial in those courts. There is a jury box hidden somewhere. Nine out of ten do not ask for a jury trial; that is, in cases where the punishment is a fine of $100 or 30 days. But even there if a man says “Wait a minute, Mr. Recorder; I want a trial before a jury,” it must be given to him.

Mr. LANGER. That is true, for example, if a man is arrested and charged with spitting on the sidewalk or with stealing one cent?

Mr. THURMOND. Any crime.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, trial by jury is fundamental?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct; and rightly so, because that was one of the grievances pointed out a little earlier today that our forefathers listed in the Declaration of Independence. That was one grievance charged against the King, that in many cases persons had been denied trial by jury. That is written definitely into the Constitution. The right of trial by jury was included in several places in the Bill of Rights. The sixth amendment provides that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That was because our forefathers were taking no chances on not having a jury trial assured to them under the Constitution.

In the seventh amendment it is provided, also, and there is another provision, I believe, in the fifth amendment, that a man must be indicted by a grand jury before he is tried.

Under the bill that came from the House a grand jury will not pass on the question at all. Under this so-called compromise, a man is taken before a judge and is tried. He is not even asked if he wants a trial by a jury. But in the usual procedure, when the Constitution is followed, a man has to be indicted by a grand jury. In my State 18 grand jurors have to agree to a true bill before a man can be brought up for trial. He has a trial before a petit jury. In Federal courts a man can be indicted by a grand jury or on information, but in State courts a man is indicted by a grand jury. But in all the history of judicial administration in this country it has been clear that the American people have been entitled to a jury trial, and it goes back even further than the Declaration of Independence. It goes back to the Magna Carta, when the citizens of England wrung from King John in the year 1215, at Runnymede, certain rights for the people. I presume you and I, Mr. President, would call them civil rights, more or less, or corresponding to our Bill of Rights. But the people wrung from King John certain rights, and one of those rights was that a man charged with a crime would be entitled to a jury trial. So, going back to the year 1215, on down to this time, our people have had a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a further question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it the opinion of the Senator from South Carolina that of all the 10 amendments in the Bill of Rights the very heart and very core of the 10 amendments is the right of the defendant to be tried by a jury?

Mr. THURMOND. All the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights are important, but I think the trial-by-jury provision as generally spoken of is the heart of the Bill of Rights. That is the importance attached to it. It is generally spoken of as the heart of the Bill of Rights. In other words, if there should be cut out of the Bill of Rights the right of a trial by jury you have cut the heart of the Bill of Rights out; it would be excised.

What is it to have freedom of speech or freedom of religion or freedom of the press or right to petition the Government or the right to assemble, all of which are guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, or to keep troops from being quartered in our homes, or all the other things guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, if some tyrant, whether a Federal district judge, or any other kind of tyrant, can take a man and himself try him without a jury and put him in prison; and, of course, if a man is in prison he cannot enjoy his civil rights?

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator. We have gotten down to the very core of this entire proposal.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much. I appreciate his deep interest in this matter. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota has manifested an unusual interest in the right of trial by jury. He has the vision to see the importance of trial by jury and to see how this proposed bill the House has passed is attempting to bypass the Constitution and in doing so, of course, is violating the Constitution and therefore is a bill the Congress ought to kill.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. For 4 years I was attorney general of my State.

Mr. THURMOND. I understand the Senator made a very distinguished record as attorney general of the State of North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. During that time, of course, I had a great deal to do with juries.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure the Senator did.

Mr. LANGER. And in every single case I submitted to a court a jury trial had been waived.

Mr. THURMOND. Every case the Senator tried I imagine was before a jury.

Mr. LANGER. That is correct.

I should like to ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina whether in his experience in South Carolina it is true that the average defendant can get better justice from a jury than he can from a judge, no matter how honest and fair the judge may be?

Mr. THURMOND. Regardless of how fair and impartial the judge is or wants to be, it is my judgment from my experience on the bench for 8 years—and as I said, for about half of that time I was in the Army during World War II.—and from my practice of law before then, since 1930 when I was admitted to the bar—and after I left the Governor’s office in January 1951, I practiced until I came to the Senate—I consider that juries give fair verdicts, and I think it would be destroying the administration of justice if we should take any step to hamper or injure or impair in any way the jury system of the United States.

Mr. LANGER. Again I want to thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I read further:
{{smaller block|But the Constitution ought not to be read casually. Viewed from the standpoint of State and Federal relations, what does the Constitution say and do? The rubrics do not demand, before an ordinary mortal may explore the question, that he be ordained a constitutional lawyer or put on the chasuble of the bench. Our Constitution is not the property of a juridical clergy only. The laity may read it too, and with equal acuity and understanding. The terms are not ambiguous.}}
{{smaller block|The first thing to note, perhaps, is that the words “State” or “States” appear no fewer than 94 times, either as proper nouns or pronominals, in the brief 6,000 words of the original 7 articles. The one theme that runs steadily through the whole of the instrument is the knitting together of States: It is a union that is being formed, and while the people are concerned for themselves and their posterity, the Constitution is to be established binding States.}}
{{smaller block|Legislative powers, to begin at the beginning, are vested not in one national parliament of the people, but in a Congress of the United States. The word “Congress” was chosen with precision; it repeated and confirmed the political relationship of the preceding 11 years, when there had been first a Continental Congress and then a Congress under the Articles of Confederation.}}
{{smaller block|This Congress is to consist of two Houses. The first is the House of Representatives, whose Members are to be chosen “by the people of the several States.” And here, in the very second paragraph, the framers encountered and opportunity to choose between a “national” and a “federal” characteristic: They might have established uniform national qualifications for the franchise, but they did not. Electors qualified to vote for candidates for the House of Representatives are to have “the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Representatives and direct taxes are to be apportioned—how? “Among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers.” How is this enumeration to be determined? The provision should be noted with care, for it is the first of four clauses that speaks eloquently of the plural nature of our Union: “The actual enumeration shall be made within 3 years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of 10 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct.” Now, the antecedent of they is not “Congress,” but “United States.” Nowhere in the whole of the Constitution or in any of the subsequent amendments is the United States an “it.” The singular never appears.}}
{{smaller block|What else sheds light in the second section of article I.? We find that “each State shall have at least one Representative,” whereupon follows a rollcall of the States themselves: “Until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse 3, Massachusetts 8,” and so forth. And when vacancies happen “in the representation from any State,” the Governor thereof is to issue a writ of election.}}
{{smaller block|The dignity and sovereignty of States are made still more evident in the composition of the Senate. It is to be composed “of two Senators from each State,” and whereas Representatives are required to be inhabitants of the States “in which” they shall be chosen, Senators must be inhabitants of the States “for which” they shall be chosen.}}
{{smaller block|It is in section 4 that the first grant of authority to the Federal Government appears: “The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but”—and here the qualified concession—“the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators.”}}
{{smaller block|The delegations of power to a federal government appear most fully, of course, in section 8, but it is worth noting that not all the powers delegated to Congress are exclusive and unqualified powers. Thus, the Congress may raise and support armies, “but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.” Thus, the Congress may provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of the militia as may be employed in the service of the United States, but there is reserved “to the States respectively” the appointment of officers and the authority to train their militia according to regulation established by Congress. Thus, too, Congress may exercise Federal authority over federally owned property within the States, but how is such property to be acquired? The authority of the Congress extends only to those places “purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be,” and this applies not only to military and naval installations but also to “other needful buildings.”}}
{{smaller block|Several provisions in section 9 merit attention. As a concession to the slave trade—one of the essential compromises without which the Constitution never would have come into being at all—it was provided that “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,” shall not be prohibited prior to 1808. Then follow seven paragraphs of specific restrictions upon the powers of Congress. The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended; no bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed; no direct tax shall be levied except according to the census of the people as a whole; no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported “from any State;” and—again emphasizing the separateness of the member States forming the Union—“no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue of the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.”}}
{{smaller block|In section 10, the States undertook to restrict themselves. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; no State shall coin money or make anything but gold and silver legal tender; no State shall make any law impairing the obligation of contracts. Yet even here, the prohibitions are not without qualification. Thus, the States reserved to themselves the right to levy tariffs on imports or exports sufficient to execute their inspection laws; and though the fact is often forgotten, the States even reserved to themselves the solemn power they had claimed under the Articles of Confederation, to “engage in war,” as States, if “actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.”}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Ellender}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am very curious. I ask the Senator from South Carolina whether he knows how the House of Representatives arrived at the decision to provide for a maximum of 45 days and $300 in this instance. Why did not the House of Representatives decide to make the maximum number of days 50, and why did it not choose, as the maximum amount of fine, $250 or $500?

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to answer the question the distinguished Senator asked, but I cannot do so. I was not consulted about this compromise. All I know about it is that I heard the majority leader made an announcement, following the taking of action in the House of Representatives. And then I read about it in the newspaper.

But I had understood—and the distinguished Senator from California [Mr. {{sc|Knowland}}] can correct me about this if I am mistaken—that there was an effort on the part of the Republicans to provide for 60 days. But, since the Senate had not voted for any provision of this sort, but had voted only for a straight jury-trial provision, 45 days was selected as a compromise. That is my understanding of the matter. I pass on to the Senator from North Dakota only what I heard. But perhaps the Senator from California can answer the question. At any rate, even if 60 days had been originally proposed, and finally 45 days was decided on, the Senate got the worst end of the bargain.

However, even if the provision had been for only 1 day, in my opinion the principle would be the same, because under the Constitution a citizen is entitled to a jury trial; and the Congress has no power to pass a law providing that a Federal judge or any other judge can deprive a citizen of a jury trial. However, under this proposal, a judge would be able, in two ways, to deprive a citizen of a jury trial. In the first place, the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to allow the person to have a jury trial in the first instance. If the judge decided that there could be a jury trial, the citizen would have a jury trial. If the judge decided that there would not be a jury trial, the judge himself would try the case.

Next, if the judge decided to try the case himself, without a jury, the judge would proceed to try it. If, at the conclusion of the case, the judge were to determine that the punishment he would mete would be more than 45 days imprisonment or a fine of more than $300, the judge would then give the citizen another trial. In other words, this provision of the compromise would give the judge the option of trying the citizen in the first place, and it would give the judge the option of deciding how much punishment he would mete, and then the amount of punishment imposed would determine whether the citizen would receive still another trial.

All those exceptions are entirely foreign to the Constitution. The Constitution provides that a man charged with the commission of a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That provision is as plain as can be. Any child in the fifth grade in school can read it and understand it; and there should not be any difficulty in understanding it.

However, as I have understood in arriving at the compromise an attempt was made to get together on some provision; and the result was a monstrosity. It turned out to be an unconstitutional provision, in my opinion.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield again?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. What I should like to know is this: Is there any precedent, anywhere in the entire United States, for a measure such as this, by means of which a defendant could be tried by a judge, if the sentence imposed were imprisonment for not more than 45 days, or any other number of days, or the imposition of a fine of any size; but that if the term of imprisonment were longer or the amount of the fine were greater, there must be a jury trial? Can the Senator from South Carolina name any precedent at all for such a provision?

Mr. THURMOND. I know of no place in the United States where a person charged with a crime does not have a jury trial. Even under the present criminal-contempt procedure, under existing law, if one is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no instance in any part of the United States, from Maine or the State of Washington on the north, to California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Louisiana, Florida, or any of the other States in the southern part of the Nation, in which one who is charged with the commission of a crime does not have a trial by jury. It seems to me that in the conference, some one or more of the conferees should have raised the point, “This provision would be contrary to the Constitution, and we cannot include such a provision.” It seems to me some of the conferees would have suggested that the Constitution provides to the contrary. There is a decision which can be cited on that point; I think I have called it to the attention of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota. The decision in that case holds that criminal contempt is a crime; and, since it is a crime, one charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. If there is to be passed a bill providing punishment for criminal contempt, it should provide for a jury trial. I know of no way to get around a jury trial in this matter because the Constitution has laid down the law. That is basic law.

The Constitution can be amended. Congress can submit an amendment to it. There are four ways to amend the Constitution, and it can be amended so as to provide that a Federal judge in his discretion can give a man a jury trial. Then the compromise would be legal, and what it proposes would be effective. It would be. valid.

As the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] said today, confirming my judgment, as it stands now it is not valid. I think it is unconstitutional. The Senator from Wyoming expressed his opinion likewise. We could amend the Constitution to provide for it. Congress could pass a law to provide that a Federal judge could punish a man for contempt, by so many days’ imprisonment, or by a fine of so many dollars. We could do that, but it has not been done. Until the Constitution is amended in the manner provided in the Constitution itself, we must abide by it. I know that many people in this country would like to get around the Constitution, and it looks as if they have been doing so.

The Supreme Court has been rewriting the Constitution in some cases, and other branches of the Government at times have encroached upon the Constitution because there is divisional power between the Federal Government and the State governments. When we cross the line of the State government, as here, without constitutional authority, we violate the Constitution.

The States entered into this pact, the Constitution, about which we are talking so much, and in this pact they delegated to the Union only certain things, and they are just as plain as they can be. They are listed in the Constitution. I should like to read to the distinguished Senator what the Constitution says on that point.

Article I., section 1, provides:
{{smaller block|All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in the Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.}}
I will not take the time to go through all that. I will skip to the pertinent portions.

Section 7 of article I. provides:
{{smaller block|All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.}}
{{smaller block|Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two-thirds—}}
I will skip to section 8. That is more pertinent. This is what the Congress has power to do. The powers are listed.
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To borrow money on credit of the United States;}}
{{smaller block|To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator suspend to receive a message from the President of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. Certainly.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Presiding Officer, the “Message from the President,” is dealt with, as is the “Executive Message Referred” and a “Message from the House.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to Senate amendments Nos. 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue to read from article I., section 2:
{{smaller block|To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.}}
Congress would not have the power to pass bankruptcy laws, indeed Congress could not pass a law on any subject except for the power given to it by the Constitution. This provision I have read is the basis for our bankruptcy law.
{{smaller block|To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To establish post offices and post roads.}}
That is your authority for the Federal Government to act in that field.
{{smaller block|To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.}}
{{smaller block|To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court.}}
That gives authority to Congress to establish certain courts of appeals and district courts. They are inferior tribunals, that is, inferior to the United States Supreme Court.
{{smaller block|To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations.}}
{{smaller block|To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.}}
{{smaller block|To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.}}
But no appropriation of money for that purpose shall be for a longer term than 2 years. We cannot appropriate money for the Defense Establishment for more than 2 years because the Constitution limits it. If we should attempt to do that, we would go beyond the Constitution.

I think that is a suggestion which may apply to foreign aid. If we should commit ourselves for 5 years or 10 years, I think that would be unconstitutional. But some of the defense items are classified under the term “foreign aid.”
{{smaller block|To provide and maintain a Navy;}}
{{smaller block|To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;}}
{{smaller block|To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
I want to read that last part again. I wish to call attention to a point:
{{smaller block|Reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
Do you not know, Mr. President, that if that section was not in the Constitution the Federal Government would be appointing the officers of the National Guard? That is the reason the Government cannot do it: the Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 10 miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;}}
For that reason the Federal Government cannot go to Louisiana, North Dakota, South Carolina, or New Hampshire and buy a piece of land until the legislature passes an act approving such purchase. Under the provision the State must approve the transaction with respect to property within its borders, whether it owns the property or not, before the Federal Government can get it. Of course, the Government could condemn it; but if it followed the Constitution it would not be able to take it. The Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 for each person.}}
{{smaller block|The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.}}
Regardless of what a State wishes to do, the United States Constitution provides that a writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended unless—note the exception—“unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”
{{smaller block|No bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed.}}
{{smaller block|No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.}}
We have the income-tax amendment to the Constitution. The 16th amendment to the Constitution provides that Congress can levy an income tax. That is the only authority in the Federal Government to levy an income tax. It does not inherently have that authority. The Federal Government can do only what the States gave it the authority to do when they entered into the compact in Philadelphia in 1787, and the amendments which have been adopted since then. Two years later, in 1789, the States adopted the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights, for which there was so much sentiment. I do not believe the Constitution would have been ratified if the delegates to the convention had not promised the Bill of Rights would be submitted, and it was submitted and adopted 2 years after the convention, in 1789.
{{smaller block|No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.}}
{{smaller block|No preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.}}
{{smaller block|No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.}}
That is the only reason the States do not impose duties on some articles; otherwise they would probably do it, but under the Constitution they cannot do it.
{{smaller block|No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.}}
In other words, if I were an ambassador in London and the Queen of England wished to confer on me a title or wished to give me extra compensation for some reason I could not take the title or compensation unless Congress permitted it. Congress would have to pass an act to permit it.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ''ex post facto'' law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.}}
In other words, that goes right down the line to support the point I make. So the Constitution provides exactly what the Federal Government can do. What hurts me is to see some distinguished Members of Congress, able men who believe in the division of powers between the Federal and State Governments—or I always thought they did—going along with the bill, because this is a bill that takes power away from the States and gives it to the Federal Government.

The matter of elections is left up to each State. That power was not delegated. The qualifications for electors, the holding of elections, and all relevant matters were reserved to the States. There has been a movement, I understand to get the Congress to pass a bill eliminating the poll tax. I believe I told the Senate this morning, or this afternoon, that when I was Governor, I recommended that the poll tax be removed in my State and it was removed. But Congress may not pass a law to do it. It could do it, but it would be unconstitutional for the reason that there is a provision of the Constitution which states that the qualifications of electors shall be left to each State. Therefore, New Hampshire has qualifications and if the people of that State wish to make as a qualification for voting in that State the payment of a poll tax, they have a right to do so. The only way such a measure could be enacted legally, if it were going to be the law nationwide, would be for Congress to submit an amendment to the Constitution eliminating the poll tax.

The Senator from Florida [Mr. {{sc|Holland}}] has now pending a proposed constitutional amendment to eliminate the poll tax, amending the Constitution. To do that would be legal; it would be constitutional, and it would be proper. Personally I think it is better to leave to each State the power to fix the qualifications for voting of its citizens. In my State, as I have said, we have very low qualifications. We have heard much about people in my State not voting. I believe more people vote in my State than vote in New York, because New York has a much higher standard for voting. That State requires, I believe someone said, a high-school education. Someone else said it requires a grade-school education. It is certainly one of the two. In my State we require only that a man be able to read and write the Constitution, or that he own $300 worth of assessed property. So our requirements for voting are not stringent. They are not nearly as strict as they are in New York. I do not know about the requirements in the State of the Senator from North Dakota.

A few years ago I was Governor of South Carolina. At that time a bill was pending in Congress to remove the poll tax on a nationwide basis. Congress was to do it. It would have been just as unconstitutional as this so-called compromise, whose proponents are trying to get it through the Congress, to deprive the people of a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. I thank my distinguished friend.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, I do not believe that American history is taught sufficiently in our high schools and colleges. I do not believe that a course in government is taught in our high schools and colleges. I come in contact with a great many intelligent people, people who have been educated, big financiers who have made a great deal of money, and many others; yet they do not know the fundamentals of the Constitution. It is because they have not studied it. I think the people of the country would be wise to study the Constitution. I think it is more important today than ever before for the people to study it and be able to delineate the powers of the Federal Government, and learn what the Federal Government has not the power to do.

For example, the Congress has no power to abolish the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting, because the qualifications of voters are left to each State. There are a great many things which Congress cannot do. Yet pressure is brought on Members of Congress, and they vote for certain measures anyway, because of the pressure.

Why do Senators think this so-called compromise on the civil rights bill is being pressed? Why is there any civil rights bill before us? Why call this measure a right-to-vote bill? It is a perfect farce. It is not a right-to-vote bill.

As I have stated, every State in the Union has statutes providing for the right to vote. The Federal Government has statutes providing for the right to vote.

Why is such a bill as this being considered at this time? Because there are pressures on Members of Congress to do so. Some Members of Congress attempted to do so, even though they were doubtful of the constitutionality of the measure. The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] stated earlier in the day that he did not think the jury trial amendment which was put in the compromise bill in the House was constitutional. He said he would offer an amendment in January to correct it.

I would rather see him vote against it now. If the bill should pass anyway, he could later offer his amendment. But if a bill is unconstitutional, I think it is better for us not to vote for it. I think Members of Congress must develop stamina, fortitude, and courage to resist pressures, and to stand by the Constitution. If we do not do so, as I stated earlier in the day, we shall keep whittling away the rights of the States until, after a while, the States will not have any rights. There will be a powerful Central Government—and it will be a powerful monster, too. Everything will radiate from Washington.

I understand there is a movement on foot to establish a national police system. It is desired to convert the FBI, which is purely an investigative agency, into a law-enforcement agency. It is not a law-enforcement agency. Congress would not have the right to establish a national police agency, because under the Constitution the police power is reserved to the States.

However, this investigative agency, the FBI, is in a different situation. It does not do police work. It apprehends criminals and works with the States, and cooperates in the execution of Federal laws, apprehending violators and bringing them to trial. But it is not a police agency. I am glad that Mr. J. Edgar Hoover said that he was opposed to a national police system. I am sorry to see that the President has been recommending a bill to provide Federal aid to education by way of construction of school buildings. I have been amazed at the fact that so many people are not acquainted with the fact that in the entire Federal Constitution there is not a sentence which contains the word “education.” The word “education” is not to be found in the United States Constitution. Therefore, since the States did not delegate the field of education to the Federal Government, the Federal Government has no jurisdiction in that field, unless we amend the Constitution and give the Federal Government jurisdiction in the field of education.

We can amend the Constitution. We can follow one of the four methods of amending the Constitution, and give the Federal Government authority in that field, if that is the wise thing to do, which I do not think it is. However, that is the way it must be done. We have no authority to appropriate money for Federal aid to education. I know that the President’s intentions are good. However, at Columbia University several years ago he was against Federal aid to education. At any rate, it would be a great mistake for the Federal Government to enter the field of education.

After we begin giving money for Federal aid to education by way of construction, the next demand from the powerful National Education Association, which I understand is building a tremendous office building in Washington, will be for a supplement to the salaries of teachers. The National Education Association will bring pressure on Members of Congress, as do other pressure organizations, and will say, “We need supplements to teachers’ salaries.”

When we enact legislation for Federal aid to construct the buildings, and to provide supplements to teachers’ salaries, the Federal Government will be asked to pay a larger share of such salaries, and there will be more and more control to go with it. Before we know it, there will be Federal control of education, and the parents of the Nation will find their children studying books selected in Washington, instead of by the people in Delaware, North Dakota, and South Carolina.

It is a great mistake for us not to follow the Constitution. If the Constitution needs amending, we can amend it. There is a provision for amending it, and it should be amended from time to time. There have been 22 amendments since it was adopted. In 1789 the first 10 amendments were adopted. Since then, 12 other amendments have been adopted. There are now 22 amendments to the Constitution.

We were talking about the 16th amendment awhile ago, the income-tax amendment. I think most people feel that it is necessary, although the income tax appears high. Therefore there had to be a way to bring it about. Congress could not pass an income-tax law. It had no authority to do so until the Constitution had been amended to give Congress the power to do it.

I think it is important to understand what we mean by the division of powers between the Federal Government and the State governments. We have a compound Republic. It is a compound Republic because there are Federal powers and State powers. There are three branches in the Federal Government, each of which checks on the others, with the exception of the Supreme Court. It has practically no check on it, and it has gone wild.

There are three branches in the State governments. Each is supposed to be a check on the others.

There are two checks on the Supreme Court. In the first place, we can impeach Supreme Court justices. However, the House must do the impeaching, and the Senate sits as a jury to hear the case. So, there is not much the Senate can do from that standpoint.

The other one is that, under the Constitution, the appellate power of the Supreme Court can be controlled by the Congress, so that if Congress saw fit to pass a bill to limit the {{SIC|appelate|appellate}} power of the Supreme Court, Congress would have that right. The Constitution gives it the power to do that. Many persons think we have to amend the Constitution before we can do that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Would the Senator say that would be a form of cruel and inhuman punishment to impose upon his colleagues?

Mr. THURMOND. I would say it is cruel and inhuman punishment to impose on the citizens of America if we pass a bill without providing for a jury trial.

(Manifestations of applause in the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The galleries will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. I have received letters from a number of States, and I have been in California. I spent a week there in the fall of 1953. Starting at Long Beach and ending up at San Francisco, I made addresses all the way up the coast. I even went to Bakersfield and saw an old friend of the Senator from California there. I talked with many persons there. Unless they have had a change in sentiment, they think, just as the people of South Carolina do, that there should be jury trials.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does not the distinguished Senator also think that the people of California are interested in the 15th amendment to the Constitution, assuring all American citizens the right to vote?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the people of California are, and I am sure the people of South Carolina are. The people of South Carolina have done something about it, just as have the people of California. Last night, when the distinguished Senator from California was resting comfortably, I was speaking here and trying to rouse the people of America concerning the dangers of taking away their right of trial by jury. I placed in the {{sc|Record}} the statutes of California on that subject, and here is what they provide:
{{smaller block|“California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:}}
{{smaller block|“Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders of prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).}}
{{smaller block|“Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other forms of intimidation, to compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election (sec 1158).}}
{{smaller block|“Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).}}
{{smaller block|“Election officers: Any election officer who induces, or attempts to induce, any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony. (sec. 11583).}}
{{smaller block|“Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or action of employees, or who, within 90 days before an election, exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (secs. 11584, 11585).}}
{{smaller block|“Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).}}
{{smaller block|“Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).}}
{{smaller block|“Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).”}}
Those are statutes of the State of California, and they are good statutes.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does the Senator not recognize the fact that under the voting rights bill which the Senate is attempting to pass but which the Senator from South Carolina has, for the moment, successfully prevented the Senate from passing, there is not a single individual who can be cited for either civil or criminal contempt if another American citizen is deprived of his right to vote under the Constitution? So, if the Senator is correct in his statement that no person is deprived of his right to vote in his State—and I feel certain that no American citizen is denied the right to vote in my State—neither California nor South Carolina would cite any public official or other person criminally unless they were depriving people of their right to vote under the laws of the State.

Mr. THURMOND. I think some part of the Union could nullify the Constitution, just as I think some juries turn loose some defendants who are guilty. Some judges will make mistakes, too. But why do we not let the States alone and let them handle their own problems? I know the southern people and I know they are doing all they can for the Negro.

I see my friend the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting next to the Senator from California. He feels that his State is doing all it can. I know the State of Mississippi, from which come my good friends, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} and Senator {{sc|Stennis}}, is doing all it can. We cannot change customs overnight. We have to let the local people work these things out. But Congress did not care to let the local people work these things out.

All that is necessary is to have enforcement of the Federal statute. There is a Federal statute, to which I called attention today. For the benefit of Senators who were not here at the time, I may say that this statute provides that whoever intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, is guilty of a crime, punishable by a $1,000 fine or by imprisonment of 1 year.

Mr. COOPER. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator know that there has never been any question, since the War Between the States, about the Negro population in Kentucky having the right to vote, and exercising that right?

Mr. THURMOND. I have never heard any question about it. I simply say that in my State the Negroes are voting in large numbers. They claimed the credit for carrying the election for Stevenson in 1952, and at that time there was a very close election. They claimed they cast more than 80,000 votes, which was about 25 percent of the total. Their own newspaper contained that information. I have a clipping from that newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer. So they are certainly voting in my State, and I am sure they are voting in the Senator’s State.

Is it not better to let the local people work out these problems, rather than to rush things on them, and try to change their customs overnight?

As a matter of fact, if you gentlemen want to take any action, however, if the proponents of this bill are not satisfied—I do not think the distinguished Senator is dissatisfied—with the enforcement by the governors of the States of the Nation—and the governors are the chief executive officers of the States and are responsible for enforcing the law—or if the Federal Government is not satisfied with the enforcement being given by the governors to the voting laws of the States to protect the rights of people to vote, then why do they not enforce the Federal statute, which is already on the books?

Mr. COOPER. Because of the Senator’s kind reference, I should like to ask a question as follows: Does the Senator know that in Kentucky all citizens, including all Negroes, have had, since the War Between the States, the right to vote, have exercised that right, and that it has never been questioned?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is the case, because I have heard that they vote there. They are voting in the South in larger numbers than ever before. No persons in my State are deprived of the right to vote. If they are qualified to vote, they are allowed to vote. Of course, no man who is not qualified ought to be allowed to vote. New York State has a much higher standard, as I said a while ago, than we have. If a person can merely read or write in my State, he can vote. In New York one has to be a high-school graduate, I believe, or at least has to meet a literacy test. So we are not nearly so strict in South Carolina as they are in New York.

The Senator comes from a border State. Kentucky is a great State. I suggest to the Senator, however, since he is from a border State that went in part with the North and in part with the South, that the Senator stick with the South.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I will ask the Senator if it is not true that Kentucky had to make that choice almost a hundred years ago and they chose to stick with the Union?

Mr. THURMOD. Mr. President, if there is any Member in the Senate who is not satisfied with the voting protection given by the governors and the other officials of the States of the Nation, again I say that all they have to do is to call upon the Justice Department to enforce section 594. It is now against the Federal law to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any voter, in any way, shape, or form. That is the Federal statute which is on the books now. Why not enforce that statute? What is the idea of coming here with a right-to-vote bill? That is a big, high-sounding word that does not mean anything. If we pass this bill, we will pass an unconstitutional bill. It will be all right if the Justice Department will enforce section 594. I believe they are enforcing it. Is there anyone that thinks they are not enforcing this law? Is there anyone who thinks the present administration is not enforcing section 594?

If the Justice Department are enforcing this law, they are protecting people in this matter now. If they are not enforcing this law, let them enforce it, and that will protect them. Either the Justice Department are not enforcing this law, if they have had complaints, or they have not had any complaints.

Has the Justice Department had complaints, such as we have been hearing about, that many people have been denied the right to vote? We hear that in the South many people are denied the right to vote. What is there now; what has there been in the past 5 years to keep the Attorney General from going to any Southern State to enforce this statute? It is a Federal statute. The Attorney General not only has the right to enforce it, but he has the duty. If there have been any complaints about people in the South not voting, I have not heard of them. But if there have been any complaints about them not voting, then the Justice Department ought to do something about it. If the Justice Department has taken no action to enforce this statute, it shows one of two things: The Department has not had anybody objecting, or, if there were objections, it ignored them and did not do its duty by enforcing the statute. The point is there is a Federal statute now, so why pass another bill? All the Congress needs to do is to follow the Constitution. If we will follow the line of demarcation in the Constitution between the powers delegated to the Federal Government and the powers reserved to the States, we will not get into difficulties about all these different things.

If a bill were introduced to repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting, there would not be any question but that the Congress would not consider it because it would be unconstitutional. The qualifications of voting are reserved to the States. Why can we not look at it from that viewpoint and not try to say whether it is a good bill or a bad bill? On the right to vote bill, should there be any question whether we are going to accept this compromise? I do not think there should be any question at all, because the Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The court decision which I have before me holds that criminal contempt is a crime.

Mr. President—

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). The Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I will proceed now, if there are no further questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina has the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. Article III., defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield to the able Senator for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it correct that under Federal statute 594 there can be imposed a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. The compromise right to vote bill cuts it down to a fine of $300 and 45 days in jail. If the judge determines that the defendant ought to suffer a greater penalty than that, the case has to go to a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator, I will say if this bill is passed, of course I am expecting it to be held unconstitutional as soon as it can be tested. But until that is done, they will have a choice.

There could be a prosecution under the Federal statute, which is section 594: or such a person could be taken before a Federal judge, and the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to try the case. If the judge decided he was in a hurry to take a vacation trip, he could simply say, “I will try the case myself.” Then, under the provisions of the compromise measure, the judge would try the case; and the person being tried could not complain.

Let me ask the Senator from North Dakota what he would do. Suppose he were to find himself in such a situation; and suppose the judge were to say to him, “Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I will not give you a jury trial. I will try you myself”—and then the judge would rear back on his haunches and would grin.

What would the Senator from North Dakota do under those circumstances? There would be nothing he could do, because the judge would have a right to try him under the provisions of the compromise measure which has come to us from the House of Representatives.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Inasmuch as section 594 is on the statute books, why is not this right-to-vote bill entirely superfluous?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has put his finger on exactly what I have been discussing in the Senate for—let me see, Mr. President, how long has it been?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Twenty-one hours.

Mr. THURMOND. No; Mr. President, it has been 22 hours and 10 minutes. [Laughter.] For 22 hours and 10 minutes I have been trying to emphasize that point—namely, why is this compromise necessary, when a Federal statute on this subject is already on the statute books? It provides for a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail.

If the Department of Justice is interested in the persons who are alleged to have been deprived of the right to vote—regardless of whether they are whites, Negroes, or others—why does not the Department of Justice take action to enforce section 594 and thus protect the right to vote? The Department of Justice can do that under section 594. That is up to the Department of Justice. I do not know what the Department will do; that is up to the Department of Justice.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. During the last 5 years, has anyone been arrested under section 594?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota, I wish to say that I have never heard that anyone in my State has been tried under that statute. So there is no use in having the representatives of the Department of Justice come to South Carolina and say that people there are deprived of the right to vote, because if anyone representing the Department of Justice does come to South Carolina and does make such a statement, I will tell him that it is his own fault, for those in the Department of Justice have failed to do their duty; they have a law under which they can punish such persons, but they have not done so. Either no one in South Carolina is deprived of the right to vote, or else the Department of Justice has failed to do its duty.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina. I get the point very clearly.

Mr. THURMOND. Let me ask whether there are any more questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I shall proceed. I am just trying to find a section of the Constitution to which I wish to refer.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, while the Senator from South Carolina is doing that, will he yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Can the Senator from South Carolina tell the Senate how many years ago section 594 was enacted into law?

Mr. THURMOND. I believe it was in 1939.

Mr. LANGER. Do I correctly understand that since that time, there has been no prosecution under that provision of law? Is that true, so far as the Senator from South Carolina knows?

Mr. THURMOND. I have not heard of a single prosecution in South Carolina under that statute.

Mr. LANGER. Has the Senator heard of one in any other State?

Mr. THURMOND. If there has been one, I have not heard of it. I would not say there has not been one in some other State, but I do not know of a case of that sort which has been tried in the Federal courts. Some have been tried in the State courts; we are enforcing our State laws.

But I have not heard of a case in which anyone has been tried under this Federal statute—which carries with it a heavy penalty, namely, a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment in jail for 1 year. I have never heard of anyone who has been tried under that law. But, Mr. President, of course I am not surprised at that, because in South Carolina, everyone who wishes to register to vote and to vote, does register and does vote, if he is qualified. So I do not think it likely that there would be any cases of that sort in South Carolina.

Mr. President, there have been insinuations to the effect that the Southern States are denying some people the right to vote. I think insinuations about any States should stop—whether that be Northern States, Southern States, Eastern States, or Western States. All of us are Americans. We have a great country. In all the wars the United States has ever fought, the United States has had brave soldiers from all sections of the country. It is very bad to have people in one section of the country try to snipe at people in another section of the country. That is the very thing George Washington warned against in his Farewell Address.

Mr. LANGER. Yes, I am familiar with that admonition by George Washington.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, if anyone in the South has been intimidated or coerced or threatened with regard to voting—if anyone in any Southern State has been treated in that way—the district attorney in the State can take action any day he wishes to; and if the Department of Justice does not do it, the Department is failing to perform its duty with respect to such violations; or else there are no violations of that sort. So evidently there have not been any violations of that sort in the State of South Carolina, or else no one has complained about them. As a matter of fact, I am quite sure that there have not been any violations of that sort in my State, because, as I have said, anyone in South Carolina who wishes to vote, and who is qualified to vote, and who registers, can vote.

Mr. President, I should like to read what George Washington said.

Sometimes, Mr. President, when I see the able Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting in his seat in this Chamber—so able a judge and lawyer, and a fine soldier in World War II.; and when I see in the Chamber the distinguished senior Senator from Michigan [Mr. {{sc|Potter}}], who lost both of his legs in that war; and when I see my other fellow veterans who are distinguished Members of this body or are distinguished Members of the House of Representatives, and then when I see matters of a sectional nature brought up here, and when one group wishes to try to have enacted into law a measure aimed at punishing another section of the country, it makes my heart ache. My colleagues who are veterans did not feel that way when they were serving in the Armed Forces overseas; they did not feel that way when they were in uniform. If the Members of Congress from various sections of the United States would just accord to all the other States the same respect that they expect to have accorded to their own States I am sure that we would not be having this trouble; and then I would not have been speaking here on this subject for more than 22 hours in an effort to arouse the American people.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. For 22 hours and 10 minutes.

Mr. THURMOND. No, Mr. President, for 22 hours and 20 minutes. [Laughter.]

I would not be trying to arouse the American people if it were not necessary. But why should the North want to pick on those of us who live in the South? Why do the people in New York want to pick on us? Why do the people in New Jersey want to pick on us? Or why do the people of any other section of the country want to pick on us? We think we are fairly good people. We think we are patriotic. The Members of Congress from the Southern States want to work together with all the other Members of Congress.

Mr. President, I want to extend every courtesy to every other Member of Congress, and I want to see those who live in any particular section of the country extend to the rest of the people of the country the same courtesy that they expect to have extended to themselves.

But, Mr. President, I can tell you this: This right-to-vote bill—and I say this because I know something about its history—is aimed at the South. It is aimed at the South; and it hurts me to see that done, because South Carolina is not guilty, and this bill should not be enacted. I do not believe the other Southern States are guilty. The Southern States have done their part in every way. As I have said, the people of the Southern States have fought for their country and have served in public office in every way. They have been honorable people.

Yet, in order to try to win the votes of certain minority blocs, some pressure groups are willing to punish us, to put us under the heel, and to grind and grind and grind us. I am getting tired of it.

(Manifestations of applause by the occupants of the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The doorkeepers must keep the galleries in order.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. COOPER. A minute ago the Senator spoke very generously of our association and friendship during World War II. I know that he did not mean to intimate that there was any intention upon the part of the Senator from Kentucky, in his vote on the civil-rights bill, to show any bias or prejudice toward his own people in the South.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that there was not, Senator.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator remember?

Mr. THURMOND. I remember, and I say to the Senator from Kentucky he is one of the finest and most gracious gentlemen I have known.

The Senator from Kentucky is not one of those ardent proponents of the bill who is trying to ram the bill home. I do not know how he is going to vote, but he is a good constitutional lawyer. I hope he will not vote for it. I hope he will think over the jury trial issue and not vote for it.

He has not been one of those who has been baiting the South.

Mr. COOPER. The Senator from Kentucky is a good friend of the Senator from South Carolina, but the Senator from Kentucky will vote for civil rights. He intends to vote for the bill this evening or at some later time.

In the debate he said again and again that he believes in the juries in the South, and that the people of the South would respect the law and would follow the law. I am sure the Senator from South Carolina knows that the Senator from Kentucky said that.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure he did say that.

The only thing is that if the Senator feels that the South obeys the law, I do not understand why he should want to have this bill passed.

I will get on with what George Washington said.

Mr. President, George Washington, in his Farewell Address, used his strongest language against those who would divide our country; he urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern—Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
That was George Washington speaking.

George Washington wanted to see the people from the North to the South, and to the East and the West, bound together with a fraternal feeling. He wanted a fraternal attitude manifested.

Why should we not manifest a fraternal attitude on these matters? Why should we not try to help another section, and not sponsor legislation which is aimed at any particular section, merely to try to get votes to win an election?

I have said, and I repeat, that since every State in the United States from Alabama to Wyoming has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and since the Federal Government has a statute on its books to protect the right to vote, there is no need for this bill.

I say, and I repeat, that I think the bill is purely political, and I think that both parties have been trying to grab the ball to see who could get the spotlight for the elections coming up in 1958.
{{smaller block|Article III, defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review. We may note, for example, two further uses of the plural: First, the judicial power is to extend “to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority.” Second, treason against the United States is to consist “only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies.” Because the authority of the Court will be considered at length in a later chapter, it will suffice here merely to point out that nowhere in article III is the Court given jurisdiction over controversies between a State and the United States. That proposal was specifically advanced during the convention, and specifically rejected.}}
{{smaller block|Every section—indeed, every paragraph—of article IV touches upon the Federal nature of the Union. Full faith and credit are to be given in each State, to the acts and judicial proceedings of every other State. If this were not a Federal Union, the provision would be nonsense. Beyond this, the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall be delivered upon demand to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.}}
{{smaller block|Then comes the provision that Northern States were to flout over a period of 30 years: “No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.”}}
{{smaller block|Finally, we may note in article IV the provision for admitting new States into this Union (not this Nation, but this Union): “No new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.”}}
{{smaller block|Article V had best be quoted in full. It has not been changed by so much as an apostrophe in the years since it came from Philadelphia in September of 1787. It still fixes and defines the sovereign power:}}
{{smaller block|Pause for a moment over this article of the Constitution. We are dealing here with Taylor’s “will to enact” and “power to execute;” we are dealing with Marshall’s “power to make and unmake.” It was plainly envisioned by the framers that their work would require amendment through the years. “That useful alterations will be suggested by experience, could not but be foreseen,” Madison was to write. There was a double aim in the provision, even a triple aim. {{SIC|Aricle|Article}} V, Madison tells us, was intended, first, to guard equally against too-easy amendment on the one hand and too-difficult amendment on the other. It was drafted, secondly, to permit amendments to originate both with the Federal and with the State Governments. But it was intended, finally, to leave the ultimate decision upon changing the Constitution to the sovereign States themselves—not to the people as a mass, nor even to a bare majority of the States as such. It was recognized that the great, overriding principle of protection for minorities should apply here as bindingly as it was to apply elsewhere. If one-fourth of the States plus one should object to a change in the Constitution—even if that change were desired by three-fourths minus one (and even if this larger fraction should include the great bulk of the total population)—the change could not be engrafted to the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI is brief. Its first provision covers debts and engagements entered into under the Articles of Confederation and continues these obligations under the proposed new Constitution; its third provision prohibits any religious test as a qualification for public office and requires an oath to support the Constitution of all public officers, both State and Federal.}}
{{smaller block|It is the second provision that merits brief attention in this summary review:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”}}
{{smaller block|Let us go back: What is to be supreme? Three things. First, “this Constitution.” Secondly, “laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof.” Third, treaties made “under the authority of the United States.” That is all. Not Executive orders of the President. Not even judgments of the Supreme Court. The Constitution, the laws made in pursuance thereof, the treaties.}}
{{smaller block|In passing, note the phrase “law of the land.” It stems originally from the Magna Carta; but as it appears in the Constitution, “law of the land” was merely a substitution, proposed by the committee on style, for “law of the several States and their citizens and inhabitants.” The object was to extend this new supreme law to Territories as well as to the States. And this phrase, “law of the land,” is as close as the Constitution ever comes to suggesting a “nation.” Actually the word “nation” or the word “national” never appears in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The aim, we will recall, was to form “a more perfect Union.” Representatives and taxes were to be apportioned among the several States which may be included “within this Union.” The militia may be called forth to execute “the laws of the Union.” The President is to provide Congress with information on the “state of the Union.” New States are to be admitted “into this Union.” The guaranty of a republican form of government goes “to every State in this Union.” But never, at any point, are the United States described, in the Constitution, as comprising a “nation.”}}
{{smaller block|This is not to contend, of course, that ours is not a Nation, or that the Federal Government does not operate nationally. It is only to suggest that the deliberate terms of the Constitution speak for themselves, and should be heeded: Our country is, first and foremost, originally and still, a Union of States. And when we speak of the law of the land, it should be kept steadily in mind that the land is a Federal Union, in which each of the States stands coequal with every other State. The Constitution is supreme not only in its authority over each State, but also in its protection over each State. And each State, each respective State, is entitled to rely upon the Constitution as embodying supreme law that all other States must adhere to with equal fidelity, like it or not, until the Constitution be changed by the States themselves.}}
{{smaller block|Note, too, the careful qualification that defines laws enacted by the Congress. Just any laws of the United States are not enough: Laws, to be binding, must be laws made in pursuance of the Constitution. Any attempted statutes that invade the residuary authority of the States, Hamilton tells us, “will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such.” And he adds, at another point, that:}}
{{smaller block|“There is no position which depends on clearer principles than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid.”}}
{{smaller block|Surely, it may be urged that precisely the same standard must be applied to other branches of the Federal Government—the executive and judicial no less than the legislative. By extension, thus, judgments of the Court, to be supreme law of the land, must be made pursuant to the Constitution. A judgment of the Court, so violative of the clear terms and understandings of the Constitution as to invade the residuary authority of the States, must also be regarded as a usurpation, and should deserve to be treated as such. The argument will be pursued at greater length hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|Finally, this brief examination of the Constitution from the standpoint of the States may be concluded with a second look at article VII. It should be read carefully; for this is the clause that binds: “The ratification of the conventions of 9 States”—not, again, the approval of a majority of the people in a popular referendum, but the ratification of 9 States—“shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, on September 17, the Convention concluded its work. George Washington, as President of the Convention, transmitted the document to the Congress. A prophetic sentence appeared in his letter, as he mentioned the compromises necessary for the surrender of sovereign powers: “It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved.” The States had done the best they could through their delegates. Eager to consolidate their Union, each State had been disposed “to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected.” They launched the ship.}}
{{smaller block|“Well, Doctor,” said the lady to Mr. Franklin, “what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?”}}
{{smaller block|“A republic,” replied the doctor, “if you can keep it.”}}
It is pretty hard to keep when bills are introduced to violate the Constitution by chipping off and whittling away the rights of the States in an effort, it seems, to reduce them to colonial status.

Continuing the quotation from the Kilpatrick book:
{{c|{{x-smaller|6. THE PROPHETIC MR. HENRY}}}}
{{smaller block|For the States’ understanding of what the Constitution was to mean to them, as States, we can look not only to the internal evidence of the Constitution itself, but to the debates in the ratifying conventions and to some of the contemporary criticism, notably in the Federalist papers. We can look, also, to some of the pronouncements of the Supreme Court from time to time, and to the writings of scholars of our own day.}}
{{smaller block|The evidence is overwhelming. By written compact, solemnly ratified, the States agreed mutually to delegate certain of their sovereign powers to a Federal Government. They enumerated these powers. All other powers they reserved to themselves, and these reserved powers did not need to be enumerated: the reserved powers constituted an inherent powers of sovereign States not specifically abridged.}}
{{smaller block|So plain was this understanding that the feeling most frequently encountered, in reading comments of the period, is one of incredulity that anyone should doubt it.}}
{{smaller block|“The proposed constitution,” said Hamilton, “so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, said Madison:}}
{{smaller block|“It is to be remembered that the General Government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administering laws. Its {{SIC|jursidiction|jurisdiction}} is limited to certain enumerated objects which concern all the members of the Republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate provisions of any. The subordinate governments, which can extend their care to all other objects which can be separately provided for, will retain their due authority and activity.”}}
{{smaller block|Neither Hamilton nor Madison could quite imagine the Federal Government ever seriously encroaching upon the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Allowing the utmost latitude to the love of power which any reasonable man can require,” said Hamilton, “I confess I am at a loss to discover what temptation the persons intrusted with the administration of the General Government could ever feel to divest the States of the authorities of that description. The regulation of the mere domestic police of a State appears to me to hold out slender allurements to ambition. Commerce, finance, negotiation, and war seem to comprehend all the objects which have charms for minds governed by that passion; and all the powers necessary to those objects ought, in the first instance, to be lodged in the national depository.”}}
{{smaller block|Then he added, with a singular absence of prophecy:}}
{{smaller block|“The administration of private justice between the citizens of the same State, the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation, can never be desirable cares of a general jurisdiction. It is therefore improbable that there should exist a disposition in the Federal councils to usurp the powers with which they are connected. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“It will always be far more easy for the State governments to encroach upon the national authorities, than for the National Government to encroach upon the State authorities.”}}
That is where he was wrong. In other words, Hamilton had no idea that the Federal Government would ever attempt to encroach on the rights of the states. In his day it looked to him as if it would be easier for the States to encroach on the rights of the Federal Government than for the Federal Government to encroach on the rights of the States. But in recent years do-gooders, welfare-staters, left-wingers, and other pressure groups are trying to transform this Government. They are trying to make of it a national government. It is not a national government; it is a Federal Government. The States came together in a federation and formed this Government. That is the conception which I hope we can get over to the people of the Nation, that our Government is not a national government; it is a Federal Government made by the States coming together and forming a federation and signing the compact which became the Constitution. Therefore we have a Federal Government, not a national government. I hope we shall never have a national government. We must stop the Federal usurpation that is now going on and has been going on for some years.
{{smaller block|Madison, also, imagined that the Federal Government would “be disinclined to invade the rights of the individual States, or the prerogatives of their governments.” For his part, Hamilton thought it more probable that the States would encroach upon the Federal Government, and he imagined that in such contests the State governments, because they “will commonly possess most influence” over the people, would dominate Federal agencies “to the disadvantage of the Union.” However, all such conjectures Hamilton viewed as “extremely vague and fallible.” He preferred to assume that the people “will always take care to preserve the constitutional equilibrium between the general and the State governments.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 45, Madison treated at considerable length the widespread apprehension that the States would be obliterated. Some of his comments have been outdated; what he has to say about the election of Senators, for example, unhappily has been superseded by the misfortune of the 17th amendment. Some of his other observations, dealing with functions of what was to become the Bureau of Internal Revenue, may occasion some wary reflection on the lengths by which even a Madison could miss his guess. But as contemporary evidence of the role guaranteed to the States, No. 45 justifies quotation at some length:}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments will have the advantage of the Federal Government, whet her we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them to the predilection and probable support of the people; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the Federal Government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the people, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the people obtains for themselves an election into the State legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the Federal Government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious than too overbearing toward them. On the other side, the component parts of the State governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the Federal Government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.}}
{{smaller block|“The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller than the number employed under the particular States. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side or the former than of the latter. The members of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments of 13 and more States, the justices of peace, officers of militia, ministerial officers of justice, with all the county, corporation, and town officers, for 3 millions and more of people, intermixed, and having particular acquaintance with every class and circle of people, must exceed, beyond all proportion, both in number and influence, those of every description who will be employed in the administration of the Federal system. Compare the members of the three great departments of the 13 States, excluding from the judiciary department the justices of peace, with the members of the corresponding departments of the single government of the Union; compare the militia officers of 3 millions of people with the military and marine officers of any establishment which is within the compass of probability, or, I may add, of possibility, and in this view alone, we may pronounce the advantage of the States to be decisive.}}
{{smaller block|“If the Federal Government is to have collectors of revenue, the State governments will have theirs also. And as those of the former will be principally on the seacoast, and not very numerous, whilst those of the latter will be spread over the face of the country, and will be very numerous, the advantage in this view also lies on the same side. It is true, that the confederacy is to possess, and may exercise, the power of collecting internal as well as external taxes throughout the States; but it is probable that this power will not be resorted to, except for supplemental purposes of revenue; that an option will then be given to the States to supply their quotas by previous collections of their own; and that the eventual collection, under the immediate authority of the Union·, will generally be made by the officers, and according to the rules, appointed by the several States. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the Federal Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.}}
{{smaller block|“The operations of the Federal Government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments in times of peace and security. As the former periods will probably bear a small proportion to the latter, the State governments will here enjoy another advantage over the Federal Government. The more adequate, indeed, the Federal powers may be rendered to the national defense, the less frequent will be those scenes of danger which might favor their ascendancy over the governments of the particular States.}}
{{smaller block|“If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of new powers to the union, than in the invigoration of its original powers. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the Articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them.”}}
{{smaller block|Even John Marshall, who did more than any man in our history to aggrandize the Federal Government and to weaken the States, never doubted the basic structure of divided powers. Consider, briefly, his comment in the famed case of ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland''. The case arose when Congress established the Bank of the United States, and Maryland undertook to levy a tax upon the bank’s Baltimore branch; James McCulloch, the cashier, refused to pay the tax, and Maryland sued.}}
{{smaller block|The legal questions were two: Did Congress have power to incorporate the bank, and secondly, did Maryland have power to tax it? Marshall answered the first one “Yes,” the second, “No.” With the bulk of his reasoning, strict constructionists and apostles of States rights will disagree: Marshall’s sophisticated mind did not boggle at stretching “necessary” to mean “convenient.” In considering the actual act of ratification by which the Union was formed, Marshall was not much impressed by the fact, which he could not escape, that the people met in State conventions. “Where else should they have assembled?” he asked. But even here, a couple of sentences merit quotation as evidence from the States greatest detractor:}}
{{smaller block|“It is true, [the people] assembled in their several States—and where else should they have assembled? No political dreamer was ever wild enough to think of breaking down the lines which separate the States, and of compounding the American people into one common mass. Of consequence, when they act, they act in their States.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall went on in his opinion to confuse “States” and “State governments,” thus setting up a convenient strawman to batter down. No one ever had contended that the Constitution was ratified by State governments, but Marshall, with a glittering display of intellectual swordsmanship, neatly skewered the nonexistent objection. Then he went on to say:}}
{{smaller block|“This Government is acknowledged by all to be one of enumerated powers. The principle that it can exercise only the powers granted to it would seem too apparent to have required to be enforced by all those arguments which its enlightened friends, while it was pending before the people, found it necessary to urge. That principle is now universally admitted. But the question respecting the extent of the powers actually granted is perpetually arising, and will probably continue to arise, as long as our system shall exist.”}}
{{smaller block|True enough, the question of “the extent of powers” does continue to arise to this day, though the doctrines of Marshall have so pervaded public thinking that it often is forgotten that the Federal Government has any limitations whatever. But the separateness of the States and the nature of their delegated powers were clearly recognized when the Constitution was created. The prophets who foresaw the trend toward consolidation—notably Patrick Henry and George Mason—were told they were old women, seeing ghosts.}}
{{smaller block|Consider, if you will, the debate on ratification in Virginia. The transcript offers some absorbing reading. If the clash of a Henry and a Mason with a Pendleton and a Madison does not prompt reflection upon subsequent corruption of the Constitution, at the very least their battle must lead to regrets at the decline in the quality of today’s legislative debates. There were giants in those days. This was, to paraphrase Marshall, a Constitution they were debating. What was said of the relationship of the States and the Federal Government?}}
{{smaller block|Go back in time. This was a sultry summer in Richmond. At least twice the brief convention was interrupted by thunder storms so severe the delegates were forced to recess. Tempers flared sharply. At one point Edmund Randolph, infuriated with Patrick Henry, was prepared to let their friendship “fall like Lucifer, never to rise again.” They began on Monday, June 2; they adjourned ''sine die'' on Friday, June 27. Into those 4 weeks, the Virginians of 1788 packed a world of profound reflection upon the meaning and intention of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Edmund Pendleton served as president of the Virginia convention. He was a remarkable man: lawyer, scholar, statesman, thinker. In advocating ratification, Pendleton was joined by James Madison, John Marshall, Edmund Randolph, and Light Horse Harry Lee. They carried the day against Patrick Henry and George Mason, as leading opponents of the proposition.}}
{{smaller block|The convention scarcely had begun before Henry established the broad spread of argument. He did not propose to abide by any parliamentary decision to debate one clause at a time. Before the convention in Philadelphia the previous summer, said Henry, a general peace and a universal tranquillity had prevailed. Now he was “extremely uneasy at the proposed change of government.” He swept the room with a cold eye: “Be extremely cautious, watchful, jealous of your liberty. Instead of securing your rights, you may lose them forever.”}}
{{smaller block|George Mason came to his side. He charged that the new Constitution would create “a national government, and no longer a confederation.” He especially denounced the authority proposed in the general government to levy direct taxes. This power, being at the discretion of Congress and unconfined, “and without any kind of control, must carry everything before it.” “The idea of a consolidated government,” he said, “is totally subversive of every principle which has hitherto governed us. This power is calculated to annihilate totally the State governments. * * * These two concurrent powers cannot exist long together; the one will destroy the other; the general government, being paramount to and in every respect more powerful than the State governments, the latter must give way to the former.”}}
{{smaller block|Then Mason voiced the argument that is as applicable in the mid-20th century as it was toward the end of the 18th:}}
{{smaller block|“Is it to be supposed that one national government will suit so extensive a country, embracing so many climates, and containing inhabitants so very different in manners, habits, and customs? It is ascertained, by history, that there never was a government over a very extensive country without destroying the liberties of the people. * * * Popular governments can only exist in small territories.”}}
{{smaller block|On Thursday, June 5, Pendleton undertook to respond to Henry and to Mason. Was the proposed government, he inquired, truly a consolidated government? Of course not. “If this be such a government, I will confess, with my worthy friend, that it is inadmissible. * * *” The proposed Federal Government, he said, “extends to the general purposes of the Union. It does not intermeddle with the local, particular affairs of
the States. * * * It is the interest of the Federal to preserve the State governments; upon the latter the existence of the former depends. * * * I wonder how any gentleman, reflecting on the subject, could have conceived an idea of the possibility of the latter.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry conceived it. He conceived it very clearly. The proposed Constitution, he felt, was “extremely pernicious, impolitic and dangerous.” He saw no jeopardy to the people in the Articles of Confederation; he saw great jeopardy in this new Constitution. And he had this to say:}}
{{smaller block|“We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty: Our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of every thing. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors: By that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, ts about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.”}}
{{smaller block|And note this prophetic observation:}}
{{smaller block|“There will be no checks, no real balances, in this government. What can avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope-dancing, chain-rattling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances?”}}
{{smaller block|What indeed? What have these ideal checks and balances availed the States in the 20th century? Henry saw the empty prospect: “This Constitution is said to have beautiful features; but when I come to examine these features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful. Among other deformities, it has an awful squinting; it squints toward monarchy; and does not this raise indignation in the breast of every true American?”}}
{{smaller block|It was monarchy, ''per se'', that Henry foresaw. And it was despotism at the hands of a general government that he feared.}}
{{smaller block|“What are your checks in this Government?” he kept asking.}}
{{smaller block|No one ever answered him accurately, though half a dozen members of the Convention undertook to refute Henry and to allay his apprehensions. Randolph, replying to the objection that the country soon would be too large for effective government from the capital, commented that “no extent on earth seems to me too great,” but he added, “provided the laws be wisely made and executed.” It has proved to be a large qualification.}}
{{smaller block|Madison also responded to Henry’s general objection that the liberty of the people was in danger: “Since the general civilization of mankind,” he said, “I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations.”}}
{{smaller block|Follow closely what Madison had to say next. He is expounding the relationship of the State and Federal Governments as he, above all men, understood it:}}
{{smaller block|“Give me leave to say something of the nature of the Government. * * * There are a number of opinions; but the principal question is, whether it be a federal or consolidated government. In order to judge properly of the question before us, we must consider it minutely in its principal parts. I conceive myself that it is of a mixed nature; it is in a manner unprecedented; we cannot find one express example in the experience of the world. It stands by itself. In some respects it is a government of a federal nature; in others it is of a consolidated nature. * * * Who are parties to it?”}}
{{smaller block|Note this, especially; it was quoted earlier, but it bears repetition:}}
{{smaller block|“The people—but not the people as composing one great body; but the people as composing 13 sovereignties.”}}
{{smaller block|Francis Corbin, one of the ablest political students of his time, then joined Madison, in soothing the growing fear that the Federal Government might one day absorb the State Governments. “The powers of the General Government,” he said, “are only of a general nature, and their object is to protect, defend, and strengthen the United States; but the internal administration of government is left to the State legisiatures, who exclusively retain such powers as will give the States the advantages of small republics, without the danger commonly attendant on the weakness of such governments.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry, undaunted, straightened his red wig and returned to the debate. “That government is no more than a choice among evils,” he remarked, “is acknowledged by the most intelligent among mankind, and has been a standing maxim for ages.” He could not accept the idea that this new government would be “a mighty benefit to us.”}}
{{smaller block|“Sir, I am made of so incredulous materials, that assertions and declarations do not satisfy me. I must be convinced, sir. I shall retain my infidelity on that subject till I see our liberties secured in a manner perfectly satisfactory to my understanding.”}}
{{smaller block|This exchange occurred on Friday, June 16. The following Monday, Henry renewed his assault:}}
{{smaller block|“A number of characters, of the greatest eminence in this country, object to this government for its consolidating tendency. This is not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If consolidation proves to be as mischievous to this country as it has been to other countries, what will the poor inhabitants of this country do? This government will operate like an ambuscade. It will destroy the State governments, and swallow the liberties of the people, without giving previous notice.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison came back with fresh replies and new remonstrances. The States were safely protected, he assured the Virginia convention. And renewing the arguments he had advanced in the Federalist, “There will be an irresistible bias toward the State governments.” It was utterly improbable—almost impossible—that the Federal Government ever would encroach upon the States. “The means of influence consist in having the disposal of gifts and emoluments, and in the number of persons employed by and dependent upon a government. Will any gentleman compare the number of persons which will be employed in the General Government with the number of those which will be in the State governments? The number of dependents upon the State governments will be infinitely greater than those on the General Government. I may say, with truth, that there never was a more economical government in any age or country, nor which will require fewer hands, or give less influence.”}}
{{smaller block|Pendleton again gained the floor to tackle Henry’s objection. We are told, he said, “that there will be a war between the two bodies equally our representatives, and that the State government will be destroyed, and consolidated into the General Government. I stated before, that this could not be so. The two governments act in different manners, and for different purposes—the General Government in great national concerns, in which we are interested in common with other members of the Union; the State legislature in our mere local concerns. * * * Our dearest rights—life, liberty and property—as Virginians, are still in the hands of our State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Patrick Henry remained unconvinced. His opinion and Madison’s were “diametrically opposite.” The mild-mannered Madison said the States would prevail. Henry, a dramatic and eloquent speaker, feared the Federal Government would prevail. Bring forth the Federal allurements, he cried, “and compare them with the poor, contemptible things that the State legislatures can bring forth. * * * There are rich, fat, Federal emoluments. Your rich, smug, fine, fat, Federal officers—the number of collectors of taxes and excises—will outnumber anything from the States. Who can cope with the excise man and the tax men?”}}
{{smaller block|Henry did not imagine that the dual governments could be kept each within its proper orbit. “I assert that there is danger of interference,” he remarked, “because no line is drawn between the powers of the two governments, in many instances; and where there is a line, there is no check to prevent the one from encroaching upon the powers of the other. I therefore contend that they must interfere, and that this interference must subvert the State government as being less powerful. Unless your government have checks, it must inevitably terminate in the destruction of your privileges.”}}
{{smaller block|William Grayson, burly veteran of the Revolution, was another member of the Virginia convention who clearly perceived the absence of effective checks and balances. “Power ought to have such checks and limitations,” he said, “as to prevent bad men from abusing it. It ought to be granted on a supposition that men will be bad; for it may eventually be so.”}}
{{smaller block|Grayson was here discussing his apprehensions toward the powers vested by article III in the Supreme Court of the United States. “This Court,” he protested, “has more power than any court under heaven.” The Court’s appellate jurisdiction, especially, aroused his alarm: “What has it in view, unless to subvert the State governments?”}}
Mr. President, only in the past few months this Court rendered a decision which struck down the sedition statutes in 48 States and two Territories, merely because the Federal Government had a statute on sedition. The Supreme Court held that because of that fact, the Federal Government had preempted the whole field, and struck down the State statutes on sedition. Sedition means overthrowing the Government. That is the practical effect of it.

Steve Nelson, in Pennsylvania, was convicted under Pennsylvania law. He appealed his case to the United States Supreme Court, and the Court turned him loose, on the ground that when the Federal sedition statute was enacted, that statute preempted the field. Thus it struck down all the State statutes on the subject. Forty-two States and two Territories had statutes on the subject.

Judge Howard Smith, in the House, who was the author of the bill, said there was no such intention on his part when he introduced the bill. There was even a provision in the bill that the State laws should not be affected. Yet the Supreme Court struck down the sedition statutes in 42 States and two Territories. Nine men overruled the legislatures of 42 States, and would have overruled the supreme courts in 42 States if their statutes had been tested.

In New York, a man named Slochower was employed by the City College of New York. The charter of the City College provides that if any schoolteacher takes refuge behind the fifth amendment, upon being asked by an official body about his Communist connections, he shall be automatically dismissed. He was questioned by an official body. He was automatically dismissed. But what happened? The Supreme Court reinstated him in his job. City College of New York cannot control its own faculty because of these nine men in Washington. Forty-eight State legislatures cannot have sedition statutes because of these nine men in Washington. Out in New Mexico a man applied for membership in the bar. A similar situation occurred in California. One of the men was admittedly a former Communist. The bar did not want him to become a member. Certainly the bar board should have discretion enough to determine whether a man had the character to be admitted. The board turned him down.

In the other case the man refused to answer questions about his Communist connections. Both of those men—one a former Communist, the other tied in with the Communists—were refused licenses to practice law, one in New Mexico and the other in California. But the nine men comprising the Supreme Court ordered those boards to give the applicants their licenses.

Also, in California there were 14 Communists convicted of actually organizing Communist cells. They were preaching the doctrine of communism. They were convicted in the California court. The case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court. What did that Court do? It turned five of them loose and gave the other nine a new trial. It virtually held, in fact, that one can preach communism all he wants to. So long as the organizing does not begin until a future day, it will be all right. In other words, there would have to be action to put it into effect immediately under the holding of the Court.

How are we going to protect this Government? How is the FBI going to protect it? How are the people of California going to protect it when they catch people who are actually organizing Communist cells and who are advocating communism and preaching communism, and then the Supreme Court turns them loose, laying down a dangerous doctrine—and it is a dangerous doctrine to which I just referred.

Then there is the Watkins case, Mr. President, which has hampered investigations by the Congress. The Supreme Court handed down a decision after Watkins had been convicted of contempt and turned him loose. The Court, in effect, held that a member of the counsel or someone who wanted to ask questions would have to explain the questions to the witness. A smart witness would never admit he understood or comprehended what was meant.

In the city of Washington, Mr. President, one of the most dangerous decisions, I think, that has ever been handed down involved the man Mallory, who raped a white woman. He was caught the next day. He was caught about 2 o’clock. Along about 8 or 9 o’clock he was given a lie-detector test, and he confessed the crime and admitted that he raped the white woman. The officers could not get hold of the United States Commissioner that night, and had to wait until the next morning, about 9 o’clock. They held the admitted criminal from about 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, and in the meantime he gave a confession to the police in Washington. He was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. He had confessed his crime. But the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. What did those nine men do with it? They reversed the decision and said the police had held the man too long.

What is going to happen in this Nation if police officers cannot hold criminals from 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, especially when those criminals have confessed to their crimes?

Heretofore in judicial administration there has been no particular time fixed. A person could be held a reasonable time before arraignment. Under this decision the man would have to confess at just about the time he was arrested, because the Supreme Court held that after he is arrested he is under coercion; and because he was held that short time the Supreme Court reversed the case, and the district attorney said there would not be any use to try it again; that the evidence depended on the confession.

As a result of that case, the Chief of Police in Washington said it would be very difficult to apprehend and detect criminals and arrest them hereafter and be able to make the evidence stand up in court. He called it a terrible handicap to law enforcement in such cases.

Mr. President, there are other decisions the Supreme Court has handed down about which I should like to tell the Senate. The Court seems to get its greatest delight out of turning loose Communists.

The record is disgraceful. The FBI, the law-enforcement agencies, police officers chase down Communists and narcotic people—and they are hard to catch. Then the Supreme Court reverses decisions and turns them loose and they walk the streets, as did the confessed rapist who was sentenced on his own confession. It is a disgrace to this Nation.

Mr. President, I still think this compromise bill is unconstitutional, but with the present Supreme Court no one can predict what they will do about it.
{{smaller block|It was John Marshall, who 15 years later would do so much to justify Mason’s apprehensions, who undertook to allay his fears now. The Federal Government, he insisted, certainly would not have the power “to make laws on every subject.” Could Members of the Congress make laws affecting the transfer of property, or contracts, or claims, between citizens of the same State?}}
{{smaller block|“Can they go beyond the delegated powers? If they were to make a law not warranted by any of the powers enumerated, it would be considered by the judges as an infringement of the Constitution which they are to guard. They would not consider such a law as coming under their jurisdiction. They would declare it void.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall saw no danger to the States from decrees of the Supreme Court: “I hope that no gentleman will think that a State will be called at the bar of the Federal court. * * * It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power should be dragged before a court.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison, Monroe, and others joined Marshall in defending the third article. Their debate was long and detailed. Much of it was concerned with questions of pleading and practice. But after several days, they went on to other aspects of the Constitution: The prospect of judicial despotism was recognized by the few, and denied by the many.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|7. THE STATES RATIFY}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, Virginia ratified. It was a close vote. A motion to postpone ratification until amendments, in the nature of a bill of rights, could be considered by “the other States in the American confederacy,” failed by 88 to 80. Then the main question was put, and this was what Virginia agreed to. It merits careful reading:}}
{{smaller block|“We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, * * * having fully and freely investigated and discussed the proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, be resumed by them whensoever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power, not granted thereby, remains with them, and at their will; that, therefore, no right, of any denomination, can be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by the Congress, by the Senate or House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by the President, or any department or officer of the United States, except in those instances in which power is given by the Constitution for those purposes; and that, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by any authority of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|The vote on that main question was 89 to 79, but even that narrow margin of approval was predicated upon a gentlemen’s agreement that the Virginia convention would recommend a number of amendments, in the form of a Bill of Rights, to be presented to the first Congress. And the first of these recommended amendments reads: “That each State in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|By the time Virginia completed ratification, of course her decision no longer carried compelling importance. The Virginia convention had opened on June 2, not quite 2 weeks after South Carolina, on May 23, had become the eighth State to ratify. But while the Virginians were debating the issue, New Hampshire, on June 21, had become No. 9: The new union had been formed, and the Constitution had become binding upon the nine States “ratifying the same.” It has ever been Virginia’s fate to make the right decisions, but to put off making them as long as possible.}}
{{smaller block|In this consideration of State and Federal relationships, there is something to be learned from the other resolutions of ratification. The easy ones came first: Delaware came first, on December 7, 1787, “fully, freely, and entirely” approving and assenting to the Constitution; and then, in quick succession, Pennsylvania on December 12, after a bitter fight; New Jersey on December 18, and Georgia—Georgians had not even read the Constitution—on January 2, 1788. Connecticut followed a week later, with a comfortable vote of 128 to 40.}}
{{smaller block|Then a month’s hiatus set in. Massachusetts did not become No. 6 until February 7, and her approval of this “explicit and solemn compact” was not unqualified:}}
{{smaller block|“It is the opinion of this convention that certain amendments and alterations in the said Constitution would remove the fears and quiet the apprehensions of many of the good people of this commonwealth, and more effectually guard against an undue administration of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|It will come as no surprise that the very first amendment recommended by Massachusetts was “that it be explicitly declared that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States to be by them exercised.”}}
{{smaller block|Two months later, on April 28, Maryland ratified. Then there was another lapse of nearly a month before South Carolina, on May 23, became No. 8; South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.” Then South Carolina added:}}
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
{{smaller block|New Hampshire, in voting its approval on June 21, closely paralleled the action of Massachusetts, but New Hampshire’s declaration as to reserved powers was even more explicit. The people of New Hampshire wanted it understood that all powers not “expressly and particularly delegated” were reserved.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield.

Mr. LANGER. Was the action of the South Carolina convention unanimous? [Laughter.]

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall, from reading the history of that matter, whether it was unanimous or not. The action of the South Carolina convention was not unanimous when it acted on the question of adopting the resolution of ratification for the admission of South Carolina to the Union. South Carolina was the eighth State to be admitted to the Union. New Hampshire was the ninth. New Hampshire’s action resulted in the formation of the Union; ratification by nine States was required in order to form the Union.

After that, Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island ratified the Constitution and became members of the Union.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I am not sure whether the action by the South Carolina convention was unanimous or not.

Mr. LANGER. I know the Senator from South Carolina, who has been a very distinguished governor of his State, is very well informed in regard to such matters.

Mr. THURMOND. As stated in the book, The Sovereign States—
{{smaller block|South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.”}}
Then South Carolina added:
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
I construe that declaration to be part of the resolution of ratification, which was not adopted unanimously.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have been glad, Mr. President, to have the Senator from North Dakota ask these questions.

Mr. President, a few years ago, when I was a young State senator, I made a commencement address in another county, about 40 miles from my home. The commencement was held in a long school building in which the acoustics were very bad. People in the rear could not hear, and looked as if they were going to sleep—and maybe they were. So I raised my voice, and said, “Ladies and gentlemen, I want you to know that I am speaking for the future citizens of South Carolina.” By raising my voice, I woke up the people in the rear of the room; and one fellow rose up, shook his head, and said, “Well, brother, if you speak much longer, they will soon be here, too.” [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I feel so good that I believe I could speak quite a long time. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I felt it my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort to emphasize the dangers of this bill.

I began speaking at 8:50 last night. It is now 5 minutes after 9. I shall conclude my remarks in a very few minutes.

Mr. President, in closing, I desire to remind the Senate that every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote; and the Federal Government has a statute which protects the right to vote. In my opinion, Mr. President, this bill is unconstitutional, for the reasons I have stated during this debate.

This so-called compromise, which came to the Senate from the House of Representatives, permits a Federal judge to decide whether he will try one who is charged with criminal contempt, or whether he will permit him to be tried by a jury. The bill further provides a Federal judge with the discretionary power—if he does not try the person without a jury—to decide what punishment he will impose. If he imposes a fine greater than $300 or imprisonment for more than 45 days, the defendant can then demand a jury trial. That process could result in two trials in the case of a defendant charged with criminal contempt. I believe that would be unconstitutional. Under our system of jurisprudence, a man can never be put in jeopardy more than once for the same offense. Furthermore, if a judge should find such a person guilty, as a result of the first trial, we can realize what effect that would have on the jury which would be used in the second trial.

Mr. President, I should like to remind the Senate of the decision I have cited today, which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That decision says criminal contempt is a crime. The Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The Constitution makes no exceptions.

The pending bill, which has come to the Senate from the House of Representatives, has now been amended in such a way that it could not conform to the Constitution.

Mr. President, in spite of the great amount of debate and discussion which previously have taken place on the subject of House bill 6127, I felt that this bill was of such importance to the citizens of the United States that it was my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort again to emphasize the dangers of the bill. I have spoken several times on it before.

Mr. President, I wish to say that my action was taken entirely on my own volition. I believe that every Senator must follow the dictates of his own conscience, in connection with such matters. I do not believe that the action of any other Senator should be judged according to the action I have taken.

Mr. President, if I have helped to bring home to the American people, the citizens of this Nation, the heartfelt conviction which I hold, namely, that this bill is unwise, unnecessary, and unconstitutional, then I shall have done what I believe to be my duty.

I should like to believe that some have been convinced by my arguments, and that my arguments have been accepted on the basis on which I intended them to be accepted—as arguments against what I am convinced is bad proposed legislation, proposed legislation which never should have been introduced, and which never should be approved by the Senate.

Mr. President, I urge every Member of this body to consider this bill most carefully. I hope the Senate will see fit to kill it.

I expect to vote against the bill. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I wish to extend my sincerest gratitude to the officials of the Senate, to those who have come in to listen to this debate, to the various Senators who have listened to this debate from time to time; to the clerks and the attachés, and to all who did everything they could to make me as comfortable as possible during the 24 hours and 22 minutes I have spoken.

Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for these courtesies, and again I want to thank the Presiding Officer and the others for their courtesies extended to me, and with this I now give up the floor, and suggest the absence of a quorum.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.

The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the rollcall be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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      <text bytes="868673" xml:space="preserve">{{header
|title=Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957
|author=Strom Thurmond
|section=
|previous=
|next=
|year=1957
|notes=Strom Thurmond’s filibuster against certain provisions of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1957, at 24 hours, 18 minutes in length, was the longest ever given in the U. S. Senate. It is recorded in the ''Congressional Record'', vol. 103, part 12, pp. 16263–16456.
}}{{scans available|{{GBS|ODw4AQAAMAAJ}}}}

&lt;div class=prose style=&quot;text-indent:1em&quot;&gt;
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, earlier this morning we had scheduled speakers for the day, and attempted to estimate the number of speakers. In connection with the next speaker, we had estimated that we would reach him about 9 o’clock. We are running a little ahead of schedule. Therefore, there are no speakers available at this time. We do not desire to have a vote on the bill until every Senator has had an opportunity to express himself, and we do not wish to take advantage of any Senator, or inconvenience any Senator more than is necessary.

Therefore I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 8:45 p. m. At 8:45 p. m. we will reconvene and I shall suggest the absence of a quorum. I assume that by 9 o’clock the speaker will be ready to proceed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Texas?

There being no objection, the Senate (at 7 o’clock and 38 minutes p. m.) took a recess until 8:45 p. m.

{{c|{{asc|AFTER RECESS}}}}

On the expiration of the recess, the Senate reassembled, when called to order by the Vice President.

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secretary will call the roll.

The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. McNAMARA. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Without objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise to speak against the so-called voting-right bill H. R. 6127, which bill was passed by the House of Representatives. It came to the Senate without being referred to a committee and was placed on the Senate Calendar, which is something unusual and out of ordinary procedure. The bill was then amended by the Senate and returned to the House, after which time the House amended it again by adopting what was called a compromise. The compromise as well as the bill is entirely unreasonable, and I hope that the Senate will not pass the bill.

There are mainly three reasons why I feel the bill should not be passed. The first is that it is unnecessary.

{{c|{{asc|STATE LEGISLATION PROTECTING THE VOTING RIGHTS OF CITIZENS}}}}

Every State has enacted some legislation making it unlawful to intimidate a voter or to hinder him in the exercising of his voting rights. Penalties have been provided for such violations.

I now expect to take up the voting laws in each of the 48 States and show that each of the States affords adequate protection to the voting right. The first is Alabama.

Alabama: Unless otherwise designated, references are to the code, 1940, title 17:

{{smaller block|Intimidating or hindering voter: It Is a corrupt practice for any person on election day to intimidate an elector or an election officer, or to obstruct, hinder, or prevent or to attempt to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of the voters awaiting their turn to enter the election booths (sec. 285).

It is a corrupt practice for any person directly or indirectly to hire a person to take a place in line or to otherwise obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of the line of voters awaiting their turn to enter the polling place (sec. 286).

Penalty: Any person who does any act declared to be a corrupt practice under the election laws of the State shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, must be fined not more than $500, and may also be imprisoned in the county jail or sentenced to hard labor for the county for not more than 6 months at the discretion of the court (sec. 332).

Attempt to influence voter: Any person who by corrupt means attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or deter him from giving the same, or to disturb, or to hinder him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, at any election, must, on conviction, be fined not less than $50 nor more than $500 (sec. 304).

Disturbing elector on election day: Any person who, on election day, disturbs or prevents or attempts to prevent any elector from freely casting his ballot, must, on conviction be fined not less than $500 nor more than $1,000, and also be sentenced to hard labor for the county, or be imprisoned in the county jail for not less than 6 months nor more than 1 year (sec. 306).

Employer intimidating employee: Any employer or officer of an employer corporation, who attempts by coercion, intimidation, or threats, to discharge or lessen wages, to influence the vote of an employee, or who demands an inspection of employee’s ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not less than $500 (secs. 317, 318).}}

Arizona: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, Annotated, 1956, title 16:

{{smaller block|Coercion or intimidation of elector: It is unlawful for a person, directly or indirectly, to use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or in any other manner, to intimidate a person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure, or to commit such acts on account of a person’s having voted or refrained from voting at an election.

It is unlawful for a person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent device, to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or to compel him to either vote or refrain from voting at an election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure. Violation of this provision by a person, whether acting in his individual capacity or as an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (secs. 16–1303, 16–1305).

Intimidation of elector by employer: It is unlawful for an employer to place written or printed material in pay envelopes or, within 90 days prior to an election, to put up notices or placards, etc., in the place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of employees.

Violation of this provision by an employer, whether an individual or an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (sec. 16–1304).

Changing vote of elector by corrupt means: It is unlawful for a person, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, either directly or indirectly, to attempt to influence an elector in casting his vote, or to deter him from casting his vote, or to attempt to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, or to defraud an elector by deceiving him and causing him to vote for a different person or measure than he intended. A person violating this provision is guilty of a felony (sec. 16–1307).

Primary: The penal provisions involving crimes against the elective franchise apply to general, primary, and special elections (sec. 16–1311).}}

Arkansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes 1947, Annotated, 1956 replacement:

{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to threaten or attempt to intimidate any elector or his family, his business, or his profession, and it shall also be unlawful to attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting at any primary election. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (sec. 3–1414).

Intimidation of voters: No person shall coerce, intimidate, or unduly influence any elector to vote for or against the nominee of any political party or for or against any question or candidate, by threat of personal violence or of ejectment from rented premises, of foreclosure of mortgage, of discharge from employment, of any action at law or equity or of expulsion from membership in any church or society. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 3 years (sec. 3–1415).}}

California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:

{{smaller block|Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).

Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation to compel a person to vote or refrain from voting at any election (sec. 1158).

Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter; or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).

Election officers: Any election officer who induces or attempts to induce any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony (sec. 11583).

Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or actions of employees, or who within 90 days before an election exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (sees. 11584, 11585).

Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).

Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).

Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).}}

Colorado: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1953, chapter 49:
{{smaller block|Intimidation unlawful: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict or threaten to inflict any injury, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation, to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, for any particular person or measure at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means to impede or prevent or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise of any voter. It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether corporation, firm, or person, to enclose material in the pay envelopes, containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees, or within 90 days before an election, to display placards in the place of employment, containing such threats (sec. 49–21–5).}}
{{smaller block|Penalty: Any person convicted of violating the above provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine of not over $1,000 or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both (secs. 49–21–5, 49–21–9).}}
{{smaller block|Discharge or promotion illegal: It shall be unlawful for any corporation, or any of its officers, to influence, or attempt to influence, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or by discharging from employment, or promoting in employment, or by other intimidation, any employee to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor and shall be punishable as outlined in the “Penalty” provision, above. In addition, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 49–21–6).}}
Connecticut: Unless otherwise designated, references are to 1955 Supplement to the General Statutes:
{{smaller block|Interference with electors in voting: Any person who does any act which invades or interferes with the secrecy of the voting, or causes the same to be invaded or interfered with, shall be imprisoned for not more than 5 years (sec. 843d).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Any person who influences or attempts to influence the vote or speech of any person in a primary caucus, or convention, by force or threat, shall be fined not less than $25, nor more than $100, or imprisoned not less than 7 days nor more than 3 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 821d).}}
{{smaller block|Employers’ threats: Any person who, within 60 days before an election, attempts to influence any employee in his vote, by threats of withholding employment, or who dismisses an employee because of the way he voted at an election, shall be fined from $100 to $500 or be imprisoned for from 6 to 12 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 842d).}}
Delaware: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code, Annotated, 1953, title 15:
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: An election officer, who, in any way, attempts to intimidate or coerce any voter in the marking of his ballot, or in the choice of the candidates for whom he votes, or who willfully discloses the manner in which any person has voted, shall be guilty of willful and malicious perjury (as violating his oath of office) and in addition to the penalties for perjury, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be imprisoned for not more than 2 years (sec. 5125).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: If any person or corporation hinders, controls, coerces, or intimidates any employee in the exercise of his right to vote at any general, special, or municipal election by threats of depriving him of employment, every elector, so aggrieved, may bring a civil action and recover $500 from such employer (secs. 5162, 5163).}}
{{smaller block|Civil remedy: Any qualified elector who is prevented from voting at any election because of intimidation or threats, or because of the requirement of unconstitutional qualifications, may bring a civil action against the person who promoted such interference, and the court or jury may give exemplary damages (sec. 5304).}}
{{smaller block|Primaries: Whoever, at any primary election, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, by force, threat, or intimidation, or prevents or hinders or attempts to prevent or hinder any qualified voter from exercising the rights of suffrage, shall for each offense, be fined not more than $200 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or shall both be fined and imprisoned (sec. 3168 (a)).}}
Florida: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1955 Supplement:
{{smaller block|Corruptly influencing voting: Whoever, by bribery, menace, threat, or other corruption whatsoever, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence or deceive an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or disturbs or interferes with him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage at any election, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor upon the first conviction and of a felony upon the second conviction (sec. 104.061).}}
{{smaller block|Felony penalty: The penalty for every felony under the election laws, not otherwise specifically provided, shall be imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 1 year or a fine of not more than $5,000, or both (sec. 104.40).}}
{{smaller block|Threats of employers: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee for voting or not voting in any State, county, or municipal election for any candidate or measure. Any person violating this provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. If a firm or corporation violates this provision, each officer or agent who participated in the violation shall be punished for a misdemeanor, and the firm or corporation, shall, in addition, be fined not more than $1,000 (sec. 104.081).}}
Georgia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1936:
{{smaller block|Improper voting; disorderly conduct: No person outside a voting room or voting booth shall, in any manner, either by words or gestures, attempt to influence or interfere with any voter who is in said room or booth preparing his ballot; nor shall any person enter any booth while a voter is in there; nor shall any person commit any act of disorder, or be guilty of any disorderly conduct in or near the voting rooms or booths (sec. 34–1909).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be a misdemeanor (sec. 34–9918).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: All penal laws relating to illegal practices in general elections are extended to all primary elections held for State, county, or municipal offices (1955 Supp., sec. 34–9933).}}
Idaho: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1948:
{{smaller block|Intimidation, corruption, and frauds: Every person, who, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote or to deter him from giving same, or to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or defrauds an elector at an election by deceiving him and causing him to vote differently than he intended, or who, being an officer of any election, induces, or attempts to induce, any elector, by menace or reward, to vote differently than he desired, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 18–2305), punishable by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than 6 months, or by a fine of not over $300, or by both (sec. 18–113).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with election: Any person who willfully disturbs any election place, or is guilty of riotous conduct near such place, with intent to disturb same, or interferes with the access of electors to the polling place, or interferes in any manner with the free exercise of the election franchise of any of the voters there assembled, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable as stated above (sec. 18–2313).}}
{{smaller block|Attempt to influence vote: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of any elector by means of a promise of a favor, or by means of violence or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a suit or criminal process, or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him, or by any other means (sec. 18–2319). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison not exceeding 5 years, or by both (sec. 18–2315).}}
Illinois: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Smith–Hurd Annotated Statutes, 1944, chapter 46:
{{smaller block|Offenses involving polling places: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court, for each offense. It shall be the duty of judges of election to enforce this provision (sec. 29–14).}}
{{smaller block|Miscellaneous offenses: Any person, who, at a primary or any election, shall (1) by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or otherwise unlawfully, directly or indirectly, induce or attempt to induce any voter or any person to exercise the right of franchise, or to vote for or against any person or measure, or (2) intentionally practice any fraud on any elector regarding his ballot, or (3) otherwise defraud him of his vote, or (4) by unlawful means prevent or attempt to prevent any voter from attending or voting at an election or primary, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or imprisoned in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 29–16).}}
Indiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Burma Statutes Annotated, 1949, replacement:
{{smaller block|Using violence, threats, or restraint: Whoever, for the purpose of influencing a voter, by violence or threats, seeks to enforce the payment of a debt, or ejects or threatens to eject a person from any house he may occupy, or begins a criminal prosecution, or injures the business or trade of a person, or threatens to withhold the wages of or to dismiss from service, any laborer in his employ, or refuses to allow such employee time to vote, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5941).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by election board officer: Any member of a precinct election board, who attempts, by persuasion, menace, or reward to induce any elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5935).}}
{{smaller block|Defrauding voter: Whoever fraudulently causes or attempts to cause any voter, at any election, to vote for a different person than he intended, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5938).}}
{{smaller block|Bribery or threat by candidate: Whoever gives or offers a bribe or makes a threat to procure his election to any office, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5907).}}
{{smaller block|Threats by employer: Every employer who places written or printed material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election or primary, exhibits placards, etc., in his place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of such employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5711).}}
{{smaller block|Felonies, penalty: A person, convicted of a felony under the election laws, shall be imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years in either the State prison or the reformatory, as may be required by law, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period, to which may be added a fine of from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 29–5964).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanors, penalty: Any person convicted of a misdemeanor under the election laws may either be fined from $1 to $500, or be imprisoned in either the county jail or the State farm for from 30 days to 1 year, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period not to exceed 5 years (sec. 29–5965).}}
Iowa: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Prohibited acts: Interrupting, hindering, or opposing any voter while in or approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting, or interfering, or attempting to interfere, with a voter, when inside the closed space, or when marking his ballot, are prohibited on any election day (sec. 49.107).}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $5 to $100, or by imprisonment for from 10 to 30 days in the county jail, or by both (sec. 49.108).}}
{{smaller block|Duress to prevent voting: If any person unlawfully, and by force, or threats of force, prevents, or attempts to prevent, an elector from giving his vote at any public election, he shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, and fined not more than $200 (sec. 738.13).}}
{{smaller block|Procuring vote by duress: If any person, by means of violence, threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing the payment of debts, or bringing a civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to procure the vote of any elector, at any election, or the influence of any person over other electors, either for himself or for or against any candidate, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 738.15).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation by employer: Any employer who shall refuse to allow an employee 2 hours to vote at a general election or who shall reduce his wages for such privilege, or who shall attempt to influence an employee’s vote by reward or by threats of discharge, or shall otherwise attempt to intimidate an employee from exercising his right to vote, shall be fined not less than $5 nor more than $100 (sec. 49.110).}}
Kansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes Annotated, 1949:
{{smaller block|Unlawful attempt to deter voting: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or hinders him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, at any election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 21–815).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Any person who shall willfully hinder the voting of others shall be punished by a fine of from $10 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days or by both (sec. 25–1717).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters at polls: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $25 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days, or by both such fine and imprisonment, for each offense (sec. 25–1719).}}
Kentucky: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Kentucky Revised Statutes, 1953:
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who unlawfully prevents or attempts to prevent any voter from casting his ballot, or intimidates, or attempts to intimidate, a voter to prevent him from casting his ballot, shall be confined in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years for each offense (sec. 124.140).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall coerce an employee to vote for any political party or candidate for nomination or election to any office in the State, or threaten to discharge an employee for exercising his right of suffrage or for voting for any candidate, nor shall an employer circulate statements that employees are expected to vote for any candidate, party, or measure (sec. 123.110 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who violates this provision shall be fined from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 123.990 (13)).}}
Louisiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, West’s, 1951:
{{smaller block|Primary: No person shall intimidate any voter at a primary election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 and imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years (sec. 18.369 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: No person shall willfully and without lawful authority obstruct, hinder, or delay any voter on his way to a polling place to vote in an election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.587, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: Prior to or during an election, no person shall willfully hinder the voting of others. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.736, 18.589).}}
{{smaller block|Public intimidation: The use of violence, force, or threats upon a voter in a general, primary, or special election to influence his conduct, is deemed public intimidation, and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment with or without hard labor for not more than 5 years, or both (sec. 14.122 (4)).}}
Maine: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1954, chapter 5:
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall interfere or attempt to interfere with any voter while inside the voting enclosure or while marking his ballot shall be fined from $5 to $100. Election officers shall report any such person to a police officer or constable, whose duty it shall be to see that the offender is duly brought before the proper court (sec. 107).}}
{{smaller block|Corruption at elections: Whoever, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to induce him to withhold his vote, or hinders or disturbs him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned for not more than 11 months, and shall be ineligible to office for 10 years (sec. 109).}}
Maryland: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Annotated Code of Maryland, Flack, 1951, article 33.
{{smaller block|Hindering voters: If, at any general, special or primary election, any person shall by force, threat, menace, intimidation, or bribery, either directly or indirectly influence or attempt to influence any voter in giving his vote, or hinder, or attempt to hinder, a voter from freely voting or induce him to vote, such person shall be imprisoned in jail or in the penitentiary for from 6 months to 5 years (sec. 179).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether an individual or a corporation, who shall deny an employee time off for voting at a general, special, or primary election, or shall directly or indirectly hinder him from exercising his right to vote freely or shall attempt to influence his vote by threats concerning his employment, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable, for each offense, by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in jail for not over 6 months, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 180).}}
Massachusetts: Unless otherwise specified, references are to Annotated Laws, Michie, 1953 edition.
{{smaller block|Corrupt practice by candidate: A candidate is deemed to have committed a corrupt practice if he fraudulently and willfully obstructs and delays a voter in a general election, primary or caucus (ch. 55, secs. 27, 29).}}
{{smaller block|If five or more persons have reason to believe that a corrupt practice has been committed by any successful candidate, other than a candidate for the United States Congress or the general court, such voters may apply to a justice of the superior court sitting in equity in Suffolk County, for leave to bring an election petition declaring the election of such candidate void (ch. 55, sec. 28).}}
{{smaller block|A candidate found guilty, upon an election petition, of such corrupt practice, who forfeits his office, or who is convicted in a criminal proceeding of violating a law relating to corrupt practices in elections, shall be disqualified to hold office, and to vote, for 3 years (ch. 55, sec. 37).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Whoever willfully and without lawful authority hinders, delays, or interferes with a voter while on his way to a primary, caucus, or election, or while within the guardrail, or while marking his ballot, or while voting, or attempting to vote, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 29).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voting: Whoever willfully obstructs the voting at a primary, caucus, or election shall be fined not more than $100 (ch. 56, sec. 30).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person shall, by threats to discharge or to reduce wages, or promises of rewards, attempt to influence his employee to either give or withhold a vote, nor shall he discharge an employee, or reduce his wages, because he gave or withheld a vote. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment for not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 33).}}
Michigan: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1956 Revision, title 6.
{{smaller block|Violation deemed felony: Any person who shall, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempt to influence any elector in giving his vote or to deter him from or interrupt him in giving same at any general or primary election, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 6.1932 (a)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1935).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose written or printed matter in the pay envelopes, or within 90 days before a primary or general election, to exhibit a placard, etc., in establishment where his workers will see it, containing express or implied threats concerning employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 6 .1912). Violation of this provision is deemed a misdemeanor (sec. 6.1931 (d)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 90 days, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1934).}}
Minnesota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1946.
{{smaller block|Coercing voters: Any person who, within or without any polling place, directly or indirectly uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or causes, or threatens to cause, damage, harm, or loss to any person, with intent to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, or to vote in a particular way at any election, or who, by abduction, duress, or other fraudulent device, impedes the free exercise of the right of franchise at any election, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 210.05).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence by candidate: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, loss, or harm, upon any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, in any particular way; nor shall anyone, by abduction, duress, or fraudulent means, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any voter at a primary or election, or to induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at a primary or election (sec. 211.12). Violation of this provision is deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30).}}
{{smaller block|Refusing employee election privilege: Any person who, as principal or as agent for another, shall directly or indirectly refuse, abridge, or interfere with the election privileges of an employee, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 210.11).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer, or his agent, shall make any verbal or written, express or implied threats against his employees, involving their employment, with the intention of influencing their political opinion or action (sec. 211.24). Violation of this provision by any person as an individual shall be deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30). Violation by an officer or agent of a corporation shall be punished by a fine of from $100 to $5,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years or by both (sec. 211.28). Violation by an officer shall be deemed ''prima facie'' evidence of violation by the corporation. It is made the duty of the county attorney to conduct prosecutions under this chapter (211) on proper complaint.}}
Mississippi: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1942.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Whoever shall procure, or endeavor to procure, the vote of any elector, or the influence of any person over electors, at any election, by violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing a debt, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or of inflicting any injury, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or shall be fined not more than $1,000, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 2032).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Any person who shall by illegal force, or threats of force, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any elector from giving his vote, shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for not more than 2 years, or in a county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not over $500, or by both fine and imprisonment (sec. 2106).}}
{{smaller block|Coercing employees in primary: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to directly or indirectly coerce his employees to vote for any particular person or party in a primary election, by express or implied threats involving their employment (sec. 3172). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or both, and if violation is by a candidate, he shall forfeit his nomination (sec. 3193 (a)).}}
Missouri: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Annotated Statutes, 1952.
{{smaller block|Violence to influence voter: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, or loss upon or against any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any elector, or shall thereby induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 129.050).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, attempts to influence any qualified voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or to disturb or hinder him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, he shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.430).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter, when inside the guardrail, or when marking his ballot, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.880).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every person, whether an individual employer or an officer or agent of a firm or corporation, who shall directly or indirectly discharge, or attempt to discharge, any employee for his political opinions, or who shall coerce, or threaten to coerce, intimidate, or bribe any employee in an attempt to influence him to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate or measure at any election, shall be deemed guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 2 to 5 years (sec. 129.080).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision by a corporation shall be held as a forfeiture of its charter or franchise, which may be so adjudged in a suit brought by the county or circuit prosecuting attorney or by the attorney general (sec. 129.070).}}
{{smaller block|Denial of time to vote: Any person or corporation who shall deny an employee a certain time for voting without a penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (1956 Supp., sec. 129.060).}}
Montana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Codes, 1947.
{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Every person who, directly or indirectly, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb any elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of not over 1 year, or both (sec. 94–1411).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meetings of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in a public meeting for the consideration of public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 94–1419).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether individual or corporation, to enclose printed or written material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election, to display placards, etc., in his working establishment, containing express or implied threats or promises regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or actions of his employees. Violation of this provision by an individual is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $25 to $500, and imprisonment for not over 6 months in the county jail. Violation by a corporation is punishable by a fine of not over $5,000, or forfeiture of its charter, or both (sec. 94–1424).}}
Nebraska: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1943, reissue of 1952.
{{smaller block|Registration: If at any registration of voters, any person, by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or other unlawful means, shall prevent, hinder, or delay any qualified person from being registered, he shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 32–1224 (7)).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing voters: It shall be unlawful for any person to willfully or wrongly obstruct or prevent persons from voting who have the right to do so, at any election. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor, punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 to 6 months. This shall apply to all elections and caucuses (sec. 32–1237 (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to coerce, or attempt to coerce, an employee in his voting at any caucus, convention, or election, by threats concerning his employment. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $100, or imprisonment in the county jail for not over 30 days (sec. 32–1223).}}
Nevada.
{{smaller block|Coercion of voters: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or other means, or who shall inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm, or publish, or threaten to publish, any fact concerning a person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, or by threats to discharge an employee, impede or prevent a voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, shall be guilty of undue influence and shall be punished as for a gross misdemeanor (Laws, 1951, ch. 242, p. 360).}}
{{smaller block|Time off to vote: Any employer who shall deny an employee certain time for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (Laws, 1955, ch. 203, p. 301).}}
New Hampshire: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: If any person shall, directly or indirectly, by threats, intimidation, or bribery, induce, or attempt to induce, any voter to stay away from, or to avoid voting at, or to vote for or against any candidate in any town meeting, primary, or election, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned for not more than 3 months (sec. 69: 11).}}
New Jersey: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1940, title 19.
{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: A person who shall, on election day, obstruct or interfere with any voter, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment for not more than 1 year, or both (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–6).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voters: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular person, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–28).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Whoever shall, at any election, in any way, willfully hinder or prevent a voter from casting his legal vote, knowing such person to have a right to vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of $500, or imprisonment in the State prison for 3 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–20).}}
{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall, by abduction, duress, force, or fraud, impede, prevent, or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 19: 34–29, 19: 34–31). An employer who shall so act toward an employee shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by fine of not over $2,000, or imprisonment for not over 5 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–27), and any corporation so acting, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 19: 34–31).}}
{{smaller block|Expenditures prohibited: No person shall contribute money toward the hiring of a person to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of voters awaiting their turn to enter a polling place to vote (sec. 19: 34–38d).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert written or printed material into the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days before an election, shall exhibit placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relative to their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 19: 34–30).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is punishable as for Interfering with voter, above.}}
New Mexico: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1953, Annotated.
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Any person who shall willfully coerce, browbeat, intimidate, or threaten any voter within a polling place, or shall attempt to do so, in order to influence the voter in marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $200, imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–8–29).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, damage, or loss on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of his right of suffrage by any elector, shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years, or by both (sec. 3–8–17).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who shall, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee, on account of his political opinion, or who shall, by corrupt means, attempt to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate or measure, shall be fined from $100 to $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–18–15).}}
New York: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Penal Law (McKinney’s), 1949.
{{smaller block|Hindering voter: Any person who willfully and unlawfully hinders or delays, or aids in obstructing or delaying, an elector on his way to register or vote, or while he is attempting to register or vote in a general or special election, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 764 (3)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of elector in military service: Any person, who, directly or indirectly, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to control an elector in the military service of the United States in the exercise of his election rights, or who annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he exercises those rights, is guilty of a misdemeanor for which he may be tried in the future when in the State, and upon conviction of which he shall thereafter be ineligible to any office in the State (sec. 771).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. Violation of this provision shall be punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not over 1 year, or both (sec. 772–a (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation of voters: Any person or corporation who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or threatens to inflict any injury, damage, or loss on, or otherwise intimidates, any person, in order to induce him to vote, or to refrain from voting, at any election, for or against any person or measure, or to refrain from registering to vote, or for having registered and voted, or for having refrained from registering and voting, or who, by abduction, duress, or fraud, interferes with his free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor and, if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (1), (2)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer who inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter, or, within 90 days before a general election displays placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, is guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (3)).}}
North Carolina: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes, 1952 Recompilation.
{{smaller block|Interference with voters: Any person who shall interfere with, or attempt to interfere with, any voter when inside enclosed polling space or when marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–176).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Any person who shall, in connection with any primary or election, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, from employment, or otherwise intimidate or oppress any qualified voter on account of any vote such voter may cast, or intend to cast or not to cast, or which he may have failed to cast, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–196 (6)).}}
North Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code of 1943.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Every person who, by force, threat, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote at any election, or to deter him from giving his vote, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or to induce him to vote differently than he intended to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year, and shall forever be disfranchised and ineligible to any office of trust or profit within the State (sec. 12–1106).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector: Every person who willfully, and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1111).}}
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence: Every person, who, willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, and violence, threats of violence, intimidation, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing payment of debts, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to prevent an elector from freely giving his vote at any election, or hinders him from voting, or attempts to influence his vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1121).}}
Ohio: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, Page’s, 1951.
{{smaller block|Congregating at the polls: Nobody shall congregate in or about a voting place during the voting, so as to hinder an elector in registering or casting his ballot, after having been ordered by the election officer to disperse. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $20 to $300, or imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3599.30).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: No person shall before, during or after any primary, convention, or election, attempt by intimidation, coercion, ​or other unlawful means to induce a delegate or an elector to register or to vote, or to refrain from registering or from voting for a particular person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is deemed bribery and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of from 1 to 3 years, or both, and if offender is a candidate for office or has been elected to office, he shall forfeit such nomination or office (1956 supp., sec. 3599.01 (B)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert in pay envelopes or shall post on placards, etc., any express or implied threats concerning their employment, with intent to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a corrupt practice, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000 (sec. 3599.05).}}
{{smaller block|Second offense: Any person who is again convicted of a violation of the election laws, whether for the same offense or not, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000, or imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years, or both, and in addition shall be disfranchised (1956 Supp., sec. 3599.39).}}
Oklahoma: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Ann., 1937, title 21.
{{smaller block|Obstructing elector on way to polls: Every person who willfully and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on the way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 186).}}
{{smaller block|Preventing public meeting: Every person, who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in, or prevents an elector from attending public meeting to consider public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 212, 213).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Every person who willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, violence, threats, or intimidation, prevents or, attempts to prevent, an elector from freely giving his vote at an election or attempts to hinder him from voting or to cause him to vote for any person or candidate, shall be fined from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 214).}}
{{smaller block|Illegally influencing vote: Every person who procures, or attempts to procure, the vote of any elector, either for himself, or for or against any candidate, by means of violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, of enforcing payment of debts, of bringing civil or criminal action, or any other threats of injury, shall be fined not more than $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for not over 6 months (sec. 215).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidations: If any person in any manner intimidates or attempts to intimidate or deter anyone from voting at a general or primary election, he shall be fined not less than $10, or be imprisoned for not more than 3 months (title 26, sec. 479).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Every employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who denies employees certain time for voting in an election, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 for each elector so denied, and every agent of employer who violates this provision, shall in addition to the fine, be imprisoned in the county jail for from 2 to 6 months (title 26, sec. 438).}}
{{smaller block|Employer corporation: Any corporation which attempts to influence the votes of its employees or of other persons by threat, intimidation, bribe, or other corrupt means, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $5,000, and the person acting as its agent, who so acts, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for from 60 to 120 days (title 26, sec. 440).}}
Oregon: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1955.
{{smaller block|Undue influence: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or inflict, or threaten to inflict, harm or damage on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure. No minister, priest, or officer of a church, shall otherwise than by public speech or print persuade any voter to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, or measure. No person shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent any voter in the free exercise of the franchise in any election.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision shall be punished as for a corrupt practice (sec. 260.300), by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not more than $5,000 or both (sec. 260.510).}}
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: No person shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter when inside the enclosed space or when marking his ballot (sec. 260.640 (4)). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $200 (sec. 260.640 (6)).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voter: No person shall, by menace, threat, or violence, whether armed or unarmed, intimidate or prevent any person from voting, or attempt to do so. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year (sec. 260.720).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No person or corporation shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, harm, or loss, on any of his employees, to compel them to register or to vote, or refrain from registering or from voting, at any election, or for or against any person or measure.}}
{{smaller block|No person or corporation shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, attempt to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|No such employer shall insert in the pay envelopes any written or printed matter, or within 90 days before a general election display placards, etc., which shall contain express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.}}
{{smaller block|Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 260.730), punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and if a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter in addition (sec. 260.740).}}
Pennsylvania: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Purdon’s Statutes Annotated, 1938, title 25.
{{smaller block|Interference with primaries and election: If any person shall block up the avenue to the door of any polling place, or shall attempt to do so, or shall use intimidation, threats, force, or violence, to unduly influence or overawe any elector, or to prevent him from voting or to restrain his freedom of choice at a primary or election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of from 6 months to 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3527).}}
{{smaller block|Duress and intimidation: Any person or corporation who directly or indirectly (a) uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, injury, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to register or vote or refrain from registering or from voting at any election, or for or against any person or measure, or for having so registered, voted, or refrained, or (b) by abduction, fraud, or duress impedes or hinders any voter from freely exercising his right of suffrage, or (c) being an employer, inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter or within 90 days before an election or primary exhibits placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of the offending officers or agents for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3547).}}
Rhode Island: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Laws of 1938, chapter 325.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use any threat, or employ any means of intimidation, for the purpose of influencing an elector to vote, or withhold his vote, at any election, for or against any candidate or measure, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years or by both in the discretion of the court, and shall be disfranchised (sec. 5).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person, being an employer, who, within 90 days before a general election, inserts written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or exhibits placards in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court, and shall thereafter be disfranchised and ineligible for public office. If employer is a corporation, it shall forfeit its charter (sec. 5).}}
South Carolina: South Carolina constitution election provisions:
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9:}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9: SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10: ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5: APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8: REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15: RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–73. Appeal from denial of registration''}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–74. Proceedings in court of common pleas''}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–75. Further appeal to supreme court''}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–100. Right to vote''}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats''}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct''}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.''}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally''}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
South Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1939.
{{smaller block|Unlawful influence of voters: Every person who, directly or indirectly, willfully, by force or violence, or unlawful arrest, or abduction, duress, damage, harm, or loss, or by fraud, or by threats to use any such means, or by threats to bring civil or criminal action, or to withdraw trade or to enforce payment of debts, or to inflict any injury on the voter or other person, attempts to intimidate a voter into voting, or refraining from voting, for any candidate or measure, or who does any of these things because a voter has already voted or refrained from voting for any candidate or measure, or who willfully and without lawful authority obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0913).}}
{{smaller block|Obstructing public meeting of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful force or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meeting for considering public questions, or who so hinders or prevents any elector from attending any such meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0915).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: Any person who shall in any way obstruct the voting of any elector at a primary election, or intimidate any elector from attending a primary or voting thereat shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9907).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any person who shall deny an employee certain time for voting at a general election without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9922). This shall only apply in the case of an employee who does not have a period of 2 consecutive hours during the time the polls are open when he is not required to be at work (Laws, 1955, ch. 57, p. 157).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall insert written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or shall within 90 days prior to an election exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 13.0914).}}
Tennessee: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1955.
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It is a misdemeanor for any person, directly or indirectly, by force or threats, to prevent or attempt to prevent an elector from voting at a primary or general election or to inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm or other means of intimidation upon any person in order to compel him to vote or refrain from voting for any person or measure or because he has already so voted or refrained from voting (sec. 2–2211).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer to coerce or direct any employee or to threaten to discharge him, in order to induce him to vote or refrain from ​​voting for any candidate at a primary or general election or for any measure. It shall be unlawful to discharge an employee for his having voted, or refrained from voting, or for his having voted for or against any candidate or measure. Violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisonment in the county jail or workhouse for not more than 6 months, or both, and in addition thereto, if employer is a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 2–2236).}}
{{smaller block|It is a misdemeanor for an employer, within 90 days of an election or primary, to display placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 2–2237).}}
Texas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Penal Code, Annotated 1951.
{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: Any election officer who shall, by violence or threats of violence, attempt to influence the vote of an elector for or against any particular candidate, shall be fined not over $1,000 (art. 220).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: Whoever shall by force or intimidation, obstruct or influence, or attempt to obstruct or influence, any voter in his free exercise of the elective franchise, shall be fined from $100 to $500, and in addition thereto, may be imprisoned in jail for not more than 1 month (art. 256, 255).}}
{{smaller block|Election for constitutional amendments: Any election officer or any other person within 100 feet of the voting box on election day, who shall intimidate or attempt to intimidate any qualified voter from voting on any question submitted to the people for amending the constitution of the State, or who shall attempt to influence his vote, shall be fined from $50 to $500 (art. 272).}}
{{smaller block|Person in service of United States: Any person in the civil or military service of the United States in Texas, who by threats, bribery, menace, or other corrupt means, controls, or attempts to control, the vote of an elector, or annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he has exercised his right of elective franchise, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be arrested and tried at any future time when he may be found in Texas (art. 258).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Whoever shall deny an employee the privilege of attending the polls without penalty or deduction of wages, shall be fined not more than $500 (art. 209).}}
Utah: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1953.

The following provisions apply to general, special, and primary elections (sec. 20–13–20):
{{smaller block|Disturbance: Any person who so interferes with the voters at any election as to prevent such election from being fairly held, is guilty of a felony (sec. 20–13–3), punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years or by both (sec. 20–13–4).}}
{{smaller block|Intimidation: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any person or measure at any election, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, fraud, or duress, to impede, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter. Violation of these provisions is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose in pay envelopes of employees, written or printed matter, or within 90 days of any election, to exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful for any corporation or its agent to influence or attempt to influence any employee, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury or damage, or by discharging from employment or promoting in employment, or by any other form of intimidation, to vote, or not to vote, at any election, or for any person or measure. Violation of this chapter is a misdemeanor, in addition to punishment for which, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 20–13–7).}}
{{smaller block|Any person who shall refuse to allow an employee certain time off for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. This shall not apply to employees who are paid by the hour (sec. 20–13–18).}}
Vermont: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Revision of 1947.
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: A person who interferes with a voter when inside the guardrail, shall be fined $50. The election officers shall see that the offender is duly prosecuted (sec. 379).}}
{{smaller block|Undue influence: A person who attempts by bribery, threats, or any undue influence to dictate, or control, or alter the vote of a freeman about to be given at a general election shall be fined not more than $200 (sec. 388).}}
{{smaller block|Hindering voting: A person who willfully hinders the voting of others during an election, shall be fined $50 (art. 390).}}
{{smaller block|Primary: The above provisions under “undue influence” and “hindering voting” shall also apply to primary elections (sec. 391).}}
Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1950.
{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: If it shall appear at an election that the voters are being intimidated or coerced from any source in the exercise of their suffrage by bystanders about the polling place, or that voters are being hindered or tampered with in any way so as to prevent their casting a secret ballot, the judges of election may order the person engaged in so intimidating, coercing, or hindering the voters, to cease such action, and if he does not forthwith desist, the judges or a majority of them may order the arrest of such person by anyone authorized to make arrests, and may confine him in the county or city jail for not over 24 hours, and such person, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished as for a misdemeanor (sec. 24–190).}}
{{smaller block|Voting offenses: If any person, by threat or bribery, attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or attempts to deter him from giving his vote, he shall be confined in jail for not more than 1 year and fined not over $1,000 (sec. 24–450).}}
{{smaller block|Registration: Any registration officer who willfully or maliciously rejects from registering any person, contrary to law, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 24–453).}}
{{smaller block|Misdemeanor: A misdemeanor, under the election laws, unless otherwise specified, is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 12 months, or both (sec. 24–455).}}
Washington: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, 1951, title 29.
{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Any person who uses menace, force, threat, or corrupt means, at or prior to any election, toward any elector, to hinder or deter him from voting at such election, or authorizes another to do so, shall be guilty of a felony. Any election officer who, by menace, persuasion, or reward, attempts to induce an elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 29.85.060).}}
{{smaller block|Influencing voter: Any person who directly or indirectly, by menace or other corrupt means, attempts to influence a person in giving or refusing to give his vote in any election, or deters, disturbs, hinders, persuades, threatens, or intimidates any person from giving his vote therein, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $250 or by imprisonment for 6 months or both (sec. 29.85.070).}}
{{smaller block|Recall: Every person shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor, who by any corrupt means or by threats or intimidation, interferes with or attempts to interfere with the right of any legal voter to sign, or not to sign, any recall petition, or to vote for or against any recall (1953 Supp., sec. 29.82.220 (5)).}}
West Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1955, Annotated (Michie).
{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall, by any manner of force, fraud, menace, or intimidation, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any voter from attending any election or from freely exercising his right of suffrage thereat, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or by confinement in the county jail for not over 1 year, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 164).}}
{{smaller block|Threat of violence: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, or on account of his having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, prevent or impede any voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, or shall thereby compel him to either vote, or refrain from voting, for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (c)).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual or corporation, who prints on pay envelopes of employees or on placards, etc., in his establishment, express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of corrupt practices, punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $20,000, or by imprisonment in jail for not more than 1 year, or both (sec. 169 (1)).}}
{{smaller block|Any employer who shall give any notice or information to his employees containing any threat, either express or implied, intended to influence the political view or actions of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (d)).}}
Wisconsin: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1951.
{{smaller block|Threats: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, in order to compel any person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise at any election, or shall thereby induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at any election for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be punished by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 346.17, renumbered sec. 12.52 by Laws, 1955, ch. 696, sec. 160).}}
{{smaller block|Coercion by employer: No employer shall distribute among his employees any printed or written matter containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, calculated to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 12.19). Penalties for violation of this provision refer to violations by candidates or their committees (sec. 12.28).}}
Wyoming: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Wyoming Compiled Statutes Annotated, 1945.
{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who shall, during an election, willfully hinder the voting of others, shall be fined from $25 to $100 (sec. 31–2309).}}
{{smaller block|Misconduct: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of election by means of violence, or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing trade, or enforcing payment of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a civil or criminal action or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him (sec. 31–2312 (8)).}}
{{smaller block|No person shall prevent or attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting (sec. 31–2312 (10)).}}
{{smaller block|Violation of these provisions is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not over 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or both (sec. 31–2312 (22)).}}
Mr. President, I have read the election laws.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have read the election laws of every State in the Union, from Alabama to Wyoming, showing that the States now have, on their statute books and in their constitutions, provisions to protect the right to vote. The accuracy of the statutes which I have just recited is confirmed by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress.

No one can say that any State, from Alabama through Wyoming, does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

The bill before the Senate is called a right-to-vote bill. Why is it called that? Every State has statutes to protect the right to vote. The sovereign States are protecting their citizens in the right to vote. Yet there is a big cry and a big hue about a voting law. As a matter of fact, the only thing that instigated this bill was the desire of both parties, the Democratic and the Republican, to play to minority votes. That is the purpose of the bill. It is purely political. Why do we need a Federal law when every State has a statute to protect the right to vote? And who is in a better position to protect the right to vote than the officials of the States?

Suppose the voting laws of all the States were abrogated and violated. Does the Federal Government have a police system which would enable it to send officials into every State to police the election laws of every State? If so, it would change our entire conception of the Government of this Nation.

The Constitution of the United States was written in 1789, in Philadelphia. It was ratified by nine Colonies which made them States and created the Union; 2 years later the Bill of Rights was adopted; and in the 10th amendment, which is a part of the Bill of Rights, it is provided that all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States. There is nothing in the Constitution that delegates those powers to the Federal Government. Therefore, those rights are reserved to the States, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for Congress to attempt to pass a law that will set up an administration which will attempt to bring about a policing of all the elections in all the 48 States of this Nation.

Some persons say, “Well, the States won’t enforce the voting laws. We have got to have a Federal law. Some States deny the vote to citizens.” I question that. Has there been a single instance brought before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the United States and proof presented that anyone has been denied the vote? From my understanding, and from the minority report which was submitted by some members of the Judiciary Committee, that has not been the case. So why does the Federal Government want to enter a field into which it has no constitutional authority to enter? As a matter of fact, the Federal Government already has a statute, I say to those who say the States are not protecting the right to vote. I am wondering if the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives have overlooked the Federal statute. I shall read that statute, so that Senators can know that we now have a Federal statute to protect the right to vote.

I shall read several provisions. The last one is the most applicable, and one on which I shall comment a little more, but I want to start with chapter 29 of title 18 of the Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

That is the United States Code, Criminal Code, and Criminal Procedure. Chapter 29 is entitled “Elections and Political Activities.”

Section 591 reads:
{{smaller block|Definitions:}}
{{smaller block|When used in sections 597, 599, 602, 609, and 610 of this title—}}
{{smaller block|The term “election” includes a general or special election, but does not include a primary election or convention of a political party.}}
But under a decision of the Supreme Court, in a case which went up from my own State of South Carolina, it was held that the primary election was a part of the election machinery; and the decision was rendered on that subject.
{{smaller block|The term “candidate” means an individual whose name is presented for election as Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress of the United States, whether or not such individual is elected;}}
{{smaller block|The term “political committee” includes any committee, association, or organization which accepts contributions or makes expenditures for the purpose of influencing or attempting to influence the election of candidates or presidential and vice presidential electors (1) in two or more States, or (2) whether or not in more than one State if such committee, association, or organization (other than a duly organized State or local committee of a political party) is a branch or subsidiary of a national committee, association, or organization;}}
{{smaller block|The term “contribution” includes a gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make a contribution, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “expenditure” includes a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make an expenditure, whether or not legally enforceable;}}
{{smaller block|The term “person” or the term “whoever” includes an individual, partnership, committee, association, corporation, and any other organization or group of persons;}}
{{smaller block|The term “State” includes Territory and possession of the United States. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 9, 63 Stat. 90.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 592. Troops at polls.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer of the Army or Navy, or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 593. Interference by Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States, prescribes or fixes or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, prevents, or attempts to prevent, by force, threat, intimidation, advice, or otherwise any qualified voter of any State from fully exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, orders or compels or attempts to compel any election officer in any State to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election in a State, different from those prescribed by law; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, interferes in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of his duties—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces from exercising the right of suffrage in any district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State of such district. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}
I shall now comment on section 594, which is entitled “Intimidation of Voters.” I cannot help but believe that Members of Congress in some way must have overlooked this statute, if they believe a Federal statute is essential on this subject, which I do not. This is the way the section reads:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 594. Intimidation of voters.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
Mr. President, I do not think this statute is constitutional, in section 594, because I think the question is a matter reserved to the States. Since evidently there were people who thought the Federal Government did need to enter this field and who must have felt that it would not be unconstitutional for the Federal Government to enter it, this section was adopted. This section provides, as I have just read, for the punishment of anyone who attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose.

What is the purpose of the bill now under consideration, H. R. 6127? It is called the right-to-vote bill. The Federal statute here, in section 594 of title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure, is just as plain on the subject as it can be. There is the Federal statute on the question of voting. I do not like it, because I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field, but we have the statute, in section 594.

If there has been any violation of voting rights in this country, if there has been a single case of any person who claims that he has been intimidated or threatened or coerced to vote, the Federal Government has the power, under that statute, to punish anyone if he is convicted for such offense.

Either this statute has not been enforced, if there have been violations, or else there have been no violations. So when the Federal Government asks that another voting law be passed, such as House bill 6127, it is admitting 1 of 2 things: Either there have been no violations of the rights of people to vote, or the Justice Department is not enforcing the law on this subject.

I do not see what good it would do to enact another statute. What good would another statute do, if we have a statute already on the books? I have heard of no cases brought under this statute. There must not have been any violations. If there have been violations, the Federal Government has failed to prosecute violators, which it could do under this law.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 595. Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial governments.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a person employed in any administrative position by the United States, or by any department or agency thereof, or by the District of Columbia, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, or by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States, or any political subdivision, municipality, or agency thereof, or agency of such political subdivision or municipality (including any corporation owned or controlled by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States or by any such political subdivision, municipality, or agency), in connection with any activity which is financed in whole or in part by loans or grants made by the United States, or any department or agency thereof, uses his official authority for the purpose of interfering with, or affecting, the nomination or the election of any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner from any Territory or possession, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not prohibit or make unlawful any act by any officer or employee of any educational or research institution, establishment, agency, or system which is supported in whole or in part by any State or political subdivision thereof, or by the District of Columbia or by any Territory or possession of the United States; or by any recognized religious, philanthropic, or cultural organization. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 596. Polling Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, within or without the Armed Forces of the United States, polls any member of such forces, either within or without the United States, either before or after he executes any ballot under any Federal or State law, with reference to his choice of or his vote for any candidate, or states, publishes, or releases any result of any purported poll taken from or among the members of the Armed Forces of the United States or including within it the statement of choice for such candidate or of such votes cast by any member of the Armed Forces of the United States, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned for not more than 1 year, or both.}}
{{smaller block|The word “poll” means any request for information, verbal or written, which by its language or form of expression requires or implies the necessity of an answer, where the request is made with the intent of compiling the result of the answers obtained, either for the personal use of the person making the request, or for the purpose of reporting the same to any other person, persons, political party, unincorporated association or corporation, or for the purpose of publishing the same orally, by radio, or in written or printed form. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 597. Expenditures to influence voting.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever makes or offers to make an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote, or to vote for or against any candidate; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits, accepts, or receives any such expenditure in consideration of his vote or the withholding of his vote—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 598. Coercion by means of relief appropriations.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever uses any part of any appropriation made by Congress for work relief, relief, or for increasing employment by providing loans and grants for public-works projects, or exercises or administers any authority conferred by any appropriation act for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing any individual in the exercise of his right to vote at any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 599. Promise of appointment by candidate.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a candidate, directly or indirectly promises or pledges the appointment, or the use of his influence or support for the appointment of any person to any public or private position or employment, for the purpose of procuring support in his candidacy shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 600. Promise of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, directly or indirectly, promises any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit, provided for or made possible in whole or in part by any act of Congress, to any person as consideration, favor, or reward for any political activity, or for the support of or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 601. Deprivation of employment or other benefit for political activity.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, except as required by law, directly or indirectly, deprives, attempts to deprive, or threatens to deprive any person of any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, on account of race, creed, color, or any political activity, support of, or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62, Stat. 721.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 602. Solicitation of political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being a Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, or a candidate for Congress, or individual elected as, Senator, Representative, Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, or an officer or employee of the United States or any department or agency thereof, or a person receiving any salary or compensation for services from money derived from the Treasury of the United States, directly or indirectly solicits, receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose whatever, from any other such officer, employee, or person, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 603. Place of solicitation.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by any person mentioned in section 602 of this title, or in any navy yard, fort, or arsenal, solicits or receives any contribution of money or other thing of value for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722; October 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (b), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 604. Solicitation from persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever solicits or receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose from any person known by him to be entitled to, or receiving​ compensation, employment, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 605. Disclosure of names of persons on relief.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, for political purposes, furnishes or discloses any list or names of persons receiving compensation, employment, or benefits provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating, or authorizing the appropriation of funds for work relief or relief purposes, to a political candidate, committee, campaign manager, or to any person for delivery to a political candidate, committee, or campaign manager; and}}
{{smaller block|Whoever receives any such list or names for political purposes—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 606. Intimidation to secure political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being one of the officers or employees of the United States mentioned in section 602 of this title, discharges, or promotes, or degrades, or in any manner changes the official rank or compensation of any other officer or employee, or promises or threatens so to do, for giving or withholding or neglecting to make any contribution of money or other valuable thing for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 607. Making political contributions.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, being an officer, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States or any department or agency thereof, directly or indirectly gives or hands over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator or Member of or Delegate to Congress, or Resident Commissioner, any money or other valuable thing on account of or to be applied to the promotion of any political object, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 608. Limitations on political contributions and purchases.}}
{{smaller block|(a) Whoever, directly or indirectly, makes contributions in an aggregate amount in excess of $5,000 during any calendar year, or in connection with any campaign for nomination or election, to or on behalf of any candidate for an elective Federal office, including the offices of President of the United States and presidential and vice presidential electors, or to or on behalf of any committee or other organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not apply to contributions made to or by a State or local committee or other State or local organization or to similar committees or organizations in the District of Columbia or in any Territory or possession of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|(b) Whoever purchases or buys any goods, commodities, advertising, or articles of any kind or description, the proceeds of which, or any portion thereof, directly or indirectly inures to the benefit of or for any candidate for an elective Federal office including the offices of President of the United States, and presidential and vice-presidential electors or any political committee or other political organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|This subsection shall not interfere with the usual and known business, trade, or profession of any candidate.}}
{{smaller block|(c) In all cases of violations of this section by a partnership, committee, association, corporation, or other organization or group of persons, the officers, directors, or managing heads thereof who knowingly and willfully participate in such violation, shall be punished as herein provided.}}
{{smaller block|(d) The term “contribution,” as used in this section, shall have the same meaning prescribed by section 591 of this title. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina. The Senator may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue by reading section 609:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 609. Maximum contributions and expenditures.}}
{{smaller block|No political committee shall receive contributions aggregating more than $3 million, or make expenditures aggregating more than $3 million, during any calendar year.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section, any contributions received and any expenditures made on behalf of any political committee with the knowledge and consent of the chairman or treasurer of such committee shall be deemed to be received or made by such committee.}}
{{smaller block|Any violation of this section by any political committee shall be deemed also to be a violation by the chairman and the treasurer of such committee and by any other person responsible for such violation and shall be punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment of not more than 1 year, or both; and, if the violation was willful, by a fine of not more than $10,000, or imprisonment of not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 610. Contributions or expenditures by national banks, corporations, or labor organizations.}}
{{smaller block|It is unlawful for any national bank, or any corporation organized by authority of any law of Congress, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election to any political office, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any political office, or for any corporation whatever, or any labor organization, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which presidential and vice-presidential electors or a Senator or Representative are, or a Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress are to be voted for, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate, political committee, or other person to accept or receive any contribution prohibited by this section.}}
{{smaller block|Every corporation or labor organization which makes any contribution or expenditure in violation of this section shall be fined not more than $5,000; and every officer or director of any corporation, or officer of any labor organization, who consents to any contribution or expenditure by the corporation or labor organization, as the case may be, and any person who accepts or receives any contribution, in violation of this section, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.}}
{{smaller block|For the purposes of this section “labor organization” means any organization of any kind, or any agency or employee representation committee or plan, in which employees participate and which exist for the purpose, in whole or in part, of dealing with employers concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay, hours of employment, or conditions of work. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 10, 63 Stat. 90; Oct. 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (c), 65 Stat. 718.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 611. Contributions by firms or individuals contracting with the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever, entering into any contract with the United States or any department or agency thereof, either for the rendition of personal services or furnishing any material, supplies, or equipment to the United States or any department or agency thereof, or selling any land or building to the United States or any department or agency thereof, if payment for the performance of such contract or payment for such material, supplies, equipment, land, or building is to be made in whole or in part from funds appropriated by the Congress, during the period of negotiation for, or performance under such contract or furnishing of material, supplies, equipment, land, or buildings, directly or indirectly makes any contribution of money or any other thing of value, or promises expressly or impliedly to make any such contribution, to any political party committee, or candidate for public office or to any person for any political purpose or use; or}}
{{smaller block|Whoever knowingly solicits any such contribution from any such person or firm, for any such purpose during any such period—}}
{{smaller block|Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724.)}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 612. Publication or distribution of political statements.}}
{{smaller block|Whoever willfully publishes or distributes, or causes to be published or distributed, or for the purpose of publishing or distributing the same, knowingly deposits for mailing or delivery, or causes to be deposited for mailing or delivery, or, except in cases of employees of the Post Office Department in the official discharge of their duties, knowingly transports or causes to be transported in interstate commerce any card, pamphlet, circular, poster, dodger, advertisement, writing, or other statement relating to or concerning any person who has publicly declared his intention to seek the office of President, or Vice President of the United States, or Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress, in a primary, general, or special election, or convention of a political party, or has caused or permitted his intention to do so to be publicly declared, which does not contain the names of the persons, associations, committees, or corporations responsible for the publication or distribution of the same, and the names of the officers of each such association, committee, or corporation, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724; Aug. 25, 1950, ch. 784, sec. 2, 64 Stat. 475.)}}
Mr. President, I have read those Federal statutes to show that we have in title 18, chapter 29, provision for elections and political activities, and the specific section to which I referred and attempted to emphasize, section 594, provides especially for the punishment of anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces any other person for interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. That is in the Federal statutes.

Again I ask, Why does the Congress need to pass another law when we have a law, a law with teeth in it, a law that provides a punishment of as much as $1,000 or imprisonment for as long as one year, or both? In other words, under this statute, the Federal Government, through the Justice Department, can prosecute any person who intimidates, threatens, or coerces another person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote and to vote as he chooses. If we have that kind of law on the books now, why do we need another law? As I stated a few moments ago, I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field. But they have entered this field, and laws on the subject have been enacted. Section 594 gives the Federal Government all the authority it needs to protect the right to vote in any State of this Nation. Section 594 makes provision for specific punishment if anyone violates the section and attempts to deny the right to vote, or threatens, intimidates, or coerces one in his right to vote and to vote as he chooses.

So with every State in the Nation having laws on the subject to protect the right to vote, and with the Federal Government having laws on this subject to protect the right to vote, why do we need to pass another bill, another bill which is unconstitutional, another bill which violates the Constitution of the United States? I will come to that later on in my address. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States.

I am going to take up after a while a decision which shows that criminal contempt is a crime, and if criminal contempt is a crime, then it falls within the category of the provision of the Constitution of the United States which says that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. It does not specify by degree. If he is entitled to a jury trial, he is entitled to it. The Senate passed a bill with an amendment providing for jury trial. The bill went back to the House, the House amended it, and added a provision that the judge in his discretion could try the case if the punishment was not over 45 days or a fine of $300. That is not what the Constitution says. The Constitution does not provide that a man is entitled to a jury trial under certain conditions, if the House had fixed the fine at $1 instead of $300 and denied a man the right of a trial by jury, in my opinion it still would have been unconstitutional. I shall develop that more as my address goes on.

Mr. President, I shall now take up specific points of the proposed compromise on the jury trial provisions of H. R. 6127, so as to point out the lack of constitutionality of the provisions in connection with contempt of court proceedings.

A so-called compromise has been reached among advocates of civil-rights legislation—H. R. 6127—whereby a jury trial would be given in certain criminal contempts of Federal courts.

The purpose of this speech is to point out the objectionable features of the proposed compromise and to show conclusively that it is unconstitutional.

The proposed jury-trial amendment, being part V of H. R. 6127, reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|PART V—TO PROVIDE TRIAL BY JURY FOR PROCEEDINGS TO PUNISH CRIMINAL CONTEMPTS OF COURT ARISING OUT OF CIVIL-RIGHTS CASES AND TO AMEND THE JUDICIAL CODE RELATING TO FEDERAL JURY QUALIFICATIONS}}}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 151. In all cases of criminal contempt arising under the provisions of this act, the accused, upon conviction, shall be punished by fine or imprisonment or both: ''Provided, however'', That in case the accused is a natural person the fine to be paid shall not exceed the sum of $1,000, nor shall imprisonment exceed the term of 6 months: ''Provided further'', That in any such proceeding for criminal contempt, at the discretion of the judge, the accused may be tried with or without a jury: ''Provided further, however'', That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of the $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury, which shall conform as near as may be to the practice in other criminal cases.}}
{{smaller block|This section shall not apply to contempts committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice nor to the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders, or process of the court.}}
{{smaller block|Nor shall anything herein or in any other provision of law be construed to deprive courts of their power, by civil contempt proceedings, without a jury, to secure compliance with or to prevent obstruction of, as distinguished from punishment for violations of, any lawful writ, process, order, rule, decree, or command of the court in accordance with the prevailing usages of law and equity, including the power of detention.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 152. Section 1861, title 28, of the United States Code is hereby amended to read as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“1861. Qualifications of Federal jurors.}}
{{smaller block|“Any citizen of the United States who has attained the age of 21 years and who has resided for a period of 1 year within the judicial district, is competent to serve as a grand or petit juror unless:}}
{{smaller block|“(1) He has been convicted in a State or Federal court of record of a crime punishable by imprisonment for more than 1 year and his civil rights have not been restored by pardon or amnesty.}}
{{smaller block|“(2) He is unable to read, write, speak, and understand the English language.}}
{{smaller block|“(3) He is incapable, by reason of mental or physical infirmities, to render efficient jury service.”}}
Mr. President, those are the provisions of the so-called compromise.

I wish to have all other Members of the Senate and all other citizens of these United States know just what the compromise provides.

First, Mr. President, this amendment is clearly unconstitutional because of vagueness.

It is an established principle of constitutional law that crimes must be clearly defined. If this amendment were enacted, persons charged with contempt would be deprived of their liberty and property without due process of law, in violation of the 14th amendment to the Federal Constitution. Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under a statute by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them.

This point is clearly brought out in Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, in the second edition, third volume, at page 1727. Here is what this great authority on the Constitution has to say on this point:
{{smaller block|1142. Crimes must be clearly defined.}}
{{smaller block|Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under statutes by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them. “A statute which either forbids or requires the doing of an act in terms so vague that men of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ as to its application violates the first essential of due process of law.” ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' (269 U. S. 385).}}
The first sentence of the proposed amendment—section 151—refers to criminal contempt and provides for punishment upon conviction. The first ''proviso'' of the first sentence refers to natural persons; and for such natural persons, the fine is limited to $1,000 or—in the alternative—imprisonment is limited to 6 months. This first ''proviso'' is obviously drafted to bring the offense within the present definition of “misdemeanor,” as classified by the Congress in the adoption of title 18 of the United States Code on June 25, 1948. Section 1 of title 18, United States Code, classifies offenses against the United States as follows:
{{smaller block|1. Offenses classified:}}
{{smaller block|Notwithstanding any act of Congress to the contrary:}}
{{smaller block|(1) Any offense punishable by death or imprisonment for a term exceeding 1 year is a felony.}}
{{smaller block|(2) Any other offense is a misdemeanor.}}
{{smaller block|(3) Any misdemeanor, the penalty for which does not exceed imprisonment for a period of 6 months or a fine of not more than $500, or both, is a petty offense.}}
The second ''proviso'' of the first sentence still refers to criminal contempt, and vests in the Federal district judge the discretion to determine whether the person accused of contempt is to be tried with or without a jury.

The third proviso of the first sentence, still referring only to criminal contempts, says that where the district judge proceeds summarily—without benefit of a jury—to convict the accused and fine him or her for more than $300 or imprison him or her for more than 45 days, then the person so convicted—fined or imprisoned—may demand a trial ''de novo''. It is assumed that trial ''de novo'' contemplates a trial anew of the entire controversy, including the hearing of evidence, as though no previous action had been taken. In ''Pittsburgh S. S. Co.'' v. ''Brown'' ((1948 Ct. App. Ill.) 171 Fed. 2d. 175, 177), “trial ''de novo''” is defined as an entirely new trial, but that was a civil case. The term “trial ''de novo''” nowhere appears in criminal cases referred to in volume 42 A, Words and Phrases, 1952 edition or 1957 supplement.

The second sentence of the amendment, without any reference to “criminal contempt” or without defining or differentiating between “criminal contempt” and “civil contempt,” proceeds to make the provisions of the first sentence inapplicable to those contempts “committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice” and likewise inapplicable to “misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders or process of the court.” In other words, this second sentence deals with certain “contempts” and with “misbehavior of any officers of the court” and excludes such “contempts” and “misbehavior of any officer of the court” from the provisions of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. In other words, the second sentence says that if any contempt is committed in the presence of the court, or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice, it is not dealt with in the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. Likewise excluded from coverage by the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127—would be “the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court” in respect to any writ, order, or process of court issued presumably under authority of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127.

The last sentence of the amendment—section 151—simply tries to restate the proposition now appearing in section 401 of title 18, United States Code, that a court of the United States has power to punish contempts of its authority. However, in restating that proposition, this last sentence refers to “civil contempts,” whereas section 401 refers to “contempt of its”—the court’s—“authority.” Thus we see the last sentence of the amendment, section 151, refers to “civil contempt,” as distinguished from the first sentence, which deals with “criminal contempt.”

Nowhere in the amendment is any definition given of either “criminal contempt” or “civil contempt;” nor has Congress ever attempted to draw any such distinction. The sole provision attempting to draw a distinction between criminal and civil contempt is contained in rule 42 (b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in the requirement that the notice with respect to a criminal contempt shall describe it as such. The Advisory Committee on Rules, appointed by the United States Supreme Court pursuant to the act of June 29, 1940—Fifty-fourth United States Statutes at Large, page 686—to assist in the preparation of rules of pleading, in their notes indicate that the requirement of notice written into rule 42 (b) was “intended to obviate the frequent confusion between criminal and civil contempt proceedings” pursuant to the suggestion made in ''McCann'' v. ''New York Stock Exchange'' ((2d Cir., 1935) 80 F. 2d 211). See Civil and Criminal Contempt in the Federal Courts, report of Los Angeles Bar Association, 17 Federal Rules Decisions 167–182—1955. The Supreme Court itself has belabored the distinction between civil and criminal contempts. For the Court’s distinction see ''Bessette'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' ((1904) 194 U.S. 324, 328).

A contempt statute certainly comes within the due process of law requirements of the Constitution. To substantiate this point, I refer again to Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, page 1727, section 1141. In this section Willoughby points out that a contempt which is not committed in open court does require due process of law for the defendant. The United States Supreme Court, in an opinion by Chief Justice Taft, held on April 13, 1925, that all the guaranties of due process of law are available to a person charged with contempt. ''Cooke'' v. ''United States'' ((1925) 267 U.S. 517.) Thus it is quite clear that the amendment—section 151—as now drafted, would subject a person to criminal prosecution for a statutory offense so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable him to determine whether or not he is committing that offense. ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' ((1926) 269 U. S. 385); ''International Harvester Co.'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 216); ''Collins'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 634).

Second. This amendment is unconstitutional, in violation of the fifth amendment prohibiting double jeopardy.

That provision of the amendment which permits the accused to be tried a second time by a jury for the same offense following conviction in a summary proceeding violates the fifth amendment to the United States Constitution, which declares “nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb.”

In ''ex parte'' Grossman the Supreme Court stated that contempt is an “offense” within the meaning of the pardoning power of the President granted in article II, section 2, clause 1 of the enumerated powers of the President. Clause 1 declares the President “shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons of offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.” Chief Justice Taft in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1925) 267 U. S. 87, 107) quoting ''Myers'' v. ''United States'' ((1924) 264 U. S. 95, 104–105).

If contempt is an offense when it comes to the pardoning power of the President, it certainly is an offense under the fifth amendment. Thus reading the language of the amendment—section 151—''in pari materia'' with the decisions in ''ex parte'' Grossman and ''Myers'' against ''United States'', for the Congress to grant a second trial following conviction, with the same defendant, the same charges, and the same evidence, would place the defendant in double jeopardy.

The proposal—section 151—even if it were not in violation of the fifth amendment, would place Congress in the position of gambling with the rights of our citizens. Suppose a judge tries a man or woman and finds the person guilty. The press reports this fact to the public and such cases are bound to stir the public interest. The person so convicted is then tried again on the same evidence. Any jury is bound to be influenced.

In addition, what basis or standard of conduct is to be the determining factor as to whether the judge imposes the lesser fine or sentence and lets his verdict stand or imposes the greater fine or punishment and moves the case along to a jury trial. There would be no uniformity in the application of the proposed statute—section 151—and the entire procedure would be awkward, cumbersome, and impracticable.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', a note is made of an interruption in Mr. Thurmond’s speech, regarding the results of a special election for a Senator, upon which several pages of the ''Record'' are used to record the reading of documents and the discussion of matters relevant thereto. As this is not a constituent portion of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, it is absent from this record. However, following this notice, several other parliamentary procedures are maintained, and other matters are dealt with; the ''Record'' then replaces the remainder of Mr. Thurmond’s speech to the records of the succeeding day, beginning on p. 16383. This record begins again from this section.''

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I now wish to take up Chief Justice Taft’s opinion on jury trials in contempt cases. Considerable has been said about what Chief Justice Taft said concerning contempt and jury trials. Chief Justice Taft was at one time President of the United States, and he was Chief Justice of the United States. He was a great man and a great American. His opinions are highly revered, but some of his opinions have been quoted out of context or when not applicable. I wish to take up at this time his opinions on jury trials in contempt cases.

On June 5, 1957, at his White House press conference, President Eisenhower, in answer to a question asked by the National Negro Press Association as to how he stood on the jury-trial amendment to the so-called civil-rights bill, quoted President Taft, as being opposed to a jury trial in contempt cases. President Eisenhower stated that Mr. Taft made this statement when he was President in 1908 and there is no evidence that he ever changed his mind.

In the first place the statement was not made by Mr. Taft while President. The statement was made by Mr. Taft in a political speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on Tuesday, July 28, 1908, in acceptance of the Republican nomination for President. Mr. Taft at the time was Secretary of War. He did not become President until March 4, 1909.

In this political speech Mr. Taft also said a trial by jury in contempt cases was never known in the history of the jurisprudence of England, or America, except in the constitution of Oklahoma. See Presidential Addresses and Papers, William H. Taft, 1910 ed., page 26.

Also in this speech Mr. Taft said the popular impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, may be affected by a personal feeling was unfounded.

Did Mr. Taft change his mind when he became Chief Justice? He most assuredly did. He not only changed his mind on the subject of whether jury trials were had at common law in contempt cases but also changed his mind about judges having personal vindictiveness in contempt orders.

While Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Mr. Taft delivered the opinion in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1924) 267 U. S. 87) and cited eight cases at common law to show that in England a jury trial was had in contempt cases. This decision was rendered by him in upholding a pardon granted by President Hoover to a man imprisoned by a United States district judge in Illinois for contempt in a summary proceeding. Chief Justice Taft declared at page 118 of volume 267, United States Reports:
{{smaller block|The King of England before our Revolution, in the exercise of his prerogative, had always exercised the power to pardon contempts of court, just as he did ordinary crimes and misdemeanors and as he has done to the present day. In the mind of a common-law lawyer of the 18th century the word pardon included within its scope the ending by the King’s grace of the punishment of such derelictions, whether it was imposed by the court without a jury or upon indictment, for both forms of trial for contempts were had. ''Thomas of Chartham'' v. ''Benet of Stamford'' ((1313), 24 Selden Society, 185); ''Fulwood'' v. ''Fulwood'' ((1585), Toothill, 46); ''Rex'' v. ''Buckenham'' ((1665), 1 Deble 751, 707, 852); Anonymous (1674), Cases in Chancery (238); ''King and Codrington'' v. ''Rodmap'' ((1630), Cr. Car. 198); ''Bartram'' v. ''Dannett'' ((1676), Finch, 253); ''Phipps'' v. ''Earl of Angelsea'' ((1721), 1 Peere Williams, 696).}}
In all probability Mr. Taft was induced to recognize the fact that jury trials were customarily had at common law in contempts as a result of research conducted by the distinguished historian of English law, Mr. W. S. Holdsworth. The efforts of this great historian were first made public in 1909 after Mr. Taft had made his earlier statement.

Mr. Holdsworth declared that the only cases in which contempts were punished summarily was where the contemnor confessed his guilt. If he did not confess the accused was tried by the ordinary course of law which meant trial by jury. To quote Mr. Holdsworth:
{{smaller block|A History of English Law, volume III., pages 392–393. * * * But all through the medieval period, and long afterwards, the courts, though they might attack persons who were guilty of contempts of court, could not punish them summarily. Unless they confessed their guilt, they must be regularly indicted and convicted. Mr. Fox has given a list of 40 cases of various contempts—insults to the judges, an assault on the attorney general, beating jurors, striking a witness, trampling on a writ of prohibition—in all of which the offender was tried by the ordinary course of law. That this was the correct course to pursue was stated by Anderson, C. J., in 1599.}}
In another opinion while Chief Justice Mr. Taft changed his mind about the immunity of Federal judges from vindictiveness in issuing contempt orders.

On November 19, 1923, in a concurring opinion in ''Craig'' v. ''Hecht'' (263 U. S. 255 at p. 279), the Chief Justice said:
{{smaller block|The delicacy there is in the judge’s deciding whether an attack upon his own judicial action is mere criticism or real obstruction, and the possibility that impulse may incline his view to personal vindication, are manifest. But the law gives the person convicted of contempt in such a case the right to have the whole question on facts and law reviewed by three judges of the circuit court of appeals who have had no part in the proceedings, and if not successful in that court, to apply to this Court for an opportunity for a similar review here.}}
Mr. President, on June 10, 1957, the Supreme Court delivered an opinion in the case of [[Reid v. Covert (354 U.S. 1)|''Reid'' against ''Covert'']]. Since this opinion deals with the question “the right of trial by jury,” I think it is advisable for the Senate to consider this decision of the Supreme Court. I shall read a number of pages from the opinion and a concurring opinion by Justice Frankfurter.

Some of the material in this opinion necessarily discusses the background of the cases. However, I believe it appropriate to read this material because it is necessary to a full understanding of this decision which upheld the constitutional right of trial by jury which H. R. 6127 would deny under certain conditions. I read from the opinion of the Court:
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Black announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan join.}}
{{smaller block|These cases raise basic constitutional issues of the utmost concern. They call into question the role of the military under our system of government. They involve the power of Congress to expose civilians to trial by military tribunals, under military regulations and procedures, for offenses against the United States thereby depriving them of trial in civilian courts, under civilian laws and procedures and with all the safeguards of the Bill of Rights. These cases are particularly significant because for the first time since the adoption of the Constitution wives of soldiers have been denied trial by jury in a court of law and forced to trial before courts-martial.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701 Mrs. Clarice Covert killed her husband, a sergeant in the United States Air Force, at an airbase in England. Mrs. Covert, who was not a member of the armed services, was residing on the base with her husband at the time. She was tried by a court-martial for murder under Article 118 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The trial was on charges preferred by Air Force personnel and the court-martial was composed of Air Force officers. The court-martial asserted jurisdiction over Mrs. Covert under Article 2 (11) of the UCMJ, which provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The following persons are subject to this code:}}
{{smaller block|“(11) Subject to the provisions of any treaty or agreement to which the United States is or may be a party or to any accepted rule of international law, all persons serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces without the continental limits of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|Counsel for Mrs. Covert contended that she was insane at the time she killed her husband, but the military tribunal found her guilty of murder and sentenced her to life imprisonment. The judgment was affirmed by the Air Force Board of Reviews (16 CMR 465) but was reversed by the Court of Military Appeals (6 USCMA 48), because of prejudicial errors concerning the defense of insanity. While Mrs. Covert was being held in this country pending a proposed retrial by court-martial in the District of Columbia, her counsel petitioned the district court for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to set her free on the ground that the Constitution forbade her trial by military authorities. Construing this court’s decision in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), as holding that “a civilian is entitled to a civilian trial,” the district court held that Mrs. Covert could not be tried by court-martial and ordered her released from custody. The Government appealed directly to this court under, title 28, United States Code, section 1252. See Three Hundred and Fiftieth United States Reports, page 985.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713 Mrs. Dorothy Smith killed her husband, an Army officer, at a post in Japan where she was living with him. She was tried for murder by a court-martial and despite considerable evidence that she was insane was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. The judgment was approved by the Army Board of Review (10 CMR 350, 13 CMR 307), and the Court of Military Appeals (5 USCMA 314). Mrs. Smith was then confined in a Federal penitentiary in West Virginia. Her father, respondent here, filed a petition for ''habeas corpus'' in a district court for West Virginia. The petition charged that the court-martial was without jurisdiction because article 2 (11) of the UCMJ was unconstitutional insofar as it authorized the trial of civilian dependents accompanying servicemen overseas. The district court refused to issue the writ (137 F. Supp. 806), and while an appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit we granted ''certiorari'' at the request of the Government (350 U. S. 986).}}
{{smaller block|The two cases were consolidated and argued last term and a majority of the Court, with 3 Justices dissenting and 1 reserving opinion, held that military trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert for their alleged offenses was constitutional. Three hundred and fifty-first United States Reports, page 470, 487. The majority held that the provisions of article III and the fifth and sixth amendments which require that crimes be tried by a jury after indictment by a grand jury did not protect an American citizen when he was tried by the American Government in foreign lands for offenses committed there and that Congress could provide for the trial of such offenses in any manner it saw fit so long as the procedures established were reasonable and consonant with due process. The opinion then went on to express the view that military trials, as now practiced, were not unreasonable or arbitrary when applied to dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces overseas. In reaching their conclusion the majority found it unnecessary to consider the power of Congress “to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces” under article I of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Subsequently, the Court granted a petition for rehearing. Three Hundred and Fifty-second United States Reports, page 901. Now, after further argument and consideration, we conclude that the previous decisions cannot be permitted to stand. We hold that Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert could not constitutionally be tried by military authorities.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|I}}}}
{{smaller block|At the beginning we reject the idea that when the United States acts against citizens abroad it can do so free of the Bill of Rights. The United States is entirely a creature of the Constitution. Its power and authority have no other source. It can only act in accordance with all the limitations imposed by the Constitution. When the Government reaches out to punish a citizen who is abroad, the shield which the Bill of Rights and other parts of the Constitution provide to protect his life and liberty should not be stripped away just because he happens to be in another land. This is not a novel concept. To the contrary, it is as old as government. It was recognized long before Paul successfully invoked his right as a Roman citizen to be tried in strict accordance with Roman law. And many centuries later an English historian wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“In a settled colony the inhabitants have all the rights of Englishmen. They take with them, in the first place, that which no Englishman can by expatriation put off, namely, allegiance to the Crown, the duty of obedience to the lawful commands of the Sovereign, and obedience to the laws which Parliament may think proper to make with reference to such a colony. But, on the other hand, they take with them all the rights and liberties of British subjects; all the rights and liberties as against the prerogative of the Crown, which they would enjoy in this county.”}}
{{smaller block|The rights and liberties which citizens of our country enjoy are not protected by custom and tradition alone, they have been jealously preserved from the encroachments of Government by express provisions of our written Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Among those provisions, article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments are directly relevant to these cases. Article III, section 2, lays down the rule that—}}
{{smaller block|“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth amendment declares:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|And the sixth amendment provides:}}
{{smaller block|“In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.”}}
{{smaller block|The language of article III, section 2, manifests that constitutional protections for the individual were designed to restrict the United States Government when it acts outside of this country, as well as here at home. After declaring that all criminal trials must be by jury, the section states that when a crime is “not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.” If this language is permitted to have its obvious meaning, section 2 is applicable to criminal trials outside of the States as a group without regard to where the offense is committed or the trial held. From the very first Congress, Federal statutes have implemented the provisions of section 2 by providing for trial of murder and other crimes committed outside the jurisdiction of any State “in the district where the offender is apprehended, or into which he may first be brought.” The fifth and sixth amendments, like article III, section 2, are also all inclusive with their sweeping references to “no person” and to “all criminal prosecutions.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court and other Federal courts have held or asserted that various constitutional limitations apply to the Government when it acts outside the continental United States. While it has been suggested that only those constitutional rights which are “fundamental” protect Americans abroad, we can find no warrant, in logic or otherwise, for picking and choosing among the remarkable collection of “Thou shalt nots” which were explicitly fastened on all departments and agencies of the Federal Government by the Constitution and its amendments. Moreover, in view of our heritage and the history of the adoption of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, it seems peculiarly anomalous to say that trial before a civilian judge and by an independent jury picked from the common citizenry are not fundamental rights. As Blackstone wrote in his Commentaries:}}
{{smaller block|“The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * [I]t is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals.”}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
{{smaller block|The keystone of supporting authorities mustered by the Court’s opinion last June to justify its holding that article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments did not apply abroad was ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). The Ross case is one of those cases that cannot be understood except in its peculiar setting; even then, it seems highly unlikely that a similar result would be reached to-day. Ross was serving as a seaman on an American ship in Japanese waters. He killed a ship’s officer, was seized and tried before a consular court in Japan. At that time, statutes authorized American consuls to try American citizens charged with committing crimes in Japan and certain other non-Christian countries. These statutes provided that the laws of the United States were to govern the trial except:}}
{{smaller block|“Where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.”}}
{{smaller block|The consular power approved in the Ross case was about as extreme and absolute as that of the potentates of the non-Christian countries to which the statutes applied. Under these statutes consuls could and did make the criminal laws, initiate charges, arrest alleged offenders, try them, and after conviction take away their liberty or their life—sometimes at the American consulate. Such a blending of executive, legislative, and judicial powers in one person or even in one branch of the Government is ordinarily regarded as the very acme of absolutism. Nevertheless, the Court sustained Ross’ conviction by the consul. It stated that constitutional protections applied “only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad.” Despite the fact that it upheld Ross’ conviction under United States laws passed pursuant to asserted constitutional authority, the Court went on to make a sweeping declaration that “[t]he Constitution can have no operation in another country.”}}
{{smaller block|The Ross approach that the Constitution has no applicability abroad has long since been directly repudiated by numerous cases. That approach is obviously erroneous if the United States Government, which has no power except that granted by the Constitution, can and does try citizens for crimes committed abroad. Thus the Ross case rested, at least in substantial part, on a fundamental misconception and the most that can be said in support of the result reached there is that the consular court jurisdiction had a long history antedating the adoption of the Constitution. The Congress has recently buried the consular system of trying Americans. We are not willing to jeopardize the lives and liberties of Americans by disinterring it. At best, the Ross case should be left as a relic from a different era.}}
{{smaller block|The Court’s opinion last term also relied on the Insular Cases to support its conclusion that article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments were not applicable to the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. We believe that reliance was misplaced.}}
{{smaller block|The Insular Cases can be distinguished from the present cases in that they involved the power of Congress to provide rules and regulations to govern temporarily territories with wholly dissimilar traditions and institutions whereas here the basis for governmental power is American citizenship. None of these cases had anything to do with military trials and they cannot properly be used as vehicles to support an extension of military jurisdiction to civilians. Moreover, it is our judgment that neither the cases nor their reasoning should be given any further expansion. The concept that the Bill of Rights and other constitutional protections against arbitrary government are inoperative when they become inconvenient or when expediency dictates otherwise is a very dangerous doctrine and if allowed to flourish would destroy the benefit of a written Constitution and undermine the basis of our Government. If our foreign commitments become of such nature that the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority, or inclination, to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|II}}}}
{{smaller block|At the time of Mrs. Covert’s alleged offense, an executive agreement was in effect between the United States and Great Britain which permitted United States military courts to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over offenses committed in Great Britain by American servicemen or their dependents. For its part, the United States agreed that these military courts would be willing and able to try and to punish all offenses against the laws of Great Britain by such persons. In all material respects, the same situation existed in Japan when Mrs. Smith killed her husband. Even though a court-martial does not give an accused trial by jury and other Bill of Rights protections, the Government contends that section 2(11) of the UCMJ, insofar as it authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces in Great Britain and Japan, can be sustained as legislation which is necessary and proper to carry out the United States obligations under the international agreements made with those countries. The obvious and decisive answer to this, of course, is that no agreement with a foreign nation can confer power on the Congress, or on any other branch of Government, which is free from the restraints of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI., the supremacy clause of the Constitution, declares:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in this language which intimates that treaties and laws enacted pursuant to them do not have to comply with the provisions of the Constitution. Nor is there anything in the debates which accompanied the drafting and ratification of the Constitution which even suggests such a result. These debates as well as the history that surrounds the adoption of the treaty provision in article VI. make it clear that the reason treaties were not limited to those made in pursuance of the Constitution was so that agreements made by the United States under the Articles of Confederation, including the important peace treaties which concluded the Revolutionary War, would remain in effect. It would be manifestly contrary to the objectives of those who created the Constitution, as well as those who were responsible for the Bill of Rights—let alone alien to our entire constitutional history and tradition—to construe article VI. as permitting the United States to exercise power under an international agreement without observing constitutional prohibitions. In effect, such construction would permit amendment of that document in a manner not sanctioned by article V. The prohibitions of the Constitution were designed to apply to all branches of the National Government and they cannot be nullified by the executive or by the executive and the Senate combined.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing new or unique about what we say here. This court has regularly and uniformly recognized the supremacy of the Constitution over a treaty. For example, in ''Geofroy'' v. ''Riggs'' (133 U. S. 258, 267), it declared:}}
{{smaller block|“The treaty power, as expressed in the Constitution, is in terms unlimited except by those restraints which are found in that instrument against the action of the Government or of its departments, and those arising from the nature of the Government itself and of that of the States. It would not be contended that it extends so far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids, or a change in the character of the Government or in that of one of the States, or a cession of any portion of the territory of the latter, without its consent.”}}
{{smaller block|This Court has also repeatedly taken the position that an act of Congress, which must comply with the Constitution, is on a full parity with a treaty, and that when a statute which is subsequent in time is inconsistent with a treaty, the statute to the extent of conflict renders the treaty null. It would be completely anomalous to say that a treaty need not comply with the Constitution when such an agreement can be overridden by a statute that must conform to that instrument.}}
{{smaller block|There is nothing in ''Missouri'' v. ''Holland'' (252 U. S. 416), which is contrary to the position taken here. There the Court carefully noted that the treaty involved was not inconsistent with any specific provision of the Constitution. The Court was concerned with the 10th amendment which reserves to the States or the people all power not delegated to the National Government. To the extent that the United States can validly make treaties, the people and the States have delegated their power to the National Government and the 10th amendment is no barrier.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, we conclude that the Constitution in its entirety applied to the trials of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. Since their court-martial did not meet the requirements of article III., section 2, or the fifth and sixth amendments, we are compelled to determine if there is anything within the Constitution which authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces overseas.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|III}}}}
{{smaller block|Article I., section 8, clause 14, empowers Congress “To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” It has been held that this creates an exception to the normal method of trial in civilian courts as provided by the Constitution and permits Congress to authorize military trial of members of the armed services without all the safeguards given an accused by article III. and the Bill of Rights. But if the language of clause 14 is given its natural meaning, the power granted does not extend to civilians—even though they may be dependents living with servicemen on a military base. The term “land and naval forces” refers to persons who are members of the armed services and not to their civilian wives, children, and other dependents. It seems inconceivable that Mrs. Covert or Mrs. Smith could have been tried by military authorities as members of the land and naval forces had they been living on a military post in this country. Yet this constitutional term surely has the same meaning everywhere. The wives of servicemen are no more members of the land and naval forces when living at a military post in England or Japan than when living at a base in this country or in Hawaii or Alaska.}}
{{smaller block|The Government argues that the necessary and proper clause, when taken in conjunction with clause 14, allows Congress to authorize the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert by military tribunals and under military law. The Government claims that the two clauses together constitute a broad grant of power without limitation authorizing Congress to subject all persons, civilians and soldiers alike, to military trial if necessary and proper to govern and regulate the land and naval forces. It was on a similar theory that Congress once went to the extreme of subjecting persons who made contracts with the military to court-martial jurisdiction with respect to frauds related to such contracts. In the only judicial test a Circuit Court held that the legislation was patently unconstitutional. ''Ex parte'' Henderson (11 Fed. Cas. 1067, No. 6349).}}
{{smaller block|It is true that the Constitution expressly grants Congress power to make all rules necessary and proper to govern and regulate those persons who are serving in the land and naval forces. But the necessary and proper clause cannot operate to extend military jurisdiction to any group of persons beyond that class described in clause 14—“the land and naval forces.” Under the grand design of the Constitution civilian courts are the normal repositories of power to try persons charged with crimes against the United States. And to protect persons brought before these courts, article III. and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments establish the right to trial by jury, by indictment by a grand jury, and a number of other specific safeguards. By way of contrast the jurisdiction of military tribunals is a very limited and extraordinary jurisdiction derived from the cryptic language in article I., section 8, and, at most, was intended to be only a narrow exception to the normal and preferred method of trial in courts of law. Every extension of military jurisdiction is an encroachment on the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and, more important, acts as a deprivation of the right to jury trial and of other treasured constitutional protections. Having run up against the steadfast bulwark of the Bill of Rights, the necessary and proper clause cannot extend the scope of clause 14.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing said here contravenes the rule laid down in ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, at 421), that:}}
{{smaller block|“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.”}}
{{smaller block|In McCulloch this Court was confronted with the problem of determining the scope of the necessary and proper clause in a situation where no specific restraints on governmental power stood in the way. Here the problem is different. Not only does clause 14, by its terms, limit military jurisdiction to members of the land and naval forces, but article III., section 2 and the fifth and sixth amendments require that certain express safeguards, which were designed to protect persons from oppressive governmental practices, shall be given in criminal prosecutions—safeguards which cannot be given in a military trial. In the light of these as well as other constitutional provisions, and the historical background in which they were formed, military trial of civilians is inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Further light is reflected on the scope of clause 14 by the fifth amendment. That amendment which was adopted shortly after the Constitution reads:}}
{{smaller block|“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”}}
{{smaller block|Since the exception in this amendment for cases arising in the land or naval forces was undoubtedly designed to correlate with the power granted Congress to provide for the government and regulation of the armed services, it is a persuasive and reliable indication that the authority conferred by clause 14 does not encompass persons who cannot fairly be said to be in the military service.}}
{{smaller block|Even if it were possible, we need not attempt here to precisely define the boundary between civilians and members of the land and naval forces. We recognize that there might be circumstances where a person could be in the armed services for purposes of clause 14 even though he had not formally been inducted into the military or did not wear a uniform. But the wives, children, and other dependents of servicemen cannot be placed in that category, even though they may be accompanying a serviceman abroad at Government expense and receiving other benefits from the Government. We have no difficulty in saying that such persons do not lose their civilian status and their right to a civilian trial because the Government helps them live as members of a soldier’s family.}}
{{smaller block|The tradition of keeping the military subordinate to civilian authority may not be so strong in the minds of this generation as it was in the minds of those who wrote the Constitution. The idea that the relatives of soldiers could be denied a jury trial in a court of law and instead be tried by courts-martial under the guise of regulating the Armed Forces would have seemed incredible to those men, in whose lifetime the right of the military to try soldiers for any offenses in time of peace had only been grudgingly conceded. The founders envisioned the Army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds. Their fears were rooted in history. They knew that ancient republics had been overthrown by their military leaders. They were familiar with the history of 17th century England, where Charles I. tried to govern through the army and without Parliament. During this attempt, contrary to the common law, he used courts-martial to try soldiers for certain nonmilitary offenses. This court-martialing of soldiers in peacetime evoked strong protests from Parliament. The reign of Charles I. was followed by the rigorous military rule of Oliver Cromwell. Later, James II. used the army in his fight against Parliament and the people. He promulgated articles of war (strangely enough relied on in the Government’s brief) authorizing the trial of soldiers for nonmilitary Crimes by courts-martial. This action hastened the revolution that brought William and Mary to the throne upon their agreement to abide by a bill of rights which, among other things, protected the right of trial by jury. It was against this general background that two of the greatest English jurists, Lord Chief Justice Hale and Sir William Blackstone—men who exerted considerable influence on the founders—expressed sharp hostility to any expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. For instance, Blackstone went so far as to assert:}}
{{smaller block|“For martial law, which is built upon no settled principles, but is entirely arbitrary in its decisions, is, as Sir Matthew Hale observes, in truth and reality no law, but something indulged rather than allowed as a law. The necessity of order and discipline in an army is the {{SIC|ony|only}} thing which can give it countenance; and therefore it ought not to be permitted in time of peace, when the king’s courts are open for all persons to receive justice according to the laws of the land.”}}
{{smaller block|The generation that adopted the Constitution did not distrust the military because of past history alone. Within their own lives they had seen royal governors sometimes resort to military rule. British troops were quartered in Boston at various times from 1768 until the outbreak of the Revolutionary War to support unpopular royal governors and to intimidate the local populace. The trial of soldiers by courts-martial and the interference of the military with the civil courts aroused great anxiety and antagonism not only in Massachusetts but throughout the colonies. For example, Samuel Adams in 1768 wrote:}}
{{smaller block|“[I]s it not enough for us to have seen soldiers and mariners forejudged of life, and executed within the body of the county by martial law? Are citizens to be called upon, threatened, ill-used at the will of the soldiery, and put under arrest, by pretext of the law military, in breach of the fundamental rights of subjects, and contrary to the law and franchise of the land? * * * Will the spirits of people as yet unsubdued by tyranny, unawed by the menaces of arbitrary power, submit to be governed by military force? No! Let us rouse our attention to the common law—which is our birthright, our great security against all kinds of insult and oppression.”}}
{{smaller block|Colonials had also seen the right to trial by jury subverted by acts of Parliament which authorized courts of admiralty to try alleged violations of the unpopular Molasses and Navigation Acts. This gave the admiralty courts jurisdiction over offenses historically triable only by a jury in a court of law and aroused great resentment throughout the colonies. As early as 1765 delegates from nine colonies meeting in New York asserted in a declaration of rights that trial by jury was the inherent and invaluable right of every citizen in the colonies.}}
{{smaller block|With this background it is not surprising that the Declaration of Independence protested that George III. had affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power and that Americans had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. And those who adopted the Constitution embodied their profound fear and distrust of military power, as well as their determination to protect trial by jury, in the Constitution and its amendments. Perhaps they were aware that memories fade and hoped that in this way they could keep the people of this Nation from having to fight again and again the same old battles for individual freedom.}}
{{smaller block|In the light of this history, it seems clear that the founders had no intention to permit the trial of civilians in military courts, where they would be denied jury trials and other constitutional protections, merely by giving Congress the power to make rules which were necessary and proper for the regulation of the land and naval forces. Such a latitudinarian interpretation of these clauses would be at war with the well-established purpose of the founders to keep the military strictly within its proper sphere, subordinate to civil authority. The Constitution does not say that Congress can regulate the land and naval forces and all other persons whose regulation might have some relationship to maintenance of the land and naval forces. There is no indication that the founders contemplated setting up a rival system of military courts to compete with civilian courts for jurisdiction over civilians who might have some contact or relationship with the Armed Forces. Courts-martial were not to have concurrent jurisdiction with courts of law over nonmilitary America.}}
{{smaller block|On several occasions this Court has been faced with an attempted expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. ''Ex parte'' Milligan (4 Wall. 2), one of the great landmarks in this Court’s history, held that military authorities were without power to try civilians not in the military or naval service by declaring martial law in an area where the civil administration was not deposed and the courts were not closed. In a stirring passage the Court proclaimed:}}
{{smaller block|“Another guaranty of freedom was broken when Milligan was denied a trial by jury. The great minds of the country have differed on the correct interpretation to be given to various provisions of the Federal Constitution; and judicial decision has been often invoked to settle their true meaning; but until recently no one ever doubted that the right of trial by jury was fortified in the organic law against the power of attack. It is now assailed; but if ideas can be expressed in words, and language has any meaning, this right—one of the most valuable in a free country—is preserved to everyone accused of crime who is not attached to the Army, or Navy, or militia in actual service.”}}
{{smaller block|In ''Duncan'' v. ''Kahanamoku'' (327 U. S. 304), the Court reasserted the principles enunciated in ''Ex parte'' Milligan and reaffirmed the tradition of military subordination to civil authorities and institutions. It refused to sanction the military trial of civilians in Hawaii during wartime despite Government claims that the needs of defense made martial law imperative.}}
{{smaller block|Just last term, this Court held in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), that military courts could not constitutionally try a discharged serviceman for an offense which he had allegedly committed while in the Armed Forces. It was decided (1) that since Toth was a civilian he could not be tried by military court-martial, and (2) that since he was charged with murder, a crime in the constitutional sense, he was entitled to indictment by a grand jury, jury trial, and the other protections contained in article III., section 2 and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments. The Court pointed out that trial by civilian courts was the rule for persons who were not members of the Armed Forces.}}
{{smaller block|There are no supportable grounds upon which to distinguish the ''Toth'' case from the present cases. Toth, Mrs. Covert, and Mrs. Smith were all civilians. All three were American citizens. All three were tried for murder. All three alleged crimes were committed in a foreign country. The only differences were: (1) Toth was an exserviceman while they were wives of soldiers; (2) Toth was arrested in the United States while they were seized in foreign countries. If anything, Toth had closer connection with the military than the two women for his crime was committed while he was actually serving in the Air Force. Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith had never been members of the Army, had never been employed by the Army, had never served in the Army in any capacity. The Government appropriately argued in Toth that the constitutional basis for court-martialing him was clearer than for court-martialing wives who are accompanying their husbands abroad. Certainly Toth’s conduct as a soldier bears a closer relation to the maintenance of order and discipline in the Armed Forces than the conduct of these wives. The fact that Toth was arrested here while the wives were arrested in foreign countries is material only if constitutional safeguards do not shield a citizen abroad when the Government exercises its power over him. As we have said before, such a view of the Constitution is erroneous. The mere fact that these women had gone overseas with their husbands should not reduce the protection the Constitution gives them.}}
{{smaller block|The Milligan, ''Duncan'', and ''Toth'' cases recognized and manifested the deeply rooted and ancient opposition in this country to the extension of military control over civilians. In each instance an effort to expand the jurisdiction of military courts to civilians was repulsed.}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of decisions in the lower Federal courts which have upheld military trial of civilians performing services for the Armed Forces in the field during time of war. To the extent that these cases can be justified, insofar as they involved trial of persons who were not members of the Armed Forces, they must rest on the Government’s war powers. In the face of an actively hostile enemy, military commanders necessarily have broad power over persons on the battlefront. From a time prior to the adoption of the Constitution the extraordinary circumstances present in an area of actual fighting have been considered sufficient to permit punishment of some civilians in that area by military courts under military rules. But neither Japan nor Great Britain could properly be said to be an area where active hostilities were underway at the time Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert committed their offenses or at the time they were tried.}}
{{smaller block|The Government urges that the concept in the field should be broadened to reach dependents accompanying the military forces overseas under the conditions of world tension which exist at the present time. It points out how the war powers include authority to prepare defenses and to establish our military forces in defensive posture about the world. While we recognize that the war powers of the Congress and the Executive are broad, we reject the Government’s argument that present threats to peace permit military trial of civilians accompanying the Armed Forces overseas in an area where no actual hostilities are underway. The exigencies which have required military rule on the battlefront are not present in areas where no conflict exists. Military trial of civilians in the field is an extraordinary jurisdiction, and it should not be expanded at the expense of the Bill of Rights. We agree with Colonel Winthrop, an expert on military jurisdiction, who declared: “A statute cannot be framed by which a civilian can lawfully be made amenable to the military jurisdiction in time of peace.”}}
{{smaller block|As this Court stated in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), the business of soldiers is to fight and prepare to fight wars, not to try civilians for their alleged crimes. Traditionally, military justice has been a rough form of justice emphasizing summary procedures, speedy convictions, and stern penalties with a view to maintaining obedience and fighting fitness in the ranks. Because of its very nature and purpose the military must place great emphasis on discipline and efficiency. Correspondingly, there has always been less emphasis in the military on protecting the rights of the individual than in civilian society and in civilian courts.}}
{{smaller block|Courts-martial are typically ''ad hoc'' bodies appointed by a military officer from among his subordinates. They have always been subject to varying degrees of command influence. In essence, these tribunals are simply executive tribunals whose personnel are in the executive chain of command. Frequently, the members of the court-martial must look to the appointing officer for promotions, advantageous assignments, and efficiency ratings—in short, for their future progress in the service. Conceding to military personnel that high degree of honesty and sense of justice which nearly all of them undoubtedly have, the members of a court-martial, in the nature of things, do not and cannot have the independence of jurors drawn from the general public or of civilian judges.}}
{{smaller block|We recognize that a number of improvements have been made in military justice recently by engrafting more and more of the methods of civilian courts on courts-martial. In large part these ameliorations stem from the reaction of civilians, who were inducted during the two World Wars, to their experience with military justice. Notwithstanding the recent reforms, military trial does not give an accused the same protection which exists in the civil courts. Looming far above all other deficiencies of the military trial, of course, are the absence of trial by jury before an independent judge after an indictment by a grand jury. Moreover, the reforms are merely statutory; Congress—and perhaps the President—can reinstate former practices, subject to any limitations imposed by the Constitution, whenever it desires. As yet it has not been clearly settled to what extent the Bill of Rights and other protective parts of the Constitution apply to military trials.}}
{{smaller block|It must be emphasized that every person who comes within the jurisdiction of courts-martial is subject to military law—law that is substantially different from the law which governs civilian society. Military law is, in many respects, harsh law which is frequently cast in very sweeping and vague terms. It emphasizes the iron hand of discipline more that it does the even scales of justice. Moreover, it has not yet been definitely established to what extent the President, as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, or his delegates, can promulgate, supplement, or change substantive military law as well as the procedures of military courts in time of peace, or in time of war. In any event, Congress has given the President broad discretion to provide the rules governing military trials. For example, in these very cases a technical manual issued under the President’s name with regard to the defense of insanity in military trials was of critical importance in the convictions of Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith. If the President can provide rules of substantive law as well as procedure, then he and his military subordinates exercise legislative, executive, and judicial powers with respect to those subject to military trials. Such blending of functions in one branch of the Government is the objectionable thing which the draftsmen of the Constitution endeavored to prevent by providing for the separation of governmental powers.}}
{{smaller block|In summary, “it still remains true that military tribunals have not been and probably never can be constituted in such way that they can have the same kind of qualifications that the Constitution has deemed essential to fair trials of civilians in Federal courts.” In part this is attributable to the inherent differences in values and attitudes that separate the Military Establishment from civilian society. In the military, by necessity, emphasis must be placed on the security and order of the group rather than on the value and integrity of the individual.}}
{{smaller block|It is urged that the expansion of military jurisdiction over civilians claimed here is only slight, and that the practical necessity for it is very great. The attitude appears to be that a slight encroachment on the Bill of Rights and other safeguards in the Constitution need cause little concern. But to hold that these wives could be tried by the military would be a tempting precedent. Slight encroachments create new boundaries from which legions of power can seek new territory to capture. “It may be that it is the obnoxious thing in its mildest and least repulsive form; but illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing in that way; namely, by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure. This can only be obviated by adhering to the rule that constitutional provisions for the security of person and property should be liberally construed. A close and literal construction deprives them of half their efficacy, and leads to gradual depreciation of the right, as if it consisted more in sound than in substance. It is the duty of courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the citizen, and against any stealthy encroachments thereon.” Moreover we cannot consider this encroachment a slight one. Throughout history many transgressions by the military have been called slight and have been justified as reasonable in light of the uniqueness of the times. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that today the peoples of many nations are ruled by the military.}}
{{smaller block|We should not break faith with this Nation’s tradition of keeping military power subservient to civilian authority, a tradition which we believe is firmly embodied in the Constitution. The country has remained true to that faith for almost 170 years. Perhaps no group in the Nation has been truer than military men themselves. Unlike the soldiers of many other nations, they have been content to perform their military duties in defense of the Nation in every period of need and to perform those duties well without attempting to usurp power which is not theirs under our system of constitutional government.}}
{{smaller block|Ours is a Government of divided authority on the assumption that in division there is not only strength but freedom from tyranny. And under our Constitution courts of law alone are given power to try civilians for their offenses against the United States. The philosophy expressed by Lord Coke, speaking long ago from a wealth of experience, is still timely:}}
{{smaller block|“God send me never to live under the law of conveniency or discretion. Shall the soldier and justice sit on one bench, the trumpet will not let the cryer speak in Westminster Hall.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 701, ''Reid'' v. ''Covert'', the judgment of the district court directing that Mrs. Covert be released from custody is affirmed.}}
{{smaller block|In No. 713, ''Kinsella'' v. ''Krueger'', the judgment of the district court is reversed and the case is remanded with instructions to order Mrs. Smith released from custody. Reversed and remanded.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Whittaker took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.}}
{{rule|3em}}
{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957}}
{{smaller block|Mr. Justice Frankfurter, concurring in the result.}}
{{smaller block|These cases involve the constitutional power of Congress to provide for trial of civilian dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces abroad by court-martial in capital cases. The normal method of trial of Federal offenses under the Constitution is in a civilian tribunal. Trial of offenses by way of court-martial, with all the characteristics of its procedure so different from the forms and safeguards of procedure in the conventional courts, is an exercise of exceptional jurisdiction, arising from the power granted to Congress in article I., section 8, clause 14, of the Constitution of the United States—“To make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” ''Dynes'' v. ''Hoover'', (20 How. 65); see ''Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11); Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d ed. 1896), 52. Article 2(11) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, 64th United States Statutes at Large, pages 107, 109, title 50, United States Code, section 532, and its predecessors were passed as an exercise of that power, and the agreements with England and Japan recognized that the jurisdiction to be exercised under those agreements was based on the relation of the persons involved to the military forces. See the agreement with Great Britain (57 Stat. 1193, E. A. S. No. 355) and the United States of America (Visiting Forces) Act (1942, 5 and 6 Geo. 6, ch. 31); and the 1952 administrative agreement with Japan (3 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 3341, T. I. A. S. No. 2492).}}
{{smaller block|Trial by court-martial is constitutionally permissible only for persons who can, on a fair appraisal, be regarded as falling within the authority given to Congress under article I. to regulate the “land and naval forces,” and who therefore are not protected by specific provisions of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. It is, of course, true that, at least regarding the right to a grand-jury indictment, the fifth amendment is not unmindful of the demands of military discipline. Within the scope of appropriate construction, the phrase “except in cases arising in the land and naval forces” has been assumed also to modify the guaranties of speedy and public trial by jury. And so, the problem before us is not to be answered by recourse to the literal words of this exception. The cases cannot be decided simply by saying that since these women were not in uniform, they were not “in the land and naval forces.” The Court’s function in constitutional adjudications is not exhausted by a literal reading of words. It may be tiresome, but it is nonetheless vital, to keep our judicial minds fixed on the injunction that “it is a Constitution we are expounding.” ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, 407). Although Winthrop in his treatise states that the Constitution “clearly distinguishes the military from the civil class as separate communities” and “recognizes no third class which is part civil and part military—military for a particular purpose or in a particular situation, and civil for all other purposes and in all other situations. * * *” Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d edition 1896), 145, this Court, applying appropriate methods of constitutional interpretation, has long held, and in a variety of situations, that in the exercise of a power specifically granted to it, Congress may sweep in what may be necessary to make effective the explicitly worded power. See ''Jacob Ruppert'' v. ''Caffey'' (251 U. S. 264) especially 289 and following; ''Purity Extract Co.'' v. ''Lynch'' (226 U. S. 192, 201); ''Railroad Commission'' v. ''Chicago, Burlington, &amp; Quincy R. Co.'' (257 U. S. 563, 588). This is the significance of the necessary and proper clause, which is not to be considered so much a separate clause in article I., section 8, as an integral part of each of the preceding 17 clauses. Only thus may be avoided a strangling literalness in construing a document that is not an enumeration of static rules, but the living framework of Government designed for an undefined future. ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316); ''Hurtado'' v. ''California'' (110 U. S. 516, 530–531).}}
{{smaller block|Everything that may be deemed, as the exercise of an allowable judgment by Congress, to fall fairly within the conception conveyed by the power given to Congress “to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces” is constitutionally within that legislative grant and not subject to revision by the independent judgment of the Court. To be sure, every event or transaction that bears some relation to “the land and naval forces” does not ''ipso facto'' come within the tolerant conception of that legislative grant. The issue in these cases involves regard for considerations not dissimilar to those involved in a determination under the due process clause. Obviously, the practical situations before us bear some relation to the military. Yet the question for this Court is not merely whether the relation of these women to the “land and naval forces” is sufficiently close to preclude the necessity of finding that Congress has been arbitrary in its selection of a particular method of trial. For although we must look to article I., section 8, clause 14, as the immediate justifying power, it is not the only clause of the Constitution to be taken into account. The Constitution is an organic scheme of government to be dealt with as an entirety. A particular provision cannot be dissevered from the rest of the Constitution. Our conclusion in these cases therefore must take due account of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must weigh all the factors involved in these cases in order to decide whether these women dependents are so closely related to what Congress may allowably deem essential for the effective “government and regulations of the land and naval forces” that they may be subjected to court-martial jurisdiction in these capital cases, when the consequence is loss of the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|We are not concerned here even with the possibility of some alternative nonmilitary type of trial that does not contain all the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must judge only what has been enacted and what is at issue. It is the power actually asserted by Congress under article I., section 8, clause 14, that must now be adjudged in the light of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. In making this adjudication, I must emphasize that it is only the trial of civilian dependents in a capital case in time of peace that is in question. The Court has not before it, and therefore I need not intimate any opinion on, situations involving civilians, in the sense of persons not having a military status, other than dependents. Nor do we have before us a case involving a noncapital crime. This narrow delineation of the issue is merely to respect the important restrictions binding on the Court when passing on the constitutionality of an act of Congress. “In the exercise of that jurisdiction, it is bound by two rules, to which it has rigidly adhered, one, never to anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it; the other never to formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to be applied. These rules are safe guides to sound judgment. It is the dictate of wisdom to follow them closely and carefully.” ''Steamship Co.'' v. ''Emigration Commissioners'' (113 U. S. 33, 39).}}
{{smaller block|We are also not concerned here with the substantive aspects of the grant of power to Congress to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces. What conduct should be punished and what constitutes a capital case are matters for Congressional discretion, always subject, of course, to any specific restrictions of the Constitution. These cases involve the validity of procedural conditions for determining the commission of a crime in fact punishable by death. The taking of life is irrevocable. It is in capital cases especially that the balance of conflicting interests must be weighted most heavily in favor of the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights. Thus, in ''Powell'' v. ''Alabama'' (287 U. S. 45, 71), the fact “above all that they stood in deadly peril of their lives” led the Court to conclude that the defendants had been denied due process by the failure to allow them reasonable time to seek counsel and the failure to appoint counsel. I repeat. I do not mean to imply that the considerations that are controlling in capital cases involving civilian dependents are constitutionally irrelevant in capital cases involving civilians other than dependents or in noncapital cases involving dependents or other civilians. I do say that we are dealing here only with capital cases and civilian dependents.}}
{{smaller block|The Government asserts that civilian dependents are an integral part of our Armed Forces overseas and that there is substantial military necessity for subjecting them to court-martial jurisdiction. The Government points out that civilian dependents go abroad under military auspices, live with military personnel in a military community, enjoy the privileges of military facilities, and that their conduct inevitably tends to influence military discipline.}}
{{smaller block|The prosecution by court-martial for capital crimes committed by civilian dependents of members of the Armed Forces abroad is hardly to be deemed; under modern conditions, obviously appropriate to the effective exercise of the power to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces when it is a question of deciding what power is granted under article I. and, therefore, what restriction is made on article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. I do not think that the proximity, physical and social, of these women to the land and naval forces is, with due regard to all that has been put before us, so clearly demanded by the effective Government and regulation of those forces as reasonably to demonstrate a justification for court-martial jurisdiction over capital offenses.}}
{{smaller block|The Government speaks of the “great potential impact on military discipline” of these accompanying civilian dependents. This cannot be denied, nor should its implications be minimized. But the notion that discipline over military personnel is to be furthered by subjecting their civilian dependents to the threat of capital punishment imposed by court-martial is too hostile to the reasons that underlie the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights for those safeguards to be displaced. It is true that military discipline might be affected seriously if civilian dependents could commit murders and other capital crimes with impunity. No one, however, challenges the availability to Congress of a power to provide for trial and punishment of these dependents for such crimes. The method of trial alone is in issue. The Government suggests that if trial in an article III. court subject to the restrictions of the fifth and sixth amendments is the only alternative, such a trial could not be held abroad practicably, and it would often be equally impracticable to transport all the witnesses back to the United States for trial. But although there is no need to pass on that issue in this case, trial in the United States is obviously not the only practical alternative and other alternatives may raise different constitutional questions. The Government’s own figures for the Army show that the total number of civilians (all civilians serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces overseas and not merely civilian dependents) for whom general courts-martial for alleged murder were deemed advisable was only 13 in the 7 fiscal years, 1950–56. It is impossible to ascertain from the figures supplied to us exactly how many persons were tried for other capital offenses, but the figures indicate that there could not have been many. There is nothing to indicate that the figures for the other services are more substantial. It thus appears to be a manageable problem within the procedural restrictions found necessary by this opinion.}}
{{smaller block|A further argument is made that a decision adverse to the Government would mean that only a foreign trial could be had. Even assuming that the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, (4 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 1792, T. I. A. S. No. 2846) covering countries where a large part of our Armed Forces are stationed, gives jurisdiction to the United States only through its military authorities, this court cannot speculate that any given nation would be unwilling to grant or continue such extraterritorial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in capital cases if they were to be tried by some other manner than court-martial. And even if such were the case, these civilian dependents would then merely be in the same position as are so many Federal employees and their dependents and other United States citizens who are subject to the laws of foreign nations when residing there. See also the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, ''supra'', article VII., sections 2, 3.}}
{{smaller block|The Government makes the final argument that these civilian dependents are part of the United States military contingent abroad in the eyes of the foreign nations concerned and that their conduct may have a profound effect on our relations with these countries, with a consequent effect on the Military Establishment there. But the argument that military courts-martial in capital cases are necessitated by this factor assumes either that a military court-martial constitutes a stronger deterrent to this sort of conduct or that in the absence of such a trial no punishment would be meted out and our foreign policy thereby injured. The reasons why these considerations carry no conviction have already been indicated.}}
{{smaller block|I therefore conclude that in capital cases the exercise of court-martial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in time of peace cannot be justified by article I., considered in connection with the specific protections of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|Since the conclusion thus reached differs from what the Court decided last term, a decent respect for the judicial process calls for reexamination of the two grounds that then prevailed. The court sustained its action on the authority of the cases dealing with the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for the territories, reinforced by ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453), in which this Court, in 1891, sustained the criminal jurisdiction of a consular court in Japan. These authorities grew out of, and related to, specific situations very different from those now here. They do not control or even embarrass the problem before us.}}
{{smaller block|Legal doctrines are not self-generated abstract categories. They do not fall from the sky; nor are they pulled out of it. They have a specific judicial origin and etiology. They derive meaning and content from the circumstances that gave rise to them and from the purposes they were designed to serve. To these they are bound as is a live tree to its roots. Doctrines like those expressed by the Ross case and the series of cases beginning with ''American Insurance Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511), must be placed in their historical setting. They cannot be wrenched from it and mechanically transplanted into an alien, unrelated context without suffering mutilation or distortion. “If a precedent involving a black horse is applied to a case involving a white horse, we are not excited. If it were an elephant or an animal ''ferae naturae'' or a chose in action, then we would venture into thought. The difference might make a difference. We really are concerned about precedents chiefly when their facts differ somewhat from the facts in the case at bar. Then there is a gulf or hiatus that has to be bridged by a concern for principle and a concern for practical results and practical wisdom.” Thomas Reed Powell, Vagaries and Varieties in Constitutional Interpretation 36. This attitude toward precedent underlies the whole system of our case law. It was thus summarized by Mr. Justice Brandeis: “It is a peculiar virtue of our system of law that the process of inclusion and exclusion, so often employed in developing a rule, is not allowed to end with its enunciation and that an expression in an opinion yields later to the impact of facts unforeseen.” ''Jaybird Mining Co.'' v. ''Weir'' (271 U. S. 609, 619 (dissenting)). Especially is this attitude to be observed in constitutional controversies.}}
{{smaller block|The Territorial cases relied on by the Court last term held that certain specific constitutional restrictions on the Government did not automatically apply in the acquired Territories of Florida, Hawaii, the Philippines, or Puerto Rico. In these cases, the Court drew its decisions from the power of Congress to “make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory * * * belonging to the United States,” for which provision is made in article IV., section 3. The United States from time to time acquired lands in which many of our laws and customs found an uncongenial soil because they ill accorded with the history and habits of their people. Mindful of all relevant provisions of the Constitution and not allowing one to frustrate another—which is the guiding thought of this opinion—the Court found it necessary to read article IV., section 3 together with the fifth and sixth amendments and article III. in the light of those circumstances. The question arose most frequently with respect to the establishment of trial by jury in possessions in which such a system was wholly without antecedents. The Court consistently held with respect to such Territory that Congressional power under article IV., section 3 was not restricted by the requirement of article III., section 2, clause 3, and the sixth amendment of providing trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|“If the right to trial by jury were a fundamental right which goes wherever the jurisdiction of the United States extends; or if Congress, in framing laws for outlying territory belonging to the United States, was obliged to establish that system by affirmative legislation, it would follow that, no matter what the needs or capacities of the people, trial by jury, and in no other way, must be forthwith established, although the result may be to work injustice and provoke disturbance rather than to aid the orderly administration of justice. If the United States, impelled by its duty or advantage, shall acquire territory peopled by savages, and of which it may dispose or not hold for ultimate admission to statehood, if this doctrine is sound, it must establish there the trial by jury. To state such a proposition demonstrates the impossibility of carrying it into practice. Again, if the United States shall acquire by treaty the cession of territory having an established system of jurisprudence, where jury trials are unknown, but a method of fair and orderly trial prevails under an acceptable and long-established code, the preference of the people must be disregarded, their established customs ignored, and they themselves coerced to accept, in advance of incorporation into the United States, a system of trial unknown to them and unsuited to their needs. We do not think it was intended, in giving power to Congress to make regulations for the territories, to hamper its exercise with this condition.” ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138, 148.)}}
{{smaller block|The fundamental right test is the one which the Court has consistently enunciated in the long series of cases—''e. g.'', ''American Ins. Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511); ''De Lima'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 1); ''Downes'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 244); ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138); ''Balzac'' v. ''Porto Rico'' (258 U. S. 298)—dealing with claims of constitutional restrictions on the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for governing the unincorporated territories. The process of decision appropriate to the problem led to a detailed examination of the relation of the specific territory to the United States. This examination, in its similarity to analysis in terms of due process, is essentially the same as that to be made in the present cases in weighing Congressional power to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces against the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.}}
{{smaller block|The results in the cases that arose by reason of the acquisition of exotic territory do not control the present cases for the territorial cases rest specifically—on article IV., section 3, which is a grant of power to Congress to deal with territory and other Government property. Of course the power sought to be exercised in Great Britain and Japan does not relate to territory. The Court’s opinions in the territorial cases did not lay down a broad principle that the protective provisions of the Constitution do not apply outside the continental limits of the United States. This Court considered the particular situation in each newly acquired territory to determine whether the grant to Congress of power to govern territory was restricted by a specific provision of the Constitution. The territorial cases, in the emphasis put by them on the necessity for considering the specific circumstances of each particular case, are thus relevant in that they provide an illustrative method for harmonizing constitutional provisions which appear, separately considered, to be conflicting.}}
{{smaller block|The Court last term relied on a second source of authority, the consular court case, ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). Pursuant to a treaty with Japan, Ross, a British subject but a member of the crew of a United States ship, was tried and convicted in a consular court in Yokohama for murder of a fellow seaman while the ship was in Yokohama Harbor. His application for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to a United States circuit court was denied, 44 F. 185, and on appeal here, the judgment was affirmed. This Court set forth the ground of the circuit court, “the long and uniform acquiescence by the executive, administrative, and legislative departments of the Government in the validity of the legislation,” 140th United States Reports, at page 461, and then stated:}}
{{smaller block|“The circuit court might have found an additional ground for not calling in question the legislation of Congress, in the uniform practice of civilized governments for centuries to provide consular tribunals in other than Christian countries * * * for the trial of their own subjects or citizens for offenses committed in those countries, as well as for the settlement of civil disputes between them; and in the uniform recognition, down to the time of the formation of our Government, of the fact that the establishment of such tribunals was among the most important subjects for treaty stipulations. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The treatymaking power vested in our Government extends to all proper subjects of negotiation with foreign governments. It can, equally with any of the former or present governments of Europe, make treaties providing for the exercise of judicial authority in other countries by its officers appointed to reside therein.}}
{{smaller block|“We do not understand that any question is made by counsel as to its power in this respect. His objection is to the legislation by which such treaties are carried out * * *.}}
{{smaller block|“By the Constitution a government is ordained and established ‘for the United States of America,’ and not for countries outside of their limits. The guarantees it affords against accusation of capital or infamous crimes, except by indictment or presentment by a grand jury, and, for an impartial trial by a jury when thus accused, apply only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad. * * * The Constitution can have no operation in another country. When, therefore, the representatives or officers of our Government are permitted to exercise authority of any kind in another country, it must be on such conditions as the two countries may agree, the laws of neither one being obligatory upon the other. The deck of a private American vessel, it is true, is considered for many purposes constructively as territory of the United States, yet persons on board of such vessels, whether officers, sailors, or passengers, cannot invoke the protection of the provisions referred to until brought within the actual territorial boundaries of the United States.” (140 U. S., at 462–464.)}}
{{smaller block|One observation should be made at the outset about the grounds for decision in Ross. Insofar as the opinion expressed a view that the Constitution is not operative outside the United States—and apparently Mr. Justice Field meant by “United States” all lands over which the United States flag flew, see John W. Burgess, How May the United States Govern Its Extra-Continental Territory? (14 Pol. Sci. Q. 1 (1899))—it expressed a notion that has long since evaporated. Governmental action abroad is performed under both the authority and the restrictions of the Constitution—for example, proceedings before American military tribunals, whether in Great Britain or in the United States, are subject to the applicable restrictions of the Constitution. See opinions in ''Burns'' v. ''Wilson'' (346 U. S. 137).}}
{{smaller block|The significance of the Ross case and its relevance to the present cases cannot be assessed unless due regard is accorded the historical context in which that case was decided. Ross is not rooted in any abstract principle or comprehensive theory touching constitutional power or its restrictions. It was decided with reference to a very particular, practical problem with a long history. To be mindful of this does not attribute to Mr. Justice Field’s opinion some unavowed historical assumption. On behalf of the whole court, he spelled out the considerations that controlled it:}}
{{smaller block|“The practice of European governments to send officers to reside in foreign countries, authorized to exercise a limited jurisdiction over vessels and seamen of their country, to watch the interests of their countrymen and to assist in adjusting their disputes and protecting their commerce, goes back to a very early period, even preceding what are termed the Middle Ages. * * * In other than Christian countries they were, by treaty stipulations, usually clothed with authority to hear complaints against their countrymen and to sit in judgment upon them when charged with public offenses. After the rise of Islamism, and the spread of its followers over eastern Asia and other countries bordering on the Mediterranean, the exercise of this judicial authority became a matter of great concern. The intense hostility of the people of Moslem faith to all other sects, and particularly to Christians, affected all their intercourse, and all proceedings had in their tribunals. Even the rules of evidence adopted by them placed those of different faith on unequal grounds in any controversy with them. For this cause, and by reason of the barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted in those countries, and the frequent use of torture to enforce confession from parties accused, it was a matter of deep interest to Christian governments to withdraw the trial of their subjects, when charged with the commission of a public offence, from the arbitrary and despotic action of the local officials. Treaties conferring such jurisdiction upon these consuls were essential to the peaceful residence of Christians within those countries and the successful prosecution of commerce with their people.” One Hundred and Fortieth United States Reports, at page 463.}}
{{smaller block|“It is true that the occasion for consular tribunals in Japan may hereafter be less than at present, as every year that country progresses in civilization and in the assimilation of its system of judicial procedure to that of Christian countries, as well as in the improvement of its penal statutes; but the system of consular tribunals * * * is of the highest importance, and their establishment in other than. Christian countries, where our people may desire to go in pursuance of commerce, will often be essential for the protection of their persons and property” (''id.'', at 480).}}
{{smaller block|It is important to have a lively sense of this background before attempting to draw on the Ross case. Historians have traced grants of extraterritorial rights as far back as the permission given by Egypt in the 12th or 13th century {{asc|B. C.}} to the merchants of Tyre to establish factories on the Nile and to live under their own law and practice their own religion. Numerous other instances of persons living under their own law in foreign lands existed in the later pre-Christian era and during the Roman Empire and the so-called Dark and Middle Ages—Greeks in Egypt, all sorts of foreigners in Rome, inhabitants of Christian cities and states in the Byzantine Empire, the Latin kingdoms of the Levant, and other Christian cities and states, Mohammedans in the Byzantine Empire and China, and many others lived in foreign lands under their own law. While the origins of this extraterritorial jurisdiction may have differed in each country, the notion that law was for the benefit of the citizens of a country and its advantages not for foreigners appears to have been an important factor. Thus, there existed a long-established custom of extraterritorial jurisdiction at the beginning of the 15th century when the complete conquest of the Byzantine Empire by the Turks and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire substantially altered political relations between Christian Europe and the Near East. But commercial relations continued, and in 1535 Francis I. of France negotiated a treaty with Suleiman I. of Turkey that provided for numerous extraterritorial rights, including criminal and civil jurisdiction over all disputes among. French subjects. (1 Ernest Charriere, Negotiations de la France dans le Levant 283.) Other nations and eventually the United States in 1830 (8 Stat. 408), later negotiated similar treaties with the Turks. (For a more complete history of the development of extraterritorial rights and consular jurisdiction, see 1 Calvo, Le Droit International Theorique et Pratique (5th ed., Rousseau, 1896), 2–18, 2 ''id.'', 9–12; Hinckley, American Consular Jurisdiction in the Orient, 1–9; 1 Miltitz, Manuel des Consuls passim; Ravndal, The Origin of the Capitulations and of the Consular Jurisdiction, S. Doc. No. 34, 67th Cong., 1st sess. 5–45, 56–96; Shih Shun Liu, Extraterritoriality, 23–66; Twiss, The Law of Nations (1884 ed.), 443–457.)}}
{{smaller block|The emergence of the nation-state in Europe and the growth of the doctrine of absolute territorial sovereignty changed the nature of extraterritorial rights. No longer were strangers to be denied the advantages of local law. Indeed, territorial sovereignty meant the exercise of sovereignty over all residents within the borders of the state, and the system of extraterritorial consular jurisdiction tended to die out among Christian nations in the 18th and 19th centuries. But a new justification was found for the continuation of that jurisdiction in those countries whose systems of justice were considered inferior, and it was this strong feeling with respect to Moslem and Far Eastern countries that was reflected, as we have seen, in the Ross opinion.}}
{{smaller block|Until 1842, China had asserted control over all foreigners within its territory (Shih Shun Liu, ''op. cit.'', ''supra'', 76–89) but, as a result of the Opium War, Great Britain negotiated a treaty with China whereby she obtained consular offices in five open ports and was granted extraterritorial rights over her citizens. On July 3, 1844, Caleb Cushing negotiated a similar treaty on behalf of the United States (8 Stat. 592). In a letter to Secretary of State Calhoun, he explained: “I entered China with the formed general conviction that the United States ought not to concede to any foreign state, under any circumstances, jurisdiction over the life and liberty of a citizen of the United States, unless that foreign state be of our own family of nations—in a word a Christian state.” Quoted in 7 Op. Atty. Gen. 495, 496–497. Later treaties continued the extraterritorial rights of the United States, and the treaty of 1903 contained the following article demonstrating the purpose of those rights:}}
{{smaller block|“The Government of China having expressed a strong desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of western nations, the United States agrees to give every assistance to such reform and will also be prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant it in doing so” (33 Stat. 2208, 2215).}}
{{smaller block|The first treaty with Japan was negotiated by Commodore Perry in 1854 (11 Stat. 597). It opened two ports, but did not provide for any exercise of judicial powers by United States officials. Under the treaty of 1857 (11 Stat. 723), such power was given, and later treaties, which opened up further Japanese cities for trade and residence by United States citizens, retained these rights. The treaty of 1894, effective on July 17, 1899, however, ended these extraterritorial rights and Japan, even though a non-Christian nation, came to occupy the same status as Christian nations (29 Stat. 848). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction by consuls over United States citizens was also provided for, at one time or another, in treaties with Borneo (10 Stat. 909, 910); Siam (11 Stat. 683, 684); Madagascar (15 Stat. 491, 492); Samoan Islands (20 Stat. 704); Korea (23 Stat. 720, 721); Tonga Islands (25 Stat. 1440, 1442) and, by virtue of most-favored-nation clauses; in treaties with Tripoli (8 Stat. 154); Persia (11 Stat. 709); the Congo (27 Stat. 926); and Ethiopia (33 Stat. 2254). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction was also provided for in a treaty with Morocco (8 Stat. 100), by virtue of a most-favored-nation clause and by virtue of a clause granting jurisdiction if “any citizens of the United States * * * shall have any disputes with each other.” The word “disputes” has been interpreted by the International Court of Justice to comprehend criminal as well as civil disputes. ''France'' v. ''United States'' (I. C. J. Rept. 1952, p. 176, 188–189.) The treaties with Algiers (8 Stat. 133, 224, 244); Tunis (8 Stat. 157); and Muscat (8 Stat. 458) contained similar disputes clauses.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial power exercised by consuls was defined by statute and was sweeping:}}
{{smaller block|“Jurisdiction in both criminal and civil matters shall, in all cases, be exercised and enforced in conformity with the laws of the United States, which are hereby, so far as is necessary to execute such treaties, respectively, and so far as they are suitable to carry the same into effect, extended over all citizens of the United States in those countries, and over all others to the extent that the terms of the treaties, respectively, justify or require. But in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.” (Rev. Stat. sec. 4086.)}}
{{smaller block|The consuls, then, exercised not only executive and judicial power, but legislative power as well.}}
{{smaller block|The number of people subject to the jurisdiction of these courts during their most active periods appears to have been fairly small. In the Chronicle &amp; Directory for China, Japan, and the Philippines, for the year 1870, there is a listing of the total number of foreign, not just United States, residents in these three places. The list is 81 pages long, with a total of some 4,500 persons (pp. 54–134). This same publication gives the following information about Japan. “The number of foreigners settled in Japan is as yet very small. At the end of the year 1862, the foreign community at Kanagawa, the principal of the three ports of Japan open to aliens, consisted of * * * 38 Americans * * * and in the latter part of 1864 the permanent foreign residents at Kanagawa had increased to 300, not counting soldiers, of which number * * * about 80 [were] Americans. * * * At Nagasaki, the second port of Japan thrown open to foreign trade by the Government, the number of alien settlers was as follows on the 1st of January 1866: * * * American citizens, 32. * * * A third port opened to European and American traders, that of Hakodadi, in the north of Japan, was deserted, after a lengthened trial, by nearly all the foreign merchants settled there * * *.” (Appendix, p. 353.) The statesman’s Yearbook of 1890 shows: China at the end of 1888: 1,020 Americans (p. 411); Japan in 1887, 711 Americans (p. 709); Morocco; 1889 estimate: “The number of Christians is very small, not exceeding 1,500” (p. 739). The Statesman’s Yearbook of 1901 shows: China at the end of 1899: 2,335 Americans (p. 484); Japan, December 31, 1898, just before the termination of our extraterritorial rights: 1,165 Americans (p. 809); Morocco: “The number of Christians does not exceed 6,000; the Christian population of Tangier alone probably amounts to 5,000” (p. 851). These figures of course do not include those civilians temporarily in the country coming within consular jurisdiction.}}
{{smaller block|The consular court jurisdiction, then, was exercised in countries whose legal systems at the time were considered so inferior that justice could not be obtained in them by our citizens. The existence of these courts was based on long-established custom and they were justified as the best possible means for securing justice for the few Americans present in those countries. The Ross case, therefore, arose out of, and rests on, very special, confined circumstances, and cannot be applied automatically to the present situation, involving hundreds of thousands of American citizens in countries with civilized systems of justice. If Congress had established consular courts or some other nonmilitary procedure for trial that did not contain all the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments for the trial of civilian dependents of military personnel abroad, we would be forced to a detailed analysis of the situation of the civilian dependent population abroad in deciding whether the Ross case should be extended to cover such a case. It is not necessary to do this in the present cases in view of our decision that the form or trial here provided cannot constitutionally be justified.}}
{{smaller block|The Government, apparently recognizing the constitutional basis for the decision in Ross, has, on rehearing, sought to show that civilians in general and civilian dependents in particular have been subject to military order and discipline ever since the colonial period. The materials it has submitted seem too episodic, too meager, to form a solid basis in history, preceding and contemporaneous with the framing of the Constitution, for constitutional adjudication. What has been urged on us falls far too short of proving a well-established practice—to be deemed to be infused into the Constitution—of court-martial jurisdiction, certainly not in capital cases, over such civilians in time of peace.}}
Mr. President, the decision which I have read in the {{sc|Record}} is in the case of Curtis Reid, Superintendent of the District of Columbia Jail, Appellant, against Clarice B. Covert, and Nina Kinsella, Warden of the Federal Reformatory for Women, Alderson, W. Va., petitioner, against Walter Krueger. The opinion, which was written by Mr. Justice Black, was concurred in by the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan. It pointed out clearly that even though the court-martial so provided, the jury trial could not be denied to civilians accompanying the Armed Forces. It is very clear on that point.

There was a concurring opinion, which I have just included in the {{sc|Record}}, by Justice Frankfurter, which upholds that contention.

There is no question that under the United States Constitution citizens are entitled to a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the discretion of a Federal judge to say whether he is going to grant a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the Congress to say that if the punishment is only a $300 fine or 45 days imprisonment we will let the judge try the case, but if it is above that the defendant can get a jury trial. That simply does not make sense. It violates the Constitution and is in derogation of the administration of justice in this country. As someone has said, it is a split-level statute.

Mr. President, on May 9, 1957, before the mountain and plain regional meeting of the American Bar Association in Denver, Colo., Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., of the Supreme Court, made an address on our judicial systems. In this address he discussed the advantages of our traditional jury-trial system. Because of the clear, straightforward nature of this address, I want to quote the following statement made by Justice Brennan. This is what he said:
{{smaller block|We hear much, for example, of the proposal that we turn all automobile-accident litigation over to an administrative agency. The idea is that, because automobile litigation accounts for a major part of court business, the simple solution is to dispose of the problem by throwing it out the window. What an abject abdication of our profession’s responsibility to provide judicial justice for our citizens. But, at best, there is utterly no hope for that idea, at least not in our lifetimes, when the job of judicial reform must be done. It will be a long day before our society will pay the price of damages for every automobile injury or death without regard to the fault of the person injured or killed. There is no true analogy between compensation for the injured workman who helps produce goods or services for profit, where the cost is passed on to the consumer in the price of the goods or services, and compensation to the automobile victim, where the cost would have to be borne by all of us.}}
{{smaller block|Another nostrum is that, because jury trials take more time than trials before a judge without a jury, the easy answer to calendar congestion is to get rid of jury trials in automobile accident cases. Actual studies are being made to prove that the average jury trial in a negligence case takes more time than a nonjury trial of a negligence case. I question the need for a study to prove something that every judge and lawyer knows. Of course jury trials usually take more time than nonjury trials. But those who propose this suggest also that fairer justice will result if a judge, unprejudiced for one side or the other—they really mean that juries are prejudiced in favor of plaintiffs—disposes of them. I doubt that that proposition can withstand analysis. As a trial judge I was always interested in how often the jury brought in the same verdict on liability that I would have reached. And that seems to be the experience of trial judges generally. A recent survey proved that in upwards of 85 percent of the cases the trial judge reported that the jury reached the result on liability that he would have reached. Moreover, the idea that juries go haywire in fixing damages where plaintiffs prevail should be looked at a little more closely. I think at least that judge-decided verdicts under the Federal Tort Claims Act (no jury trial is had under that act) do not persuade the Department of Justice that juries are any less conscientious in fixing damages. I know that at times juries do go overboard. But I can count on the fingers of one hand the instances in my time as a trial judge when I felt it necessary to set aside verdicts because they had done so. My experience left me with the definite impression that jurors almost always do try to fix damages within allowable limits.}}
{{smaller block|I think, at all events, this proposal to abolish jury trials in automobile accident cases also faces an almost insurmountable hurdle. The success of our British brothers in abolishing jury trials should not mislead us. American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. Perhaps the emotion generated by proposals to modify or deny the right has its roots in the Jacksonian era of distrust of the legal profession and the insistence upon the people’s control of the administration of justice. Perhaps it is a survival of the same thing which gave us the elective system of judges in most States and in some, as in my own, New Jersey, actual lay participation on the bench. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of the preservation of their liberties. The road of him who would take away jury trial in automobile accident cases is a long and rocky one.}}
{{smaller block|I submit that it is a sorry response to the litigant who suffers from long delay in having his accident suit tried that we can offer no relief beyond “let’s throw accident litigation out of the courts,” or “let’s deny the victim the right of a jury trial.” Our profession must stand up and reject those nostrums. We know now that there are judicial structures and techniques of judicial administration which not only can cope with problems of calendar control but to far more {{SIC|signficant|significant}} purposes can also measurably assist in our ceaseless striving to give better justice. Our need is to get up our courage to fight for these things and to do battle with the powerfully entrenched opponents of any reform who too often take their position out of self-interest without sufficient consideration of what is best in the people’s interest. It doubtless is true that achievement of a modernized, efficient judicial structure requires far-reaching legislative and constitutional changes in most jurisdictions. But, far better to do the arduous labor of getting that essential job done than to promote equally drastic changes which are nothing more than a humiliating confession of defeat.}}
{{smaller block|Let us not forget that the integrity and efficiency of the judicial process is the first essential in a democratic society. The confidence of the people in the administration of justice is a prime requisite for free representative government. The public entrusts the legal profession with the sacred mission of dealing with the vital affairs that affect the whole pattern of human relations and certainly has a stake entitling it to demand not only that judges dispense justice impartially and fairly but also that judicial business shall be handled and disposed of by a modernized process which assures a minimum of friction and waste, for such a process also plays a large role in the achievement of impartial and fair justice for all litigants. There is actually no difference between the business of judicial administration and the business of running an industrial or commercial enterprise in the sense that the efficient and businesslike conduct of each means better service for the public. An inefficient and wasteful judicial administration actually can and often does result in a denial of justice, however earnestly an honest and upright judge may strive to prevent that lamentable result.}}
{{smaller block|I think it is not difficult to account for today’s heightened interest on the part of the general public throughout our Nation and, indeed, the Free World in the improvement of the process for administering justice. That growing interest is in large measure a product of the tumultuous times in which we live. For these are not only times which have produced a monstrous threat to all freedom, but, by the very reason of that threat, are times which have induced in free peoples everywhere an ever intensifying critical self-examination of the institutions upon which their freedoms depend—an insistence upon exposure of the imperfections of those institutions, a peremptory demand upon those who are entrusted with those institutions to improve and strengthen them the more surely to withstand the onslaught bent upon their destruction. It is but natural then that the judicial process should come under examination, for never was it more true than today that “Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.”}}
Mr. President, I submit, just as Justice Brennan has quoted here, which never was more true than today:
{{smaller block|Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.}}
I contend that since our forefathers placed in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights provisions which are so plain it seems no one could misinterpret them, providing for trial by jury in criminal cases, there can be no question that jury trials are not only desirable but are demanded under the Constitution. There should be no doubt in the mind of anyone, if he studies the Constitution, that the so-called compromise which tends to compromise the Constitution of the United States is not a just, is not a fair, is not a wise, and is not a constitutional provision, and that this bill should be killed.

Mr. President, one of the most interesting books ever written on the American system of Government was by Alexis de Tocqueville, a young Frenchman who wrote a book entitled “Democracy in America” after visiting this country during the 1830s. One of the chapters of his book was entitled “Trial by Jury in the United States Considered as a Political Institution.”

I shall read excerpts from this chapter because it provides an excellent insight into the prestige attained by the system of jury trial from the observation of an unbiased observer.
{{smaller block|[From de Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America,” written after visiting America in the 1830s.]}}
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Trial by Jury in the United States Constitution as a Political Institution}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Trial by jury, which is one of the forms of the sovereignty of the people, ought to be compared with the other laws which establish that sovereignty: Composition of the jury in the United States; effect of trial by jury upon the national character; it educates the people; how it tends to establish the influence of the magistrates and to extend the legal spirit among the people.}}
{{smaller block|Since my subject has led me to speak of the administration of justice in the United States, I will not pass over it without referring to the institution of the jury. Trial by jury may be considered in two separate points of view: as a judicial, and as a political institution. * * *}}
{{smaller block|My present purpose is to consider the jury as a political institution; any other course would divert me from my subject. Of trial by jury considered as a judicial institution I shall here say but little. When the English adopted trial by jury, they were a semi-barbarous people; they have since become one of the most enlightened nations of the earth, and their attachment to this institution seems to have increased with their increasing cultivation. They have emigrated and colonized every part of the habitable globe; some have formed colonies, others independent states; the mother country has maintained its monarchial constitution; many of its offspring have founded powerful republics; but everywhere they have boasted of the privilege of trial by jury. They have established it, or hastened to reestablish it, in all their settlements. A judicial institution which thus obtains the suffrages of a great people for so long a series of ages, which is zealously reproduced at every stage of civilization, in all the climates of the earth, and under every form of human {{SIC|govment|government}}, cannot be contrary to the spirit of justice.}}
{{smaller block|But to leave this part of the subject. It would be a very narrow view to look upon the jury as a mere judicial institution; for however great its influence may be upon the decisions of the courts, it is still greater on the destinies of society at large. The jury is, above all, a political institution, and it must be regarded in this light in order to be duly appreciated.}}
{{smaller block|By the jury I mean a certain number of citizens chosen by lot and invested with a temporary right of judging. Trial by jury, as applied to the repression of crime, appears to me an eminently republican element in the government, for the following reasons.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury may be aristocratic or democratic, according to the class from which the jurors are taken; but it always preserves its republican character, in that it places the real direction of society in the hands of the governed, or of a portion of the governed, and not in that of the government. Force is never more than a transient element of success, and after force comes the notion of right. A government able to reach its enemies only upon a field of battle would soon be destroyed. The true sanction of political laws is to be found in penal legislation; and if that sanction is wanting, the law will sooner or later lose its cogency. He who punishes the criminal is therefore the real master of society. Now, the institution of the jury raises the people itself, or at least a class of citizens, to the bench of judges. The institution of the jury consequently invests the people, or that class of citizens, with the direction of society.}}
{{smaller block|In England the jury is selected from the aristocratic portion of the nation; the aristocracy makes the laws, applies the laws, and punishes infractions of the laws; everything is established upon a consistent footing, and England may with truth be said to constitute an aristocratic republic. In the United States the same system is applied to the whole people. Every American citizen is both an eligible and a legally qualified voter. The jury system as it is understood in America appears to me to be as direct and as extreme a consequence of the sovereignty of the people as universal suffrage. They are two instruments of equal power, which contribute to the supremacy of the majority. All the sovereigns who have chosen to govern by their own authority, and to direct society instead of obeying its directions, have destroyed or enfeebled the institution of the jury. The Tudor monarchs sent to prison jurors who refused to convict, and Napoleon caused them to be selected by his agents.}}
{{smaller block|However clear most of these truths may seem to be, they do not command universal assent; and in France, at least, trial by jury is still but imperfectly understood. If the question arises as to the proper qualification of jurors, it is confined to a discussion of the intelligence and knowledge of the citizens who may be returned, as if the jury was merely a judicial institution. This appears to me the least important part of the subject. The jury is preeminently a political institution; it should be regarded as one form of the sovereignty of the people; when that sovereignty is repudiated, it must be rejected, or it must be adapted to the laws by which that sovereignty is established. The jury is that portion of the nation to which the execution of the laws is entrusted, as the legislature is that part of the nation which makes the laws; and in order that society may be governed in a fixed and uniform manner, the list of citizens qualified to serve on juries must increase and diminish with the list of electors. This I hold to be the point of view most worthy of the attention of the legislator; all that remains is merely accessory.}}
{{smaller block|I am so entirely convinced that the jury is preeminently a political institution that I still consider it in this light when it is applied in civil causes. Laws are always unstable unless they are founded upon the customs of a nation; customs are the only durable and resisting power in a people. When the jury is reserved for criminal offenses, the people witness only its occasional action in particular cases; they become accustomed to do without it in the ordinary course of life, and it is considered as an instrument, but not as the only instrument, of obtaining justice.}}
{{smaller block|When, on the contrary, the jury acts also on civil causes, its application is constantly visible; it affects all the interests of the community; everyone cooperates in its work; it thus penetrates into all the usages of life, it fashions the human mind to its peculiar forms, and is gradually associated with the idea of justice itself.}}
{{smaller block|The institution of the jury, if confined to criminal causes, is always in danger; but when once it is introduced into civil proceedings, it defies the aggressions of time and man. If it had been as easy to remove the jury from the customs as from the laws of England, it would have perished under the Tudors, and the civil jury did in reality at that period save the liberties of England. In whatever manner the jury be applied, it cannot fail to exercise a powerful influence upon the national character; but this influence ts prodigiously increased when it is introduced into civil causes. The jury, and more especially the civil jury, serves to communicate the spirit of the judges to the minds of all the citizens; and this spirit, with the habits which attend it, is the soundest preparation for free institutions. It imbues all classes with a respect for the thing judged and with the notion of right. If these two elements be removed, the love of independence becomes a mere destructive passion. It teaches men to practice equity; every man learns to judge his neighbor as he would himself be judged. And this is especially true of the jury in civil causes; for while the number of persons who have reason to apprehend a criminal prosecution is small, everyone is liable to have a lawsuit. The jury teaches every man not to recoil before the responsibility of his own actions and impresses him with that manly confidence without which no political virtue can exist. It invests each citizen with a kind of magistracy; it makes them all feel the duties which they are bound to discharge toward society and the part which they take in its government. By obliging men to turn their attention to other affairs than their own, it rubs off that private selfishness which is the rust of society.}}
{{smaller block|The jury contributes powerfully to form the judgment and to increase the natural intelligence of a people; and this, in my opinion, is its greatest advantage. It may be regarded as a gratuitous public school, ever open, in which every juror learns his rights, enters into daily communication with the most learned and enlightened members of the upper classes, and becomes practically acquainted with the laws, which are brought within the reach of his capacity by the efforts of the bar, the advice of the judge, and even the passions of the parties. I think that the practical intelligence and political good sense of the Americans are mainly attributable to the long use that they have made of the jury in civil causes.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know whether the jury is useful to those who have lawsuits, but I am certain it is highly beneficial to those who judge them; and I look upon it as one of the most efficacious means for the education of the people which society can employ.}}
{{smaller block|What I have said applies to all nations, but the remark I am about to make is peculiar to the Americans and to democratic communities. I have already observed that in democracies the members of the legal profession and the judicial magistrates constitute the only aristocratic body which can moderate the movements of the people. This aristocracy is invested with no physical power; it exercises its conservative influence upon the minds of men; and the most abundant source of its authority is the institution of the civil jury. In criminal causes, when society is contending against a single man, the jury is apt to look upon the judge as the passive instrument of social power and to mistrust his advice. Moreover, criminal causes turn entirely upon simple facts, which commonsense can readily appreciate; upon this ground the judge and the jury are equal. Such is not the case, however, in civil causes; then the judge appears as a disinterested arbiter between the conflicting passions of the parties. The jurors look up to him with confidence and listen to him with respect, for in this instance, his intellect entirely governs theirs. It is the judge who sums up the various arguments which have wearied their memory, and who guides them through the devious course of the proceedings; he points their attention to the exact question of fact that they are called upon to decide and tells them how to answer the question of law. His influence over them is almost unlimited.}}
{{smaller block|If I am called upon to explain why I am but little moved by the arguments derived from the ignorance of jurors in civil causes, I reply that in these proceedings, whenever the question to be solved is not a mere question of fact, the jury has only the semblance of a judicial body. The jury only sanctions the decision of the judge; they sanction this decision by the authority of society which they represent, and he by that of reason and of law.}}
{{smaller block|The jury, then, which seems to restrict the rights of the judiciary does in reality consolidate its power; and in no country are the judges so powerful as where the people share their privileges. It is especially by means of the jury in civil causes that the American magistrates imbue even the lower classes of society with the spirit of their profession. Thus the jury, which is the most energetic means of making the people rule, is also the most efficacious means of teaching it how to rule well.}}
Mr. President, de Tocqueville contributed a great deal to literature and to society. He was a Frenchman who came to our country and studied our form of government. He was so impressed that he wrote the chapter on trial by jury, in which he emphasized the fact that the jury is the heart of the administration of justice in a democracy.

On Friday, July 5, 1957, there was printed in the State, a newspaper published in Columbia, S. C., an article quoting the then president of the American Bar Association, Mr. David F. Maxwell, on the subject of jury trials.

I believe Mr. Maxwell is a member of the Philadelphia bar, of which our distinguished Presiding Officer [Mr. {{sc|Clark}}] is also a member. I am sure that the Presiding Officer, as well as the Senate, will be interested in what Mr. Maxwell had to say on the subject of jury trials, and that the views expressed by him will be of interest to everyone who believes in constitutional government. I read as follows:
{{smaller block|The president of the American Bar Association today answered charges that trial by jury is an outmoded, time-consuming process which can be replaced by more efficient legal procedure.}}
{{smaller block|David F. Maxwell, of Philadelphia, who heads the lawyers organization, said instead that jury trials are the ultimate protection against invasion of personal freedom.}}
{{smaller block|He spoke at the diamond jubilee celebration of the State Bar of Texas.}}
{{smaller block|“Too many persons today are prone to view trial by jury solely as a factfinding device, and hence expendable, if as good or better a method can be devised,” he said.}}
{{smaller block|These critics are influenced, Maxwell said, by the late Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who wrote that an experienced judge should be able to represent the commonsense of the community far better than the average jury.}}
{{smaller block|The Pennsylvania attorney said, “Such a contention presupposes the ability of the trial judge to discard foibles and prejudices built up within himself through his personal experience and background,” adding that a group of average citizens can mete out more even justice than can the most competent and experienced judge.}}
{{smaller block|“So let us in this country take warning,” he said. “The jury alone is able to function as the thin wedge of reserved power that separates our system of law from the monolithic, totalitarian despotism behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.”}}
Mr. President, an editorial appeared in the Greenville (S. C.) News of June 6, 1957. It is entitled “Jury Trial Is at Heart of Rights Issue” and has this to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{smaller block|The day after it was reported from Washington that the administration would protest the southern claim that the so-called civil-rights bill would deny the right to trial by jury, the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate approved an amendment intended to guarantee that right to persons who might come under an injunction authorized in the proposed law.}}
{{smaller block|In his several appearances before the Senate and House committees studying the various proposals, Attorney General Brownell tried to claim that a trial by jury would not be denied. He had rough going, and at times was downright evasive, when Senator {{sc|Sam. J. Ervin}}, of North Carolina, began to cross-examine him on his statements.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|Ervin}}, an eminent lawyer and a former member of his State’s supreme court, is of the opinion that trial by jury not only would not be guaranteed under the bills as submitted, but could be denied. Certainly, it would be possible for the courts to deny a jury hearing and a judge, if he chose, could sit in judgment on the testimony as well as the law.}}
{{smaller block|Speaking for the administration, Attorney General Brownell is taking his case to the House of Representatives, but the action of the Senate committee on Monday indicates that even a number of northern Democrats and Republicans have been convinced of the facts.}}
{{smaller block|The jury trial issue came up in this way:}}
{{smaller block|Among the bills included in the civil rights packages (various versions of which have been offered by the administration and by individuals and groups of Democratic and Republican Members of Congress) is one which would set up a special civil rights division of the Department of Justice.}}
{{smaller block|It would be manned by a number of assistants to the Attorney General and would have the authority to initiate civil suits against persons accused of violating the civil rights of others or whom it might have reason to believe were about to violate such rights.}}
{{smaller block|(At present, it is a criminal offense to violate the civil rights of another. But a person accused of violating such laws has the right to be arraigned before a grand jury and to be tried by a petit jury.)}}
{{smaller block|The administration proposal—and members of both parties have supported this or made similar proposals of their own—is to transfer civil rights cases from the criminal to the civil side of the Federal courts. The Government itself would bring such suits, with or without the request of the allegedly injured persons.}}
{{smaller block|The Government could ask for and obtain an injunction forbidding anyone to do certain things, such as to refuse a voting certificate to a certain person or to oppose an integration order issued against a certain school. Such action on the part of the defendant might be a violation of an injunction or it might be a violation of a criminal law on civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|But in such cases, the Government would bring the individual before the judge on a charge of contempt. And the judge could convict and sentence the individual without a trial by jury.}}
{{smaller block|That is what prompted the southern amendment to the bill aimed at assuring a jury trial. And that is the principle Mr. Brownell is assailing in his statements to Congress.}}
{{smaller block|He does not deny that trial by jury would be denied the defendants. He merely says the amendment would make the bill ineffective and would weaken the power of the Federal courts to enforce their orders. He says this power to punish for contempt has long been available to the Government in other Federal cases.}}
{{smaller block|That much is true. When the Government brings a civil suit and obtains an injunction, contempt can be adjudged and punished without a jury. But these are cases entirely different from those Mr. Brownell proposes to bring in the name of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|In this instance, Mr. Brownell is trying to do in a roundabout way what the Constitution forbids him to do directly; that is, try and convict a person for an alleged crime without a jury.}}
Mr. President, here is an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of April 17, 1957. It is entitled “Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} Understands Threat to Liberty in Civil-Rights Bill” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Speaking at the annual banquet of the Hibernian Society in Charleston, March 18, 1947, Senator {{sc|Joseph C. O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, stressed the fact that the United States has repudiated the doctrine of arbitrary power.}}
{{smaller block|This week, 10 years after he made this statement, Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} gave evidence that he believes what he said. The Democratic Senator lined up with southern critics of the so-called civil-rights bill. He said he was in favor of a civil-rights bill but one that is conceived in justice and freedom rather than in any thought of punishment.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} told reporters that the proposed Presidential Civil Rights Commission to investigate complaints of civil-rights violations could easily do more harm than good. And with respect to another part of the bill vigorously opposed by southern Senators, he said, “I don’t think we should be afraid of a jury trial in matters of this kind.” In announcing his stand on the legislation, he said that the South has made many striking advances in racial relations, while such relations in some other parts of the country have worsened.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}’s stand on the civil-rights bill is of major significance. His statement shows that the South is gaining ground in its battle to convince other regions that the force bills are a threat to the liberties of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is not a western conservative like, say, Senator {{sc|Barry Goldwater}}, Republican, of Arizona, who might be expected to line up with southern conservatives. The Senator from Wyoming is a western liberal and an old-time supporter of the New Deal. Hence his acceptance of some of the southern constitutional arguments is all the more meaningful.}}
{{smaller block|If Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is convinced that the right to jury trial and other parts of our heritage are being threatened by the civil-rights bill, the likelihood of convincing other northern and western Senators is considerable.}}
{{smaller block|In order to overcome the propaganda barriers of the NAACP and convince these Senators, the South must continue to argue its case—and on the highest level. Senator {{sc|Sam Ervin}} of North Carolina has done especially fine work this session in accomplishing just that.}}
{{smaller block|The other task facing southerners is that of insisting on respect for law and order throughout our region. The enemies of the South must not have any excuse for urging Federal intervention. Hoodlumism must be put down. The ignorant elements who join the Ku Klux Klan must be made to realize they are under the eyes of local and State police. Responsible men must stay active in movements such as the citizens council, and prevent infiltration by troublemakers or hotheads.}}
{{smaller block|If the South can speak with dignity in Washington and act with honesty and good sense at home, there will be more Senator O’Mahoneys who will realize southerners are fighting the good fight for American liberties.}}
Mr. President, here is another article from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Trial by Jury Right of All Americans” and it appears in the June 5, 1957, issue of the News and Courier, and has this to say:
{{smaller block|A guaranty of trial by jury, squeezed into a civil-rights law by vote of a Senate subcommittee, has been hailed as a southern victory.}}
{{smaller block|This victory—though it is little more than solace in a string of defeats—in fact belongs to the American Republic. Southerners are not alone in danger. If the Federal Government can deprive southerners of the right of trial by jury, on the ground that they are unfair to Negroes, it can do the same to citizens of other regions on equally flimsy grounds.}}
{{smaller block|Thanks to the NAACP and its political allies, defense of Negroes’ civil rights is popular today. Even at the sacrifice of rights of all citizens, restrictive laws have won serious support. The News and Courier finds biting irony in the need for Congress to guarantee the right of trial by jury. Americans have been brought up in the belief that the United States Constitution meant what it said in guaranteeing them this right.}}
{{smaller block|Nowadays, the ruling clique no longer trusts ordinary people to govern themselves. Juries, they fear, will bring in unjust verdicts. The bosses prefer to entrust such delicate matters as civil rights to hand-picked Federal judges, who are screened by the Department of Justice and appointed by the President. With both national parties committed to the NAACP program, no lawyer who takes a strong stand against that program stands much chance of appointment. As older judges die or retire, Attorney General Brownell will make sure, insofar as he is able, that replacements have a “liberal” view of race.}}
{{smaller block|With administration of election laws removed from the hands of elected State officials and placed under Federal appointees, government is being removed ever further from the people. The jury system, safeguard of Anglo–Saxon liberty, may yet be a victim of alien notions now gathering power in our Republic.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the May 10, 1957, issue of the Charleston, (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “The Civil-Rights Fight and Trial-by-Jury Issue” and was written by the distinguished southern newspaperman, Dr. John Temple Graves. Here is what it has to say on the jury-trial issue:
{{bc|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm|“}}Backward, turn backward,
O Time in thy flight * * *”&lt;/poem&gt;}}}}
{{smaller block|Time accommodates.}}
{{smaller block|Its comment on jury trials last week overlooked the Federal march of time.}}
{{smaller block|Admitting that the trial-by-jury issue has come to dominate the civil-rights fight, the magazine pontificated that “the contempt citation is the judiciary’s historic enforcement tool.” It avowed that “jury trials in contempt cases have absolutely no basis in equity or constitutional law and precious little legislative sanction.”}}
{{smaller block|The trick in this extraordinary statement is in Time’s small print at the bottom of the page. It explains that “with a single exception (the Norris–La Gaurdia Act covering labor disputes) trial by jury has never been required in contempt cases to which the United States has been a party.” With the United States Government proposing now to be a party to just about everything in heaven, earth, and the waters beneath—a new situation exists.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution loves the principle of trial by jury and says so over and over again. That great basic principle, rather than any technicality, is what is involved for the South.}}
{{smaller block|Call it contempt or something else, let the Government be a party or not a party, what concerns us and what concerned the makers of the Constitution is that citizens in handcuffs shall not be adjudged by those who put the handcuffs on them, that the right of an accused to be properly tried in the Anglo–Saxon ideal shall not be abridged in the name of contempt or participation of the Government.}}
{{smaller block|The Constitution speaks for this principle in article 3. The fifth amendment speaks for it, and the sixth, and the seventh.}}
{{smaller block|Nothing in the whole instrument is more emphatic.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the April 8, 1957, issue of South, the news magazine of Dixie. It is entitled “Force Bill ‘Liberals’ Would Kill Jury Trial.” Here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|It is incredible that those who like to boast that they are liberals and protectors of individual rights are crying the loudest for the currently misnamed civil-rights legislation which would deny alleged violators the right to trial by jury. The politically inspired anti-South force bill package has induced such a state of hypnosis in the self-styled liberals that they want to replace constitutional guarantees of civil liberties with their own false notions of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|If the question of race were not at issue, the very people who are pressing for passage of this abominable travesty on constitutional principle would be the first to denounce it for discarding the sacred right of trial by jury. At the outset the legislation violates the rights spelled out in article III., section 3, and by the seventh amendment, one of the historic ten making up the Bill of Rights. It would empower the United States Attorney General to seek injunctions against persons suspected of being about to violate the so-called civil-rights measure. Then a Federal judge, acting also as prosecutor and jury, would decree a whole community or State in contempt. An individual cited for contempt would be tried without a jury by the judge who cited him.}}
{{smaller block|The proponents of this evil proposal know exactly what they are doing. By design they are taking away the right of jury trial. In fact, they are bold to say that if they did not set aside the right of trial by jury, they could not get convictions in the South. To allow jury trials, they say, would be to gut the bill. Attorney General Brownell is horror-struck at the thought that the no-jury-trial provision be stricken. President Eisenhower, who violates a campaign pledge made at Miami by pushing this legislation, says he would have to get Brownell’s opinion as to whether to sign or veto a civil-rights bill containing the assurance of jury trial in contempt cases. The civil strife proponents protest that this guaranty—in the Constitution which Eisenhower, Brownell, and all Congressmen are sworn to uphold—would cripple the bill. Has the President so soon forgotten that he said at Miami, 2 weeks before the election, that civil-rights problems should be handled to the greatest extent on a local and State basis?}}
{{smaller block|Surely our liberals know that Hitler, Mussolini, and all tyrants from the time of King John (until forced to sign the Magna Carta) opposed jury trials because they would cripple their programs.}}
Mr. President, I have an article from the April 14, 1957, issue of the Greenville, S. C., News. It is entitled “Jackie Robinson on Meet the Press: Negro Athlete Favors Jury Trials” and has this to say:
{{smaller block|Jackie Robinson, Negro baseball star, when asked if he favored jury trials for civil-rights defendants, said Sunday night he would personally prefer a jury trial.}}
{{smaller block|The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People strongly opposes a jury trial guaranty in criminal injunction cases arising under the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Robinson is leading the NAACP’s freedom-fund campaign for a million dollars to attain first-class citizenship for all members.}}
{{smaller block|The former Brooklyn Dodger told an NBC Meet the Press television panel that he did not know what the million dollars would be spent for—possibly for lawsuits against school segregation.}}
{{smaller block|He said he favored the civil-rights bill but knows very little about it.}}
{{smaller block|Frank Van Der Linden, this newspaper’s Washington correspondent, asked the questions about the civil-rights bill.}}
This is a man, Mr. President, who favors the civil-rights bill, but even he says he favors a trial by jury.

That is what the House did on this so-called compromise. In effect, they have nullified the right of trial by jury. There are very, very few instances in which a judge, when he finds a man guilty of contempt, would give a sentence of more than 45 days in prison or a fine of more than $300. That simply means the practical effect is that the jury trial has been completely nullified.

As I have said earlier, and as I will say later in my address, the right of jury trial is something the Constitution grants to the citizens of the United States. The Congress does not have the authority to take the jury trial away from the people of America.

Mr. President, I have an excerpt from an editorial from the August 26, 1957, issue of the Columbia (S. C.) Record. It is entitled “Jury-Trial Compromise No Compromise,” and this is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|The “compromise” on the jury-trial amendment to the civil-rights bill, worked out between the House and Senate leaders of both parties, is anything but a genuine compromise. It is a nullification of the jury-trial principle, for which the southern Democrats fought so valiantly in the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|The amendment written into the bill by the Senate provided that in all cases of criminal contempt defendants should be entitled to jury trials, guaranteed by the Constitution to all persons accused of crime. This applied not only to criminal contempt charges growing out of voting-right cases, but also to other criminal contempt proceedings as well.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called compromise allows jury trials only in voting-rights cases and then only after a defendant has been tried and convicted without a jury trial and sentenced to more than 45 days’ imprisonment and a $300 fine. In such a case the defendant could ask for a jury trial and the case would then be tried ''de novo'' before a jury. But no jury, of course, could try such a case ''de novo'' in fact. Every juror would know that the defendant had been found guilty by a judge and given more than a minimum sentence. This is a condition precedent to a jury trial in these voting-right cases. And no jury trial under such circumstances is anything approaching the right of trial by jury guaranteed by the Constitution.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the August 25, 1957, issue of the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Jury Trial ‘Compromise’ Is False Bait in Wicked Trap for Liberty,” and here is what it has to say:
{{smaller block|A proposed compromise now pending in Congress is as wicked and immoral, in our opinion, as total denial of trial by jury under Federal election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Reports from Washington indicate a likelihood that the civil rights force bill may be rammed through Congress with this compromise to grease the way. Perhaps the northern scrambles for Negro votes and their “liberal” southern allies have the power in Congress to enact this hateful law. They should not get even silent support from anyone who loves the American Republic.}}
{{smaller block|The compromise is really no compromise at all. It would grant the opportunity to seek a new trial before a jury by a defendant in an election case who had received a sentence greater than a $1,000 fine or 45 days in jail.}}
The amount there, incidentally, Mr. President, should be corrected. Instead of a $1,000 fine, it should be a $300 fine.
{{smaller block|But the size of a fine and the duration of imprisonment are not the key issue in this legislation. Penalties may be amended once the principle is set up. Besides, imprisoning State election officials even for a short time could rig the outcome of voting.}}
{{smaller block|The key issue here is whether the liberty of a citizen, and the constitutional rights of the States to conduct free elections, should be sacrificed for the sake of current political advantage of national parties and politicians.}}
As I have said before, Mr. President—to digress there—the only purpose of this so-called right-to-vote bill is to advance the cause of the national political parties with the minorities and to advance the cause of certain politicians. If it were not for the purpose of both parties playing to the minorities and advancing the cause of certain politicians to high offices, I do not believe this bill would ever have been introduced. It is a disgrace to the United States even to have the Congress consider such an abominable and obnoxious bill.
{{smaller block|Behind this force bill lies a game of power politics. Both national parties are struggling to control the votes of herded Negroes in big northern cities and their liberal allies. These bloc voters are believed to hold the balance of political power in the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Buried beneath the nauseating political greed that has produced this force bill are principles once dear to Americans. The bill has many of the earmarks of totalitarian government that the Constitution was built to prevent.}}
Among these earmarks are Federal control of elections, seizing the power of the ballot box from the people most likely to be affected; substitution of judges for juries in enforcement of the law; and secrecy in working up prosecutions.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would set up a powerful commission on the phony pretense of guarding voting rights of minority groups. This Commission’s actions would be shielded from public view. Persons are forbidden under penalties to make known what it is doing. The Star Chamber—a tyrannous device once used by English Kings—thus would be imposed for the first time on the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Southerners may be overwhelmed by superior force, but they should go down fighting every step of the way.}}
{{smaller block|In honorable defeat they may sound an alarm to fellow Americans not yet awake to dangers to the Republic. Passage of the civil-rights force bill would be a defeat for all citizens of whatever race or region, for it would help to set the stage for dictatorship and oppression. The compromise on which passage now seems to hinge is only a deceptive detail in a dirty business.}}
Mr. President, I have here an excellent editorial from the Washington Evening Star of July 12, 1957. It is an editorial full of quotes, but the editor made his point well in this editorial without even having to insert his own comments. Here is what the editorial says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Brownell}} ''v.'' {{sc|Norris}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Attorney General Brownell (in a letter explaining the civil-rights bill):}}
{{smaller block|“Enactment of legislation providing for jury trial in contempt cases arising out of governmental litigation would undermine the authority of the Federal courts by seriously weakening their power to enforce their lawful orders. The effect of adopting current proposals for jury trial would be to weaken and undermine the authority of the Federal courts by making their every order, even when issued after due hearing and affirmed on appeal, reviewable by a local jury. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“Furthermore the proposed amendment to existing procedures that is being advocated under the innocuous slogan of jury trial would permit practical nullification of the effectiveness of the proposed civil-rights legislation. The enforcement of any court order may require prompt and vigorous action if it is to be effective. Prompt action will often be vital in civil-rights cases, especially election cases, where the registration period or the election may pass while enforcement is delayed. The injection of a jury trial between an order of a court enjoining discrimination against Negroes in an election, and the enforcement of that order would provide numerous opportunities for delay beyond the time when the order could have practical effect.”}}
{{smaller block|The late Senator George W. Norris (insisting on the right of trial by jury, by Congressional enactment, in every case of indirect contempt):}}
{{smaller block|“I agree that any man charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.”}}
I wish to repeat that statement. He said:
{{smaller block|I agree that any many charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.}}
Under the proposed compromise amendment which came from the House, the people will not get a jury trial. In 99 percent of the cases the judge will sentence people without a jury trial. It is said, “Well, they are able to get a jury trial if the fine is more than $300 or if the imprisonment is for more than 45 days.”

That is not the point. The point is that in 99 percent of the cases the compromise would deny to the citizens a jury trial, which is guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Congress should not be a party to violating the Constitution of the United States by passing the compromise amendment.

I continue to read from the editorial:
{{smaller block|“It is no answer to say that there will sometimes be juries which will not convict. That is a charge which can be made against our jury system. Every man who has tried lawsuits before juries, every man who has ever presided in court and heard jury trials, knows that juries make mistakes, as all other human beings do, and they sometimes render verdicts which seem almost obnoxious. But it is the best system I know of. I would not have it abolished; and when I see how juries will really do justice when a biased and prejudiced judge is trying to lead them astray I am confirmed in my opinion that, after all, our jury system is one which the American people, who believe in liberty and justice, will not dare to surrender. I like to have trial by jury preserved in all kinds of cases where there is a dispute of facts.”}}
Mr. President, I have before me an editorial from the Greenville (S. C.) News of March 29, 1957, entitled “How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?”

It reads:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Rather smugly, perhaps, we Americans have taken for granted our right to a trial before a jury when we stand accused of violating the law.}}
{{smaller block|So fixed in our system of jurisprudence and our common concepts of justice is the jury trial that few of us ever have stopped to consider the difference between having our guilt or innocence determined by a group of ordinary citizens and having a judge, a creature of the Government, mete out justice singlehandedly, as he alone sees it.}}
{{smaller block|Article III., section 2 of the United States Constitution, says that “the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.”}}
{{smaller block|The sixth amendment, article VI. of the Bill of Rights, spells out further the right to the accused in criminal proceedings “to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|It goes on to guarantee the accused the right to be informed specifically of the charges against him, to confront the witnesses against him, to subpena witnesses in his favor, and to be represented by counsel.}}
{{smaller block|The seventh amendment, article VII. of the Bill of Rights, provides that in suits at common law the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.}}
{{smaller block|One would think that, with all these references in the Constitution, the right to a jury trial would be secure. But liberal elements, including our own Department of Justice, advocating passage of proposed civil-rights legislation are teaching us that this basic right is not so secure as we might have thought.}}
{{smaller block|For the bills now before the Congress would, in fact, deny persons accused of violating the civil rights of others the right of a trial by a jury of citizens of their State and district. And the NAACP and Attorney General Brownell are insisting on this provision of the bill. Attempts of southern Senators and Congressmen to write into it a guaranty of that right have thus far been beaten down.}}
{{smaller block|If the bill is enacted, the Government would be empowered to bring civil, rather than criminal charges, against an individual accused of violating someone else’s rights. He would be prosecuted by a Government attorney before a Federal judge, who might be sent in from outside his State, who would pass on the facts as well as the law and would pass sentence.}}
{{smaller block|The accused would be just as apt to go to jail on the civil charge as he would if he were charged with a criminal offense in which the jury trial would be guaranteed. Indeed, the chances of his going to jail might be even greater.}}
{{smaller block|But that is only part of it.}}
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint. If the individual did complain, the Government would bear the whole cost of prosecuting his case.}}
{{smaller block|The defendant, on the other hand, would find himself faced with the necessity of hiring a lawyer and, perhaps, of going through a long series of court proceedings that could very well break him financially.}}
{{smaller block|This could become vicious persecution instead of reasonable prosecution.}}
{{smaller block|This threat of persecution is no less real in another phase of the proposed civil-rights legislation relating to the creation of a commission empowered to investigate alleged incidents of discrimination, economic boycotts, and the like.}}
{{smaller block|If this plan became a reality, a citizen accused of discriminating against a member of a minority, or of applying economic pressure against him, could be ordered to report to a place in Washington at a given time and be subjected to an investigation. His need for counsel and, hence, the expense of defending himself, could be just as great as it would be if he were accused of some crime.}}
{{smaller block|All of this is being proposed in the name of civil rights by persons calling themselves liberals.}}
{{smaller block|How can we create rights by destroying rights? And how liberal is it?}}
Mr. President, I wish to repeat a paragraph in the editorial which I believe is most important. It should appeal to every lawyer, and, in fact, to every citizen. It reads:
{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint.}}
Mr. President, I believe we are setting a very dangerous precedent when the Government can bring suits of the kind provided in the civil-rights bill, even if an individual does not complain. The Government can file a suit in behalf of an individual, even if the individual has not complained, and it can bring a suit for an individual who has complained. In either case, the Government can substitute its name in behalf of the defendant in bringing the case.

Furthermore, the Government would bear the cost of prosecuting the case. The poor defendant must pay his own expense. If an individual wishes to bring a case in court, why should he not pay his own expense? Why should the Federal Government bear the expense of a person whose statement may be true or which may not be true? I can foresee untold litigation. I can see all kinds of fabrications being made in order to have cases brought. It is a dangerous bill, Mr. President. It is far more dangerous than I believe the average man on the street has been able to understand. The average man in the street does not realize what is in the bill. I cannot imagine why Members of Congress would even consider passing such a bill. Again I say that it would not even have been introduced, in my opinion, or given any consideration at all, if it were not purely a political bill.

Mr. President, I have an editorial published in the Greenville (S. C.) News of February 26, 1957, entitled “Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty.”
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty}}}}}}
{{smaller block|({{sc|Editor’s Note}}.—The following editorial is taken from a statement prepared by the editor of the News at the request of the Governor of South Carolina. The statement is to be offered to the subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon by representatives of this State who are appearing in opposition to the civil-rights bills.)}}
{{smaller block|The civil-rights bills of 1957, like those proposed during the last 20 years and more by individuals of both parties and by administrations of both parties, are anachronistic.}}
{{smaller block|An anachronism is something that is misplaced in time. In this instance, it is a throwback to a more primitive age which is, at best, a misfit and, at worst, a destructive force in the age in which it occurs.}}
{{smaller block|And when intelligent and otherwise dedicated men ignore more pressing and more serious problems and pass up greater opportunities for service to deliberately create such an anachronism, the result is bound to be tragic.}}
{{smaller block|Even if we could assume, which we cannot, that the broad and untested powers these proposed laws would confer on an already oversized and unwieldy Federal bureaucracy would always be wisely and fairly administered, the need for them, if it ever existed, has long since passed.}}
{{smaller block|The purposes now claimed for them have been better served by processes springing from the people themselves than ever they can be by pressure and threat of punishment imposed upon the people by an omnipotent and omnipresent “Big Brother” sort of government.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, the instruments now proposed to protect liberty and to uplift men are such as to be capable of being used to destroy liberty and to oppress men.}}
{{smaller block|To appreciate the origin of the civil-rights bills and the natural resistance to them in many parts of the country, especially the South, one must consider them in their proper perspective with past history and present trends.}}
{{smaller block|To put it bluntly, this legislation grows out of a latter-day extension of the overzealous efforts of the abolitionists, who profited and were exalted during the era preceding the War Between the States. It is being pushed in the same sort of spirit that motivated the vengeant and vindictive planners and executors of the reconstruction.}}
{{smaller block|Not even during the tragic and oppressive reconstruction did a Congress, which was dominated by radicals and in which the conquered South had few friends and spokesmen, see fit to enact such laws as now proposed.}}
{{smaller block|There was military occupation and corrupt government imposed from Washington, but there was no permanent board of inquisitors that could be turned into an agency of harassment and intimidation. There was injustice, but there was no permanent overturning of the processes of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|Purged by bloodshed of the sin of slavery, which was not his alone, nor his country’s alone, the southern white resisted the reconstruction. He resisted it because he feared, with justification, that it was intended to take from him in order to give to the Negro. He resists court-decreed integration and the civil-rights proposals for the same reason—again with justification for his fears.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NEGRO IS MISLED}}}}
{{smaller block|The Negro was misled in those days, and he is being misled now.}}
{{smaller block|The end of the abominable institution of slavery was inevitable, and it could have been accomplished without fratricide and without threatening the Union and creating abiding bitterness. At its end, the Negro was led to believe he could switch from the status of slave to that of master. In some instances, for a time, he did. In others, he was promised “40 acres and a mule,” but more often than not he didn’t know what to do with the 40 acres and he never got the mule.}}
{{smaller block|The Negro again is being falsely led to believe that integration will solve all of his remaining problems and that all he needs to realize the millennium is a few more court decrees and Federal laws. He has been led to believe that political largesse will bring to him those things that he can best realize by earning and exercising the rights and privileges already available to him.}}
{{smaller block|Until fairly recent decades, southern whites and Negroes engaged in a pathetic sort of competition for the lesser degree of poverty, but they have made progress together and they have achieved a mutual understanding. Education and a rising prosperity were easing the old bitterness and misunderstanding and improving relations between the races at a rate that has been positively amazing.}}
{{smaller block|The tragedy of this era is that, since 1954, with the Supreme Court decision in the school cases, and especially since the renewal of agitation of civil-rights legislation with almost virulent vigor, this progress has been slowed down. And the Negro stands to lose the most. The bitterness and the old suspicions are being revived.}}
{{smaller block|A few years ago in a prosperous South Carolina industrial city, a joint committee of white and Negro citizens conducted a survey of the needs of the Negro community, ranging from health and housing to transportation and recreation. Much progress came of it.}}
{{smaller block|Also, a few years ago, with the help of the newspapers and interested white citizens, certain racial barriers in the public hospital were broken down and qualified Negro doctors were granted staff privileges for the first time on full equality with their white colleagues.}}
{{smaller block|Along about the same time, the newspapers and interested white citizens campaigned for better housing for Negroes. City substandard housing laws were strengthened and better enforcement machinery established. The improvement in rental property has been marked.}}
{{smaller block|Also, it was urged that property be made available to Negroes of means who wanted to build better homes away from congested areas in which Negroes tend to congregate. Subsequently, a fairly exclusive Negro residential section, near white neighborhoods, was started. There were no objections.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|PROGRESS IS SLOWED}}}}
{{smaller block|This sort of things would be more difficult now, if not impossible, in no small part because the Negro is reluctant to cooperate. Both he and his white friends are subject to pressure and unpleasantness from radical elements among their respective races. The Negro apparently has been led to believe the moon may be within his grasp; and lawless and more extreme whites have been aroused.}}
{{smaller block|In many cities in the South, the newspapers have sought for years to treat the Negro with the dignity any citizen deserves in their handling of the news. Special sections devoted to news of the Negro community, often prepared by Negro reporters, were started. Until recently, there was no protest. Now there are murmurs, direct protests, and anonymous letters.}}
{{smaller block|None of this has to do with integration. Neither race is ready for integration, and may never be. But if they become so it will be on the only basis of successful close human association—natural affinity, mutual appreciation, and individual choice. Neither court decrees nor laws can create these conditions.}}
{{smaller block|In his speech on conciliation with the American Colonies in 1775, Edmund Burke said, “I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.”}}
{{smaller block|With the help of the proposed legislation, and the injunctive process, the Federal courts may one day find such a method, but the result will be the destruction, not the preservation of civil rights.}}
{{smaller block|Burke also said in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontent in 1770 that, “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”}}
{{smaller block|This cause is not the South’s alone. The extension of the judicial process into areas it was not intended to reach and stretching it for purposes it is incapable of serving; the striking down of the police power of the States in field after field; the unprecedented use of the injunctive power without jury trial to punish for contempt persons not before the court; all of these, as able judges and lawyers are solemnly warning, threaten the future security of all Americans.}}
{{smaller block|The granting of the powers the Justice Department is now asking can only hasten this process. Even the layman can see that. The proposed commission, with power to investigate and harass at its own will could, in the wrong hands, become an instrument of coercion and intimidation.}}
{{smaller block|Like other Americans, no southerner of good conscience condones the denial of rights, either by violation of the law or by threat or violence. But the atmosphere created by agitation is not only inciting lawless elements to violence, but is making such incidents even harder to deal with.}}
{{smaller block|Of laws we have aplenty. The Federal Government has ample power to deal with the violations the Attorney General alleges but doesn’t specify. The States have laws against violence, and many of them, like South Carolina, have laws making violation of any citizen’s rights a crime.}}
{{smaller block|They should be left free to enforce them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Orangeburg (S. C.) Times and Democrat of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “On Jury Trials.” This is what it has to say on this subject:
{{smaller block|The committee in the Senate which has been considering the civil-rights bill has added an amendment to the bill which would allow persons accused of contempt to be given jury trials. Many Senators who were and are in favor of the civil-rights bill are supporting this amendment.}}
{{smaller block|We do not see how Congress can go wrong in providing jury trials for persons accused of contempt. While we do not wish to join in a wholesale assault on the judiciary of this Nation, it is nevertheless true that the judiciary—like the other branches of the Government—must have its limitations.}}
{{smaller block|No one branch of our Government functions perfectly, nor is it made up of perfect citizens. The judicial branch has assumed increasing power in recent years and it would be wise to safeguard the right of persons to a trial by jury because of what might follow if this right is denied citizens. It may be that only one issue is involved at present, but the future might well turn up an undesirable situation in which the principle wherein judges who find American citizens guilty of contempt, exercise such unlimited powers concerning various issues and freedom that any bill limiting the right of jury trial would be a tragedy and result in injustice to many Americans.}}
{{smaller block|We do not believe that any one section of the country has a monopoly on all the good people in the United States. We believe that trial by jury is the best possible system establishing guilt and that the people themselves, who make up our juries, will come nearer seeing that justice is done than any group, acting individually, no matter how talented the various individuals may be.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Columbia (S. C.) State of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “A Wise Provision,” and here is what it has to say on the question of jury trials:
{{smaller block|Administration forces fell before six Democrats and a Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee who insisted upon including in the so-called civil-rights bill a proviso guaranteeing trial by jury to persons accused in court in civil-rights cases. In supporting the amendment as a poor substitute for killing the bill, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} explained that the section would give civil-rights defendants the same right now enjoyed by trade unionists in labor injunction cases.}}
{{smaller block|The development does not, however, meet with the approval of Attorney General Brownell, who has been playing out of position before now in lobbying for controversial and doubtful legislation, arraying section against section and class against class. He complains the proviso would permit practical nullification of proposed civil-rights legislation. In the words of Orphan Annie, “Would that be bad?”}}
{{smaller block|One wonders just what the advocates of such legislation are after. Could they be seeking to destroy the Constitution?}}
{{smaller block|Everything considered, the section guaranteeing jury trials to defendants in civil-rights cases follows the orderly procedure defined by the Founding Fathers as to the rights and dignity of the individual. Trial by jury is one of the cardinal triumphs of our Constitution as inherited from Magna Carta. There is no reason why any exception should be made to gratify the unilateral zeal of special interests of self-appointed reregulators.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, of July 10, 1957. Here is what it has to say:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|A Principle of Rights: South Making Its Point}}}}}}
{{smaller block|More Senators, it appears, are seeing the validity of the South’s insistence on trial by jury as a fixed point of law and due process—{{SIC|bone|borne}} of contention with the civil-rights brigade. They are seeing, surely, what logic underscores: that if this principle falls under the impact of biased thinking against the South, it falls for all. It is not, therefore, a regional issue, but national. The southern protest is not addressed to a narrow, selfish view, but to a view exactly as broad as the Constitution—and as far reaching.}}
{{smaller block|Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, has paid tribute to the fairness of southern colleagues—having spoken out prior to this showdown for the stated right of due process; and recognizing the progress already made, and voluntarily, on race relations. As a further point of edification, the fact of voting rights enjoyed and practiced in the South should be laid before him.}}
{{smaller block|Who, influenced by propaganda to the contrary, has bothered to examine the record in State after State? By what process of competent investigation have these civil-rights firebrands arrived at a conclusion of wholesale indictment?}}
{{smaller block|Voting is a privilege, as well as a duty, of citizenship, asserted and protected by law. With that principle there can be no quarrel. The issue is invasion by Federal authority, and methods of enforcement begetting strife by the measures of force contemplated in this iniquitous legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There are States, outside the South, where people of voting age are denied the right to vote—Indians, for example. Negro citizens do vote, under the same rules of eligibilty applied in the case of white citizens; and if any Senator doubts that, he should come this way and watch.}}
{{smaller block|In Tennessee, and other Southern States, he would find Negroes holding public office. In Nashville they elect their own representatives to city council; they have membership on the school board. They staff their schools. They are employed on the police department and the fire department.}}
{{smaller block|Facts, it appears, are coming out in the Senate and registering—and they are facts answering organized diatribe; substantiating both the concept of justice and of constitutional law.}}
{{smaller block|The South does not stand at the bar of public opinion convicted—just accused. It is not on the defensive. It is defending a basic right of responsible treatment, and the place of that defense is the floor of the Senate.}}
{{smaller block|As manifested by the implied readiness of opponents to concede the trial-by-jury point, its stand to date is influencing that decision. It cannot compromise any principle to the detriment of established, constitutional rights, much less yield to the whip of caprice.}}
A column written by Dr. John Temple Graves, one of the outstanding men in the South and in the Nation, printed in the Charleston, S. C., News and Courier of July 8, 1957, is entitled “South’s Most Civil Right Is Right To Be Let Alone,” reads as follows:
{{smaller block|“The right to be let alone.”}}
{{smaller block|That is our most civil liberty.}}
{{smaller block|Remember it and be of good cheer as Senators from the South fight against the so-called civil-liberty bill.}}
{{smaller block|Civil liberty is indivisible.}}
{{smaller block|It is the whole Constitution, the whole ideal. When you sacrifice one part for another you decrease and endanger the total. When the right to jury trial is impeached to save the right to vote there is net loss, and the same loss runs the whole constitutional gamut.}}
{{smaller block|Basically, all American rights are civil rights. States’ rights are civil. The rights of Congress against the Supreme Court are civil, and of the executive against each, and vice versa.}}
{{smaller block|And when the Federal Government (or the State) invades areas never intended or authorized there is violation of the most civil right of all—the right to be let alone.}}
{{smaller block|If the Founding Fathers made a mistake, if they failed to look ahead enough, if they should have anticipated a future so social and interrelated that nothing short of a totalitarian central government and law would serve, we should face it and get a new Constitution. Certainly we should not undertake to cover the situation by ignoring the Constitution in one place and insisting on it in another, sacrificing one civil right to make another safe.}}
{{smaller block|Most of us believe no mistake was made, that liberty and justice can still be had in the great terms of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If the President could just be reached on this jury-trial issue in the civil-force bill many of us who go on liking him believe he would see the South’s case as the Nation’s. The Baltimore Sun nails it thus: “The injunction contemplated would forbid actions already forbidden under Federal criminal laws. This being so, the injunction procedure is obviously a judicial shortcut, and one which would deprive those cited for contempt of a right which would be guaranteed them under the Federal Constitution (if they) were indicted for the same offense. It is proposed to assure one right—the right to vote—by ignoring another right—the right to a jury trial.”}}
{{smaller block|As pointed out here many times, jury trials should be stretched just as far as contempt is stretched, you would think. The civil-rights bill would stretch contempt into areas that ordinarily involve jury trial. It should not be permitted to deny jury trial, therefore, on the plea that contempt cases don’t allow for them.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of July 4, 1957, entitled &quot;“Unless Citizens Fight Against Tyranny Independence Will Perish in the United States of America:”
{{smaller block|The 181st anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 today finds independence at low ebb in these United States.}}
{{smaller block|There is a real question as to whether Americans of this day are capable of keeping whatever measure of independence is left to them, let alone restoring lost liberties.}}
{{smaller block|The original Independence Day was celebrated a long time ago.}}
{{smaller block|The national memory of what it means is dim. There is a certain amount of speechifying by political leaders. And the White House will hand reporters a mimeographed Fourth of July statement, written by one of the President’s ghostwriters.}}
{{smaller block|But the deep meaning of the day will not be especially clear to millions of Americans who are looking forward to a long weekend at the beach or other pleasure resorts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason why the Fourth of July should be a long-faced affair. Nor is there any reason why it should be just another holiday—another day for family picnics, parties, and romping in the surf.}}
{{smaller block|Except for a few lines of it embodied in newspaper stories, no one will read the Declaration of Independence. And yet our ancestors read it with the greatest care, for it touched their lives.}}
{{smaller block|It is an angry document, full of resentment toward a government that was steadily pushing Americans into a corner. Finally, in the Declaration, the people said they had enough.}}
{{smaller block|Throughout June 1957 the American people were being pushed into a corner, precisely as the people of the province of South Carolina and 12 other colonies were being pushed in the broiling summer of 1776. No one attacked Sullivan’s Island last month, except possibly mosquitoes. But liberties of South Carolinians and their fellow citizens in 47 States were under attack.}}
{{smaller block|Who knows it? Who cares? Today Fort Moultrie, which should be a national shrine, is padlocked and the grounds overgrown with grass. Today, grass is growing over American liberties.}}
{{smaller block|Americans cared in 1776. Of George III., the signers said: “The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.”}}
{{smaller block|And so they submitted the facts. They said that King George “has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation; for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; for suspending our legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.”}}
{{smaller block|Does this have a familiar ring?}}
{{smaller block|Is not the Congress, on recommendation of the President, preparing a civil-rights bill that would deny trial by jury to some Americans? Isn’t the Supreme Court striking down State laws, abolishing important laws of Congress and altering fundamental forms of our State and Federal governments? Isn’t the Supreme Court legislating school laws for the South?}}
{{smaller block|The answer to all these questions is “Yes.”}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence says that it is the duty of a free people, when a design to reduce them to despotism has been perceived, to provide new guards for their future security.}}
{{smaller block|That is what Americans living in 1957 must do. There is no need for flag-waving demonstrations—nothing of that sort. All that is needed is for millions of Americans to halt one moment, in the midst of holiday pleasure, to resolve that they will support their elected representatives in setting up new guards against tyranny.}}
{{smaller block|Unless there is such a resolve, there won’t be much independence to celebrate in the years ahead.}}
Mr. President, I have an editorial from the July 9, 1957, Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier entitled “People Should Accept No Compromise on States’ Control of Elections:”
{{smaller block|Talk about compromise on civil rights force bills before Congress is in the news from Washington. What goes on behind the scenes the public seldom knows at the time, and doesn’t always find out later. We speak with no knowledge other than what we read in press dispatches.}}
{{smaller block|The comment of Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, Republican, of South Dakota, who has predicted a compromise in time to let the Senate adjourn by mid-August, is especially interesting. He said the compromise would be one “for which the South can’t vote, but one with which the South can live.” The terms of the compromise would be to guarantee the right of Negro and other minority groups to vote without harassment.}}
{{smaller block|Qualified Negroes, like qualified white people, already have a right to vote. Race agitators from time to time dig up cases of alleged intimidation of Negro voters in the South. No doubt there are voting irregularities in the South, as in other regions of the country. In the areas that the News and Courier knows about, Negroes register and vote without hindrance. If there is widespread violation of anybody’s civil rights we are not aware of it. The big question is not so much whether and where violations may occur, but who has authority to enforce guaranties of the rights.}}
{{smaller block|Heretofore in our country the States have set up and supervised elections within their borders. We strongly believe that the future of the American Republic depends on saving a balance of power between State and Federal authorities. Control of the ballot and voting procedures is essential to that balance.}}
{{smaller block|The force bill now before Congress, generally known as the civil-rights bill, would set up new Federal machinery, armed with power to imprison without trial by jury, to manage racial aspects of elections. It would be a short step to amend this law to put other, perhaps all, election machinery into Federal hands. Thus some of the safeguards—precious few of them remaining—would disappear.}}
{{smaller block|Compromise on the force bill is a compromise with freedom. Today the Southern States may seem to be the target. But the danger exists for all 48 States.}}
{{smaller block|Perhaps the danger cannot be avoided in the present mood of our Government. Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, in the past a stanch supporter of States’ rights, has forecast a compromise “with which the South can live,” even though it cannot vote for the compromise.}}
{{smaller block|The South could not live with Reconstruction after the Civil War. Some of the proposals today seem designed to revive the spirit of Reconstruction. The News and Courier does not believe the South can live with that spirit now any better than it could live with it 80 years ago.}}
{{smaller block|For that reason we reject any compromise with basic rights and basic freedom.}}
{{smaller block|If the South loses to superior power, either in the form of votes in Congress or any other form of force, let it not be said that the South gave its consent. Someday, if it is not then too late, the rest of the country may come to its senses. The South may be able to hasten that day by resisting wreckers of the Republic. If the people of the United States realized what was being done to their country, they would not offer up the South as a sacrifice, nor compromise with liberty.}}
{{smaller block|The South might be able to live with compromise, but not at the same time with pride and self-respect.}}
Mr. President, there have been a number of occasions on which I have spoken before the subcommittees of the Committees on the Judiciary of the House and Senate, and on the floor of the Senate, in opposition to the provisions of H. R. 6127 and the other so-called civil-rights bills which were introduced both in the House and in the Senate. The first of these statements was made before the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives on February 26. Because a good portion of the statement was made with reference to certain so-called civil-rights bills then being considered, but which are not now before the Senate, I have edited out portions of the statement. I now read my statement as edited.
{{smaller block|I am here today to oppose the so-called civil-rights bills.}}
{{smaller block|Tyranny by any other name is just as bad.}}
{{smaller block|In other countries tyranny has taken the forms of fascism, communism, and absolute monarchy. I do not want to see it foisted on the American people under the alias of “civil rights.”}}
{{smaller block|Real civil rights and so-called civil rights should not be confused. Everybody favors human rights. But it is a fraud on the American people to pretend that human rights can long endure without constitutional restraint on the power of government.}}
{{smaller block|The actual power of the Federal Government should not be confused with power longed for by those who would destroy the States as sovereign governments.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY JUDICIARY}}}}
{{smaller block|There have been a number of instances of attempted and real usurpation of power by the Federal Government, which these pending bills would attempt to legalize, expand, and extend.}}
{{smaller block|The most notorious illustration of this type of usurpation is the May 17, 1954, school segregation decision by the United States Supreme Court. Since that time there have been several other decisions by the Court which I think have wakened people all over the country who previously paid little attention, or cared little, what the result might be in the school segregation cases.}}
{{smaller block|There are two recent cases. One arose in Pennsylvania and one in New York. The Pennsylvania case is ''Pennsylvania'' v. ''Steve Nelson'', decided April 2, 1956, dealing with the right of the State to take action against a Communist. The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that because there was a Federal sedition law, the State of Pennsylvania had no authority in that field. The laws of 42 States were invalidated by the decision. Even the protest of the Department of Justice that the laws of the States did not interfere with enforcement of the Federal law did not stop the Court.}}
{{smaller block|The author of the Federal law, the Honorable {{sc|Howard Smith}}, Of Virginia, has stated there was no intent embodied in the Federal act to prohibit the States from legislating against sedition.}}
{{smaller block|The second case to which I refer arose when the city of New York dismissed from employment a teacher who had refused to disclose whether he was a Communist when questioned by duly constituted authority.}}
{{smaller block|Here again the United States Supreme Court ruled against the power and authority of the local government contained in the charter of the city of New York.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|USURPATION BY EXECUTIVE}}}}
{{smaller block|Now let me refer briefly to some attempts at usurpation of the rights of the States by the executive branch of the Federal Government. Administrators in some Federal departments and agencies have issued directives having the effect of laws which have never been enacted by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|A specific illustration is that of the Civil Aeronautics Administration issuing a directive last year to withhold Federal funds from facilities in the construction of airports where segregation of the races is practiced.}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no basis in law for this administrative action, but by use of a directive or an edict the administrator effected a result just as though a law had been enacted.}}
{{smaller block|Other attempts at Federal interference from the executive branch with the rights of the individual citizen is demonstrated by the Contracts Compliance Commission. This Commission has dictated that contractors working on Federal projects must employ persons of both the white and Negro races, whether the contractors wish to do so or not. The strength of the Commission lies in the power to withhold contracts, or threatening to do so, if a contractor fails to carry out the dictates of the Commission.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ATTEMPTED USURPATION BY CONGRESS}}}}
{{smaller block|I can think of no better {{SIC|ilustration|illustration}} of attempted usurpation of the rights of the States by the legislative branch of the Federal Government than what is going on here now. I believe that the Congress, by attempting to enact these so-called civil-rights bills, is invading the rights of the States.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|NO DOUBT AS TO CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|Wherever a person lives in this country, whatever political faith he holds, whatever he believes in connection with any matter of interest, he has one firm basis for knowing his rights. Those rights are enumerated in the Constitution of the United States. I believe in that document. I believe that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less.}}
{{smaller block|If American citizens cannot believe in the Constitution, and know that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less, then there is no assurance that our representative form of government will continue in this country.}}
{{smaller block|I believe that people all over the country are beginning to realize that steps should be taken to preserve the constitutional guaranties which are being infringed upon in many ways.}}
{{smaller block|I believe we should also take steps to regain for the States some of the powers previously lost in unwarranted assaults on the States by the Federal Government.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE OFFICIALS UNDERSTANDING}}}}
{{smaller block|The administration of laws relating to civil rights is being carried out much more intelligently at the local levels of government than they could ever possibly be administered by edicts handed down from Washington. State officials and county officials know the people and know the problems of those people. Most officials of the Federal Government in Washington know much less about local problems than do the public officials in the States and in the counties.}}
{{smaller block|If these so-called civil-rights bills should be approved, then we must anticipate that the Federal Government, having usurped the authority of local government, will try to send Federal detectives snooping throughout the land. Federal police could be sent into the home of any citizen charged with violating the civil-rights laws.}}
{{smaller block|If there are constitutional proposals here which any of the States wish to enact, I have no objection to that. Every State has the right to enact any constitutional law which has not been specifically delegated to the Federal Government in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|On the other hand, I am firmly opposed to the enactment by Congress of laws in fields where the Congress has no authority, or in fields where there is no necessity for action by the Congress.}}
{{smaller block|From my observations, I have gained the strong feeling that most of the States are performing their police duties well. I believe that the individual States are looking after their own problems in the field of civil rights better than any enactment of this Congress could provide for, and better than any commission appointed by the Chief Executive could look after them.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question, with the understanding that he will not lose his right to the floor, and the understanding that it will not be considered a second speech or jeopardize the Senator’s right to the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. If unanimous consent is granted, under the conditions which the distinguished Senator has outlined, I will be pleased to yield.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from California? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I shall preface my question by this brief statement of fact, namely, since the House has adopted a ''sine die'' adjournment resolution, and there is no fixed period for adjournment, and the Senate can, and in my judgment will, continue in session as long as it is necessary to complete its business, I put these questions in all seriousness to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina:

First. What is the Senator’s purpose by his interesting but prolonged remarks? Is it a matter of education of the Senate or of the country?

Second. Is it to establish a record of discussion on the floor of the Senate?

Third. Is it merely to delay a vote on the civil rights bill, which is the pending business?

Fourth. Is it to prevent a final vote on H. R. 6127, the so-called civil rights bill?

Fifth. Is it to make friends and to influence other Senators in the southern position?

Sixth. Is it to emphasize to the Senate the need for a change, beginning in January, of rule XXII.?

There may be other reasons, but I should be very much interested—and I believe the Senate would be interested also—if the Senator from South Carolina would agree to indicate the purpose of his prolonged address.

Mr. THURMOND. I would merely say that my purpose in making the extended address is for educational purposes—to educate the Senate and the people of the country. There is no question in my mind that the so-called civil-rights bill violates the Constitution of the United States. I do not believe the Senator was in the Chamber when I spoke earlier and cited a decision pointing out that criminal contempt has been held to be a crime and that under the Constitution of the United States it is provided that a man charged with crime shall get a jury trial.

The so-called compromise bill provides that if a person is sentenced by a judge by being fined more than $300 or imprisoned for more than 45 days, he will get a jury trial. The Constitution does not say that. The Constitution provides that if he is charged with a crime, he shall get a jury trial.

I believe in the Constitution. I believe that the Constitution is clear. I hope the Senator will take the time one of these days—probably he will not have an opportunity soon—to read the address I have made in which I have gone into these matters and have tried to delineate them and point them out for the benefit of the American people, as well as for the benefit of the Senate.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am confident that the pending bill is a dangerous bill in a number of ways. I have pointed out that it is necessary that every State in the Nation have laws to protect the right to vote. The Senator’s own State of California has such laws. I started with the State of Alabama and read the laws for every State. Those laws were confirmed to be accurate by the Library of Congress. I read the State laws beginning with Alabama and ending with Wyoming. Every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote.

I say there is no need for the pending bill. This is a matter that comes under the Constitution, and it should be left to the States. It is a State matter. It is not a Federal matter.

Furthermore, the Federal Government has invaded the field. It has already invaded the field. I believe it made a mistake when it did so.

I should like to invite the attention of the Senator—again I do not believe he was in the Chamber when I referred to it previously—section 594 of chapter 29 of title 18 of the United States Code. That section provides:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield again under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. That is the Federal law today. If anyone is being denied his right to vote today he has recourse to that statute. If anyone is being denied the right to vote and complains about it, the Justice Department fails to do its duty if it fails to prosecute under that section of the Federal statute. Either that condition exists or there are no just complaints. The Committee on the Judiciary held hearings for months on the question, and it did not have before it one valid complaint. It had some fictitious complaints from a parish in Mississippi. It turned out that they asked a witness to return the next day, but he did not return, and it proved that the whole testimony was a fabrication, according to the chairman of the committee.

Therefore, there are State laws which protect the right to vote, and there is a Federal law which protects the right to vote. Under that act, if a man is tried, he would have a right to trial by jury. Under the so-called compromise, if he is tried, he would not have the right of trial by jury if the sentence were less than $300 or if the imprisonment were for less than 45 days.

Ninety-nine percent of all the criminal contempt cases would fall within that sphere. I was a circuit court judge for 8 years and heard cases all over South Carolina. I cannot remember the case of even one man who was sentenced by me or by any other circuit court judge in South Carolina for contempt of court for longer than 45 days in jail.

Therefore, the effect of the so-called compromise is to deny to the citizens of South Carolina and of the United States the right to a jury trial, as is guaranteed in several places in the Constitution. That is the reason I have made this extended address. It is to call to the attention of the Senate and to the people of the Nation that the pending bill is a dangerous bill. In my opinion, it is purely a political bill.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions as heretofore stated?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I can assure the Senator, whether we make that proviso in our remarks back and forth, the Senator will be fully protected in his rights to the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield to the Senator from California under those conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I did listen to the earlier part of the Senator’s address. I was in the Chamber at the time. I must confess that for several hours I did get some sleep and was able to freshen up and to change my clothes, and I am now back in the Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. I notice that the Senator looks very fresh at about 6:45 in the morning.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Yes. I am glad to be here with the Senator. Of course, the question which obviously disturbed a majority of the two Houses of Congress was that the statutes which are now on the statute books were not effective in protecting those constitutional rights. The Senators who felt that way are just as sincere as the Senator from South Carolina. I know the Senator from South Carolina has a deep conviction and is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. However, I refer to the provisions of section 1 of the 15th amendment to the Constitution, which provides:
{{smaller block|The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.}}
Section 2 of the 15th amendment reads:
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.}}
Both sections point up the fundamental constitutional right of American citizens and clearly underscore the fact that Congress not only has the right, but the responsibility in this field.

The Senator may feel that in his State or perhaps in other States—and I have no doubt it is true in many areas of the South—there is no problem relative to the voting rights of American citizens.

But at least the predominant opinion in Congress indicates that there is also a strong feeling that in many areas—and this may not be related only to the South, for that matter—the full rights under the 15th amendment are not being effectively implemented. It was for that reason that the House, by a vote, I believe, of more than 2 to 1, and the Senate finally by a very substantial majority, passed the bill, which is now going through another legislative process. It finally came back to the Senate floor after the House had concurred and amended the Senate version, as the House had a right to do.

My only point is that obviously the Senate of the United States is going to stay in session and complete work on the proposed legislation. It may sit for the remainder of the week, and it may sit next month and, if necessary, the month after that. I wish to emphasize to the Senator from South Carolina that, so far as the recommendations of the minority leader might be followed—and I know of no difference of opinion so far as the majority is concerned, although I cannot speak for the majority, and I would not attempt to do so—there will be no ''sine die'' adjournment resolution adopted by the Senate which would permit Congress to adjourn the first session of the 85th Congress until we have completed the work on the pending legislation, which is the civil-rights bill, and completed the work on the proposed legislation dealing with the mutual aid appropriation bill. Therefore, there is no fixed hour and date of adjournment.

I was wondering, therefore, why the Senator was making his extended address, and that is the reason I asked the questions I asked of him. He said he was making the address for the purpose of an educational campaign, for the benefit of the country and the Senate. I was wondering whether he hoped to prevent passage of the bill or merely delay its passage, or whether he had some other reason in mind.

Mr. THURMOND. In answer to the distinguished Senator, I wish to say that I should be highly pleased if the bill did not pass. I should like to ask the Senator this question: Under the statute which I have just read—and that is not a State statute, but a Federal statute, which provides “whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote as he may choose,” and so forth, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both—is there any deficiency in the statute? Is that not as clear as it can be? If anyone interferes with another’s right to vote, or intimidates, or if he threatens or coerces, he shall be punished. Is that not what it says? If that is the case, why does the Senator believe we should have another statute on voting added to it? Is this statute deficient? The Senator says the present laws are defective, as I understand. The statute I have read is a criminal statute. It will punish a guilty person by fining him for as much as $1,000 and could send him to jail for a year. In what respect does the Senator believe the statute is defective?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I shall not at this hour get into a detailed legal argument, because I am not a lawyer, but a newspaperman; furthermore, I would not attempt to put myself up against the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, who has been a judge in his own State and has been for a long time a distinguished member of the bar. I have listened to the arguments on the floor of the Senate. I have read a number of the reports and the proceedings, and I have had some discussions with people who are familiar with the circumstances connected with the subject. I do know that those in the Department of Justice who have been concerned with this problem apparently feel that that statute is not effective so far as the constitutional rights of American citizens are concerned.

Secondly, I am not in a position to argue with the Senator relative to what the legal definition of coercion is. I do say to the Senator that I believe there are various forms of coercion, some of which might be very difficult to prove in a court of law, but which might still be equally effective in keeping people from exercising their voting rights.

The coercion might consist of economic pressure, or there might be some difficulty about finding work in a community or there might be the difficulty of a small merchant maintaining his business. It might be very difficult to trace such things to the fact that a person had tried to go to a voting place on voting day to cast his vote. Nevertheless, such coercion could be quite effective in keeping a person from exercising his right to the voting franchise.

It is also true that in the debate which has taken place on the floor of the Senate it was disclosed that in one of the parishes or voting districts in a Southern State which had been mentioned on the floor of the Senate, there had been the situation where certain facts were laid before a grand jury in that particular State, and the facts were very clear, but still no action was taken in that particular situation.

I will say to the Senator that it should be remembered that the bill has now been stripped practically to a voting-rights bill.

Furthermore, I certainly believe that the fundamental right of an American citizen in this day and age should be protected, because every citizen has the right to vote. If that right is assured to a citizen, in time he may help himself secure the other civil rights to which he is entitled and which are guaranteed to him by the 14th amendment. The bill before us, as I say, is primarily a voting-rights bill. Those who have had some responsibility in this field—and I think some knowledge of it also—feel that the procedure outlined in the bill would at least facilitate the exercise of the voting rights of American citizens in all sections of the country.

Mr. THURMOND. I might say to the distinguished Senator that he is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. Even though he is not a lawyer, he knows a statute when he hears one read. The criminal statute I have read is just as plain as any criminal statute can be. I am in favor of having every qualified voter enjoy the right of franchise. I want to say that in my State every qualified voter has that privilege. No one—white, colored, or anyone else—is denied the right to vote in South Carolina. The statute I have read protects people from being coerced and intimidated and threatened in any way. If there is any violation of law now, a person who is discriminated against may go to the Department of Justice, and under the statute I have read a violator of that statute will be either sent to jail or fined or both. What the proposed compromise would do would be to take away that right of trial by jury.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say that both the original bill as passed by the two Houses and the final form now before us are not intended to deprive anyone of his vote, but to encourage the constitutional right of people to enjoy the right to vote. The fact of the matter is that quite a due process procedure is set up. If a person comes forward and alleges that he has been denied the right, there is a procedure set up by which he may go into Federal court, under his constitutional right, under the 15th amendment and the other constitutional rights he has, and make certain allegations. The judge must make certain findings. If he finds the facts are correct, he issues a court order, directed to what we in our State would call the registrar of voters, but what in other States might be the county clerk, or whatever else he might be, and says, in effect, “You are violating the constitutional rights of this man. He is being discriminated against under the laws of this State. Put him on the registration rolls.”

If the local official complies with the law and complies with the Constitution, nobody is fined, and nobody goes to jail. It is only if the local official or the local individuals involved in the case ignore the order of the court and, in effect, say that “we will not comply with the order seeking to protect the constitutional rights of American citizens,” that the judge may, under either civil contempt, which may be used in most cases, and may in most cases be effective, or under the criminal contempt provisions, impose the penalties.

So this bill is not seeking to punish people. To the contrary, it is seeking to gain for American citizens the very fundamental right to vote. If nobody is denied the right to vote in the State of the Senator from South Carolina, there will not be a single citizen in the State of South Carolina who will be involved in either a civil or criminal contempt. If nobody is being denied the right to vote in any other State, there will not be a single citizen, man or woman, who will be involved in either civil or criminal contempt under this bill. There will not be large numbers of persons who will be fined or jailed for 10 days or 30 days or 45 days, to force compliance with the constitutional rights of American citizens. That is going to be so only if the conditions which the Senator says prevail in his State do not prevail in other areas of the country and large numbers of American citizens are denied their constitutional rights. It seems to me it is all clear and simple. The Senator has nothing to fear in his own State or in any other State, because if nobody is being denied the right to vote, nobody can be punished by either civil or criminal contempt proceedings under the bill.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to say, in reply to that statement, whether a single person in South Carolina would be affected by the bill or not would not change my opinion about the bill, because the bill as passed by the House affects American citizens everywhere. The bill the Senate passed delineated and made a distinction between civil contempt, the purpose of which is to bring about compliance with an order, and criminal contempt, the purpose of which is to punish for a crime.

A criminal contempt has been held, in a court decision which I cited earlier today, to be a crime. Criminal contempt is a crime. The bill as passed by the House provides for punishment for criminal contempt and provides that a judge can try the case, in his discretion. The defendant does not get a jury trial for a criminal contempt unless the punishment goes beyond 45 days or beyond a $300 fine. I am not concerned about the people of South Carolina violating the voting rights of citizens, because I do not think anybody in South Carolina is violating anyone’s voting rights. I presume this bill is aimed chiefly at helping the Negroes, is it not, Senator?

Mr. KNOWLAND. No. The bill would be aimed at any American citizen, without regard to race, creed, or color, whose voting rights under the 15th amendment would be denied.

Mr. THURMOND. As a matter of fact, it is the Negro whom it is chiefly aimed to help. Is that not a fact?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I suppose most allegations of a denial of voting rights come from colored citizens of the United States, but I assume the same situation might apply to Indians, in some instances, or might apply to others who might be entitled, under the Constitution, to the right to vote; but it is not aimed at any one race or one section of the country. The Constitution, as the Senator well knows, and I think would not dispute, applies to all 48 States of the Union, and not merely to a part of the Union.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is correct, but I refer to the practical purpose of the bill. I understood that was so admitted, and one reason why the right of trial by jury was attempted to be taken away was that southern juries would not convict in cases involving the right of Negroes to vote.

For the Senator’s information, in my State I would like him to know that in the 1952 election President Eisenhower lacked just a few votes of carrying the State. The Negroes voted in heavy numbers. The Negro newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer, of Columbia, S. C., published by and for Negroes, bragged about the fact that they were responsible for winning the State for Stevenson. It said that more than 80,000 of them had voted in that election, and that represented about one-fourth of the entire votes cast in that general election. The Negroes of our State comprise only 40 percent of the population. If they voted to the extent of almost one-fourth of all the votes cast in that election—and they probably voted more, because they admitted they cast that many—think it is indicative that the Negroes are voting in large numbers. Of course, they are not so well qualified to vote as are the White people. I do not know of a Negro in South Carolina who is qualified and wants to vote who is denied that privilege. So Negroes are voting in my State.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I might say to the Senator I was in his State in 1952. I happened to travel with then General Eisenhower, who was a candidate for the presidency before he became President of the United States. I attended meetings with the President-to-be. The point I want to make perfectly clear is that I do not dispute the fact, as stated by the distinguished Senator, that a large number—perhaps a good majority—of the Negro citizens of this country or of his State may be registered Democrats. I think they may continue to vote for the Democratic ticket, so far as that is concerned. They may have been responsible, as the Senator says, for having carried South Carolina for Stevenson—

Mr. THURMOND. That is what they said.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Or, at least, that is what they said; but that would not change my viewpoint in the slightest, as a Republican, if they were entitled as American citizens to vote, even though they were responsible for the defeat of my party in that State. I might say that in the northern areas, the heavily populated areas, with large Negro populations, for the most part Negroes have voted the Democratic ticket, and generally for New Deal candidates, and it certainly is not politically advantageous to my party when they vote that way. That still would not change my viewpoint that, if they, are American citizens and if under the Constitution they are entitled to the right of any other citizen to vote, which the Constitution clearly gives them, both the Senate and the House, as well as the executive branch of the Government and the local public officials and the national public officials, have the responsibility to see that they are not denied the right to vote and to exercise their constitutional rights, whether the citizens may be predominantly Democratic, predominantly Republican, or predominantly Independent.

That point is not at issue here. The issue is whether they are entitled, under the qualifications of the State laws, and under the Constitution of the United States, to vote. If they are, they should be assured that every public official who raises his hand to support both the State and National Constitution has the responsibility to see that citizens get the right to vote when they want to exercise it. In this country, we do not have coerced voting, where citizens have to go to the polls. But if citizens want to do so, they should be allowed to do so, without any direct intimidation or without any of the more subtle, indirect intimidations or coercions which sometimes can be practiced, as the distinguished Senator knows.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator if he has had evidence presented to him which has convinced him that there is a need for this bill to be passed, in spite of all the laws the States have to protect the right to vote, and in spite of section 594 of the United States criminal code which protects the right to vote. Has the Senator ever had evidence presented to him that convinced him it is necessary to pass the bill, in spite of the laws of the States and the Federal statutes?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator if I did not feel that it was both necessary and desirable to pass the bill, I would not have supported it. I believe there have been sufficient facts presented to indicate that a bill of this type is both necessary and desirable.

I have never taken the position on the floor, or publicly or privately, in which I have made a blanket indictment and stated that southern juries would not convict, because I have the highest respect for the people of the South, for their responsibilities of citizenship, for their loyalty to this country, and for the fact that they have served in uniform side by side with citizens from other sections of the country in fighting off our enemies in the various struggles in which this Nation has been engaged. I have never suggested that there should be a blanket indictment of a whole people under any circumstances. I do not now say that the facts outlined by the Senator from South Carolina, with respect to his own State, are not correct. Of course, I do not know his State as well as does the Senator from South Carolina, but if he tells me that there are no cases where a person is deprived of his right to vote, where a Negro citizen, if he possesses precisely the same qualifications that would be expected of a white citizen—

Mr. THURMOND. None that I know about.

Mr. KNOWLAND. That he has exactly the same rights to register, exactly the same rights to vote, I take the Senator’s word for it, because I have great respect for him. I will say, however, that in the facts presented by the Attorney General’s office before the committee, relative to another State in the broad general area of the South—I might say the same thing might apply in an area of the North or the West, for that matter, because what we are seeking to protect is the rights of American citizens in all 48 States of the Union—it was shown that large numbers of persons who had been registered were purged from the registration rolls. The predominant number, if not all of the purgees, were members of the Negro race, with very few, if any, members of the white race. Purely on the law of averages, to a reasonable man, one would not have to be a lawyer to know that it does not seem to be a matter of chance. Then when they sought to re-register, according to the facts presented, the local registrar indicated, though there were several thousand of them, he could not register more than 50 a day. That meant those persons had to stand in line for long periods of time, which would naturally be a discouraging thing in trying to get back on the registration rolls.

There was used the apparently rather interesting and novel provision of verbal question. I doubt very much whether many, if any, Members of the Senate could have answered some of the questions which were asked. If a question was answered one way, that apparently was not the right answer. If the question was answered the other way, which any reasonable person might have done, that apparently was not the right answer. Perhaps the same position would have been taken by the local registrar if the citizen involved had been of any other race, but, again, to a reasonable person it seems that there was at least an effort made to discourage American citizens from exercising the right of franchise.

I again reiterate that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that occurrence did not take place in the State of South Carolina.

The Senator has made a very fine statement of the rights the citizens of his State enjoy. I think all Americans will rejoice in that fact. I want to say there is nothing in the proposal before the Senate which will in the least change the power of the States to prescribe the qualifications of their voters. They have that right under our Federal system. I think, however, the States have the obligation not merely to give lip service to, but to follow both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and that whenever such qualifications are prescribed, whatever they may be, they should be applied impartially and equitably to every American citizen, regardless of his race, color, creed, or previous condition of servitude.

Those are the words of the Constitution. Those are the words that every citizen occupying a position as a registrar, a county clerk, or a local voting commissioner has a full obligation to comply with. Such persons should not apply one rule to one group of citizens and a different rule to a different group of citizens. If they will apply the laws with equity and with impartiality, then they have nothing to fear in the slightest in the way of either civil or criminal contempt under this bill, at least in my judgment.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator from California one more question, and with that I will desist.

Although the Senator is not a lawyer, he is one of the best read men in the United States. I imagine he is an expert on the Constitution, also, because he is a very deep student.

I wonder how the Senator could agree to this compromise, which would deprive people in criminal contempt cases of the right to a trial by jury, when the Constitution is so clear on that point?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator that I will leave the matter to the lawyers, to debate later the specific point which the Senator mentions. I, at least, have heard of no section of the country where there is a provision for a trial by jury in an equity proceeding where there is a contempt of the court.

Mr. THURMOND. I am speaking of criminal contempt.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I know, but I am speaking also of a contempt of the court in carrying out its order in an equity proceeding.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to that I will say to the Senator I agree that in civil contempt cases under the present law the court has the right to use its power to bring about compliance with an order, in civil contempt cases. However, I am speaking of criminal contempt cases, which are provided for in the compromise bill. The bill provides for criminal contempt actions.

Criminal contempt is a crime. I have here a decision which sustains that point. Since criminal contempt is a crime, there is a right to a trial by jury.

The Constitution of the United States in article III., section 2, says this:
{{smaller block|The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases or Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; * * *.}}
The sixth amendment reads:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions—}}
That is what we are referring to. We refer to a criminal prosecution for criminal contempt. It is a prosecution by the judge, who is the prosecutor, the legislature, the judge, and the jury.

The court has held that criminal contempt is a crime, and the Constitution makes reference to all criminal prosecutions. We refer here to a criminal prosecution.

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, * * *.}}
And so forth.

In the seventh amendment to the Constitution there is also a reference to a jury trial. The amendment I have read is exactly to the point.

If the Senator had provided in the compromise bill that the judge could impose a sentence of imprisonment for 1 day—not 45 days, but even 1 day—or a fine of even $1 in a criminal-contempt case, he would be giving the judge the power to try a man without a jury in violation of the Constitution, even though the punishment would be negligible.

What I am opposed to is the fact that the compromise bill, the way it is written and the way it has come to the Senate, violates the Constitution of the United States. I am vitally concerned about that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the Senator will yield further, then I shall not interrupt him any more.

All I can say to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is that the highest law officers of the Government of the United States are the Attorney General of the United States and representatives of the Department of Justice. They, too, have sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States. The most able lawyers in the Department of Justice have looked over the proposed legislation, as well. In their judgment, it is constitutional and it does not violate the Constitution of the United States.

The Senator is entitled, of course, to make the assertion that in his judgment the provision is not constitutional. Such arguments come up even before the Supreme Court of the United States, as the distinguished Senator knows, from time to time, as well as before other courts. Sometimes the judges can agree by a unanimous vote as to what they think is constitutional or what they think is unconstitutional. However, over the long period of our history there have been many notable cases relative to the constitutionality of some act of Congress or the constitutional rights of some individual as to which the Supreme Court of the United States, which is the highest judicial tribunal of the land, has divided on a 5-to-4 decision.

The Senator’s assertion that the provision is not constitutional—I am sure the Senator would be the first to admit—does not make it unconstitutional. I quite admit that the assertion of any qualified lawyer on this side, who might make the assertion the provision was constitutional, would not, by that assertion, make it so. Nor would the opinion of the Attorney General make it so.

At least I do not want the record to show that merely by having the Senator make the assertion that in his judgment it is not constitutional, necessarily, ''ipso facto'', that assertion makes a fact.

Mr. THURMOND. Of course, we remember also that the Attorney General in the original bill wanted to transfer these matters to the equity side of the court to deprive citizens of the right of jury trial. We have to keep that in mind.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the distinguished Senator will yield further, I wish to thank him for his courtesy in yielding. I hope he has enjoyed our discussion as much as I have. I hope perhaps it has been a brief respite to him, under all the circumstances. I would stay to listen to the Senator, but I have a breakfast engagement with the President at the White House. I know under those circumstances the distinguished Senator will excuse me.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to yield to the distinguished Senator, for whom I have such high admiration.

Mr. President, I continue to read my statement:
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS GUARANTIES}}}}
{{smaller block|Before taking up specific provisions of several of the bills pending before the committee, I should like to read for you two of the basic provisions in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|The ninth amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”}}
{{smaller block|The 10th amendment to the Constitution provides:}}
{{smaller block|“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”}}
{{smaller block|Those last two amendments of the Bill of Rights make clear the intent of the Founding Fathers. Their intent was that all rights not specifically listed, and all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government, would be held inalienable by the States, and the people.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|BILL OF RIGHTS UNALTERED}}}}
{{smaller block|This basic concept of the Bill of Rights has never been constitutionally amended, no matter what the Federal courts have done, no matter what the executive branch of the Federal Government has done, and no matter what the Congress might have done or attempted to do in the past. The people and the States still retain all rights not specifically delegated to the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|Let us also consider these proposals from a practical standpoint.}}
{{smaller block|What could be accomplished by a Federal law embodying provisions which are already on the statute books of the States that cannot be accomplished by the State laws? I fail to see that any benefit could come from the enactment of Federal laws duplicating State statutes which guarantee the rights of citizens. Certainly the enactment of still other laws not approved by the States could result only in greater unrest than has been created by the recent decisions of the Federal courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|MR. DOOLEY WAS RIGHT}}}}
{{smaller block|The truth is very much as Mr. Dooley, the writer-philosopher, stated it many years ago, that the Supreme Court follows the election returns.}}
{{smaller block|If he were alive today, I believe Mr. Dooley would note also that the election returns follow the Supreme Court.}}
{{smaller block|And now it looks as if some people are trying to follow both the Supreme Court and the election returns. Having made these general comments, I would like to comment specifically on some of the pending proposals. First, on the proposal for the establishment of a Commission on Civil Rights.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|COMMISSION UNNEEDED}}}}
{{smaller block|There is absolutely no reason for the establishment of such a commission. The Congress and its committees can perform all of the investigative functions which would come within the sphere of constitutional authority.}}
{{smaller block|I do not believe the members of any commission, however established, could represent the views of the people of this country as well as the Members of Congress can. I hope that the members of this committee and the Members of the Congress will not permit themselves to be persuaded that anyone else can look after the problems of the people any better, or as well, as the Congress can.}}
{{smaller block|Furthermore, there is no justification for an investigation in this field.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will recommend against the establishment of such a commission.}}
{{smaller block|Another bill would provide for an additional Assistant Attorney General to head a department given by the Attorney General last year. I have searched the testimony given by the Attorney General last year before the committees of the Congress with regard to this proposal, and I have found no valid reason why an additional Assistant Attorney General is needed.}}
{{smaller block|I can understand how an additional Assistant Attorney General might be needed if the Congress were to approve a Civil Rights Division and enact some of the other proposals in the so-called civil-rights bills. But they are proposals not dealing with criminal offenses—they deal with efforts of the Justice Department to enter into civil actions against citizens.}}
{{smaller block|If the Justice Department is permitted to go into the various States to stir up and agitate persons to seek injunctions and to enter suits against their neighbors, then the Attorney General might need another assistant. However, the Justice Department should avoid civil litigation, instead of seeking to promote it.}}
{{smaller block|I hope the members of this committee will recognize this proposal as one which could turn neighbor against neighbor, and will treat it as it deserves by voting against it.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|WORSE THAN ''EX POST FACTO''}}}}
{{smaller block|Another proposal of the so-called civil-rights bills is closely related to the one I have just discussed. It would provide that—}}
{{smaller block|“Whenever any persons have engaged or about to engage in any acts or practices which would give rise to a cause of action * * * the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States but for the benefit of the real party in interest, a civil action or other proper proceeding or redress or preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order.”}}
{{smaller block|Now that proposal is one which I would label as even more insidious than any ''ex post facto'' law which could possibly be imagined.}}
{{smaller block|An ''ex post facto'' law would at least apply to some real act committed by a person which was not in violation of law at the time. The point is, however, in such instance the person would actually have committed the act.}}
{{smaller block|This proposal would permit the Justice Department to secure an injunction from a Federal judge or to institute a civil suit on behalf of some person against a second person when the latter had committed no act at all. An injunction might be secured from a Federal judge charging a violation of the law without any evidence that a person even intended to do so.}}
{{smaller block|How any person could support by oath a charge as to whether another person was about to engage in violating the law is beyond my understanding.}}
{{smaller block|Many of the pioneers who settled this new continent came because they wanted to escape the tyranny of European despots. They wanted their families to live in a new land where everybody could be guaranteed the right to trial by jury, instead of the decrees of dictators.}}
{{smaller block|Congress, as the directly elected representatives of the people, should be the last to consider depriving the people of jury trials. We should never consider it at all. But, if this proposal to strengthen the civil-rights statutes is approved, that would be its effect.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|AGENTS COULD MEDDLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Under this provision, the Attorney General could dispatch his agents throughout the land. They would be empowered to meddle with private business, police elections, intervene in private lawsuits, and breed litigation generally. They would keep our people in a constant state of apprehension and harassment. Liberty quickly perishes under such government, as we have seen it perish in foreign nations.}}
{{smaller block|A further provision of that same proposal would permit the bypassing of State authorities in such cases. The Federal district courts would take over original jurisdiction, regardless of administrative remedies, and the right of appeal to the State courts.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATE COURTS STRIPPED}}}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and vest the Federal courts with that authority.}}
{{smaller block|Still another proposal among the so-called civil-rights bills would “provide a means of further securing and protecting the right to vote.” I have had a search made of the laws of all 48 States and the right to vote is protected by law in every State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION PROTECTS VOTER}}}}
{{smaller block|In South Carolina, my own State, the constitution of 1895 provides in article III., section 5, that the general assembly shall provide by law for crimes against the election laws and, further, for right of appeal to the State supreme court for any person denied registration.}}
{{smaller block|The South Carolina election statute spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court. It also requires a special session of the court if no session is scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|Article II., section 15 of South Carolina’s constitution, provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State.}}
{{smaller block|In pursuance of the constitutional provisions, the South Carolina General Assembly has passed laws to punish anyone who shall threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. Anyone who violates any of the provisions in regard to general, special, or primary elections, is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|In this proposed Federal bill to “protect the right to vote,” a person could be prosecuted or an injunction obtained against him based on surmise as to what he might be about to do. The bill says that the Attorney General may institute proceedings against a person who has engaged or “is about to engage in” any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege concerned with voting.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|UNCONSTITUTIONAL AMENDING}}}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enactment of such legislation as these proposals would be to alter our form of government, without following the procedures established by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|I believe the effect of enacting these bills into law would be to take from the States power and authority guaranteed to them by the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|In recent years there have been more and more assaults by the Federal Government on the rights of the States, as the Federal Government has seized power held by the States. In many instances, I believe, this has been done without a constitutional basis.}}
{{smaller block|The States have lost prestige. But more important, the States have lost a part of their sovereignty whenever the Federal Government has taken over additional responsibilities. That loss might seem unimportant at the time, but gradually it could become a major part of the sovereignty of the States.}}
{{smaller block|Officials of the Federal Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or the judicial branch, should not forget to whom they owe their allegiance. Each of us owes his allegiance to the Constitution and to the people—not to any agency, department, or person. We have taken an oath to support and defend the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|We must take into account the facts as they really are, and not be panicked by the organized pressures which so often beset public officials.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|STATES CREATED UNION}}}}
{{smaller block|We must not lose sight of the fact that the States created the Federal Union; the Federal Government did not create the States.}}
{{smaller block|All of the powers held by the Federal Government were delegated to it by the States in the Constitution. The Federal Government had no power, and should have no power, which was not granted by the States in the constitution.}}
{{smaller block|If this Congress approves the legislation embodied in the bills pending before the committee, it will be an unwarranted attempt to seize power not rightfully held by the Congress or by any branch of the Federal Government.}}
{{smaller block|I hope this committee will consider these facts and recommend the disapproval of these bills.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement I made before the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives on February 26.

Mr. President, on August 6 I made my third address on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced my vigorous objections to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127, as amended by the Senate, which was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of this bill.

I shall now repeat my several objections to this milder form of the bill as I stated them on August 6. These were my words at that time:
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I am opposed to the creation of a Commission on Civil Rights as proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127.}}
{{smaller block|To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a Commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, such an investigation should be conducted by the States or by an appropriate committee of the Congress, acting within the jurisdiction of Congressional authority. It should not be done by a commission.}}
{{smaller block|I also object to part I. of H. R. 6127 because of the fact that it places duties upon the Commission and endows it with powers which no governmental commission should have.}}
{{smaller block|In fact, Mr. President, the language of the bill proposing to establish this Commission is so broad and so general that it may encompass more evils than have yet been detected in it.}}
{{smaller block|Under its duties and powers the Commission would be able to subpena citizens to appear before it to answer questions on many subjects outside the scope of elections and voting rights.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(1) Investigate allegations in writing under oath or affirmation that certain citizens of the United States are being deprived of their right to vote and have that vote counted by reason of their color, race, religion, or national origin; which writing, under oath or affirmation, shall set forth the facts upon which such belief or beliefs are based.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, the bill, in part IV., contains an additional protection of the voting right of citizens above and beyond present State and Federal laws. Provision is made for enforcement of part IV., and there were already sufficient enforcement provisions to carry out the intent of the existing State and Federal laws. I do not see how a commission could enhance officers nor the powers of law enforcement officers nor the enforcement and punitive authority of the courts.}}
{{smaller block|I can see no valid reason why a commission should be created, in addition to the legal enforcement procedures, unless the purpose is for the Commission to stir up litigation among our people.}}
{{smaller block|This bill has been advertised, promoted, and ballyhooed as a right-to-vote bill. However, I want to cite two paragraphs which give broad authority for investigations other than alleged violations of a person’s right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—}}
{{smaller block|“(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|“(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|Instead of limiting the power of the Commission, these two paragraphs provide it with ''carte blanche'' authority to probe into and meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals which the Commission and members of its staff could conjure up.}}
{{smaller block|I want to call particular attention to a divergence in language between paragraphs 2 and 3. Paragraph 2 refers to a study of “legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection.” Paragraph 3 says “appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection.”}}
{{smaller block|The significant thing here is the omission of the specific intent of paragraph 2. Although the language of paragraph 2 is obscure and omits a governmental reference, it obviously must refer to State and local governments, else it would be redundant and have no meaning at all.}}
{{smaller block|Also, as I pointed out, investigations conducted under paragraphs 2 and 3 could go far afield from the question of voting rights. The Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools, and elsewhere, under the authorization of these two paragraphs. Combining its authority to investigate on an unlimited scale and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions, the Commission would have a powerful weapon.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I do not believe the people of this country realize the virtually unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. While the Commission would have no power to implement its desires, I do not believe the people of this country want such a totalitarian type of persuasion imposed upon them.}}
{{smaller block|Part I. of H. R. 6127 purports to create a Civil Rights Commission. Actually, it would create a traveling investigation commission.}}
{{smaller block|Section 103(b) of part I. also would place tremendous power within the grasp of the Attorney General with reference to members of the Commission “otherwise in the service of the Government.” The clear implication is that whoever drafted this scheme to send traveling agents over the country intended to make use of certain members of the executive branch of the Federal Government. I don’t believe it would be necessary to look further than the Justice Department to determine where Commission members already in Government service would be secured. By placing his employees on the Commission, the Attorney General would transform the traveling agents into an additional investigative arm of the Justice Department.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I next call attention to the potential abuse found in section 102(g) under the innocuous title, “Rules of Procedure of the Commission.” That section provides that “no evidence or testimony taken in executive session may be released or used in public sessions without the consent of the Commission. Whoever releases or uses in public without the consent of the Commission evidence or testimony taken in executive session shall be fined not more than $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 1 year.”}}
{{smaller block|In an editorial of July 26, 1957, the Washington Post very correctly pointed out how this section could be used to imprison reporters and other citizens for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them.}}
{{smaller block|This editorial provides a penetrating and enlightening criticism of this section. Because of its pertinency and fine analysis, I shall read the last three paragraphs of the editorial which is entitled “Open Rights Hearings,” which states:}}
{{smaller block|“The bill contains an invitation to the Commission to operate behind closed doors. It provides that ‘if the Commission determines that evidence or testimony at any hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, it shall * * * receive such evidence or testimony in executive session * * *.’ Some closed sessions may be necessary to avoid unfair reflections upon individuals, but these should certainly be an exception to the general rule. In our opinion, this section ought to be rewritten in more positive vein to provide that sessions of the Commission should be open to the public, unless it should find that closed hearings were essential to avoid unfairness.}}
{{smaller block|“The House also wrote into the bill a dangerous section providing for the fining or imprisonment for not more than 1 year of anyone who might ‘release or use in public,’ without the consent of the Commission, any testimony taken behind closed doors. If the Commission should choose to operate under cover, without any valid reason to do so, newspaper reporters and other citizens could be jailed for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them. This is a penalty that has been shunned even in matters affecting national security. Such a provision is an invitation to abuse and a serious menace to the right of the people to know about the activities of governmental agencies.}}
{{smaller block|“It is well to remember that this would not be merely a study commission. In addition it would be under obligation to investigate allegations that persons were being deprived of their rights under the 14th and 15th amendments. It could subpena witnesses and documents and appeal to the courts for enforcement of such edicts. Its powers would be such that it should be held to scrupulous rules of fairness. To encourage the Commission to operate in secret, and then to penalize news mediums and citizens for disclosing what should have been public in the first place, would be the sort of mistake that Congress ought to avoid at the outset.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I think the points made in the editorial are clear and valid. Secrecy in the activities of such a Commission could only lead to a denial of the rights of an individual rather than to protection of his rights.}}
{{smaller block|Another subject which must not be passed over is the subpena power of the Commission. Section 105(f) provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the production of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding Commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Neither would the power contained in section 105(g) which provides that Federal courts shall have the power, upon application by the Attorney General, to issue “an order requiring” a witness to answer a subpena of the Commission and “any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.”}}
{{smaller block|The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority of the traditional American factfinding commission. I look with suspicion upon such a Commission so endowed with authority, and I object to its establishment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to discuss another reason, briefly, why I would be opposed to the establishment of the Commission proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127. Every appropriation bill which has come before the Senate this year has been reduced by the Senate below the budget request. The people of this country have called upon the Members of Congress to reduce the costs of government, not to increase them by creating new agencies or commissions.}}
{{smaller block|The advocates of the Commission might argue that the cost of its operation would not be great, but nowhere in the records of the hearings have I found an estimate of what the total cost would be. If the Commission were to exist only for the 2 years provided in the bill, the compensation and ''per diem'' allowance of Commission members would amount to more than a quarter of a million dollars, not counting their travel allowances.}}
{{smaller block|Since there is no limitation on the number of personnel which might be appointed by the Commission, there is no way to estimate the ultimate cost of personnel salaries and expenses. Since the Commission is designed to travel over the country at will, very heavy travel expenses undoubtedly would be incurred.}}
{{smaller block|The taxpayers would never know how many of their tax dollars were wasted by virtue of the seemingly innocuous language in section 105(e). Unknown, concealed costs are not, however, the only dangers lurking in that subsection. A serious departure from sound legislative procedure is also involved.}}
{{smaller block|In the past, when creating an agency or commission, Congress retained control of its creation by the appropriation power. This is a wonderful check, Mr. President, against the abuse or misuse of Commission authority. Scrupulous care should be taken to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|However, section 105(e) provides that “all Federal agencies shall cooperate fully with the Commission to the end that it may effectively carry out its functions and duties.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the Civil Rights Commission could call on the other governmental agencies to perform many of its tasks. Congressional control over the Commission would be much less than if the Commission had to depend on its own appropriations and would not be permitted to use the resources of other agencies. Once the commission is created, only another law can check its activity during the period of its existence.}}
{{smaller block|Another thing that concerns me about this Commission is the fact that once a Government agency or commission is established, nothing else on earth so nearly approaches eternal existence as that Government agency or commission. Mr. President, I feel that the 2-year limitation placed upon the Commission in this bill would simply be a starting point, and the people of this country should realize that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|With further reference to section 104(a), I want to point out the use of the mandatory word shall. This word requires the Commission to investigate all sworn allegations submitted to the Commission of any citizen allegedly being deprived of his right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|But the provision neglects to require that such allegations be submitted by parties in interest—not simply by some meddler who seeks to create trouble between other persons. This is another provision of this bill similar to section 131(c) which would permit the Attorney General to make the United States a party to a case without the consent of the party actually involved.}}
{{smaller block|Another objection to 104(a) is that under this provision a person could make an allegation to the Commission against a person who was not even a citizen of the same State. Even so, under the mandatory language of section 104(a), the Commission would be required to make an investigation of the charges.}}
{{smaller block|Since the Commission is limited by section 102(k) to subpenaing witnesses to hearings only within the State of residence of the witness, there would be no opportunity in such a situation for the accused to confront his accuser. Charges against a person should not be accepted by the Commission unless the accuser is a citizen of the same State as the person he is charging with a violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|Also, Mr. President, once the Commission has received the sworn allegation, there is no requirement that other testimony received relating to the allegation be taken under oath. Failure to make all persons giving testimony subject to perjury prosecutions in the event they testify to falsehoods would surely destroy the value of any such testimony received.}}
{{smaller block|The Commission could and might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony; but I should not like to see the Senate leave that point to the discretion of the Commission because, in my judgment, the Congress should require that practice to be followed.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, as I stated earlier, it is my view that an inquiry into the field of civil rights, or so-called civil rights, is entirely unnecessary at this time. The laws of the States and the Federal laws are being enforced effectively.}}
{{smaller block|Should there come a time when information might be needed on this subject, the Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with deliberation and care. The appropriate committees of the Congress itself should hold hearings limited to the jurisdiction of the Congress, and the Congress should make its own determination as to the need for legislation.}}
{{smaller block|There is no present indication that any such study will be needed.}}
{{smaller block|Part II. of the bill still provides for the appointment of one additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. As I have stated in previous addresses, there is absolutely no need for an additional Attorney General to be appointed at a cost to the taxpayers of $20,000 per year.}}
{{smaller block|Of course, that would merely be a small part of the total cost because a large staff of lawyers would also be employed.}}
{{smaller block|The other provisions of the bill do not necessitate the establishment of a civil-rights division in the Justice Department, because there is no indication there would be any substantial increase in such cases with which the Department should be concerned.}}
{{smaller block|As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have admitted time and again here in the Senate that there has been a steady decrease in the number of civil-rights cases throughout the country.}}
{{smaller block|Since there has been a decrease in civil-rights cases, and since there is no indication that any increase should be expected, I can see absolutely no reason for the expansion of the present civil-rights section of the Justice Department into a Civil Rights Division with an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the fact that sufficient justification has not been presented for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, I hope the Senate will not approve such additional expenditures as would be required for this purpose. In my opinion, the Attorney General has failed entirely to show a need for an additional assistant.}}
{{smaller block|Part III. of the bill as amended has been thoroughly discussed and I shall not dwell on that at this time.}}
{{smaller block|Part IV., which is the section dealing with what the advocates of the bill have said was the entire purpose of the bill, still has provisions which are objectionable to me. Section 131(c) still contains language which, to me, borders on an effort at thought control instead of providing an unneeded additional guaranty of the right to vote. Also, it gives the Attorney General undue authority. The section reads as follows:}}
{{smaller block|“(c) Whenever any person has engaged, or there are reasonable grounds to believe that any person is about to engage, in any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege secured by subsection (a) or (b), the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States, a civil action or other proper proceeding for preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order. In any proceeding hereunder the United States shall be liable for costs the same as a private person.”}}
{{smaller block|As long ago as February 26, when I appeared before the special Judiciary Subcommittee of the House of Representatives to testify against pending civil-rights bills, I expressed my opposition to the language contained in the section I. have just quoted. I do not believe it possible for the Attorney General, for any of his representatives, or for anybody else to determine what is in another person’s mind and whether he is about to engage in some violation of the law.}}
{{smaller block|If the Attorney General should attempt to ascertain what is going on in the minds of other persons, he will need soothsayers and prophets instead of an additional Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|I object to this language because I do not believe it possible for any witness to testify truthfully that he knows another person was about to violate the law, unless some overt action had been taken by the accused person.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, an attempt to apply this provision against American citizens would be completely out of keeping with the guaranties of personal freedom contained in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights.}}
{{smaller block|I object also to the authority granted the Attorney General in section (c) to “institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States,” a civil action or other court proceeding on behalf of a person without the consent of that person. Individuals have adequate legal remedies which they themselves may institute on their own behalf. It is not necessary to give the Attorney General this extreme power of absolute discretion to be exercised as he desires on behalf of some individual who may not wish to take court action or to have anybody else take such action on his behalf.}}
{{smaller block|If one of the duties of the proposed additional Assistant Attorney General would be to seek out persons and insist upon entering the courts on their behalf, this provision, combined with part II., provides another objection to the appointment of an Assistant Attorney General.}}
{{smaller block|The American system has never condoned the idea that a third party should stir up trouble between two other persons. Instead, the American system abhors troublemakers, especially when troublemaking takes the form of barratry. This form of troublemaking has been looked down upon much in the same way other lawyers look down upon their colleagues who chase ambulances.}}
{{smaller block|The United States Government should not be placed in this position of disrepute and certainly it should not be called upon to bear the expenses of such court proceedings.}}
{{smaller block|Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which provides that—}}
{{smaller block|“(b) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.”}}
{{smaller block|No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States, should not be exhausted prior to Federal district courts taking jurisdiction in election-law violations.}}
{{smaller block|This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 have spoken out strongly on behalf of the Federal courts during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.}}
{{smaller block|There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them.}}
{{smaller block|The laws of all the 48 States contain provisions protecting the right to vote. No additional protection is needed beyond existing State and Federal laws.}}
{{smaller block|In my own State of South Carolina, the constitution of 1895 required the general assembly to provide by law for the punishment of crimes against the election laws. That has been done. The State constitution further required a provision to permit a person to appeal to the State supreme court if he should be denied registration. The election law spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court, and requires that the court hold a special session if one is not scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.}}
{{smaller block|South Carolina’s constitution also provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State. In pursuance of this constitutional provision, the South Carolina General Assembly has enacted laws for the punishment of anyone who threatens, mistreats, or abuses any voter in an effort to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. These laws apply to all elections. Anyone who violates these laws is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, in view of the existing laws of the States and the existing Federal laws, I now contend, as I have contended since the so-called civil-rights bills were introduced, that any qualified voter in the United States is fully protected in his right of suffrage.}}
{{smaller block|This bill, H. R. 6127, is unnecessary. It is an encroachment upon the rights of the States, and it infringes upon the rights of individuals when the Attorney General is empowered to take action on the behalf of any person without his consent.}}
{{smaller block|I believe this bill should be rejected, because of the various unnecessary and unconstitutional provisions which I have discussed.}}
{{smaller block|Part V. of the bill, which was added to insure and provide for trial by jury in proceedings to punish criminal contempts, is an amendment which I approved and voted for, but I do not consider it as strong as desirable. In my opinion, the bill which the senior Senators from Mississippi and Virginia and I introduced in the Senate last March should be approved, to provide best for the right of trial by jury for every American citizen.}}
{{smaller block|However, the addition of part V. to the bill makes it much less objectionable than the bill would have been without the assurance of trial by jury in criminal-contempt proceedings contained in part V.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. President, I want to reiterate my previous assertions that this bill is unnecessary, and in some respects unconstitutional.}}
{{smaller block|H. R. 6127 in its original form carried the label of being a right-to-vote bill; but when we unwrapped the package here in the Senate and examined it carefully, as we have, we found the label was entirely misleading.}}
{{smaller block|The so-called civil-rights bill should have been entitled “A bill to empower the Attorney General to deprive certain citizens of their right to trial by jury.” Also, it should have been labeled as an implement intended to be used to force integration of the races in the public schools.}}
{{smaller block|Happily, we examined the contents of the package, stripped off the old label, and advertised the deception so that every citizen could recognize the dangers wrapped in the package.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments which have been enacted have reduced the power which was intended to be placed in the hands of the Attorney General. They have removed the authority for the use of military forces in cases of alleged civil-rights violations. They have made the proposed Commission answerable to Congress as well as to the President, and have provided for the members to be subject to confirmation by the Senate. They have better defined and narrowed the powers of Federal judges in contempt proceedings. All of these amendments have vastly ameliorated the original obnoxiousness of H. R. 6127. However, nothing could entirely remove the objectionable features of this packaged bill of goods, submitted to the American people under a deceptive label.}}
{{smaller block|I shall vote against passage of H. R. 6127, because I believe that in so doing I shall be casting a vote for the preservation of our liberties, and for the preservation of constitutional government in this country.}}
Mr. President, that was the statement which I made on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced vigorous objection to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127 as amended by the Senate.

Of course, the Senate bill was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of the bill.

Mr. President, I now wish to discuss part IV. of H. R. 6127 and the 15th amendment to the Constitution.
{{smaller block|PART IV.—TO PROVIDE MEANS OF FURTHER SECURING AND PROTECTING THE RIGHT TO VOTE}}
Part IV. of the proposed civil-rights bill confers on the Attorney General the right to bring civil action and seek an injunction in a Federal district in the name of the United States if he believes any person is violating or about to violate either of two laws presently existing for the protection of voters.

Let us examine the two laws the Attorney General seeks to enforce by civil suit or injunction.

The first of these laws, presently appearing as section 2004 of the Revised Statutes of 1874—title 42, United States Code, section 1971—is actually section 1 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870—Sixteenth United States Statutes at Large, page 140. This bill, S. 810 and H. R. 1293, passed the respective Houses of Congress without debate on its merits under the rule on motion. This bill as it passed Congress contained in its second section a definite provision that civil damages to the aggrieved might be recovered through civil suit in the Federal courts. Furthermore, it provided for the obtaining of political office by civil suit through ''quo'' warrant proceedings in Federal courts.

On May 20, 1870, an attempt was made in the Senate to allow third parties to sue in behalf of the aggrieved party. This is the same proposal contained in the present bill whereby the Attorney General would be allowed to bring civil action and seek injunctions.

Even this radical 41st Congress would not accept any such proposition providing double penalties. The proposition in the present bill would provide double penalties because present law contained in both title 18, Section 242—Deprivation of Rights Under Color of Law—and title 42, Section 1971—Race, Color, or Previous Condition Not To Affect Right to Vote—afford appropriate criminal and civil remedy.

To show how the Senate in 1870 rejected such an idea of double penalties, let us examine the colloquy in the Senate on the proposal to allow someone other than the aggrieved to bring civil suit—Congressional Globe, volume 93, 41st Congress, 2d session, 1870, pages 3563–3564:
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I understand I am in order in offering to amend the amendment.}}
{{smaller block|The {{sc|Presiding Officer}}. The amendment to the amendment is in order.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I will repeat it, then, for the information of the Senate. I move to amend the Senate bill in section 2, line 15, by striking out the words “the person aggrieved thereby” and inserting “any person who shall sue for the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. I hope that this amendment will not be agreed to. There are now two views taken of this branch of the bill as it stands. One is that there ought not to be any provision at all for the party aggrieved; that it ought all to be out; and another view is that taken by my friend from Alabama, that it does not go far enough; that we ought not to confine this redress to the person whose vote is refused. The committee considered both those views, and thought, in analogy to State legislation and to the simple proprieties of justice, that this middle ground was the true one.}}
{{smaller block|If a voter is deprived of his right to vote by the misconduct of an official, it is a personal grievance to him, an actionable injury, for which all civilized laws give him redress in some form. It is true that in most States and countries no specific amount of damages is allowed, for the reason that it is thought safer, inasmuch as that might be a matter of speculation, to leave it under the circumstances of each case to be great or small, as a jury shall think it wise to make it. But in applying the 15th amendment, which is intended to secure the rights of a large class of the population of the United States, and to secure their rights in courts which may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, by juries who may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, in communities where the local officers are found to be those who deny the rights that the 15th amendment secures, we thought it wise not to leave it to an unfriendly jury to give only 1 penny damages, if a man under the 15th amendment was deprived of a right he had, but to fix the sum the party should be entitled to recover as his damages; and on the other hand, in a community where juries might be very favorable to the party aggrieved, we thought it right to impose upon juries a limit above which they ought not to go; so that they should not either give no damages at all nor excessive damages.}}
{{smaller block|This branch of the section, therefore, is framed upon that theory. It is to give to the person aggrieved, as damages for the deprivation of his rights as a citizen, a private right of his own, a right to sue, which all laws give; it would not be necessary to put that into the statute—he would have the right of action; but to fix the amount for each specific wrong to him {{SIC|whch|which}} he should be entitled to recover. Then we provide in another part of the bill, and perhaps in the same section, just as we ought to do if we are to have any law at all, that the officer guilty of this wrong to the citizen is also guilty of an offense against the public, a criminal misdemeanor, for which he may be indicted and fined, of course within certain limits, in the discretion of the court. I submit to my friend from Alabama whether, on the whole, this middle ground, which is defensible both by philosophy and by analogy, is not the true one.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I desire to make this bill as effective for the purpose intended as possible. The persons who will be aggrieved, particularly in our section of the country, will in the main be ignorant and timid persons, who will be afraid to sue. The fact that they may be afraid to go to the polls and vote is evidence that they will not perhaps have the courage and fearlessness to sue; but there may be some third party who would be willing to enforce the penalty. I think in the great majority of cases the person aggrieved would not avail himself of this provision.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Then, I suggest to my friend that he would not be entitled to any action at all under this section, because this is not a section to give every man $500 who is afraid to offer to do what he has a right to do; but it is to give him as damages the sum of $500 for a positive and specific denial to him of the exercise of a right that he attempts to exercise; otherwise, he would have no cause of action. You cannot give a right of action to anybody because he is intimidated. The intimidation part of the law must be purely criminal, and is found in another part of the bill.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. But my amendment would give a remedy by enabling any other person than the party aggrieved to enforce the penalty. The party aggrieved I think in most cases would fail to enforce it; but some other party might.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Some other party may in his name.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I desire to say a word in regard to the particular amendment now pending. This bill is for the purpose of enforcing the 15th amendment, which applies to colored voters, most of whom reside in the section of the country from which the Senator from Alabama and myself come. The great and most effectual means used to interfere with their exercise of the right secured to them by the 15th amendment is by intimidation, by violence. I think that the penalty which is named in this second section, to be enforced by the party aggrieved, would never be put into operation at all. The purpose of the bill is to protect those citizens against intimidation from voting.}}
{{smaller block|I confess that there is something in the suggestion of the Senator from Vermont, that there is no intimidation in this particular section aimed at. But, sir, it is perfectly sure that the very same means of intimidation which prevents a colored citizen from voting will be resorted to to prevent him from bringing this penal action, and unless the section is amended as suggested by the Senator from Alabama, I do not believe that an action will ever be brought in those States, because it is much more difficult for one of those citizens to bring and maintain a criminal action than it is for him to perform the single act of voting.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Will my friend permit me to make a suggestion right there?}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. Certainly.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. If you take out this penalty, as it is called, really liquidated damages, from the person who is aggrieved, whose right is denied, and who has suffered injury, and give it to anybody who will sue for it, it becomes a pure penalty. Then the question is, whether you can have a bill which contains double penalties; whether you are to punish, in the strict sense of punishment, a man twice for the same offense; because my friend will see that the section, in addition to giving these damages to the party aggrieved as damages, makes it a criminal misdemeanor, punishable on indictment and conviction by a fine of not less than $500 and imprisonment not less than a month nor more than a year. I suggest to my friend, who is a cultivated and educated lawyer, whether he would not in court find himself in great difficulty with a bill of double penalties, which were purely such.}}
{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I have never examined that question under the laws of the United States. I only know that is frequently done in my own State. We have statutes with double penalties, as referred to by the Senator, and we have never had any difficulty in that State with regard to them.}}
{{smaller block|But I understood the committee to mean by this section that there was danger in the States where it is principally to apply of not being able to obtain a grand jury who will find a bill of indictment, and that in the event no bill of indictment could be found before a grand jury the party aggrieved, or, if amended as the Senator from Alabama suggests, any person in the community may still punish the offender by bringing a penal action. It seems I had mistaken the purpose of the committee entirely from what is said by the Senator from Vermont. I think, nevertheless, the amendment had better be made, unless there really be that legal objection which the Senator suggests as to double penalties, so that it could not, under the laws of the United States and the practice of the United States courts, be enforced. If that were so, it would be conclusive that the amendment ought not to be adopted. I did not understand the Senator as expressing the positive opinion that such could not be done.}}
Now, Mr. President, I shall discuss injunctions issuing from Federal district judges on the question of a person’s qualification for voting.

The civil-rights bill in part IV. confers on the district courts of the United States jurisdiction to issue injunctions in civil-rights actions and it is to be assumed that these injunctions will concern, among other supposed rights, the right to vote.

Actually appropriate remedy already exists where a person’s civil rights are violated. Section 242 of title 18, United States Code, provides a penalty and damages may be recovered in a civil action. The West Virginia Jehovah’s Witnesses case is a typical example of adequate remedy existing in such cases. In this case, the United States attorney was unable to get an indictment by the grand jury. He therefore proceeded to prosecute by information, as provided by rule 7(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and subsequently got a conviction. The information charged that two public officers, acting under color of law, had willfully deprived their victims of the Federal rights of free speech, freedom of religion, the right not to be deprived of liberty without due process of law, and the right to equal protection of the laws. The conviction was upheld by the United States court of appeals—''Catlette'' v. ''U. S.'' ((1943) 132 F. 2d 902). Civil suits were brought by the Witnesses against their prosecutors—those who had deprived them of their rights—and a settlement was made totaling $1,170 in damages which was paid.

How can the Congress vest jurisdiction in Federal courts to determine the qualifications of voters and allow Federal judges to issue injunctions in effect requiring that certain persons—the judge thinks are qualified—shall be registered and allowed to vote?

The qualifications of voters are fixed and enumerated in the constitution of each sovereign State. For purposes of determining who is entitled to vote in each State for United States Representatives and Senators, the Federal Constitution simply adopts such qualifications as the State has fixed for voting for members of that State’s legislature.

The language of article I., section 2, clause 3 of the United States Constitution reads:
{{smaller block|The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.}}
Similarly, the 17th amendment adopts for the purpose of electing United States Senators such qualifications as the States have fixed:
{{smaller block|The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 2 Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for 6 years; and each Senator shall have 1 vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.}}
In the fixing of qualifications of voters the States are limited only by the 15th amendment and the 19th amendment in that the right to vote may not be denied because of race or color or sex, respectively.

That the respective States determine who are entitled to vote has never been seriously controverted. The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly declared that the right to vote comes from the State. In declaring sections 3 and 4 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, unconstitutional, the Supreme Court in 1875 said—''U. S.'' v. ''Reese'' ((1875) 92 U. S. 214, 217, 218); also ''Butts'' v. ''Merchants and Miners Transportation Co.'' ((1913) 230 U. S. 126):
{{smaller block|The 15th amendment does not confer the right of suffrage upon anyone. It prevents the States, or the United States, however, from giving preference, in this particular, to one citizen of the United States over another on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Before its adoption, this could be done. It was as much within the power of a State to exclude citizens of the United States from voting on account of race, etc., as it was on account of age, one race having certain qualifications are permitted by law to vote, those of another having the same qualifications must be. Previous to this amendment, there was no constitutional guaranty against this discrimination; now there is. It follows that the amendment has invested the citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. This, under the express provisions of the second section of the amendment, Congress may enforce by appropriate legislation.}}
This leads us to inquire whether the act now under consideration is appropriate legislation for that purpose. The power of Congress to legislate at all upon the subject of voting at State elections rests upon this amendment. The effect of article I., section 4, of the Constitution, in respect to elections for Senators and Representatives, is not now under consideration. It has not been contended, nor can it be, that the amendment confers authority to impose penalties for every wrongful refusal to receive the vote of a qualified elector at State elections. It is only when the wrongful refusal at such an election is because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, that Congress can interfere, and provide for its punishment: If, therefore, the third and fourth sections of the act are beyond that limit, they are unauthorized.}}
Thus, if the 15th amendment has not conferred the right to vote upon anyone, how can Congress give a Federal judge authority to confer that right by injunction?

The Attorney General knows that it is a settled principle of law that an injunction will not issue to prevent a crime. At the present time the laws governing enforcement of civil rights are criminal statutes and as such he seeks to have them reenacted as civil statutes so he can secure injunctions. An injunction is really a serious proposition.

Actually an injunction is a proceeding in equity and not of law and under this principle since all of the States have adequate procedure for determining the qualifications of voters in courts of law, injunctions cannot issue in such cases.

An injunction is actually the giving of validity to a judge’s own individual opinion. The injunction had its origin during the reign of Henry VIII., when Cardinal Wolsey augmented the authority of the Court of Chancery in exercising his equitable authority over everything that could be a matter of judicial inquiry. Both Wolsey and his successor, Sir Thomas More, were severely criticized by the English judiciary for issuing injunctions in equity and thereby substituting their individual opinions for the verdict of a jury in a common law court—the Law magazine, London, volume XXVII., 1870, pages 1–25.

Such great importance is attached to the issuance of an injunction that Lord Correnham in his judgment in ''Brown'' v. ''Newall'' ((1870), 2 M. and C. 558, 570), said:
{{smaller block|Now, that that ''ex parte'' injunction was an order which ought not to have been made, is not in dispute. It has been subsequently dissolved, and nothing is attempted (570) to be said in support of it at the bar; and it is impossible that it could have been sustained. The order was a departure from the known and established rule and practice of this court. Nothing is so difficult as to bring within any general rule every case in which a special injunction ought to be granted; but, when an action has regularly proceeded, and is on the very eve of trial, an ''ex parte'' injunction to stop it is an order such as I have not before seen. The vice chancellor appears to have stated that the order was made under some misapprehension of the facts; and indeed it is quite obvious that it must have been so, for the vice chancellor could not have made the order if the facts had been thoroughly understood. It is very probable that some facts were then supposed to exist which did not actually exist.}}
{{smaller block|I am not entitled, however, to assume that the order was made upon any other grounds than those stated in the affidavit which was used upon the application for the injunction; and I am, therefore, to see whether, on that affidavit, the parties have suppressed or misrepresented facts in such a way as was calculated to induce the court to grant the injunction.}}
{{smaller block|I am most unwilling to lay down any rule which should limit the power and discretion of the court as to the particular cases in which a special injunction should or should not be granted; but I have always felt—and since I have been upon the bench I have seen no reason to alter my opinion—that extreme danger attends the exercise of this part of the jurisdiction of the court, and that it is a jurisdiction which is to be exercised with extreme caution. It is absolutely necessary that the power should exist, because there are cases in which it is indispensable; but I believe that practically it does as much injustice as it promotes (571) justice; and it is, therefore, to be exercised with extreme caution. The court can have no ground upon which it can proceed, in granting an ''ex parte'' injunction, but a faithful statement of the case; and where the court has found a party misstating the case, either by misrepresentation or suppression, the court has always exercised its jurisdiction, for the purpose of repressing that practice; and I am desirous to abstain from putting, by anticipation, a limit to that power. The extent to which the court is to go in so doing is only to be determined by the case itself; but then it must appear, upon the affidavits, that there was such misrepresentation. Now the affidavit upon which the ''ex parte'' injunction was obtained certainly does not state all the facts; but the question is, whether there was any such suppression or misstatement as to lead the court to grant the injunction. I do not find on that affidavit that description of misrepresentation or suppression which, in my opinion, presented a case likely to procure a judgment on the application, but different from the case which really existed.}}
Thus we can easily see, even if we had the power, that it would be a dangerous experiment to allow Federal district judges to issue injunctions on simple ''ex parte'' affidavits as is proposed in the present bill. And it might be possible under this proposal to assign New York or Vermont Federal judges to a crowded injunction calendar in Virginia to determine who is qualified to vote in that State. Section 134 of title 26, United States Code, simply requires that a district judge reside in the district or one of the districts for which he is appointed and does not preclude his assignment to another district. In fact, Chief Justice Warren under section 292 of the Judicial Code—title 28, United States Code—may assign California judges to South Carolina:
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 292. District judges:}}
{{smaller block|(a) The chief judge of a circuit may designate and assign one or more district judges within the circuit to sit upon the court of appeals or a division thereof whenever the business of that court so requires. Such designations or assignments shall be in conformity with the rules or orders of the court of appeals of the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(b) The chief judge of a district may, in the public interest, designate and assign temporarily any district judge of the circuit to hold a district court in any district within the circuit.}}
{{smaller block|(c) The Chief Justice of the United States may designate and assign temporarily a district judge of one circuit for service in another circuit, either in a district court or court of appeals, upon presentation of a certificate of necessity by the chief judge or circuit justice of the circuit wherein the need arises. (June 25, 1948, ch. 646, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 901.)}}
The Federal Enforcement Act of 1870 attempted to do just what this bill seeks to do, that is, take away from the States the control of their elections and place that control in the hands of federally appointed officials. If anyone has any doubts about the failure of the Enforcement Act or even its constitutionality he should read the various decisions of the United States Supreme Court declaring almost every section of the act unconstitutional. When Congress finally got around to repealing that act in 1893 here are some of the frauds cited in Congress as reasons for repeal. They included 19,000 fraudulent naturalization certificates being issued by a single judge in New York State. They included payment in fees from the United States Treasury to a single Federal supervisor of elections and commissioner of the Federal court the sum of $145,000. Interestingly enough, repeal was initiated by a New York Congressman. See {{sc|Congressional Record}}, Volume 25, pages 1959, 1808.

Mr. President, on Tuesday afternoon, August 27, I made a motion in the Senate to have H. R. 6127 in its so-called compromise form referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. I pointed out that I believed it to be a dangerous procedure to allow bills to come over from the House of Representatives and be placed on the calendar of the Senate without being referred to the appropriate committee. However, my motion was voted down 66 to 18, so the bill is now before the Senate for consideration.

Since very few Members of the Senate were present at that time to hear my objections to the present version of H. R. 6127, I shall present my arguments again.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution because that would be the result insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common-law cases.

These guaranties were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historic document their complaints against denial of the right of trial by jury.

That document was the Declaration of Independence.

After declaring that all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the signers of the Declaration pointed out that the King had a history of “repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object to the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States.” Then they proceeded to the listing of a bill of particulars against the King.

He was charged with “depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.”

That is what the Declaration of Independence contained. The King was charged, among other things, with depriving the American people of the benefit of trial by jury. That is the very thing I am fighting for—the right of trial by jury, which is contained in the Constitution, and embodied in it in quite a number of places. The compromise bill which comes from the House attempts to compromise the Constitution of the United States. The bill does not provide for a trial by jury unless the penalty is more than 45 days’ imprisonment or more than a $300 fine. That is a compromise of the Constitution.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

When the original Constitution was written there was placed in it article III., section 2, which guarantees the right of trial by jury. Then the Bill of Rights was adopted, and that right was provided in three different places.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights.

A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and onetime Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him. “The Bill of Rights,” he declared, “denies the power of any government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.”

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic law if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes, in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

When our forefathers met in 1787 in Philadelphia they wrote in article III., section 2, of the Constitution that in all crimes except treason a man shall be entitled to a jury trial. In several places in the Bill of Rights they wrote it again, with special emphasis in the sixth amendment that a man is entitled to a jury trial. Yet the compromisers brought forth a compromise which {{SIC|attemps|attempts}} to compromise the Constitution of the United States. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States. The compromise would have been unconstitutional if it had provided that if a judge wanted to punish for criminal contempt he could sentence the defendant to serve 1 day or fine him $1. He has no right to fine him $1 or give him 1 day’s punishment in prison without a jury trial, because the Constitution says that in a criminal case a man charged with crime is entitled to a jury trial.

I cited last night a decision which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and this so-called compromise which has come to the Senate is an effort of the Senate and the House of Representatives to get together, but in the effort to get together and pass a political bill—and that is all it is—they have  been willing to compromise the Constitution of the United States.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says, “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says, “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.”

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved.

If the Constitution had had an exception in it and read, “This shall not apply to criminal contempt or crimes of criminal contempt,” then there would be some basis for the Congress to legislate. But it did not make such an exception. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “The trial of ''all'' crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

What right has a Federal judge to use his discretion and tell a man he can be tried by a jury? The Constitution says if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to be tried by a jury if he wants to be tried by a jury. In the Constitution there is no exception of criminal contempt or any exception that gives a judge the power to try a man so charged rather than a jury.

We are dealing with the basic rights of the people of this Nation and we should be careful to protect those precious rights which have been handed down to us by our forefathers. This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted. We cannot make trial by jury a matter of degree. If the Constitution gives a man the right of trial by jury, he has that right and we cannot take it away from him. The Congress cannot take it away. Furthermore, this compromise pretends to let the judge try the case if he wants to do so, in his discretion. Then if he finds the defendant ought to be punished by a fine in excess of $300 or by imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the man is entitled to a trial by jury. Do you not know, Mr. President, that if a judge has already tried a man, and then the defendant asks for a jury trial, the judge’s decision is bound to affect the jury in the case strongly, even if it were constitutional for that to be done, which it is not?

Under this proposal if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days in prison he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of punishment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. I realize that Congress may want to get away from Washington. We have had a long, hard session. I also realize that both national parties are playing to the minorities by means of the right-to-vote bill, when each State in the Nation has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and section 594 of the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure protects the right to vote. Yet, as a political gesture, both parties are making this play to try to claim credit. Watch my prediction that in the elections of 1958 both parties will try to claim that they got the civil-rights bill through the Congress.

Why are we not more interested in preserving the Constitution? Are we going to violate the Constitution by passing a political civil-rights bill in order to give thunder and political fodder to politicians to enable them to garner votes? Which is more important, the Constitution of this country or the political parties vying for the votes of minorities?

I wish to see the right to vote exercised by every man who is qualified to vote and who wants to vote. If he is entitled to vote, I want to see him vote. But the true purpose of this bill is not to insure the right to vote, because we have statutes in every State, and we have statutes on the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure now already that punish people interfering with anybody trying to vote. If the statutes we now have on the books are not being enforced, what good will it do to put another statute on the books? If the Justice Department is claiming that there are any individuals who have been denied their right to vote, why does it not prosecute them under the present law, which is completely adequate? And if no people have been denied the right to vote, then why is it claimed that this bill is necessary? The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents and in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

Perhaps the House and the Senate wanted to get together and they thought this was the only way they could do it, but I want to tell the American people when they did get together and brought forth this compromise they violated the Constitution of the United States. This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill. Like father, like son; a chip off the old block. Both are bad.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of the fine—or even 1 cent—and if a day, or even an hour, were added to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial, and a jury would decide the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

The proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was passed by the Senate.

The inclusion by the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, made the bill a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, the present unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope a majority of the Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the ''bloc'' voting of the pivotal states. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.

Those are the words of Stewart Alsop; and he is not a southerner, so far as I know.

To explain his point, he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States, Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.

The following four paragraphs are quoted directly from Mr. Alsop’s column:
{{smaller block|In 1954, Averell Harriman was elected Governor of New York by less than 15,000 votes over Senator {{sc|Irving Ives}}. According to Harris’ analysis, Harriman polled a whopping 79 percent of the Negro vote. Negro voters thus supplied Harriman with his margin of victory several times over. Two years later, the Democrats had dropped some 90,000 Negro votes to the Republicans—or about 6 times the number of votes {{sc|Ives}} needed to defeat Harriman.}}
{{smaller block|Or take another close race—the victory of Senator {{sc|Joseph Clark}}, of Pennsylvania, over the Republican incumbent, Senator James Duff, in 1956. Again, {{sc|Clark}} just squeaked in, with a plurality of less than 18,000 votes. {{sc|Clark}}, despite the Supreme Court, carried the Negro vote by a huge 76 percent margin, which was worth about 150,000 votes to him. Suppose the Negro vote had dropped off as sharply in Pennsylvania as it did in Illinois, where it nosedived from 75 percent in 1952 to 58 percent in 1956. Then Duff would be in the Senate by a comfortable majority, and {{sc|Clark}} would be practicing law.}}
{{smaller block|Other examples could be cited, like that of Senator {{sc|Paul Douglas}}, of Illinois, who owes about 60 percent of his 1954 plurality to the Negro vote. But the lesson is clear enough. If the Republicans can attract something approaching half the Negro vote in the Northern States, the Republican Party will then be the normal majority party in those States.}}
{{smaller block|Read the role of big States in which the Negroes can be expected to poll 5 percent or more of the total vote—not only New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, but such States as Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, and California. It then becomes clear what is at stake in the civil-rights struggle—nothing less than the future balance of political power in the Nation.}}
But, Mr. President, are we going to compromise the Constitution, whether we lose an election or not? Which is more important—to win an election or to preserve the Constitution? It is about time that both parties began to consider the welfare of the country and to determine whether the Constitution is of more importance, or whether winning an election is of more importance.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today; but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law, eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of the bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily.

Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law.

Under the provisions of the compromise, jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge, so long as the sentence he metes does not exceed the maximum limit set for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of the bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim, the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges.

No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When the bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted the great legal mind of 18th century England, Blackstone. Because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him again at this time. This is what Blackstone had to say:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
That is what Blackstone, the leading legal light the world has known, had to say. I wish to repeat one of his sentences:
{{smaller block|And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
Mr. President, a trial by jury is one of the bedrocks of this democracy. It is one of the bedrocks of this Nation. It is one of the bedrocks of this Government. When we talk to people in the street and to laymen generally about taking away their right of trial by jury, they cannot understand it, because they know that the Constitution provides that a man shall have a trial by jury when he is charged with the commission of a crime.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen, chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth, and the surest guardians of public justice. For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan of the United States Supreme Court delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, that is a significant statement to me, coming from a member of the present Supreme Court. I will not predict what the Court might do when the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury as embodied in this so-called compromise is presented to the Court.

However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}
And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the people of this Nation want Federal judges to have the power to punish persons for criminal contempt by sentences of either days, weeks, or months in jail, or by fines of dollars, they can amend the Constitution and provide for it. If the people of this country want Federal judges to have the discretion of determining whether a person shall have a jury trial or not, then they can amend the Constitution and so provide. There is no provision and no exception for either instance in the present Constitution.

That is certainly a clue to what might be expected from the Court when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

I think what the Supreme Court did in the ''Reid'' against ''Covert'' case might be a clue to what it might do, or what might be expected of the Court, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all of the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State. A summary of these laws was submitted to me, and I request that this summary be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks.

As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote.

The people of my State vote. I am in favor of qualified people voting. All the people of my State vote if they are qualified.

Whence comes this hue and cry? Those raising it have not presented the matter to the Judiciary Committee, so the chairman of that committee may hold hearings. They have held hearings for weeks and months on the subject, and the proponents of the bill have failed to present evidence to show that people do not have the right to vote.

It is inescapable, as I have said, that this is a political bill and not a bill to provide the right to vote. The people already have that privilege.

If any such incident as a refusal to permit a citizen to vote had occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina.

The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice. The people of the States are interested in justice just as are the officials of the Federal Government, but I shall return to that subject in a few minutes and go into the matter of the Federal statutes a little more fully.

We have Federal statutes to protect the right to vote, if the voters are not satisfied with the State statutes, and certainly the Federal statutes protect them.

I say that the Negro citizens in South Carolina are safeguarded in their rights; and the payment of a poll tax is not required.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. As I have said, South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. Registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that the poll tax be repealed as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature acted promptly and submitted the matter to the people, and the people voted in favor of repeal of the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature approved it, and we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina, if proof is desired, can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia, S. C., Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that “estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina constitution which protect a citizen’s right to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9, suffrage: The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{smaller block|Article 1, section 10, elections free and open: All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 5, appeal; crimes against election laws: Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 8, registration provided; elections; board of registration; books of registration: The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{smaller block|Article 2, section 15, right of suffrage free: No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the record to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Code, title 23}}}}}}
{{smaller block|23–73. Appeal from denial of registration.}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|23–74. Proceedings to court of common pleas.}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as Calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{smaller block|23–75. Further appeal to supreme court.}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
In other words, in our State, if anybody has an appeal and it goes before the trial judge and he denies it, the supreme court will go into session in order to hear such a case so as to be sure that nobody is deprived of the right to vote.
{{smaller block|23–100. Right to vote.}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
{{smaller block|23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{smaller block|23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guard rail; assistance.}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guard rail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{smaller block|23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats.}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court.}}
{{smaller block|23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct.}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{smaller block|23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{smaller block|23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally.}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State. Also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, proves that there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right-to-vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a Commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise. Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an unusual grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people.

This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so.

If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A Civil Rights Division in the Justice Department is not needed because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed, and he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country.

Since conditions have improved, and there is no indication that conditions will change unless the Attorney General and the Civil Rights Commission create trouble, there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of civil-rights matters in the Department of Justice.

Mr. President, permit me to digress in order to discuss certain matters pertaining to the Bill of Rights.

I have before me a book entitled “Our Bill of Rights: What It Means To Me—A National Symposium,” edited by James Waterman, Wisconsin:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Things of the spirit never die. They flame anew each time they are under fire. They are flaming high at this moment.}}
{{smaller block|Bombs may blow the body to bits, but they bind the soul together.}}
{{smaller block|This book is testimony to the spirit of man; to his personality; to his right to be decent.}}
{{smaller block|From the beginning of time men have had to fight for this sort of life. The fight has never been easy, but it has always been won.}}
{{smaller block|As long as men believe in freedom they will achieve it. The Dark Ages shall not return.}}
{{smaller block|When freedom dies man lives on his knees. When freedom lives man walks erect.}}
{{smaller block|The Bill of Rights is our prayer book and our promise of salvation. The cause of freedom is the cause of God. That is the dedication of this volume.}}
{{smaller block|None of us is wise enough to say finally what one event is the greatest in our history. There are some that cry aloud for that description:}}
{{smaller block|The Declaration of Independence; the Treaty of Paris, ending the Revolutionary War; the adoption of the Constitution; the pronouncement of the Monroe Doctrine; the Emancipation Proclamation; the end of the War Between the States; the war for freedom and democracy, begun in 1917—and still going on.}}
{{smaller block|I have left to the last, although it belongs at the top, the formulation and adoption of the Bill of Rights—the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, adopted by the baby nation December 15, 1791.}}
{{smaller block|In this group of principles are to be found the soul and spirit of the Constitution. With the Bill of Rights added, the Constitution becomes nearly a perfect thing. Without the bill, the seven articles of the original draft are largely given over to the protection of property.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson, shocked by the omissions in the Constitution, as promulgated in 1789, while he was United States Minister to France (another type of France than Vichy represents today), drafted the additions to our great charter. Thus we were given the four freedoms by which we grew strong in self-reliance, in courage, in independence, and in self-respect.}}
{{smaller block|The amendments gave us free speech, free press, free worship, free assembly, and also the right to petition. They gave us full protection Of the citizen against oppression; the right of trial by jury and, generally, the right of the individual against the state. Jefferson said himself, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount, Magna Carta, and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|Herbert Bayard Swope}}}},{{em|6}}&lt;br /&gt;
''Chairman, Bill of Rights Sesquicentennial Committee''.}}
{{smaller block|Jefferson himself said, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:}}
{{smaller block|“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”}}
{{smaller block|This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments; the Sermon on the Mount; Magna Carta; and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.}}
{{smaller block|Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.}}
{{smaller block|To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.}}
{{***|5}}
{{smaller block|America is face to face with certain grim realities. It is apparent that the expense attached to the defense effort will run into an appalling sum. The sweeping readjustments that will eventually reach every family are becoming clearer by the day. The need for redirection of our whole economy in order to supply plants which manufacture implements of war with an abundance of raw materials is now painfully obvious.}}
{{smaller block|Yes, the world that we know is being re-fashioned. But so be it, and although the disappearance of familiar patterns and habits of living brings a momentary shock, there must be no regrets, no longing backward glances. Neither can we afford to hang our heads, wring our hands and insist that we cannot defend democracy without destroying it. After all, the only disaster that will overtake us is the disaster that comes from indecision and inaction.}}
{{smaller block|I like to remind myself of the origin of the Bill of Rights. It came into being at a time of great distress and clearly represented the desires of the people who had paid a high price for their independence, and were determined to keep it. Since that time it has weathered an internal conflict, foreign wars, periods of economic depression. Even during these emergencies there has been no foreshortening of the scope of the Bill of Rights, nor has its fundamental character been altered. Invariably after these crises have passed each American has turned his face homeward and found, to his intense joy, his personal liberty inviolate. This augurs well for the future. Perhaps the destructive forces loose in the world will assume more awesome proportions than any yet seen; perhaps the dangers and hardships of the civilian population will be greater than ever before; but I cannot believe that these new developments will serve to swerve us from our course any more than the vicissitudes of the past.}}
{{smaller block|Undoubtedly it will mean a vigilant citizenry constantly on guard. But we have that. Undoubtedly it will mean leadership of the highest quality, but we have that, too. In fact, I can think of no more impressive reiteration of belief in the Bill of Rights than that made by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his message to Congress last January:}}
{{smaller block|“In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.}}
{{smaller block|“The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.}}
{{smaller block|“The third is freedom from want. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The fourth is freedom from fear. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.}}
{{smaller block|“This Nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads, and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.}}
{{smaller block|“To that high concept there can be no end save victory.”}}
Mr. President, those were the words of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in speaking of the Bill of Rights, which guarantees a jury trial to the people of the United States, but which the so-called compromise civil-rights bill would deprive the people of.

I read further:
{{smaller block|We accept our liberty, as we do our health, pretty much as a matter of course, hardly giving it a thought until we begin to lose it. Then we become conscious of how much it means.}}
{{smaller block|Experience throughout the long period of human history teaches that liberty must be won in every generation and can be held only by eternal vigilance. As foes of freedom the aggressors reappear with different weapons, but always with the same aim—to destroy the souls of freemen.}}
{{smaller block|That religion and democracy are closely linked together is a truism proved amply in the history of our country. The American colonies were settled by men and women seeking a free life, as well as a home for freedom. Religion was written prominently into their agreements, covenants, pacts, and constitutions, but the early colonists made no provision for the the free exercise of religion. Those who had fled before the demands of conformity later determined by law that others must conform or get out of the colony. It was said of Governor Endicott of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, if he had found toleration in his dictionary, he would have cut the word out, just as he drew his sword and cut the red cross out of the English flag because it represented the ancient Catholic faith of England. This attitude, formulated into law and supported by stern preaching, led to the founding of Rhode Island by Roger Williams and his associates. They were the first ones to put into practice the principle of the independence of the individual conscience even beyond the grants of liberty by the State. Maryland was founded by a small company of Catholics seeking freedom of worship in 1634, only 14 years after the Protestant Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth.}}
{{smaller block|Under Lord Baltimore’s liberal rule there developed a large degree of freedom in religion, as well as a remarkable advance in democratic procedure. The people of Maryland not only took part in making their laws but were given power to originate laws. No other colony at the time enjoyed quite as much freedom, and in 1649 the assembly passed the Toleration Act which confirmed by law these liberties. Following this action, Maryland became the refuge not only for the oppressed Catholics from England, but Protestants from some of the other American colonies, Puritans from Virginia, Quakers, and others who found congenial homes in this colony.}}
It is true that the Toleration Act was not very broad in that it tolerated only those of the Christian religion, but it was a step forward on the road to liberty and marked a greater advance than anything even in England at the time. It remained for the colony at Providence, R. I., to advance the act of toleration by granting full religious freedom to Christians and Jews and even to those without any religious affiliation or belief. The act affirmed “that men of all religions should live unmolested so long as they behaved themselves.”

The Bill of Rights provides for freedom of religion. Our Bill of Rights provides for many vital rights which we enjoy.

The study of the Constitution should be an essential part not only of the education of the American youth, but of all Americans, and especially those who have become naturalized citizens of this great Nation. While all of us cannot be trained in the technicalities of the law, we should have some idea of our fundamental institutions. We need to know their relationship to our daily life, the reasons for their existence, and the benefits we derive from them, as well as the importance to ourselves of their perpetuation. The Constitution is not self-perpetuating by any means; if it is to survive it will be because it has the support of the people—not passive, but active public support. This means making adequate sacrifice to maintain that which is of the greatest benefit to the greatest number.

The Constitution has its roots in the great and heroic past of the English-speaking race. Today, under that Constitution which was adopted through the blood and sweat of the pioneers of our country, the safeguard of personal liberty is ever present. Under our great Bill of Rights our governmental power is divided into three parts. The first is the power granted to the Central Government; the second that reserved to the States; and the third, and by far the most important, although at times the fact may not be generally recognized, the power reserved to the people under the many inhibitions upon both State and Federal legislation.

In the turmoil which now seems to have engulfed the entire world, the citizens of the United States should well remember particularly that it is the people, those who go to make up the great cross-section of this country, who must guard the ramparts from the ever-increasing dangers of nazism, fascism, and communism. Our Constitution is the final safeguard of every right that is enjoyed by any American citizen. So long as it is observed, those rights will be secure, but should it fall into disrespect or disrepute the way of orderly, organized government as we have known it for the past 150 years will be at an end.

When the Federal Constitution was, on September 28, 1787, submitted by Congress to the legislatures of the several States for ratification, there was very strong opposition to its adoption in all the States. The Democrats, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, feared that the provisions of the instrument would unduly abridge States rights and result in a Government too highly centralized for their views. It was necessary for nine States to ratify the Constitution before it could take effect. It was not until June 21, 1788, that the ninth State, New Hampshire, gave its approval. The States which had not ratified up to that time were Virginia, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island. Virginia and New York gave their assent in 1788. When President Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, on the steps of the Federal Hall in New York, neither North Carolina nor Rhode Island had ratified and, therefore, were not States of the United States. These two reluctant States did, however, come into line. North Carolina ratified on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The Bill of Rights was a pacer in the democratic movement in America and as such is entitled to all the prestige of leadership. Yet it really took a century after its enactment for American women to procure the 19th amendment to the Federal Constitution which compelled reluctant States to grant them the basic right of the free—the right to vote. Non-Christian men and freethinkers of their sex more readily wrested from State legislatures the guaranty of their civil rights.

But even the original Bill of Rights would have been a dead letter if dauntless men and women, risking death, had not taught the public to listen without rioting to opinions which it abhorred. That educational process enabled the letter of the law to live in practice, or application, for the American way of life. In celebrating the original Bill of Rights now, we should celebrate with it the courage and skill of the men and the women who made tolerance a fact as well as a principle of law. The open forum, so characteristic of American democracy, owes its inception and its continuation to persons of both sexes who insisted that law and practice were parts of the same thing.

That rights carry duties has become a third aspect of democratic evaluations, nurtured on free debates. It is increasingly understood in America that liberty could become license; that rights if viewed as extreme personal privileges could reduce society to anarchy. There is today, in connection with rights, the wide prevalence of the philosophy that rights are granted to individuals in order that they may develop their talents for competent voluntary cooperation in the thought and action essential to the strength of society, to general welfare, and to the very endurance of civil liberties themselves.

A history of civilization could be written around the derivation of the privileges that constitute our Bill of Rights. The emphasis would be not on rulers and governments but on the struggle mankind has waged for centuries to obtain recognition of the rights of individual men. These rights are guaranties necessary to any people who wish to live in the free atmosphere of liberty. They are the foundation of any government that exists by the free will of the governed and not by the military force of self-appointed rulers.

The history of our own Bill of Rights is fired with the determination of the American people to preserve their liberties as individuals living in a free state. It is significant that these first 10 amendments in our Constitution were drawn from earlier declarations of rights which a number of the Original Thirteen States had formulated for themselves before they joined the Union. They not only served as models for our Federal Constitution but became basic patterns for new democracies all over the world.

Today there is abroad in the world a monstrous force that would set the clock back and reestablish regimes that rank the state above the individual. Already in many lands fundamental rights have been destroyed; and the existence of our own is threatened. Such crises have occurred before in the history of man but never with such ruthless vehemence and on such a worldwide scale.

Mr. President, there are many objections to H. R. 6127, but the strongest objection is the failure to give a jury trial. I wish now to present to the Senate some information on the jury trial and I shall go into the historical development of the jury system. This information is coming from the History of the Jury System, by Maximus A. Lesser, instructor of political science, New York Evening High School. Some very important points are brought out here about the jury system which are pertinent to this debate.
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Historical Development of the Jury System}}}}}}
{{c|{{sm|(By Maximus A. Lesser)}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JURY}}}}
{{smaller block|The subject we propose to investigate is the historical genesis and gradual development of an institution which, today is an inseparable element of English jurisprudence and an important factor in the administration of justice, wherever the English or common law, “* * * the State’s collected will, o’er thrones and globes elate, sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.”}}
{{smaller block|This purpose is not free from difficulties, for, while the nature and functions of the tribunal, as today existent, are sufficiently well comprehended, still the origin of that institution and the successive steps by which it was evolved are less clearly understood and subject to considerable misconception, as is evinced by the many and conflicting theories advanced in explanation thereof. It is the object of this treatise to reconcile, as far as may be, these various views, to give to each well sustained suggestion its proper weight and effect during the formative period, and to trace its influence in the production of the result. The method of treatment is, in general, chronological; for the English jury is so closely interwoven with the historical and political development of the English nation, that every component which contributed to the formation and completion of the latter had a concomitant effect upon the former; accordingly, the history and features of each foreign factor will be described in connection with that period of our history at which it first made itself felt. For to the jury may be truly applied, what Maine says of law, that it is a matter of growth, the result of the needs of the community in which it originated; and an institution—as another writer well observes—which “does not owe its existence to any positive law; it is not the creature of an act of Parliament establishing the form and defining the functions of the new tribunal. It arose * * * silently and gradually out of the usages of a state of society which has forever passed away.” We will, in the first place, regard its general aspect and characteristics as beheld today, and then proceed to consider whether, and in what respects, it is resembled by institutions of early days. The body with which we have to deal—in the language of an able Scotch jurist—“is the institution by which disputed facts are to be decided for judicial purposes in the administration of civil or criminal justice, and which is in modern times familiar to us under the denomination of trial by jury. * * * The etymological derivation of the term is obviously from ''juro'', to swear, whence we find this institution called in forensic Latin ''jurata'', and the persons composing it ''jurati''. * * * When the object is inquiry only, this tribunal is sometimes called an inquest or inquisition, as in the instance of a grand jury or coroner’s inquest; but when facts are to be determined by it for judicial purposes, it is always styled a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|This board of inquiry, then, is composed of “a body of men taken from the community at large, summoned to find the truth of disputed facts. Their office is to decide upon the effect of evidence and thus inform the court truly upon the question at issue, in order that the latter may be enabled to pronounce a right judgment. But they are not the court itself nor do they form part of it; and have nothing to do with the sentence which follows the delivery of their verdict.” While, concerning the third characteristic element of our jury, De Lolme wrote that they who have the power to discriminate between disputed facts and “to whom the law has thus exclusively delegated the prerogative of deciding that a punishment is to be inflicted—those men without whose declaration the executive and the judicial powers are both thus bound down to inaction, do not form among themselves a permanent body, who may have had time to study how their power can serve to promote their private views or interest; they are men selected at once from among the people, who perhaps never were before called to the exercise of such a function, nor foresee that they ever shall be called to it again.”}}
{{smaller block|In other words, the jury is the sole judge of the weight of evidence adduced and the arbiter of compensation for contracts broken or injuries sustained, and is composed of men selected by lot and “sworn to declare the facts of a case as they are delivered from the evidence placed before them”—its province being to determine the truth of facts or the amount of damages in civil, and the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal, cases.}}
{{smaller block|This province is confined by the following limitations:}}
{{smaller block|(1) It is restricted to the consideration of matters proved by evidence at the trial;}}
{{smaller block|(2) It is subject to the instructions of the judge, concerning the rules of law applicable;}}
{{smaller block|(3) It is influenced by the directions of the judge, as to weight, value, and materiality of evidence;}}
{{smaller block|(4) It is affected by the selection of the jurors from the locality of the action, whence they discharge their duties with a certain amount of independent local knowledge, whilom “counted on, and deemed essential to a just consideration of the case.”}}
{{smaller block|Two other qualifications may be added. After the rendition of a verdict in a civil case, it is still within the power of the trial judge to modify or even annul the same, in a proper case; for instance, “because the verdict is for excessive or insufficient damages, or otherwise contrary to the evidence or contrary to law.”}}
{{smaller block|Again, in a criminal case, a verdict of conviction, even when accompanied by a recommendation of mercy, does not control the sentence to be meted out by the presiding magistrate, who may impose the highest or lowest or any intermediate penalty prescribed by law as proper for the offense committed.}}
{{smaller block|How, then, did this institution, whose features as currently administered have just been described, originate? What are the sources from whence it arose, and the forces by which it was developed? Did it spring forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, ready for action and fully equipped with forensic vesture and legal armament, or was its development the result of the gradual accretion of successive strata of growth? As stated above, various and conflicting theories are advanced to answer these queries.}}
{{smaller block|“Many writers of authority,” says Canon Stubbs, “have maintained that the entire jury system indigenous in England, some deriving it from Celtic tradition based on the principles of Roman law, and adopted by the Anglo-Saxons and Normans from the people they had conquered, others have regarded it as a product of that legal genius of the Anglo-Saxons of which Alfred is the mythic impersonation, or as derived by that nation from the customs of primitive Germany or from their intercourse with the Danes. Nor even, when it is admitted that the system of recognition was introduced from Normandy, have legal writers agreed as to the source from which the Normans themselves derived it. One scholar maintains that it was brought by the Norsemen from Scandinavia; another, that it was derived from the processes of the Canon Law; another, that it was developed on Gallic soil from Roman principles; another, that it came from Asia through the Crusades.” An American authority insists that it “is undoubtedly a development of English institutions and civilization.” Again, it is suggested that it was borrowed by the Angles and Saxons from their Slavonic neighbors in northern Europe; it has been traced to the assises de Jerusalem of Godfrey de Bouillon; it is even claimed to be of divine origin; and, finally, a French scholar despairingly exclaims: “Son origine se perd dans la niut de temps.”}}
{{smaller block|According to Robertson, “the true answer is, that forms of trial resembling the jury system in various particulars are to be found in the primitive institutions of all [Aryan] nations. That which comes nearest in time and character to trial by jury is the system of recognition by sworn inquest, introduced into England by the Normans * * * the instrument which the lawyers in England ultimately shaped into trial by jury.” The name “Recognition,” Bracton tells us, is deduced from the fact that the participants “acknowledged” a disseisin or dispossession by their verdict, and the inquest itself was “directly derived from the Frank capitularies, into which it may have been adopted from the fiscal regulations of the Theodosian Code and thus own some distant relationship with the Roman jurisprudence.” This is the system which, Lord Campbell writes, “in the fifth Norman reign had nearly superseded the simple juridical institutions of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors;” while an eminent American jurist, after observing that investigation has shown among Norman legal usages traces more closely resembling our form of jury trial than anything afforded by the system of the Anglo-Saxons, concludes:}}
{{smaller block|“We regard it, therefore, as certain that all these influences contributed to establish this mode of trial in England, and to shape it as we know it to exist there. Indeed, it was not until all of them had had an opportunity of completing their work, that we find what we should now call a jury.”}}
{{smaller block|A due regard for the definiteness of legal phraseology calls for some comment on the meaning of “law and fact,” terms so frequently employed in the course of this work. Law, in its widest sense, is a rule of action; in its technical sense, it is a general rule of human action, taking cognizance only of external acts, enforced by a determinate human authority paramount within a state. Whether the rule so enforced be moral or pernicious, is impertinent to the question. “The existence of law is one thing, its merit or demerit another.” Again, “although human actions are the subject-matter about which law is conversant, they are not essential to its existence; for the rule is the same, whether its application is called forth or not. * * * The rule continues in abstraction and theory, until an act is done on which it can attach. * * * The maxim, ''ex facto oritur jus'' must be understood in this sense; and the duty of judicial tribunals, consequently, embraces the investigation of doubtful or disputed facts, as well as the application of the principles of jurisprudence to such as are ascertained.”}}
{{smaller block|Fact is a term most difficult to define—so much so that Mr. Justice Stephen (in the third edition of his Digest of the Law of Evidence) abandoned the attempt previously made. Webster’s definition (ed. 1859) is: “Anything done, or that comes to pass; an act; a deed; an effect produced or achieved; an event.” Negatively, a learned American jurist suggests that “nothing is a question of fact which is not a question of the existence, reality, truth of something.” Anything which is the subject of testimony is “matter of fact,” while “matter of law” is the general law of the land of which courts take judicial cognizance. Evidence is the means or method by which a fact under judicial examination may be proved or disproved. “Whether there be any evidence, is a question for the judge. Whether sufficient evidence, is for the jury.”}}
{{smaller block|In any event, it is clear that the formula of Coke, hereinabove quoted, “was never meant to be taken absolutely. * * * It relates to issues of fact, and not to the incidental questions that spring up before the parties are at issue. The jury has to do with only a limited class of questions of fact, namely, questions of ultimate fact.” “In general, issues of fact, and only issues of fact, are to be tried by jury; when they are so tried, the jury and not the court are to find the facts, and the court and not the jury is to give the rule of law; the jury are not to refer the evidence to the judge and ask his judgment upon that, but are to find the facts which the evidence tends to establish, and may only ask the court for judgment upon these.”}}
Mr. President, I shall next take up the history of the jury system of the Anglo-Saxons:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Chapter VI.—The System of the Anglo-Saxons}}}}}}
{{smaller block|As regards the manner of men who now directed the destinies of England—for under that name (derived from the Angles) the island is henceforth known—and who indelibly impressed their characteristics upon it, and concerning their status in the scale of civilization, a graphic description is afforded us by the same historian. They “were little removed from the original state of nature; the social confederacy among them was more martial than civil; they had chiefly in view the means of attack and defense against public enemies, not those of protection against their fellow citizens; their possessions were so slender and so equal that they were not exposed to great danger, and the natural bravery of the people made every man trust to himself and to his particular friends for his defense. * * * An insult upon any man was regarded by his relations and associates as a common injury; they were bound by honor, as well as by a sense of common interest, to revenge his death or any violence which he had suffered; they retaliated on the aggressor by like acts of violence; and if he were protected, as was natural and unusual, by his own clan, the quarrel was spread still wider and bred endless disorders in the nation.”}}
{{smaller block|Such, then, was the state of civilization which the Saxons enjoyed, and such the social and political structure which superseded the administration of the Romans. For almost four centuries the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms—true to the characteristics of their founders—present a history of uninterrupted warfare, bloodshed and internecine strife, though Christianity had meanwhile prevailed among them. Wessex, however, gradually acquired the hegemony, and in A. D. 827 its King Egbert succeeded in securing his acknowledgment as supreme head of the heptarchy, with which event the history of the English nation properly begins.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning their civil and social condition, at this period, after a sojourn of 400 years on English soil, it appears that “though they had been so long settled in the island [they] seem not as yet to have been much improved beyond their German ancestors, either in arts, civility, knowledge, humanity, justice, or obedience to the laws. * * * Bounty to the church atoned for every violence against society.” It cannot be doubted that, under ordinary circumstances, nationalization would have paved the way to improvements in the administration of justice, which, under the primitive system and the constant wars of the Saxons, had sadly degenerated. For, since “their language was everywhere nearly the same, their customs, laws, institutions, civil and religious * * * a union also in government opened to them the agreeable prospect of future tranquility. * * * But these flattering views were soon overcast by the appearance of the Danes, who, during some centuries, kept the Anglo-Saxons in perpetual inquietude, committed the most barbarous ravages upon them, and at last reduced them to grievous servitude.”}}
{{smaller block|The first great landmark in the history of English law is the reign of King Alfred (871–901), who, after he had restored peace, and either settled the Danes in or expelled them from the country, turned his attention to the administration of justice, which had become a mere name. His political and juridical institutions are recorded by Hume, as follows: “That he might render the execution of justice strict and regular, he divided all England into counties; these counties he divided into hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings. Every householder was answerable for the behavior of his family. * * * Ten neighboring householders were formed into one corporation, who, under the name of a tithing, decennary, or fribourg, were answerable for each other’s conduct, and over whom one person, called a tithingman, headbourg, or borsholder, was appointed to preside. Every man was punished as an outlaw who did not register himself in some tithing.}}
{{smaller block|“By this institution, every man was obliged from his own interest to keep a watchful eye on the conduct of his neighbors; and was in a manner surety for the behavior of those who were placed under the division to which he belonged. Whence these decennaries received the name of frankpledges. The barsholder summoned together the whole decennary to assist him in deciding any lesser difference which occurred among the members. In appeals from the decennary, or in controversies arising between members of different decennaries, the case was brought before the hundred, which consisted of 10 decennaries or 100 families of freemen, and which was regularly assembled once in 4 weeks for the deciding of causes. (Leg. Edw. c. 2.)}}
{{smaller block|“Their method of decision deserves to be noted, as being”—at least in our historian’s opinion—“the origin of juries. * * * Twelve freeholders were chosen, who, having sworn (together with the hundred or presiding magistrate of that division) to administer impartial justice, proceeded to the examination of that cause which was submitted to their jurisdiction. And besides these monthly meetings of the hundred, there was an annual meeting appointed * * * for the inquiry into crimes, the correction of abuses, and other matters of public concern. If a further appeal were desired, or in controversies between members of different hundreds, the case was brought before the freeholders of the county (or shire) over whom the bishop together with the alderman presided. A final appeal lay to the King himself.}}
{{smaller block|“Formerly the alderman possessed both the civil and military authority; but Alfred * * * appointed also a sheriff in each county, who enjoyed a coordinate authority with the former in his judicial (as distinguished from the military) function. His office also empowered him to guard the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy the fines imposed.”}}
{{smaller block|Such was the system established by Alfred, and adhered to by his successors as far as those turbulent times permitted. For its promotion and perpetuation, as well as for the guidance of the magistrates, on whom the duty to administer it was incumbent, the same king—according to our historical guide—“framed a body of laws which, though now lost, served long as the basis of English jurisprudence, and is generally deemed the origin of what is denominated the common law.” While his judgment concerning the paternity of the system is, that “the similarity of these institutions to the customs of the ancient Germans, and to the Saxon laws during the heptarchy, prevents us from regarding Alfred as the sole author of this plan of government, and leads us rather to think that he contented himself with reforming, extending, and executing the institutions which he found previously established.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus far Hume, whose profound historical researches, combined with his early legal training, certainly entitle his opinion to much weight. But the existence, among the Saxons, of any institution resembling the jury has been hotly contested, and the dispute whether it was known to the Anglo-Saxons or introduced as a result of the Norman conquest, may be thus summarized: Coke (in his Institutes), Spelman (Glossarium Archaiologicum), Blackstone (Com. III., ch. 23), Nicholson (preface to Wilkin’s Anglo-Saxon Laws), and Turner (Hist. Anglo-Saxons, IV., book XI., ch. 9) ascribe it to Saxon paternity. On the other hand, Hickes (Dissert. Epist. p. 34), Reeves (Hist. Eng. Law, I., 22, 24), and Palgrave (Rise and Progress of Commonwealth, I, 243) claim with equal confidence that it was introduced by or at least derived from the Normans and was not of Anglo-Saxon origin.}}
{{smaller block|So Judge Cooley (Am. Cycl. IX. 722) approvingly observes that “so many of the attendant circumstances indicate that it was a Norman institution, bestowed upon his English subjects by a Norman king, that Sir Francis Palgrave has not hesitated to consider our jury trial as derived directly from Norman law” and Mr. Macclachlan (Eng. Cycl. III., 24) remarks: “Without entering minutely into this controversy, it may be stated that the traces of the trial by jury, in the form in which it existed for several centuries after the conquest, are more distinctly discernible in the ancient customs of Normandy than in the few and scanty fragments of Anglo-Saxon law which have descended to our time.”}}
{{smaller block|The conclusion reached by Mr. Forsyth affords perhaps the fairest statement of the case, and may be advantageously quoted in this place: “It may be confidently asserted that trial by jury was unknown to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors; and the idea of its existence in their legal system has arisen from a want of attention to the radical distinction between the members or judges composing a court, and a body of men set apart from that court, but summoned to attend in order to determine conclusively the facts of the case in dispute. This is the principle on which is founded the intervention of a jury; and no trace whatever can be found of such an institution in Anglo-Saxon times.}}
{{smaller block|“If it has existed,” he continues, “it is utterly inconceivable that distinct mention of it should not frequently have occurred in the body of Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporary chronicles which we possess, extending from the time of Ethelbert (568–616) to the Norman Conquest (1066). Those who have fancied that they discover indications of its existence during that period, have been misled by false analogies and inattention to the distinguishing features of the jury trial which have been previously pointed out. While, however, we assert that it was unknown in Saxon times, it is nevertheless true that we can recognize the traces of a system which paved the way for its introduction, and rendered its adaptation at a later period [the reign of Henry II.] neither unlikely nor abrupt. * * * Of the exact mode in which trials were conducted in these [ante-Norman] courts, we know little; but the Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporaneous annals make frequent mention of two classes of witnesses, who play a most important part in the judicial proceedings of the time.” These are compurgators and official witnesses, who, together with other features of their system, will be more fully considered hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|With the demise of King Alfred, his system gradually lost ground. “During the reign of eight kings who succeeded Alfred,” wrote Gilmans, “the country suffered constant invasions from Denmark, which became so oppressive that in 991 the King, Ethelred II., agreed to pay the Danes 10,000 pounds, called danegelt, to buy immunity. This sum was raised by a tax on land, the first one recorded in English history.” Eleven years later the same King planned and partly executed a general massacre of foreigners in the island (Danemort) which led to a fierce attack from the Danes, to the expulsion of the King, and to the establishment of Sweyn as ruler of England. His son Canute married Ethelred’s widow, a sister of the Duke of Normandy, in order, as it were, to legitimize his title, to strengthen his alliances, and to make secure the succession of his line.}}
{{smaller block|When Canute, the Dane, mounted the English throne (1014) it might be supposed that he would transplant to, and incorporate in the system of, England the Danish quasi-jury or Nævninger—an institution common, with modifications, to all the Scandinavian nations—which derived its appellation from the fact of being composed of a fixed number of men (usually 12) named by the inhabitants of each district; a majority of those so chosen was competent to render a decision (subject to the ratification of the bishop and 8 best men of the district) in civil suits; while in criminal cases the accuser was obliged to convince the Nævn by sworn evidence of the truth of his charge, before the accused would be subjected to a public trial—this institution thus combining the functions of grand and petit jury with the exercise of judicial powers.}}
{{smaller block|Canute, however, who was a lineal descendant of Alfred, and desirous of emulating that monarch, adopted a policy of conciliation toward the English. He had his succession to the throne ratified by a general assembly (Witenagemot) and publicly consented to restore and observe the Saxon customs and laws. In 1030, he addressed a letter “To all the Nations of the English”—under which designation he also meant to include the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians—in which he said: “Be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to God, to govern my kingdom with justice, and to observe the right in all things.” That is, he refrained from making any essential innovations or alterations in the systems (political or judicial) to which his several dominions were accustomed, and in consequence Danish rule had no tangible formative effect on English jurisprudence.}}
{{smaller block|The last of the Saxon line who ruled in England—chosen by the people when Sweyn’s family became extinct—was Edward the Confessor (1042–66) whom Hume deems commendable for his attention to the administration of justice, and his compiling for that purpose a body of laws which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for the laws that pass under Edward’s name were composed afterward) was long the object of affection to the English nation.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|CHAPTER VII.—FORMS OF TRIAL AND TRIBUNALS AMONG THE SAXONS}}}}
{{smaller block|Having examined the social and political status of the Saxons in England, as evidenced by their history and environment, we may expect to find, on considering the judicial institutions, their personal characteristics reflected therein. Here, as there, we distinguish the same primitive system of administration, the same rudimentary ideas of right, the same regard for the efficacy of clerical absolution, the same adherence to old and meaningless forms, and the same reverence for the vis major.}}
{{smaller block|The judicial system of the Anglo-Saxons depended for its administration on, and consisted of, four distinct factors or elements: these were, sectatores or suitors of court, the secta or suit of witnesses, official witnesses, and compurgators. These have been generally confounded or at least not clearly distinguished, and the misconception of their proper functions has given rise to many ingenious theories. In general it may be said that of all these functionaries the first class only performed judicial duties; the second and the third were species of witnesses; the fourth officiated (at least originally) in criminal cases only, while none of them were jurors. A delineation of the functions of each will be given, and a distinction attempted.}}
{{smaller block|The name of sectatores is applied by Forsyth to the limited number of freemen “who attended the hundred, county, and manorial courts, to try offenses and determine disputes there; * * * and the obligation to attend was in the nature of a tenure, for neglect of which they might be distrained to appear.” For, in accordance with the customs of those days, “to do suit at a county or other inferior court was * * * one of the common tenures by which land was held, and the suitors, called sectatores, or * * * at a later period pares, were therefore bound to give their attendance.” Anciently their number appears to have depended on chance or convenience; nor do they appear to have acted always under the sanction of an oath; for to Reeves “it seems that causes in the county and other courts were heard and determined by an indefinite number of persons called sectatores,” of whom “the frequent mention,” he continues, “is no proof of juries, properly so-called, being known to our Saxon ancestors.” It would seem that this form of judicial tribunal was the modified outcome of a feature of the elaborate county system established by Alfred, and a result of the alterations necessitated and the encroachments caused by the incessant warfare prevalent after the death of that monarch, which must have greatly affected his system of government. The whole matter, however, is involved in much obscurity, and will be resumed, to some extent, in the chapter treating of the ''judicium parium''.}}
{{smaller block|Concerning the second of the four classes, Professor Robertson observes: “The trial ''per sectam'' * * * resembled in principle the system of compurgation. The plaintiff proved his case by vouching a certain number of witnesses (secta) who had seen the transaction in question, and the defendant rebutted the presumption thus created by vouching a larger number of witnesses on his own side.” It was thus an application to civil suits of the principle, which governed the system of compurgation in relation to criminal causes. At a later period in Saxon history, however, it seems that compurgation was also extended to (and thus superseded the use of the secta in) * * * civil proceedings; or, at least, that the term “compurgation” was employed to designate both the criminal and the civil (''i. e.'', the sectatory) method. Indeed, the very name of secta became an alternative term for sectatores—the judges above described—which led to the confounding of the one with the other, and bred endless confusion and mistake.}}
{{smaller block|At a more advanced period of the Anglo-Saxon dominion, when the defects of their mode of evidence and system of trial became perceptible even to their untutored minds, an attempt was made to partially remedy these defects by the official appointment in each district of sworn witnesses, whose duty it was to attest therein all sales, endowment of a woman ''ad ostium ecclesiae'', and the execution of charters. They were not subject to cross-examination, and their oath was decisive in case of dispute. Later, persons peculiarly qualified by circumstances (though not preappointed), were similarly sworn to prove age, ownership of chattels, and the death of one in whose estate dower was claimed. Hence in the Year Books (16 Edw. II., 507, A. D. 1323) we read complaint that one “may name ses cosyns et ses auns, who by his procurement will decide against us.”}}
{{smaller block|The most important of the four elements, and that destined to play the largest part in the development of trial by jury, was compurgation. Under the Saxon system, in criminal cases the charge of the prosecutor or accuser sufficed to put the accused on his defense.}}
{{smaller block|This defense was by means of the process of compurgation, which was in vogue among the various Teutonic nations (12 being the usual number) and rested on the maxim: “Nobilis homo ingenuus—cum duodecim ingenuis se purget.” Compurgators may be defined as persons, who supported by their oaths the credibility of the party accused, pledging their belief in the latter’s denial of the charge brought against him.}}
{{smaller block|These were in no sense witnesses, for they might be wholly ignorant of the real facts in dispute; nor were they a jury, for no evidence was submitted to their consideration. They were merely friends of the party who summoned them; they knew his character, and by their united oaths they at once attested that character and their confidence in his truthfulness and the justice of his cause.}}
{{smaller block|This mode of trial was brought into England by the Saxons, and Judge Cooley thus describes it: “Then the party accused—or, in later times, the party plaintiff or defendant—appeared with his friends, and they swore, he laying his hand on theirs and swearing with them, to the innocence of the accused, or to the claim or defense of the party. Little is certainly known either of the origin or of the extent, in point of time or of country, over which the trial by compurgators prevailed; but it must have had great influence over the subsequent forms of procedure. It fixed the number of the traverse (''i. e.'', the petit or trial) jury at 12, that being the common number of compurgators * * * and this was a great improvement on the varying and sometimes very large number in Greece and Rome.”}}
{{smaller block|Where the compurgators coincided in a favorable declaration, there was a complete acquittal. But if the accused was unable to present a sufficient number of these purgers; or, “if the party had been before accused of larceny or perjury, or had otherwise been rendered infamous and was thought not worthy of credit—he was driven to make out his innocence by an appeal to heaven, in the trial by ordeal,” which was practiced either by the boiling water or the red-hot iron; the former being supplied to the common people, while the latter was reserved for the nobility. The nature of this institution is so curious and interesting, and its peculiarities throw so much light on the character of that age, as to warrant a fuller consideration of this primitive predecessor and sometime competitor of our criminal jury.}}
{{smaller block|If the accused was sentenced to undergo the ordeal by hot water, “he was to put his head into it or his whole arm, according to the degree of the offense: if it was by cold water, his thumbs were tied to his toes, and in this posture he was thrown into it. If he escaped unhurt by the boiling water (which might easily be contrived by the art of the priests), or if he sunk in the cold water, which would certainly happen, he was declared innocent. If he was hurt by the boiling water or swum in the cold, he was considered as guilty.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator tell me the name of the case he is reading?

Mr. THURMOND. It is the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. This so-called amendment that came from the House does not provide for a jury trial unless the judge in his discretion sees fit to give one; or unless he imposes punishment of more than 45 days’ imprisonment or a fine of more than $300.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator quoting at this point from a particular case, and, if so, will the Senator give us the name of the case?

Mr. THURMOND. I am not quoting from a case at this particular time. I am going back into the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And to show how through the life of this Nation the jury trial has developed.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And how our forefathers in writing the Constitution put into it by article III., section 2, under which a man charged with a crime is entitled to a trial by jury.

To remove any further doubt, when the Bill of Rights was written the same provision was made in several places. The sixth amendment of the Bill of Rights guarantees a man charged with a crime the right to a jury trial.

During the night, probably about 4 or 5 o’clock this morning, I did cite a case holding that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man who is being tried for criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know whether it has ever been held that criminal contempt is not a crime under the law of the Nation?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not know of any decision in the courts where criminal contempt has not been considered a crime, and I have had all the authorities and ran them down. Criminal contempt is a crime. We have a decision on that point. When a man is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a trial by jury. However, under this proposal, the so-called compromise which came from the House, he will not get a jury trial unless the judge, out of the goodness of his heart, says “I think you are entitled to a jury trial, and I am going to give you one.”

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Or unless the judge tries him first and finds him guilty and finds that he should be punished by more than 45 days’ imprisonment or $300 fine, in which event he can give him a new trial. The judge tries him once, and then he will be tried again. I think there again the so-called compromise is unconstitutional because you cannot put a man in jeopardy two times. If he is tried once, he has been in jeopardy and he cannot be put in jeopardy again.

The whole thing is a concoction to get a compromise on something for civil rights. It is purely an endeavor to get some kind of compromise; but it violates the Constitution, and I hope the Senate and the Congress will not pass it. Even people who believe in civil rights and have fought for civil rights are of that opinion.

The distinguished Senator from Minnesota [Mr. {{sc|Humphrey}}] has made many speeches on civil rights. I remember one he made in 1948 at the Democratic Convention in Philadelphia, which I did not like at all because I am a States righter and not a so-called civil righter. I believe in real civil rights, but not the kind of civil rights which are being alleged here.

I do not know how Senators who really believe in civil rights and who know the Constitution can vote for a bill which flatfootedly violates several provisions of the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know of any greater civil right any person possesses in any nation than the right to a trial by a jury of his peers and his neighbors when he is accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot imagine any civil right I would rather possess were I charged with a crime. I do not know of any civil right that is more vital to the people of the United States than the right of trial by jury. I do not know of any civil right that one could envision that could be more important. The right of trial by jury is most important because a man may be tried for his life. If he is not tried for his life, he can be put in prison. He can have his liberty taken away from him.

It is only after trial by jury that a man in this Nation can have his liberty taken away from him. I do not want a judge to try me if I ever have to be tried. I want 12 of my peers, 12 of my fellow countrymen, as the Constitution provides.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Is not the right to trial by jury, in which a person accused of a crime to challenge any prejudiced person who might be on the jury venire one of the possible differences between the free system of government that exists in this Nation and other free nations as compared to the system of government that exists in Communist nations?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Senator has the vision to see and realize the importance of what jury trial means to the people of this Nation.

I quoted during the night Associate Justice Brennan of the Supreme Court. I do not think a man could have made a stronger address than he made on the jury-trial question. Justice Brennan made a powerful argument for a jury trial even in automobile-accident cases. Even where property is involved—not liberty, not life, but property—he believed there should be protection to the citizen through jury trial. Under the so-called compromise civil-rights bill a judge can put a man in jail for 45 days, and some judges will do so if they have the opportunity. They will make it exactly 45 days if they want to punish a man.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Under the facts stated in regard to the situation in Washington Parish, La., it was contended that more than 1,000 colored people were denied voting rights. I am not sure if that was correct or not. Perhaps those people should or should not be on the rolls. But assuming the charge was correct, it would be possible for a judge in that case to put a person in jail for {{SIC|4,500|45,000}} days without a jury trial, alleging that there were 1,000 different offenses.

Mr. THURMOND. I see no reason why he could not, if he tries the defendant on each separate offense, which I think he would have to do to sentence him for more than 45 days. If he tries the accused for one act of depriving a person of his right to vote, there would be only one act, and 45 days in my opinion would be the limit. But if a judge saw fit to try a man and sentence him to prison for 45 days, he could try him again on another charge with respect to a man who claims his rights were violated in connection with voting and the defendant could be given another 45 days. I do not think there is any limit to that. I think he could keep filing them.

Mr. LONG: Is it not conceivable following such a procedure a judge could put a man in jail for his natural lifetime without a jury trial? Suppose he alleges that the defendant prevented 2,000 people from registering. That would be 90,000 days he could put the man in jail without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. While I think theoretically that is possible, I do not think actually it would be practicable. But it is theoretically possible to do that.

I wish to read the distinguished Senator what Associate Justice Brennan said:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it.}}
What is the Congress doing here if they let a judge try a man for criminal contempt, which is a crime?

I quote Associate Justice Brennan further:
{{smaller block|One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence—}}
In my State they cannot comment on the evidence and I do not believe they can in the State of the Senator from Louisiana, can they? In a few cases I believe they can.

Mr. LONG. No; not in a criminal case.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not believe they can even instruct the jury except as the parties request instruction. In some States the judge cannot charge the jury at all except where the parties request him to instruct, so jealously is the right of trial by jury regarded, leaving to the 12 fellow countrymen, 12 peers of the defendant, the authority to decide the case.

I wish to quote further from Associate Justice Brennan:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies, and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question to my distinguished colleague from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. I regret that because of my ill health, of which the Senator is aware, I was unable to be here.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sorry, too. I thought about the distinguished Senator a great deal and inquired about him.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure during the night sometime the distinguished Senator from South Carolina discussed how the jury system came into being; is that correct? The divine right of kings principle was set aside and the jury system installed in its place.

Mr. THURMOND. That is right. I am going now into the history of the jury system. That is the very thing I am discussing now.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that in the State of South Carolina—and, I might say, it is true in some of the other States—the higher courts have set aside verdicts of guilty because of the presence of prejudiced jurors or jurors who did not tell the truth on their examination, when they were asked if they knew anything about the facts.

We have always been extremely jealous under the Constitution to see that every defendant receives a fair and honest trial. I know that there have been such cases in the State of South Carolina as the type to which I have referred.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. I was a trial judge for 8 years, and came into close contact with jurors. I know how jurors feel. I know how the people feel. The citizens of this country believe in the jury system. It is a part of their nature to believe in the jury system. Those who have talked with me do not like the fact that the bill provides for compromising the Constitution in order to get a compromise civil-rights bill. We should not compromise the Constitution. That is exactly what this so-called compromise bill does, on the jury-trial question.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure that when the distinguished Senator was a judge, if any efforts were made to influence a jury, either by telephone or letter, if the judge became aware of it, he promptly declared a mistrial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is correct. Any judge would set aside a verdict if a juror were influenced.

Judges are human. Some people look upon a Federal judge as sacrosanct, so to speak—clothed with a robe, high, mighty, and arrogant. They are human, and they are subject to the errors of human nature, just as any other citizen is. They should not be entrusted with this great power, involving the liberty of our people, in violation of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that once in a while there is a dishonest judge. Is not that true?

Mr. THURMOND. I presume it is. However, I have never heard of any in South Carolina.

Mr. LANGER. We had a very dishonest Federal judge in the State of North Dakota at one time. I had personal experience with him. Time and again during my service in the Senate I have charged that judge with being dishonest. He is still alive. I did not rely upon Congressional immunity. I have made that statement often. I have never been sued for it, and I know very well that I never will be.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the distinguished Senator would not want such a judge to try him for criminal contempt, which is a crime. I am certain that the distinguished Senator from North Dakota would want a jury to try him. Is not that correct?

Mr. LANGER. That is certainly correct. I believe that in the State of South Carolina, or any other State, the people will insist not only on good, honest judges, but also on seeing to it that the jury system is kept unimpaired.

Mr. THURMOND. Some of the proponents of the bill think they are going to punish the South. However, the bill applies to every American. The bill will fly back in the faces of some of its proponents and their friends, and they will be surprised.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to discuss this question with the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

I was discussing the history of the jury system.

I continue to read from “History of the Jury System,” in the chapter entitled “Trials and Tribunals Among the Saxons.”
{{smaller block|It will be observed that it was the priests who had charge of administering these tests of innocence—termed ''judicia dei''—and they doubtless reaped a rich harvest from the monopoly of this privilege, commensurate with the wealth and the guilt of the accused.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator further yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In view of the fact that I mentioned a dishonest judge, I should like to give an illustration of how a dishonest judge operates.

In the first place, when it is desired to obtain a jury which is dishonest, a special assistant United States marshal will be appointed. The marshal will walk into a store, for example, and say, “Mr. Jones, I would like to have you take 100 subscriptions to a certain newspaper.” The man behind the counter might say, “Why should I take a hundred subscriptions?” The marshal may say, “We are fighting the Governor of the State.”

If the man takes 100 subscriptions, and pays $100, or $1 apiece for a year, his name goes into the jury box; and if he does not subscribe, his name does not go into the jury box.

In the case to which I have reference, the slips which were put into the box were different. The names of those who were prejudiced against a defendant would be written on wide slips. The names of those who were not so prejudiced were written upon narrow slips. A clerk was conniving with the judge. I may say that later the clerk went to the penitentiary. He would feel around until he felt a broad slip, and withdraw that slip.

A Federal judge has a vast amount of power. A judge may say, “I am not going to allow any of the defense lawyers to examine any prospective jurors. Let them write out their questions and submit them to me, and I will ask the prospective jurors whether or not they are prejudiced, or what answers they have to the questions.”

Two or three days might be consumed in the effort to get a fair jury; but because of the fact that the Federal judge will not allow the lawyers for the defendant to ask any questions, the judge will finally get a jury which has not been thoroughly examined from the viewpoint of the defendant.

That is not all. A dishonest judge, by the tone of his voice, can let the jury know what he himself thinks of the case. For example, the defendant may be giving testimony, and if the United States attorney interrupts him the Federal judge may say, “Well, let the defendant tell his story,” with a sneer on his face, for the benefit of the jury.

When it comes to his instructions, he may, in a very low tone of voice, give the instructions he is required to give which are favorable to the defendant. Then he raises his voice and makes gestures which let the jury know he does not believe the defendant to be innocent. He tries to impress the jury by his loud tone of voice and the things he says in his instructions, which tend to prejudice the jury.

I have seen it happen. I myself was a trial lawyer. I served at one time as attorney general of my State, and later as governor of the State.

As I have previously stated, a Federal judge has a vast amount of power. He can name special bailiffs is he decides that the number of bailiffs in the court is not sufficient. He can appoint half a dozen or a dozen more, and have them carry revolvers to impress the rank and file of the jurors with the great importance of the case.

A Federal judge can claim that his life is in danger, and he can have Federal troops escort him back and forth between the courthouse and the hotel. A Federal judge can have airplanes flying over the courthouse, to repel the mob, for the purpose of impressing the jury with the gravity of the case which is pending before it.

I have gone all through that experience. When I came to the Senate one of the charges brought against me was with respect to the four Federal cases in which I, as governor of the State, was tried.

A Federal judge who is dishonest, with all the power he has, need not be afraid of any governor, because he holds the position for life. During the history of the United States there have been only five impeachments of Federal judges.

I well remember a case which was brought before I became a Member of the Senate. Senator Josiah Bailey, a very distinguished Senator, said to me in connection with that case, “I voted ‘not guilty’ on all counts except the last one. I voted ‘guilty’ on the last one.”

It was the fact that he voted “guilty” on that count which resulted in the impeachment of the judge.

We must take into consideration the money that is required, the lawyers who are required, and so forth. The Senate does not like to take up an impeachment case. Yet, that is the only remedy a poor man has in the matter of impeaching a dishonest Federal judge.

I am frankly delighted that the distinguished Senator from South Caroline has been going into the history of how the jury trial originated. There was a great battle to obtain the right of trialby jury on behalf of the people of England before they ever achieved their goal. One of the very first of the English juries was sent out by the judge time and time again and asked to bring in a verdict of guilty, and the jury refused to do so. They were out for many hours defying the judge. Finally, the judge said he would put them in jail.

One of the greatest calamities that could possibly occur in this country or in any other country would be to have the “divine right of kings” come back and the jury system made inoperative. I wish to thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina for bringing the matter to the attention of the Senate.

Mr. THURMOND. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota is to be commended for his statement.

Mr. President, it is not a question of civil rights. They have hooked to it an unconstitutional provision. It is now a question of whether we shall vote for a bill that violates the Constitution and takes away from citizens the right to a trial by jury.

I believe it was at Runnymeade, in 1215, that there were wrenched from King John certain rights for the benefit of the people which were written into a paper known as the Magna Carta. One of the rights wrenched from King John and which the people had cherished so long and which had been denied them was the right of trial by jury.

Mr. President, our Declaration of Independence starts out by citing grievances, among which was the fact that in many instances the citizens of the Colonies had been tried without a jury. That was one of the grievances brought up and included in the Declaration of Independence.

When our Constitution was written our forefathers had heard their fathers speak of how in generations back the people had suffered persecution. That was why many of them came to these shores, to enjoy liberty and freedom. After studying the governments of the world at that time, our forefathers finally decided on the tripartite system of government, with its three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial, which could check on each other.

They did not stop with that, Mr. President. The States organized their governments on the same basis, so that what we have is what is known as a compound Republic. We have a division of power between the States and the Federal Government. We have a division of power between the different branches on the national level and on the State level. Our forefathers, when they wrote the Constitution in Philadelphia in 1787, were determined that one thing would be contained in it would be the right of trial by jury. It is found in article III., section 2, and it provides that the trial of all crimes except cases of impeachment shall be by jury. It does not make any other exceptions for civil rights or anything else. It provides that all crimes except that of impeachment shall be tried by jury and that the trial shall be held in the State in which the crime was committed.

Even after the Constitution was written, three distinguished men attending the Convention would not sign it. They were George Mason, of Virginia, who was the author of the Bill of Rights; John Randolph, of Virginia, another very prominent citizen; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. They refused to sign the Constitution even after it was written.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, would the Senator from South Carolina be willing to yield to me for the purpose of submitting a unanimous-consent request to the Senate to the effect that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears the telegram of the Governor of the State of Wisconsin may be read and the oath be administered by unanimous consent of the Senate, without my friend from South Carolina losing the floor thereby, and that his remarks thereafter shall not count as a second speech against him, and that this interruption be placed in another portion of the {{sc|Record}}?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield under those conditions.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears in the Chamber the clerk may read the telegram from the Governor of Wisconsin and that the Senate give its consent to the oath being administered to the Senator-elect.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous-consent request of the Senator from Texas? The Chair thinks it also includes the provision that the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}] shall not lose the floor.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. All the conditions enumerated, Mr. President.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, reserving the right to object—and, of course, I shall not object—I should like to be associated with the unanimous-consent request made by the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I make the request on behalf of the minority leader and myself. I wish to make it abundantly clear that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears consent will have already been given to his being sworn in after the telegrams have been read; and that the Senator from South Carolina will still retain the floor and will be protected in his right to the floor and in the fact that he has made only one speech on this subject. Also, Mr. President, I request that the interruption be placed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from South Carolina.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and the request is agreed to.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. I thank the Senator from South Carolina for yielding.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was engaged in colloquy with the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Langer}}] ,at the time when we were interrupted. I should like to continue the colloquy with him.

Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from North Dakota for his questions and for bringing out the points he did. What I started to say is that when the Constitution Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1787 for the purpose of writing a constitution, the deputies, as they were called then, were confronted with the very difficult proposition of how the States would have representation. The large States wanted representation in proportion to population; the small States wanted representation according to States, regardless of size. Of course, they reached a compromise, and we have the two bodies of Congress. The Senate has an equal number of Senators from each State, regardless of the size of the State, and the House of Representatives is based on population. That is only one of the many intricate problems which had to be fought and settled by the Convention. It was a very difficult task to bring about the adoption of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question at this point?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator from North Dakota, as the distinguished Senator from South Carolina knows, is very much interested in the small States. The two Senators from North Dakota are very much interested in the small States. They have been battling and fighting for the rights of the small States. Today there are six States which never have had any Cabinet members. For example, take the State of Florida. It has now for 107 years been a member of this Union. Yet the State of Florida has never had a member of the Cabinet, although the city of New York under Franklin Roosevelt at one time had six from the State of New York.

Take the State of Nevada. Nevada had an Ambassador. The State of South Dakota has never had one. Montana never has had one. Idaho never has had one. The Senator from North Dakota finally succeeded in getting one for North Dakota, the first one after 62 years of statehood. It seems to me that the Senators from these States and from the States of smaller population a long time ago ought to have gotten together and said to the State Department, “We demand that citizens of the States of lesser population also have some appointments as ambassadors, or occasionally have a man appointed to the Cabinet of the President of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree with the Senator, and what I said was by way of illustration.

Mr. LANGER. Yes.

Mr. THURMOND. The point I started to make was this: There were so many problems confronting the deputies in Philadelphia that they had a very hard time drafting a constitution, and even after it was drafted, it would not have been ratified if they had not promised the leading political leaders of the day that there would be a Bill of Rights. That is the only way they were able to have the Constitution adopted; and even then, George Mason, of Virginia; John Hancock, of Massachusetts; Elbridge Gary, of Massachusetts, refused to sign it. They did not want to take for granted any question about the rights to which the people were entitled, and one of the precious rights in which they were most interested was the right of trial by jury. The right of trial by jury was not only written in article III., section 2 of the Constitution, but in several places in the Bill of Rights. The right of trial by jury has been handed down to us as part of our Government as a great heritage, and we do not want to run the risk of losing that precious right.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true at the present time in one foreign country after another, to whom we have been sending foreign aid and with whom we fought in World War II., later in the Korean war—one of the very things we are advocating in these countries are reforms which will provide trial by jury. Is that not correct?

Mr. THURMOND. I understand we have been advocating that other countries, in which we have been trying to help the people to set up democratic governments, accord the right of trial by jury. It is going to look a little inconsistent to those people to whom we have held out trial by jury as the ideal, when we pass a bill which proposes to take away trial by jury.

Some persons do not feel this is important; some of them say, “Well it is a compromise. The House held to a certain idea and the Senate another; and it is a matter of getting together as best they could.”

But this is a vital question. There is nothing more important, no right more important than that of trial by jury.

Mr. LANGER. I assume the Senator means a fair trial, an honest trial.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. The experience the Senator has had as judge ably demonstrated that, did it not?

Mr. THURMOND. My experience has been that a jury will come nearer rendering a fair verdict than a judge will, because there are 12 men on the jury—and Mr. Justice Brennan concurs in this—who hear the evidence and reach a conclusion. It is a most important matter; yet here in this so-called civil rights bill—

Madam President, may we have order, please?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair). The Senate will be in order.

The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. The effect of the so-called civil-rights bill is to amend the Constitution. The Constitution says, in article III., section 2, that “the trial of all crimes, except cases of impeachment; shall be by jury,” and then in the sixth amendment to the Constitution the statement is made again. It says, “In all”—it does not say in some—it does not say in all but civil rights; it makes no exception. It says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and a public trial, by an impartial jury of the State * * * to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses.}}
And so forth. instead of that, this civil-rights bill now includes an amendment—which has been added by the House of Representatives—which gives the judge the power to make the decision, without a trial by jury, unless the fine exceeds a certain amount of money or unless the period of incarceration exceeds a certain number of days.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair) Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true that one of the arguments used when the right of women’s suffrage was asked for, was that women should have the right to sit on juries?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that women be allowed to sit on the juries. I think it is very wholesome to have that allowed. Such a law has not yet been passed in South Carolina, but I think it will be; in my opinion, that time will come.

Mr. LANGER. We who live in North Dakota have had such a law for many years, and it works very satisfactorily.

Mr. THURMOND. I so understand.

In some States, women are allowed to serve on juries, if they wish, but they are not forced to do so. In other States, women must serve on juries, if called. In other States, women do not have to serve at all on juries.

Madam President, the bill of rights—and the right of trial by jury is the heart of the bill of rights—is the most precious document of the American people.

Madam President, let me say to the distinguished Senator from North Dakota that when the Declaration of Independence was written, it included a very definite reference to trial by jury. I wish to read part of the Declaration of Independence, in order to remind the distinguished Senator from North Dakota of that fact.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, I shall be very glad to have the Senator from South Carolina do so.

Mr. THURMOND. Madam President, I read now from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.}}
{{smaller block|We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.}}
{{smaller block|He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.}}
{{smaller block|He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.}}
{{smaller block|He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.}}
{{smaller block|He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.}}
A little later in the Declaration of Independence, we find the following—

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, it is very interesting to hear the Declaration of Independence read.

Mr. THURMOND. It is, indeed.

I read further from the Declaration of Independence:
{{smaller block|He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.}}
{{smaller block|He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.}}
{{smaller block|He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.}}
{{smaller block|He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.}}
{{smaller block|He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.}}
{{smaller block|He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.}}
{{smaller block|He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.}}
{{smaller block|He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:}}
{{smaller block|For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:}}
{{smaller block|For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States:}}
{{smaller block|For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:}}
{{smaller block|For imposing taxes on us without our consent:}}
{{smaller block|For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
That was one of the cardinal points which was set forth in the Declaration of Independence, namely, that the King of England had deprived the colonists “in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.”

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}, in accordance with the previous unanimous-consent agreement, yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas, for the purpose of having the Senator-elect from Wisconsin take the oath of office. By agreement, the proceedings incident thereto appear in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

The VICE PRESIDENT. Pursuant to the order, the Chair recognizes the Senator from South Carolina.

The Senate will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a good many Senators were not here when I presented my views earlier during this debate, and I shall take a few minutes now to express a few points which I should like to have them hear.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution, because that would be the result, insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common law cases.

As I have stated earlier today, I cited a decision during this debate to show that criminal contempt is a crime. Since criminal contempt is a crime, a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no way, under the Constitution, by which a man charged with a crime can be denied a trial by jury.

Since the decision I have cited shows that criminal contempt is a crime, it simply follows that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

These guaranties to which I referred, in article III., section 2, of the Constitution, and in the fifth and seventh amendments, were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historical document their complaints against the denial of the right to trial by jury. That document was the Declaration of Independence. I am going to read the section of the Declaration of Independence in which our forefathers with courage and stamina severed their relations with the mother country, Great Britain, and established their own government. A list of grievances against the King was set forth in that document and among those grievances there was one pertaining to trial by jury. It reads as follows:
{{smaller block|Depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.}}
In other words, those who signed the Declaration of Independence gave as one of the reasons for declaring their independence and for cutting loose from the King the fact that they had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. Therefore we can see with that incentive in mind in writing the Declaration of Independence why there was such a strong urge in writing the Constitution to include in it a provision for trial by jury, and then later in writing the Bill of Rights, to provide a trial by jury without the exceptions which are contained in this so-called compromise that came from the House of Representatives.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights. A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790. The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and one-time Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him.

The Bill of Rights, he declared—
{{smaller block|denies the power of any Government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.}}
Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:
{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?}}
{{smaller block|The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}
Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional Government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic laws, if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes; in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:
{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}
Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.}}
The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “the trial of all crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days’ imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. In this day and time I wonder, sometimes, if there is not too much compromise. It does my heart good to see a man with strong convictions, a man who believes in something, a man who stands for something and who is not willing to compromise on everything when there is a vital principle at stake.

Mr. President, I realize that legislation to a large extent is compromise. That is perfectly legitimate when it does not involve the Constitution. But when it involves the Constitution, there should be no compromise. There should have been no compromise on this bill which comes back to the Senate from the House. There can be no compromise with reference to the manner in which the bill was amended.

The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of Government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was approved by the Senate.

The enactment in the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, was a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, this unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope that a majority of this Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the bloc voting of the pivotal States. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that—
{{smaller block|Behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.}}
'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', 12 members of the Italian Chamber of Deputies visit the Senate, and Mr. Thurmond’s is interrupted, so as to introduce the deputies appropriately. At the time in the ''Record'', several other matters are read into the ''Record'', namely, a “Message from the House,” the “House Bills and Joint Resolutions Referred,” and the “House Concurrent Resolution Referred.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, to explain his point Mr. Alsop cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the “Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States,” Mr. Alsop stated that it is “almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.”

In other words, Mr. Alsop says that the whole civil-rights fight is purely political, and the effect of it is that both parties are vying to get the Negro vote in the doubtful States.

To explain his point he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in those States. Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any Presidential candidate could lose those three States and win the election.

I shall not take any more further time to present the analysis he made, but he went into considerable detail.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today, but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of this bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily. Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether or not to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law. Jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge so long as he does not exceed the maximum limit prescribed for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of this bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges. No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected by it. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When this bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted that great legal mind of the 18th century of England, Blackstone, because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence.

I have also quoted heretofore and cited a case which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That is a decision I have heretofore reviewed. I might refer to it again for the benefit of any who missed it, because that is an important point. I do not believe that some of the lawyers in the Congress have realized that criminal contempt is a crime.

''Bessett'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' (194 U. S. 324) says a contempt proceeding is criminal in its nature. ''Ex parte'' Grossman (267 U. S. 87) says a criminal contempt committed by disobedience of an injunction issued by the district court to abate a nuisance in pursuance of the prohibition law is an offense against the United States, and within the pardoning powers of the President under article II. of the Constitution.

The ''Conkey'' case I just referred to, volume 194 United States Reports, page 324, defines civil and criminal contempt, pointing out that the latter, criminal contempt, is criminal and punitive in its nature, and the Government, the courts, and the people are interested in their prosecution.

If criminal contempt is a crime, as the United States Supreme Court decision holds it is, then under the Constitution of the United States a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury. There is no ifs, ands, and buts about it. There can be no exceptions.

Article III., section 2 of the Constitution provides:
{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}
Again in the sixth amendment in the Bill of Rights, it is provided:
{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}
Mr. President, when this bill was previously debated in the Senate, I cited Blackstone as an authority, and I may cite him again today, but I want to refer to a portion of this bill, to show how it violates the Constitution on the jury trial question.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to my distinguished friend for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Could the Senator from South Carolina tell us how it happened that the Federal judges encroached upon the rights of defendants? How did they come to hold that contempt of court was not a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. There is a long story about contempt and how it arrived at where it is now. I might say, in brief, and that is what my distinguished friend is interested in, that under the present law a man charged with criminal contempt gets a jury trial unless the Government is a party to the suit, and in labor disputes defendants get a jury trial even if the Government is a party to the suit.

Under this so-called compromise which the House sent to the Senate, that will not be the case unless a judge in his discretion sees fit to give the defendant a jury trial, or the judge tries him and decides he wants to punish him to a greater extent than a $300 fine or a 45 days’ prison sentence, in which event he would then have a jury trial.

Mr. President, under the version of the bill which was passed by the House of Representatives, the Attorney General could substitute the government for a private party, and thereby could deprive an individual of a jury trial.

But the Senate amended the bill as passed by the House of Representatives; and the Senate sent the bill, as thus amended, back to the House of Representatives. The Senate, by means of one of its amendments, drew a distinction and delineated between civil contempt and criminal contempt. The amendment provided that if the purpose of the action the judge wished to obtain was compliance with his order, in the case of something to be done in the future, failure to comply with the order would constitute civil contempt; but if the purpose was to punish for something done in the past, failure to comply with the judge’s order would constitute criminal contempt.

The Senate amended the bill, as I have stated, and returned the bill, as thus amended, to the House of Representatives. Then the House of Representatives added the amendment which I believe violates the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. It has been a pleasure, I assure the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. President, because of the authoritative place that Blackstone holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him at this time. Every lawyer respects Mr. Blackstone. He said:
{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law.}}
That is what Blackstone said about trial by jury—that it is “the glory of the English law.”

Blackstone further said:
{{smaller block|And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under Providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}
In other words, Rome, Sparta, and Carthage did not have trial by jury when their people lost their liberties.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:
{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen; chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth and the surest guardians of public justice, For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}
Mr. President, that is what Mr. Blackstone said. No brighter legal mind ever shone in the brilliant galaxy of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence.

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied to another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court, delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and he made the following statement:
{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. * * * One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions.}}
Mr. President, in my State the judge charges the jury as to the law, but he cannot comment on the facts. In some States a judge is not even permitted to charge the jury, unless the parties to the suit request it.

I read further from the address by Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court:
{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials, because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}
Mr. President, those are the words of Associate Justice Brennan, in speaking about jury trials. I do not know how he could have stated the matter in much stronger terms.

Mr. President, that statement by Associate Justice Brennan is most significant, to me, in that it comes from a member of the present Supreme Court of the United States. I shall not predict what the Court may do when the question of the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury, as embodied in the so-called compromise, is presented to the Court. However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill to be unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in the case of ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said—and this is the Supreme Court of the United States speaking:
{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Kennedy}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. If the Congress can say to the people of the United States that a Federal judge has absolute power to forbid a jury trial if the sentence is not more than 45 days in jail or a fine of not more than $300, and if such a law is held constitutional, what would there be to stop a future Congress from changing the amounts to 10 times those—in other words, let us say, to 450 days in jail and a fine of $3,000, or even more?

As I see it, the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is fighting for a principle.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. The principle—not the exact amount of the punishment or the exact amount of the fine—is the important consideration in this case.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, the Senator from South Carolina is chiefly concerned with the principle, rather than with the exact amount of the punishment—whether it be 45 days in jail or a fine of $300, or whether it be more than that; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. Certainly it is a fact that the Congress should not give to any Federal judge the power to levy fines of $300 or to imprison for 45 days, without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Congress does not have power to do it if it wants to.

Mr. LANGER. In my opinion, you certainly quoted excellent authority to sustain that view.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much.

These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

And further:
{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}
If the Constitution provided that a Federal judge could give to a defendant a jury trial if he wanted to do so, or to refuse it if he wanted to do that, then there would be authority for what the House sent to the Senate. If the Constitution provided that in cases of criminal contempt defendants would be excepted from the jury. trial, the House would have been legally justified in passing what they did. But there is no exception to the right of jury trial in the Constitution or in the Bill of Rights.

The Constitution will first have to be amended in order that this so-called compromise bill, which has passed the House and is before the Senate, can be upheld.

I cannot say what the Supreme Court will do, no one can say, but I do not see how they could make any other holding in view of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. That is certainly what may be expected from the Court, in view of the statement I just quoted from Justice Brennan, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State, and I spoke on them during the night, starting with Alabama, and covered every State, including Wyoming.

I cited the law and the section of the code, including North Dakota and all the States. They all have laws to protect the right to vote. In a few minutes, I am going to cite a Federal section to show that there is a Federal law already on the subject; so, if a Federal law were desired on the subject, we already have one.

I think it is a matter that ought to be left to the States, but if people disagree about that, and if it is within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, we already have a statute on the subject. But this bill is a violation of the Constitution on the right to a jury trial question, regardless.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Would the Senator be kind enough to read the statutes in South Carolina and Mississippi, if he has them?

Mr. THURMOND. Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote. I shall discuss them in a few minutes.

I do not know of a single case having arisen in South Carolina in which a potential voter has charged that he has been deprived of his right to vote. Had such an instance occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina. The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, on May 1, 1947, I recommended to the State legislature that it repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

The legislature took favorable action and submitted the question to a vote of the people at the next general election, which was in November 1948.

The people voted favorably on the amendment, and then in January 1949, or early in 1949, the legislature ratified the action of the people. Our poll tax was eliminated as a prerequisite to voting. So we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting. We have a school tax, but no one has to pay to vote. Moreover, registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina—if proof is desired—can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia (S. C.) Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that: “Estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution which protect a citizen’s tight to vote:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9. SUFFRAGE}}}}
{{smaller block|The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10. ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}
{{smaller block|All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5. APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8. REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the first of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15. RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}
{{smaller block|No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}
In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the {{sc|Record}} to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}}}}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–73. APPEAL FROM DENIAL OF REGISTRATION}}}}
{{smaller block|The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–74. PROCEEDINGS IN COURT OF COMMON PLEAS}}}}
{{smaller block|Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–75. FURTHER APPEAL TO SUPREME COURT}}}}
{{smaller block|From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make.}}
I do not know of any other State which gives this protection.
{{smaller block|If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}
The supreme court will be called together to hear one man’s case on appeal. What more can we do than that? We have, first, the board of registration; next the court of common pleas, and then the supreme court. The supreme court will hold an extra session, if necessary, to hear the appeal, and even if there is only one man who feels that he has been disenfranchised, or disqualified, for any reason, to receive a registration certificate.
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–100. RIGHT TO VOTE}}}}
{{smaller block|No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}
In other words, if he loses his certificate, or has any trouble with the board—the books are filed there—if his name is on the book, the clerk will give him a certificate. If it is not there, he can even go to the secretary of state at Columbia, if there is any local prejudice or other trouble. He can go to the State capital, and obtain a certificate from the secretary of state. That is the protection we give. We have some others. 
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–349. VOTER NOT TO TAKE MORE THAN 5 MINUTES IN BOOTH; TALKING IN BOOTH, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.}}
{{c|{{sm|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}}}
{{smaller block|No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. A little while ago the distinguished Senator said that he had before him the election laws of all 48 States.

Mr. THURMOND. That is true.

Mr. LANGER. Are not the laws of South Carolina more liberal than those of other States?

Mr. THURMOND. I think they are more liberal with respect to voting. I think we have gone further than have most of the other States. We repealed the poll-tax requirement. We have given every opportunity to everyone to vote. I do not know of anyone in my State today who is denied the right to vote if he wishes to vote.

Our requirements are not too severe. The only requirement is that the voter must be able to read or write the Constitution. The Constitution was used in order to have reference to some document. Anyone who can read and write can read the Constitution as well as he can read anything else. Or if he cannot do that, he must own $300 worth of property. If he meets either requirement, he can vote.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator stated that there was a Federal law in this connection.

Mr. THURMOND. Yes.

Mr. LANGER. May we have the Federal statute read?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has just asked me about the Federal law on the books with regard to voting. I should like to have the Senator from North Dakota and other Senators hear this. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Case}}] and other Senators to listen to the statute I am about to read. Last night I made the point that every State in the Union has laws on this subject. Of course, if the Senator from South Dakota has already made up his mind, I do not wish to take his time. Will he give me his attention for just a moment?

Mr. CASE of South Dakota. The Senator from South Dakota is listening.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not wish to take the Senator’s time if his mind is made up. But if his mind is open, I want him to hear this. I made the statement last night that every State in the Nation has statutes to protect the right to vote. I called upon the Library of Congress to compile those statutes, and I read them into the {{sc|Record}}. They will be found in my speech. Starting with Alabama and going through Wyoming, every State has laws protecting the right to vote.

But some people say that we need Federal laws. I do not believe many people know that we have Federal statutes on the subject. For some reason or other they must have overlooked them. I wish to read the Federal law at this time to show that there is a Federal law on the statute books. It is designated as section 594 of chapter 29, title 18, of Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure. It reads as follows:
{{c|{{x-smaller|594. INTIMIDATION OF VOTERS}}}}
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the Office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}
If anyone intimidates, threatens, or coerces another with respect to voting, or with respect to how he wishes to vote, or for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote, or to vote for whomever he chooses, there is a Federal statute under which a Federal judge can send him to jail for 1 year, or fine him $1,000. There is already a Federal statute on the subject. So why pass the bill coming from the House, or any other bill to provide the right to vote?

The statute which I have just read is a criminal statute. It enables the Federal Government, if it wishes to protect the right to vote, to protect any man’s right to vote, because it can put a man in jail for as long as 1 year, or fine him $1,000 if he interferes with the right of anyone to vote.

The only difference is that this is a criminal statute, and if a man were prosecuted under this statute he would get a jury trial. If we believe in the Constitution and in jury trials, we want to preserve that right anyway. The Constitution is clear on the question of jury trials. Article III., section 2, is specific on it. The Bill of Rights contains several references to it. The sixth amendment, in the Bill of Rights, is directly to the point.

I have before me a decision—I do not know whether the Senator heard it or not—which upholds the contention that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man is entitled to a trial by jury under the Constitution of the United States if he is charged with criminal contempt.

If there have been complaints to the Federal Government in any State of the Nation about people not being allowed to vote, why has not the Justice Department taken action under the statute to which I have just referred, and put offenders behind bars or fined them if they interfered with the right of other people to vote?

The Federal Government has the power to do it. It is not necessary for it to have more power. The accused should have a jury trial. This is a free country. The mere fact that a jury returns a verdict which one of the parties may not like is no excuse for abolishing the jury trial.

Either the Federal Government is not doing its duty in protecting people who have complained to it that they could not vote for one reason or another, or that voting has been interfered with for one reason or another, and has not given the proper protection to those people who complained to it, or there have been no complaints.

If there have been any complaints, it was the duty of the Department of Justice to take action, and they could take action under the statute I have cited. There is no use beating about the bush and saying there is a duty to pass a right to vote bill. There is such a law on the statute books. Every State in the Union has such a law. The United States Code contains a provision protecting the right to vote. Let the Attorney General enforce this statute I have cited. If he has received any complaint from South Carolina about any man not voting, or has received a complaint from any other State, it is his duty to take action under the statute, and see that the one who interferes is punished. He can be put in jail for a year or fined $1,000.

Mr. President, I am merely desiring to call this to the attention of Senators who are in the Chamber at this time, because so many of them do not seem to understand that we now have a Federal law on the books, section 594, which provides for the protection of voting rights. I do not know how it could be made any stronger.

The Senator from North Dakota was asking about the South Carolina statute. I read from the statutes:
{{smaller block|After the voter’s ballot has been prepared, the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–656. PROCURING OR OFFERING TO PROCURE VOTES BY THREAT}}}}
{{smaller block|At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–657. THREATENING OR ABUSING VOTERS, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–658. SELLING OR GIVING AWAY LIQUOR WITHIN 1 MILE OF VOTING PRECINCT}}}}
{{smaller block|It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–659. ALLOWING BALLOT TO BE SEEN, IMPROPER ASSISTANCE, ETC.}}}}
{{smaller block|In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|23–667. ILLEGAL CONDUCT AT ELECTION GENERALLY}}}}
{{smaller block|Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}
Mr. President, I believe what I have read covers the constitutional provisions and the statutory provisions. Does not the Senator from North Dakota think those provisions add to the protection of voters?

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator be kind enough to repeat the Federal statute?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am particularly interested in where the Federal statute states that one can be both fined and imprisoned.

Mr. THURMOND. It says “or both.”
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}
But such person can get a jury trial, though. In other words, that is just another crime. It is like when a man is charged with murder or any other crime.

He will have a jury trial. If he is found guilty, then the judge can sentence him to $1,000 or 1 year in prison, or both. That is a strong statute.

Mr. LANGER. I want to thank the distinguished Senator for bringing that to the attention of the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is entirely welcome.

I think it is a statute that a good many people may have overlooked. There has been so much talk about the right to vote and people not having the right to vote protected until I thought the Senate and the people of the Nation ought to know that not only every State has laws protecting the right to vote, but the Federal Government also has on the statute books a statute protecting the right to vote. As I stated, that is section 594, of chapter 29, title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be glad to yield to my distinguished friend.

Mr. LANGER. For a question?

Mr. THURMOND. For a question.

Mr. LANGER. Have there been any decisions by the South Carolina Supreme Court on any of the statutes which the distinguished Senator has read?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall offhand that any cases have gone to the supreme court. In our State everybody registers and votes who wants to, and I guess that is probably the reason there have been no cases taken to the supreme court.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, prove there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right to vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise.

Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—
{{smaller block|(2) study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and}}
{{smaller block|(3) appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}
These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an {{SIC|unsual|unusual}} grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and non-political, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I should like to have the Senator hear this. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people, to involve neighbor against neighbor. This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others, to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so. If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make the testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate, before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A civil-rights division in the Justice Department is not needed, because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed; in fact, he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country. Since conditions have improved and since there is no indication that conditions will change—unless the Attorney General and the Civil-Rights Commission create trouble—there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of a Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department.

Part III. of the bill, as originally written—which was completely obnoxious—was removed. I have several times stated my views on part IV. I object to its grant of dictatorial power to the Attorney General. The Congress should never agree to place such authority in the hands of any one official of the Government.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which reads as follows:
{{smaller block|(d) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield to me?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. As I understand, in the case of the existing section 594, during all these years the Attorney General of the United States has had the power to enforce that section, and he has had the assistance of the United States attorneys in every State of the Union, and they have had the help of their assistants; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. In some of the States there are eastern districts, northern districts, southern districts, and western districts—for instance, as in the case of New York; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That also is correct.

Mr. LANGER. And each of those districts has United States attorneys and assistant United States attorneys and United States marshals; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. So all the necessary machinery for the enforcement of section 594, to protect the voting right of any citizen of the United States who may have had his voting right denied, has been in existence all during this period of time; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. Can the distinguished Senator from South Carolina name a single case in which the Attorney General of the United States has tried to enforce any of these statutes?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator, I will say that I do not know about the situation in other States; but as for the situation in my own State, I have not heard of such a case. However, I can see why that would be; I can understand why probably there would not be any such cases in South Carolina. That is because anyone in South Carolina who wishes to register to vote, has no trouble doing so. But I have not heard that any cases of this sort have been brought in other States. Such cases may have been brought in other States, but I have not heard of any.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I wish to ask what additional power the Attorney General will have, if a new Assistant Attorney General is appointed, inasmuch as the Attorney General already has the help of other Assistant Attorneys General and the help of United States attorneys, whose appointments have to be approved by the Senate; they cannot be appointed until the Congress has consented to the appointments.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question asked by the Senator from North Dakota, I would say that I see no need for an additional Assistant Attorney General—who, if appointed, would receive a large salary. I see no need for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, because the Department of Justice already has a civil-rights section; and there has been no evidence of any need for a big division, similar to the one now proposed to be created. I think the establishment of such a division would simply mean the payment of more salaries and a larger Federal payroll and more taxes on the backs of the American people.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, there has never been a time when, under present law, the Department of Justice could not have presented a case of that sort before a grand jury, if the Department had wished to do so; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. If there had been any complaint in either North Dakota or South Carolina, let us say, to the effect that someone had not been able to vote, although he was eligible to vote, all the Department of Justice would have had to do would have been to have the United States attorneys in those States look into the matter and take whatever action would have been appropriate under the circumstances.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator from North Dakota for his questions.

Mr. President, a moment ago I read the provisions of section 131(d). It simply means that the district courts can, under that provision, bypass the State procedures, the administrative remedies under the State laws, and can take action, and thus can cause much tension, embarrassment, and trouble although it is not necessary to do so. If anyone cannot obtain justice through the administrative remedies of his State, then of course he will be able to go to the district attorneys, and they can prosecute under the Federal statute I have just read. But the use of the existing remedies under the State laws should first be required—which is the usual procedure one would follow.

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States should not be exhausted prior to having Federal district courts take jurisdiction in cases of election-law violations.

In other words, I believe in letting the States run their business, if they will. A Federal statute already is in existence; and if there is need to use it, it can be used. But why not let the States handle the matter of voting and the other matters which are reserved to them under the Constitution? Let the States handle them. Then, if the States fail to do so or if they fall down in the performance of their duty, section 594 is in existence, and it can be used as a hammer with which they can be clubbed to death, if need be.

The present proposal could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority, and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 spoke strongly on behalf of the Federal courts, during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them. That is the point I made just a few minutes ago.

I shall not go into further details with reference to the provisions of this part of the bill, but I am just as strongly opposed to it as I was when it was first introduced. I shall continue to oppose such grants of power to the Attorney General or to any other official.

Mr. President, I based my opposition to H. R. 6127 throughout its consideration in the Senate on three principal points. I am convinced the bill is unconstitutional in several respects which I have cited. I know that it is unnecessary because the right to vote is fully protected in every State and under the laws of the United States where applicable.

Finally, I know that the enactment of such legislation is extremely unwise.

It is unwise because the sure result of passing this bill would be to destroy a great deal of the good feeling existing between the white and the Negro races, not only in the South but in every community where a substantial number of Negroes live. Nothing would be gained, but much would be lost.

The Civil Rights Commission, by using its powers to attempt to force integration of the races, is bound to create suspicion and tension between the races to an even greater degree than the suspicion and tension which was created by the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the school segregation cases.

Unbiased persons who are familiar with the segregation problem, and who observed the detrimental result of the Supreme Court decision, know that a traveling investigation commission and a meddling Attorney General could bring about chaos in racial relations.

The chaos would not be confined to the South because the provisions of this bill will apply to every citizen in every State. However, the Attorney General, in exercising the discretion granted him, along with the extraordinary powers also granted him, must be expected to confine his investigations and his court actions to the States of the South.

The South has often been derided and condemned on charges of sectionalism, but if the advocates of this legislation believe they will create greater unity instead of greater division in this country by the enactment of this bill, they are entirely mistaken.

George Washington in his Farewell Address used his strongest language against those who would divide our country and urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern, Atlantic, and western—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
H. R. 6127 is a blueprint for suspicion, confusion, and disunity.

The laws of the Nation are dependent upon the customs and traditions of the people. Unless law is based upon the will of the people, it will not meet with acceptance.

Government in this country derives no power except the power coming from the people. Laws which are not based on the Constitution, which is the basic statement of the will of the people, cannot be justified on any ground.

Mr. President, when there is so much evidence that this bill is unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unwise, it should never be approved. Force may subjugate the human body, but force by itself can never change the human mind. Laws, like leaders, must be of the people, by the people, and for the people.

H. R. 6127 fails to measure up by any standard. It should be rejected. I appeal to every Member of this body who believes in constitutional government and the sovereignty of the people to vote against this bill.

Mr. President, this bill, as I have stated before, has been widely called a right-to-vote bill. That is a completely misleading term. The bill, as I have stated, in my opinion, is unnecessary, because we have laws in every State to protect the right to vote. We have laws by the Federal Government to protect the right to vote. In the sections I have cited, a man can be punished severely for any interference with the right to vote.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}} yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas and other Senators, who requested the transaction of certain business, all of which appears in the {{sc|Record}} following Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, we have the finest Nation in the world. We have the finest Government in the world. In 1787 our forefathers met in Philadelphia and wrote a document called the Constitution. It was simply a compact between the States. Our forefathers came to this country to get away from tyranny. They had been punished many times without juries. They had been denied the right to worship as they pleased. They have been denied the right of freedom of speech. They had been denied the right of assemblage. They had been denied the right to petition the government, and they had been denied many other rights which we take as a commonplace in this country. They came here to enjoy the benefits of the Government they would establish to provide them those rights. After the States operating as colonies for a while felt the need of a central government for purposes of national defense, for purposes of commerce, for purposes of postal service, trade, and other reasons, they decided to form a union. They met in Philadelphia in 1787, and with deputies from all the 13 States attending that conferential meeting, all except Rhode Island—at that time Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals and ignored the whole proceeding—all with the exception of that one State, had deputies at the Constitutional Convention.

They wrote a document to delegate certain of their powers—there were States before there was a Federal union, of course—to the Federal Government for the purpose of forming a union and a central government which could do certain things for the States better than they themselves could do them.

At that convention there was a very difficult situation. The delegates had to start from scratch, so to speak, to write the basic law for a new nation. Much discussion and debate occurred there, but after working together for several months in Philadelphia they finally arrived at a document, or a compact, which was signed by the representatives of the States, delegating certain powers to the Central Government.

Three of the delegates attending the convention were not pleased, and did not sign it. I believe I stated this morning who they were. They were George Mason, of Virginia; John Randolph, of Virginia; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. The other delegates signed their names, except one, who left, but had his friend sign it.

The document was then presented to the States for ratification. Within due time ratification was had, but there was considerable opposition at the convention, and when the question of ratification arose, the main objection which was raised was that there was not spelled out in the Constitution a bill of rights. Some of the most powerful leaders in the States opposed ratification for that reason. Those who did not sign in Philadelphia opposed it chiefly, I understand, for that reason.

The Bill of Rights is a document which we cherish. The Bill of Rights is the finest civil-rights bill in the world. The Bill of Rights is a genuine civil-rights bill. That document provides us with the fundamental civil rights which we enjoy in this country today.

One of the bases of the Bill of Rights—and I like to call it the heart of the Bill of Rights—is the right of trial by jury. In the Bill of Rights, the sixth amendment is a trial-by-jury amendment. It provides specifically that any person charged with a crime shall be tried by a jury. I have previously brought out today that criminal contempt is a crime, and therefore, since it is a crime, a person charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

The bill which passed the House is a compromise, as most legislation is. Some people may have felt that that was the best the House and Senate could do, because the conferees got together and reconciled the differences between the two Houses. Ordinarily that principle would be sound in connection with legislation, but it is not sound here, because the effect of the so-called compromise would be to violate the Constitution of the United States.

If the so-called compromise had provided that a judge, in his discretion, could try a man for criminal contempt, I would have opposed it just as much if no punishment whatever were involved, because the Constitution says that a man is entitled to a trial by jury when he is prosecuted for a crime. There is no discretion in the Constitution. There is no ''proviso'' in the Constitution. There is no exception in the Constitution. The Constitution is perfectly clear on that point.

If the punishment provided in the bill in the House had called for 1 day’s imprisonment, or a fine of $1, I would be just as bitterly opposed to it. The Constitution of the United States provides that if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to a jury trial. Under the decision which I have cited here twice today, I believe, holding that criminal contempt is a crime, it is clear that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial.

I do not believe that the compromise amendment is valid. I do not think it is constitutional. The amendment of the distinguished Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] delineated and defined civil contempt and criminal contempt, and provided that civil contempt proceedings were for the purpose of bringing about compliance, in which case the order would be issued prior to the act, and that criminal contempt proceedings were to punish, in which case the order would be issued after the act. If the House had accepted it, the American people would be guaranteed trial by jury in the event of a charge of criminal contempt, which is a crime.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield to me for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to ask the Senator if I understood him correctly to say that in his opinion the so-called jury-trial provision of the bill which has been returned to us by the House is invalid and unconstitutional?

Mr. THURMOND. That is my opinion.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to say to the Senator from South Carolina that I completely agree with that opinion. It is impossible to govern the right of trial by jury by the discretion of the judge, according to the penalty he conceives he intends to inflict.

I should like to ask the Senator another question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the distinguished Senator.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina if he agrees with me that the question of jury trial should be reexamined as soon as conveniently possible, and that I would be doing a wise thing if, when the new session of Congress assembles, I should introduce a repetition of the general jury-trial amendment, firm in the belief that the advocates of civil rights, upon examination of the pretended amendment which has come to us from the House, will discover that they have bought a pigeon instead of a swallow.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question, I will say that I agree with him that the bill should be reexamined; but I think the reexamination should take place before Congress passes the bill, and not wait until next January.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. If the Senator will permit me to make this comment—will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND: I will yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I shall frame it in the form of a question. Does not the Senator agree that we are all weary and worn down; that most of us are almost as tired as is the Senator himself; and that perhaps when we return in January in the full vigor of our bodies and minds we shall be able to do a better job than we can do at this session of the Congress? I am going to introduce a jury-trial amendment in the next session in the firm belief that this jury-trial amendment accomplishes nothing; that it does not at all help the advocates of civil rights.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question I will say that I have been on my feet for the past 17 hours, and I still feel pretty good. But I agree that it has been a long, tough session. But even though it has been a long, tough session, I do not think we ought to quit now and pass a bill that the Senator and I both feel is unconstitutional. I think we should refer it to the committee, which I tried to do the other night, but was unsuccessful in my attempt. But I think this bill should not be passed at this session. I believe the Senator would prefer that it not be passed; but if it is passed, of course I should be delighted to have the Senator offer an amendment to correct the unconstitutional portion of it when we return in January. But I really do not see why we should have to pass an unconstitutional piece of legislation if we can avoid it.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for another question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. This question is a little different from the one I asked before. I am wondering if the Senator from South Carolina would cooperate with me in enabling me to pass a bill which does not involve any constitutional question. The Senate passed the bill without any opposition at all, and the House has returned it to the Senate with an amendment. I should like to move that the House amendment be concurred in by the Senate, and thus get the bill disposed of.

Mr. THURMOND. If the Senator will ask unanimous consent for me to yield to him on condition that I can retain the floor, and, further, that I shall not be charged with a second speech when I resume the discussion of the present subject—

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wyoming ask unanimous consent based on those conditions?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I do, Mr. President.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator from Wyoming this question: This is not a civil-rights bill, as I understand, is it?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. No; it is not.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Wyoming? The Chair hears none.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Mr. O’Mahoney, the “Approval of Contract with the Casper–Alcova Irrigation District, Wyoming,” is dealt with, as is a “Message from the House” and the “Enrolled Bills and Joint Resolution Signed.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was speaking a few moments ago about the States and the Federal Government. I should like to remind the people of this country that we had States before we had a union, and that the only power the Federal Government had and the only power the Union had was the power delegated by the States in Philadelphia in 1787 and in the amendments to the Constitution since that time. All other powers which have not been delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States or to the people.

I think the bill which is under consideration is unconstitutional. I think it is invalid. I think we are doing a useless thing. The proponents of the bill who feel that they are helping people, in my judgment, are going to find that there is just a lot of lost motion involved, because I do not believe the Supreme Court will hold this bill constitutional. I do not see how it could hold it constitutional. This compromise bill which came from the House leaves it entirely up to a Federal judge to say whether or not he is going to give a man a jury trial. That is not what our forefathers wrote into the Constitution. This bill provides that a judge shall decide whether he will grant a jury trial. Suppose he decides he will not grant a jury trial and then tries the defendant. Suppose he decides that the man ought to be imprisoned for more than 45 days or should pay a fine of more than $300. Then the case must be tried all over again.

That is another reason why I think the bill is unconstitutional. When we once try a man we put him in double jeopardy by trying him again.

So I think we are doing a useless thing here to pass a bill to provide that a judge can try a man and then, if he imposes above a certain sentence, the man can ask for a jury trial and then a jury can try the man. He would be tried twice. That is not only unconstitutional, it is also unfair, because if a judge tries the man himself and fines him more than $300 or sentence him to be imprisoned more than 45 days, then there is a trial ''de novo'', as they call it.

But the judge’s finding of guilt is bound to influence the jury when the jury tries him a second time. It is my opinion that the man can plead double jeopardy. The distinguished Presiding Officer was a distinguished judge in Texas. Any lawyer knows that we cannot try a man more than once for the same offense. The bill coming from the House would allow the man to be tried twice.

Mr. President, I want the American people to know what they are getting in this bill. They are getting a bill under which a judge can try a man and a jury can then try the same man. It is unconstitutional, in my opinion. Furthermore, I think it is extremely unfair, because the judge has already expressed his opinion, and if he is the judge who tries the case a second time he would be bound to show his feelings during the trial. Even if he did not show his feelings during the trial, in my opinion, his feelings would enter into the sentence after the trial.

Mr. President, there are many things in this bill. I am not against civil rights, and I am not against voting. As I have said, the finest civil rights are those in the Bill of Rights. I am for genuine civil rights, not this so-called political civil rights.

Both national parties that are pushing civil rights bills, this right to vote and other bills, are not doing it because they love the Negro. The southern white man does more for the Negro than any other man in any part of the country. This bill is motivated purely by politics. It is a political bill.

We might as well face the facts as they are. Both parties are trying to play to get the Negro vote, and, in some States, if the Negroes vote as a bloc, which they should not do, they are herded to the polls like sheep and voted. If they vote as individual citizens, which they should, this would not occur. But for some reason, both parties think that they are going to vote as a bloc. I do not know how a few leaders do it, or just how it is done. But it is unfortunate, and it is unfair to the Negro, because it takes him out of the category of an individual. It takes away his dignity. It takes away his sanctity as an individual, in which he can take pride in himself, his accomplishments and his race and not be led around like a bull with a ring in his nose. But that is the feeling of both parties in this country. They think they can vote the Negroes in a bloc, and they are making this play on these civil rights bills, so-called. They are not civil rights bills. They are so-called civil rights bills. The politicians are pushing these so-called civil rights bills to make a play and try to get the vote of the Negroes in certain doubtful States.

I have some good friends who are Negroes. I have helped many of them. I have represented them in lawsuits. I have loaned them money. I value the friendship of many Negroes, and I hate to see them treated like they are being treated. I hope that their real leaders, their genuine leaders, who are sincerely interested in them, will wake up some day and inform the members of their race just what is going on.

Mr. President, there is no need in the world to pass this bill. In the wee hours last night, when most Senators were sleeping, I was here talking, and after I had the Library of Congress, Legislative Section, prepare for me, and I put into the {{sc|Record}} at that time, statutes which provide voting rights in all the States of the Nation.

The {{sc|Congressional Record}} of last night contains those statutes of all the States from Alabama to Wyoming. In every one of the States of the Nation there are statutes that protect the right to vote. There is not a single one of the 48 States that does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

Why does the Federal Government have to have this bill passed? Is it not practically an insult to the States?

It is.

“We need it. The States will not enforce their laws?” If that be the case, all the Government has to do is to enforce the Federal statute I referred to today. Title 18, section 594, is the number of that Federal statute, which provides punishment for anyone who intimidates, coerces, or threatens any person for interfering with any other person in voting. That statute is as clear as a crystal. It provides for a fine of $1,000, or punishment of 1 year in prison, for anyone who interferes with the right of another citizen to vote. So, if there is anybody in this country today who is prevented from voting, all he has to do is to report it to the district attorney in his State, of if he prefers, to write the Justice Department. He can take that course, and action can be taken under that statute which is already on the books.

Why put another statute on the books? Why put another statute which the Supreme Court will very probably hold to be unconstitutional? I do not know what the Supreme Court will hold. I do not like to take any chances with the Supreme Court.

At any rate, the Constitution of the United States is clear, the wording is simple. Any seventh-grade child can read article III., section 2, of the Constitution of the United States and see that any citizen charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. He can also read the sixth amendment to the Constitution, one of the amendments in the Bill of Rights, and see that any man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial.

It is very difficult to understand why the Congress, which is supposed to be composed of the brightest intellects in the country, or some of the brightest intellects, would pass a bill of this kind.

Yet, if the Congress passes such a bill, this so-called compromise bill on voting rights, it will certainly amaze me if the Supreme Court does not hold it to be unconstitutional. I shall be badly disappointed if the Congress passes it.

Of course, under the pressure of different organizations, left-wing organization, ADA and NAACP, both parties are dancing like jitterbugs on the civil-rights question, because they want to carry the doubtful States where the Negroes, although only a small percentage, if they vote in a bloc, can swing a State.

I think it will be a great pity if the Congress passes this bill. I hate to see it pass such an unnecessary bill.

It seems to me that every Representative in Congress and every Senator is practically insulting his home State if he votes for this bill. He is practically saying to the governor of his State and the legislators of his State, “Although you have bills to protect voting rights, we have no confidence in you, and although we have one Federal law, we are going to pass another Federal law, and ram it down your throats whether or not you want it.” I think it is almost an insult to the States.

I suggest that they write the governors and see how many of them want this bill passed. I am wondering how many Senators in this body and how many House members have checked with the governors to find out if they want this unconstitutional monstrosity passed by the Congress.

I do not believe 10 percent of the governors of the Nation would say, “We are weaklings, and we want you to pass a strong civil-rights bill because we do not have the courage to do it. We do not have the courage to protect our people.”

As a matter of fact, Mr. President, the States already have laws on that subject, and I have read them into the {{sc|Record}}. The voting-rights statutes of the States have been read into the {{sc|Congressional Record}}, in the case of every State of the Union. Those who read the {{sc|Congressional Record}} will find them set forth there.

Mr. President, if any Senator, on either side of the aisle, can state why it is necessary to enact another Federal law to protect the right to vote, I should like to have him do so, provided I am able to yield for that purpose without losing the floor and without having the remarks I make after yielding for that purpose counted as a second speech by me. I challenge any Senator on either side of the aisle to answer this question: Why is another Federal law needed in order to protect the right to vote, when there is already on the statute books section 594, which reads, in part, as follows:
{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose.}}
In other words, one who intimidates, threatens, or coerces a voter, or even attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce him, may, under the provisions of this statute, be prosecuted. He may be prosecuted, not only if his purpose is to interfere with the right of such other person to vote, but also if his purpose is to interfere as to the person for whom such other person may wish to vote.

Mr. President, are there teeth in this statute? There certainly are. This statute provides that anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, or attempts to interfere with his voting for whomever he wishes to vote for, can be prosecuted in a Federal court and can be fined $1,000 or sentenced to a prison term of 1 year. Do not those provisions constitute teeth and strength in the existing law? Of course they do.

If there is in the United States, today, any person who is having any trouble in exercising his voting right, again I say that all he has to do is contact the Department of Justice or the district attorney in his home State, and action can be taken under this Federal law to punish any person who interferes with his right to vote.

Inasmuch as section 594 is an existing Federal statute on that subject, why is it necessary to enact another Federal statute dealing with the right to vote? It would be absolutely useless, unnecessary, and futile to enact another Federal statute on that subject; it would be a great mistake to do so, especially in view of the fact that such a statute would be unconstitutional.

Mr. President, please understand that I do not even concede that the Federal Government has a right to enter this field. Instead, I believe that these matters should be handled by the respective States. However, the Federal Government is already in this field—under the provisions of section 594, by means of which a person can be fined as much as $1,000 or put in jail for as long as one year, if her tries to interfere with the right of someone else to vote.

Since the Federal Government already is in this field, why should another Federal law on the same subject be enacted?

Mr. President, every day that passes, the Federal Government, here in Washington, D. C., is whittling away the rights of the States. It hurts me to see the Federal Government invade fields which are reserved to the States. I deeply regret that a bigger and more powerful Federal Government is being built up in Washington, D. C. This Central Government has become tremendously top-heavy. I should like to see the States have more power.

Since World War II., the Communists have taken over approximately 17 countries. In doing so, they did not invade by means of troops using bayonets and tanks; those countries were not taken over in that way by the Communists. Instead, the Communists proceeded by way of infiltration. Poland was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Poles. Czechoslovakia was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Czechs. China was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Chinese. The Communists have been able to infiltrate into the central governments; they have been able to worm their way into the police systems, and then into the election systems. Then, before one could realize it, the countries were taken over by the Communists.

Mr. President, why have the Communists been able to take over those countries? Since the end of World War II., they have been able to take over 17 countries, with populations totaling between 600 million and 800 million. The Communists have been able to do that because each of those countries has had a strong central government; and when the Communists obtained control of that central government, they were able to take over control of the entire country.

Mr. President, the more we in the United States build up power in a strong central government, the more risk we run from the standpoint of subversive activities and infiltration. If the people of the United States have the vision to keep the 48 States strong—each with its own election laws and its own police system—there will be no way by means of which the United States can be taken over by subversion. But if more and more power is given to our Central Government, after a while the States will be nothing but territories, and will not have any power.

Mr. President, the so-called civil-rights bill which the Congress is about to pass would simply take power a way from the States and would give it to the Federal Government.

A Senator might say, “I should vote for the bill because it will help me in the elections.” Mr. President, Senators had better begin to think more about the welfare and safety of their country, and less about the elections.

Mr. President, I am convinced that we must protect the States. The Constitution now protects them; but the Supreme Court and the Congress and the executive branch of the Government have been taking steps—by handing down decisions, passing laws, and issuing regulations and edicts—which violate the rights of the States and take away from the States the power they have.

Mr. President, this development cannot continue to occur, if our country is to be safe. I am disturbed for the safety of my country.

I am a brigadier general in the Army Reserve and if our country becomes engaged in an armed conflict, I am ready to serve. But we must keep our country stronger, or we shall find it engaged in conflict.

One of the ways to weaken it is to weaken the States, as we are doing today, and to keep taking away the powers of the States and building up a powerful Central Government in Washington. It is the greatest mistake in the world. It was not contemplated when our Constitution was written.

Our forefathers decided they would delegate a few powers to the Federal Government, and they spelled them out in the Constitution. All one has to do is to get the Constitution and read it. It spells out just what powers the Congress has, what powers the Federal Government has, but all other powers are reserved to the States and to the people thereof. At the rate we are going now, we will not have any States after a while. The Federal Government will have all the power.

Mr. President, some time ago I read a book by a man by the name of James Jackson Kilpatrick, of Richmond, Va., printed by the Henry Regner Co., of Chicago, entitled “The Sovereign States.”

I wish every American could read this book. I am going to read some excerpts from it today. I should like to have Senators listen to some of the passages in this book. This man is a great writer, a true patriot, and a great American.

First, I am going to read a passage by John C. Calhoun, one of the five all-time great Senators, recently selected to have his portrait placed in the Senate reception room. John C. Calhoun, I think, is one of the greatest men this country has produced. I nominated him to be selected to have his portrait placed here, and I am proud the committee selected it. He was a man who had keen vision and a proper conception of the Constitution.

There is one page in the beginning of the book by him that I want to read; it is very short.

This is what he says:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Foreword}}}}}}
{{smaller block|The great and leading principle is, that the General Government emanated from the people of the several States, forming distinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community; that the Constitution of the United States is, in fact, a compact, to which each State is a party, in the character already described; and that the several States, or parties, have a right to judge of its infractions; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of power not delegated, they have the right, in the last resort, to use the language of the Virginia resolutions, “to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.”}}
{{smaller block|This right of interposition, thus solemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may—state right, veto, nullification, or by any other name—I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system, resting on facts historically as certain as our revolution itself, and deductions as simple and demonstrative as that of any political or moral truth whatever; and I firmly believe that on its recognition depend the stability and safety of our political institutions.}}
{{right|{{sm|{{sc|John C. Calhoun}}}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Fort Hill}}, ''July 26, 1831''}}.|1em}}
This was John C. Calhoun.

He wrote that at Fort Hill, and if any Senators want to know where it is, it is at Simpson College. In fact, his home was at the college.

Mr. President, my statement was that Fort Hill is at Simpson College in South Carolina. Of course, that is the greatest college in the United States.

This book on the sovereign State was written, as I have said, by James J. Kilpatrick. First, I want to take up his introduction, and then I want to present some excerpts from the book:
{{c|{{sm|{{sc|Introduction}}}}}}
{{smaller block|Among the more melancholy aspects of the genteel world we live in is a slow decline in the enjoyment that men once found in the combat of ideas, free and unrestrained. Competition of any sort, indeed, seems to be regarded these days, in our schools and elsewhere, as somehow not in very good taste. Under the curious doctrines of the Fair Trade Act, vigorous salesmanship is unfair, and retailers are enjoined against discommoding their fellows. Mr. Stevenson’s criticism of the administration’s foreign policy, during the last presidential campaign, was not that the policies were so very wrong: they were not bipartisan. With a few robust exceptions, our writers paint in pastels; our political scholars write a sort of ruffled-sleeve, harpsichord prose. We duel with soft pillows, or with buttoned foils; our ideas have lace on them; we are importuned to steer, with moderation, down the middle of the road.}}
{{smaller block|These chamber music proprieties I acknowledge, simply to say, now, that the essay which follows should not be misunderstood. May it please the court, this is not a work of history; it is a work of advocacy. The intention is not primarily to inform, but to exhort. The aim is not to be objective; it is to be partisan.}}
{{smaller block|I plead the cause of States rights.}}
{{smaller block|My thesis is that our Union is a Union of States; that the meaning of this Union has been obscured, that its inherent value has been debased and all but lost.}}
{{smaller block|I hold this truth to be self-evident: That government is least evil when it is closest to the people. I submit that when effective control of government moves away from the people, it becomes a greater evil, a greater restraint upon liberty.}}
{{smaller block|My object is not to prove that the powers and functions of government have grown steadily more centralized, more remote from the people, for that proposition requires no proof; it requires only that one open one’s eyes. Rather, my intention is to plead that the process of consolidation first be halted, then reversed, toward the end that our Federal Government may be strictly limited to its constitutional functions and the States may again be encouraged to look after their own affairs, for good or ill.}}
{{smaller block|A long time ago, the geometric mind of Edmund Pendleton offered a theorem. The State and Federal Governments, he said, must follow the path of parallel lines. Others have conceived the relationship in terms of spheres, separate but touching. The idea, when all this began, was that neither authority would encroach upon the other; and in the beginning, it was more feared that the States would usurp Federal powers than the other way around.}}
{{smaller block|Now the rights and powers of the States are being obliterated. The encroachments of the Federal Government have widened its road to a highway and narrowed the road of the States to a footpath. Having deceptively added a dimension to the Federal line, the broad constructionists declare their faithful adherence to the plans of the original draftsmen. Soon, a geometry unknown to Pendleton can proclaim the apparent miracle of parallels that meet this side of infinity.}}
{{smaller block|I do not know that the sovereign powers of the States may be regained at all. Justice Salmon P. Chase once remarked, with great satisfaction, that State sovereignty died at Appomattox. But I do most earnestly believe that an effort must be made to regain these powers. The alternative is for American Government to grow steadily more centralized, steadily more remote from the people, steadily more monolithic and despotic.}}
{{smaller block|Only the States themselves can make the effort; which is to say, only the people of the States. Only if the citizens of Virginia, as Virginians; or of Texas, as Texans; or of Iowa, as Iowans, insist upon a strict obedience to the spirit of the 10th amendment, can the Federal juggernaut be slowed. Only if the people evidence a determination once more to do for themselves can the essential vitality of a responsible and resourceful society be restored.}}
{{smaller block|I do not despair. So long as the I-beams and rafters of the Constitution remain undisturbed, the ravages of Federal encroachment may be repaired. A latent yearning for personal liberty, an inherited resentment against the authoritarian state, a drowsing spirit of independence—these may yet be awakened.}}
{{smaller block|But again, the States, as States, will have to do it.}}
{{smaller block|It will not be easy. In many influential quarters, it will not be popular. It is a sweet narcotic that centralists sell.}}
{{smaller block|Yet there is high example to be found in what the States have done before to preserve their identity. They have not always been spineless. In times past they have resisted, now successfully, now unsuccessfully; but even in their failures, something has been gained merely in the assertion of State convictions.}}
{{smaller block|My purpose here is first to examine the bases of State sovereignty; then to follow the State and Federal relationship from its beginnings under the Articles of Confederation through its refinement in the Constitution; next to review some of the comment on the role the States were expected to play. The place of the States scarcely had been fixed, it will be submitted, before advocates of consolidation began to whittle it down—first in the ''Chisholm'' case, which led to the 11th amendment, and more memorably in the Alien and Sedition Acts, which led to the “Doctrine of ’98” and the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of that year. It is proposed to follow this doctrine of the States’ “right to interpose,” in its various forms and applications down through the years, with particular emphasis upon the dangers of judicial encroachment and the need for State resistance against it. Finally, I have in mind to marshal some of the evidence which supports the case for the South in its immediate conflict with Federal authority, and to review other recent events that seem to me usurpations of the States’ reserved powers.}}
{{smaller block|So much, then for the plan of this book. The political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall will not care much for it.}}
{{right|{{sm|J. J. K}}.|1em}}
{{left|{{sm|{{sc|Richmond, Va.}}, ''September 1956''.|1em}}
That was the introduction to the book The Sovereign States, by James J. Kilpatrick. James J. Kilpatrick is one of the greatest editors in the Nation today. I will read certain excerpts from the book, beginning on page 3. First I will read a quotation opposite page 3:
{{smaller block|The States within the limitations of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the 10th amendment, “reserved,” are as independent of the General Government as the General Government, within its sphere, is independent of the States. (Justice Samuel Nelson, ''Collector'' v. ''Day'' (1871).)}}
Mr. Kilpatrick has done a fine job and rendered a great service to this country in writing this book:
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to here yield to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana, for a question.

Mr. LONG. Did I correctly understand the Senator to make the statement that, according to the preface or introduction to the book, the book would be displeasing to those who agreed with Alexander Hamilton, who was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, the forerunner of the American Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. The editor said that the political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall would not care much for the book.

Alexander Hamilton was a great American, but his philosophy was different from that of Thomas Jefferson. They were both great Americans, but Alexander Hamilton believed more in the theory of a strong Central Government, with the power residing in Washington. Thomas Jefferson’s idea was that the power should remain with the States, and that only so much power should be given to the Federal Government as was necessary to perform its functions as delineated in the Constitution.

The Senator has probably read many books about Hamilton. In one of such books his philosophy is described in this way:
{{smaller block|Speaking of education, Alexander Hamilton’s thought was to select some of the brightest young men and educate them, to make them leaders. Thomas Jefferaon’s philosophy was to give all an opportunity, and let the leaders rise where they would.}}
So, when Kilpatrick wrote this statement I am confident that he was contrasting the philosophy of Hamilton more or less with that of Thomas Jefferson.

Hamilton was a very able man, one of the greatest Americans this country has produced; but his philosophy, as the Senator well knows from studying his life and history, was different from that of Thomas Jefferson.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it the view of the Senator that Alexander Hamilton would ever for a moment have approved of any proposal whereby an American accused of a crime would have been denied the right to present his case before a jury of impartial people who would hear the case, judge the evidence, and find him guilty or innocent?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply, I will say no. I think Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson both would have approved of trial by jury. They were both delegates to the Constitutional Convention, and they both rendered magnificent service in many ways.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, if the Senator will further yield, I believe he will find that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, did the Senator yield for a question or a statemen?

Mr. LONG. The Senator yielded for a question.

Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the Senator from Louisiana for a question.

The Senator is correct about Thomas Jefferson. I had in mind Madison.

Mr. LONG. Does not the Senator realize that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention? The Senator is perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the convention which adopted the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson was the drafter of the American Declaration of Independence. Is not, the Senator perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the fact that Thomas Jefferson was one of those who participated in drafting the Declaration of Independence? Thomas Jefferson was the American Ambassador to France at the time the Constitution was drafted.

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. Thomas Jefferson was Ambassador to France, but Alexander Hamilton was a delegate from New York State, and he signed the Constitution. In fact, he was the only delegate from New York State who signed the Constitution.

When I spoke a few minutes ago about Jefferson, I was thinking about Madison. Madison signed the Constitution, as did Blair. Both were from Virginia. George Washington presided over the Convention.

Mr. LONG. Is there any doubt in the Senator’s mind that, so far as Alexander Hamilton was concerned, he would never for a moment have contested the right of any citizen to be tried before a jury if he were accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree. If he had taken any other position, he would not have signed the Constitution.

As I have stated, Alexander Hamilton was the only delegate from the State of New York who signed the Constitution as representing the State of New York. In the original Constitution, article III, section 2, provided for jury trial.

Mr. LONG. Is it not, therefore, true that insofar as the right of a citizen to be tried by jury for a crime is concerned, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would have agreed 100 percent that the freedoms guaranteed Americans under their form of government included the right to be tried by a jury of their own neighbors, in the area where the crime was committed, in the event they were accused of committing a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I can yield only for a question. I shall be glad to express myself after the Senator has concluded. Let the Senator ask any question he wishes. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to state that, although the book from which the Senator is reading may not reflect the views of Alexander Hamilton, it is nevertheless correct to state that Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would both have agreed that anyone accused of a crime should have the right to be tried before a jury of his neighbors?

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree. In my judgment, if Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson were living today, and both were Members of the Senate, both would be fighting for the right to a jury trial, as provided in the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to say that so far as we can determine there has never been a man who served in this body, and who was regarded as a great statesman, who has ever at any time advocated that American citizens should be denied their right to be tried by a jury in the event they were accused of committing a crime against the United States or against a State?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the able Senator is eminently correct. I do not know of a great man in our history, any man whom I would consider great, whose name is on the lips of the people—I cannot think of a single one in our history who would take a position in opposition to jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Scott}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from Louisiana?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to paraphrase more or less the words of Shakespeare, that those American politicians who have fought against the freedom of Americans to be tried by a jury when accused of a crime have been politicians who more or less strutted and strutted their brief hour on the stage to be heard from no more?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not think any man who takes a stand against giving a person a jury trial will be long remembered after he has gone or when his record is searched and it is found that he opposed a jury trial. I think we would immediately call for a reappraisal of his whole life in the event he had been considered a great man previous to that time.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that men like George Norris, William Borah, and Robert M. La Follette, who fought through the years for the right of trial by jury, have statues standing in the Hall of Fame in the Capitol Building?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. In fact, there is a quotation from George Norris which I read last night. If I can put my hand on it I should like to read it to the Senator from Louisiana. I have never read a stronger statement in behalf of a jury trial. He said that in all cases a man should have a jury trial. The distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr. {{sc|Byrd}}] and the distinguished Senator from Mississippi [Mr. {{sc|Eastland}}] and I introduced a bill in March to provide the very type of jury trial which Senator Norris recommended.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. The Senator from South Carolina having made a great study of all these matters involving jury trials, the freedom of Americans, and States rights, can he now name from memory a single one of those Senators who made a fight down through the years to deny American citizens of the right of trial by jury?

Mr. THURMOND. I could not name a single man whom I considered a great man or a great Senator who opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator recall the names of any Americans who have served in this body and who have made a fight against the right of a man accused of a crime to be tried by a jury? Can the Senator offhand recall the name of any such person?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot recall the name of any American of any stature within my recollection who has opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator Borah’s statue is just outside the main entrance of the Senate Chamber, immediately outside the door?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. I see it every time I go through the door.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator William E. Borah, a great constitutional lawyer, even though he came from a very small Western State, population considered, was seriously considered by the Republican Party as its nominee for the Presidency of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. I have been told that. I did not know the Senator personally; only through reputation. But I know he was a great American. He declared on April 8, 1930:
{{smaller block|I am not contending here that labor organizations can at any time employ threats, force, or violence or intimidation. They must keep within the law—}}
He was referring there to jury trials in labor cases.

I have a long report including a speech by Senator Norris on May 2, 1930. I read it last night—

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question at that point?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that those who oppose the right of jury trials are basically those who do not believe in the freedoms that Americans enjoy under the Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. I certainly agree with the Senator. I think the jury trial is one of the greatest freedoms we have. I look upon it as the heart of the Bill of Rights.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

MT. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that persons who fear that juries may not convict guilty persons are those who really have very little confidence in the determination of people to uphold free government?

Mr. THURMOND. It seems to me they could not have much confidence in human nature; otherwise they would favor jury trials. To be tried by a man’s neighbors, his peers, his fellow men, is the fairest way a man could be tried. I sat on the bench for 8 years and tried many cases, but I always felt much better about it when a jury passed on the question. I watched closely the verdicts of juries. I was deeply impressed. I feel that juries come nearer to meting out justice to criminals than it can be done in any other way.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Recognizing the fact that it is possible for a jury to turn a guilty person free, is it not also true that the freedoms which Americans enjoy under their Constitution were calculated in such fashion as to express the philosophy that it is better to turn 9 guilty men free than to send 1 innocent man to the penitentiary or to his death?

Mr. THURMOND. I never did go on the theory of nine guilty ones being turned loose. There is no doubt that there is a common saying to that effect. If I had to make a decision as to whether I would turn 9 guilty ones loose, or put 1 innocent man in prison, I would turn the 9 loose. I think that would be the thinking and the feeling of the average American.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Does not this logic become conclusively clear when we contemplate for a moment a capital punishment case where it is possible to put an innocent man to death? In such a situation, would it not be better for the court to turn 9 culprits loose rather than to kill 1 innocent man?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. There is no question about it. Some juries make mistakes. Anybody in any kind of work makes mistakes. Everybody has weaknesses and there are bound to be errors. Judges make mistakes. Of course, often a judge’s philosophy is different.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that anyone can make mistakes, is it not somewhat better that the scales of justice should be weighted a little in favor of finding a person innocent when there is a considerable doubt as to whether the person is innocent or guilty?

Mr. THURMOND. Our law is based on the presumption that a man is innocent until he is proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. That is a common legal principle that any lawyer knows about who has practiced any criminal law. I do not know precisely what the Senator had in mind on that, though, for this reason: I do not think if a man is given a jury trial, a jury necessarily lets him go free. I think a jury is going to do what it thinks is right unless it is biased, or has been approached in some way, or influenced in some way. Of course, that happens sometimes. It does not happen often, but I think it does happen sometimes.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Can the Senator imagine a judge who issues an order ordering the entire world to comply with his injunction as being as fair and impartial as a jury before which a case involving a violation of his order should be tried?

Mr. THURMOND. When a judge hears a contempt case he is the legislator, he is the prosecutor, he is the judge, and he is the jury. If I were a judge and if such a law as is here proposed were on the books, if I were back on the bench, and if I had to act under this type law, I would submit it to the jury anyway.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that it is contemplated that a judge makes a law by issuing the injunction and then cites the individuals whom he cares to cite, can the Senator think of anything any more inappropriate than the judge who makes the law, addressed to individuals, should be the same person to try the same individuals for violating his own order? Does the Senator not believe that any judge worthy of the name would at least want to have a jury to prove that justice is being done to people who violated his own order?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the Senator is eminently correct. It is unfortunate that a judge who issues an order of contempt has to try the case, because he has already made up his mind to a certain degree. Of course, that might be removed. But still he has made up his mind, or he would not issue the order.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that a person who is responsible for issuing the edict and commanding people to do certain things at his discretion should be the last person to make the final decision on who should be punished for not obeying his order?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator. In fact, this is known as injunction-made law. That is what it is. It is injunction-made law, and it is bad law. It is much better to have a jury trial. That is the American way of doing things. That is one of the grievances complained of by those who signed the Declaration of Independence, as I have brought out, namely, that in a great many cases they were denied jury trials. Provisions for jury trial are embodied in several places in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, so there is no question about the whole intent of our judicial system. Our administration of justice has been based upon jury trials. I think it is one of the most fundamental principles embodied in our type of government.

If this so-called compromise amendment were to go a little bit further, it would sound more like a Communist amendment.

I do not believe I read what Senator Norris said about jury trial. He said:
{{smaller block|I wonder if a suffering people, whose forefathers fought for liberty, are going to give up the idea of it in this day and age, in this civilized day, and are going to submit to injunction-made law.}}
He was wondering whether they were going to submit to it.
{{c|{{x-smaller|1. THE BEGINNINGS}}}}
{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}
{{smaller block|This was on the sunny afternoon of Thursday, June 12, 1788, in the New Academy on Shockoe Hill in Richmond. The Virginia Convention had been grappling for 10 days with the new Constitution, and Edmund Pendleton, aging and crippled, had been sitting in dignified silence for as long as he could stand it. Patrick Henry, who was a hard man to live with at any time, was being especially difficult. Once before, on the 5th, Pendleton bad attempted to soothe him, but Henry was not to be soothed.}}
{{smaller block|The State and Federal Governments would be at war with one another, Henry had predicted, and the State governments ultimately would be destroyed and consolidated into the General Government. One by one their powers would be snatched from them. A rapacious Federal authority, ever seeking to expand its grasp, could not be confined by the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Notwithstanding what the worthy gentleman said,” remarked Mr. Pendleton with some warmth, for there were times when he regarded Mr. Henry as neither worthy nor a gentleman. “I believe I am still correct, and insist that, if each power is confined within its proper bounds, and to its proper objects, an interference can never happen. Being for two different purposes, as long as they are limited to the different objects, they can no more clash than two parallel lines can meet. * * *”}}
{{smaller block|They were big ifs that Edmund Pendleton, a judicious man, here used as qualifications. If the State and Federal Governments were each confined within its proper bounds, be said, the clash could never come. But the Federal Government could not be kept confined, even as Henry feared, and the clash did come. It continues to this day. Mr. Pendleton’s geometry was fine, but his powers of prophecy (for be believed that each government could be kept in check) were sadly in error.}}
{{smaller block|To understand how the parallel lines of State and Federal powers have turned awry, it is necessary to look back at the period before these lines were drawn. The acts of ratification by Virginia and her neighbors were acts of sovereign States. At stake was their consent to a written constitution. How, it may be inquired, did they come to be sovereign States? What is this concept of State sovereignty?}}
{{smaller block|It would be possible, in any such review, to go back to the great roots of Runnymede, but it will suffice to begin much later, in the turbulent summer of 1776. The startling commitments of Lexington and Concord were behind us then; the bitter trials of White Plains, Vincennes, Camden, and Yorktown still lay ahead. March and April and May had passed—a time of bringing forth of newness, of fresh hope—and great human events had run their course. Now, in June, a resurgent people made the solemn decision to dissolve the political bands which had connected them with another. Thus Jefferson’s draft began, thus the Continental Congress adopted it at Philadelphia; from this moment Americans unborn were to date the years of their independence.}}
{{smaller block|The eloquent beginning of the Declaration—the assertion of truths self-evident and rights beyond alienation—is well known: It is a towering irony that Jefferson, whose convictions were cemented in the inequality of man, should have his precise phrase corrupted by the levelers of a bulldozer society. The Declaration’s beginning is too much recited and too little read.}}
{{smaller block|What counts, for our present purpose, is not the first paragraph, but the last. Let us inquire, What, precisely, was it that we declared ourselves to be that Fourth of July? Hitherto there had been colonies subject to the King. That form of government would now be abolished. We would now solemnly publish and declare to a candid world—what? That the people of the colonies had formed a free and independent nation? By no means. Or that they were henceforth a free and independent people? Still no.}}
{{smaller block|This was the declaration: “That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.” Not one State, or one Nation, but in the plural—States; and again, in the next breath, so this multiple birth could not be misunderstood, “that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.”}}
{{smaller block|It had opened, this Declaration, as an enunciation of what often are termed the “human rights,” but it concluded, in the plainest terms, as a pronouncement of political powers—the political powers of newly created States. And these powers of war and peace, these powers of alliance and commerce, were published not as the powers of a national government, but as powers henceforth asserted by 13 free and independent states.}}
{{smaller block|To be sure, the States were united. Their representatives styled themselves Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, but it was not the spokesmen of a nation who gathered in parliament. These were States in Congress. “One out of many,” it is said. In a sense, yes. But the many remained—separate States, individual entities, each possessed, from that moment, of sovereign rights and powers.}}
{{smaller block|Certainly Jefferson so understood our creation. “The several States,” he was to write much later, “were, from their first establishment, separate and distinct societies, dependent on no other society of men whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|So Mr. Justice Samuel Chase comprehended it: He considered the Declaration of Independence, “as a declaration, not that the United Colonies Jointly, in a collective capacity, were independent States, etc., but that each of them was a sovereign and independent State, that is, that each of them had a right to govern itself by its own authority, and its own laws without any control from any other power on earth.” From the Fourth of July, said Chase, “the American States were ''de facto'' as well as ''de jure'' in the possession and actual exercise of all the rights of independent governments. * * * I have ever considered it as the established doctrine of the United States, that their independence originated from, and commenced with, the declaration of Congress, on the Fourth of July 1776; and that no other period can be fixed on for its commencement; and that all laws made by the legislatures of the several States, after the Declaration of Independence, were the laws of sovereign and independent governments.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, the sage and cool-minded Mr. Justice Cushing: “The several States which composed this Union * * * became entitled, from the time when they declared themselves independent, to all the rights and powers of sovereign States.”}}
{{smaller block|Even Marshall himself had no doubts: In the beginning, “we were divided into independent States, united for some purposes, but in most respects sovereign.” The lines which separate the States, he later remarked, were too clear ever to be misunderstood.}}
{{smaller block|And for a contemporary authority, it is necessary only to turn to Mr. Justice Frankfurter, who some years ago fell to discussing the dual powers of taxation preserved under the Constitution: “The States,” he said, “after they formed the Union”—not the people, but the States, “continued to have the same range of taxing power which they had before, barring only duties affecting exports, imports, and on tonnage.” Regrettably, Mr. Justice Frankfurter appears in more recent times to have lost his concept of States forming a Union.}}
{{smaller block|It is no matter. Evidence of the States’ individual sovereignty is abundantly available. Consider for example, the powers asserted on the part of each State in the Declaration “to levy War, conclude Peace, and contract Alliances.” Surely these are sovereign powers. The States exercised them, as States, in the Revolutionary War. But it is of value to note that New York also very nearly exercised her war powers to enter into formal hostilities with the State of Vermont. Tensions reached so grave a point that Massachusetts, in 1784, felt compelled to adopt a formal resolution of neutrality, enjoining her citizens to give “no aid or assistance to either party,” and to send “no provisions, arms, or ammunition or other necessities to a fortress or garrison” besieged by either belligerent. When New York adopted a resolution avowing her readiness to “ecur to force,”&quot; Vermont’s Governor Chittenden (whose son was to be heard from 30 years later in another row) observed that Vermont “does not wish to enter into a war with the State of New York.” But should this unhappy contingency result, Vermont “expects that Congress and the 12 States will observe a strict neutrality, and let the contending States settle their own controversy.”}}
{{smaller block|They did settle it, of course. New York and Vermont concluded a peace. The point is that no one saw anything especially remarkable in two separate sovereignties arraying themselves against each other. Vermont was then an individual political entity, as remote at law as any France or Italy. And New York, though a member of the Confederation, and hence technically required to obtain the consent of Congress before waging war, had every right to maintain a standing army for her own defense.}}
{{smaller block|The status of the individual States as separate sovereign powers was recognized on higher authority than the proclamations of Vermont and Massachusetts. It is worth our while to keep in mind the first article of the treaty of September 3, 1783, by which the war of the Revolution came to an end:}}
{{smaller block|“His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such.”}}
{{smaller block|More than 5 years earlier, a treaty of amity and commerce with France had established the same sovereign status of the contracting parties. Louis XVI. treated with the 13 American States, but he recognized each of them as a separate power. And it is interesting to note that Virginia, feeling some action desirable to complete the treaty, prior to action by Congress, on June 4, 1779, undertook solemnly to ratify this treaty with France on her own. By appropriate resolution, transmitted by Governor Jefferson to the French minister at Philadelphia, the sovereign Commonwealth of Virginia declared herself individually bound by the French treaty. In terms of international law, Virginia was a nation; in terms of domestic law, she was a sovereign State.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|2. THE STATE}}}}
{{smaller block|To review the process by which the colonies became States is not necessarily to answer the basic question, What is a State? It is a troublesome word. The standard definition is that a State is “a political body, or body politic; any body of people occupying a definite territory and politically organized under one government, especially one that is not subject to external control.” Chief Justice Chase, in ''Texas'' v. ''White'', put it this way: “A State, in the ordinary sense of the Constitution, is a political community of free citizens, occupying a territory of defined boundaries, and organized under a government sanctioned and limited by a written constitution, and established by the consent of the governed.” In the Cherokee case, John Marshall described a State as “a distinct political society, separated from others, capable of managing its own affairs and governing itself.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, variously, a State is defined as a body, a community, and a distinct society. Plainly, mere boundary lines are not enough; a tract of waste and uninhabited land cannot constitute a State. Nor are people, as such, sufficient to constitute a State. James Brown Scott once offered this clear and succinct definition:}}
{{smaller block|“The State is an artificial person, representing and controlled by its members, but not synonymous or identical with them. Created for a political purpose, it is a body politic. It is a distinct body, an artificial person; it has a will distinct from its members, although its exercise is controlled by them; it has rights and duties distinct from its members, but subject to being changed by them; it may hold property distinct from its members, but in trust for them; it may act separately and distinctly from them and bind them by its acts, but only insofar as it is authorized by the law of its creation, and subject to being changed by the source of that power.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus the State is seen as a continuing political being, controlled by its citizens and yet controlling them. The State can be bound in ways that its own people cannot be bound; it can exercise powers that no citizen or group of citizens may exercise for themselves. The State may buy, sell, hold, grant, convey; it may tax and spend; it may sue, and if it consent, be sued; it exists to create law and to execute law, to punish crime, administer justice, regulate commerce, enter into compacts with other States. Yet there is no State until a community of human beings create a State; and no State may exist without the will and the power of human beings to preserve it.}}
{{smaller block|It is this combination of will and power which lies at the essence of the State in being. This is sovereignty. In the crisp phrase of John Taylor, of Caroline, sovereignty is “the will to enact, the power to execute.” Long books have been written on the nature of sovereignty, but they boil down to those necessities: The will to make, the power to unmake.}}
{{smaller block|It was this power, this will, that the people as States claimed for themselves in 1776. Henceforth, they said, we are sovereign: The State government is not sovereign, nor is any citizen by himself sovereign. By the “sovereign State” we mean us citizens, the State; we collectively, within our established boundaries; this community of people; we alone who are possessed of the power to create or to abandon.}}
{{smaller block|God knows it was a great, a priceless, power these people as Stat es claimed for themselves. True, not everyone saw it that way. Mr. Justice Story, for one, never grasped the concept of States. Nor did Jackson. Albert J. Beveridge, in his biography of Marshall, refers sneeringly to the States as “these pompous sovereignties,” but in a way, Beveridge’s is perhaps a high acknowledgment of the simple truth: These infant States were sovereignties, and the people within them were proudly jealous of the fact. They saw themselves, in Blackstone’s phrase, “a supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority.” This, among other things, was the aim they had fought for. It cannot be imagined that they ever would have relinquished this high power of sovereignty except in the most explicit terms.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|3. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION}}}}
{{smaller block|In time, the Continental Congress gave way to the Articles of Confederation. The articles merit examination with the utmost care; they are too little studied, and there is much to be learned from them.}}
{{smaller block|First proposed in 1778, the articles became binding upon all the States with Maryland’s ratification in 1781. Throughout this period, as the war ran on, each of the States was individually sovereign, each wholly autonomous. Mr. Justice Iredell was to observe, in 1795, that had the individual States decided not to unite together, each would have gone its own way, because each “possessed all the powers of sovereignty, internal and external * * * as completely as any of the ancient kingdoms or republics of the world which never yet had formed, or thought of forming, any sort of Federal union whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|But they did form a Federal union—a “perpetual union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.” They styled themselves, “The United States of America,” and in the very second article of their compact, they put this down so no one might miss it:}}
{{smaller block|“Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.”}}
{{smaller block|The third article is almost equally brief, and may be quoted in less space than would be required to summarize it:}}
{{smaller block|“The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.”}}
{{smaller block|There will be seen, in these opening paragraphs, the genesis of constitutional provisions that were to follow in less than a decade. Here is the forerunner of the 10th amendment, with its reservation of undelegated powers to the State or to the people; here are the aims set forth of “common defense” and the “general welfare.”}}
{{smaller block|The fourth article advanced other phrases that have come down to us: The free inhabitants of each State (“paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted”) were to be entitled to “all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States.” Here, too, one finds the provision, later to be inserted substantially verbatim in article IV. of the Constitution of 1787, providing for the extradition of fugitives. Here the States mutually agreed that “full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.”}}
{{smaller block|The fifth article provided for representation of the States in Congress. There were to be no less than 2, no more than 7 delegates from each State. They would assemble on the first Monday in November of every year. In this Congress, each State cast one vote; each State paid the salary and maintenance of its own delegates. These provisions, of course, were later abandoned; but we may note that the fifth article prohibited delegates to the Congress from “holding any office under the United States for which he or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind,” and also provided that “freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress.” Both provisions were to turn up later in article I., section 6, of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The sixth and seventh articles dealt generally with limitations upon the States in terms of foreign affairs and the waging of war. Again, many a familiar phrase leaps from this much-maligned compact of Confederation. No State, nor the Congress, was to grant a title of nobility; no two or more States were to enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance without the consent of the other States in Congress assembled; no State was to keep vessels of war in time of peace (“except such number as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled”), nor was any State to engaged in war without the consent of Congress “unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or * * * the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|The eighth article provided for defraying the expenses of war among the State “in proportion to the value of all land within each State,” and the ninth article dealt with the powers of Congress. Once more, the origin of a dozen specific phrases in our present Constitution is evident. Congress was given the “sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war.” It was to enter into treaties and alliances, establish certain courts, fix standard weights and measures, and establish post offices. But the Congress alone could do almost none of these things—it could exercise no important power—without the consent of nine of the member States.}}
{{smaller block|The remaining 4 articles are of less interest and concern, although it may be noted that in 3 places, the framers of the Articles of Confederation provided that their union was a permanent union. The articles were to be inviolably observed by the States the delegates respectively represented, “and the union shall be perpetual.”}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|4. WE, THE PEOPLE}}}}
{{smaller block|Of course, it wasn’t perpetual at all. Before 6 years had elapsed, the States came to recognize grave defects in the Articles of Confederation. And because they were sovereign States—because they had the will to enact and the power to execute, because they who had made could unmake—they set out to do the job again.}}
{{smaller block|What they made, this time, was the Constitution of the United States. So much has been {{SIC|writen|written}} of the deliberations that summer of 1787 in Philadelphia—so many critics have examined every word of the great document which came forth—that probably no new light can be shed upon it here. Yet the constitutions of most States command their citizens to recur frequently to fundamental principles and the commandment is too valuable an admonition to be passed by. There is much of interest to be found if one examines the Constitution, the debates and the commentaries of the time, in terms of the relationship there established between the States and the new Federal Government they formed.}}
{{smaller block|It may be inquired, was sovereignty here surrendered in whole or in part? What powers were delegated, what powers retained?}}
Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I do not want the Senator to strain his voice, but I do have some responsibilities as minority leader. I do not think the Senator is making any motion, but I should at least like to know what is going on in the Senate Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield for a question if the Senator has a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. My question is, Would the Senator speak up? I do not want him to strain his voice, but I should like him to speak a little louder so I shall be sure no motions are being made or anything of that sort. I do have some responsibility here.

Mr. THURMOND. I suggest that the Senator move closer to me.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Under the rules of the Senate, which are now being strictly enforced, both Senators being in their respective seats, and this happening to be my seat as the minority leader, I urge my request of the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. We might get unanimous consent to allow the Senator to come closer to me if he wishes. I do not think my colleagues will raise any point. There is an excellent seat here, I may say to the Senator.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I am very well satisfied with the seat to which I am assigned.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I continue to read:
{{smaller block|What were the functions to be performed by the States in the future? Was it ever intended that the States should be reduced to the weakling role thrust upon them in our own time? We must inquire whether this proud possession of State sovereignty, so eloquently proclaimed in 1776, so resolutely affirmed in the articles of 1781, so clearly recognized in the events of the time, somehow vanished, died, turned to dust, totally ceased to exist in the period of the next 6 years.}}
{{smaller block|Now, the argument here advanced is this—it is the argument of John Taylor of Caroline and John Randolph of Roanoke—that sovereignty, like chastity, cannot be surrendered in part. This was the argument also of Calhoun: “I maintain that sovereignty is in its nature indivisible. It is the supreme power in a State, and we might just as well speak of half a square, or half a triangle, as of half a sovereignty.” This was the position, too, of the bellicose George Troup of Georgia, of Alexander H. Stephens, of Jefferson Davis. It is the position of plain commonsense: Supreme and ultimate power must be precisely that. Finality knows no degrees. In law, as in mountain climbing, there comes a point at which the pinnacle is reached; nothing higher or greater remains. And so it is with the States of the American Union. In the last resort, it is their prerogative alone (not that of Congress, not that of the Supreme Court, not that of the whole people) to make or unmake our fundamental law. The argument here is that the States, in forming a new perpetual union to replace their old perpetual union, remained in essence what they had been before: Separate, free, and independent States. They surrendered nothing to the Federal Government they created. Some of their powers they delegated; all of their sovereignty they retained.}}
{{smaller block|It is keenly important that this distinction be understood. There is a difference between sovereignty and sovereign power. The power to coin money, or to levy taxes, is a sovereign power, but it is not sovereignty. Powers can be delegated, limited, expanded, or withdrawn, but it is through the exercise of sovereignty that these changes take place. Sovereignty is the moving river, sovereign powers the stone at the mill. Only while the river flows can the inanimate stone revolve. To be sure, sovereignty can be lost—it can be lost by conquest, as in war; the extent or character of sovereignty can be changed, as in the acquisition or relinquishment of territory or the annexation of new peoples; sovereignty can be divided, when two States are created of one. But properly viewed, sovereignty is cause; sovereign powers, the effect: The wind that blows; the branches that move. Sovereignty is the essence, the life spirit, the soul: And in this Republic, sovereignty remains today where it was vested in 1776, in the people. But in the people as a whole? No. In the people as States.}}
{{smaller block|The delusion that sovereignty is vested in the whole people of the United States is one of the strangest misconceptions of our public life. This hallucination has been encouraged, if not directly espoused, by such eminent figures as Marshall, Story, and Andrew Jackson. It is still embraced by excessively literal and unthinking fellows who read “we the people” in the preamble to the Constitution, and cry triumphantly, “that means everybody.” It does not; it never did.}}
{{smaller block|The preamble to the abandoned Articles of Confederation, it was noted, declared the articles “binding between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York,” and so forth. The preamble offered by the Convention of 1787, reads:}}
{{smaller block|“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”}}
{{smaller block|The opening few words were questioned repeatedly by Patrick Henry in the Virginia Convention of 1788. He kept asking querulously, what was meant by “we the people,” but he got no very satisfactory answer for his pains. Governor Randolph ducked the question, and Pendleton missed the point. Pendleton asked, rhetorically, “who but the people have a right to form government?” and the answer, obviously, in America, is “no one.” Then Pendleton said this:}}
{{smaller block|“If the objection be, that the Union ought to be not of the people, but of the State governments, then I think the choice of the former very happy and proper. What have the State governments to do with it?”}}
{{smaller block|Again, the obvious answer is, “The State governments have nothing to do with it,” but that was not the question Henry asked. There is a plain distinction between “we the States” and “we the State governments,” for States endure while governments fall. It was Madison who came closest to answering the insistent Henry. Who are the parties to the Constitution? The people, said Madison, to be sure, are the parties to it, but “not the people as composing one great body.” Rather, it is “the people as composing 13 sovereignties.” And he added:}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina when he was a judge in South Carolina?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair cannot hear. Will the Senator speak a little louder?

Mr. THURMOND. From 1938 to 1946, 8 years.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator was a circuit judge, was he not?

Mr. THURMOND. Yes; in the highest trial court in the State. About half that time I was in the Army, overseas.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Continuing to quote from the Kilpatrick book:
{{smaller block|“Were it * * * a consolidated government, the assent of a majority of the people would be sufficient for its establishment; and, as a majority have adopted it already, we remaining States would be bound by the act of the majority, even if they unanimously reprobated it * * * But, sir, no State is bound by it, as it is, without its own consent.”}}
{{smaller block|Col. Henry Lee took the same point of view in responding to Patrick Henry. Lighthorse Harry spoke as other proponents of the Constitution did, in irritation and perplexity. He could not comprehend why Henry’s question should even be asked. Obviously, the “we the people” mentioned in the preamble—the “we the people” there and then engaged in ratifying the Constitution—were we “the people of Virginia.” If the people of Virginia “do not adopt it, it will always be null and void as to us.”}}
{{smaller block|Here Lee touched and tossed aside what doubtless was so clear to others that they could not understand what Henry was quibbling about. Of course, “we the people” meant what Madison and Lee found so obvious: It meant “we the people of the States.” Why argue the point? “I take this,” said Randolph testily, “to be one of the least and most trivial objections that will be made to the Constitution.”}}
{{smaller block|The self-evident fact, as plain as the buttons on their coats, was that the whole people, the mass of people from Georgia to New Hampshire, obviously had nothing to do with the ratification of the Constitution. The basic charter of our Union never was submitted to popular referendum, taken simultaneously among the 3 million inhabitants of the country on some Tuesday in 1788. Ratification was achieved by the people of the States, acting in their sovereign capacity not as “Americans,” for there is no “State of America,” but in their sovereign capacity as citizens of the States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and Georgia.}}
{{smaller block|This was the sovereign power that sired the new Union, breathed upon it, gave it life—the power of the people of the States, acting as States, binding themselves as States, seeking to form a more perfect union not of people, but of States. And if it be inquired, as a matter of drafting, why the preamble of the Articles of Confederation spelled out 13 States and the preamble of the Constitution referred only to “we the people,” a simple, uncomplicated explanation may be advanced: The framers of the Constitution, in the summer of 1787, had no way of knowing how many States would assent to the compact.}}
{{smaller block|Suppose they .had begun the preamble, as they thought of doing, “We the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island,” etc., and the State of Rhode Island had refused to ratify? It very nearly did. It was not until May 29, 1790, by a vote of 34 to 32, that Rhode Island agreed to join a union that actually had been created with New Hampshire’s ratification nearly 2 full years before. Given a switch of two votes, Rhode Island might have remained, to this day, as foreign to the United States (in terms of international law) as any Luxembourg or Switzerland.}}
{{smaller block|Some of these forebodings clearly passed through the minds of the delegates at Philadelphia. When the preamble first appears in the notes, on August 6, it reads: “We the people of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts,” etc., “do ordain, declare and establish the following Constitution.” In that form it was tentatively approved on August 7. But the preamble, in that form, never is mentioned again. When the document came back from the Committee on Style in early September, the preamble had been amended to eliminate the spelled-out names of States, and to make it read simply that “we the people” ordain and establish. The change was not haggled over. No significance was attached to it. Why arouse antagonism in New York or North Carolina (where there was opposition enough already) by presuming to speak, in the preamble, as if it were unnecessary for New York or North Carolina even to debate the matter? The tactful and prudent thing was to name no States. Only the people as States could create the Union; only the people in ratifying States would be bound, as States, by its provisions.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|5. THE STATES IN THE CONSTITUTION}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, that was the way the compact read. It bound States—“The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between”—between whom?—“between the States so ratifying the same.” Not among people; it was “between States.” And this proposal was put forward “by the unanimous consent,” not of delegates assembled or of people gathered, but by “the unanimous consent of the States present the 17th day of September in the year of our Lord 1787 * * *.”}}
{{smaller block|On the plain evidence of the instrument itself, it is therefore clear: States consented to the drafting of the Constitution; States undertook to bind themselves by its provisions. If 9 States ratified, the Constitution would bind those 9; if 10, those 10. Rhode Island had not even attended the convention; “poor, despised Rhode Island,” as Patrick Henry later was to describe her, could stay aloof if she chose. There was no thought here of people in the mass. There was thought only of people as States, and while the new Constitution would of course act directly upon people—that was to be its revolutionary change—it would reach those people only because they first were people of States.}}
{{smaller block|The one essential prerequisite was for the State, as a State, to ratify; then the people of the State would become themselves subject to the Constitution. No individual human being, in his own capacity, possibly could assent to the new compact or bind himself to its provisions. Only as a citizen of Virginia or Georgia or Massachusetts could he become a citizen also of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|Madison recognized this. He acknowledged in his famed Federalist 39 that ratification of the Constitution must come from the people “not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong.” “Each State,” he said, in ratifying the Constitution, “is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.” This fact lay at the essence of the Federal Union being formed. The States, and within them their local governments, were to be “no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere.” The jurisdiction of the Federal Government was to extend “to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” Even the most casual reading of the Constitution, it may be submitted, abundantly supports Madison’s comment here.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield to the able Senator from North Dakota for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I should like to ask whether at any time in the history of South Carolina the courts permitted a defendant to be tried without a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In South Carolina anyone who wishes a jury may have one. There are a few instances where both sides agree to be tried without a jury, by the court. But a defendant is entitled to a jury trial in my State, as is the case in other States which follow the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. In what year was South Carolina admitted to the Union? It was one of the original colonies, was it not?

Mr. THURMOND. In 1789. It was the eighth State admitted to the Union.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further for a question?

Mr: THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Even at that time in South Carolina a defendant had the right to a jury trial, did he not?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. That has been the law continuously up to the present time?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. A defendant in South Carolina is always entitled to a jury trial when charged with a crime.

Mr. LANGER. Is that also true in North Carolina?

Mr. THURMOND. I would not attempt to speak for North Carolina, but I feel quite certain that that is a fact. I believe nine States ratified the Constitution before North Carolina did. So North Carolina came in after the Union was formed. So did Rhode Island. Rhode Island was the only State that did not send representatives to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. The reason for that was that Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals at that time and it did not send any deputies.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it true that in every State in the United States under our Constitution a defendant has the right to a trial by jury in a criminal case?

Mr. THURMOND. In every State of the United States a defendant charged with a crime has the right of trial by jury. Some persons confuse magistrate courts or minor courts; but even there, although we may not see it, there is a jury box.

Most persons, unless they are lawyers, do not know that defendants are entitled to a jury trial in those courts. There is a jury box hidden somewhere. Nine out of ten do not ask for a jury trial; that is, in cases where the punishment is a fine of $100 or 30 days. But even there if a man says “Wait a minute, Mr. Recorder; I want a trial before a jury,” it must be given to him.

Mr. LANGER. That is true, for example, if a man is arrested and charged with spitting on the sidewalk or with stealing one cent?

Mr. THURMOND. Any crime.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, trial by jury is fundamental?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct; and rightly so, because that was one of the grievances pointed out a little earlier today that our forefathers listed in the Declaration of Independence. That was one grievance charged against the King, that in many cases persons had been denied trial by jury. That is written definitely into the Constitution. The right of trial by jury was included in several places in the Bill of Rights. The sixth amendment provides that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That was because our forefathers were taking no chances on not having a jury trial assured to them under the Constitution.

In the seventh amendment it is provided, also, and there is another provision, I believe, in the fifth amendment, that a man must be indicted by a grand jury before he is tried.

Under the bill that came from the House a grand jury will not pass on the question at all. Under this so-called compromise, a man is taken before a judge and is tried. He is not even asked if he wants a trial by a jury. But in the usual procedure, when the Constitution is followed, a man has to be indicted by a grand jury. In my State 18 grand jurors have to agree to a true bill before a man can be brought up for trial. He has a trial before a petit jury. In Federal courts a man can be indicted by a grand jury or on information, but in State courts a man is indicted by a grand jury. But in all the history of judicial administration in this country it has been clear that the American people have been entitled to a jury trial, and it goes back even further than the Declaration of Independence. It goes back to the Magna Carta, when the citizens of England wrung from King John in the year 1215, at Runnymede, certain rights for the people. I presume you and I, Mr. President, would call them civil rights, more or less, or corresponding to our Bill of Rights. But the people wrung from King John certain rights, and one of those rights was that a man charged with a crime would be entitled to a jury trial. So, going back to the year 1215, on down to this time, our people have had a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a further question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it the opinion of the Senator from South Carolina that of all the 10 amendments in the Bill of Rights the very heart and very core of the 10 amendments is the right of the defendant to be tried by a jury?

Mr. THURMOND. All the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights are important, but I think the trial-by-jury provision as generally spoken of is the heart of the Bill of Rights. That is the importance attached to it. It is generally spoken of as the heart of the Bill of Rights. In other words, if there should be cut out of the Bill of Rights the right of a trial by jury you have cut the heart of the Bill of Rights out; it would be excised.

What is it to have freedom of speech or freedom of religion or freedom of the press or right to petition the Government or the right to assemble, all of which are guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, or to keep troops from being quartered in our homes, or all the other things guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, if some tyrant, whether a Federal district judge, or any other kind of tyrant, can take a man and himself try him without a jury and put him in prison; and, of course, if a man is in prison he cannot enjoy his civil rights?

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator. We have gotten down to the very core of this entire proposal.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much. I appreciate his deep interest in this matter. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota has manifested an unusual interest in the right of trial by jury. He has the vision to see the importance of trial by jury and to see how this proposed bill the House has passed is attempting to bypass the Constitution and in doing so, of course, is violating the Constitution and therefore is a bill the Congress ought to kill.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. For 4 years I was attorney general of my State.

Mr. THURMOND. I understand the Senator made a very distinguished record as attorney general of the State of North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. During that time, of course, I had a great deal to do with juries.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure the Senator did.

Mr. LANGER. And in every single case I submitted to a court a jury trial had been waived.

Mr. THURMOND. Every case the Senator tried I imagine was before a jury.

Mr. LANGER. That is correct.

I should like to ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina whether in his experience in South Carolina it is true that the average defendant can get better justice from a jury than he can from a judge, no matter how honest and fair the judge may be?

Mr. THURMOND. Regardless of how fair and impartial the judge is or wants to be, it is my judgment from my experience on the bench for 8 years—and as I said, for about half of that time I was in the Army during World War II.—and from my practice of law before then, since 1930 when I was admitted to the bar—and after I left the Governor’s office in January 1951, I practiced until I came to the Senate—I consider that juries give fair verdicts, and I think it would be destroying the administration of justice if we should take any step to hamper or injure or impair in any way the jury system of the United States.

Mr. LANGER. Again I want to thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I read further:
{{smaller block|But the Constitution ought not to be read casually. Viewed from the standpoint of State and Federal relations, what does the Constitution say and do? The rubrics do not demand, before an ordinary mortal may explore the question, that he be ordained a constitutional lawyer or put on the chasuble of the bench. Our Constitution is not the property of a juridical clergy only. The laity may read it too, and with equal acuity and understanding. The terms are not ambiguous.}}
{{smaller block|The first thing to note, perhaps, is that the words “State” or “States” appear no fewer than 94 times, either as proper nouns or pronominals, in the brief 6,000 words of the original 7 articles. The one theme that runs steadily through the whole of the instrument is the knitting together of States: It is a union that is being formed, and while the people are concerned for themselves and their posterity, the Constitution is to be established binding States.}}
{{smaller block|Legislative powers, to begin at the beginning, are vested not in one national parliament of the people, but in a Congress of the United States. The word “Congress” was chosen with precision; it repeated and confirmed the political relationship of the preceding 11 years, when there had been first a Continental Congress and then a Congress under the Articles of Confederation.}}
{{smaller block|This Congress is to consist of two Houses. The first is the House of Representatives, whose Members are to be chosen “by the people of the several States.” And here, in the very second paragraph, the framers encountered and opportunity to choose between a “national” and a “federal” characteristic: They might have established uniform national qualifications for the franchise, but they did not. Electors qualified to vote for candidates for the House of Representatives are to have “the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Representatives and direct taxes are to be apportioned—how? “Among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers.” How is this enumeration to be determined? The provision should be noted with care, for it is the first of four clauses that speaks eloquently of the plural nature of our Union: “The actual enumeration shall be made within 3 years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of 10 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct.” Now, the antecedent of they is not “Congress,” but “United States.” Nowhere in the whole of the Constitution or in any of the subsequent amendments is the United States an “it.” The singular never appears.}}
{{smaller block|What else sheds light in the second section of article I.? We find that “each State shall have at least one Representative,” whereupon follows a rollcall of the States themselves: “Until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse 3, Massachusetts 8,” and so forth. And when vacancies happen “in the representation from any State,” the Governor thereof is to issue a writ of election.}}
{{smaller block|The dignity and sovereignty of States are made still more evident in the composition of the Senate. It is to be composed “of two Senators from each State,” and whereas Representatives are required to be inhabitants of the States “in which” they shall be chosen, Senators must be inhabitants of the States “for which” they shall be chosen.}}
{{smaller block|It is in section 4 that the first grant of authority to the Federal Government appears: “The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but”—and here the qualified concession—“the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators.”}}
{{smaller block|The delegations of power to a federal government appear most fully, of course, in section 8, but it is worth noting that not all the powers delegated to Congress are exclusive and unqualified powers. Thus, the Congress may raise and support armies, “but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.” Thus, the Congress may provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of the militia as may be employed in the service of the United States, but there is reserved “to the States respectively” the appointment of officers and the authority to train their militia according to regulation established by Congress. Thus, too, Congress may exercise Federal authority over federally owned property within the States, but how is such property to be acquired? The authority of the Congress extends only to those places “purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be,” and this applies not only to military and naval installations but also to “other needful buildings.”}}
{{smaller block|Several provisions in section 9 merit attention. As a concession to the slave trade—one of the essential compromises without which the Constitution never would have come into being at all—it was provided that “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,” shall not be prohibited prior to 1808. Then follow seven paragraphs of specific restrictions upon the powers of Congress. The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended; no bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed; no direct tax shall be levied except according to the census of the people as a whole; no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported “from any State;” and—again emphasizing the separateness of the member States forming the Union—“no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue of the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.”}}
{{smaller block|In section 10, the States undertook to restrict themselves. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; no State shall coin money or make anything but gold and silver legal tender; no State shall make any law impairing the obligation of contracts. Yet even here, the prohibitions are not without qualification. Thus, the States reserved to themselves the right to levy tariffs on imports or exports sufficient to execute their inspection laws; and though the fact is often forgotten, the States even reserved to themselves the solemn power they had claimed under the Articles of Confederation, to “engage in war,” as States, if “actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.”}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Ellender}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am very curious. I ask the Senator from South Carolina whether he knows how the House of Representatives arrived at the decision to provide for a maximum of 45 days and $300 in this instance. Why did not the House of Representatives decide to make the maximum number of days 50, and why did it not choose, as the maximum amount of fine, $250 or $500?

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to answer the question the distinguished Senator asked, but I cannot do so. I was not consulted about this compromise. All I know about it is that I heard the majority leader made an announcement, following the taking of action in the House of Representatives. And then I read about it in the newspaper.

But I had understood—and the distinguished Senator from California [Mr. {{sc|Knowland}}] can correct me about this if I am mistaken—that there was an effort on the part of the Republicans to provide for 60 days. But, since the Senate had not voted for any provision of this sort, but had voted only for a straight jury-trial provision, 45 days was selected as a compromise. That is my understanding of the matter. I pass on to the Senator from North Dakota only what I heard. But perhaps the Senator from California can answer the question. At any rate, even if 60 days had been originally proposed, and finally 45 days was decided on, the Senate got the worst end of the bargain.

However, even if the provision had been for only 1 day, in my opinion the principle would be the same, because under the Constitution a citizen is entitled to a jury trial; and the Congress has no power to pass a law providing that a Federal judge or any other judge can deprive a citizen of a jury trial. However, under this proposal, a judge would be able, in two ways, to deprive a citizen of a jury trial. In the first place, the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to allow the person to have a jury trial in the first instance. If the judge decided that there could be a jury trial, the citizen would have a jury trial. If the judge decided that there would not be a jury trial, the judge himself would try the case.

Next, if the judge decided to try the case himself, without a jury, the judge would proceed to try it. If, at the conclusion of the case, the judge were to determine that the punishment he would mete would be more than 45 days imprisonment or a fine of more than $300, the judge would then give the citizen another trial. In other words, this provision of the compromise would give the judge the option of trying the citizen in the first place, and it would give the judge the option of deciding how much punishment he would mete, and then the amount of punishment imposed would determine whether the citizen would receive still another trial.

All those exceptions are entirely foreign to the Constitution. The Constitution provides that a man charged with the commission of a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That provision is as plain as can be. Any child in the fifth grade in school can read it and understand it; and there should not be any difficulty in understanding it.

However, as I have understood in arriving at the compromise an attempt was made to get together on some provision; and the result was a monstrosity. It turned out to be an unconstitutional provision, in my opinion.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield again?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. What I should like to know is this: Is there any precedent, anywhere in the entire United States, for a measure such as this, by means of which a defendant could be tried by a judge, if the sentence imposed were imprisonment for not more than 45 days, or any other number of days, or the imposition of a fine of any size; but that if the term of imprisonment were longer or the amount of the fine were greater, there must be a jury trial? Can the Senator from South Carolina name any precedent at all for such a provision?

Mr. THURMOND. I know of no place in the United States where a person charged with a crime does not have a jury trial. Even under the present criminal-contempt procedure, under existing law, if one is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no instance in any part of the United States, from Maine or the State of Washington on the north, to California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Louisiana, Florida, or any of the other States in the southern part of the Nation, in which one who is charged with the commission of a crime does not have a trial by jury. It seems to me that in the conference, some one or more of the conferees should have raised the point, “This provision would be contrary to the Constitution, and we cannot include such a provision.” It seems to me some of the conferees would have suggested that the Constitution provides to the contrary. There is a decision which can be cited on that point; I think I have called it to the attention of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota. The decision in that case holds that criminal contempt is a crime; and, since it is a crime, one charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. If there is to be passed a bill providing punishment for criminal contempt, it should provide for a jury trial. I know of no way to get around a jury trial in this matter because the Constitution has laid down the law. That is basic law.

The Constitution can be amended. Congress can submit an amendment to it. There are four ways to amend the Constitution, and it can be amended so as to provide that a Federal judge in his discretion can give a man a jury trial. Then the compromise would be legal, and what it proposes would be effective. It would be. valid.

As the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] said today, confirming my judgment, as it stands now it is not valid. I think it is unconstitutional. The Senator from Wyoming expressed his opinion likewise. We could amend the Constitution to provide for it. Congress could pass a law to provide that a Federal judge could punish a man for contempt, by so many days’ imprisonment, or by a fine of so many dollars. We could do that, but it has not been done. Until the Constitution is amended in the manner provided in the Constitution itself, we must abide by it. I know that many people in this country would like to get around the Constitution, and it looks as if they have been doing so.

The Supreme Court has been rewriting the Constitution in some cases, and other branches of the Government at times have encroached upon the Constitution because there is divisional power between the Federal Government and the State governments. When we cross the line of the State government, as here, without constitutional authority, we violate the Constitution.

The States entered into this pact, the Constitution, about which we are talking so much, and in this pact they delegated to the Union only certain things, and they are just as plain as they can be. They are listed in the Constitution. I should like to read to the distinguished Senator what the Constitution says on that point.

Article I., section 1, provides:
{{smaller block|All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in the Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.}}
I will not take the time to go through all that. I will skip to the pertinent portions.

Section 7 of article I. provides:
{{smaller block|All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.}}
{{smaller block|Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two-thirds—}}
I will skip to section 8. That is more pertinent. This is what the Congress has power to do. The powers are listed.
{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To borrow money on credit of the United States;}}
{{smaller block|To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.}}
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator suspend to receive a message from the President of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. Certainly.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Presiding Officer, the “Message from the President,” is dealt with, as is the “Executive Message Referred” and a “Message from the House.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to Senate amendments Nos. 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue to read from article I., section 2:
{{smaller block|To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.}}
Congress would not have the power to pass bankruptcy laws, indeed Congress could not pass a law on any subject except for the power given to it by the Constitution. This provision I have read is the basis for our bankruptcy law.
{{smaller block|To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.}}
{{smaller block|To establish post offices and post roads.}}
That is your authority for the Federal Government to act in that field.
{{smaller block|To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.}}
{{smaller block|To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court.}}
That gives authority to Congress to establish certain courts of appeals and district courts. They are inferior tribunals, that is, inferior to the United States Supreme Court.
{{smaller block|To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations.}}
{{smaller block|To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.}}
{{smaller block|To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.}}
But no appropriation of money for that purpose shall be for a longer term than 2 years. We cannot appropriate money for the Defense Establishment for more than 2 years because the Constitution limits it. If we should attempt to do that, we would go beyond the Constitution.

I think that is a suggestion which may apply to foreign aid. If we should commit ourselves for 5 years or 10 years, I think that would be unconstitutional. But some of the defense items are classified under the term “foreign aid.”
{{smaller block|To provide and maintain a Navy;}}
{{smaller block|To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;}}
{{smaller block|To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.}}
{{smaller block|To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
I want to read that last part again. I wish to call attention to a point:
{{smaller block|Reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}
Do you not know, Mr. President, that if that section was not in the Constitution the Federal Government would be appointing the officers of the National Guard? That is the reason the Government cannot do it: the Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 10 miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;}}
For that reason the Federal Government cannot go to Louisiana, North Dakota, South Carolina, or New Hampshire and buy a piece of land until the legislature passes an act approving such purchase. Under the provision the State must approve the transaction with respect to property within its borders, whether it owns the property or not, before the Federal Government can get it. Of course, the Government could condemn it; but if it followed the Constitution it would not be able to take it. The Constitution reserves that power to the States.
{{smaller block|To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.}}
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 for each person.}}
{{smaller block|The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.}}
Regardless of what a State wishes to do, the United States Constitution provides that a writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended unless—note the exception—“unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”
{{smaller block|No bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed.}}
{{smaller block|No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.}}
We have the income-tax amendment to the Constitution. The 16th amendment to the Constitution provides that Congress can levy an income tax. That is the only authority in the Federal Government to levy an income tax. It does not inherently have that authority. The Federal Government can do only what the States gave it the authority to do when they entered into the compact in Philadelphia in 1787, and the amendments which have been adopted since then. Two years later, in 1789, the States adopted the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights, for which there was so much sentiment. I do not believe the Constitution would have been ratified if the delegates to the convention had not promised the Bill of Rights would be submitted, and it was submitted and adopted 2 years after the convention, in 1789.
{{smaller block|No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.}}
{{smaller block|No preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.}}
{{smaller block|No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.}}
That is the only reason the States do not impose duties on some articles; otherwise they would probably do it, but under the Constitution they cannot do it.
{{smaller block|No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.}}
In other words, if I were an ambassador in London and the Queen of England wished to confer on me a title or wished to give me extra compensation for some reason I could not take the title or compensation unless Congress permitted it. Congress would have to pass an act to permit it.
{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ''ex post facto'' law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.}}
In other words, that goes right down the line to support the point I make. So the Constitution provides exactly what the Federal Government can do. What hurts me is to see some distinguished Members of Congress, able men who believe in the division of powers between the Federal and State Governments—or I always thought they did—going along with the bill, because this is a bill that takes power away from the States and gives it to the Federal Government.

The matter of elections is left up to each State. That power was not delegated. The qualifications for electors, the holding of elections, and all relevant matters were reserved to the States. There has been a movement, I understand to get the Congress to pass a bill eliminating the poll tax. I believe I told the Senate this morning, or this afternoon, that when I was Governor, I recommended that the poll tax be removed in my State and it was removed. But Congress may not pass a law to do it. It could do it, but it would be unconstitutional for the reason that there is a provision of the Constitution which states that the qualifications of electors shall be left to each State. Therefore, New Hampshire has qualifications and if the people of that State wish to make as a qualification for voting in that State the payment of a poll tax, they have a right to do so. The only way such a measure could be enacted legally, if it were going to be the law nationwide, would be for Congress to submit an amendment to the Constitution eliminating the poll tax.

The Senator from Florida [Mr. {{sc|Holland}}] has now pending a proposed constitutional amendment to eliminate the poll tax, amending the Constitution. To do that would be legal; it would be constitutional, and it would be proper. Personally I think it is better to leave to each State the power to fix the qualifications for voting of its citizens. In my State, as I have said, we have very low qualifications. We have heard much about people in my State not voting. I believe more people vote in my State than vote in New York, because New York has a much higher standard for voting. That State requires, I believe someone said, a high-school education. Someone else said it requires a grade-school education. It is certainly one of the two. In my State we require only that a man be able to read and write the Constitution, or that he own $300 worth of assessed property. So our requirements for voting are not stringent. They are not nearly as strict as they are in New York. I do not know about the requirements in the State of the Senator from North Dakota.

A few years ago I was Governor of South Carolina. At that time a bill was pending in Congress to remove the poll tax on a nationwide basis. Congress was to do it. It would have been just as unconstitutional as this so-called compromise, whose proponents are trying to get it through the Congress, to deprive the people of a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. I thank my distinguished friend.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, I do not believe that American history is taught sufficiently in our high schools and colleges. I do not believe that a course in government is taught in our high schools and colleges. I come in contact with a great many intelligent people, people who have been educated, big financiers who have made a great deal of money, and many others; yet they do not know the fundamentals of the Constitution. It is because they have not studied it. I think the people of the country would be wise to study the Constitution. I think it is more important today than ever before for the people to study it and be able to delineate the powers of the Federal Government, and learn what the Federal Government has not the power to do.

For example, the Congress has no power to abolish the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting, because the qualifications of voters are left to each State. There are a great many things which Congress cannot do. Yet pressure is brought on Members of Congress, and they vote for certain measures anyway, because of the pressure.

Why do Senators think this so-called compromise on the civil rights bill is being pressed? Why is there any civil rights bill before us? Why call this measure a right-to-vote bill? It is a perfect farce. It is not a right-to-vote bill.

As I have stated, every State in the Union has statutes providing for the right to vote. The Federal Government has statutes providing for the right to vote.

Why is such a bill as this being considered at this time? Because there are pressures on Members of Congress to do so. Some Members of Congress attempted to do so, even though they were doubtful of the constitutionality of the measure. The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] stated earlier in the day that he did not think the jury trial amendment which was put in the compromise bill in the House was constitutional. He said he would offer an amendment in January to correct it.

I would rather see him vote against it now. If the bill should pass anyway, he could later offer his amendment. But if a bill is unconstitutional, I think it is better for us not to vote for it. I think Members of Congress must develop stamina, fortitude, and courage to resist pressures, and to stand by the Constitution. If we do not do so, as I stated earlier in the day, we shall keep whittling away the rights of the States until, after a while, the States will not have any rights. There will be a powerful Central Government—and it will be a powerful monster, too. Everything will radiate from Washington.

I understand there is a movement on foot to establish a national police system. It is desired to convert the FBI, which is purely an investigative agency, into a law-enforcement agency. It is not a law-enforcement agency. Congress would not have the right to establish a national police agency, because under the Constitution the police power is reserved to the States.

However, this investigative agency, the FBI, is in a different situation. It does not do police work. It apprehends criminals and works with the States, and cooperates in the execution of Federal laws, apprehending violators and bringing them to trial. But it is not a police agency. I am glad that Mr. J. Edgar Hoover said that he was opposed to a national police system. I am sorry to see that the President has been recommending a bill to provide Federal aid to education by way of construction of school buildings. I have been amazed at the fact that so many people are not acquainted with the fact that in the entire Federal Constitution there is not a sentence which contains the word “education.” The word “education” is not to be found in the United States Constitution. Therefore, since the States did not delegate the field of education to the Federal Government, the Federal Government has no jurisdiction in that field, unless we amend the Constitution and give the Federal Government jurisdiction in the field of education.

We can amend the Constitution. We can follow one of the four methods of amending the Constitution, and give the Federal Government authority in that field, if that is the wise thing to do, which I do not think it is. However, that is the way it must be done. We have no authority to appropriate money for Federal aid to education. I know that the President’s intentions are good. However, at Columbia University several years ago he was against Federal aid to education. At any rate, it would be a great mistake for the Federal Government to enter the field of education.

After we begin giving money for Federal aid to education by way of construction, the next demand from the powerful National Education Association, which I understand is building a tremendous office building in Washington, will be for a supplement to the salaries of teachers. The National Education Association will bring pressure on Members of Congress, as do other pressure organizations, and will say, “We need supplements to teachers’ salaries.”

When we enact legislation for Federal aid to construct the buildings, and to provide supplements to teachers’ salaries, the Federal Government will be asked to pay a larger share of such salaries, and there will be more and more control to go with it. Before we know it, there will be Federal control of education, and the parents of the Nation will find their children studying books selected in Washington, instead of by the people in Delaware, North Dakota, and South Carolina.

It is a great mistake for us not to follow the Constitution. If the Constitution needs amending, we can amend it. There is a provision for amending it, and it should be amended from time to time. There have been 22 amendments since it was adopted. In 1789 the first 10 amendments were adopted. Since then, 12 other amendments have been adopted. There are now 22 amendments to the Constitution.

We were talking about the 16th amendment awhile ago, the income-tax amendment. I think most people feel that it is necessary, although the income tax appears high. Therefore there had to be a way to bring it about. Congress could not pass an income-tax law. It had no authority to do so until the Constitution had been amended to give Congress the power to do it.

I think it is important to understand what we mean by the division of powers between the Federal Government and the State governments. We have a compound Republic. It is a compound Republic because there are Federal powers and State powers. There are three branches in the Federal Government, each of which checks on the others, with the exception of the Supreme Court. It has practically no check on it, and it has gone wild.

There are three branches in the State governments. Each is supposed to be a check on the others.

There are two checks on the Supreme Court. In the first place, we can impeach Supreme Court justices. However, the House must do the impeaching, and the Senate sits as a jury to hear the case. So, there is not much the Senate can do from that standpoint.

The other one is that, under the Constitution, the appellate power of the Supreme Court can be controlled by the Congress, so that if Congress saw fit to pass a bill to limit the {{SIC|appelate|appellate}} power of the Supreme Court, Congress would have that right. The Constitution gives it the power to do that. Many persons think we have to amend the Constitution before we can do that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Would the Senator say that would be a form of cruel and inhuman punishment to impose upon his colleagues?

Mr. THURMOND. I would say it is cruel and inhuman punishment to impose on the citizens of America if we pass a bill without providing for a jury trial.

(Manifestations of applause in the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The galleries will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. I have received letters from a number of States, and I have been in California. I spent a week there in the fall of 1953. Starting at Long Beach and ending up at San Francisco, I made addresses all the way up the coast. I even went to Bakersfield and saw an old friend of the Senator from California there. I talked with many persons there. Unless they have had a change in sentiment, they think, just as the people of South Carolina do, that there should be jury trials.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does not the distinguished Senator also think that the people of California are interested in the 15th amendment to the Constitution, assuring all American citizens the right to vote?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the people of California are, and I am sure the people of South Carolina are. The people of South Carolina have done something about it, just as have the people of California. Last night, when the distinguished Senator from California was resting comfortably, I was speaking here and trying to rouse the people of America concerning the dangers of taking away their right of trial by jury. I placed in the {{sc|Record}} the statutes of California on that subject, and here is what they provide:
{{smaller block|“California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:}}
{{smaller block|“Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders of prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).}}
{{smaller block|“Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other forms of intimidation, to compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election (sec 1158).}}
{{smaller block|“Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).}}
{{smaller block|“Election officers: Any election officer who induces, or attempts to induce, any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony. (sec. 11583).}}
{{smaller block|“Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or action of employees, or who, within 90 days before an election, exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (secs. 11584, 11585).}}
{{smaller block|“Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).}}
{{smaller block|“Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).}}
{{smaller block|“Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).”}}
Those are statutes of the State of California, and they are good statutes.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does the Senator not recognize the fact that under the voting rights bill which the Senate is attempting to pass but which the Senator from South Carolina has, for the moment, successfully prevented the Senate from passing, there is not a single individual who can be cited for either civil or criminal contempt if another American citizen is deprived of his right to vote under the Constitution? So, if the Senator is correct in his statement that no person is deprived of his right to vote in his State—and I feel certain that no American citizen is denied the right to vote in my State—neither California nor South Carolina would cite any public official or other person criminally unless they were depriving people of their right to vote under the laws of the State.

Mr. THURMOND. I think some part of the Union could nullify the Constitution, just as I think some juries turn loose some defendants who are guilty. Some judges will make mistakes, too. But why do we not let the States alone and let them handle their own problems? I know the southern people and I know they are doing all they can for the Negro.

I see my friend the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting next to the Senator from California. He feels that his State is doing all it can. I know the State of Mississippi, from which come my good friends, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} and Senator {{sc|Stennis}}, is doing all it can. We cannot change customs overnight. We have to let the local people work these things out. But Congress did not care to let the local people work these things out.

All that is necessary is to have enforcement of the Federal statute. There is a Federal statute, to which I called attention today. For the benefit of Senators who were not here at the time, I may say that this statute provides that whoever intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, is guilty of a crime, punishable by a $1,000 fine or by imprisonment of 1 year.

Mr. COOPER. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator know that there has never been any question, since the War Between the States, about the Negro population in Kentucky having the right to vote, and exercising that right?

Mr. THURMOND. I have never heard any question about it. I simply say that in my State the Negroes are voting in large numbers. They claimed the credit for carrying the election for Stevenson in 1952, and at that time there was a very close election. They claimed they cast more than 80,000 votes, which was about 25 percent of the total. Their own newspaper contained that information. I have a clipping from that newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer. So they are certainly voting in my State, and I am sure they are voting in the Senator’s State.

Is it not better to let the local people work out these problems, rather than to rush things on them, and try to change their customs overnight?

As a matter of fact, if you gentlemen want to take any action, however, if the proponents of this bill are not satisfied—I do not think the distinguished Senator is dissatisfied—with the enforcement by the governors of the States of the Nation—and the governors are the chief executive officers of the States and are responsible for enforcing the law—or if the Federal Government is not satisfied with the enforcement being given by the governors to the voting laws of the States to protect the rights of people to vote, then why do they not enforce the Federal statute, which is already on the books?

Mr. COOPER. Because of the Senator’s kind reference, I should like to ask a question as follows: Does the Senator know that in Kentucky all citizens, including all Negroes, have had, since the War Between the States, the right to vote, have exercised that right, and that it has never been questioned?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is the case, because I have heard that they vote there. They are voting in the South in larger numbers than ever before. No persons in my State are deprived of the right to vote. If they are qualified to vote, they are allowed to vote. Of course, no man who is not qualified ought to be allowed to vote. New York State has a much higher standard, as I said a while ago, than we have. If a person can merely read or write in my State, he can vote. In New York one has to be a high-school graduate, I believe, or at least has to meet a literacy test. So we are not nearly so strict in South Carolina as they are in New York.

The Senator comes from a border State. Kentucky is a great State. I suggest to the Senator, however, since he is from a border State that went in part with the North and in part with the South, that the Senator stick with the South.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I will ask the Senator if it is not true that Kentucky had to make that choice almost a hundred years ago and they chose to stick with the Union?

Mr. THURMOD. Mr. President, if there is any Member in the Senate who is not satisfied with the voting protection given by the governors and the other officials of the States of the Nation, again I say that all they have to do is to call upon the Justice Department to enforce section 594. It is now against the Federal law to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any voter, in any way, shape, or form. That is the Federal statute which is on the books now. Why not enforce that statute? What is the idea of coming here with a right-to-vote bill? That is a big, high-sounding word that does not mean anything. If we pass this bill, we will pass an unconstitutional bill. It will be all right if the Justice Department will enforce section 594. I believe they are enforcing it. Is there anyone that thinks they are not enforcing this law? Is there anyone who thinks the present administration is not enforcing section 594?

If the Justice Department are enforcing this law, they are protecting people in this matter now. If they are not enforcing this law, let them enforce it, and that will protect them. Either the Justice Department are not enforcing this law, if they have had complaints, or they have not had any complaints.

Has the Justice Department had complaints, such as we have been hearing about, that many people have been denied the right to vote? We hear that in the South many people are denied the right to vote. What is there now; what has there been in the past 5 years to keep the Attorney General from going to any Southern State to enforce this statute? It is a Federal statute. The Attorney General not only has the right to enforce it, but he has the duty. If there have been any complaints about people in the South not voting, I have not heard of them. But if there have been any complaints about them not voting, then the Justice Department ought to do something about it. If the Justice Department has taken no action to enforce this statute, it shows one of two things: The Department has not had anybody objecting, or, if there were objections, it ignored them and did not do its duty by enforcing the statute. The point is there is a Federal statute now, so why pass another bill? All the Congress needs to do is to follow the Constitution. If we will follow the line of demarcation in the Constitution between the powers delegated to the Federal Government and the powers reserved to the States, we will not get into difficulties about all these different things.

If a bill were introduced to repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting, there would not be any question but that the Congress would not consider it because it would be unconstitutional. The qualifications of voting are reserved to the States. Why can we not look at it from that viewpoint and not try to say whether it is a good bill or a bad bill? On the right to vote bill, should there be any question whether we are going to accept this compromise? I do not think there should be any question at all, because the Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The court decision which I have before me holds that criminal contempt is a crime.

Mr. President—

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). The Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I will proceed now, if there are no further questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina has the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. Article III., defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield to the able Senator for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it correct that under Federal statute 594 there can be imposed a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. The compromise right to vote bill cuts it down to a fine of $300 and 45 days in jail. If the judge determines that the defendant ought to suffer a greater penalty than that, the case has to go to a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator, I will say if this bill is passed, of course I am expecting it to be held unconstitutional as soon as it can be tested. But until that is done, they will have a choice.

There could be a prosecution under the Federal statute, which is section 594: or such a person could be taken before a Federal judge, and the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to try the case. If the judge decided he was in a hurry to take a vacation trip, he could simply say, “I will try the case myself.” Then, under the provisions of the compromise measure, the judge would try the case; and the person being tried could not complain.

Let me ask the Senator from North Dakota what he would do. Suppose he were to find himself in such a situation; and suppose the judge were to say to him, “Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I will not give you a jury trial. I will try you myself”—and then the judge would rear back on his haunches and would grin.

What would the Senator from North Dakota do under those circumstances? There would be nothing he could do, because the judge would have a right to try him under the provisions of the compromise measure which has come to us from the House of Representatives.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Inasmuch as section 594 is on the statute books, why is not this right-to-vote bill entirely superfluous?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has put his finger on exactly what I have been discussing in the Senate for—let me see, Mr. President, how long has it been?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Twenty-one hours.

Mr. THURMOND. No; Mr. President, it has been 22 hours and 10 minutes. [Laughter.] For 22 hours and 10 minutes I have been trying to emphasize that point—namely, why is this compromise necessary, when a Federal statute on this subject is already on the statute books? It provides for a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail.

If the Department of Justice is interested in the persons who are alleged to have been deprived of the right to vote—regardless of whether they are whites, Negroes, or others—why does not the Department of Justice take action to enforce section 594 and thus protect the right to vote? The Department of Justice can do that under section 594. That is up to the Department of Justice. I do not know what the Department will do; that is up to the Department of Justice.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. During the last 5 years, has anyone been arrested under section 594?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota, I wish to say that I have never heard that anyone in my State has been tried under that statute. So there is no use in having the representatives of the Department of Justice come to South Carolina and say that people there are deprived of the right to vote, because if anyone representing the Department of Justice does come to South Carolina and does make such a statement, I will tell him that it is his own fault, for those in the Department of Justice have failed to do their duty; they have a law under which they can punish such persons, but they have not done so. Either no one in South Carolina is deprived of the right to vote, or else the Department of Justice has failed to do its duty.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina. I get the point very clearly.

Mr. THURMOND. Let me ask whether there are any more questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I shall proceed. I am just trying to find a section of the Constitution to which I wish to refer.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, while the Senator from South Carolina is doing that, will he yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Can the Senator from South Carolina tell the Senate how many years ago section 594 was enacted into law?

Mr. THURMOND. I believe it was in 1939.

Mr. LANGER. Do I correctly understand that since that time, there has been no prosecution under that provision of law? Is that true, so far as the Senator from South Carolina knows?

Mr. THURMOND. I have not heard of a single prosecution in South Carolina under that statute.

Mr. LANGER. Has the Senator heard of one in any other State?

Mr. THURMOND. If there has been one, I have not heard of it. I would not say there has not been one in some other State, but I do not know of a case of that sort which has been tried in the Federal courts. Some have been tried in the State courts; we are enforcing our State laws.

But I have not heard of a case in which anyone has been tried under this Federal statute—which carries with it a heavy penalty, namely, a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment in jail for 1 year. I have never heard of anyone who has been tried under that law. But, Mr. President, of course I am not surprised at that, because in South Carolina, everyone who wishes to register to vote and to vote, does register and does vote, if he is qualified. So I do not think it likely that there would be any cases of that sort in South Carolina.

Mr. President, there have been insinuations to the effect that the Southern States are denying some people the right to vote. I think insinuations about any States should stop—whether that be Northern States, Southern States, Eastern States, or Western States. All of us are Americans. We have a great country. In all the wars the United States has ever fought, the United States has had brave soldiers from all sections of the country. It is very bad to have people in one section of the country try to snipe at people in another section of the country. That is the very thing George Washington warned against in his Farewell Address.

Mr. LANGER. Yes, I am familiar with that admonition by George Washington.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, if anyone in the South has been intimidated or coerced or threatened with regard to voting—if anyone in any Southern State has been treated in that way—the district attorney in the State can take action any day he wishes to; and if the Department of Justice does not do it, the Department is failing to perform its duty with respect to such violations; or else there are no violations of that sort. So evidently there have not been any violations of that sort in the State of South Carolina, or else no one has complained about them. As a matter of fact, I am quite sure that there have not been any violations of that sort in my State, because, as I have said, anyone in South Carolina who wishes to vote, and who is qualified to vote, and who registers, can vote.

Mr. President, I should like to read what George Washington said.

Sometimes, Mr. President, when I see the able Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting in his seat in this Chamber—so able a judge and lawyer, and a fine soldier in World War II.; and when I see in the Chamber the distinguished senior Senator from Michigan [Mr. {{sc|Potter}}], who lost both of his legs in that war; and when I see my other fellow veterans who are distinguished Members of this body or are distinguished Members of the House of Representatives, and then when I see matters of a sectional nature brought up here, and when one group wishes to try to have enacted into law a measure aimed at punishing another section of the country, it makes my heart ache. My colleagues who are veterans did not feel that way when they were serving in the Armed Forces overseas; they did not feel that way when they were in uniform. If the Members of Congress from various sections of the United States would just accord to all the other States the same respect that they expect to have accorded to their own States I am sure that we would not be having this trouble; and then I would not have been speaking here on this subject for more than 22 hours in an effort to arouse the American people.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. For 22 hours and 10 minutes.

Mr. THURMOND. No, Mr. President, for 22 hours and 20 minutes. [Laughter.]

I would not be trying to arouse the American people if it were not necessary. But why should the North want to pick on those of us who live in the South? Why do the people in New York want to pick on us? Why do the people in New Jersey want to pick on us? Or why do the people of any other section of the country want to pick on us? We think we are fairly good people. We think we are patriotic. The Members of Congress from the Southern States want to work together with all the other Members of Congress.

Mr. President, I want to extend every courtesy to every other Member of Congress, and I want to see those who live in any particular section of the country extend to the rest of the people of the country the same courtesy that they expect to have extended to themselves.

But, Mr. President, I can tell you this: This right-to-vote bill—and I say this because I know something about its history—is aimed at the South. It is aimed at the South; and it hurts me to see that done, because South Carolina is not guilty, and this bill should not be enacted. I do not believe the other Southern States are guilty. The Southern States have done their part in every way. As I have said, the people of the Southern States have fought for their country and have served in public office in every way. They have been honorable people.

Yet, in order to try to win the votes of certain minority blocs, some pressure groups are willing to punish us, to put us under the heel, and to grind and grind and grind us. I am getting tired of it.

(Manifestations of applause by the occupants of the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The doorkeepers must keep the galleries in order.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. COOPER. A minute ago the Senator spoke very generously of our association and friendship during World War II. I know that he did not mean to intimate that there was any intention upon the part of the Senator from Kentucky, in his vote on the civil-rights bill, to show any bias or prejudice toward his own people in the South.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that there was not, Senator.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator remember?

Mr. THURMOND. I remember, and I say to the Senator from Kentucky he is one of the finest and most gracious gentlemen I have known.

The Senator from Kentucky is not one of those ardent proponents of the bill who is trying to ram the bill home. I do not know how he is going to vote, but he is a good constitutional lawyer. I hope he will not vote for it. I hope he will think over the jury trial issue and not vote for it.

He has not been one of those who has been baiting the South.

Mr. COOPER. The Senator from Kentucky is a good friend of the Senator from South Carolina, but the Senator from Kentucky will vote for civil rights. He intends to vote for the bill this evening or at some later time.

In the debate he said again and again that he believes in the juries in the South, and that the people of the South would respect the law and would follow the law. I am sure the Senator from South Carolina knows that the Senator from Kentucky said that.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure he did say that.

The only thing is that if the Senator feels that the South obeys the law, I do not understand why he should want to have this bill passed.

I will get on with what George Washington said.

Mr. President, George Washington, in his Farewell Address, used his strongest language against those who would divide our country; he urged a unity of spirit. He said:
{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern—Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}
That was George Washington speaking.

George Washington wanted to see the people from the North to the South, and to the East and the West, bound together with a fraternal feeling. He wanted a fraternal attitude manifested.

Why should we not manifest a fraternal attitude on these matters? Why should we not try to help another section, and not sponsor legislation which is aimed at any particular section, merely to try to get votes to win an election?

I have said, and I repeat, that since every State in the United States from Alabama to Wyoming has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and since the Federal Government has a statute on its books to protect the right to vote, there is no need for this bill.

I say, and I repeat, that I think the bill is purely political, and I think that both parties have been trying to grab the ball to see who could get the spotlight for the elections coming up in 1958.
{{smaller block|Article III, defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review. We may note, for example, two further uses of the plural: First, the judicial power is to extend “to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority.” Second, treason against the United States is to consist “only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies.” Because the authority of the Court will be considered at length in a later chapter, it will suffice here merely to point out that nowhere in article III is the Court given jurisdiction over controversies between a State and the United States. That proposal was specifically advanced during the convention, and specifically rejected.}}
{{smaller block|Every section—indeed, every paragraph—of article IV touches upon the Federal nature of the Union. Full faith and credit are to be given in each State, to the acts and judicial proceedings of every other State. If this were not a Federal Union, the provision would be nonsense. Beyond this, the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall be delivered upon demand to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.}}
{{smaller block|Then comes the provision that Northern States were to flout over a period of 30 years: “No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.”}}
{{smaller block|Finally, we may note in article IV the provision for admitting new States into this Union (not this Nation, but this Union): “No new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.”}}
{{smaller block|Article V had best be quoted in full. It has not been changed by so much as an apostrophe in the years since it came from Philadelphia in September of 1787. It still fixes and defines the sovereign power:}}
{{smaller block|Pause for a moment over this article of the Constitution. We are dealing here with Taylor’s “will to enact” and “power to execute;” we are dealing with Marshall’s “power to make and unmake.” It was plainly envisioned by the framers that their work would require amendment through the years. “That useful alterations will be suggested by experience, could not but be foreseen,” Madison was to write. There was a double aim in the provision, even a triple aim. {{SIC|Aricle|Article}} V, Madison tells us, was intended, first, to guard equally against too-easy amendment on the one hand and too-difficult amendment on the other. It was drafted, secondly, to permit amendments to originate both with the Federal and with the State Governments. But it was intended, finally, to leave the ultimate decision upon changing the Constitution to the sovereign States themselves—not to the people as a mass, nor even to a bare majority of the States as such. It was recognized that the great, overriding principle of protection for minorities should apply here as bindingly as it was to apply elsewhere. If one-fourth of the States plus one should object to a change in the Constitution—even if that change were desired by three-fourths minus one (and even if this larger fraction should include the great bulk of the total population)—the change could not be engrafted to the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Article VI is brief. Its first provision covers debts and engagements entered into under the Articles of Confederation and continues these obligations under the proposed new Constitution; its third provision prohibits any religious test as a qualification for public office and requires an oath to support the Constitution of all public officers, both State and Federal.}}
{{smaller block|It is the second provision that merits brief attention in this summary review:}}
{{smaller block|“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”}}
{{smaller block|Let us go back: What is to be supreme? Three things. First, “this Constitution.” Secondly, “laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof.” Third, treaties made “under the authority of the United States.” That is all. Not Executive orders of the President. Not even judgments of the Supreme Court. The Constitution, the laws made in pursuance thereof, the treaties.}}
{{smaller block|In passing, note the phrase “law of the land.” It stems originally from the Magna Carta; but as it appears in the Constitution, “law of the land” was merely a substitution, proposed by the committee on style, for “law of the several States and their citizens and inhabitants.” The object was to extend this new supreme law to Territories as well as to the States. And this phrase, “law of the land,” is as close as the Constitution ever comes to suggesting a “nation.” Actually the word “nation” or the word “national” never appears in the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|The aim, we will recall, was to form “a more perfect Union.” Representatives and taxes were to be apportioned among the several States which may be included “within this Union.” The militia may be called forth to execute “the laws of the Union.” The President is to provide Congress with information on the “state of the Union.” New States are to be admitted “into this Union.” The guaranty of a republican form of government goes “to every State in this Union.” But never, at any point, are the United States described, in the Constitution, as comprising a “nation.”}}
{{smaller block|This is not to contend, of course, that ours is not a Nation, or that the Federal Government does not operate nationally. It is only to suggest that the deliberate terms of the Constitution speak for themselves, and should be heeded: Our country is, first and foremost, originally and still, a Union of States. And when we speak of the law of the land, it should be kept steadily in mind that the land is a Federal Union, in which each of the States stands coequal with every other State. The Constitution is supreme not only in its authority over each State, but also in its protection over each State. And each State, each respective State, is entitled to rely upon the Constitution as embodying supreme law that all other States must adhere to with equal fidelity, like it or not, until the Constitution be changed by the States themselves.}}
{{smaller block|Note, too, the careful qualification that defines laws enacted by the Congress. Just any laws of the United States are not enough: Laws, to be binding, must be laws made in pursuance of the Constitution. Any attempted statutes that invade the residuary authority of the States, Hamilton tells us, “will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such.” And he adds, at another point, that:}}
{{smaller block|“There is no position which depends on clearer principles than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid.”}}
{{smaller block|Surely, it may be urged that precisely the same standard must be applied to other branches of the Federal Government—the executive and judicial no less than the legislative. By extension, thus, judgments of the Court, to be supreme law of the land, must be made pursuant to the Constitution. A judgment of the Court, so violative of the clear terms and understandings of the Constitution as to invade the residuary authority of the States, must also be regarded as a usurpation, and should deserve to be treated as such. The argument will be pursued at greater length hereafter.}}
{{smaller block|Finally, this brief examination of the Constitution from the standpoint of the States may be concluded with a second look at article VII. It should be read carefully; for this is the clause that binds: “The ratification of the conventions of 9 States”—not, again, the approval of a majority of the people in a popular referendum, but the ratification of 9 States—“shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.”}}
{{smaller block|Thus, on September 17, the Convention concluded its work. George Washington, as President of the Convention, transmitted the document to the Congress. A prophetic sentence appeared in his letter, as he mentioned the compromises necessary for the surrender of sovereign powers: “It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved.” The States had done the best they could through their delegates. Eager to consolidate their Union, each State had been disposed “to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected.” They launched the ship.}}
{{smaller block|“Well, Doctor,” said the lady to Mr. Franklin, “what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?”}}
{{smaller block|“A republic,” replied the doctor, “if you can keep it.”}}
It is pretty hard to keep when bills are introduced to violate the Constitution by chipping off and whittling away the rights of the States in an effort, it seems, to reduce them to colonial status.

Continuing the quotation from the Kilpatrick book:
{{c|{{x-smaller|6. THE PROPHETIC MR. HENRY}}}}
{{smaller block|For the States’ understanding of what the Constitution was to mean to them, as States, we can look not only to the internal evidence of the Constitution itself, but to the debates in the ratifying conventions and to some of the contemporary criticism, notably in the Federalist papers. We can look, also, to some of the pronouncements of the Supreme Court from time to time, and to the writings of scholars of our own day.}}
{{smaller block|The evidence is overwhelming. By written compact, solemnly ratified, the States agreed mutually to delegate certain of their sovereign powers to a Federal Government. They enumerated these powers. All other powers they reserved to themselves, and these reserved powers did not need to be enumerated: the reserved powers constituted an inherent powers of sovereign States not specifically abridged.}}
{{smaller block|So plain was this understanding that the feeling most frequently encountered, in reading comments of the period, is one of incredulity that anyone should doubt it.}}
{{smaller block|“The proposed constitution,” said Hamilton, “so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.”}}
{{smaller block|So, too, said Madison:}}
{{smaller block|“It is to be remembered that the General Government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administering laws. Its {{SIC|jursidiction|jurisdiction}} is limited to certain enumerated objects which concern all the members of the Republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate provisions of any. The subordinate governments, which can extend their care to all other objects which can be separately provided for, will retain their due authority and activity.”}}
{{smaller block|Neither Hamilton nor Madison could quite imagine the Federal Government ever seriously encroaching upon the States.}}
{{smaller block|“Allowing the utmost latitude to the love of power which any reasonable man can require,” said Hamilton, “I confess I am at a loss to discover what temptation the persons intrusted with the administration of the General Government could ever feel to divest the States of the authorities of that description. The regulation of the mere domestic police of a State appears to me to hold out slender allurements to ambition. Commerce, finance, negotiation, and war seem to comprehend all the objects which have charms for minds governed by that passion; and all the powers necessary to those objects ought, in the first instance, to be lodged in the national depository.”}}
{{smaller block|Then he added, with a singular absence of prophecy:}}
{{smaller block|“The administration of private justice between the citizens of the same State, the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation, can never be desirable cares of a general jurisdiction. It is therefore improbable that there should exist a disposition in the Federal councils to usurp the powers with which they are connected. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“It will always be far more easy for the State governments to encroach upon the national authorities, than for the National Government to encroach upon the State authorities.”}}
That is where he was wrong. In other words, Hamilton had no idea that the Federal Government would ever attempt to encroach on the rights of the states. In his day it looked to him as if it would be easier for the States to encroach on the rights of the Federal Government than for the Federal Government to encroach on the rights of the States. But in recent years do-gooders, welfare-staters, left-wingers, and other pressure groups are trying to transform this Government. They are trying to make of it a national government. It is not a national government; it is a Federal Government. The States came together in a federation and formed this Government. That is the conception which I hope we can get over to the people of the Nation, that our Government is not a national government; it is a Federal Government made by the States coming together and forming a federation and signing the compact which became the Constitution. Therefore we have a Federal Government, not a national government. I hope we shall never have a national government. We must stop the Federal usurpation that is now going on and has been going on for some years.
{{smaller block|Madison, also, imagined that the Federal Government would “be disinclined to invade the rights of the individual States, or the prerogatives of their governments.” For his part, Hamilton thought it more probable that the States would encroach upon the Federal Government, and he imagined that in such contests the State governments, because they “will commonly possess most influence” over the people, would dominate Federal agencies “to the disadvantage of the Union.” However, all such conjectures Hamilton viewed as “extremely vague and fallible.” He preferred to assume that the people “will always take care to preserve the constitutional equilibrium between the general and the State governments.”}}
{{smaller block|In No. 45, Madison treated at considerable length the widespread apprehension that the States would be obliterated. Some of his comments have been outdated; what he has to say about the election of Senators, for example, unhappily has been superseded by the misfortune of the 17th amendment. Some of his other observations, dealing with functions of what was to become the Bureau of Internal Revenue, may occasion some wary reflection on the lengths by which even a Madison could miss his guess. But as contemporary evidence of the role guaranteed to the States, No. 45 justifies quotation at some length:}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments will have the advantage of the Federal Government, whet her we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them to the predilection and probable support of the people; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.}}
{{smaller block|“The State governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the Federal Government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the people, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the people obtains for themselves an election into the State legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the Federal Government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious than too overbearing toward them. On the other side, the component parts of the State governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the Federal Government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.}}
{{smaller block|“The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller than the number employed under the particular States. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side or the former than of the latter. The members of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments of 13 and more States, the justices of peace, officers of militia, ministerial officers of justice, with all the county, corporation, and town officers, for 3 millions and more of people, intermixed, and having particular acquaintance with every class and circle of people, must exceed, beyond all proportion, both in number and influence, those of every description who will be employed in the administration of the Federal system. Compare the members of the three great departments of the 13 States, excluding from the judiciary department the justices of peace, with the members of the corresponding departments of the single government of the Union; compare the militia officers of 3 millions of people with the military and marine officers of any establishment which is within the compass of probability, or, I may add, of possibility, and in this view alone, we may pronounce the advantage of the States to be decisive.}}
{{smaller block|“If the Federal Government is to have collectors of revenue, the State governments will have theirs also. And as those of the former will be principally on the seacoast, and not very numerous, whilst those of the latter will be spread over the face of the country, and will be very numerous, the advantage in this view also lies on the same side. It is true, that the confederacy is to possess, and may exercise, the power of collecting internal as well as external taxes throughout the States; but it is probable that this power will not be resorted to, except for supplemental purposes of revenue; that an option will then be given to the States to supply their quotas by previous collections of their own; and that the eventual collection, under the immediate authority of the Union·, will generally be made by the officers, and according to the rules, appointed by the several States. * * *}}
{{smaller block|“The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the Federal Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.}}
{{smaller block|“The operations of the Federal Government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments in times of peace and security. As the former periods will probably bear a small proportion to the latter, the State governments will here enjoy another advantage over the Federal Government. The more adequate, indeed, the Federal powers may be rendered to the national defense, the less frequent will be those scenes of danger which might favor their ascendancy over the governments of the particular States.}}
{{smaller block|“If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of new powers to the union, than in the invigoration of its original powers. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the Articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them.”}}
{{smaller block|Even John Marshall, who did more than any man in our history to aggrandize the Federal Government and to weaken the States, never doubted the basic structure of divided powers. Consider, briefly, his comment in the famed case of ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland''. The case arose when Congress established the Bank of the United States, and Maryland undertook to levy a tax upon the bank’s Baltimore branch; James McCulloch, the cashier, refused to pay the tax, and Maryland sued.}}
{{smaller block|The legal questions were two: Did Congress have power to incorporate the bank, and secondly, did Maryland have power to tax it? Marshall answered the first one “Yes,” the second, “No.” With the bulk of his reasoning, strict constructionists and apostles of States rights will disagree: Marshall’s sophisticated mind did not boggle at stretching “necessary” to mean “convenient.” In considering the actual act of ratification by which the Union was formed, Marshall was not much impressed by the fact, which he could not escape, that the people met in State conventions. “Where else should they have assembled?” he asked. But even here, a couple of sentences merit quotation as evidence from the States greatest detractor:}}
{{smaller block|“It is true, [the people] assembled in their several States—and where else should they have assembled? No political dreamer was ever wild enough to think of breaking down the lines which separate the States, and of compounding the American people into one common mass. Of consequence, when they act, they act in their States.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall went on in his opinion to confuse “States” and “State governments,” thus setting up a convenient strawman to batter down. No one ever had contended that the Constitution was ratified by State governments, but Marshall, with a glittering display of intellectual swordsmanship, neatly skewered the nonexistent objection. Then he went on to say:}}
{{smaller block|“This Government is acknowledged by all to be one of enumerated powers. The principle that it can exercise only the powers granted to it would seem too apparent to have required to be enforced by all those arguments which its enlightened friends, while it was pending before the people, found it necessary to urge. That principle is now universally admitted. But the question respecting the extent of the powers actually granted is perpetually arising, and will probably continue to arise, as long as our system shall exist.”}}
{{smaller block|True enough, the question of “the extent of powers” does continue to arise to this day, though the doctrines of Marshall have so pervaded public thinking that it often is forgotten that the Federal Government has any limitations whatever. But the separateness of the States and the nature of their delegated powers were clearly recognized when the Constitution was created. The prophets who foresaw the trend toward consolidation—notably Patrick Henry and George Mason—were told they were old women, seeing ghosts.}}
{{smaller block|Consider, if you will, the debate on ratification in Virginia. The transcript offers some absorbing reading. If the clash of a Henry and a Mason with a Pendleton and a Madison does not prompt reflection upon subsequent corruption of the Constitution, at the very least their battle must lead to regrets at the decline in the quality of today’s legislative debates. There were giants in those days. This was, to paraphrase Marshall, a Constitution they were debating. What was said of the relationship of the States and the Federal Government?}}
{{smaller block|Go back in time. This was a sultry summer in Richmond. At least twice the brief convention was interrupted by thunder storms so severe the delegates were forced to recess. Tempers flared sharply. At one point Edmund Randolph, infuriated with Patrick Henry, was prepared to let their friendship “fall like Lucifer, never to rise again.” They began on Monday, June 2; they adjourned ''sine die'' on Friday, June 27. Into those 4 weeks, the Virginians of 1788 packed a world of profound reflection upon the meaning and intention of the Constitution.}}
{{smaller block|Edmund Pendleton served as president of the Virginia convention. He was a remarkable man: lawyer, scholar, statesman, thinker. In advocating ratification, Pendleton was joined by James Madison, John Marshall, Edmund Randolph, and Light Horse Harry Lee. They carried the day against Patrick Henry and George Mason, as leading opponents of the proposition.}}
{{smaller block|The convention scarcely had begun before Henry established the broad spread of argument. He did not propose to abide by any parliamentary decision to debate one clause at a time. Before the convention in Philadelphia the previous summer, said Henry, a general peace and a universal tranquillity had prevailed. Now he was “extremely uneasy at the proposed change of government.” He swept the room with a cold eye: “Be extremely cautious, watchful, jealous of your liberty. Instead of securing your rights, you may lose them forever.”}}
{{smaller block|George Mason came to his side. He charged that the new Constitution would create “a national government, and no longer a confederation.” He especially denounced the authority proposed in the general government to levy direct taxes. This power, being at the discretion of Congress and unconfined, “and without any kind of control, must carry everything before it.” “The idea of a consolidated government,” he said, “is totally subversive of every principle which has hitherto governed us. This power is calculated to annihilate totally the State governments. * * * These two concurrent powers cannot exist long together; the one will destroy the other; the general government, being paramount to and in every respect more powerful than the State governments, the latter must give way to the former.”}}
{{smaller block|Then Mason voiced the argument that is as applicable in the mid-20th century as it was toward the end of the 18th:}}
{{smaller block|“Is it to be supposed that one national government will suit so extensive a country, embracing so many climates, and containing inhabitants so very different in manners, habits, and customs? It is ascertained, by history, that there never was a government over a very extensive country without destroying the liberties of the people. * * * Popular governments can only exist in small territories.”}}
{{smaller block|On Thursday, June 5, Pendleton undertook to respond to Henry and to Mason. Was the proposed government, he inquired, truly a consolidated government? Of course not. “If this be such a government, I will confess, with my worthy friend, that it is inadmissible. * * *” The proposed Federal Government, he said, “extends to the general purposes of the Union. It does not intermeddle with the local, particular affairs of
the States. * * * It is the interest of the Federal to preserve the State governments; upon the latter the existence of the former depends. * * * I wonder how any gentleman, reflecting on the subject, could have conceived an idea of the possibility of the latter.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry conceived it. He conceived it very clearly. The proposed Constitution, he felt, was “extremely pernicious, impolitic and dangerous.” He saw no jeopardy to the people in the Articles of Confederation; he saw great jeopardy in this new Constitution. And he had this to say:}}
{{smaller block|“We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty: Our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of every thing. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors: By that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, ts about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.”}}
{{smaller block|And note this prophetic observation:}}
{{smaller block|“There will be no checks, no real balances, in this government. What can avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope-dancing, chain-rattling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances?”}}
{{smaller block|What indeed? What have these ideal checks and balances availed the States in the 20th century? Henry saw the empty prospect: “This Constitution is said to have beautiful features; but when I come to examine these features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful. Among other deformities, it has an awful squinting; it squints toward monarchy; and does not this raise indignation in the breast of every true American?”}}
{{smaller block|It was monarchy, ''per se'', that Henry foresaw. And it was despotism at the hands of a general government that he feared.}}
{{smaller block|“What are your checks in this Government?” he kept asking.}}
{{smaller block|No one ever answered him accurately, though half a dozen members of the Convention undertook to refute Henry and to allay his apprehensions. Randolph, replying to the objection that the country soon would be too large for effective government from the capital, commented that “no extent on earth seems to me too great,” but he added, “provided the laws be wisely made and executed.” It has proved to be a large qualification.}}
{{smaller block|Madison also responded to Henry’s general objection that the liberty of the people was in danger: “Since the general civilization of mankind,” he said, “I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations.”}}
{{smaller block|Follow closely what Madison had to say next. He is expounding the relationship of the State and Federal Governments as he, above all men, understood it:}}
{{smaller block|“Give me leave to say something of the nature of the Government. * * * There are a number of opinions; but the principal question is, whether it be a federal or consolidated government. In order to judge properly of the question before us, we must consider it minutely in its principal parts. I conceive myself that it is of a mixed nature; it is in a manner unprecedented; we cannot find one express example in the experience of the world. It stands by itself. In some respects it is a government of a federal nature; in others it is of a consolidated nature. * * * Who are parties to it?”}}
{{smaller block|Note this, especially; it was quoted earlier, but it bears repetition:}}
{{smaller block|“The people—but not the people as composing one great body; but the people as composing 13 sovereignties.”}}
{{smaller block|Francis Corbin, one of the ablest political students of his time, then joined Madison, in soothing the growing fear that the Federal Government might one day absorb the State Governments. “The powers of the General Government,” he said, “are only of a general nature, and their object is to protect, defend, and strengthen the United States; but the internal administration of government is left to the State legisiatures, who exclusively retain such powers as will give the States the advantages of small republics, without the danger commonly attendant on the weakness of such governments.”}}
{{smaller block|Henry, undaunted, straightened his red wig and returned to the debate. “That government is no more than a choice among evils,” he remarked, “is acknowledged by the most intelligent among mankind, and has been a standing maxim for ages.” He could not accept the idea that this new government would be “a mighty benefit to us.”}}
{{smaller block|“Sir, I am made of so incredulous materials, that assertions and declarations do not satisfy me. I must be convinced, sir. I shall retain my infidelity on that subject till I see our liberties secured in a manner perfectly satisfactory to my understanding.”}}
{{smaller block|This exchange occurred on Friday, June 16. The following Monday, Henry renewed his assault:}}
{{smaller block|“A number of characters, of the greatest eminence in this country, object to this government for its consolidating tendency. This is not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If consolidation proves to be as mischievous to this country as it has been to other countries, what will the poor inhabitants of this country do? This government will operate like an ambuscade. It will destroy the State governments, and swallow the liberties of the people, without giving previous notice.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison came back with fresh replies and new remonstrances. The States were safely protected, he assured the Virginia convention. And renewing the arguments he had advanced in the Federalist, “There will be an irresistible bias toward the State governments.” It was utterly improbable—almost impossible—that the Federal Government ever would encroach upon the States. “The means of influence consist in having the disposal of gifts and emoluments, and in the number of persons employed by and dependent upon a government. Will any gentleman compare the number of persons which will be employed in the General Government with the number of those which will be in the State governments? The number of dependents upon the State governments will be infinitely greater than those on the General Government. I may say, with truth, that there never was a more economical government in any age or country, nor which will require fewer hands, or give less influence.”}}
{{smaller block|Pendleton again gained the floor to tackle Henry’s objection. We are told, he said, “that there will be a war between the two bodies equally our representatives, and that the State government will be destroyed, and consolidated into the General Government. I stated before, that this could not be so. The two governments act in different manners, and for different purposes—the General Government in great national concerns, in which we are interested in common with other members of the Union; the State legislature in our mere local concerns. * * * Our dearest rights—life, liberty and property—as Virginians, are still in the hands of our State legislature.”}}
{{smaller block|Patrick Henry remained unconvinced. His opinion and Madison’s were “diametrically opposite.” The mild-mannered Madison said the States would prevail. Henry, a dramatic and eloquent speaker, feared the Federal Government would prevail. Bring forth the Federal allurements, he cried, “and compare them with the poor, contemptible things that the State legislatures can bring forth. * * * There are rich, fat, Federal emoluments. Your rich, smug, fine, fat, Federal officers—the number of collectors of taxes and excises—will outnumber anything from the States. Who can cope with the excise man and the tax men?”}}
{{smaller block|Henry did not imagine that the dual governments could be kept each within its proper orbit. “I assert that there is danger of interference,” he remarked, “because no line is drawn between the powers of the two governments, in many instances; and where there is a line, there is no check to prevent the one from encroaching upon the powers of the other. I therefore contend that they must interfere, and that this interference must subvert the State government as being less powerful. Unless your government have checks, it must inevitably terminate in the destruction of your privileges.”}}
{{smaller block|William Grayson, burly veteran of the Revolution, was another member of the Virginia convention who clearly perceived the absence of effective checks and balances. “Power ought to have such checks and limitations,” he said, “as to prevent bad men from abusing it. It ought to be granted on a supposition that men will be bad; for it may eventually be so.”}}
{{smaller block|Grayson was here discussing his apprehensions toward the powers vested by article III in the Supreme Court of the United States. “This Court,” he protested, “has more power than any court under heaven.” The Court’s appellate jurisdiction, especially, aroused his alarm: “What has it in view, unless to subvert the State governments?”}}
Mr. President, only in the past few months this Court rendered a decision which struck down the sedition statutes in 48 States and two Territories, merely because the Federal Government had a statute on sedition. The Supreme Court held that because of that fact, the Federal Government had preempted the whole field, and struck down the State statutes on sedition. Sedition means overthrowing the Government. That is the practical effect of it.

Steve Nelson, in Pennsylvania, was convicted under Pennsylvania law. He appealed his case to the United States Supreme Court, and the Court turned him loose, on the ground that when the Federal sedition statute was enacted, that statute preempted the field. Thus it struck down all the State statutes on the subject. Forty-two States and two Territories had statutes on the subject.

Judge Howard Smith, in the House, who was the author of the bill, said there was no such intention on his part when he introduced the bill. There was even a provision in the bill that the State laws should not be affected. Yet the Supreme Court struck down the sedition statutes in 42 States and two Territories. Nine men overruled the legislatures of 42 States, and would have overruled the supreme courts in 42 States if their statutes had been tested.

In New York, a man named Slochower was employed by the City College of New York. The charter of the City College provides that if any schoolteacher takes refuge behind the fifth amendment, upon being asked by an official body about his Communist connections, he shall be automatically dismissed. He was questioned by an official body. He was automatically dismissed. But what happened? The Supreme Court reinstated him in his job. City College of New York cannot control its own faculty because of these nine men in Washington. Forty-eight State legislatures cannot have sedition statutes because of these nine men in Washington. Out in New Mexico a man applied for membership in the bar. A similar situation occurred in California. One of the men was admittedly a former Communist. The bar did not want him to become a member. Certainly the bar board should have discretion enough to determine whether a man had the character to be admitted. The board turned him down.

In the other case the man refused to answer questions about his Communist connections. Both of those men—one a former Communist, the other tied in with the Communists—were refused licenses to practice law, one in New Mexico and the other in California. But the nine men comprising the Supreme Court ordered those boards to give the applicants their licenses.

Also, in California there were 14 Communists convicted of actually organizing Communist cells. They were preaching the doctrine of communism. They were convicted in the California court. The case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court. What did that Court do? It turned five of them loose and gave the other nine a new trial. It virtually held, in fact, that one can preach communism all he wants to. So long as the organizing does not begin until a future day, it will be all right. In other words, there would have to be action to put it into effect immediately under the holding of the Court.

How are we going to protect this Government? How is the FBI going to protect it? How are the people of California going to protect it when they catch people who are actually organizing Communist cells and who are advocating communism and preaching communism, and then the Supreme Court turns them loose, laying down a dangerous doctrine—and it is a dangerous doctrine to which I just referred.

Then there is the Watkins case, Mr. President, which has hampered investigations by the Congress. The Supreme Court handed down a decision after Watkins had been convicted of contempt and turned him loose. The Court, in effect, held that a member of the counsel or someone who wanted to ask questions would have to explain the questions to the witness. A smart witness would never admit he understood or comprehended what was meant.

In the city of Washington, Mr. President, one of the most dangerous decisions, I think, that has ever been handed down involved the man Mallory, who raped a white woman. He was caught the next day. He was caught about 2 o’clock. Along about 8 or 9 o’clock he was given a lie-detector test, and he confessed the crime and admitted that he raped the white woman. The officers could not get hold of the United States Commissioner that night, and had to wait until the next morning, about 9 o’clock. They held the admitted criminal from about 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, and in the meantime he gave a confession to the police in Washington. He was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. He had confessed his crime. But the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. What did those nine men do with it? They reversed the decision and said the police had held the man too long.

What is going to happen in this Nation if police officers cannot hold criminals from 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, especially when those criminals have confessed to their crimes?

Heretofore in judicial administration there has been no particular time fixed. A person could be held a reasonable time before arraignment. Under this decision the man would have to confess at just about the time he was arrested, because the Supreme Court held that after he is arrested he is under coercion; and because he was held that short time the Supreme Court reversed the case, and the district attorney said there would not be any use to try it again; that the evidence depended on the confession.

As a result of that case, the Chief of Police in Washington said it would be very difficult to apprehend and detect criminals and arrest them hereafter and be able to make the evidence stand up in court. He called it a terrible handicap to law enforcement in such cases.

Mr. President, there are other decisions the Supreme Court has handed down about which I should like to tell the Senate. The Court seems to get its greatest delight out of turning loose Communists.

The record is disgraceful. The FBI, the law-enforcement agencies, police officers chase down Communists and narcotic people—and they are hard to catch. Then the Supreme Court reverses decisions and turns them loose and they walk the streets, as did the confessed rapist who was sentenced on his own confession. It is a disgrace to this Nation.

Mr. President, I still think this compromise bill is unconstitutional, but with the present Supreme Court no one can predict what they will do about it.
{{smaller block|It was John Marshall, who 15 years later would do so much to justify Mason’s apprehensions, who undertook to allay his fears now. The Federal Government, he insisted, certainly would not have the power “to make laws on every subject.” Could Members of the Congress make laws affecting the transfer of property, or contracts, or claims, between citizens of the same State?}}
{{smaller block|“Can they go beyond the delegated powers? If they were to make a law not warranted by any of the powers enumerated, it would be considered by the judges as an infringement of the Constitution which they are to guard. They would not consider such a law as coming under their jurisdiction. They would declare it void.”}}
{{smaller block|Marshall saw no danger to the States from decrees of the Supreme Court: “I hope that no gentleman will think that a State will be called at the bar of the Federal court. * * * It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power should be dragged before a court.”}}
{{smaller block|Madison, Monroe, and others joined Marshall in defending the third article. Their debate was long and detailed. Much of it was concerned with questions of pleading and practice. But after several days, they went on to other aspects of the Constitution: The prospect of judicial despotism was recognized by the few, and denied by the many.}}
{{c|{{x-smaller|7. THE STATES RATIFY}}}}
{{smaller block|In the end, Virginia ratified. It was a close vote. A motion to postpone ratification until amendments, in the nature of a bill of rights, could be considered by “the other States in the American confederacy,” failed by 88 to 80. Then the main question was put, and this was what Virginia agreed to. It merits careful reading:}}
{{smaller block|“We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, * * * having fully and freely investigated and discussed the proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, be resumed by them whensoever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power, not granted thereby, remains with them, and at their will; that, therefore, no right, of any denomination, can be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by the Congress, by the Senate or House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by the President, or any department or officer of the United States, except in those instances in which power is given by the Constitution for those purposes; and that, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by any authority of the United States.”}}
{{smaller block|The vote on that main question was 89 to 79, but even that narrow margin of approval was predicated upon a gentlemen’s agreement that the Virginia convention would recommend a number of amendments, in the form of a Bill of Rights, to be presented to the first Congress. And the first of these recommended amendments reads: “That each State in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|By the time Virginia completed ratification, of course her decision no longer carried compelling importance. The Virginia convention had opened on June 2, not quite 2 weeks after South Carolina, on May 23, had become the eighth State to ratify. But while the Virginians were debating the issue, New Hampshire, on June 21, had become No. 9: The new union had been formed, and the Constitution had become binding upon the nine States “ratifying the same.” It has ever been Virginia’s fate to make the right decisions, but to put off making them as long as possible.}}
{{smaller block|In this consideration of State and Federal relationships, there is something to be learned from the other resolutions of ratification. The easy ones came first: Delaware came first, on December 7, 1787, “fully, freely, and entirely” approving and assenting to the Constitution; and then, in quick succession, Pennsylvania on December 12, after a bitter fight; New Jersey on December 18, and Georgia—Georgians had not even read the Constitution—on January 2, 1788. Connecticut followed a week later, with a comfortable vote of 128 to 40.}}
{{smaller block|Then a month’s hiatus set in. Massachusetts did not become No. 6 until February 7, and her approval of this “explicit and solemn compact” was not unqualified:}}
{{smaller block|“It is the opinion of this convention that certain amendments and alterations in the said Constitution would remove the fears and quiet the apprehensions of many of the good people of this commonwealth, and more effectually guard against an undue administration of the Federal Government.”}}
{{smaller block|It will come as no surprise that the very first amendment recommended by Massachusetts was “that it be explicitly declared that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States to be by them exercised.”}}
{{smaller block|Two months later, on April 28, Maryland ratified. Then there was another lapse of nearly a month before South Carolina, on May 23, became No. 8; South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.” Then South Carolina added:}}
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
{{smaller block|New Hampshire, in voting its approval on June 21, closely paralleled the action of Massachusetts, but New Hampshire’s declaration as to reserved powers was even more explicit. The people of New Hampshire wanted it understood that all powers not “expressly and particularly delegated” were reserved.}}
Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield.

Mr. LANGER. Was the action of the South Carolina convention unanimous? [Laughter.]

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall, from reading the history of that matter, whether it was unanimous or not. The action of the South Carolina convention was not unanimous when it acted on the question of adopting the resolution of ratification for the admission of South Carolina to the Union. South Carolina was the eighth State to be admitted to the Union. New Hampshire was the ninth. New Hampshire’s action resulted in the formation of the Union; ratification by nine States was required in order to form the Union.

After that, Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island ratified the Constitution and became members of the Union.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I am not sure whether the action by the South Carolina convention was unanimous or not.

Mr. LANGER. I know the Senator from South Carolina, who has been a very distinguished governor of his State, is very well informed in regard to such matters.

Mr. THURMOND. As stated in the book, The Sovereign States—
{{smaller block|South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.”}}
Then South Carolina added:
{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}
I construe that declaration to be part of the resolution of ratification, which was not adopted unanimously.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have been glad, Mr. President, to have the Senator from North Dakota ask these questions.

Mr. President, a few years ago, when I was a young State senator, I made a commencement address in another county, about 40 miles from my home. The commencement was held in a long school building in which the acoustics were very bad. People in the rear could not hear, and looked as if they were going to sleep—and maybe they were. So I raised my voice, and said, “Ladies and gentlemen, I want you to know that I am speaking for the future citizens of South Carolina.” By raising my voice, I woke up the people in the rear of the room; and one fellow rose up, shook his head, and said, “Well, brother, if you speak much longer, they will soon be here, too.” [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I feel so good that I believe I could speak quite a long time. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I felt it my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort to emphasize the dangers of this bill.

I began speaking at 8:50 last night. It is now 5 minutes after 9. I shall conclude my remarks in a very few minutes.

Mr. President, in closing, I desire to remind the Senate that every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote; and the Federal Government has a statute which protects the right to vote. In my opinion, Mr. President, this bill is unconstitutional, for the reasons I have stated during this debate.

This so-called compromise, which came to the Senate from the House of Representatives, permits a Federal judge to decide whether he will try one who is charged with criminal contempt, or whether he will permit him to be tried by a jury. The bill further provides a Federal judge with the discretionary power—if he does not try the person without a jury—to decide what punishment he will impose. If he imposes a fine greater than $300 or imprisonment for more than 45 days, the defendant can then demand a jury trial. That process could result in two trials in the case of a defendant charged with criminal contempt. I believe that would be unconstitutional. Under our system of jurisprudence, a man can never be put in jeopardy more than once for the same offense. Furthermore, if a judge should find such a person guilty, as a result of the first trial, we can realize what effect that would have on the jury which would be used in the second trial.

Mr. President, I should like to remind the Senate of the decision I have cited today, which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That decision says criminal contempt is a crime. The Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The Constitution makes no exceptions.

The pending bill, which has come to the Senate from the House of Representatives, has now been amended in such a way that it could not conform to the Constitution.

Mr. President, in spite of the great amount of debate and discussion which previously have taken place on the subject of House bill 6127, I felt that this bill was of such importance to the citizens of the United States that it was my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort again to emphasize the dangers of the bill. I have spoken several times on it before.

Mr. President, I wish to say that my action was taken entirely on my own volition. I believe that every Senator must follow the dictates of his own conscience, in connection with such matters. I do not believe that the action of any other Senator should be judged according to the action I have taken.

Mr. President, if I have helped to bring home to the American people, the citizens of this Nation, the heartfelt conviction which I hold, namely, that this bill is unwise, unnecessary, and unconstitutional, then I shall have done what I believe to be my duty.

I should like to believe that some have been convinced by my arguments, and that my arguments have been accepted on the basis on which I intended them to be accepted—as arguments against what I am convinced is bad proposed legislation, proposed legislation which never should have been introduced, and which never should be approved by the Senate.

Mr. President, I urge every Member of this body to consider this bill most carefully. I hope the Senate will see fit to kill it.

I expect to vote against the bill. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I wish to extend my sincerest gratitude to the officials of the Senate, to those who have come in to listen to this debate, to the various Senators who have listened to this debate from time to time; to the clerks and the attachés, and to all who did everything they could to make me as comfortable as possible during the 24 hours and 22 minutes I have spoken.

Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for these courtesies, and again I want to thank the Presiding Officer and the others for their courtesies extended to me, and with this I now give up the floor, and suggest the absence of a quorum.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.

The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the rollcall be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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      <text bytes="851125" xml:space="preserve">{{header
|title=Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957
|author=Strom Thurmond
|section=
|previous=
|next=
|year=1957
|notes=Strom Thurmond’s filibuster against certain provisions of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1957, at 24 hours, 18 minutes in length, was the longest ever given in the U. S. Senate. It is recorded in the ''Congressional Record'', vol. 103, part 12, pp. 16263–16456.
}}

&lt;div class=prose style=&quot;text-indent:1em&quot;&gt;
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, earlier this morning we had scheduled speakers for the day, and attempted to estimate the number of speakers. In connection with the next speaker, we had estimated that we would reach him about 9 o’clock. We are running a little ahead of schedule. Therefore, there are no speakers available at this time. We do not desire to have a vote on the bill until every Senator has had an opportunity to express himself, and we do not wish to take advantage of any Senator, or inconvenience any Senator more than is necessary.

Therefore I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 8:45 p. m. At 8:45 p. m. we will reconvene and I shall suggest the absence of a quorum. I assume that by 9 o’clock the speaker will be ready to proceed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Texas?

There being no objection, the Senate (at 7 o’clock and 38 minutes p. m.) took a recess until 8:45 p. m.

{{c|{{asc|AFTER RECESS}}}}

On the expiration of the recess, the Senate reassembled, when called to order by the Vice President.

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secretary will call the roll.

The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. McNAMARA. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Without objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise to speak against the so-called voting-right bill H. R. 6127, which bill was passed by the House of Representatives. It came to the Senate without being referred to a committee and was placed on the Senate Calendar, which is something unusual and out of ordinary procedure. The bill was then amended by the Senate and returned to the House, after which time the House amended it again by adopting what was called a compromise. The compromise as well as the bill is entirely unreasonable, and I hope that the Senate will not pass the bill.

There are mainly three reasons why I feel the bill should not be passed. The first is that it is unnecessary.

{{c|{{asc|STATE LEGISLATION PROTECTING THE VOTING RIGHTS OF CITIZENS}}}}

Every State has enacted some legislation making it unlawful to intimidate a voter or to hinder him in the exercising of his voting rights. Penalties have been provided for such violations.

I now expect to take up the voting laws in each of the 48 States and show that each of the States affords adequate protection to the voting right. The first is Alabama.

Alabama: Unless otherwise designated, references are to the code, 1940, title 17:

{{smaller block|Intimidating or hindering voter: It Is a corrupt practice for any person on election day to intimidate an elector or an election officer, or to obstruct, hinder, or prevent or to attempt to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of the voters awaiting their turn to enter the election booths (sec. 285).

It is a corrupt practice for any person directly or indirectly to hire a person to take a place in line or to otherwise obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of the line of voters awaiting their turn to enter the polling place (sec. 286).

Penalty: Any person who does any act declared to be a corrupt practice under the election laws of the State shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, must be fined not more than $500, and may also be imprisoned in the county jail or sentenced to hard labor for the county for not more than 6 months at the discretion of the court (sec. 332).

Attempt to influence voter: Any person who by corrupt means attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or deter him from giving the same, or to disturb, or to hinder him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, at any election, must, on conviction, be fined not less than $50 nor more than $500 (sec. 304).

Disturbing elector on election day: Any person who, on election day, disturbs or prevents or attempts to prevent any elector from freely casting his ballot, must, on conviction be fined not less than $500 nor more than $1,000, and also be sentenced to hard labor for the county, or be imprisoned in the county jail for not less than 6 months nor more than 1 year (sec. 306).

Employer intimidating employee: Any employer or officer of an employer corporation, who attempts by coercion, intimidation, or threats, to discharge or lessen wages, to influence the vote of an employee, or who demands an inspection of employee’s ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not less than $500 (secs. 317, 318).}}

Arizona: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, Annotated, 1956, title 16:

{{smaller block|Coercion or intimidation of elector: It is unlawful for a person, directly or indirectly, to use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or in any other manner, to intimidate a person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure, or to commit such acts on account of a person’s having voted or refrained from voting at an election.

It is unlawful for a person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent device, to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or to compel him to either vote or refrain from voting at an election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure. Violation of this provision by a person, whether acting in his individual capacity or as an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (secs. 16–1303, 16–1305).

Intimidation of elector by employer: It is unlawful for an employer to place written or printed material in pay envelopes or, within 90 days prior to an election, to put up notices or placards, etc., in the place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of employees.

Violation of this provision by an employer, whether an individual or an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (sec. 16–1304).

Changing vote of elector by corrupt means: It is unlawful for a person, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, either directly or indirectly, to attempt to influence an elector in casting his vote, or to deter him from casting his vote, or to attempt to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, or to defraud an elector by deceiving him and causing him to vote for a different person or measure than he intended. A person violating this provision is guilty of a felony (sec. 16–1307).

Primary: The penal provisions involving crimes against the elective franchise apply to general, primary, and special elections (sec. 16–1311).}}

Arkansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes 1947, Annotated, 1956 replacement:

{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to threaten or attempt to intimidate any elector or his family, his business, or his profession, and it shall also be unlawful to attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting at any primary election. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (sec. 3–1414).

Intimidation of voters: No person shall coerce, intimidate, or unduly influence any elector to vote for or against the nominee of any political party or for or against any question or candidate, by threat of personal violence or of ejectment from rented premises, of foreclosure of mortgage, of discharge from employment, of any action at law or equity or of expulsion from membership in any church or society. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 3 years (sec. 3–1415).}}

California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:

{{smaller block|Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).

Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation to compel a person to vote or refrain from voting at any election (sec. 1158).

Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter; or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).

Election officers: Any election officer who induces or attempts to induce any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony (sec. 11583).

Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or actions of employees, or who within 90 days before an election exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (sees. 11584, 11585).

Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).

Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).

Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).}}

Colorado: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1953, chapter 49:

{{smaller block|Intimidation unlawful: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict or threaten to inflict any injury, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation, to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, for any particular person or measure at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means to impede or prevent or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise of any voter. It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether corporation, firm, or person, to enclose material in the pay envelopes, containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees, or within 90 days before an election, to display placards in the place of employment, containing such threats (sec. 49–21–5).

Penalty: Any person convicted of violating the above provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine of not over $1,000 or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both (secs. 49–21–5, 49–21–9).

Discharge or promotion illegal: It shall be unlawful for any corporation, or any of its officers, to influence, or attempt to influence, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or by discharging from employment, or promoting in employment, or by other intimidation, any employee to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor and shall be punishable as outlined in the “Penalty” provision, above. In addition, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 49–21–6).}}

Connecticut: Unless otherwise designated, references are to 1955 Supplement to the General Statutes:

{{smaller block|Interference with electors in voting: Any person who does any act which invades or interferes with the secrecy of the voting, or causes the same to be invaded or interfered with, shall be imprisoned for not more than 5 years (sec. 843d).

Primaries: Any person who influences or attempts to influence the vote or speech of any person in a primary caucus, or convention, by force or threat, shall be fined not less than $25, nor more than $100, or imprisoned not less than 7 days nor more than 3 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 821d).

Employers’ threats: Any person who, within 60 days before an election, attempts to influence any employee in his vote, by threats of withholding employment, or who dismisses an employee because of the way he voted at an election, shall be fined from $100 to $500 or be imprisoned for from 6 to 12 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 842d).}}

Delaware: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code, Annotated, 1953, title 15:

{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: An election officer, who, in any way, attempts to intimidate or coerce any voter in the marking of his ballot, or in the choice of the candidates for whom he votes, or who willfully discloses the manner in which any person has voted, shall be guilty of willful and malicious perjury (as violating his oath of office) and in addition to the penalties for perjury, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be imprisoned for not more than 2 years (sec. 5125).

Intimidation by employer: If any person or corporation hinders, controls, coerces, or intimidates any employee in the exercise of his right to vote at any general, special, or municipal election by threats of depriving him of employment, every elector, so aggrieved, may bring a civil action and recover $500 from such employer (secs. 5162, 5163).

Civil remedy: Any qualified elector who is prevented from voting at any election because of intimidation or threats, or because of the requirement of unconstitutional qualifications, may bring a civil action against the person who promoted such interference, and the court or jury may give exemplary damages (sec. 5304).

Primaries: Whoever, at any primary election, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, by force, threat, or intimidation, or prevents or hinders or attempts to prevent or hinder any qualified voter from exercising the rights of suffrage, shall for each offense, be fined not more than $200 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or shall both be fined and imprisoned (sec. 3168 (a)).}}

Florida: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1955 Supplement:

{{smaller block|Corruptly influencing voting: Whoever, by bribery, menace, threat, or other corruption whatsoever, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence or deceive an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or disturbs or interferes with him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage at any election, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor upon the first conviction and of a felony upon the second conviction (sec. 104.061).

Felony penalty: The penalty for every felony under the election laws, not otherwise specifically provided, shall be imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 1 year or a fine of not more than $5,000, or both (sec. 104.40).

Threats of employers: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee for voting or not voting in any State, county, or municipal election for any candidate or measure. Any person violating this provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. If a firm or corporation violates this provision, each officer or agent who participated in the violation shall be punished for a misdemeanor, and the firm or corporation, shall, in addition, be fined not more than $1,000 (sec. 104.081).}}

Georgia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1936:

{{smaller block|Improper voting; disorderly conduct: No person outside a voting room or voting booth shall, in any manner, either by words or gestures, attempt to influence or interfere with any voter who is in said room or booth preparing his ballot; nor shall any person enter any booth while a voter is in there; nor shall any person commit any act of disorder, or be guilty of any disorderly conduct in or near the voting rooms or booths (sec. 34–1909).

Violation of this provision shall be a misdemeanor (sec. 34–9918).

Primary: All penal laws relating to illegal practices in general elections are extended to all primary elections held for State, county, or municipal offices (1955 Supp., sec. 34–9933).}}

Idaho: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1948:

{{smaller block|Intimidation, corruption, and frauds: Every person, who, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote or to deter him from giving same, or to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or defrauds an elector at an election by deceiving him and causing him to vote differently than he intended, or who, being an officer of any election, induces, or attempts to induce, any elector, by menace or reward, to vote differently than he desired, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 18–2305), punishable by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than 6 months, or by a fine of not over $300, or by both (sec. 18–113).

Interference with election: Any person who willfully disturbs any election place, or is guilty of riotous conduct near such place, with intent to disturb same, or interferes with the access of electors to the polling place, or interferes in any manner with the free exercise of the election franchise of any of the voters there assembled, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable as stated above (sec. 18–2313).

Attempt to influence vote: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of any elector by means of a promise of a favor, or by means of violence or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a suit or criminal process, or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him, or by any other means (sec. 18–2319). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison not exceeding 5 years, or by both (sec. 18–2315).}}

Illinois: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Smith–Hurd Annotated Statutes, 1944, chapter 46:

{{smaller block|Offenses involving polling places: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court, for each offense. It shall be the duty of judges of election to enforce this provision (sec. 29–14).

Miscellaneous offenses: Any person, who, at a primary or any election, shall (1) by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or otherwise unlawfully, directly or indirectly, induce or attempt to induce any voter or any person to exercise the right of franchise, or to vote for or against any person or measure, or (2) intentionally practice any fraud on any elector regarding his ballot, or (3) otherwise defraud him of his vote, or (4) by unlawful means prevent or attempt to prevent any voter from attending or voting at an election or primary, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or imprisoned in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 29–16).}}

Indiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Burma Statutes Annotated, 1949, replacement:

{{smaller block|Using violence, threats, or restraint: Whoever, for the purpose of influencing a voter, by violence or threats, seeks to enforce the payment of a debt, or ejects or threatens to eject a person from any house he may occupy, or begins a criminal prosecution, or injures the business or trade of a person, or threatens to withhold the wages of or to dismiss from service, any laborer in his employ, or refuses to allow such employee time to vote, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5941).

Coercion by election board officer: Any member of a precinct election board, who attempts, by persuasion, menace, or reward to induce any elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5935).

Defrauding voter: Whoever fraudulently causes or attempts to cause any voter, at any election, to vote for a different person than he intended, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5938).

Bribery or threat by candidate: Whoever gives or offers a bribe or makes a threat to procure his election to any office, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5907).

Threats by employer: Every employer who places written or printed material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election or primary, exhibits placards, etc., in his place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of such employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5711).

Felonies, penalty: A person, convicted of a felony under the election laws, shall be imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years in either the State prison or the reformatory, as may be required by law, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period, to which may be added a fine of from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 29–5964).

Misdemeanors, penalty: Any person convicted of a misdemeanor under the election laws may either be fined from $1 to $500, or be imprisoned in either the county jail or the State farm for from 30 days to 1 year, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period not to exceed 5 years (sec. 29–5965).}}

Iowa: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1949:

{{smaller block|Prohibited acts: Interrupting, hindering, or opposing any voter while in or approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting, or interfering, or attempting to interfere, with a voter, when inside the closed space, or when marking his ballot, are prohibited on any election day (sec. 49.107).

Any violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $5 to $100, or by imprisonment for from 10 to 30 days in the county jail, or by both (sec. 49.108).

Duress to prevent voting: If any person unlawfully, and by force, or threats of force, prevents, or attempts to prevent, an elector from giving his vote at any public election, he shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, and fined not more than $200 (sec. 738.13).

Procuring vote by duress: If any person, by means of violence, threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing the payment of debts, or bringing a civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to procure the vote of any elector, at any election, or the influence of any person over other electors, either for himself or for or against any candidate, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 738.15).

Intimidation by employer: Any employer who shall refuse to allow an employee 2 hours to vote at a general election or who shall reduce his wages for such privilege, or who shall attempt to influence an employee’s vote by reward or by threats of discharge, or shall otherwise attempt to intimidate an employee from exercising his right to vote, shall be fined not less than $5 nor more than $100 (sec. 49.110).}}

Kansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes Annotated, 1949:

{{smaller block|Unlawful attempt to deter voting: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or hinders him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, at any election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 21–815).

Hindering voters: Any person who shall willfully hinder the voting of others shall be punished by a fine of from $10 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days or by both (sec. 25–1717).

Hindering voters at polls: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $25 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days, or by both such fine and imprisonment, for each offense (sec. 25–1719).}}

Kentucky: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Kentucky Revised Statutes, 1953:

{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who unlawfully prevents or attempts to prevent any voter from casting his ballot, or intimidates, or attempts to intimidate, a voter to prevent him from casting his ballot, shall be confined in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years for each offense (sec. 124.140).

Coercion by employer: No person shall coerce an employee to vote for any political party or candidate for nomination or election to any office in the State, or threaten to discharge an employee for exercising his right of suffrage or for voting for any candidate, nor shall an employer circulate statements that employees are expected to vote for any candidate, party, or measure (sec. 123.110 (1)).

Any person who violates this provision shall be fined from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 123.990 (13)).}}

Louisiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, West’s, 1951:

{{smaller block|Primary: No person shall intimidate any voter at a primary election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 and imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years (sec. 18.369 (8)).

Obstructing voter: No person shall willfully and without lawful authority obstruct, hinder, or delay any voter on his way to a polling place to vote in an election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.587, 18.589).

Hindering voters: Prior to or during an election, no person shall willfully hinder the voting of others. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.736, 18.589).

Public intimidation: The use of violence, force, or threats upon a voter in a general, primary, or special election to influence his conduct, is deemed public intimidation, and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment with or without hard labor for not more than 5 years, or both (sec. 14.122 (4)).}}

Maine: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1954, chapter 5:

{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall interfere or attempt to interfere with any voter while inside the voting enclosure or while marking his ballot shall be fined from $5 to $100. Election officers shall report any such person to a police officer or constable, whose duty it shall be to see that the offender is duly brought before the proper court (sec. 107).

Corruption at elections: Whoever, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to induce him to withhold his vote, or hinders or disturbs him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned for not more than 11 months, and shall be ineligible to office for 10 years (sec. 109).}}

Maryland: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Annotated Code of Maryland, Flack, 1951, article 33.

{{smaller block|Hindering voters: If, at any general, special or primary election, any person shall by force, threat, menace, intimidation, or bribery, either directly or indirectly influence or attempt to influence any voter in giving his vote, or hinder, or attempt to hinder, a voter from freely voting or induce him to vote, such person shall be imprisoned in jail or in the penitentiary for from 6 months to 5 years (sec. 179).

Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether an individual or a corporation, who shall deny an employee time off for voting at a general, special, or primary election, or shall directly or indirectly hinder him from exercising his right to vote freely or shall attempt to influence his vote by threats concerning his employment, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable, for each offense, by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in jail for not over 6 months, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 180).}}

Massachusetts: Unless otherwise specified, references are to Annotated Laws, Michie, 1953 edition.

{{smaller block|Corrupt practice by candidate: A candidate is deemed to have committed a corrupt practice if he fraudulently and willfully obstructs and delays a voter in a general election, primary or caucus (ch. 55, secs. 27, 29).

If five or more persons have reason to believe that a corrupt practice has been committed by any successful candidate, other than a candidate for the United States Congress or the general court, such voters may apply to a justice of the superior court sitting in equity in Suffolk County, for leave to bring an election petition declaring the election of such candidate void (ch. 55, sec. 28).

A candidate found guilty, upon an election petition, of such corrupt practice, who forfeits his office, or who is convicted in a criminal proceeding of violating a law relating to corrupt practices in elections, shall be disqualified to hold office, and to vote, for 3 years (ch. 55, sec. 37).

Interfering with voter: Whoever willfully and without lawful authority hinders, delays, or interferes with a voter while on his way to a primary, caucus, or election, or while within the guardrail, or while marking his ballot, or while voting, or attempting to vote, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 29).

Obstructing voting: Whoever willfully obstructs the voting at a primary, caucus, or election shall be fined not more than $100 (ch. 56, sec. 30).

Coercion by employer: No person shall, by threats to discharge or to reduce wages, or promises of rewards, attempt to influence his employee to either give or withhold a vote, nor shall he discharge an employee, or reduce his wages, because he gave or withheld a vote. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment for not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 33).}}

Michigan: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1956 Revision, title 6.

{{smaller block|Violation deemed felony: Any person who shall, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempt to influence any elector in giving his vote or to deter him from or interrupt him in giving same at any general or primary election, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 6.1932 (a)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1935).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose written or printed matter in the pay envelopes, or within 90 days before a primary or general election, to exhibit a placard, etc., in establishment where his workers will see it, containing express or implied threats concerning employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 6 .1912). Violation of this provision is deemed a misdemeanor (sec. 6.1931 (d)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 90 days, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1934).}}

Minnesota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1946.

{{smaller block|Coercing voters: Any person who, within or without any polling place, directly or indirectly uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or causes, or threatens to cause, damage, harm, or loss to any person, with intent to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, or to vote in a particular way at any election, or who, by abduction, duress, or other fraudulent device, impedes the free exercise of the right of franchise at any election, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 210.05).

Undue influence by candidate: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, loss, or harm, upon any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, in any particular way; nor shall anyone, by abduction, duress, or fraudulent means, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any voter at a primary or election, or to induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at a primary or election (sec. 211.12). Violation of this provision is deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30).

Refusing employee election privilege: Any person who, as principal or as agent for another, shall directly or indirectly refuse, abridge, or interfere with the election privileges of an employee, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 210.11).

Coercion by employer: No employer, or his agent, shall make any verbal or written, express or implied threats against his employees, involving their employment, with the intention of influencing their political opinion or action (sec. 211.24). Violation of this provision by any person as an individual shall be deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30). Violation by an officer or agent of a corporation shall be punished by a fine of from $100 to $5,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years or by both (sec. 211.28). Violation by an officer shall be deemed ''prima facie'' evidence of violation by the corporation. It is made the duty of the county attorney to conduct prosecutions under this chapter (211) on proper complaint.}}

Mississippi: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1942.

{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Whoever shall procure, or endeavor to procure, the vote of any elector, or the influence of any person over electors, at any election, by violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing a debt, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or of inflicting any injury, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or shall be fined not more than $1,000, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 2032).

Intimidating electors: Any person who shall by illegal force, or threats of force, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any elector from giving his vote, shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for not more than 2 years, or in a county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not over $500, or by both fine and imprisonment (sec. 2106).

Coercing employees in primary: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to directly or indirectly coerce his employees to vote for any particular person or party in a primary election, by express or implied threats involving their employment (sec. 3172). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or both, and if violation is by a candidate, he shall forfeit his nomination (sec. 3193 (a)).}}

Missouri: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Annotated Statutes, 1952.

{{smaller block|Violence to influence voter: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, or loss upon or against any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any elector, or shall thereby induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 129.050).

Intimidating voters: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, attempts to influence any qualified voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or to disturb or hinder him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, he shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.430).

Interference with voter: Any person who shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter, when inside the guardrail, or when marking his ballot, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.880).

Coercion by employer: Every person, whether an individual employer or an officer or agent of a firm or corporation, who shall directly or indirectly discharge, or attempt to discharge, any employee for his political opinions, or who shall coerce, or threaten to coerce, intimidate, or bribe any employee in an attempt to influence him to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate or measure at any election, shall be deemed guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 2 to 5 years (sec. 129.080).

Violation of this provision by a corporation shall be held as a forfeiture of its charter or franchise, which may be so adjudged in a suit brought by the county or circuit prosecuting attorney or by the attorney general (sec. 129.070).

Denial of time to vote: Any person or corporation who shall deny an employee a certain time for voting without a penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (1956 Supp., sec. 129.060).}}

Montana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Codes, 1947.

{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Every person who, directly or indirectly, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb any elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of not over 1 year, or both (sec. 94–1411).

Preventing public meetings of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in a public meeting for the consideration of public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 94–1419).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether individual or corporation, to enclose printed or written material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election, to display placards, etc., in his working establishment, containing express or implied threats or promises regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or actions of his employees. Violation of this provision by an individual is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $25 to $500, and imprisonment for not over 6 months in the county jail. Violation by a corporation is punishable by a fine of not over $5,000, or forfeiture of its charter, or both (sec. 94–1424).}}

Nebraska: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1943, reissue of 1952.

{{smaller block|Registration: If at any registration of voters, any person, by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or other unlawful means, shall prevent, hinder, or delay any qualified person from being registered, he shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 32–1224 (7)).

Obstructing voters: It shall be unlawful for any person to willfully or wrongly obstruct or prevent persons from voting who have the right to do so, at any election. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor, punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 to 6 months. This shall apply to all elections and caucuses (sec. 32–1237 (2)).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to coerce, or attempt to coerce, an employee in his voting at any caucus, convention, or election, by threats concerning his employment. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $100, or imprisonment in the county jail for not over 30 days (sec. 32–1223).}}

Nevada.

{{smaller block|Coercion of voters: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or other means, or who shall inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm, or publish, or threaten to publish, any fact concerning a person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, or by threats to discharge an employee, impede or prevent a voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, shall be guilty of undue influence and shall be punished as for a gross misdemeanor (Laws, 1951, ch. 242, p. 360).

Time off to vote: Any employer who shall deny an employee certain time for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (Laws, 1955, ch. 203, p. 301).}}

New Hampshire: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, 1955.

{{smaller block|Intimidation: If any person shall, directly or indirectly, by threats, intimidation, or bribery, induce, or attempt to induce, any voter to stay away from, or to avoid voting at, or to vote for or against any candidate in any town meeting, primary, or election, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned for not more than 3 months (sec. 69: 11).}}

New Jersey: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1940, title 19.

{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: A person who shall, on election day, obstruct or interfere with any voter, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment for not more than 1 year, or both (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–6).

Intimidating voters: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular person, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–28).

Hindering voter: Whoever shall, at any election, in any way, willfully hinder or prevent a voter from casting his legal vote, knowing such person to have a right to vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of $500, or imprisonment in the State prison for 3 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–20).

Interfering with voter: Any person who shall, by abduction, duress, force, or fraud, impede, prevent, or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 19: 34–29, 19: 34–31). An employer who shall so act toward an employee shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by fine of not over $2,000, or imprisonment for not over 5 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–27), and any corporation so acting, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 19: 34–31).

Expenditures prohibited: No person shall contribute money toward the hiring of a person to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of voters awaiting their turn to enter a polling place to vote (sec. 19: 34–38d).

Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert written or printed material into the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days before an election, shall exhibit placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relative to their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 19: 34–30).

Violation of this provision is punishable as for Interfering with voter, above.}}

New Mexico: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1953, Annotated.

{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Any person who shall willfully coerce, browbeat, intimidate, or threaten any voter within a polling place, or shall attempt to do so, in order to influence the voter in marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $200, imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–8–29).

Intimidation: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, damage, or loss on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of his right of suffrage by any elector, shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years, or by both (sec. 3–8–17).

Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who shall, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee, on account of his political opinion, or who shall, by corrupt means, attempt to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate or measure, shall be fined from $100 to $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–18–15).}}

New York: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Penal Law (McKinney’s), 1949.

Hindering voter: Any person who willfully and unlawfully hinders or delays, or aids in obstructing or delaying, an elector on his way to register or vote, or while he is attempting to register or vote in a general or special election, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 764 (3)).

Intimidation of elector in military service: Any person, who, directly or indirectly, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to control an elector in the military service of the United States in the exercise of his election rights, or who annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he exercises those rights, is guilty of a misdemeanor for which he may be tried in the future when in the State, and upon conviction of which he shall thereafter be ineligible to any office in the State (sec. 771).

Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. Violation of this provision shall be punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not over 1 year, or both (sec. 772–a (1)).

Duress and intimidation of voters: Any person or corporation who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or threatens to inflict any injury, damage, or loss on, or otherwise intimidates, any person, in order to induce him to vote, or to refrain from voting, at any election, for or against any person or measure, or to refrain from registering to vote, or for having registered and voted, or for having refrained from registering and voting, or who, by abduction, duress, or fraud, interferes with his free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor and, if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (1), (2)).

Coercion by employer: Any employer who inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter, or, within 90 days before a general election displays placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, is guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (3)).}}

North Carolina: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes, 1952 Recompilation.

{{smaller block|Interference with voters: Any person who shall interfere with, or attempt to interfere with, any voter when inside enclosed polling space or when marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–176).

Intimidation: Any person who shall, in connection with any primary or election, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, from employment, or otherwise intimidate or oppress any qualified voter on account of any vote such voter may cast, or intend to cast or not to cast, or which he may have failed to cast, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–196 (6)).}}

North Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code of 1943.

{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Every person who, by force, threat, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote at any election, or to deter him from giving his vote, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or to induce him to vote differently than he intended to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year, and shall forever be disfranchised and ineligible to any office of trust or profit within the State (sec. 12–1106).

Obstructing elector: Every person who willfully, and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1111).

Unlawful influence: Every person, who, willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, and violence, threats of violence, intimidation, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing payment of debts, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to prevent an elector from freely giving his vote at any election, or hinders him from voting, or attempts to influence his vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1121).}}

Ohio: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, Page’s, 1951.

{{smaller block|Congregating at the polls: Nobody shall congregate in or about a voting place during the voting, so as to hinder an elector in registering or casting his ballot, after having been ordered by the election officer to disperse. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $20 to $300, or imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3599.30).

Intimidation: No person shall before, during or after any primary, convention, or election, attempt by intimidation, coercion, ​or other unlawful means to induce a delegate or an elector to register or to vote, or to refrain from registering or from voting for a particular person or measure.

Violation of this provision is deemed bribery and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of from 1 to 3 years, or both, and if offender is a candidate for office or has been elected to office, he shall forfeit such nomination or office (1956 supp., sec. 3599.01 (B)).

Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert in pay envelopes or shall post on placards, etc., any express or implied threats concerning their employment, with intent to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.

Violation of this provision is a corrupt practice, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000 (sec. 3599.05).

Second offense: Any person who is again convicted of a violation of the election laws, whether for the same offense or not, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000, or imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years, or both, and in addition shall be disfranchised (1956 Supp., sec. 3599.39).}}

Oklahoma: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Ann., 1937, title 21.

{{smaller block|Obstructing elector on way to polls: Every person who willfully and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on the way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 186).

Preventing public meeting: Every person, who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in, or prevents an elector from attending public meeting to consider public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 212, 213).

Intimidating voter: Every person who willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, violence, threats, or intimidation, prevents or, attempts to prevent, an elector from freely giving his vote at an election or attempts to hinder him from voting or to cause him to vote for any person or candidate, shall be fined from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 214).

Illegally influencing vote: Every person who procures, or attempts to procure, the vote of any elector, either for himself, or for or against any candidate, by means of violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, of enforcing payment of debts, of bringing civil or criminal action, or any other threats of injury, shall be fined not more than $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for not over 6 months (sec. 215).

Intimidations: If any person in any manner intimidates or attempts to intimidate or deter anyone from voting at a general or primary election, he shall be fined not less than $10, or be imprisoned for not more than 3 months (title 26, sec. 479).

Coercion by employer: Every employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who denies employees certain time for voting in an election, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 for each elector so denied, and every agent of employer who violates this provision, shall in addition to the fine, be imprisoned in the county jail for from 2 to 6 months (title 26, sec. 438).

Employer corporation: Any corporation which attempts to influence the votes of its employees or of other persons by threat, intimidation, bribe, or other corrupt means, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $5,000, and the person acting as its agent, who so acts, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for from 60 to 120 days (title 26, sec. 440).}}

Oregon: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1955.

{{smaller block|Undue influence: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or inflict, or threaten to inflict, harm or damage on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure. No minister, priest, or officer of a church, shall otherwise than by public speech or print persuade any voter to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, or measure. No person shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent any voter in the free exercise of the franchise in any election.

Violation of this provision shall be punished as for a corrupt practice (sec. 260.300), by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not more than $5,000 or both (sec. 260.510).

Interference with voter: No person shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter when inside the enclosed space or when marking his ballot (sec. 260.640 (4)). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $200 (sec. 260.640 (6)).

Intimidation of voter: No person shall, by menace, threat, or violence, whether armed or unarmed, intimidate or prevent any person from voting, or attempt to do so. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year (sec. 260.720).

Coercion by employer: No person or corporation shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, harm, or loss, on any of his employees, to compel them to register or to vote, or refrain from registering or from voting, at any election, or for or against any person or measure.

No person or corporation shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, attempt to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any of his employees.

No such employer shall insert in the pay envelopes any written or printed matter, or within 90 days before a general election display placards, etc., which shall contain express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.

Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 260.730), punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and if a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter in addition (sec. 260.740).}}

Pennsylvania: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Purdon’s Statutes Annotated, 1938, title 25.

{{smaller block|Interference with primaries and election: If any person shall block up the avenue to the door of any polling place, or shall attempt to do so, or shall use intimidation, threats, force, or violence, to unduly influence or overawe any elector, or to prevent him from voting or to restrain his freedom of choice at a primary or election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of from 6 months to 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3527).

Duress and intimidation: Any person or corporation who directly or indirectly (a) uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, injury, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to register or vote or refrain from registering or from voting at any election, or for or against any person or measure, or for having so registered, voted, or refrained, or (b) by abduction, fraud, or duress impedes or hinders any voter from freely exercising his right of suffrage, or (c) being an employer, inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter or within 90 days before an election or primary exhibits placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of the offending officers or agents for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3547).}}

Rhode Island: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Laws of 1938, chapter 325.

{{smaller block|Intimidation: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use any threat, or employ any means of intimidation, for the purpose of influencing an elector to vote, or withhold his vote, at any election, for or against any candidate or measure, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years or by both in the discretion of the court, and shall be disfranchised (sec. 5).

Coercion by employer: Any person, being an employer, who, within 90 days before a general election, inserts written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or exhibits placards in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court, and shall thereafter be disfranchised and ineligible for public office. If employer is a corporation, it shall forfeit its charter (sec. 5).}}

South Carolina: South Carolina constitution election provisions:

{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9:

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9: SUFFRAGE}}}}

The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10: ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}

All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5: APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}

Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8: REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}

The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15: RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}

No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.

{{c|{{asc|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}

''23–73. Appeal from denial of registration''}}

The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.

{{c|''23–74. Proceedings in court of common pleas''}}

Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.

{{c|''23–75. Further appeal to supreme court''

From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.

{{c|''23–100. Right to vote''}}

No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}

{{c|''23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.''}}

No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.

{{c|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}

No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.

{{c|''23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats''}}

At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.

{{c|''23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.''}}

If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.

{{c|''23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct''}}

It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.

{{c|''23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.''}}

In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.

{{c|''23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally''}}

Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}

South Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1939.

{{smaller block|Unlawful influence of voters: Every person who, directly or indirectly, willfully, by force or violence, or unlawful arrest, or abduction, duress, damage, harm, or loss, or by fraud, or by threats to use any such means, or by threats to bring civil or criminal action, or to withdraw trade or to enforce payment of debts, or to inflict any injury on the voter or other person, attempts to intimidate a voter into voting, or refraining from voting, for any candidate or measure, or who does any of these things because a voter has already voted or refrained from voting for any candidate or measure, or who willfully and without lawful authority obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0913).

Obstructing public meeting of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful force or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meeting for considering public questions, or who so hinders or prevents any elector from attending any such meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0915).

Primary: Any person who shall in any way obstruct the voting of any elector at a primary election, or intimidate any elector from attending a primary or voting thereat shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9907).

Coercion by employer: Any person who shall deny an employee certain time for voting at a general election without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9922). This shall only apply in the case of an employee who does not have a period of 2 consecutive hours during the time the polls are open when he is not required to be at work (Laws, 1955, ch. 57, p. 157).

Any employer who shall insert written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or shall within 90 days prior to an election exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 13.0914).}}

Tennessee: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1955.

{{smaller block|Intimidation: It is a misdemeanor for any person, directly or indirectly, by force or threats, to prevent or attempt to prevent an elector from voting at a primary or general election or to inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm or other means of intimidation upon any person in order to compel him to vote or refrain from voting for any person or measure or because he has already so voted or refrained from voting (sec. 2–2211).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer to coerce or direct any employee or to threaten to discharge him, in order to induce him to vote or refrain from ​​voting for any candidate at a primary or general election or for any measure. It shall be unlawful to discharge an employee for his having voted, or refrained from voting, or for his having voted for or against any candidate or measure. Violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisonment in the county jail or workhouse for not more than 6 months, or both, and in addition thereto, if employer is a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 2–2236).

It is a misdemeanor for an employer, within 90 days of an election or primary, to display placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 2–2237).}}

Texas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Penal Code, Annotated 1951.

{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: Any election officer who shall, by violence or threats of violence, attempt to influence the vote of an elector for or against any particular candidate, shall be fined not over $1,000 (art. 220).

Intimidation of electors: Whoever shall by force or intimidation, obstruct or influence, or attempt to obstruct or influence, any voter in his free exercise of the elective franchise, shall be fined from $100 to $500, and in addition thereto, may be imprisoned in jail for not more than 1 month (art. 256, 255).

Election for constitutional amendments: Any election officer or any other person within 100 feet of the voting box on election day, who shall intimidate or attempt to intimidate any qualified voter from voting on any question submitted to the people for amending the constitution of the State, or who shall attempt to influence his vote, shall be fined from $50 to $500 (art. 272).

Person in service of United States: Any person in the civil or military service of the United States in Texas, who by threats, bribery, menace, or other corrupt means, controls, or attempts to control, the vote of an elector, or annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he has exercised his right of elective franchise, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be arrested and tried at any future time when he may be found in Texas (art. 258).

Coercion by employer: Whoever shall deny an employee the privilege of attending the polls without penalty or deduction of wages, shall be fined not more than $500 (art. 209).}}

Utah: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1953.

The following provisions apply to general, special, and primary elections (sec. 20–13–20):

{{smaller block|Disturbance: Any person who so interferes with the voters at any election as to prevent such election from being fairly held, is guilty of a felony (sec. 20–13–3), punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years or by both (sec. 20–13–4).

Intimidation: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any person or measure at any election, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, fraud, or duress, to impede, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter. Violation of these provisions is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose in pay envelopes of employees, written or printed matter, or within 90 days of any election, to exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).

It shall be unlawful for any corporation or its agent to influence or attempt to influence any employee, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury or damage, or by discharging from employment or promoting in employment, or by any other form of intimidation, to vote, or not to vote, at any election, or for any person or measure. Violation of this chapter is a misdemeanor, in addition to punishment for which, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 20–13–7).

Any person who shall refuse to allow an employee certain time off for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. This shall not apply to employees who are paid by the hour (sec. 20–13–18).}}

Vermont: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Revision of 1947.

{{smaller block|Interference with voter: A person who interferes with a voter when inside the guardrail, shall be fined $50. The election officers shall see that the offender is duly prosecuted (sec. 379).

Undue influence: A person who attempts by bribery, threats, or any undue influence to dictate, or control, or alter the vote of a freeman about to be given at a general election shall be fined not more than $200 (sec. 388).

Hindering voting: A person who willfully hinders the voting of others during an election, shall be fined $50 (art. 390).

Primary: The above provisions under “undue influence” and “hindering voting” shall also apply to primary elections (sec. 391).}}

Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1950.

{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: If it shall appear at an election that the voters are being intimidated or coerced from any source in the exercise of their suffrage by bystanders about the polling place, or that voters are being hindered or tampered with in any way so as to prevent their casting a secret ballot, the judges of election may order the person engaged in so intimidating, coercing, or hindering the voters, to cease such action, and if he does not forthwith desist, the judges or a majority of them may order the arrest of such person by anyone authorized to make arrests, and may confine him in the county or city jail for not over 24 hours, and such person, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished as for a misdemeanor (sec. 24–190).

Voting offenses: If any person, by threat or bribery, attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or attempts to deter him from giving his vote, he shall be confined in jail for not more than 1 year and fined not over $1,000 (sec. 24–450).

Registration: Any registration officer who willfully or maliciously rejects from registering any person, contrary to law, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 24–453).

Misdemeanor: A misdemeanor, under the election laws, unless otherwise specified, is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 12 months, or both (sec. 24–455).}}

Washington: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, 1951, title 29.

{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Any person who uses menace, force, threat, or corrupt means, at or prior to any election, toward any elector, to hinder or deter him from voting at such election, or authorizes another to do so, shall be guilty of a felony. Any election officer who, by menace, persuasion, or reward, attempts to induce an elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 29.85.060).

Influencing voter: Any person who directly or indirectly, by menace or other corrupt means, attempts to influence a person in giving or refusing to give his vote in any election, or deters, disturbs, hinders, persuades, threatens, or intimidates any person from giving his vote therein, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $250 or by imprisonment for 6 months or both (sec. 29.85.070).

Recall: Every person shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor, who by any corrupt means or by threats or intimidation, interferes with or attempts to interfere with the right of any legal voter to sign, or not to sign, any recall petition, or to vote for or against any recall (1953 Supp., sec. 29.82.220 (5)).}}

West Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1955, Annotated (Michie).

{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall, by any manner of force, fraud, menace, or intimidation, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any voter from attending any election or from freely exercising his right of suffrage thereat, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or by confinement in the county jail for not over 1 year, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 164).

Threat of violence: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, or on account of his having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, prevent or impede any voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, or shall thereby compel him to either vote, or refrain from voting, for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (c)).

Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual or corporation, who prints on pay envelopes of employees or on placards, etc., in his establishment, express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of corrupt practices, punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $20,000, or by imprisonment in jail for not more than 1 year, or both (sec. 169 (1)).

Any employer who shall give any notice or information to his employees containing any threat, either express or implied, intended to influence the political view or actions of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (d)).}}

Wisconsin: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1951.

{{smaller block|Threats: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, in order to compel any person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise at any election, or shall thereby induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at any election for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be punished by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 346.17, renumbered sec. 12.52 by Laws, 1955, ch. 696, sec. 160).

Coercion by employer: No employer shall distribute among his employees any printed or written matter containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, calculated to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 12.19). Penalties for violation of this provision refer to violations by candidates or their committees (sec. 12.28).}}

Wyoming: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Wyoming Compiled Statutes Annotated, 1945.

{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who shall, during an election, willfully hinder the voting of others, shall be fined from $25 to $100 (sec. 31–2309).

Misconduct: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of election by means of violence, or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing trade, or enforcing payment of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a civil or criminal action or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him (sec. 31–2312 (8)).

No person shall prevent or attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting (sec. 31–2312 (10)).

Violation of these provisions is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not over 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or both (sec. 31–2312 (22)).}}

Mr. President, I have read the election laws.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have read the election laws of every State in the Union, from Alabama to Wyoming, showing that the States now have, on their statute books and in their constitutions, provisions to protect the right to vote. The accuracy of the statutes which I have just recited is confirmed by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress.

No one can say that any State, from Alabama through Wyoming, does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

The bill before the Senate is called a right-to-vote bill. Why is it called that? Every State has statutes to protect the right to vote. The sovereign States are protecting their citizens in the right to vote. Yet there is a big cry and a big hue about a voting law. As a matter of fact, the only thing that instigated this bill was the desire of both parties, the Democratic and the Republican, to play to minority votes. That is the purpose of the bill. It is purely political. Why do we need a Federal law when every State has a statute to protect the right to vote? And who is in a better position to protect the right to vote than the officials of the States?

Suppose the voting laws of all the States were abrogated and violated. Does the Federal Government have a police system which would enable it to send officials into every State to police the election laws of every State? If so, it would change our entire conception of the Government of this Nation.

The Constitution of the United States was written in 1789, in Philadelphia. It was ratified by nine Colonies which made them States and created the Union; 2 years later the Bill of Rights was adopted; and in the 10th amendment, which is a part of the Bill of Rights, it is provided that all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States. There is nothing in the Constitution that delegates those powers to the Federal Government. Therefore, those rights are reserved to the States, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for Congress to attempt to pass a law that will set up an administration which will attempt to bring about a policing of all the elections in all the 48 States of this Nation.

Some persons say, “Well, the States won’t enforce the voting laws. We have got to have a Federal law. Some States deny the vote to citizens.” I question that. Has there been a single instance brought before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the United States and proof presented that anyone has been denied the vote? From my understanding, and from the minority report which was submitted by some members of the Judiciary Committee, that has not been the case. So why does the Federal Government want to enter a field into which it has no constitutional authority to enter? As a matter of fact, the Federal Government already has a statute, I say to those who say the States are not protecting the right to vote. I am wondering if the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives have overlooked the Federal statute. I shall read that statute, so that Senators can know that we now have a Federal statute to protect the right to vote.

I shall read several provisions. The last one is the most applicable, and one on which I shall comment a little more, but I want to start with chapter 29 of title 18 of the Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

That is the United States Code, Criminal Code, and Criminal Procedure. Chapter 29 is entitled “Elections and Political Activities.”

Section 591 reads:

{{smaller block|Definitions:

When used in sections 597, 599, 602, 609, and 610 of this title—

The term “election” includes a general or special election, but does not include a primary election or convention of a political party.}}

But under a decision of the Supreme Court, in a case which went up from my own State of South Carolina, it was held that the primary election was a part of the election machinery; and the decision was rendered on that subject.

{{smaller block|The term “candidate” means an individual whose name is presented for election as Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress of the United States, whether or not such individual is elected;

The term “political committee” includes any committee, association, or organization which accepts contributions or makes expenditures for the purpose of influencing or attempting to influence the election of candidates or presidential and vice presidential electors (1) in two or more States, or (2) whether or not in more than one State if such committee, association, or organization (other than a duly organized State or local committee of a political party) is a branch or subsidiary of a national committee, association, or organization;

The term “contribution” includes a gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make a contribution, whether or not legally enforceable;

The term “expenditure” includes a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make an expenditure, whether or not legally enforceable;

The term “person” or the term “whoever” includes an individual, partnership, committee, association, corporation, and any other organization or group of persons;

The term “State” includes Territory and possession of the United States. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 9, 63 Stat. 90.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 592. Troops at polls.

Whoever, being an officer of the Army or Navy, or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.

This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 593. Interference by Armed Forces.

Whoever, being an officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States, prescribes or fixes or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State; or

Whoever, being such officer or member, prevents, or attempts to prevent, by force, threat, intimidation, advice, or otherwise any qualified voter of any State from fully exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election; or

{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, orders or compels or attempts to compel any election officer in any State to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote; or

Whoever, being such officer or member, imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election in a State, different from those prescribed by law; or

Whoever, being such officer or member, interferes in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of his duties—

Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.

This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces from exercising the right of suffrage in any district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State of such district. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}

I shall now comment on section 594, which is entitled “Intimidation of Voters.” I cannot help but believe that Members of Congress in some way must have overlooked this statute, if they believe a Federal statute is essential on this subject, which I do not. This is the way the section reads:

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 594. Intimidation of voters.

Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}

Mr. President, I do not think this statute is constitutional, in section 594, because I think the question is a matter reserved to the States. Since evidently there were people who thought the Federal Government did need to enter this field and who must have felt that it would not be unconstitutional for the Federal Government to enter it, this section was adopted. This section provides, as I have just read, for the punishment of anyone who attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose.

What is the purpose of the bill now under consideration, H. R. 6127? It is called the right-to-vote bill. The Federal statute here, in section 594 of title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure, is just as plain on the subject as it can be. There is the Federal statute on the question of voting. I do not like it, because I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field, but we have the statute, in section 594.

If there has been any violation of voting rights in this country, if there has been a single case of any person who claims that he has been intimidated or threatened or coerced to vote, the Federal Government has the power, under that statute, to punish anyone if he is convicted for such offense.

Either this statute has not been enforced, if there have been violations, or else there have been no violations. So when the Federal Government asks that another voting law be passed, such as House bill 6127, it is admitting 1 of 2 things: Either there have been no violations of the rights of people to vote, or the Justice Department is not enforcing the law on this subject.

I do not see what good it would do to enact another statute. What good would another statute do, if we have a statute already on the books? I have heard of no cases brought under this statute. There must not have been any violations. If there have been violations, the Federal Government has failed to prosecute violators, which it could do under this law.

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 595. Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial governments.

Whoever, being a person employed in any administrative position by the United States, or by any department or agency thereof, or by the District of Columbia, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, or by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States, or any political subdivision, municipality, or agency thereof, or agency of such political subdivision or municipality (including any corporation owned or controlled by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States or by any such political subdivision, municipality, or agency), in connection with any activity which is financed in whole or in part by loans or grants made by the United States, or any department or agency thereof, uses his official authority for the purpose of interfering with, or affecting, the nomination or the election of any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner from any Territory or possession, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.

This section shall not prohibit or make unlawful any act by any officer or employee of any educational or research institution, establishment, agency, or system which is supported in whole or in part by any State or political subdivision thereof, or by the District of Columbia or by any Territory or possession of the United States; or by any recognized religious, philanthropic, or cultural organization. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 596. Polling Armed Forces.

Whoever, within or without the Armed Forces of the United States, polls any member of such forces, either within or without the United States, either before or after he executes any ballot under any Federal or State law, with reference to his choice of or his vote for any candidate, or states, publishes, or releases any result of any purported poll taken from or among the members of the Armed Forces of the United States or including within it the statement of choice for such candidate or of such votes cast by any member of the Armed Forces of the United States, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned for not more than 1 year, or both.

The word “poll” means any request for information, verbal or written, which by its language or form of expression requires or implies the necessity of an answer, where the request is made with the intent of compiling the result of the answers obtained, either for the personal use of the person making the request, or for the purpose of reporting the same to any other person, persons, political party, unincorporated association or corporation, or for the purpose of publishing the same orally, by radio, or in written or printed form. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 597. Expenditures to influence voting.

Whoever makes or offers to make an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote, or to vote for or against any candidate; and

Whoever solicits, accepts, or receives any such expenditure in consideration of his vote or the withholding of his vote—

Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 598. Coercion by means of relief appropriations.

Whoever uses any part of any appropriation made by Congress for work relief, relief, or for increasing employment by providing loans and grants for public-works projects, or exercises or administers any authority conferred by any appropriation act for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing any individual in the exercise of his right to vote at any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 599. Promise of appointment by candidate.

Whoever, being a candidate, directly or indirectly promises or pledges the appointment, or the use of his influence or support for the appointment of any person to any public or private position or employment, for the purpose of procuring support in his candidacy shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 600. Promise of employment or other benefit for political activity.

Whoever, directly or indirectly, promises any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit, provided for or made possible in whole or in part by any act of Congress, to any person as consideration, favor, or reward for any political activity, or for the support of or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 601. Deprivation of employment or other benefit for political activity.

Whoever, except as required by law, directly or indirectly, deprives, attempts to deprive, or threatens to deprive any person of any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, on account of race, creed, color, or any political activity, support of, or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62, Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 602. Solicitation of political contributions.

Whoever, being a Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, or a candidate for Congress, or individual elected as, Senator, Representative, Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, or an officer or employee of the United States or any department or agency thereof, or a person receiving any salary or compensation for services from money derived from the Treasury of the United States, directly or indirectly solicits, receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose whatever, from any other such officer, employee, or person, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 603. Place of solicitation.

Whoever, in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by any person mentioned in section 602 of this title, or in any navy yard, fort, or arsenal, solicits or receives any contribution of money or other thing of value for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722; October 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (b), 65 Stat. 718.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 604. Solicitation from persons on relief.

Whoever solicits or receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose from any person known by him to be entitled to, or receiving​ compensation, employment, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 605. Disclosure of names of persons on relief.

Whoever, for political purposes, furnishes or discloses any list or names of persons receiving compensation, employment, or benefits provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating, or authorizing the appropriation of funds for work relief or relief purposes, to a political candidate, committee, campaign manager, or to any person for delivery to a political candidate, committee, or campaign manager; and

Whoever receives any such list or names for political purposes—

Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 606. Intimidation to secure political contributions.

Whoever, being one of the officers or employees of the United States mentioned in section 602 of this title, discharges, or promotes, or degrades, or in any manner changes the official rank or compensation of any other officer or employee, or promises or threatens so to do, for giving or withholding or neglecting to make any contribution of money or other valuable thing for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 607. Making political contributions.

Whoever, being an officer, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States or any department or agency thereof, directly or indirectly gives or hands over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator or Member of or Delegate to Congress, or Resident Commissioner, any money or other valuable thing on account of or to be applied to the promotion of any political object, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 608. Limitations on political contributions and purchases.

(a) Whoever, directly or indirectly, makes contributions in an aggregate amount in excess of $5,000 during any calendar year, or in connection with any campaign for nomination or election, to or on behalf of any candidate for an elective Federal office, including the offices of President of the United States and presidential and vice presidential electors, or to or on behalf of any committee or other organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.

This subsection shall not apply to contributions made to or by a State or local committee or other State or local organization or to similar committees or organizations in the District of Columbia or in any Territory or possession of the United States.

(b) Whoever purchases or buys any goods, commodities, advertising, or articles of any kind or description, the proceeds of which, or any portion thereof, directly or indirectly inures to the benefit of or for any candidate for an elective Federal office including the offices of President of the United States, and presidential and vice-presidential electors or any political committee or other political organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.

This subsection shall not interfere with the usual and known business, trade, or profession of any candidate.

(c) In all cases of violations of this section by a partnership, committee, association, corporation, or other organization or group of persons, the officers, directors, or managing heads thereof who knowingly and willfully participate in such violation, shall be punished as herein provided.

(d) The term “contribution,” as used in this section, shall have the same meaning prescribed by section 591 of this title. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina. The Senator may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue by reading section 609:

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 609. Maximum contributions and expenditures.

No political committee shall receive contributions aggregating more than $3 million, or make expenditures aggregating more than $3 million, during any calendar year.

For the purposes of this section, any contributions received and any expenditures made on behalf of any political committee with the knowledge and consent of the chairman or treasurer of such committee shall be deemed to be received or made by such committee.

Any violation of this section by any political committee shall be deemed also to be a violation by the chairman and the treasurer of such committee and by any other person responsible for such violation and shall be punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment of not more than 1 year, or both; and, if the violation was willful, by a fine of not more than $10,000, or imprisonment of not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 610. Contributions or expenditures by national banks, corporations, or labor organizations.

It is unlawful for any national bank, or any corporation organized by authority of any law of Congress, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election to any political office, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any political office, or for any corporation whatever, or any labor organization, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which presidential and vice-presidential electors or a Senator or Representative are, or a Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress are to be voted for, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate, political committee, or other person to accept or receive any contribution prohibited by this section.

Every corporation or labor organization which makes any contribution or expenditure in violation of this section shall be fined not more than $5,000; and every officer or director of any corporation, or officer of any labor organization, who consents to any contribution or expenditure by the corporation or labor organization, as the case may be, and any person who accepts or receives any contribution, in violation of this section, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.

For the purposes of this section “labor organization” means any organization of any kind, or any agency or employee representation committee or plan, in which employees participate and which exist for the purpose, in whole or in part, of dealing with employers concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay, hours of employment, or conditions of work. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 10, 63 Stat. 90; Oct. 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (c), 65 Stat. 718.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 611. Contributions by firms or individuals contracting with the United States.

Whoever, entering into any contract with the United States or any department or agency thereof, either for the rendition of personal services or furnishing any material, supplies, or equipment to the United States or any department or agency thereof, or selling any land or building to the United States or any department or agency thereof, if payment for the performance of such contract or payment for such material, supplies, equipment, land, or building is to be made in whole or in part from funds appropriated by the Congress, during the period of negotiation for, or performance under such contract or furnishing of material, supplies, equipment, land, or buildings, directly or indirectly makes any contribution of money or any other thing of value, or promises expressly or impliedly to make any such contribution, to any political party committee, or candidate for public office or to any person for any political purpose or use; or

Whoever knowingly solicits any such contribution from any such person or firm, for any such purpose during any such period—

Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 612. Publication or distribution of political statements.

Whoever willfully publishes or distributes, or causes to be published or distributed, or for the purpose of publishing or distributing the same, knowingly deposits for mailing or delivery, or causes to be deposited for mailing or delivery, or, except in cases of employees of the Post Office Department in the official discharge of their duties, knowingly transports or causes to be transported in interstate commerce any card, pamphlet, circular, poster, dodger, advertisement, writing, or other statement relating to or concerning any person who has publicly declared his intention to seek the office of President, or Vice President of the United States, or Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress, in a primary, general, or special election, or convention of a political party, or has caused or permitted his intention to do so to be publicly declared, which does not contain the names of the persons, associations, committees, or corporations responsible for the publication or distribution of the same, and the names of the officers of each such association, committee, or corporation, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724; Aug. 25, 1950, ch. 784, sec. 2, 64 Stat. 475.)}}

Mr. President, I have read those Federal statutes to show that we have in title 18, chapter 29, provision for elections and political activities, and the specific section to which I referred and attempted to emphasize, section 594, provides especially for the punishment of anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces any other person for interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. That is in the Federal statutes.

Again I ask, Why does the Congress need to pass another law when we have a law, a law with teeth in it, a law that provides a punishment of as much as $1,000 or imprisonment for as long as one year, or both? In other words, under this statute, the Federal Government, through the Justice Department, can prosecute any person who intimidates, threatens, or coerces another person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote and to vote as he chooses. If we have that kind of law on the books now, why do we need another law? As I stated a few moments ago, I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field. But they have entered this field, and laws on the subject have been enacted. Section 594 gives the Federal Government all the authority it needs to protect the right to vote in any State of this Nation. Section 594 makes provision for specific punishment if anyone violates the section and attempts to deny the right to vote, or threatens, intimidates, or coerces one in his right to vote and to vote as he chooses.

So with every State in the Nation having laws on the subject to protect the right to vote, and with the Federal Government having laws on this subject to protect the right to vote, why do we need to pass another bill, another bill which is unconstitutional, another bill which violates the Constitution of the United States? I will come to that later on in my address. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States.

I am going to take up after a while a decision which shows that criminal contempt is a crime, and if criminal contempt is a crime, then it falls within the category of the provision of the Constitution of the United States which says that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. It does not specify by degree. If he is entitled to a jury trial, he is entitled to it. The Senate passed a bill with an amendment providing for jury trial. The bill went back to the House, the House amended it, and added a provision that the judge in his discretion could try the case if the punishment was not over 45 days or a fine of $300. That is not what the Constitution says. The Constitution does not provide that a man is entitled to a jury trial under certain conditions, if the House had fixed the fine at $1 instead of $300 and denied a man the right of a trial by jury, in my opinion it still would have been unconstitutional. I shall develop that more as my address goes on.

Mr. President, I shall now take up specific points of the proposed compromise on the jury trial provisions of H. R. 6127, so as to point out the lack of constitutionality of the provisions in connection with contempt of court proceedings.

A so-called compromise has been reached among advocates of civil-rights legislation—H. R. 6127—whereby a jury trial would be given in certain criminal contempts of Federal courts.

The purpose of this speech is to point out the objectionable features of the proposed compromise and to show conclusively that it is unconstitutional.

The proposed jury-trial amendment, being part V of H. R. 6127, reads as follows:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|PART V—TO PROVIDE TRIAL BY JURY FOR PROCEEDINGS TO PUNISH CRIMINAL CONTEMPTS OF COURT ARISING OUT OF CIVIL-RIGHTS CASES AND TO AMEND THE JUDICIAL CODE RELATING TO FEDERAL JURY QUALIFICATIONS}}}}

{{sc|Sec.}} 151. In all cases of criminal contempt arising under the provisions of this act, the accused, upon conviction, shall be punished by fine or imprisonment or both: ''Provided, however'', That in case the accused is a natural person the fine to be paid shall not exceed the sum of $1,000, nor shall imprisonment exceed the term of 6 months: ''Provided further'', That in any such proceeding for criminal contempt, at the discretion of the judge, the accused may be tried with or without a jury: ''Provided further, however'', That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of the $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury, which shall conform as near as may be to the practice in other criminal cases.

This section shall not apply to contempts committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice nor to the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders, or process of the court.

Nor shall anything herein or in any other provision of law be construed to deprive courts of their power, by civil contempt proceedings, without a jury, to secure compliance with or to prevent obstruction of, as distinguished from punishment for violations of, any lawful writ, process, order, rule, decree, or command of the court in accordance with the prevailing usages of law and equity, including the power of detention.

{{sc|Sec.}} 152. Section 1861, title 28, of the United States Code is hereby amended to read as follows:

“1861. Qualifications of Federal jurors.

“Any citizen of the United States who has attained the age of 21 years and who has resided for a period of 1 year within the judicial district, is competent to serve as a grand or petit juror unless:

“(1) He has been convicted in a State or Federal court of record of a crime punishable by imprisonment for more than 1 year and his civil rights have not been restored by pardon or amnesty.

“(2) He is unable to read, write, speak, and understand the English language.

“(3) He is incapable, by reason of mental or physical infirmities, to render efficient jury service.”}}

Mr. President, those are the provisions of the so-called compromise.

I wish to have all other Members of the Senate and all other citizens of these United States know just what the compromise provides.

First, Mr. President, this amendment is clearly unconstitutional because of vagueness.

It is an established principle of constitutional law that crimes must be clearly defined. If this amendment were enacted, persons charged with contempt would be deprived of their liberty and property without due process of law, in violation of the 14th amendment to the Federal Constitution. Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under a statute by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them.

This point is clearly brought out in Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, in the second edition, third volume, at page 1727. Here is what this great authority on the Constitution has to say on this point:

{{smaller block|1142. Crimes must be clearly defined.

Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under statutes by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them. “A statute which either forbids or requires the doing of an act in terms so vague that men of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ as to its application violates the first essential of due process of law.” ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' (269 U. S. 385).}}

The first sentence of the proposed amendment—section 151—refers to criminal contempt and provides for punishment upon conviction. The first ''proviso'' of the first sentence refers to natural persons; and for such natural persons, the fine is limited to $1,000 or—in the alternative—imprisonment is limited to 6 months. This first ''proviso'' is obviously drafted to bring the offense within the present definition of “misdemeanor,” as classified by the Congress in the adoption of title 18 of the United States Code on June 25, 1948. Section 1 of title 18, United States Code, classifies offenses against the United States as follows:

{{smaller block|1. Offenses classified:

Notwithstanding any act of Congress to the contrary:

(1) Any offense punishable by death or imprisonment for a term exceeding 1 year is a felony.

(2) Any other offense is a misdemeanor.

(3) Any misdemeanor, the penalty for which does not exceed imprisonment for a period of 6 months or a fine of not more than $500, or both, is a petty offense.}}

The second ''proviso'' of the first sentence still refers to criminal contempt, and vests in the Federal district judge the discretion to determine whether the person accused of contempt is to be tried with or without a jury.

The third proviso of the first sentence, still referring only to criminal contempts, says that where the district judge proceeds summarily—without benefit of a jury—to convict the accused and fine him or her for more than $300 or imprison him or her for more than 45 days, then the person so convicted—fined or imprisoned—may demand a trial ''de novo''. It is assumed that trial ''de novo'' contemplates a trial anew of the entire controversy, including the hearing of evidence, as though no previous action had been taken. In ''Pittsburgh S. S. Co.'' v. ''Brown'' ((1948 Ct. App. Ill.) 171 Fed. 2d. 175, 177), “trial ''de novo''” is defined as an entirely new trial, but that was a civil case. The term “trial ''de novo''” nowhere appears in criminal cases referred to in volume 42 A, Words and Phrases, 1952 edition or 1957 supplement.

The second sentence of the amendment, without any reference to “criminal contempt” or without defining or differentiating between “criminal contempt” and “civil contempt,” proceeds to make the provisions of the first sentence inapplicable to those contempts “committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice” and likewise inapplicable to “misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders or process of the court.” In other words, this second sentence deals with certain “contempts” and with “misbehavior of any officers of the court” and excludes such “contempts” and “misbehavior of any officer of the court” from the provisions of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. In other words, the second sentence says that if any contempt is committed in the presence of the court, or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice, it is not dealt with in the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. Likewise excluded from coverage by the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127—would be “the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court” in respect to any writ, order, or process of court issued presumably under authority of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127.

The last sentence of the amendment—section 151—simply tries to restate the proposition now appearing in section 401 of title 18, United States Code, that a court of the United States has power to punish contempts of its authority. However, in restating that proposition, this last sentence refers to “civil contempts,” whereas section 401 refers to “contempt of its”—the court’s—“authority.” Thus we see the last sentence of the amendment, section 151, refers to “civil contempt,” as distinguished from the first sentence, which deals with “criminal contempt.”

Nowhere in the amendment is any definition given of either “criminal contempt” or “civil contempt;” nor has Congress ever attempted to draw any such distinction. The sole provision attempting to draw a distinction between criminal and civil contempt is contained in rule 42 (b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in the requirement that the notice with respect to a criminal contempt shall describe it as such. The Advisory Committee on Rules, appointed by the United States Supreme Court pursuant to the act of June 29, 1940—Fifty-fourth United States Statutes at Large, page 686—to assist in the preparation of rules of pleading, in their notes indicate that the requirement of notice written into rule 42 (b) was “intended to obviate the frequent confusion between criminal and civil contempt proceedings” pursuant to the suggestion made in ''McCann'' v. ''New York Stock Exchange'' ((2d Cir., 1935) 80 F. 2d 211). See Civil and Criminal Contempt in the Federal Courts, report of Los Angeles Bar Association, 17 Federal Rules Decisions 167–182—1955. The Supreme Court itself has belabored the distinction between civil and criminal contempts. For the Court’s distinction see ''Bessette'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' ((1904) 194 U.S. 324, 328).

A contempt statute certainly comes within the due process of law requirements of the Constitution. To substantiate this point, I refer again to Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, page 1727, section 1141. In this section Willoughby points out that a contempt which is not committed in open court does require due process of law for the defendant. The United States Supreme Court, in an opinion by Chief Justice Taft, held on April 13, 1925, that all the guaranties of due process of law are available to a person charged with contempt. ''Cooke'' v. ''United States'' ((1925) 267 U.S. 517.) Thus it is quite clear that the amendment—section 151—as now drafted, would subject a person to criminal prosecution for a statutory offense so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable him to determine whether or not he is committing that offense. ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' ((1926) 269 U. S. 385); ''International Harvester Co.'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 216); ''Collins'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 634).

Second. This amendment is unconstitutional, in violation of the fifth amendment prohibiting double jeopardy.

That provision of the amendment which permits the accused to be tried a second time by a jury for the same offense following conviction in a summary proceeding violates the fifth amendment to the United States Constitution, which declares “nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb.”

In ''ex parte'' Grossman the Supreme Court stated that contempt is an “offense” within the meaning of the pardoning power of the President granted in article II, section 2, clause 1 of the enumerated powers of the President. Clause 1 declares the President “shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons of offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.” Chief Justice Taft in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1925) 267 U. S. 87, 107) quoting ''Myers'' v. ''United States'' ((1924) 264 U. S. 95, 104–105).

If contempt is an offense when it comes to the pardoning power of the President, it certainly is an offense under the fifth amendment. Thus reading the language of the amendment—section 151—''in pari materia'' with the decisions in ''ex parte'' Grossman and ''Myers'' against ''United States'', for the Congress to grant a second trial following conviction, with the same defendant, the same charges, and the same evidence, would place the defendant in double jeopardy.

The proposal—section 151—even if it were not in violation of the fifth amendment, would place Congress in the position of gambling with the rights of our citizens. Suppose a judge tries a man or woman and finds the person guilty. The press reports this fact to the public and such cases are bound to stir the public interest. The person so convicted is then tried again on the same evidence. Any jury is bound to be influenced.

In addition, what basis or standard of conduct is to be the determining factor as to whether the judge imposes the lesser fine or sentence and lets his verdict stand or imposes the greater fine or punishment and moves the case along to a jury trial. There would be no uniformity in the application of the proposed statute—section 151—and the entire procedure would be awkward, cumbersome, and impracticable.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', a note is made of an interruption in Mr. Thurmond’s speech, regarding the results of a special election for a Senator, upon which several pages of the ''Record'' are used to record the reading of documents and the discussion of matters relevant thereto. As this is not a constituent portion of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, it is absent from this record. However, following this notice, several other parliamentary procedures are maintained, and other matters are dealt with; the ''Record'' then replaces the remainder of Mr. Thurmond’s speech to the records of the succeeding day, beginning on p. 16383. This record begins again from this section.''

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I now wish to take up Chief Justice Taft’s opinion on jury trials in contempt cases. Considerable has been said about what Chief Justice Taft said concerning contempt and jury trials. Chief Justice Taft was at one time President of the United States, and he was Chief Justice of the United States. He was a great man and a great American. His opinions are highly revered, but some of his opinions have been quoted out of context or when not applicable. I wish to take up at this time his opinions on jury trials in contempt cases.

On June 5, 1957, at his White House press conference, President Eisenhower, in answer to a question asked by the National Negro Press Association as to how he stood on the jury-trial amendment to the so-called civil-rights bill, quoted President Taft, as being opposed to a jury trial in contempt cases. President Eisenhower stated that Mr. Taft made this statement when he was President in 1908 and there is no evidence that he ever changed his mind.

In the first place the statement was not made by Mr. Taft while President. The statement was made by Mr. Taft in a political speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on Tuesday, July 28, 1908, in acceptance of the Republican nomination for President. Mr. Taft at the time was Secretary of War. He did not become President until March 4, 1909.

In this political speech Mr. Taft also said a trial by jury in contempt cases was never known in the history of the jurisprudence of England, or America, except in the constitution of Oklahoma. See Presidential Addresses and Papers, William H. Taft, 1910 ed., page 26.

Also in this speech Mr. Taft said the popular impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, may be affected by a personal feeling was unfounded.

Did Mr. Taft change his mind when he became Chief Justice? He most assuredly did. He not only changed his mind on the subject of whether jury trials were had at common law in contempt cases but also changed his mind about judges having personal vindictiveness in contempt orders.

While Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Mr. Taft delivered the opinion in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1924) 267 U. S. 87) and cited eight cases at common law to show that in England a jury trial was had in contempt cases. This decision was rendered by him in upholding a pardon granted by President Hoover to a man imprisoned by a United States district judge in Illinois for contempt in a summary proceeding. Chief Justice Taft declared at page 118 of volume 267, United States Reports:

{{smaller block|The King of England before our Revolution, in the exercise of his prerogative, had always exercised the power to pardon contempts of court, just as he did ordinary crimes and misdemeanors and as he has done to the present day. In the mind of a common-law lawyer of the 18th century the word pardon included within its scope the ending by the King’s grace of the punishment of such derelictions, whether it was imposed by the court without a jury or upon indictment, for both forms of trial for contempts were had. ''Thomas of Chartham'' v. ''Benet of Stamford'' ((1313), 24 Selden Society, 185); ''Fulwood'' v. ''Fulwood'' ((1585), Toothill, 46); ''Rex'' v. ''Buckenham'' ((1665), 1 Deble 751, 707, 852); Anonymous (1674), Cases in Chancery (238); ''King and Codrington'' v. ''Rodmap'' ((1630), Cr. Car. 198); ''Bartram'' v. ''Dannett'' ((1676), Finch, 253); ''Phipps'' v. ''Earl of Angelsea'' ((1721), 1 Peere Williams, 696).}}

In all probability Mr. Taft was induced to recognize the fact that jury trials were customarily had at common law in contempts as a result of research conducted by the distinguished historian of English law, Mr. W. S. Holdsworth. The efforts of this great historian were first made public in 1909 after Mr. Taft had made his earlier statement.

Mr. Holdsworth declared that the only cases in which contempts were punished summarily was where the contemnor confessed his guilt. If he did not confess the accused was tried by the ordinary course of law which meant trial by jury. To quote Mr. Holdsworth:

{{smaller block|A History of English Law, volume III., pages 392–393. * * * But all through the medieval period, and long afterwards, the courts, though they might attack persons who were guilty of contempts of court, could not punish them summarily. Unless they confessed their guilt, they must be regularly indicted and convicted. Mr. Fox has given a list of 40 cases of various contempts—insults to the judges, an assault on the attorney general, beating jurors, striking a witness, trampling on a writ of prohibition—in all of which the offender was tried by the ordinary course of law. That this was the correct course to pursue was stated by Anderson, C. J., in 1599.}}

In another opinion while Chief Justice Mr. Taft changed his mind about the immunity of Federal judges from vindictiveness in issuing contempt orders.

On November 19, 1923, in a concurring opinion in ''Craig'' v. ''Hecht'' (263 U. S. 255 at p. 279), the Chief Justice said:

{{smaller block|The delicacy there is in the judge’s deciding whether an attack upon his own judicial action is mere criticism or real obstruction, and the possibility that impulse may incline his view to personal vindication, are manifest. But the law gives the person convicted of contempt in such a case the right to have the whole question on facts and law reviewed by three judges of the circuit court of appeals who have had no part in the proceedings, and if not successful in that court, to apply to this Court for an opportunity for a similar review here.}}

Mr. President, on June 10, 1957, the Supreme Court delivered an opinion in the case of [[Reid v. Covert (354 U.S. 1)|''Reid'' against ''Covert'']]. Since this opinion deals with the question “the right of trial by jury,” I think it is advisable for the Senate to consider this decision of the Supreme Court. I shall read a number of pages from the opinion and a concurring opinion by Justice Frankfurter.

Some of the material in this opinion necessarily discusses the background of the cases. However, I believe it appropriate to read this material because it is necessary to a full understanding of this decision which upheld the constitutional right of trial by jury which H. R. 6127 would deny under certain conditions. I read from the opinion of the Court:

{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957

Mr. Justice Black announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan join.

These cases raise basic constitutional issues of the utmost concern. They call into question the role of the military under our system of government. They involve the power of Congress to expose civilians to trial by military tribunals, under military regulations and procedures, for offenses against the United States thereby depriving them of trial in civilian courts, under civilian laws and procedures and with all the safeguards of the Bill of Rights. These cases are particularly significant because for the first time since the adoption of the Constitution wives of soldiers have been denied trial by jury in a court of law and forced to trial before courts-martial.

In No. 701 Mrs. Clarice Covert killed her husband, a sergeant in the United States Air Force, at an airbase in England. Mrs. Covert, who was not a member of the armed services, was residing on the base with her husband at the time. She was tried by a court-martial for murder under Article 118 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The trial was on charges preferred by Air Force personnel and the court-martial was composed of Air Force officers. The court-martial asserted jurisdiction over Mrs. Covert under Article 2 (11) of the UCMJ, which provides:

“The following persons are subject to this code:

“(11) Subject to the provisions of any treaty or agreement to which the United States is or may be a party or to any accepted rule of international law, all persons serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces without the continental limits of the United States.”

Counsel for Mrs. Covert contended that she was insane at the time she killed her husband, but the military tribunal found her guilty of murder and sentenced her to life imprisonment. The judgment was affirmed by the Air Force Board of Reviews (16 CMR 465) but was reversed by the Court of Military Appeals (6 USCMA 48), because of prejudicial errors concerning the defense of insanity. While Mrs. Covert was being held in this country pending a proposed retrial by court-martial in the District of Columbia, her counsel petitioned the district court for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to set her free on the ground that the Constitution forbade her trial by military authorities. Construing this court’s decision in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), as holding that “a civilian is entitled to a civilian trial,” the district court held that Mrs. Covert could not be tried by court-martial and ordered her released from custody. The Government appealed directly to this court under, title 28, United States Code, section 1252. See Three Hundred and Fiftieth United States Reports, page 985.

In No. 713 Mrs. Dorothy Smith killed her husband, an Army officer, at a post in Japan where she was living with him. She was tried for murder by a court-martial and despite considerable evidence that she was insane was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. The judgment was approved by the Army Board of Review (10 CMR 350, 13 CMR 307), and the Court of Military Appeals (5 USCMA 314). Mrs. Smith was then confined in a Federal penitentiary in West Virginia. Her father, respondent here, filed a petition for ''habeas corpus'' in a district court for West Virginia. The petition charged that the court-martial was without jurisdiction because article 2 (11) of the UCMJ was unconstitutional insofar as it authorized the trial of civilian dependents accompanying servicemen overseas. The district court refused to issue the writ (137 F. Supp. 806), and while an appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit we granted ''certiorari'' at the request of the Government (350 U. S. 986).

The two cases were consolidated and argued last term and a majority of the Court, with 3 Justices dissenting and 1 reserving opinion, held that military trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert for their alleged offenses was constitutional. Three hundred and fifty-first United States Reports, page 470, 487. The majority held that the provisions of article III and the fifth and sixth amendments which require that crimes be tried by a jury after indictment by a grand jury did not protect an American citizen when he was tried by the American Government in foreign lands for offenses committed there and that Congress could provide for the trial of such offenses in any manner it saw fit so long as the procedures established were reasonable and consonant with due process. The opinion then went on to express the view that military trials, as now practiced, were not unreasonable or arbitrary when applied to dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces overseas. In reaching their conclusion the majority found it unnecessary to consider the power of Congress “to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces” under article I of the Constitution.

Subsequently, the Court granted a petition for rehearing. Three Hundred and Fifty-second United States Reports, page 901. Now, after further argument and consideration, we conclude that the previous decisions cannot be permitted to stand. We hold that Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert could not constitutionally be tried by military authorities.

{{c|{{asc|I}}}}

At the beginning we reject the idea that when the United States acts against citizens abroad it can do so free of the Bill of Rights. The United States is entirely a creature of the Constitution. Its power and authority have no other source. It can only act in accordance with all the limitations imposed by the Constitution. When the Government reaches out to punish a citizen who is abroad, the shield which the Bill of Rights and other parts of the Constitution provide to protect his life and liberty should not be stripped away just because he happens to be in another land. This is not a novel concept. To the contrary, it is as old as government. It was recognized long before Paul successfully invoked his right as a Roman citizen to be tried in strict accordance with Roman law. And many centuries later an English historian wrote:

“In a settled colony the inhabitants have all the rights of Englishmen. They take with them, in the first place, that which no Englishman can by expatriation put off, namely, allegiance to the Crown, the duty of obedience to the lawful commands of the Sovereign, and obedience to the laws which Parliament may think proper to make with reference to such a colony. But, on the other hand, they take with them all the rights and liberties of British subjects; all the rights and liberties as against the prerogative of the Crown, which they would enjoy in this county.”

The rights and liberties which citizens of our country enjoy are not protected by custom and tradition alone, they have been jealously preserved from the encroachments of Government by express provisions of our written Constitution.

Among those provisions, article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments are directly relevant to these cases. Article III, section 2, lays down the rule that—

“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.”

The fifth amendment declares:

“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”

And the sixth amendment provides:

“In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.”

The language of article III, section 2, manifests that constitutional protections for the individual were designed to restrict the United States Government when it acts outside of this country, as well as here at home. After declaring that all criminal trials must be by jury, the section states that when a crime is “not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.” If this language is permitted to have its obvious meaning, section 2 is applicable to criminal trials outside of the States as a group without regard to where the offense is committed or the trial held. From the very first Congress, Federal statutes have implemented the provisions of section 2 by providing for trial of murder and other crimes committed outside the jurisdiction of any State “in the district where the offender is apprehended, or into which he may first be brought.” The fifth and sixth amendments, like article III, section 2, are also all inclusive with their sweeping references to “no person” and to “all criminal prosecutions.”

This Court and other Federal courts have held or asserted that various constitutional limitations apply to the Government when it acts outside the continental United States. While it has been suggested that only those constitutional rights which are “fundamental” protect Americans abroad, we can find no warrant, in logic or otherwise, for picking and choosing among the remarkable collection of “Thou shalt nots” which were explicitly fastened on all departments and agencies of the Federal Government by the Constitution and its amendments. Moreover, in view of our heritage and the history of the adoption of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, it seems peculiarly anomalous to say that trial before a civilian judge and by an independent jury picked from the common citizenry are not fundamental rights. As Blackstone wrote in his Commentaries:

“The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * [I]t is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals.”

Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

The keystone of supporting authorities mustered by the Court’s opinion last June to justify its holding that article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments did not apply abroad was ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). The Ross case is one of those cases that cannot be understood except in its peculiar setting; even then, it seems highly unlikely that a similar result would be reached to-day. Ross was serving as a seaman on an American ship in Japanese waters. He killed a ship’s officer, was seized and tried before a consular court in Japan. At that time, statutes authorized American consuls to try American citizens charged with committing crimes in Japan and certain other non-Christian countries. These statutes provided that the laws of the United States were to govern the trial except:

“Where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.”

The consular power approved in the Ross case was about as extreme and absolute as that of the potentates of the non-Christian countries to which the statutes applied. Under these statutes consuls could and did make the criminal laws, initiate charges, arrest alleged offenders, try them, and after conviction take away their liberty or their life—sometimes at the American consulate. Such a blending of executive, legislative, and judicial powers in one person or even in one branch of the Government is ordinarily regarded as the very acme of absolutism. Nevertheless, the Court sustained Ross’ conviction by the consul. It stated that constitutional protections applied “only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad.” Despite the fact that it upheld Ross’ conviction under United States laws passed pursuant to asserted constitutional authority, the Court went on to make a sweeping declaration that “[t]he Constitution can have no operation in another country.”

The Ross approach that the Constitution has no applicability abroad has long since been directly repudiated by numerous cases. That approach is obviously erroneous if the United States Government, which has no power except that granted by the Constitution, can and does try citizens for crimes committed abroad. Thus the Ross case rested, at least in substantial part, on a fundamental misconception and the most that can be said in support of the result reached there is that the consular court jurisdiction had a long history antedating the adoption of the Constitution. The Congress has recently buried the consular system of trying Americans. We are not willing to jeopardize the lives and liberties of Americans by disinterring it. At best, the Ross case should be left as a relic from a different era.

The Court’s opinion last term also relied on the Insular Cases to support its conclusion that article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments were not applicable to the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. We believe that reliance was misplaced.

The Insular Cases can be distinguished from the present cases in that they involved the power of Congress to provide rules and regulations to govern temporarily territories with wholly dissimilar traditions and institutions whereas here the basis for governmental power is American citizenship. None of these cases had anything to do with military trials and they cannot properly be used as vehicles to support an extension of military jurisdiction to civilians. Moreover, it is our judgment that neither the cases nor their reasoning should be given any further expansion. The concept that the Bill of Rights and other constitutional protections against arbitrary government are inoperative when they become inconvenient or when expediency dictates otherwise is a very dangerous doctrine and if allowed to flourish would destroy the benefit of a written Constitution and undermine the basis of our Government. If our foreign commitments become of such nature that the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority, or inclination, to read exceptions into it which are not there.

{{c|{{asc|II}}}}

At the time of Mrs. Covert’s alleged offense, an executive agreement was in effect between the United States and Great Britain which permitted United States military courts to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over offenses committed in Great Britain by American servicemen or their dependents. For its part, the United States agreed that these military courts would be willing and able to try and to punish all offenses against the laws of Great Britain by such persons. In all material respects, the same situation existed in Japan when Mrs. Smith killed her husband. Even though a court-martial does not give an accused trial by jury and other Bill of Rights protections, the Government contends that section 2(11) of the UCMJ, insofar as it authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces in Great Britain and Japan, can be sustained as legislation which is necessary and proper to carry out the United States obligations under the international agreements made with those countries. The obvious and decisive answer to this, of course, is that no agreement with a foreign nation can confer power on the Congress, or on any other branch of Government, which is free from the restraints of the Constitution.

Article VI., the supremacy clause of the Constitution, declares:

“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land.”

There is nothing in this language which intimates that treaties and laws enacted pursuant to them do not have to comply with the provisions of the Constitution. Nor is there anything in the debates which accompanied the drafting and ratification of the Constitution which even suggests such a result. These debates as well as the history that surrounds the adoption of the treaty provision in article VI. make it clear that the reason treaties were not limited to those made in pursuance of the Constitution was so that agreements made by the United States under the Articles of Confederation, including the important peace treaties which concluded the Revolutionary War, would remain in effect. It would be manifestly contrary to the objectives of those who created the Constitution, as well as those who were responsible for the Bill of Rights—let alone alien to our entire constitutional history and tradition—to construe article VI. as permitting the United States to exercise power under an international agreement without observing constitutional prohibitions. In effect, such construction would permit amendment of that document in a manner not sanctioned by article V. The prohibitions of the Constitution were designed to apply to all branches of the National Government and they cannot be nullified by the executive or by the executive and the Senate combined.

There is nothing new or unique about what we say here. This court has regularly and uniformly recognized the supremacy of the Constitution over a treaty. For example, in ''Geofroy'' v. ''Riggs'' (133 U. S. 258, 267), it declared:

“The treaty power, as expressed in the Constitution, is in terms unlimited except by those restraints which are found in that instrument against the action of the Government or of its departments, and those arising from the nature of the Government itself and of that of the States. It would not be contended that it extends so far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids, or a change in the character of the Government or in that of one of the States, or a cession of any portion of the territory of the latter, without its consent.”

This Court has also repeatedly taken the position that an act of Congress, which must comply with the Constitution, is on a full parity with a treaty, and that when a statute which is subsequent in time is inconsistent with a treaty, the statute to the extent of conflict renders the treaty null. It would be completely anomalous to say that a treaty need not comply with the Constitution when such an agreement can be overridden by a statute that must conform to that instrument.

There is nothing in ''Missouri'' v. ''Holland'' (252 U. S. 416), which is contrary to the position taken here. There the Court carefully noted that the treaty involved was not inconsistent with any specific provision of the Constitution. The Court was concerned with the 10th amendment which reserves to the States or the people all power not delegated to the National Government. To the extent that the United States can validly make treaties, the people and the States have delegated their power to the National Government and the 10th amendment is no barrier.

In summary, we conclude that the Constitution in its entirety applied to the trials of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. Since their court-martial did not meet the requirements of article III., section 2, or the fifth and sixth amendments, we are compelled to determine if there is anything within the Constitution which authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces overseas.

{{c|{{asc|III}}}}

Article I., section 8, clause 14, empowers Congress “To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” It has been held that this creates an exception to the normal method of trial in civilian courts as provided by the Constitution and permits Congress to authorize military trial of members of the armed services without all the safeguards given an accused by article III. and the Bill of Rights. But if the language of clause 14 is given its natural meaning, the power granted does not extend to civilians—even though they may be dependents living with servicemen on a military base. The term “land and naval forces” refers to persons who are members of the armed services and not to their civilian wives, children, and other dependents. It seems inconceivable that Mrs. Covert or Mrs. Smith could have been tried by military authorities as members of the land and naval forces had they been living on a military post in this country. Yet this constitutional term surely has the same meaning everywhere. The wives of servicemen are no more members of the land and naval forces when living at a military post in England or Japan than when living at a base in this country or in Hawaii or Alaska.

The Government argues that the necessary and proper clause, when taken in conjunction with clause 14, allows Congress to authorize the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert by military tribunals and under military law. The Government claims that the two clauses together constitute a broad grant of power without limitation authorizing Congress to subject all persons, civilians and soldiers alike, to military trial if necessary and proper to govern and regulate the land and naval forces. It was on a similar theory that Congress once went to the extreme of subjecting persons who made contracts with the military to court-martial jurisdiction with respect to frauds related to such contracts. In the only judicial test a Circuit Court held that the legislation was patently unconstitutional. ''Ex parte'' Henderson (11 Fed. Cas. 1067, No. 6349).

It is true that the Constitution expressly grants Congress power to make all rules necessary and proper to govern and regulate those persons who are serving in the land and naval forces. But the necessary and proper clause cannot operate to extend military jurisdiction to any group of persons beyond that class described in clause 14—“the land and naval forces.” Under the grand design of the Constitution civilian courts are the normal repositories of power to try persons charged with crimes against the United States. And to protect persons brought before these courts, article III. and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments establish the right to trial by jury, by indictment by a grand jury, and a number of other specific safeguards. By way of contrast the jurisdiction of military tribunals is a very limited and extraordinary jurisdiction derived from the cryptic language in article I., section 8, and, at most, was intended to be only a narrow exception to the normal and preferred method of trial in courts of law. Every extension of military jurisdiction is an encroachment on the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and, more important, acts as a deprivation of the right to jury trial and of other treasured constitutional protections. Having run up against the steadfast bulwark of the Bill of Rights, the necessary and proper clause cannot extend the scope of clause 14.

Nothing said here contravenes the rule laid down in ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, at 421), that:

“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.”

In McCulloch this Court was confronted with the problem of determining the scope of the necessary and proper clause in a situation where no specific restraints on governmental power stood in the way. Here the problem is different. Not only does clause 14, by its terms, limit military jurisdiction to members of the land and naval forces, but article III., section 2 and the fifth and sixth amendments require that certain express safeguards, which were designed to protect persons from oppressive governmental practices, shall be given in criminal prosecutions—safeguards which cannot be given in a military trial. In the light of these as well as other constitutional provisions, and the historical background in which they were formed, military trial of civilians is inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the constitution.

Further light is reflected on the scope of clause 14 by the fifth amendment. That amendment which was adopted shortly after the Constitution reads:

“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”

Since the exception in this amendment for cases arising in the land or naval forces was undoubtedly designed to correlate with the power granted Congress to provide for the government and regulation of the armed services, it is a persuasive and reliable indication that the authority conferred by clause 14 does not encompass persons who cannot fairly be said to be in the military service.

Even if it were possible, we need not attempt here to precisely define the boundary between civilians and members of the land and naval forces. We recognize that there might be circumstances where a person could be in the armed services for purposes of clause 14 even though he had not formally been inducted into the military or did not wear a uniform. But the wives, children, and other dependents of servicemen cannot be placed in that category, even though they may be accompanying a serviceman abroad at Government expense and receiving other benefits from the Government. We have no difficulty in saying that such persons do not lose their civilian status and their right to a civilian trial because the Government helps them live as members of a soldier’s family.

The tradition of keeping the military subordinate to civilian authority may not be so strong in the minds of this generation as it was in the minds of those who wrote the Constitution. The idea that the relatives of soldiers could be denied a jury trial in a court of law and instead be tried by courts-martial under the guise of regulating the Armed Forces would have seemed incredible to those men, in whose lifetime the right of the military to try soldiers for any offenses in time of peace had only been grudgingly conceded. The founders envisioned the Army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds. Their fears were rooted in history. They knew that ancient republics had been overthrown by their military leaders. They were familiar with the history of 17th century England, where Charles I. tried to govern through the army and without Parliament. During this attempt, contrary to the common law, he used courts-martial to try soldiers for certain nonmilitary offenses. This court-martialing of soldiers in peacetime evoked strong protests from Parliament. The reign of Charles I. was followed by the rigorous military rule of Oliver Cromwell. Later, James II. used the army in his fight against Parliament and the people. He promulgated articles of war (strangely enough relied on in the Government’s brief) authorizing the trial of soldiers for nonmilitary Crimes by courts-martial. This action hastened the revolution that brought William and Mary to the throne upon their agreement to abide by a bill of rights which, among other things, protected the right of trial by jury. It was against this general background that two of the greatest English jurists, Lord Chief Justice Hale and Sir William Blackstone—men who exerted considerable influence on the founders—expressed sharp hostility to any expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. For instance, Blackstone went so far as to assert:

“For martial law, which is built upon no settled principles, but is entirely arbitrary in its decisions, is, as Sir Matthew Hale observes, in truth and reality no law, but something indulged rather than allowed as a law. The necessity of order and discipline in an army is the {{SIC|ony|only}} thing which can give it countenance; and therefore it ought not to be permitted in time of peace, when the king’s courts are open for all persons to receive justice according to the laws of the land.”

The generation that adopted the Constitution did not distrust the military because of past history alone. Within their own lives they had seen royal governors sometimes resort to military rule. British troops were quartered in Boston at various times from 1768 until the outbreak of the Revolutionary War to support unpopular royal governors and to intimidate the local populace. The trial of soldiers by courts-martial and the interference of the military with the civil courts aroused great anxiety and antagonism not only in Massachusetts but throughout the colonies. For example, Samuel Adams in 1768 wrote:

“[I]s it not enough for us to have seen soldiers and mariners forejudged of life, and executed within the body of the county by martial law? Are citizens to be called upon, threatened, ill-used at the will of the soldiery, and put under arrest, by pretext of the law military, in breach of the fundamental rights of subjects, and contrary to the law and franchise of the land? * * * Will the spirits of people as yet unsubdued by tyranny, unawed by the menaces of arbitrary power, submit to be governed by military force? No! Let us rouse our attention to the common law—which is our birthright, our great security against all kinds of insult and oppression.”

Colonials had also seen the right to trial by jury subverted by acts of Parliament which authorized courts of admiralty to try alleged violations of the unpopular Molasses and Navigation Acts. This gave the admiralty courts jurisdiction over offenses historically triable only by a jury in a court of law and aroused great resentment throughout the colonies. As early as 1765 delegates from nine colonies meeting in New York asserted in a declaration of rights that trial by jury was the inherent and invaluable right of every citizen in the colonies.

With this background it is not surprising that the Declaration of Independence protested that George III. had affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power and that Americans had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. And those who adopted the Constitution embodied their profound fear and distrust of military power, as well as their determination to protect trial by jury, in the Constitution and its amendments. Perhaps they were aware that memories fade and hoped that in this way they could keep the people of this Nation from having to fight again and again the same old battles for individual freedom.

In the light of this history, it seems clear that the founders had no intention to permit the trial of civilians in military courts, where they would be denied jury trials and other constitutional protections, merely by giving Congress the power to make rules which were necessary and proper for the regulation of the land and naval forces. Such a latitudinarian interpretation of these clauses would be at war with the well-established purpose of the founders to keep the military strictly within its proper sphere, subordinate to civil authority. The Constitution does not say that Congress can regulate the land and naval forces and all other persons whose regulation might have some relationship to maintenance of the land and naval forces. There is no indication that the founders contemplated setting up a rival system of military courts to compete with civilian courts for jurisdiction over civilians who might have some contact or relationship with the Armed Forces. Courts-martial were not to have concurrent jurisdiction with courts of law over nonmilitary America.

On several occasions this Court has been faced with an attempted expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. ''Ex parte'' Milligan (4 Wall. 2), one of the great landmarks in this Court’s history, held that military authorities were without power to try civilians not in the military or naval service by declaring martial law in an area where the civil administration was not deposed and the courts were not closed. In a stirring passage the Court proclaimed:

“Another guaranty of freedom was broken when Milligan was denied a trial by jury. The great minds of the country have differed on the correct interpretation to be given to various provisions of the Federal Constitution; and judicial decision has been often invoked to settle their true meaning; but until recently no one ever doubted that the right of trial by jury was fortified in the organic law against the power of attack. It is now assailed; but if ideas can be expressed in words, and language has any meaning, this right—one of the most valuable in a free country—is preserved to everyone accused of crime who is not attached to the Army, or Navy, or militia in actual service.”

In ''Duncan'' v. ''Kahanamoku'' (327 U. S. 304), the Court reasserted the principles enunciated in ''Ex parte'' Milligan and reaffirmed the tradition of military subordination to civil authorities and institutions. It refused to sanction the military trial of civilians in Hawaii during wartime despite Government claims that the needs of defense made martial law imperative.

Just last term, this Court held in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), that military courts could not constitutionally try a discharged serviceman for an offense which he had allegedly committed while in the Armed Forces. It was decided (1) that since Toth was a civilian he could not be tried by military court-martial, and (2) that since he was charged with murder, a crime in the constitutional sense, he was entitled to indictment by a grand jury, jury trial, and the other protections contained in article III., section 2 and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments. The Court pointed out that trial by civilian courts was the rule for persons who were not members of the Armed Forces.

There are no supportable grounds upon which to distinguish the ''Toth'' case from the present cases. Toth, Mrs. Covert, and Mrs. Smith were all civilians. All three were American citizens. All three were tried for murder. All three alleged crimes were committed in a foreign country. The only differences were: (1) Toth was an exserviceman while they were wives of soldiers; (2) Toth was arrested in the United States while they were seized in foreign countries. If anything, Toth had closer connection with the military than the two women for his crime was committed while he was actually serving in the Air Force. Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith had never been members of the Army, had never been employed by the Army, had never served in the Army in any capacity. The Government appropriately argued in Toth that the constitutional basis for court-martialing him was clearer than for court-martialing wives who are accompanying their husbands abroad. Certainly Toth’s conduct as a soldier bears a closer relation to the maintenance of order and discipline in the Armed Forces than the conduct of these wives. The fact that Toth was arrested here while the wives were arrested in foreign countries is material only if constitutional safeguards do not shield a citizen abroad when the Government exercises its power over him. As we have said before, such a view of the Constitution is erroneous. The mere fact that these women had gone overseas with their husbands should not reduce the protection the Constitution gives them.

The Milligan, ''Duncan'', and ''Toth'' cases recognized and manifested the deeply rooted and ancient opposition in this country to the extension of military control over civilians. In each instance an effort to expand the jurisdiction of military courts to civilians was repulsed.

There have been a number of decisions in the lower Federal courts which have upheld military trial of civilians performing services for the Armed Forces in the field during time of war. To the extent that these cases can be justified, insofar as they involved trial of persons who were not members of the Armed Forces, they must rest on the Government’s war powers. In the face of an actively hostile enemy, military commanders necessarily have broad power over persons on the battlefront. From a time prior to the adoption of the Constitution the extraordinary circumstances present in an area of actual fighting have been considered sufficient to permit punishment of some civilians in that area by military courts under military rules. But neither Japan nor Great Britain could properly be said to be an area where active hostilities were underway at the time Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert committed their offenses or at the time they were tried.

The Government urges that the concept in the field should be broadened to reach dependents accompanying the military forces overseas under the conditions of world tension which exist at the present time. It points out how the war powers include authority to prepare defenses and to establish our military forces in defensive posture about the world. While we recognize that the war powers of the Congress and the Executive are broad, we reject the Government’s argument that present threats to peace permit military trial of civilians accompanying the Armed Forces overseas in an area where no actual hostilities are underway. The exigencies which have required military rule on the battlefront are not present in areas where no conflict exists. Military trial of civilians in the field is an extraordinary jurisdiction, and it should not be expanded at the expense of the Bill of Rights. We agree with Colonel Winthrop, an expert on military jurisdiction, who declared: “A statute cannot be framed by which a civilian can lawfully be made amenable to the military jurisdiction in time of peace.”

As this Court stated in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), the business of soldiers is to fight and prepare to fight wars, not to try civilians for their alleged crimes. Traditionally, military justice has been a rough form of justice emphasizing summary procedures, speedy convictions, and stern penalties with a view to maintaining obedience and fighting fitness in the ranks. Because of its very nature and purpose the military must place great emphasis on discipline and efficiency. Correspondingly, there has always been less emphasis in the military on protecting the rights of the individual than in civilian society and in civilian courts.

Courts-martial are typically ''ad hoc'' bodies appointed by a military officer from among his subordinates. They have always been subject to varying degrees of command influence. In essence, these tribunals are simply executive tribunals whose personnel are in the executive chain of command. Frequently, the members of the court-martial must look to the appointing officer for promotions, advantageous assignments, and efficiency ratings—in short, for their future progress in the service. Conceding to military personnel that high degree of honesty and sense of justice which nearly all of them undoubtedly have, the members of a court-martial, in the nature of things, do not and cannot have the independence of jurors drawn from the general public or of civilian judges.

We recognize that a number of improvements have been made in military justice recently by engrafting more and more of the methods of civilian courts on courts-martial. In large part these ameliorations stem from the reaction of civilians, who were inducted during the two World Wars, to their experience with military justice. Notwithstanding the recent reforms, military trial does not give an accused the same protection which exists in the civil courts. Looming far above all other deficiencies of the military trial, of course, are the absence of trial by jury before an independent judge after an indictment by a grand jury. Moreover, the reforms are merely statutory; Congress—and perhaps the President—can reinstate former practices, subject to any limitations imposed by the Constitution, whenever it desires. As yet it has not been clearly settled to what extent the Bill of Rights and other protective parts of the Constitution apply to military trials.

It must be emphasized that every person who comes within the jurisdiction of courts-martial is subject to military law—law that is substantially different from the law which governs civilian society. Military law is, in many respects, harsh law which is frequently cast in very sweeping and vague terms. It emphasizes the iron hand of discipline more that it does the even scales of justice. Moreover, it has not yet been definitely established to what extent the President, as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, or his delegates, can promulgate, supplement, or change substantive military law as well as the procedures of military courts in time of peace, or in time of war. In any event, Congress has given the President broad discretion to provide the rules governing military trials. For example, in these very cases a technical manual issued under the President’s name with regard to the defense of insanity in military trials was of critical importance in the convictions of Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith. If the President can provide rules of substantive law as well as procedure, then he and his military subordinates exercise legislative, executive, and judicial powers with respect to those subject to military trials. Such blending of functions in one branch of the Government is the objectionable thing which the draftsmen of the Constitution endeavored to prevent by providing for the separation of governmental powers.

In summary, “it still remains true that military tribunals have not been and probably never can be constituted in such way that they can have the same kind of qualifications that the Constitution has deemed essential to fair trials of civilians in Federal courts.” In part this is attributable to the inherent differences in values and attitudes that separate the Military Establishment from civilian society. In the military, by necessity, emphasis must be placed on the security and order of the group rather than on the value and integrity of the individual.

It is urged that the expansion of military jurisdiction over civilians claimed here is only slight, and that the practical necessity for it is very great. The attitude appears to be that a slight encroachment on the Bill of Rights and other safeguards in the Constitution need cause little concern. But to hold that these wives could be tried by the military would be a tempting precedent. Slight encroachments create new boundaries from which legions of power can seek new territory to capture. “It may be that it is the obnoxious thing in its mildest and least repulsive form; but illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing in that way; namely, by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure. This can only be obviated by adhering to the rule that constitutional provisions for the security of person and property should be liberally construed. A close and literal construction deprives them of half their efficacy, and leads to gradual depreciation of the right, as if it consisted more in sound than in substance. It is the duty of courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the citizen, and against any stealthy encroachments thereon.” Moreover we cannot consider this encroachment a slight one. Throughout history many transgressions by the military have been called slight and have been justified as reasonable in light of the uniqueness of the times. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that today the peoples of many nations are ruled by the military.

We should not break faith with this Nation’s tradition of keeping military power subservient to civilian authority, a tradition which we believe is firmly embodied in the Constitution. The country has remained true to that faith for almost 170 years. Perhaps no group in the Nation has been truer than military men themselves. Unlike the soldiers of many other nations, they have been content to perform their military duties in defense of the Nation in every period of need and to perform those duties well without attempting to usurp power which is not theirs under our system of constitutional government.

Ours is a Government of divided authority on the assumption that in division there is not only strength but freedom from tyranny. And under our Constitution courts of law alone are given power to try civilians for their offenses against the United States. The philosophy expressed by Lord Coke, speaking long ago from a wealth of experience, is still timely:

“God send me never to live under the law of conveniency or discretion. Shall the soldier and justice sit on one bench, the trumpet will not let the cryer speak in Westminster Hall.”

In No. 701, ''Reid'' v. ''Covert'', the judgment of the district court directing that Mrs. Covert be released from custody is affirmed.

In No. 713, ''Kinsella'' v. ''Krueger'', the judgment of the district court is reversed and the case is remanded with instructions to order Mrs. Smith released from custody. Reversed and remanded.

Mr. Justice Whittaker took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.

{{rule|3em}}

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957

Mr. Justice Frankfurter, concurring in the result.

These cases involve the constitutional power of Congress to provide for trial of civilian dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces abroad by court-martial in capital cases. The normal method of trial of Federal offenses under the Constitution is in a civilian tribunal. Trial of offenses by way of court-martial, with all the characteristics of its procedure so different from the forms and safeguards of procedure in the conventional courts, is an exercise of exceptional jurisdiction, arising from the power granted to Congress in article I., section 8, clause 14, of the Constitution of the United States—“To make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” ''Dynes'' v. ''Hoover'', (20 How. 65); see ''Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11); Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d ed. 1896), 52. Article 2(11) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, 64th United States Statutes at Large, pages 107, 109, title 50, United States Code, section 532, and its predecessors were passed as an exercise of that power, and the agreements with England and Japan recognized that the jurisdiction to be exercised under those agreements was based on the relation of the persons involved to the military forces. See the agreement with Great Britain (57 Stat. 1193, E. A. S. No. 355) and the United States of America (Visiting Forces) Act (1942, 5 and 6 Geo. 6, ch. 31); and the 1952 administrative agreement with Japan (3 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 3341, T. I. A. S. No. 2492).

Trial by court-martial is constitutionally permissible only for persons who can, on a fair appraisal, be regarded as falling within the authority given to Congress under article I. to regulate the “land and naval forces,” and who therefore are not protected by specific provisions of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. It is, of course, true that, at least regarding the right to a grand-jury indictment, the fifth amendment is not unmindful of the demands of military discipline. Within the scope of appropriate construction, the phrase “except in cases arising in the land and naval forces” has been assumed also to modify the guaranties of speedy and public trial by jury. And so, the problem before us is not to be answered by recourse to the literal words of this exception. The cases cannot be decided simply by saying that since these women were not in uniform, they were not “in the land and naval forces.” The Court’s function in constitutional adjudications is not exhausted by a literal reading of words. It may be tiresome, but it is nonetheless vital, to keep our judicial minds fixed on the injunction that “it is a Constitution we are expounding.” ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, 407). Although Winthrop in his treatise states that the Constitution “clearly distinguishes the military from the civil class as separate communities” and “recognizes no third class which is part civil and part military—military for a particular purpose or in a particular situation, and civil for all other purposes and in all other situations. * * *” Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d edition 1896), 145, this Court, applying appropriate methods of constitutional interpretation, has long held, and in a variety of situations, that in the exercise of a power specifically granted to it, Congress may sweep in what may be necessary to make effective the explicitly worded power. See ''Jacob Ruppert'' v. ''Caffey'' (251 U. S. 264) especially 289 and following; ''Purity Extract Co.'' v. ''Lynch'' (226 U. S. 192, 201); ''Railroad Commission'' v. ''Chicago, Burlington, &amp; Quincy R. Co.'' (257 U. S. 563, 588). This is the significance of the necessary and proper clause, which is not to be considered so much a separate clause in article I., section 8, as an integral part of each of the preceding 17 clauses. Only thus may be avoided a strangling literalness in construing a document that is not an enumeration of static rules, but the living framework of Government designed for an undefined future. ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316); ''Hurtado'' v. ''California'' (110 U. S. 516, 530–531).

Everything that may be deemed, as the exercise of an allowable judgment by Congress, to fall fairly within the conception conveyed by the power given to Congress “to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces” is constitutionally within that legislative grant and not subject to revision by the independent judgment of the Court. To be sure, every event or transaction that bears some relation to “the land and naval forces” does not ''ipso facto'' come within the tolerant conception of that legislative grant. The issue in these cases involves regard for considerations not dissimilar to those involved in a determination under the due process clause. Obviously, the practical situations before us bear some relation to the military. Yet the question for this Court is not merely whether the relation of these women to the “land and naval forces” is sufficiently close to preclude the necessity of finding that Congress has been arbitrary in its selection of a particular method of trial. For although we must look to article I., section 8, clause 14, as the immediate justifying power, it is not the only clause of the Constitution to be taken into account. The Constitution is an organic scheme of government to be dealt with as an entirety. A particular provision cannot be dissevered from the rest of the Constitution. Our conclusion in these cases therefore must take due account of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must weigh all the factors involved in these cases in order to decide whether these women dependents are so closely related to what Congress may allowably deem essential for the effective “government and regulations of the land and naval forces” that they may be subjected to court-martial jurisdiction in these capital cases, when the consequence is loss of the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.

We are not concerned here even with the possibility of some alternative nonmilitary type of trial that does not contain all the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must judge only what has been enacted and what is at issue. It is the power actually asserted by Congress under article I., section 8, clause 14, that must now be adjudged in the light of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. In making this adjudication, I must emphasize that it is only the trial of civilian dependents in a capital case in time of peace that is in question. The Court has not before it, and therefore I need not intimate any opinion on, situations involving civilians, in the sense of persons not having a military status, other than dependents. Nor do we have before us a case involving a noncapital crime. This narrow delineation of the issue is merely to respect the important restrictions binding on the Court when passing on the constitutionality of an act of Congress. “In the exercise of that jurisdiction, it is bound by two rules, to which it has rigidly adhered, one, never to anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it; the other never to formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to be applied. These rules are safe guides to sound judgment. It is the dictate of wisdom to follow them closely and carefully.” ''Steamship Co.'' v. ''Emigration Commissioners'' (113 U. S. 33, 39).

We are also not concerned here with the substantive aspects of the grant of power to Congress to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces. What conduct should be punished and what constitutes a capital case are matters for Congressional discretion, always subject, of course, to any specific restrictions of the Constitution. These cases involve the validity of procedural conditions for determining the commission of a crime in fact punishable by death. The taking of life is irrevocable. It is in capital cases especially that the balance of conflicting interests must be weighted most heavily in favor of the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights. Thus, in ''Powell'' v. ''Alabama'' (287 U. S. 45, 71), the fact “above all that they stood in deadly peril of their lives” led the Court to conclude that the defendants had been denied due process by the failure to allow them reasonable time to seek counsel and the failure to appoint counsel. I repeat. I do not mean to imply that the considerations that are controlling in capital cases involving civilian dependents are constitutionally irrelevant in capital cases involving civilians other than dependents or in noncapital cases involving dependents or other civilians. I do say that we are dealing here only with capital cases and civilian dependents.

The Government asserts that civilian dependents are an integral part of our Armed Forces overseas and that there is substantial military necessity for subjecting them to court-martial jurisdiction. The Government points out that civilian dependents go abroad under military auspices, live with military personnel in a military community, enjoy the privileges of military facilities, and that their conduct inevitably tends to influence military discipline.

The prosecution by court-martial for capital crimes committed by civilian dependents of members of the Armed Forces abroad is hardly to be deemed; under modern conditions, obviously appropriate to the effective exercise of the power to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces when it is a question of deciding what power is granted under article I. and, therefore, what restriction is made on article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. I do not think that the proximity, physical and social, of these women to the land and naval forces is, with due regard to all that has been put before us, so clearly demanded by the effective Government and regulation of those forces as reasonably to demonstrate a justification for court-martial jurisdiction over capital offenses.

The Government speaks of the “great potential impact on military discipline” of these accompanying civilian dependents. This cannot be denied, nor should its implications be minimized. But the notion that discipline over military personnel is to be furthered by subjecting their civilian dependents to the threat of capital punishment imposed by court-martial is too hostile to the reasons that underlie the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights for those safeguards to be displaced. It is true that military discipline might be affected seriously if civilian dependents could commit murders and other capital crimes with impunity. No one, however, challenges the availability to Congress of a power to provide for trial and punishment of these dependents for such crimes. The method of trial alone is in issue. The Government suggests that if trial in an article III. court subject to the restrictions of the fifth and sixth amendments is the only alternative, such a trial could not be held abroad practicably, and it would often be equally impracticable to transport all the witnesses back to the United States for trial. But although there is no need to pass on that issue in this case, trial in the United States is obviously not the only practical alternative and other alternatives may raise different constitutional questions. The Government’s own figures for the Army show that the total number of civilians (all civilians serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces overseas and not merely civilian dependents) for whom general courts-martial for alleged murder were deemed advisable was only 13 in the 7 fiscal years, 1950–56. It is impossible to ascertain from the figures supplied to us exactly how many persons were tried for other capital offenses, but the figures indicate that there could not have been many. There is nothing to indicate that the figures for the other services are more substantial. It thus appears to be a manageable problem within the procedural restrictions found necessary by this opinion.

A further argument is made that a decision adverse to the Government would mean that only a foreign trial could be had. Even assuming that the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, (4 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 1792, T. I. A. S. No. 2846) covering countries where a large part of our Armed Forces are stationed, gives jurisdiction to the United States only through its military authorities, this court cannot speculate that any given nation would be unwilling to grant or continue such extraterritorial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in capital cases if they were to be tried by some other manner than court-martial. And even if such were the case, these civilian dependents would then merely be in the same position as are so many Federal employees and their dependents and other United States citizens who are subject to the laws of foreign nations when residing there. See also the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, ''supra'', article VII., sections 2, 3.

The Government makes the final argument that these civilian dependents are part of the United States military contingent abroad in the eyes of the foreign nations concerned and that their conduct may have a profound effect on our relations with these countries, with a consequent effect on the Military Establishment there. But the argument that military courts-martial in capital cases are necessitated by this factor assumes either that a military court-martial constitutes a stronger deterrent to this sort of conduct or that in the absence of such a trial no punishment would be meted out and our foreign policy thereby injured. The reasons why these considerations carry no conviction have already been indicated.

I therefore conclude that in capital cases the exercise of court-martial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in time of peace cannot be justified by article I., considered in connection with the specific protections of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.

Since the conclusion thus reached differs from what the Court decided last term, a decent respect for the judicial process calls for reexamination of the two grounds that then prevailed. The court sustained its action on the authority of the cases dealing with the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for the territories, reinforced by ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453), in which this Court, in 1891, sustained the criminal jurisdiction of a consular court in Japan. These authorities grew out of, and related to, specific situations very different from those now here. They do not control or even embarrass the problem before us.

Legal doctrines are not self-generated abstract categories. They do not fall from the sky; nor are they pulled out of it. They have a specific judicial origin and etiology. They derive meaning and content from the circumstances that gave rise to them and from the purposes they were designed to serve. To these they are bound as is a live tree to its roots. Doctrines like those expressed by the Ross case and the series of cases beginning with ''American Insurance Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511), must be placed in their historical setting. They cannot be wrenched from it and mechanically transplanted into an alien, unrelated context without suffering mutilation or distortion. “If a precedent involving a black horse is applied to a case involving a white horse, we are not excited. If it were an elephant or an animal ''ferae naturae'' or a chose in action, then we would venture into thought. The difference might make a difference. We really are concerned about precedents chiefly when their facts differ somewhat from the facts in the case at bar. Then there is a gulf or hiatus that has to be bridged by a concern for principle and a concern for practical results and practical wisdom.” Thomas Reed Powell, Vagaries and Varieties in Constitutional Interpretation 36. This attitude toward precedent underlies the whole system of our case law. It was thus summarized by Mr. Justice Brandeis: “It is a peculiar virtue of our system of law that the process of inclusion and exclusion, so often employed in developing a rule, is not allowed to end with its enunciation and that an expression in an opinion yields later to the impact of facts unforeseen.” ''Jaybird Mining Co.'' v. ''Weir'' (271 U. S. 609, 619 (dissenting)). Especially is this attitude to be observed in constitutional controversies.

The Territorial cases relied on by the Court last term held that certain specific constitutional restrictions on the Government did not automatically apply in the acquired Territories of Florida, Hawaii, the Philippines, or Puerto Rico. In these cases, the Court drew its decisions from the power of Congress to “make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory * * * belonging to the United States,” for which provision is made in article IV., section 3. The United States from time to time acquired lands in which many of our laws and customs found an uncongenial soil because they ill accorded with the history and habits of their people. Mindful of all relevant provisions of the Constitution and not allowing one to frustrate another—which is the guiding thought of this opinion—the Court found it necessary to read article IV., section 3 together with the fifth and sixth amendments and article III. in the light of those circumstances. The question arose most frequently with respect to the establishment of trial by jury in possessions in which such a system was wholly without antecedents. The Court consistently held with respect to such Territory that Congressional power under article IV., section 3 was not restricted by the requirement of article III., section 2, clause 3, and the sixth amendment of providing trial by jury.

“If the right to trial by jury were a fundamental right which goes wherever the jurisdiction of the United States extends; or if Congress, in framing laws for outlying territory belonging to the United States, was obliged to establish that system by affirmative legislation, it would follow that, no matter what the needs or capacities of the people, trial by jury, and in no other way, must be forthwith established, although the result may be to work injustice and provoke disturbance rather than to aid the orderly administration of justice. If the United States, impelled by its duty or advantage, shall acquire territory peopled by savages, and of which it may dispose or not hold for ultimate admission to statehood, if this doctrine is sound, it must establish there the trial by jury. To state such a proposition demonstrates the impossibility of carrying it into practice. Again, if the United States shall acquire by treaty the cession of territory having an established system of jurisprudence, where jury trials are unknown, but a method of fair and orderly trial prevails under an acceptable and long-established code, the preference of the people must be disregarded, their established customs ignored, and they themselves coerced to accept, in advance of incorporation into the United States, a system of trial unknown to them and unsuited to their needs. We do not think it was intended, in giving power to Congress to make regulations for the territories, to hamper its exercise with this condition.” ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138, 148.)

The fundamental right test is the one which the Court has consistently enunciated in the long series of cases—''e. g.'', ''American Ins. Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511); ''De Lima'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 1); ''Downes'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 244); ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138); ''Balzac'' v. ''Porto Rico'' (258 U. S. 298)—dealing with claims of constitutional restrictions on the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for governing the unincorporated territories. The process of decision appropriate to the problem led to a detailed examination of the relation of the specific territory to the United States. This examination, in its similarity to analysis in terms of due process, is essentially the same as that to be made in the present cases in weighing Congressional power to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces against the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.

The results in the cases that arose by reason of the acquisition of exotic territory do not control the present cases for the territorial cases rest specifically—on article IV., section 3, which is a grant of power to Congress to deal with territory and other Government property. Of course the power sought to be exercised in Great Britain and Japan does not relate to territory. The Court’s opinions in the territorial cases did not lay down a broad principle that the protective provisions of the Constitution do not apply outside the continental limits of the United States. This Court considered the particular situation in each newly acquired territory to determine whether the grant to Congress of power to govern territory was restricted by a specific provision of the Constitution. The territorial cases, in the emphasis put by them on the necessity for considering the specific circumstances of each particular case, are thus relevant in that they provide an illustrative method for harmonizing constitutional provisions which appear, separately considered, to be conflicting.

The Court last term relied on a second source of authority, the consular court case, ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). Pursuant to a treaty with Japan, Ross, a British subject but a member of the crew of a United States ship, was tried and convicted in a consular court in Yokohama for murder of a fellow seaman while the ship was in Yokohama Harbor. His application for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to a United States circuit court was denied, 44 F. 185, and on appeal here, the judgment was affirmed. This Court set forth the ground of the circuit court, “the long and uniform acquiescence by the executive, administrative, and legislative departments of the Government in the validity of the legislation,” 140th United States Reports, at page 461, and then stated:

“The circuit court might have found an additional ground for not calling in question the legislation of Congress, in the uniform practice of civilized governments for centuries to provide consular tribunals in other than Christian countries * * * for the trial of their own subjects or citizens for offenses committed in those countries, as well as for the settlement of civil disputes between them; and in the uniform recognition, down to the time of the formation of our Government, of the fact that the establishment of such tribunals was among the most important subjects for treaty stipulations. * * *

“The treatymaking power vested in our Government extends to all proper subjects of negotiation with foreign governments. It can, equally with any of the former or present governments of Europe, make treaties providing for the exercise of judicial authority in other countries by its officers appointed to reside therein.

“We do not understand that any question is made by counsel as to its power in this respect. His objection is to the legislation by which such treaties are carried out * * *.

“By the Constitution a government is ordained and established ‘for the United States of America,’ and not for countries outside of their limits. The guarantees it affords against accusation of capital or infamous crimes, except by indictment or presentment by a grand jury, and, for an impartial trial by a jury when thus accused, apply only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad. * * * The Constitution can have no operation in another country. When, therefore, the representatives or officers of our Government are permitted to exercise authority of any kind in another country, it must be on such conditions as the two countries may agree, the laws of neither one being obligatory upon the other. The deck of a private American vessel, it is true, is considered for many purposes constructively as territory of the United States, yet persons on board of such vessels, whether officers, sailors, or passengers, cannot invoke the protection of the provisions referred to until brought within the actual territorial boundaries of the United States.” (140 U. S., at 462–464.)

One observation should be made at the outset about the grounds for decision in Ross. Insofar as the opinion expressed a view that the Constitution is not operative outside the United States—and apparently Mr. Justice Field meant by “United States” all lands over which the United States flag flew, see John W. Burgess, How May the United States Govern Its Extra-Continental Territory? (14 Pol. Sci. Q. 1 (1899))—it expressed a notion that has long since evaporated. Governmental action abroad is performed under both the authority and the restrictions of the Constitution—for example, proceedings before American military tribunals, whether in Great Britain or in the United States, are subject to the applicable restrictions of the Constitution. See opinions in ''Burns'' v. ''Wilson'' (346 U. S. 137).

The significance of the Ross case and its relevance to the present cases cannot be assessed unless due regard is accorded the historical context in which that case was decided. Ross is not rooted in any abstract principle or comprehensive theory touching constitutional power or its restrictions. It was decided with reference to a very particular, practical problem with a long history. To be mindful of this does not attribute to Mr. Justice Field’s opinion some unavowed historical assumption. On behalf of the whole court, he spelled out the considerations that controlled it:

“The practice of European governments to send officers to reside in foreign countries, authorized to exercise a limited jurisdiction over vessels and seamen of their country, to watch the interests of their countrymen and to assist in adjusting their disputes and protecting their commerce, goes back to a very early period, even preceding what are termed the Middle Ages. * * * In other than Christian countries they were, by treaty stipulations, usually clothed with authority to hear complaints against their countrymen and to sit in judgment upon them when charged with public offenses. After the rise of Islamism, and the spread of its followers over eastern Asia and other countries bordering on the Mediterranean, the exercise of this judicial authority became a matter of great concern. The intense hostility of the people of Moslem faith to all other sects, and particularly to Christians, affected all their intercourse, and all proceedings had in their tribunals. Even the rules of evidence adopted by them placed those of different faith on unequal grounds in any controversy with them. For this cause, and by reason of the barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted in those countries, and the frequent use of torture to enforce confession from parties accused, it was a matter of deep interest to Christian governments to withdraw the trial of their subjects, when charged with the commission of a public offence, from the arbitrary and despotic action of the local officials. Treaties conferring such jurisdiction upon these consuls were essential to the peaceful residence of Christians within those countries and the successful prosecution of commerce with their people.” One Hundred and Fortieth United States Reports, at page 463.

“It is true that the occasion for consular tribunals in Japan may hereafter be less than at present, as every year that country progresses in civilization and in the assimilation of its system of judicial procedure to that of Christian countries, as well as in the improvement of its penal statutes; but the system of consular tribunals * * * is of the highest importance, and their establishment in other than. Christian countries, where our people may desire to go in pursuance of commerce, will often be essential for the protection of their persons and property” (''id.'', at 480).

It is important to have a lively sense of this background before attempting to draw on the Ross case. Historians have traced grants of extraterritorial rights as far back as the permission given by Egypt in the 12th or 13th century {{asc|B. C.}} to the merchants of Tyre to establish factories on the Nile and to live under their own law and practice their own religion. Numerous other instances of persons living under their own law in foreign lands existed in the later pre-Christian era and during the Roman Empire and the so-called Dark and Middle Ages—Greeks in Egypt, all sorts of foreigners in Rome, inhabitants of Christian cities and states in the Byzantine Empire, the Latin kingdoms of the Levant, and other Christian cities and states, Mohammedans in the Byzantine Empire and China, and many others lived in foreign lands under their own law. While the origins of this extraterritorial jurisdiction may have differed in each country, the notion that law was for the benefit of the citizens of a country and its advantages not for foreigners appears to have been an important factor. Thus, there existed a long-established custom of extraterritorial jurisdiction at the beginning of the 15th century when the complete conquest of the Byzantine Empire by the Turks and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire substantially altered political relations between Christian Europe and the Near East. But commercial relations continued, and in 1535 Francis I. of France negotiated a treaty with Suleiman I. of Turkey that provided for numerous extraterritorial rights, including criminal and civil jurisdiction over all disputes among. French subjects. (1 Ernest Charriere, Negotiations de la France dans le Levant 283.) Other nations and eventually the United States in 1830 (8 Stat. 408), later negotiated similar treaties with the Turks. (For a more complete history of the development of extraterritorial rights and consular jurisdiction, see 1 Calvo, Le Droit International Theorique et Pratique (5th ed., Rousseau, 1896), 2–18, 2 ''id.'', 9–12; Hinckley, American Consular Jurisdiction in the Orient, 1–9; 1 Miltitz, Manuel des Consuls passim; Ravndal, The Origin of the Capitulations and of the Consular Jurisdiction, S. Doc. No. 34, 67th Cong., 1st sess. 5–45, 56–96; Shih Shun Liu, Extraterritoriality, 23–66; Twiss, The Law of Nations (1884 ed.), 443–457.)

The emergence of the nation-state in Europe and the growth of the doctrine of absolute territorial sovereignty changed the nature of extraterritorial rights. No longer were strangers to be denied the advantages of local law. Indeed, territorial sovereignty meant the exercise of sovereignty over all residents within the borders of the state, and the system of extraterritorial consular jurisdiction tended to die out among Christian nations in the 18th and 19th centuries. But a new justification was found for the continuation of that jurisdiction in those countries whose systems of justice were considered inferior, and it was this strong feeling with respect to Moslem and Far Eastern countries that was reflected, as we have seen, in the Ross opinion.

Until 1842, China had asserted control over all foreigners within its territory (Shih Shun Liu, ''op. cit.'', ''supra'', 76–89) but, as a result of the Opium War, Great Britain negotiated a treaty with China whereby she obtained consular offices in five open ports and was granted extraterritorial rights over her citizens. On July 3, 1844, Caleb Cushing negotiated a similar treaty on behalf of the United States (8 Stat. 592). In a letter to Secretary of State Calhoun, he explained: “I entered China with the formed general conviction that the United States ought not to concede to any foreign state, under any circumstances, jurisdiction over the life and liberty of a citizen of the United States, unless that foreign state be of our own family of nations—in a word a Christian state.” Quoted in 7 Op. Atty. Gen. 495, 496–497. Later treaties continued the extraterritorial rights of the United States, and the treaty of 1903 contained the following article demonstrating the purpose of those rights:

“The Government of China having expressed a strong desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of western nations, the United States agrees to give every assistance to such reform and will also be prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant it in doing so” (33 Stat. 2208, 2215).

The first treaty with Japan was negotiated by Commodore Perry in 1854 (11 Stat. 597). It opened two ports, but did not provide for any exercise of judicial powers by United States officials. Under the treaty of 1857 (11 Stat. 723), such power was given, and later treaties, which opened up further Japanese cities for trade and residence by United States citizens, retained these rights. The treaty of 1894, effective on July 17, 1899, however, ended these extraterritorial rights and Japan, even though a non-Christian nation, came to occupy the same status as Christian nations (29 Stat. 848). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction by consuls over United States citizens was also provided for, at one time or another, in treaties with Borneo (10 Stat. 909, 910); Siam (11 Stat. 683, 684); Madagascar (15 Stat. 491, 492); Samoan Islands (20 Stat. 704); Korea (23 Stat. 720, 721); Tonga Islands (25 Stat. 1440, 1442) and, by virtue of most-favored-nation clauses; in treaties with Tripoli (8 Stat. 154); Persia (11 Stat. 709); the Congo (27 Stat. 926); and Ethiopia (33 Stat. 2254). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction was also provided for in a treaty with Morocco (8 Stat. 100), by virtue of a most-favored-nation clause and by virtue of a clause granting jurisdiction if “any citizens of the United States * * * shall have any disputes with each other.” The word “disputes” has been interpreted by the International Court of Justice to comprehend criminal as well as civil disputes. ''France'' v. ''United States'' (I. C. J. Rept. 1952, p. 176, 188–189.) The treaties with Algiers (8 Stat. 133, 224, 244); Tunis (8 Stat. 157); and Muscat (8 Stat. 458) contained similar disputes clauses.

The judicial power exercised by consuls was defined by statute and was sweeping:

“Jurisdiction in both criminal and civil matters shall, in all cases, be exercised and enforced in conformity with the laws of the United States, which are hereby, so far as is necessary to execute such treaties, respectively, and so far as they are suitable to carry the same into effect, extended over all citizens of the United States in those countries, and over all others to the extent that the terms of the treaties, respectively, justify or require. But in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.” (Rev. Stat. sec. 4086.)

The consuls, then, exercised not only executive and judicial power, but legislative power as well.

The number of people subject to the jurisdiction of these courts during their most active periods appears to have been fairly small. In the Chronicle &amp; Directory for China, Japan, and the Philippines, for the year 1870, there is a listing of the total number of foreign, not just United States, residents in these three places. The list is 81 pages long, with a total of some 4,500 persons (pp. 54–134). This same publication gives the following information about Japan. “The number of foreigners settled in Japan is as yet very small. At the end of the year 1862, the foreign community at Kanagawa, the principal of the three ports of Japan open to aliens, consisted of * * * 38 Americans * * * and in the latter part of 1864 the permanent foreign residents at Kanagawa had increased to 300, not counting soldiers, of which number * * * about 80 [were] Americans. * * * At Nagasaki, the second port of Japan thrown open to foreign trade by the Government, the number of alien settlers was as follows on the 1st of January 1866: * * * American citizens, 32. * * * A third port opened to European and American traders, that of Hakodadi, in the north of Japan, was deserted, after a lengthened trial, by nearly all the foreign merchants settled there * * *.” (Appendix, p. 353.) The statesman’s Yearbook of 1890 shows: China at the end of 1888: 1,020 Americans (p. 411); Japan in 1887, 711 Americans (p. 709); Morocco; 1889 estimate: “The number of Christians is very small, not exceeding 1,500” (p. 739). The Statesman’s Yearbook of 1901 shows: China at the end of 1899: 2,335 Americans (p. 484); Japan, December 31, 1898, just before the termination of our extraterritorial rights: 1,165 Americans (p. 809); Morocco: “The number of Christians does not exceed 6,000; the Christian population of Tangier alone probably amounts to 5,000” (p. 851). These figures of course do not include those civilians temporarily in the country coming within consular jurisdiction.

The consular court jurisdiction, then, was exercised in countries whose legal systems at the time were considered so inferior that justice could not be obtained in them by our citizens. The existence of these courts was based on long-established custom and they were justified as the best possible means for securing justice for the few Americans present in those countries. The Ross case, therefore, arose out of, and rests on, very special, confined circumstances, and cannot be applied automatically to the present situation, involving hundreds of thousands of American citizens in countries with civilized systems of justice. If Congress had established consular courts or some other nonmilitary procedure for trial that did not contain all the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments for the trial of civilian dependents of military personnel abroad, we would be forced to a detailed analysis of the situation of the civilian dependent population abroad in deciding whether the Ross case should be extended to cover such a case. It is not necessary to do this in the present cases in view of our decision that the form or trial here provided cannot constitutionally be justified.

The Government, apparently recognizing the constitutional basis for the decision in Ross, has, on rehearing, sought to show that civilians in general and civilian dependents in particular have been subject to military order and discipline ever since the colonial period. The materials it has submitted seem too episodic, too meager, to form a solid basis in history, preceding and contemporaneous with the framing of the Constitution, for constitutional adjudication. What has been urged on us falls far too short of proving a well-established practice—to be deemed to be infused into the Constitution—of court-martial jurisdiction, certainly not in capital cases, over such civilians in time of peace.}}

Mr. President, the decision which I have read in the {{sc|Record}} is in the case of Curtis Reid, Superintendent of the District of Columbia Jail, Appellant, against Clarice B. Covert, and Nina Kinsella, Warden of the Federal Reformatory for Women, Alderson, W. Va., petitioner, against Walter Krueger. The opinion, which was written by Mr. Justice Black, was concurred in by the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan. It pointed out clearly that even though the court-martial so provided, the jury trial could not be denied to civilians accompanying the Armed Forces. It is very clear on that point.

There was a concurring opinion, which I have just included in the {{sc|Record}}, by Justice Frankfurter, which upholds that contention.

There is no question that under the United States Constitution citizens are entitled to a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the discretion of a Federal judge to say whether he is going to grant a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the Congress to say that if the punishment is only a $300 fine or 45 days imprisonment we will let the judge try the case, but if it is above that the defendant can get a jury trial. That simply does not make sense. It violates the Constitution and is in derogation of the administration of justice in this country. As someone has said, it is a split-level statute.

Mr. President, on May 9, 1957, before the mountain and plain regional meeting of the American Bar Association in Denver, Colo., Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., of the Supreme Court, made an address on our judicial systems. In this address he discussed the advantages of our traditional jury-trial system. Because of the clear, straightforward nature of this address, I want to quote the following statement made by Justice Brennan. This is what he said:

{{smaller block|We hear much, for example, of the proposal that we turn all automobile-accident litigation over to an administrative agency. The idea is that, because automobile litigation accounts for a major part of court business, the simple solution is to dispose of the problem by throwing it out the window. What an abject abdication of our profession’s responsibility to provide judicial justice for our citizens. But, at best, there is utterly no hope for that idea, at least not in our lifetimes, when the job of judicial reform must be done. It will be a long day before our society will pay the price of damages for every automobile injury or death without regard to the fault of the person injured or killed. There is no true analogy between compensation for the injured workman who helps produce goods or services for profit, where the cost is passed on to the consumer in the price of the goods or services, and compensation to the automobile victim, where the cost would have to be borne by all of us.

Another nostrum is that, because jury trials take more time than trials before a judge without a jury, the easy answer to calendar congestion is to get rid of jury trials in automobile accident cases. Actual studies are being made to prove that the average jury trial in a negligence case takes more time than a nonjury trial of a negligence case. I question the need for a study to prove something that every judge and lawyer knows. Of course jury trials usually take more time than nonjury trials. But those who propose this suggest also that fairer justice will result if a judge, unprejudiced for one side or the other—they really mean that juries are prejudiced in favor of plaintiffs—disposes of them. I doubt that that proposition can withstand analysis. As a trial judge I was always interested in how often the jury brought in the same verdict on liability that I would have reached. And that seems to be the experience of trial judges generally. A recent survey proved that in upwards of 85 percent of the cases the trial judge reported that the jury reached the result on liability that he would have reached. Moreover, the idea that juries go haywire in fixing damages where plaintiffs prevail should be looked at a little more closely. I think at least that judge-decided verdicts under the Federal Tort Claims Act (no jury trial is had under that act) do not persuade the Department of Justice that juries are any less conscientious in fixing damages. I know that at times juries do go overboard. But I can count on the fingers of one hand the instances in my time as a trial judge when I felt it necessary to set aside verdicts because they had done so. My experience left me with the definite impression that jurors almost always do try to fix damages within allowable limits.

I think, at all events, this proposal to abolish jury trials in automobile accident cases also faces an almost insurmountable hurdle. The success of our British brothers in abolishing jury trials should not mislead us. American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. Perhaps the emotion generated by proposals to modify or deny the right has its roots in the Jacksonian era of distrust of the legal profession and the insistence upon the people’s control of the administration of justice. Perhaps it is a survival of the same thing which gave us the elective system of judges in most States and in some, as in my own, New Jersey, actual lay participation on the bench. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of the preservation of their liberties. The road of him who would take away jury trial in automobile accident cases is a long and rocky one.

I submit that it is a sorry response to the litigant who suffers from long delay in having his accident suit tried that we can offer no relief beyond “let’s throw accident litigation out of the courts,” or “let’s deny the victim the right of a jury trial.” Our profession must stand up and reject those nostrums. We know now that there are judicial structures and techniques of judicial administration which not only can cope with problems of calendar control but to far more {{SIC|signficant|significant}} purposes can also measurably assist in our ceaseless striving to give better justice. Our need is to get up our courage to fight for these things and to do battle with the powerfully entrenched opponents of any reform who too often take their position out of self-interest without sufficient consideration of what is best in the people’s interest. It doubtless is true that achievement of a modernized, efficient judicial structure requires far-reaching legislative and constitutional changes in most jurisdictions. But, far better to do the arduous labor of getting that essential job done than to promote equally drastic changes which are nothing more than a humiliating confession of defeat.

Let us not forget that the integrity and efficiency of the judicial process is the first essential in a democratic society. The confidence of the people in the administration of justice is a prime requisite for free representative government. The public entrusts the legal profession with the sacred mission of dealing with the vital affairs that affect the whole pattern of human relations and certainly has a stake entitling it to demand not only that judges dispense justice impartially and fairly but also that judicial business shall be handled and disposed of by a modernized process which assures a minimum of friction and waste, for such a process also plays a large role in the achievement of impartial and fair justice for all litigants. There is actually no difference between the business of judicial administration and the business of running an industrial or commercial enterprise in the sense that the efficient and businesslike conduct of each means better service for the public. An inefficient and wasteful judicial administration actually can and often does result in a denial of justice, however earnestly an honest and upright judge may strive to prevent that lamentable result.

I think it is not difficult to account for today’s heightened interest on the part of the general public throughout our Nation and, indeed, the Free World in the improvement of the process for administering justice. That growing interest is in large measure a product of the tumultuous times in which we live. For these are not only times which have produced a monstrous threat to all freedom, but, by the very reason of that threat, are times which have induced in free peoples everywhere an ever intensifying critical self-examination of the institutions upon which their freedoms depend—an insistence upon exposure of the imperfections of those institutions, a peremptory demand upon those who are entrusted with those institutions to improve and strengthen them the more surely to withstand the onslaught bent upon their destruction. It is but natural then that the judicial process should come under examination, for never was it more true than today that “Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.”}}

Mr. President, I submit, just as Justice Brennan has quoted here, which never was more true than today:

{{smaller block|Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.}}

I contend that since our forefathers placed in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights provisions which are so plain it seems no one could misinterpret them, providing for trial by jury in criminal cases, there can be no question that jury trials are not only desirable but are demanded under the Constitution. There should be no doubt in the mind of anyone, if he studies the Constitution, that the so-called compromise which tends to compromise the Constitution of the United States is not a just, is not a fair, is not a wise, and is not a constitutional provision, and that this bill should be killed.

Mr. President, one of the most interesting books ever written on the American system of Government was by Alexis de Tocqueville, a young Frenchman who wrote a book entitled “Democracy in America” after visiting this country during the 1830s. One of the chapters of his book was entitled “Trial by Jury in the United States Considered as a Political Institution.”

I shall read excerpts from this chapter because it provides an excellent insight into the prestige attained by the system of jury trial from the observation of an unbiased observer.

{{smaller block|[From de Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America,” written after visiting America in the 1830s.]

{{c|{{sc|Trial by Jury in the United States Constitution as a Political Institution}}}}

Trial by jury, which is one of the forms of the sovereignty of the people, ought to be compared with the other laws which establish that sovereignty: Composition of the jury in the United States; effect of trial by jury upon the national character; it educates the people; how it tends to establish the influence of the magistrates and to extend the legal spirit among the people.

Since my subject has led me to speak of the administration of justice in the United States, I will not pass over it without referring to the institution of the jury. Trial by jury may be considered in two separate points of view: as a judicial, and as a political institution. * * *

My present purpose is to consider the jury as a political institution; any other course would divert me from my subject. Of trial by jury considered as a judicial institution I shall here say but little. When the English adopted trial by jury, they were a semi-barbarous people; they have since become one of the most enlightened nations of the earth, and their attachment to this institution seems to have increased with their increasing cultivation. They have emigrated and colonized every part of the habitable globe; some have formed colonies, others independent states; the mother country has maintained its monarchial constitution; many of its offspring have founded powerful republics; but everywhere they have boasted of the privilege of trial by jury. They have established it, or hastened to reestablish it, in all their settlements. A judicial institution which thus obtains the suffrages of a great people for so long a series of ages, which is zealously reproduced at every stage of civilization, in all the climates of the earth, and under every form of human {{SIC|govment|government}}, cannot be contrary to the spirit of justice.

But to leave this part of the subject. It would be a very narrow view to look upon the jury as a mere judicial institution; for however great its influence may be upon the decisions of the courts, it is still greater on the destinies of society at large. The jury is, above all, a political institution, and it must be regarded in this light in order to be duly appreciated.

By the jury I mean a certain number of citizens chosen by lot and invested with a temporary right of judging. Trial by jury, as applied to the repression of crime, appears to me an eminently republican element in the government, for the following reasons.

The institution of the jury may be aristocratic or democratic, according to the class from which the jurors are taken; but it always preserves its republican character, in that it places the real direction of society in the hands of the governed, or of a portion of the governed, and not in that of the government. Force is never more than a transient element of success, and after force comes the notion of right. A government able to reach its enemies only upon a field of battle would soon be destroyed. The true sanction of political laws is to be found in penal legislation; and if that sanction is wanting, the law will sooner or later lose its cogency. He who punishes the criminal is therefore the real master of society. Now, the institution of the jury raises the people itself, or at least a class of citizens, to the bench of judges. The institution of the jury consequently invests the people, or that class of citizens, with the direction of society.

In England the jury is selected from the aristocratic portion of the nation; the aristocracy makes the laws, applies the laws, and punishes infractions of the laws; everything is established upon a consistent footing, and England may with truth be said to constitute an aristocratic republic. In the United States the same system is applied to the whole people. Every American citizen is both an eligible and a legally qualified voter. The jury system as it is understood in America appears to me to be as direct and as extreme a consequence of the sovereignty of the people as universal suffrage. They are two instruments of equal power, which contribute to the supremacy of the majority. All the sovereigns who have chosen to govern by their own authority, and to direct society instead of obeying its directions, have destroyed or enfeebled the institution of the jury. The Tudor monarchs sent to prison jurors who refused to convict, and Napoleon caused them to be selected by his agents.

However clear most of these truths may seem to be, they do not command universal assent; and in France, at least, trial by jury is still but imperfectly understood. If the question arises as to the proper qualification of jurors, it is confined to a discussion of the intelligence and knowledge of the citizens who may be returned, as if the jury was merely a judicial institution. This appears to me the least important part of the subject. The jury is preeminently a political institution; it should be regarded as one form of the sovereignty of the people; when that sovereignty is repudiated, it must be rejected, or it must be adapted to the laws by which that sovereignty is established. The jury is that portion of the nation to which the execution of the laws is entrusted, as the legislature is that part of the nation which makes the laws; and in order that society may be governed in a fixed and uniform manner, the list of citizens qualified to serve on juries must increase and diminish with the list of electors. This I hold to be the point of view most worthy of the attention of the legislator; all that remains is merely accessory.

I am so entirely convinced that the jury is preeminently a political institution that I still consider it in this light when it is applied in civil causes. Laws are always unstable unless they are founded upon the customs of a nation; customs are the only durable and resisting power in a people. When the jury is reserved for criminal offenses, the people witness only its occasional action in particular cases; they become accustomed to do without it in the ordinary course of life, and it is considered as an instrument, but not as the only instrument, of obtaining justice.

When, on the contrary, the jury acts also on civil causes, its application is constantly visible; it affects all the interests of the community; everyone cooperates in its work; it thus penetrates into all the usages of life, it fashions the human mind to its peculiar forms, and is gradually associated with the idea of justice itself.

The institution of the jury, if confined to criminal causes, is always in danger; but when once it is introduced into civil proceedings, it defies the aggressions of time and man. If it had been as easy to remove the jury from the customs as from the laws of England, it would have perished under the Tudors, and the civil jury did in reality at that period save the liberties of England. In whatever manner the jury be applied, it cannot fail to exercise a powerful influence upon the national character; but this influence ts prodigiously increased when it is introduced into civil causes. The jury, and more especially the civil jury, serves to communicate the spirit of the judges to the minds of all the citizens; and this spirit, with the habits which attend it, is the soundest preparation for free institutions. It imbues all classes with a respect for the thing judged and with the notion of right. If these two elements be removed, the love of independence becomes a mere destructive passion. It teaches men to practice equity; every man learns to judge his neighbor as he would himself be judged. And this is especially true of the jury in civil causes; for while the number of persons who have reason to apprehend a criminal prosecution is small, everyone is liable to have a lawsuit. The jury teaches every man not to recoil before the responsibility of his own actions and impresses him with that manly confidence without which no political virtue can exist. It invests each citizen with a kind of magistracy; it makes them all feel the duties which they are bound to discharge toward society and the part which they take in its government. By obliging men to turn their attention to other affairs than their own, it rubs off that private selfishness which is the rust of society.

The jury contributes powerfully to form the judgment and to increase the natural intelligence of a people; and this, in my opinion, is its greatest advantage. It may be regarded as a gratuitous public school, ever open, in which every juror learns his rights, enters into daily communication with the most learned and enlightened members of the upper classes, and becomes practically acquainted with the laws, which are brought within the reach of his capacity by the efforts of the bar, the advice of the judge, and even the passions of the parties. I think that the practical intelligence and political good sense of the Americans are mainly attributable to the long use that they have made of the jury in civil causes.

I do not know whether the jury is useful to those who have lawsuits, but I am certain it is highly beneficial to those who judge them; and I look upon it as one of the most efficacious means for the education of the people which society can employ.

What I have said applies to all nations, but the remark I am about to make is peculiar to the Americans and to democratic communities. I have already observed that in democracies the members of the legal profession and the judicial magistrates constitute the only aristocratic body which can moderate the movements of the people. This aristocracy is invested with no physical power; it exercises its conservative influence upon the minds of men; and the most abundant source of its authority is the institution of the civil jury. In criminal causes, when society is contending against a single man, the jury is apt to look upon the judge as the passive instrument of social power and to mistrust his advice. Moreover, criminal causes turn entirely upon simple facts, which commonsense can readily appreciate; upon this ground the judge and the jury are equal. Such is not the case, however, in civil causes; then the judge appears as a disinterested arbiter between the conflicting passions of the parties. The jurors look up to him with confidence and listen to him with respect, for in this instance, his intellect entirely governs theirs. It is the judge who sums up the various arguments which have wearied their memory, and who guides them through the devious course of the proceedings; he points their attention to the exact question of fact that they are called upon to decide and tells them how to answer the question of law. His influence over them is almost unlimited.

If I am called upon to explain why I am but little moved by the arguments derived from the ignorance of jurors in civil causes, I reply that in these proceedings, whenever the question to be solved is not a mere question of fact, the jury has only the semblance of a judicial body. The jury only sanctions the decision of the judge; they sanction this decision by the authority of society which they represent, and he by that of reason and of law.

The jury, then, which seems to restrict the rights of the judiciary does in reality consolidate its power; and in no country are the judges so powerful as where the people share their privileges. It is especially by means of the jury in civil causes that the American magistrates imbue even the lower classes of society with the spirit of their profession. Thus the jury, which is the most energetic means of making the people rule, is also the most efficacious means of teaching it how to rule well.}}

Mr. President, de Tocqueville contributed a great deal to literature and to society. He was a Frenchman who came to our country and studied our form of government. He was so impressed that he wrote the chapter on trial by jury, in which he emphasized the fact that the jury is the heart of the administration of justice in a democracy.

On Friday, July 5, 1957, there was printed in the State, a newspaper published in Columbia, S. C., an article quoting the then president of the American Bar Association, Mr. David F. Maxwell, on the subject of jury trials.

I believe Mr. Maxwell is a member of the Philadelphia bar, of which our distinguished Presiding Officer [Mr. {{sc|Clark}}] is also a member. I am sure that the Presiding Officer, as well as the Senate, will be interested in what Mr. Maxwell had to say on the subject of jury trials, and that the views expressed by him will be of interest to everyone who believes in constitutional government. I read as follows:

{{smaller block|The president of the American Bar Association today answered charges that trial by jury is an outmoded, time-consuming process which can be replaced by more efficient legal procedure.

David F. Maxwell, of Philadelphia, who heads the lawyers organization, said instead that jury trials are the ultimate protection against invasion of personal freedom.

He spoke at the diamond jubilee celebration of the State Bar of Texas.

“Too many persons today are prone to view trial by jury solely as a factfinding device, and hence expendable, if as good or better a method can be devised,” he said.

These critics are influenced, Maxwell said, by the late Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who wrote that an experienced judge should be able to represent the commonsense of the community far better than the average jury.

The Pennsylvania attorney said, “Such a contention presupposes the ability of the trial judge to discard foibles and prejudices built up within himself through his personal experience and background,” adding that a group of average citizens can mete out more even justice than can the most competent and experienced judge.

“So let us in this country take warning,” he said. “The jury alone is able to function as the thin wedge of reserved power that separates our system of law from the monolithic, totalitarian despotism behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.”}}

Mr. President, an editorial appeared in the Greenville (S. C.) News of June 6, 1957. It is entitled “Jury Trial Is at Heart of Rights Issue” and has this to say on the jury-trial issue:

{{smaller block|The day after it was reported from Washington that the administration would protest the southern claim that the so-called civil-rights bill would deny the right to trial by jury, the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate approved an amendment intended to guarantee that right to persons who might come under an injunction authorized in the proposed law.

In his several appearances before the Senate and House committees studying the various proposals, Attorney General Brownell tried to claim that a trial by jury would not be denied. He had rough going, and at times was downright evasive, when Senator {{sc|Sam. J. Ervin}}, of North Carolina, began to cross-examine him on his statements.

Senator {{sc|Ervin}}, an eminent lawyer and a former member of his State’s supreme court, is of the opinion that trial by jury not only would not be guaranteed under the bills as submitted, but could be denied. Certainly, it would be possible for the courts to deny a jury hearing and a judge, if he chose, could sit in judgment on the testimony as well as the law.

Speaking for the administration, Attorney General Brownell is taking his case to the House of Representatives, but the action of the Senate committee on Monday indicates that even a number of northern Democrats and Republicans have been convinced of the facts.

The jury trial issue came up in this way:

Among the bills included in the civil rights packages (various versions of which have been offered by the administration and by individuals and groups of Democratic and Republican Members of Congress) is one which would set up a special civil rights division of the Department of Justice.

It would be manned by a number of assistants to the Attorney General and would have the authority to initiate civil suits against persons accused of violating the civil rights of others or whom it might have reason to believe were about to violate such rights.

(At present, it is a criminal offense to violate the civil rights of another. But a person accused of violating such laws has the right to be arraigned before a grand jury and to be tried by a petit jury.)

The administration proposal—and members of both parties have supported this or made similar proposals of their own—is to transfer civil rights cases from the criminal to the civil side of the Federal courts. The Government itself would bring such suits, with or without the request of the allegedly injured persons.

The Government could ask for and obtain an injunction forbidding anyone to do certain things, such as to refuse a voting certificate to a certain person or to oppose an integration order issued against a certain school. Such action on the part of the defendant might be a violation of an injunction or it might be a violation of a criminal law on civil rights.

But in such cases, the Government would bring the individual before the judge on a charge of contempt. And the judge could convict and sentence the individual without a trial by jury.

That is what prompted the southern amendment to the bill aimed at assuring a jury trial. And that is the principle Mr. Brownell is assailing in his statements to Congress.

He does not deny that trial by jury would be denied the defendants. He merely says the amendment would make the bill ineffective and would weaken the power of the Federal courts to enforce their orders. He says this power to punish for contempt has long been available to the Government in other Federal cases.

That much is true. When the Government brings a civil suit and obtains an injunction, contempt can be adjudged and punished without a jury. But these are cases entirely different from those Mr. Brownell proposes to bring in the name of civil rights.

In this instance, Mr. Brownell is trying to do in a roundabout way what the Constitution forbids him to do directly; that is, try and convict a person for an alleged crime without a jury.}}

Mr. President, here is an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of April 17, 1957. It is entitled “Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} Understands Threat to Liberty in Civil-Rights Bill” and has this to say:

{{smaller block|Speaking at the annual banquet of the Hibernian Society in Charleston, March 18, 1947, Senator {{sc|Joseph C. O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, stressed the fact that the United States has repudiated the doctrine of arbitrary power.

This week, 10 years after he made this statement, Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} gave evidence that he believes what he said. The Democratic Senator lined up with southern critics of the so-called civil-rights bill. He said he was in favor of a civil-rights bill but one that is conceived in justice and freedom rather than in any thought of punishment.

Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} told reporters that the proposed Presidential Civil Rights Commission to investigate complaints of civil-rights violations could easily do more harm than good. And with respect to another part of the bill vigorously opposed by southern Senators, he said, “I don’t think we should be afraid of a jury trial in matters of this kind.” In announcing his stand on the legislation, he said that the South has made many striking advances in racial relations, while such relations in some other parts of the country have worsened.

Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}’s stand on the civil-rights bill is of major significance. His statement shows that the South is gaining ground in its battle to convince other regions that the force bills are a threat to the liberties of all Americans.

Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is not a western conservative like, say, Senator {{sc|Barry Goldwater}}, Republican, of Arizona, who might be expected to line up with southern conservatives. The Senator from Wyoming is a western liberal and an old-time supporter of the New Deal. Hence his acceptance of some of the southern constitutional arguments is all the more meaningful.

If Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is convinced that the right to jury trial and other parts of our heritage are being threatened by the civil-rights bill, the likelihood of convincing other northern and western Senators is considerable.

In order to overcome the propaganda barriers of the NAACP and convince these Senators, the South must continue to argue its case—and on the highest level. Senator {{sc|Sam Ervin}} of North Carolina has done especially fine work this session in accomplishing just that.

The other task facing southerners is that of insisting on respect for law and order throughout our region. The enemies of the South must not have any excuse for urging Federal intervention. Hoodlumism must be put down. The ignorant elements who join the Ku Klux Klan must be made to realize they are under the eyes of local and State police. Responsible men must stay active in movements such as the citizens council, and prevent infiltration by troublemakers or hotheads.

If the South can speak with dignity in Washington and act with honesty and good sense at home, there will be more Senator O’Mahoneys who will realize southerners are fighting the good fight for American liberties.}}

Mr. President, here is another article from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Trial by Jury Right of All Americans” and it appears in the June 5, 1957, issue of the News and Courier, and has this to say:

{{smaller block|A guaranty of trial by jury, squeezed into a civil-rights law by vote of a Senate subcommittee, has been hailed as a southern victory.

This victory—though it is little more than solace in a string of defeats—in fact belongs to the American Republic. Southerners are not alone in danger. If the Federal Government can deprive southerners of the right of trial by jury, on the ground that they are unfair to Negroes, it can do the same to citizens of other regions on equally flimsy grounds.

Thanks to the NAACP and its political allies, defense of Negroes’ civil rights is popular today. Even at the sacrifice of rights of all citizens, restrictive laws have won serious support. The News and Courier finds biting irony in the need for Congress to guarantee the right of trial by jury. Americans have been brought up in the belief that the United States Constitution meant what it said in guaranteeing them this right.

Nowadays, the ruling clique no longer trusts ordinary people to govern themselves. Juries, they fear, will bring in unjust verdicts. The bosses prefer to entrust such delicate matters as civil rights to hand-picked Federal judges, who are screened by the Department of Justice and appointed by the President. With both national parties committed to the NAACP program, no lawyer who takes a strong stand against that program stands much chance of appointment. As older judges die or retire, Attorney General Brownell will make sure, insofar as he is able, that replacements have a “liberal” view of race.

With administration of election laws removed from the hands of elected State officials and placed under Federal appointees, government is being removed ever further from the people. The jury system, safeguard of Anglo–Saxon liberty, may yet be a victim of alien notions now gathering power in our Republic.}}

Mr. President, I have an article from the May 10, 1957, issue of the Charleston, (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “The Civil-Rights Fight and Trial-by-Jury Issue” and was written by the distinguished southern newspaperman, Dr. John Temple Graves. Here is what it has to say on the jury-trial issue:

{{smaller block|{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm|“}}Backward, turn backward,
O Time in thy flight * * *”&lt;/poem&gt;}}

Time accommodates.

Its comment on jury trials last week overlooked the Federal march of time.

Admitting that the trial-by-jury issue has come to dominate the civil-rights fight, the magazine pontificated that “the contempt citation is the judiciary’s historic enforcement tool.” It avowed that “jury trials in contempt cases have absolutely no basis in equity or constitutional law and precious little legislative sanction.”

The trick in this extraordinary statement is in Time’s small print at the bottom of the page. It explains that “with a single exception (the Norris–La Gaurdia Act covering labor disputes) trial by jury has never been required in contempt cases to which the United States has been a party.” With the United States Government proposing now to be a party to just about everything in heaven, earth, and the waters beneath—a new situation exists.

The Constitution loves the principle of trial by jury and says so over and over again. That great basic principle, rather than any technicality, is what is involved for the South.

Call it contempt or something else, let the Government be a party or not a party, what concerns us and what concerned the makers of the Constitution is that citizens in handcuffs shall not be adjudged by those who put the handcuffs on them, that the right of an accused to be properly tried in the Anglo–Saxon ideal shall not be abridged in the name of contempt or participation of the Government.

The Constitution speaks for this principle in article 3. The fifth amendment speaks for it, and the sixth, and the seventh.

Nothing in the whole instrument is more emphatic.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the April 8, 1957, issue of South, the news magazine of Dixie. It is entitled “Force Bill ‘Liberals’ Would Kill Jury Trial.” Here is what it has to say:

{{smaller block|It is incredible that those who like to boast that they are liberals and protectors of individual rights are crying the loudest for the currently misnamed civil-rights legislation which would deny alleged violators the right to trial by jury. The politically inspired anti-South force bill package has induced such a state of hypnosis in the self-styled liberals that they want to replace constitutional guarantees of civil liberties with their own false notions of civil rights.

If the question of race were not at issue, the very people who are pressing for passage of this abominable travesty on constitutional principle would be the first to denounce it for discarding the sacred right of trial by jury. At the outset the legislation violates the rights spelled out in article III., section 3, and by the seventh amendment, one of the historic ten making up the Bill of Rights. It would empower the United States Attorney General to seek injunctions against persons suspected of being about to violate the so-called civil-rights measure. Then a Federal judge, acting also as prosecutor and jury, would decree a whole community or State in contempt. An individual cited for contempt would be tried without a jury by the judge who cited him.

The proponents of this evil proposal know exactly what they are doing. By design they are taking away the right of jury trial. In fact, they are bold to say that if they did not set aside the right of trial by jury, they could not get convictions in the South. To allow jury trials, they say, would be to gut the bill. Attorney General Brownell is horror-struck at the thought that the no-jury-trial provision be stricken. President Eisenhower, who violates a campaign pledge made at Miami by pushing this legislation, says he would have to get Brownell’s opinion as to whether to sign or veto a civil-rights bill containing the assurance of jury trial in contempt cases. The civil strife proponents protest that this guaranty—in the Constitution which Eisenhower, Brownell, and all Congressmen are sworn to uphold—would cripple the bill. Has the President so soon forgotten that he said at Miami, 2 weeks before the election, that civil-rights problems should be handled to the greatest extent on a local and State basis?

Surely our liberals know that Hitler, Mussolini, and all tyrants from the time of King John (until forced to sign the Magna Carta) opposed jury trials because they would cripple their programs.}}

Mr. President, I have an article from the April 14, 1957, issue of the Greenville, S. C., News. It is entitled “Jackie Robinson on Meet the Press: Negro Athlete Favors Jury Trials” and has this to say:

{{smaller block|Jackie Robinson, Negro baseball star, when asked if he favored jury trials for civil-rights defendants, said Sunday night he would personally prefer a jury trial.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People strongly opposes a jury trial guaranty in criminal injunction cases arising under the bill.

Robinson is leading the NAACP’s freedom-fund campaign for a million dollars to attain first-class citizenship for all members.

The former Brooklyn Dodger told an NBC Meet the Press television panel that he did not know what the million dollars would be spent for—possibly for lawsuits against school segregation.

He said he favored the civil-rights bill but knows very little about it.

Frank Van Der Linden, this newspaper’s Washington correspondent, asked the questions about the civil-rights bill.}}

This is a man, Mr. President, who favors the civil-rights bill, but even he says he favors a trial by jury.

That is what the House did on this so-called compromise. In effect, they have nullified the right of trial by jury. There are very, very few instances in which a judge, when he finds a man guilty of contempt, would give a sentence of more than 45 days in prison or a fine of more than $300. That simply means the practical effect is that the jury trial has been completely nullified.

As I have said earlier, and as I will say later in my address, the right of jury trial is something the Constitution grants to the citizens of the United States. The Congress does not have the authority to take the jury trial away from the people of America.

Mr. President, I have an excerpt from an editorial from the August 26, 1957, issue of the Columbia (S. C.) Record. It is entitled “Jury-Trial Compromise No Compromise,” and this is what it has to say:

{{smaller block|The “compromise” on the jury-trial amendment to the civil-rights bill, worked out between the House and Senate leaders of both parties, is anything but a genuine compromise. It is a nullification of the jury-trial principle, for which the southern Democrats fought so valiantly in the Senate.

The amendment written into the bill by the Senate provided that in all cases of criminal contempt defendants should be entitled to jury trials, guaranteed by the Constitution to all persons accused of crime. This applied not only to criminal contempt charges growing out of voting-right cases, but also to other criminal contempt proceedings as well.

The so-called compromise allows jury trials only in voting-rights cases and then only after a defendant has been tried and convicted without a jury trial and sentenced to more than 45 days’ imprisonment and a $300 fine. In such a case the defendant could ask for a jury trial and the case would then be tried ''de novo'' before a jury. But no jury, of course, could try such a case ''de novo'' in fact. Every juror would know that the defendant had been found guilty by a judge and given more than a minimum sentence. This is a condition precedent to a jury trial in these voting-right cases. And no jury trial under such circumstances is anything approaching the right of trial by jury guaranteed by the Constitution.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the August 25, 1957, issue of the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Jury Trial ‘Compromise’ Is False Bait in Wicked Trap for Liberty,” and here is what it has to say:

{{smaller block|A proposed compromise now pending in Congress is as wicked and immoral, in our opinion, as total denial of trial by jury under Federal election laws.

Reports from Washington indicate a likelihood that the civil rights force bill may be rammed through Congress with this compromise to grease the way. Perhaps the northern scrambles for Negro votes and their “liberal” southern allies have the power in Congress to enact this hateful law. They should not get even silent support from anyone who loves the American Republic.

The compromise is really no compromise at all. It would grant the opportunity to seek a new trial before a jury by a defendant in an election case who had received a sentence greater than a $1,000 fine or 45 days in jail.}}

The amount there, incidentally, Mr. President, should be corrected. Instead of a $1,000 fine, it should be a $300 fine.

{{smaller block|But the size of a fine and the duration of imprisonment are not the key issue in this legislation. Penalties may be amended once the principle is set up. Besides, imprisoning State election officials even for a short time could rig the outcome of voting.

The key issue here is whether the liberty of a citizen, and the constitutional rights of the States to conduct free elections, should be sacrificed for the sake of current political advantage of national parties and politicians.}}

As I have said before, Mr. President—to digress there—the only purpose of this so-called right-to-vote bill is to advance the cause of the national political parties with the minorities and to advance the cause of certain politicians. If it were not for the purpose of both parties playing to the minorities and advancing the cause of certain politicians to high offices, I do not believe this bill would ever have been introduced. It is a disgrace to the United States even to have the Congress consider such an abominable and obnoxious bill.

{{smaller block|Behind this force bill lies a game of power politics. Both national parties are struggling to control the votes of herded Negroes in big northern cities and their liberal allies. These bloc voters are believed to hold the balance of political power in the United States.

Buried beneath the nauseating political greed that has produced this force bill are principles once dear to Americans. The bill has many of the earmarks of totalitarian government that the Constitution was built to prevent.}}

Among these earmarks are Federal control of elections, seizing the power of the ballot box from the people most likely to be affected; substitution of judges for juries in enforcement of the law; and secrecy in working up prosecutions.

The bill would set up a powerful commission on the phony pretense of guarding voting rights of minority groups. This Commission’s actions would be shielded from public view. Persons are forbidden under penalties to make known what it is doing. The Star Chamber—a tyrannous device once used by English Kings—thus would be imposed for the first time on the United States.

Southerners may be overwhelmed by superior force, but they should go down fighting every step of the way.

In honorable defeat they may sound an alarm to fellow Americans not yet awake to dangers to the Republic. Passage of the civil-rights force bill would be a defeat for all citizens of whatever race or region, for it would help to set the stage for dictatorship and oppression. The compromise on which passage now seems to hinge is only a deceptive detail in a dirty business.}}

Mr. President, I have here an excellent editorial from the Washington Evening Star of July 12, 1957. It is an editorial full of quotes, but the editor made his point well in this editorial without even having to insert his own comments. Here is what the editorial says:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Brownell}} ''v.'' {{sc|Norris}}}}

Attorney General Brownell (in a letter explaining the civil-rights bill):

“Enactment of legislation providing for jury trial in contempt cases arising out of governmental litigation would undermine the authority of the Federal courts by seriously weakening their power to enforce their lawful orders. The effect of adopting current proposals for jury trial would be to weaken and undermine the authority of the Federal courts by making their every order, even when issued after due hearing and affirmed on appeal, reviewable by a local jury. * * *

“Furthermore the proposed amendment to existing procedures that is being advocated under the innocuous slogan of jury trial would permit practical nullification of the effectiveness of the proposed civil-rights legislation. The enforcement of any court order may require prompt and vigorous action if it is to be effective. Prompt action will often be vital in civil-rights cases, especially election cases, where the registration period or the election may pass while enforcement is delayed. The injection of a jury trial between an order of a court enjoining discrimination against Negroes in an election, and the enforcement of that order would provide numerous opportunities for delay beyond the time when the order could have practical effect.”

The late Senator George W. Norris (insisting on the right of trial by jury, by Congressional enactment, in every case of indirect contempt):

“I agree that any man charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.”}}

I wish to repeat that statement. He said:

{{smaller block|I agree that any many charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.}}

Under the proposed compromise amendment which came from the House, the people will not get a jury trial. In 99 percent of the cases the judge will sentence people without a jury trial. It is said, “Well, they are able to get a jury trial if the fine is more than $300 or if the imprisonment is for more than 45 days.”

That is not the point. The point is that in 99 percent of the cases the compromise would deny to the citizens a jury trial, which is guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Congress should not be a party to violating the Constitution of the United States by passing the compromise amendment.

I continue to read from the editorial:

{{smaller block|“It is no answer to say that there will sometimes be juries which will not convict. That is a charge which can be made against our jury system. Every man who has tried lawsuits before juries, every man who has ever presided in court and heard jury trials, knows that juries make mistakes, as all other human beings do, and they sometimes render verdicts which seem almost obnoxious. But it is the best system I know of. I would not have it abolished; and when I see how juries will really do justice when a biased and prejudiced judge is trying to lead them astray I am confirmed in my opinion that, after all, our jury system is one which the American people, who believe in liberty and justice, will not dare to surrender. I like to have trial by jury preserved in all kinds of cases where there is a dispute of facts.”}}

Mr. President, I have before me an editorial from the Greenville (S. C.) News of March 29, 1957, entitled “How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?”

It reads:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?}}}}

Rather smugly, perhaps, we Americans have taken for granted our right to a trial before a jury when we stand accused of violating the law.

So fixed in our system of jurisprudence and our common concepts of justice is the jury trial that few of us ever have stopped to consider the difference between having our guilt or innocence determined by a group of ordinary citizens and having a judge, a creature of the Government, mete out justice singlehandedly, as he alone sees it.

Article III., section 2 of the United States Constitution, says that “the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment, article VI. of the Bill of Rights, spells out further the right to the accused in criminal proceedings “to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. * * *”

It goes on to guarantee the accused the right to be informed specifically of the charges against him, to confront the witnesses against him, to subpena witnesses in his favor, and to be represented by counsel.

The seventh amendment, article VII. of the Bill of Rights, provides that in suits at common law the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.

One would think that, with all these references in the Constitution, the right to a jury trial would be secure. But liberal elements, including our own Department of Justice, advocating passage of proposed civil-rights legislation are teaching us that this basic right is not so secure as we might have thought.

For the bills now before the Congress would, in fact, deny persons accused of violating the civil rights of others the right of a trial by a jury of citizens of their State and district. And the NAACP and Attorney General Brownell are insisting on this provision of the bill. Attempts of southern Senators and Congressmen to write into it a guaranty of that right have thus far been beaten down.

If the bill is enacted, the Government would be empowered to bring civil, rather than criminal charges, against an individual accused of violating someone else’s rights. He would be prosecuted by a Government attorney before a Federal judge, who might be sent in from outside his State, who would pass on the facts as well as the law and would pass sentence.

The accused would be just as apt to go to jail on the civil charge as he would if he were charged with a criminal offense in which the jury trial would be guaranteed. Indeed, the chances of his going to jail might be even greater.

But that is only part of it.

The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint. If the individual did complain, the Government would bear the whole cost of prosecuting his case.

The defendant, on the other hand, would find himself faced with the necessity of hiring a lawyer and, perhaps, of going through a long series of court proceedings that could very well break him financially.

This could become vicious persecution instead of reasonable prosecution.

This threat of persecution is no less real in another phase of the proposed civil-rights legislation relating to the creation of a commission empowered to investigate alleged incidents of discrimination, economic boycotts, and the like.

If this plan became a reality, a citizen accused of discriminating against a member of a minority, or of applying economic pressure against him, could be ordered to report to a place in Washington at a given time and be subjected to an investigation. His need for counsel and, hence, the expense of defending himself, could be just as great as it would be if he were accused of some crime.

All of this is being proposed in the name of civil rights by persons calling themselves liberals.

How can we create rights by destroying rights? And how liberal is it?}}

Mr. President, I wish to repeat a paragraph in the editorial which I believe is most important. It should appeal to every lawyer, and, in fact, to every citizen. It reads:

{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint.}}

Mr. President, I believe we are setting a very dangerous precedent when the Government can bring suits of the kind provided in the civil-rights bill, even if an individual does not complain. The Government can file a suit in behalf of an individual, even if the individual has not complained, and it can bring a suit for an individual who has complained. In either case, the Government can substitute its name in behalf of the defendant in bringing the case.

Furthermore, the Government would bear the cost of prosecuting the case. The poor defendant must pay his own expense. If an individual wishes to bring a case in court, why should he not pay his own expense? Why should the Federal Government bear the expense of a person whose statement may be true or which may not be true? I can foresee untold litigation. I can see all kinds of fabrications being made in order to have cases brought. It is a dangerous bill, Mr. President. It is far more dangerous than I believe the average man on the street has been able to understand. The average man in the street does not realize what is in the bill. I cannot imagine why Members of Congress would even consider passing such a bill. Again I say that it would not even have been introduced, in my opinion, or given any consideration at all, if it were not purely a political bill.

Mr. President, I have an editorial published in the Greenville (S. C.) News of February 26, 1957, entitled “Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty.”

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty}}}}

({{sc|Editor’s Note}}.—The following editorial is taken from a statement prepared by the editor of the News at the request of the Governor of South Carolina. The statement is to be offered to the subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon by representatives of this State who are appearing in opposition to the civil-rights bills.)

The civil-rights bills of 1957, like those proposed during the last 20 years and more by individuals of both parties and by administrations of both parties, are anachronistic.

An anachronism is something that is misplaced in time. In this instance, it is a throwback to a more primitive age which is, at best, a misfit and, at worst, a destructive force in the age in which it occurs.

And when intelligent and otherwise dedicated men ignore more pressing and more serious problems and pass up greater opportunities for service to deliberately create such an anachronism, the result is bound to be tragic.

Even if we could assume, which we cannot, that the broad and untested powers these proposed laws would confer on an already oversized and unwieldy Federal bureaucracy would always be wisely and fairly administered, the need for them, if it ever existed, has long since passed.

The purposes now claimed for them have been better served by processes springing from the people themselves than ever they can be by pressure and threat of punishment imposed upon the people by an omnipotent and omnipresent “Big Brother” sort of government.

Furthermore, the instruments now proposed to protect liberty and to uplift men are such as to be capable of being used to destroy liberty and to oppress men.

To appreciate the origin of the civil-rights bills and the natural resistance to them in many parts of the country, especially the South, one must consider them in their proper perspective with past history and present trends.

To put it bluntly, this legislation grows out of a latter-day extension of the overzealous efforts of the abolitionists, who profited and were exalted during the era preceding the War Between the States. It is being pushed in the same sort of spirit that motivated the vengeant and vindictive planners and executors of the reconstruction.

Not even during the tragic and oppressive reconstruction did a Congress, which was dominated by radicals and in which the conquered South had few friends and spokesmen, see fit to enact such laws as now proposed.

There was military occupation and corrupt government imposed from Washington, but there was no permanent board of inquisitors that could be turned into an agency of harassment and intimidation. There was injustice, but there was no permanent overturning of the processes of the courts.

Purged by bloodshed of the sin of slavery, which was not his alone, nor his country’s alone, the southern white resisted the reconstruction. He resisted it because he feared, with justification, that it was intended to take from him in order to give to the Negro. He resists court-decreed integration and the civil-rights proposals for the same reason—again with justification for his fears.

{{c|{{asc|NEGRO IS MISLED}}}}

The Negro was misled in those days, and he is being misled now.

The end of the abominable institution of slavery was inevitable, and it could have been accomplished without fratricide and without threatening the Union and creating abiding bitterness. At its end, the Negro was led to believe he could switch from the status of slave to that of master. In some instances, for a time, he did. In others, he was promised “40 acres and a mule,” but more often than not he didn’t know what to do with the 40 acres and he never got the mule.

The Negro again is being falsely led to believe that integration will solve all of his remaining problems and that all he needs to realize the millennium is a few more court decrees and Federal laws. He has been led to believe that political largesse will bring to him those things that he can best realize by earning and exercising the rights and privileges already available to him.

Until fairly recent decades, southern whites and Negroes engaged in a pathetic sort of competition for the lesser degree of poverty, but they have made progress together and they have achieved a mutual understanding. Education and a rising prosperity were easing the old bitterness and misunderstanding and improving relations between the races at a rate that has been positively amazing.

The tragedy of this era is that, since 1954, with the Supreme Court decision in the school cases, and especially since the renewal of agitation of civil-rights legislation with almost virulent vigor, this progress has been slowed down. And the Negro stands to lose the most. The bitterness and the old suspicions are being revived.

A few years ago in a prosperous South Carolina industrial city, a joint committee of white and Negro citizens conducted a survey of the needs of the Negro community, ranging from health and housing to transportation and recreation. Much progress came of it.

Also, a few years ago, with the help of the newspapers and interested white citizens, certain racial barriers in the public hospital were broken down and qualified Negro doctors were granted staff privileges for the first time on full equality with their white colleagues.

Along about the same time, the newspapers and interested white citizens campaigned for better housing for Negroes. City substandard housing laws were strengthened and better enforcement machinery established. The improvement in rental property has been marked.

Also, it was urged that property be made available to Negroes of means who wanted to build better homes away from congested areas in which Negroes tend to congregate. Subsequently, a fairly exclusive Negro residential section, near white neighborhoods, was started. There were no objections.

{{c|{{asc|PROGRESS IS SLOWED}}}}

This sort of things would be more difficult now, if not impossible, in no small part because the Negro is reluctant to cooperate. Both he and his white friends are subject to pressure and unpleasantness from radical elements among their respective races. The Negro apparently has been led to believe the moon may be within his grasp; and lawless and more extreme whites have been aroused.

In many cities in the South, the newspapers have sought for years to treat the Negro with the dignity any citizen deserves in their handling of the news. Special sections devoted to news of the Negro community, often prepared by Negro reporters, were started. Until recently, there was no protest. Now there are murmurs, direct protests, and anonymous letters.

None of this has to do with integration. Neither race is ready for integration, and may never be. But if they become so it will be on the only basis of successful close human association—natural affinity, mutual appreciation, and individual choice. Neither court decrees nor laws can create these conditions.

In his speech on conciliation with the American Colonies in 1775, Edmund Burke said, “I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.”

With the help of the proposed legislation, and the injunctive process, the Federal courts may one day find such a method, but the result will be the destruction, not the preservation of civil rights.

Burke also said in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontent in 1770 that, “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”

This cause is not the South’s alone. The extension of the judicial process into areas it was not intended to reach and stretching it for purposes it is incapable of serving; the striking down of the police power of the States in field after field; the unprecedented use of the injunctive power without jury trial to punish for contempt persons not before the court; all of these, as able judges and lawyers are solemnly warning, threaten the future security of all Americans.

The granting of the powers the Justice Department is now asking can only hasten this process. Even the layman can see that. The proposed commission, with power to investigate and harass at its own will could, in the wrong hands, become an instrument of coercion and intimidation.

Like other Americans, no southerner of good conscience condones the denial of rights, either by violation of the law or by threat or violence. But the atmosphere created by agitation is not only inciting lawless elements to violence, but is making such incidents even harder to deal with.

Of laws we have aplenty. The Federal Government has ample power to deal with the violations the Attorney General alleges but doesn’t specify. The States have laws against violence, and many of them, like South Carolina, have laws making violation of any citizen’s rights a crime.

They should be left free to enforce them.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Orangeburg (S. C.) Times and Democrat of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “On Jury Trials.” This is what it has to say on this subject:

{{smaller block|The committee in the Senate which has been considering the civil-rights bill has added an amendment to the bill which would allow persons accused of contempt to be given jury trials. Many Senators who were and are in favor of the civil-rights bill are supporting this amendment.

We do not see how Congress can go wrong in providing jury trials for persons accused of contempt. While we do not wish to join in a wholesale assault on the judiciary of this Nation, it is nevertheless true that the judiciary—like the other branches of the Government—must have its limitations.

No one branch of our Government functions perfectly, nor is it made up of perfect citizens. The judicial branch has assumed increasing power in recent years and it would be wise to safeguard the right of persons to a trial by jury because of what might follow if this right is denied citizens. It may be that only one issue is involved at present, but the future might well turn up an undesirable situation in which the principle wherein judges who find American citizens guilty of contempt, exercise such unlimited powers concerning various issues and freedom that any bill limiting the right of jury trial would be a tragedy and result in injustice to many Americans.

We do not believe that any one section of the country has a monopoly on all the good people in the United States. We believe that trial by jury is the best possible system establishing guilt and that the people themselves, who make up our juries, will come nearer seeing that justice is done than any group, acting individually, no matter how talented the various individuals may be.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Columbia (S. C.) State of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “A Wise Provision,” and here is what it has to say on the question of jury trials:

{{smaller block|Administration forces fell before six Democrats and a Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee who insisted upon including in the so-called civil-rights bill a proviso guaranteeing trial by jury to persons accused in court in civil-rights cases. In supporting the amendment as a poor substitute for killing the bill, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} explained that the section would give civil-rights defendants the same right now enjoyed by trade unionists in labor injunction cases.

The development does not, however, meet with the approval of Attorney General Brownell, who has been playing out of position before now in lobbying for controversial and doubtful legislation, arraying section against section and class against class. He complains the proviso would permit practical nullification of proposed civil-rights legislation. In the words of Orphan Annie, “Would that be bad?”

One wonders just what the advocates of such legislation are after. Could they be seeking to destroy the Constitution?

Everything considered, the section guaranteeing jury trials to defendants in civil-rights cases follows the orderly procedure defined by the Founding Fathers as to the rights and dignity of the individual. Trial by jury is one of the cardinal triumphs of our Constitution as inherited from Magna Carta. There is no reason why any exception should be made to gratify the unilateral zeal of special interests of self-appointed reregulators.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, of July 10, 1957. Here is what it has to say:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|A Principle of Rights: South Making Its Point}}}}

More Senators, it appears, are seeing the validity of the South’s insistence on trial by jury as a fixed point of law and due process—{{SIC|bone|borne}} of contention with the civil-rights brigade. They are seeing, surely, what logic underscores: that if this principle falls under the impact of biased thinking against the South, it falls for all. It is not, therefore, a regional issue, but national. The southern protest is not addressed to a narrow, selfish view, but to a view exactly as broad as the Constitution—and as far reaching.

Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, has paid tribute to the fairness of southern colleagues—having spoken out prior to this showdown for the stated right of due process; and recognizing the progress already made, and voluntarily, on race relations. As a further point of edification, the fact of voting rights enjoyed and practiced in the South should be laid before him.

Who, influenced by propaganda to the contrary, has bothered to examine the record in State after State? By what process of competent investigation have these civil-rights firebrands arrived at a conclusion of wholesale indictment?

Voting is a privilege, as well as a duty, of citizenship, asserted and protected by law. With that principle there can be no quarrel. The issue is invasion by Federal authority, and methods of enforcement begetting strife by the measures of force contemplated in this iniquitous legislation.

There are States, outside the South, where people of voting age are denied the right to vote—Indians, for example. Negro citizens do vote, under the same rules of eligibilty applied in the case of white citizens; and if any Senator doubts that, he should come this way and watch.

In Tennessee, and other Southern States, he would find Negroes holding public office. In Nashville they elect their own representatives to city council; they have membership on the school board. They staff their schools. They are employed on the police department and the fire department.

Facts, it appears, are coming out in the Senate and registering—and they are facts answering organized diatribe; substantiating both the concept of justice and of constitutional law.

The South does not stand at the bar of public opinion convicted—just accused. It is not on the defensive. It is defending a basic right of responsible treatment, and the place of that defense is the floor of the Senate.

As manifested by the implied readiness of opponents to concede the trial-by-jury point, its stand to date is influencing that decision. It cannot compromise any principle to the detriment of established, constitutional rights, much less yield to the whip of caprice.}}

A column written by Dr. John Temple Graves, one of the outstanding men in the South and in the Nation, printed in the Charleston, S. C., News and Courier of July 8, 1957, is entitled “South’s Most Civil Right Is Right To Be Let Alone,” reads as follows:

{{smaller block|“The right to be let alone.”

That is our most civil liberty.

Remember it and be of good cheer as Senators from the South fight against the so-called civil-liberty bill.

Civil liberty is indivisible.

It is the whole Constitution, the whole ideal. When you sacrifice one part for another you decrease and endanger the total. When the right to jury trial is impeached to save the right to vote there is net loss, and the same loss runs the whole constitutional gamut.

Basically, all American rights are civil rights. States’ rights are civil. The rights of Congress against the Supreme Court are civil, and of the executive against each, and vice versa.

And when the Federal Government (or the State) invades areas never intended or authorized there is violation of the most civil right of all—the right to be let alone.

If the Founding Fathers made a mistake, if they failed to look ahead enough, if they should have anticipated a future so social and interrelated that nothing short of a totalitarian central government and law would serve, we should face it and get a new Constitution. Certainly we should not undertake to cover the situation by ignoring the Constitution in one place and insisting on it in another, sacrificing one civil right to make another safe.

Most of us believe no mistake was made, that liberty and justice can still be had in the great terms of the Constitution.

If the President could just be reached on this jury-trial issue in the civil-force bill many of us who go on liking him believe he would see the South’s case as the Nation’s. The Baltimore Sun nails it thus: “The injunction contemplated would forbid actions already forbidden under Federal criminal laws. This being so, the injunction procedure is obviously a judicial shortcut, and one which would deprive those cited for contempt of a right which would be guaranteed them under the Federal Constitution (if they) were indicted for the same offense. It is proposed to assure one right—the right to vote—by ignoring another right—the right to a jury trial.”

As pointed out here many times, jury trials should be stretched just as far as contempt is stretched, you would think. The civil-rights bill would stretch contempt into areas that ordinarily involve jury trial. It should not be permitted to deny jury trial, therefore, on the plea that contempt cases don’t allow for them.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of July 4, 1957, entitled &quot;“Unless Citizens Fight Against Tyranny Independence Will Perish in the United States of America:”

{{smaller block|The 181st anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 today finds independence at low ebb in these United States.

There is a real question as to whether Americans of this day are capable of keeping whatever measure of independence is left to them, let alone restoring lost liberties.

The original Independence Day was celebrated a long time ago.

The national memory of what it means is dim. There is a certain amount of speechifying by political leaders. And the White House will hand reporters a mimeographed Fourth of July statement, written by one of the President’s ghostwriters.

But the deep meaning of the day will not be especially clear to millions of Americans who are looking forward to a long weekend at the beach or other pleasure resorts.

There is no reason why the Fourth of July should be a long-faced affair. Nor is there any reason why it should be just another holiday—another day for family picnics, parties, and romping in the surf.

Except for a few lines of it embodied in newspaper stories, no one will read the Declaration of Independence. And yet our ancestors read it with the greatest care, for it touched their lives.

It is an angry document, full of resentment toward a government that was steadily pushing Americans into a corner. Finally, in the Declaration, the people said they had enough.

Throughout June 1957 the American people were being pushed into a corner, precisely as the people of the province of South Carolina and 12 other colonies were being pushed in the broiling summer of 1776. No one attacked Sullivan’s Island last month, except possibly mosquitoes. But liberties of South Carolinians and their fellow citizens in 47 States were under attack.

Who knows it? Who cares? Today Fort Moultrie, which should be a national shrine, is padlocked and the grounds overgrown with grass. Today, grass is growing over American liberties.

Americans cared in 1776. Of George III., the signers said: “The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.”

And so they submitted the facts. They said that King George “has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation; for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; for suspending our legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.”

Does this have a familiar ring?

Is not the Congress, on recommendation of the President, preparing a civil-rights bill that would deny trial by jury to some Americans? Isn’t the Supreme Court striking down State laws, abolishing important laws of Congress and altering fundamental forms of our State and Federal governments? Isn’t the Supreme Court legislating school laws for the South?

The answer to all these questions is “Yes.”

The Declaration of Independence says that it is the duty of a free people, when a design to reduce them to despotism has been perceived, to provide new guards for their future security.

That is what Americans living in 1957 must do. There is no need for flag-waving demonstrations—nothing of that sort. All that is needed is for millions of Americans to halt one moment, in the midst of holiday pleasure, to resolve that they will support their elected representatives in setting up new guards against tyranny.

Unless there is such a resolve, there won’t be much independence to celebrate in the years ahead.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the July 9, 1957, Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier entitled “People Should Accept No Compromise on States’ Control of Elections:”

{{smaller block|Talk about compromise on civil rights force bills before Congress is in the news from Washington. What goes on behind the scenes the public seldom knows at the time, and doesn’t always find out later. We speak with no knowledge other than what we read in press dispatches.

The comment of Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, Republican, of South Dakota, who has predicted a compromise in time to let the Senate adjourn by mid-August, is especially interesting. He said the compromise would be one “for which the South can’t vote, but one with which the South can live.” The terms of the compromise would be to guarantee the right of Negro and other minority groups to vote without harassment.

Qualified Negroes, like qualified white people, already have a right to vote. Race agitators from time to time dig up cases of alleged intimidation of Negro voters in the South. No doubt there are voting irregularities in the South, as in other regions of the country. In the areas that the News and Courier knows about, Negroes register and vote without hindrance. If there is widespread violation of anybody’s civil rights we are not aware of it. The big question is not so much whether and where violations may occur, but who has authority to enforce guaranties of the rights.

Heretofore in our country the States have set up and supervised elections within their borders. We strongly believe that the future of the American Republic depends on saving a balance of power between State and Federal authorities. Control of the ballot and voting procedures is essential to that balance.

The force bill now before Congress, generally known as the civil-rights bill, would set up new Federal machinery, armed with power to imprison without trial by jury, to manage racial aspects of elections. It would be a short step to amend this law to put other, perhaps all, election machinery into Federal hands. Thus some of the safeguards—precious few of them remaining—would disappear.

Compromise on the force bill is a compromise with freedom. Today the Southern States may seem to be the target. But the danger exists for all 48 States.

Perhaps the danger cannot be avoided in the present mood of our Government. Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, in the past a stanch supporter of States’ rights, has forecast a compromise “with which the South can live,” even though it cannot vote for the compromise.

The South could not live with Reconstruction after the Civil War. Some of the proposals today seem designed to revive the spirit of Reconstruction. The News and Courier does not believe the South can live with that spirit now any better than it could live with it 80 years ago.

For that reason we reject any compromise with basic rights and basic freedom.

If the South loses to superior power, either in the form of votes in Congress or any other form of force, let it not be said that the South gave its consent. Someday, if it is not then too late, the rest of the country may come to its senses. The South may be able to hasten that day by resisting wreckers of the Republic. If the people of the United States realized what was being done to their country, they would not offer up the South as a sacrifice, nor compromise with liberty.

The South might be able to live with compromise, but not at the same time with pride and self-respect.}}

Mr. President, there have been a number of occasions on which I have spoken before the subcommittees of the Committees on the Judiciary of the House and Senate, and on the floor of the Senate, in opposition to the provisions of H. R. 6127 and the other so-called civil-rights bills which were introduced both in the House and in the Senate. The first of these statements was made before the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives on February 26. Because a good portion of the statement was made with reference to certain so-called civil-rights bills then being considered, but which are not now before the Senate, I have edited out portions of the statement. I now read my statement as edited.

{{smaller block|I am here today to oppose the so-called civil-rights bills.

Tyranny by any other name is just as bad.

In other countries tyranny has taken the forms of fascism, communism, and absolute monarchy. I do not want to see it foisted on the American people under the alias of “civil rights.”

Real civil rights and so-called civil rights should not be confused. Everybody favors human rights. But it is a fraud on the American people to pretend that human rights can long endure without constitutional restraint on the power of government.

The actual power of the Federal Government should not be confused with power longed for by those who would destroy the States as sovereign governments.

{{c|{{asc|USURPATION BY JUDICIARY}}}}

There have been a number of instances of attempted and real usurpation of power by the Federal Government, which these pending bills would attempt to legalize, expand, and extend.

The most notorious illustration of this type of usurpation is the May 17, 1954, school segregation decision by the United States Supreme Court. Since that time there have been several other decisions by the Court which I think have wakened people all over the country who previously paid little attention, or cared little, what the result might be in the school segregation cases.

There are two recent cases. One arose in Pennsylvania and one in New York. The Pennsylvania case is ''Pennsylvania'' v. ''Steve Nelson'', decided April 2, 1956, dealing with the right of the State to take action against a Communist. The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that because there was a Federal sedition law, the State of Pennsylvania had no authority in that field. The laws of 42 States were invalidated by the decision. Even the protest of the Department of Justice that the laws of the States did not interfere with enforcement of the Federal law did not stop the Court.

The author of the Federal law, the Honorable {{sc|Howard Smith}}, Of Virginia, has stated there was no intent embodied in the Federal act to prohibit the States from legislating against sedition.

The second case to which I refer arose when the city of New York dismissed from employment a teacher who had refused to disclose whether he was a Communist when questioned by duly constituted authority.

Here again the United States Supreme Court ruled against the power and authority of the local government contained in the charter of the city of New York.

{{c|{{asc|USURPATION BY EXECUTIVE}}}}

Now let me refer briefly to some attempts at usurpation of the rights of the States by the executive branch of the Federal Government. Administrators in some Federal departments and agencies have issued directives having the effect of laws which have never been enacted by the Congress.

A specific illustration is that of the Civil Aeronautics Administration issuing a directive last year to withhold Federal funds from facilities in the construction of airports where segregation of the races is practiced.

There is absolutely no basis in law for this administrative action, but by use of a directive or an edict the administrator effected a result just as though a law had been enacted.

Other attempts at Federal interference from the executive branch with the rights of the individual citizen is demonstrated by the Contracts Compliance Commission. This Commission has dictated that contractors working on Federal projects must employ persons of both the white and Negro races, whether the contractors wish to do so or not. The strength of the Commission lies in the power to withhold contracts, or threatening to do so, if a contractor fails to carry out the dictates of the Commission.

{{c|{{asc|ATTEMPTED USURPATION BY CONGRESS}}}}

I can think of no better {{SIC|ilustration|illustration}} of attempted usurpation of the rights of the States by the legislative branch of the Federal Government than what is going on here now. I believe that the Congress, by attempting to enact these so-called civil-rights bills, is invading the rights of the States.

{{c|{{asc|NO DOUBT AS TO CONSTITUTION}}}}

Wherever a person lives in this country, whatever political faith he holds, whatever he believes in connection with any matter of interest, he has one firm basis for knowing his rights. Those rights are enumerated in the Constitution of the United States. I believe in that document. I believe that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less.

If American citizens cannot believe in the Constitution, and know that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less, then there is no assurance that our representative form of government will continue in this country.

I believe that people all over the country are beginning to realize that steps should be taken to preserve the constitutional guaranties which are being infringed upon in many ways.

I believe we should also take steps to regain for the States some of the powers previously lost in unwarranted assaults on the States by the Federal Government.

{{c|{{asc|STATE OFFICIALS UNDERSTANDING}}}}

The administration of laws relating to civil rights is being carried out much more intelligently at the local levels of government than they could ever possibly be administered by edicts handed down from Washington. State officials and county officials know the people and know the problems of those people. Most officials of the Federal Government in Washington know much less about local problems than do the public officials in the States and in the counties.

If these so-called civil-rights bills should be approved, then we must anticipate that the Federal Government, having usurped the authority of local government, will try to send Federal detectives snooping throughout the land. Federal police could be sent into the home of any citizen charged with violating the civil-rights laws.

If there are constitutional proposals here which any of the States wish to enact, I have no objection to that. Every State has the right to enact any constitutional law which has not been specifically delegated to the Federal Government in the Constitution.

On the other hand, I am firmly opposed to the enactment by Congress of laws in fields where the Congress has no authority, or in fields where there is no necessity for action by the Congress.

From my observations, I have gained the strong feeling that most of the States are performing their police duties well. I believe that the individual States are looking after their own problems in the field of civil rights better than any enactment of this Congress could provide for, and better than any commission appointed by the Chief Executive could look after them.}}

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question, with the understanding that he will not lose his right to the floor, and the understanding that it will not be considered a second speech or jeopardize the Senator’s right to the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. If unanimous consent is granted, under the conditions which the distinguished Senator has outlined, I will be pleased to yield.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from California? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I shall preface my question by this brief statement of fact, namely, since the House has adopted a ''sine die'' adjournment resolution, and there is no fixed period for adjournment, and the Senate can, and in my judgment will, continue in session as long as it is necessary to complete its business, I put these questions in all seriousness to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina:

First. What is the Senator’s purpose by his interesting but prolonged remarks? Is it a matter of education of the Senate or of the country?

Second. Is it to establish a record of discussion on the floor of the Senate?

Third. Is it merely to delay a vote on the civil rights bill, which is the pending business?

Fourth. Is it to prevent a final vote on H. R. 6127, the so-called civil rights bill?

Fifth. Is it to make friends and to influence other Senators in the southern position?

Sixth. Is it to emphasize to the Senate the need for a change, beginning in January, of rule XXII.?

There may be other reasons, but I should be very much interested—and I believe the Senate would be interested also—if the Senator from South Carolina would agree to indicate the purpose of his prolonged address.

Mr. THURMOND. I would merely say that my purpose in making the extended address is for educational purposes—to educate the Senate and the people of the country. There is no question in my mind that the so-called civil-rights bill violates the Constitution of the United States. I do not believe the Senator was in the Chamber when I spoke earlier and cited a decision pointing out that criminal contempt has been held to be a crime and that under the Constitution of the United States it is provided that a man charged with crime shall get a jury trial.

The so-called compromise bill provides that if a person is sentenced by a judge by being fined more than $300 or imprisoned for more than 45 days, he will get a jury trial. The Constitution does not say that. The Constitution provides that if he is charged with a crime, he shall get a jury trial.

I believe in the Constitution. I believe that the Constitution is clear. I hope the Senator will take the time one of these days—probably he will not have an opportunity soon—to read the address I have made in which I have gone into these matters and have tried to delineate them and point them out for the benefit of the American people, as well as for the benefit of the Senate.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am confident that the pending bill is a dangerous bill in a number of ways. I have pointed out that it is necessary that every State in the Nation have laws to protect the right to vote. The Senator’s own State of California has such laws. I started with the State of Alabama and read the laws for every State. Those laws were confirmed to be accurate by the Library of Congress. I read the State laws beginning with Alabama and ending with Wyoming. Every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote.

I say there is no need for the pending bill. This is a matter that comes under the Constitution, and it should be left to the States. It is a State matter. It is not a Federal matter.

Furthermore, the Federal Government has invaded the field. It has already invaded the field. I believe it made a mistake when it did so.

I should like to invite the attention of the Senator—again I do not believe he was in the Chamber when I referred to it previously—section 594 of chapter 29 of title 18 of the United States Code. That section provides:

{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield again under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. That is the Federal law today. If anyone is being denied his right to vote today he has recourse to that statute. If anyone is being denied the right to vote and complains about it, the Justice Department fails to do its duty if it fails to prosecute under that section of the Federal statute. Either that condition exists or there are no just complaints. The Committee on the Judiciary held hearings for months on the question, and it did not have before it one valid complaint. It had some fictitious complaints from a parish in Mississippi. It turned out that they asked a witness to return the next day, but he did not return, and it proved that the whole testimony was a fabrication, according to the chairman of the committee.

Therefore, there are State laws which protect the right to vote, and there is a Federal law which protects the right to vote. Under that act, if a man is tried, he would have a right to trial by jury. Under the so-called compromise, if he is tried, he would not have the right of trial by jury if the sentence were less than $300 or if the imprisonment were for less than 45 days.

Ninety-nine percent of all the criminal contempt cases would fall within that sphere. I was a circuit court judge for 8 years and heard cases all over South Carolina. I cannot remember the case of even one man who was sentenced by me or by any other circuit court judge in South Carolina for contempt of court for longer than 45 days in jail.

Therefore, the effect of the so-called compromise is to deny to the citizens of South Carolina and of the United States the right to a jury trial, as is guaranteed in several places in the Constitution. That is the reason I have made this extended address. It is to call to the attention of the Senate and to the people of the Nation that the pending bill is a dangerous bill. In my opinion, it is purely a political bill.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions as heretofore stated?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I can assure the Senator, whether we make that proviso in our remarks back and forth, the Senator will be fully protected in his rights to the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield to the Senator from California under those conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I did listen to the earlier part of the Senator’s address. I was in the Chamber at the time. I must confess that for several hours I did get some sleep and was able to freshen up and to change my clothes, and I am now back in the Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. I notice that the Senator looks very fresh at about 6:45 in the morning.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Yes. I am glad to be here with the Senator. Of course, the question which obviously disturbed a majority of the two Houses of Congress was that the statutes which are now on the statute books were not effective in protecting those constitutional rights. The Senators who felt that way are just as sincere as the Senator from South Carolina. I know the Senator from South Carolina has a deep conviction and is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. However, I refer to the provisions of section 1 of the 15th amendment to the Constitution, which provides:

{{smaller block|The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.}}

Section 2 of the 15th amendment reads:

{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.}}

Both sections point up the fundamental constitutional right of American citizens and clearly underscore the fact that Congress not only has the right, but the responsibility in this field.

The Senator may feel that in his State or perhaps in other States—and I have no doubt it is true in many areas of the South—there is no problem relative to the voting rights of American citizens.

But at least the predominant opinion in Congress indicates that there is also a strong feeling that in many areas—and this may not be related only to the South, for that matter—the full rights under the 15th amendment are not being effectively implemented. It was for that reason that the House, by a vote, I believe, of more than 2 to 1, and the Senate finally by a very substantial majority, passed the bill, which is now going through another legislative process. It finally came back to the Senate floor after the House had concurred and amended the Senate version, as the House had a right to do.

My only point is that obviously the Senate of the United States is going to stay in session and complete work on the proposed legislation. It may sit for the remainder of the week, and it may sit next month and, if necessary, the month after that. I wish to emphasize to the Senator from South Carolina that, so far as the recommendations of the minority leader might be followed—and I know of no difference of opinion so far as the majority is concerned, although I cannot speak for the majority, and I would not attempt to do so—there will be no ''sine die'' adjournment resolution adopted by the Senate which would permit Congress to adjourn the first session of the 85th Congress until we have completed the work on the pending legislation, which is the civil-rights bill, and completed the work on the proposed legislation dealing with the mutual aid appropriation bill. Therefore, there is no fixed hour and date of adjournment.

I was wondering, therefore, why the Senator was making his extended address, and that is the reason I asked the questions I asked of him. He said he was making the address for the purpose of an educational campaign, for the benefit of the country and the Senate. I was wondering whether he hoped to prevent passage of the bill or merely delay its passage, or whether he had some other reason in mind.

Mr. THURMOND. In answer to the distinguished Senator, I wish to say that I should be highly pleased if the bill did not pass. I should like to ask the Senator this question: Under the statute which I have just read—and that is not a State statute, but a Federal statute, which provides “whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote as he may choose,” and so forth, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both—is there any deficiency in the statute? Is that not as clear as it can be? If anyone interferes with another’s right to vote, or intimidates, or if he threatens or coerces, he shall be punished. Is that not what it says? If that is the case, why does the Senator believe we should have another statute on voting added to it? Is this statute deficient? The Senator says the present laws are defective, as I understand. The statute I have read is a criminal statute. It will punish a guilty person by fining him for as much as $1,000 and could send him to jail for a year. In what respect does the Senator believe the statute is defective?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I shall not at this hour get into a detailed legal argument, because I am not a lawyer, but a newspaperman; furthermore, I would not attempt to put myself up against the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, who has been a judge in his own State and has been for a long time a distinguished member of the bar. I have listened to the arguments on the floor of the Senate. I have read a number of the reports and the proceedings, and I have had some discussions with people who are familiar with the circumstances connected with the subject. I do know that those in the Department of Justice who have been concerned with this problem apparently feel that that statute is not effective so far as the constitutional rights of American citizens are concerned.

Secondly, I am not in a position to argue with the Senator relative to what the legal definition of coercion is. I do say to the Senator that I believe there are various forms of coercion, some of which might be very difficult to prove in a court of law, but which might still be equally effective in keeping people from exercising their voting rights.

The coercion might consist of economic pressure, or there might be some difficulty about finding work in a community or there might be the difficulty of a small merchant maintaining his business. It might be very difficult to trace such things to the fact that a person had tried to go to a voting place on voting day to cast his vote. Nevertheless, such coercion could be quite effective in keeping a person from exercising his right to the voting franchise.

It is also true that in the debate which has taken place on the floor of the Senate it was disclosed that in one of the parishes or voting districts in a Southern State which had been mentioned on the floor of the Senate, there had been the situation where certain facts were laid before a grand jury in that particular State, and the facts were very clear, but still no action was taken in that particular situation.

I will say to the Senator that it should be remembered that the bill has now been stripped practically to a voting-rights bill.

Furthermore, I certainly believe that the fundamental right of an American citizen in this day and age should be protected, because every citizen has the right to vote. If that right is assured to a citizen, in time he may help himself secure the other civil rights to which he is entitled and which are guaranteed to him by the 14th amendment. The bill before us, as I say, is primarily a voting-rights bill. Those who have had some responsibility in this field—and I think some knowledge of it also—feel that the procedure outlined in the bill would at least facilitate the exercise of the voting rights of American citizens in all sections of the country.

Mr. THURMOND. I might say to the distinguished Senator that he is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. Even though he is not a lawyer, he knows a statute when he hears one read. The criminal statute I have read is just as plain as any criminal statute can be. I am in favor of having every qualified voter enjoy the right of franchise. I want to say that in my State every qualified voter has that privilege. No one—white, colored, or anyone else—is denied the right to vote in South Carolina. The statute I have read protects people from being coerced and intimidated and threatened in any way. If there is any violation of law now, a person who is discriminated against may go to the Department of Justice, and under the statute I have read a violator of that statute will be either sent to jail or fined or both. What the proposed compromise would do would be to take away that right of trial by jury.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say that both the original bill as passed by the two Houses and the final form now before us are not intended to deprive anyone of his vote, but to encourage the constitutional right of people to enjoy the right to vote. The fact of the matter is that quite a due process procedure is set up. If a person comes forward and alleges that he has been denied the right, there is a procedure set up by which he may go into Federal court, under his constitutional right, under the 15th amendment and the other constitutional rights he has, and make certain allegations. The judge must make certain findings. If he finds the facts are correct, he issues a court order, directed to what we in our State would call the registrar of voters, but what in other States might be the county clerk, or whatever else he might be, and says, in effect, “You are violating the constitutional rights of this man. He is being discriminated against under the laws of this State. Put him on the registration rolls.”

If the local official complies with the law and complies with the Constitution, nobody is fined, and nobody goes to jail. It is only if the local official or the local individuals involved in the case ignore the order of the court and, in effect, say that “we will not comply with the order seeking to protect the constitutional rights of American citizens,” that the judge may, under either civil contempt, which may be used in most cases, and may in most cases be effective, or under the criminal contempt provisions, impose the penalties.

So this bill is not seeking to punish people. To the contrary, it is seeking to gain for American citizens the very fundamental right to vote. If nobody is denied the right to vote in the State of the Senator from South Carolina, there will not be a single citizen in the State of South Carolina who will be involved in either a civil or criminal contempt. If nobody is being denied the right to vote in any other State, there will not be a single citizen, man or woman, who will be involved in either civil or criminal contempt under this bill. There will not be large numbers of persons who will be fined or jailed for 10 days or 30 days or 45 days, to force compliance with the constitutional rights of American citizens. That is going to be so only if the conditions which the Senator says prevail in his State do not prevail in other areas of the country and large numbers of American citizens are denied their constitutional rights. It seems to me it is all clear and simple. The Senator has nothing to fear in his own State or in any other State, because if nobody is being denied the right to vote, nobody can be punished by either civil or criminal contempt proceedings under the bill.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to say, in reply to that statement, whether a single person in South Carolina would be affected by the bill or not would not change my opinion about the bill, because the bill as passed by the House affects American citizens everywhere. The bill the Senate passed delineated and made a distinction between civil contempt, the purpose of which is to bring about compliance with an order, and criminal contempt, the purpose of which is to punish for a crime.

A criminal contempt has been held, in a court decision which I cited earlier today, to be a crime. Criminal contempt is a crime. The bill as passed by the House provides for punishment for criminal contempt and provides that a judge can try the case, in his discretion. The defendant does not get a jury trial for a criminal contempt unless the punishment goes beyond 45 days or beyond a $300 fine. I am not concerned about the people of South Carolina violating the voting rights of citizens, because I do not think anybody in South Carolina is violating anyone’s voting rights. I presume this bill is aimed chiefly at helping the Negroes, is it not, Senator?

Mr. KNOWLAND. No. The bill would be aimed at any American citizen, without regard to race, creed, or color, whose voting rights under the 15th amendment would be denied.

Mr. THURMOND. As a matter of fact, it is the Negro whom it is chiefly aimed to help. Is that not a fact?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I suppose most allegations of a denial of voting rights come from colored citizens of the United States, but I assume the same situation might apply to Indians, in some instances, or might apply to others who might be entitled, under the Constitution, to the right to vote; but it is not aimed at any one race or one section of the country. The Constitution, as the Senator well knows, and I think would not dispute, applies to all 48 States of the Union, and not merely to a part of the Union.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is correct, but I refer to the practical purpose of the bill. I understood that was so admitted, and one reason why the right of trial by jury was attempted to be taken away was that southern juries would not convict in cases involving the right of Negroes to vote.

For the Senator’s information, in my State I would like him to know that in the 1952 election President Eisenhower lacked just a few votes of carrying the State. The Negroes voted in heavy numbers. The Negro newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer, of Columbia, S. C., published by and for Negroes, bragged about the fact that they were responsible for winning the State for Stevenson. It said that more than 80,000 of them had voted in that election, and that represented about one-fourth of the entire votes cast in that general election. The Negroes of our State comprise only 40 percent of the population. If they voted to the extent of almost one-fourth of all the votes cast in that election—and they probably voted more, because they admitted they cast that many—think it is indicative that the Negroes are voting in large numbers. Of course, they are not so well qualified to vote as are the White people. I do not know of a Negro in South Carolina who is qualified and wants to vote who is denied that privilege. So Negroes are voting in my State.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I might say to the Senator I was in his State in 1952. I happened to travel with then General Eisenhower, who was a candidate for the presidency before he became President of the United States. I attended meetings with the President-to-be. The point I want to make perfectly clear is that I do not dispute the fact, as stated by the distinguished Senator, that a large number—perhaps a good majority—of the Negro citizens of this country or of his State may be registered Democrats. I think they may continue to vote for the Democratic ticket, so far as that is concerned. They may have been responsible, as the Senator says, for having carried South Carolina for Stevenson—

Mr. THURMOND. That is what they said.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Or, at least, that is what they said; but that would not change my viewpoint in the slightest, as a Republican, if they were entitled as American citizens to vote, even though they were responsible for the defeat of my party in that State. I might say that in the northern areas, the heavily populated areas, with large Negro populations, for the most part Negroes have voted the Democratic ticket, and generally for New Deal candidates, and it certainly is not politically advantageous to my party when they vote that way. That still would not change my viewpoint that, if they, are American citizens and if under the Constitution they are entitled to the right of any other citizen to vote, which the Constitution clearly gives them, both the Senate and the House, as well as the executive branch of the Government and the local public officials and the national public officials, have the responsibility to see that they are not denied the right to vote and to exercise their constitutional rights, whether the citizens may be predominantly Democratic, predominantly Republican, or predominantly Independent.

That point is not at issue here. The issue is whether they are entitled, under the qualifications of the State laws, and under the Constitution of the United States, to vote. If they are, they should be assured that every public official who raises his hand to support both the State and National Constitution has the responsibility to see that citizens get the right to vote when they want to exercise it. In this country, we do not have coerced voting, where citizens have to go to the polls. But if citizens want to do so, they should be allowed to do so, without any direct intimidation or without any of the more subtle, indirect intimidations or coercions which sometimes can be practiced, as the distinguished Senator knows.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator if he has had evidence presented to him which has convinced him that there is a need for this bill to be passed, in spite of all the laws the States have to protect the right to vote, and in spite of section 594 of the United States criminal code which protects the right to vote. Has the Senator ever had evidence presented to him that convinced him it is necessary to pass the bill, in spite of the laws of the States and the Federal statutes?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator if I did not feel that it was both necessary and desirable to pass the bill, I would not have supported it. I believe there have been sufficient facts presented to indicate that a bill of this type is both necessary and desirable.

I have never taken the position on the floor, or publicly or privately, in which I have made a blanket indictment and stated that southern juries would not convict, because I have the highest respect for the people of the South, for their responsibilities of citizenship, for their loyalty to this country, and for the fact that they have served in uniform side by side with citizens from other sections of the country in fighting off our enemies in the various struggles in which this Nation has been engaged. I have never suggested that there should be a blanket indictment of a whole people under any circumstances. I do not now say that the facts outlined by the Senator from South Carolina, with respect to his own State, are not correct. Of course, I do not know his State as well as does the Senator from South Carolina, but if he tells me that there are no cases where a person is deprived of his right to vote, where a Negro citizen, if he possesses precisely the same qualifications that would be expected of a white citizen—

Mr. THURMOND. None that I know about.

Mr. KNOWLAND. That he has exactly the same rights to register, exactly the same rights to vote, I take the Senator’s word for it, because I have great respect for him. I will say, however, that in the facts presented by the Attorney General’s office before the committee, relative to another State in the broad general area of the South—I might say the same thing might apply in an area of the North or the West, for that matter, because what we are seeking to protect is the rights of American citizens in all 48 States of the Union—it was shown that large numbers of persons who had been registered were purged from the registration rolls. The predominant number, if not all of the purgees, were members of the Negro race, with very few, if any, members of the white race. Purely on the law of averages, to a reasonable man, one would not have to be a lawyer to know that it does not seem to be a matter of chance. Then when they sought to re-register, according to the facts presented, the local registrar indicated, though there were several thousand of them, he could not register more than 50 a day. That meant those persons had to stand in line for long periods of time, which would naturally be a discouraging thing in trying to get back on the registration rolls.

There was used the apparently rather interesting and novel provision of verbal question. I doubt very much whether many, if any, Members of the Senate could have answered some of the questions which were asked. If a question was answered one way, that apparently was not the right answer. If the question was answered the other way, which any reasonable person might have done, that apparently was not the right answer. Perhaps the same position would have been taken by the local registrar if the citizen involved had been of any other race, but, again, to a reasonable person it seems that there was at least an effort made to discourage American citizens from exercising the right of franchise.

I again reiterate that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that occurrence did not take place in the State of South Carolina.

The Senator has made a very fine statement of the rights the citizens of his State enjoy. I think all Americans will rejoice in that fact. I want to say there is nothing in the proposal before the Senate which will in the least change the power of the States to prescribe the qualifications of their voters. They have that right under our Federal system. I think, however, the States have the obligation not merely to give lip service to, but to follow both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and that whenever such qualifications are prescribed, whatever they may be, they should be applied impartially and equitably to every American citizen, regardless of his race, color, creed, or previous condition of servitude.

Those are the words of the Constitution. Those are the words that every citizen occupying a position as a registrar, a county clerk, or a local voting commissioner has a full obligation to comply with. Such persons should not apply one rule to one group of citizens and a different rule to a different group of citizens. If they will apply the laws with equity and with impartiality, then they have nothing to fear in the slightest in the way of either civil or criminal contempt under this bill, at least in my judgment.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator from California one more question, and with that I will desist.

Although the Senator is not a lawyer, he is one of the best read men in the United States. I imagine he is an expert on the Constitution, also, because he is a very deep student.

I wonder how the Senator could agree to this compromise, which would deprive people in criminal contempt cases of the right to a trial by jury, when the Constitution is so clear on that point?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator that I will leave the matter to the lawyers, to debate later the specific point which the Senator mentions. I, at least, have heard of no section of the country where there is a provision for a trial by jury in an equity proceeding where there is a contempt of the court.

Mr. THURMOND. I am speaking of criminal contempt.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I know, but I am speaking also of a contempt of the court in carrying out its order in an equity proceeding.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to that I will say to the Senator I agree that in civil contempt cases under the present law the court has the right to use its power to bring about compliance with an order, in civil contempt cases. However, I am speaking of criminal contempt cases, which are provided for in the compromise bill. The bill provides for criminal contempt actions.

Criminal contempt is a crime. I have here a decision which sustains that point. Since criminal contempt is a crime, there is a right to a trial by jury.

The Constitution of the United States in article III., section 2, says this:

{{smaller block|The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases or Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; * * *.}}

The sixth amendment reads:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions—}}

That is what we are referring to. We refer to a criminal prosecution for criminal contempt. It is a prosecution by the judge, who is the prosecutor, the legislature, the judge, and the jury.

The court has held that criminal contempt is a crime, and the Constitution makes reference to all criminal prosecutions. We refer here to a criminal prosecution.

The sixth amendment says:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, * * *.}}

And so forth.

In the seventh amendment to the Constitution there is also a reference to a jury trial. The amendment I have read is exactly to the point.

If the Senator had provided in the compromise bill that the judge could impose a sentence of imprisonment for 1 day—not 45 days, but even 1 day—or a fine of even $1 in a criminal-contempt case, he would be giving the judge the power to try a man without a jury in violation of the Constitution, even though the punishment would be negligible.

What I am opposed to is the fact that the compromise bill, the way it is written and the way it has come to the Senate, violates the Constitution of the United States. I am vitally concerned about that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the Senator will yield further, then I shall not interrupt him any more.

All I can say to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is that the highest law officers of the Government of the United States are the Attorney General of the United States and representatives of the Department of Justice. They, too, have sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States. The most able lawyers in the Department of Justice have looked over the proposed legislation, as well. In their judgment, it is constitutional and it does not violate the Constitution of the United States.

The Senator is entitled, of course, to make the assertion that in his judgment the provision is not constitutional. Such arguments come up even before the Supreme Court of the United States, as the distinguished Senator knows, from time to time, as well as before other courts. Sometimes the judges can agree by a unanimous vote as to what they think is constitutional or what they think is unconstitutional. However, over the long period of our history there have been many notable cases relative to the constitutionality of some act of Congress or the constitutional rights of some individual as to which the Supreme Court of the United States, which is the highest judicial tribunal of the land, has divided on a 5-to-4 decision.

The Senator’s assertion that the provision is not constitutional—I am sure the Senator would be the first to admit—does not make it unconstitutional. I quite admit that the assertion of any qualified lawyer on this side, who might make the assertion the provision was constitutional, would not, by that assertion, make it so. Nor would the opinion of the Attorney General make it so.

At least I do not want the record to show that merely by having the Senator make the assertion that in his judgment it is not constitutional, necessarily, ''ipso facto'', that assertion makes a fact.

Mr. THURMOND. Of course, we remember also that the Attorney General in the original bill wanted to transfer these matters to the equity side of the court to deprive citizens of the right of jury trial. We have to keep that in mind.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the distinguished Senator will yield further, I wish to thank him for his courtesy in yielding. I hope he has enjoyed our discussion as much as I have. I hope perhaps it has been a brief respite to him, under all the circumstances. I would stay to listen to the Senator, but I have a breakfast engagement with the President at the White House. I know under those circumstances the distinguished Senator will excuse me.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to yield to the distinguished Senator, for whom I have such high admiration.

Mr. President, I continue to read my statement:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|BILL OF RIGHTS GUARANTIES}}

Before taking up specific provisions of several of the bills pending before the committee, I should like to read for you two of the basic provisions in the Bill of Rights.

The ninth amendment to the Constitution provides:

“The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”

The 10th amendment to the Constitution provides:

“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”

Those last two amendments of the Bill of Rights make clear the intent of the Founding Fathers. Their intent was that all rights not specifically listed, and all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government, would be held inalienable by the States, and the people.

{{c|{{asc|BILL OF RIGHTS UNALTERED}}}}

This basic concept of the Bill of Rights has never been constitutionally amended, no matter what the Federal courts have done, no matter what the executive branch of the Federal Government has done, and no matter what the Congress might have done or attempted to do in the past. The people and the States still retain all rights not specifically delegated to the Federal Government.

Let us also consider these proposals from a practical standpoint.

What could be accomplished by a Federal law embodying provisions which are already on the statute books of the States that cannot be accomplished by the State laws? I fail to see that any benefit could come from the enactment of Federal laws duplicating State statutes which guarantee the rights of citizens. Certainly the enactment of still other laws not approved by the States could result only in greater unrest than has been created by the recent decisions of the Federal courts.

{{c|{{asc|MR. DOOLEY WAS RIGHT}}}}

The truth is very much as Mr. Dooley, the writer-philosopher, stated it many years ago, that the Supreme Court follows the election returns.

If he were alive today, I believe Mr. Dooley would note also that the election returns follow the Supreme Court.

And now it looks as if some people are trying to follow both the Supreme Court and the election returns. Having made these general comments, I would like to comment specifically on some of the pending proposals. First, on the proposal for the establishment of a Commission on Civil Rights.

{{c|{{asc|COMMISSION UNNEEDED}}}}

There is absolutely no reason for the establishment of such a commission. The Congress and its committees can perform all of the investigative functions which would come within the sphere of constitutional authority.

I do not believe the members of any commission, however established, could represent the views of the people of this country as well as the Members of Congress can. I hope that the members of this committee and the Members of the Congress will not permit themselves to be persuaded that anyone else can look after the problems of the people any better, or as well, as the Congress can.

Furthermore, there is no justification for an investigation in this field.

I hope this committee will recommend against the establishment of such a commission.

Another bill would provide for an additional Assistant Attorney General to head a department given by the Attorney General last year. I have searched the testimony given by the Attorney General last year before the committees of the Congress with regard to this proposal, and I have found no valid reason why an additional Assistant Attorney General is needed.

I can understand how an additional Assistant Attorney General might be needed if the Congress were to approve a Civil Rights Division and enact some of the other proposals in the so-called civil-rights bills. But they are proposals not dealing with criminal offenses—they deal with efforts of the Justice Department to enter into civil actions against citizens.

If the Justice Department is permitted to go into the various States to stir up and agitate persons to seek injunctions and to enter suits against their neighbors, then the Attorney General might need another assistant. However, the Justice Department should avoid civil litigation, instead of seeking to promote it.

I hope the members of this committee will recognize this proposal as one which could turn neighbor against neighbor, and will treat it as it deserves by voting against it.

{{c|{{asc|WORSE THAN ''EX POST FACTO''}}}}

Another proposal of the so-called civil-rights bills is closely related to the one I have just discussed. It would provide that—

“Whenever any persons have engaged or about to engage in any acts or practices which would give rise to a cause of action * * * the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States but for the benefit of the real party in interest, a civil action or other proper proceeding or redress or preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order.”

Now that proposal is one which I would label as even more insidious than any ''ex post facto'' law which could possibly be imagined.

An ''ex post facto'' law would at least apply to some real act committed by a person which was not in violation of law at the time. The point is, however, in such instance the person would actually have committed the act.

This proposal would permit the Justice Department to secure an injunction from a Federal judge or to institute a civil suit on behalf of some person against a second person when the latter had committed no act at all. An injunction might be secured from a Federal judge charging a violation of the law without any evidence that a person even intended to do so.

How any person could support by oath a charge as to whether another person was about to engage in violating the law is beyond my understanding.

Many of the pioneers who settled this new continent came because they wanted to escape the tyranny of European despots. They wanted their families to live in a new land where everybody could be guaranteed the right to trial by jury, instead of the decrees of dictators.

Congress, as the directly elected representatives of the people, should be the last to consider depriving the people of jury trials. We should never consider it at all. But, if this proposal to strengthen the civil-rights statutes is approved, that would be its effect.

{{c|{{asc|AGENTS COULD MEDDLE}}}}

Under this provision, the Attorney General could dispatch his agents throughout the land. They would be empowered to meddle with private business, police elections, intervene in private lawsuits, and breed litigation generally. They would keep our people in a constant state of apprehension and harassment. Liberty quickly perishes under such government, as we have seen it perish in foreign nations.

A further provision of that same proposal would permit the bypassing of State authorities in such cases. The Federal district courts would take over original jurisdiction, regardless of administrative remedies, and the right of appeal to the State courts.

{{c|{{asc|STATE COURTS STRIPPED}}}}

This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and vest the Federal courts with that authority.

Still another proposal among the so-called civil-rights bills would “provide a means of further securing and protecting the right to vote.” I have had a search made of the laws of all 48 States and the right to vote is protected by law in every State.

{{c|{{asc|SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION PROTECTS VOTER}}}}

In South Carolina, my own State, the constitution of 1895 provides in article III., section 5, that the general assembly shall provide by law for crimes against the election laws and, further, for right of appeal to the State supreme court for any person denied registration.

The South Carolina election statute spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court. It also requires a special session of the court if no session is scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.

Article II., section 15 of South Carolina’s constitution, provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State.

In pursuance of the constitutional provisions, the South Carolina General Assembly has passed laws to punish anyone who shall threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. Anyone who violates any of the provisions in regard to general, special, or primary elections, is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.

In this proposed Federal bill to “protect the right to vote,” a person could be prosecuted or an injunction obtained against him based on surmise as to what he might be about to do. The bill says that the Attorney General may institute proceedings against a person who has engaged or “is about to engage in” any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege concerned with voting.

{{c|{{asc|UNCONSTITUTIONAL AMENDING}}}}

I believe the effect of enactment of such legislation as these proposals would be to alter our form of government, without following the procedures established by the Constitution.

I believe the effect of enacting these bills into law would be to take from the States power and authority guaranteed to them by the Constitution.

In recent years there have been more and more assaults by the Federal Government on the rights of the States, as the Federal Government has seized power held by the States. In many instances, I believe, this has been done without a constitutional basis.

The States have lost prestige. But more important, the States have lost a part of their sovereignty whenever the Federal Government has taken over additional responsibilities. That loss might seem unimportant at the time, but gradually it could become a major part of the sovereignty of the States.

Officials of the Federal Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or the judicial branch, should not forget to whom they owe their allegiance. Each of us owes his allegiance to the Constitution and to the people—not to any agency, department, or person. We have taken an oath to support and defend the Constitution.

We must take into account the facts as they really are, and not be panicked by the organized pressures which so often beset public officials.

{{c|{{asc|STATES CREATED UNION}}}}

We must not lose sight of the fact that the States created the Federal Union; the Federal Government did not create the States.

All of the powers held by the Federal Government were delegated to it by the States in the Constitution. The Federal Government had no power, and should have no power, which was not granted by the States in the constitution.

If this Congress approves the legislation embodied in the bills pending before the committee, it will be an unwarranted attempt to seize power not rightfully held by the Congress or by any branch of the Federal Government.

I hope this committee will consider these facts and recommend the disapproval of these bills.}}

Mr. President, that was the statement I made before the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives on February 26.

Mr. President, on August 6 I made my third address on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced my vigorous objections to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127, as amended by the Senate, which was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of this bill.

I shall now repeat my several objections to this milder form of the bill as I stated them on August 6. These were my words at that time:

{{smaller block|Mr. President, I am opposed to the creation of a Commission on Civil Rights as proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127.

To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a Commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, such an investigation should be conducted by the States or by an appropriate committee of the Congress, acting within the jurisdiction of Congressional authority. It should not be done by a commission.

I also object to part I. of H. R. 6127 because of the fact that it places duties upon the Commission and endows it with powers which no governmental commission should have.

In fact, Mr. President, the language of the bill proposing to establish this Commission is so broad and so general that it may encompass more evils than have yet been detected in it.

Under its duties and powers the Commission would be able to subpena citizens to appear before it to answer questions on many subjects outside the scope of elections and voting rights.

Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—

“(1) Investigate allegations in writing under oath or affirmation that certain citizens of the United States are being deprived of their right to vote and have that vote counted by reason of their color, race, religion, or national origin; which writing, under oath or affirmation, shall set forth the facts upon which such belief or beliefs are based.”

Mr. President, the bill, in part IV., contains an additional protection of the voting right of citizens above and beyond present State and Federal laws. Provision is made for enforcement of part IV., and there were already sufficient enforcement provisions to carry out the intent of the existing State and Federal laws. I do not see how a commission could enhance officers nor the powers of law enforcement officers nor the enforcement and punitive authority of the courts.

I can see no valid reason why a commission should be created, in addition to the legal enforcement procedures, unless the purpose is for the Commission to stir up litigation among our people.

This bill has been advertised, promoted, and ballyhooed as a right-to-vote bill. However, I want to cite two paragraphs which give broad authority for investigations other than alleged violations of a person’s right to vote.

Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—

“(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and

“(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.”

Instead of limiting the power of the Commission, these two paragraphs provide it with ''carte blanche'' authority to probe into and meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals which the Commission and members of its staff could conjure up.

I want to call particular attention to a divergence in language between paragraphs 2 and 3. Paragraph 2 refers to a study of “legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection.” Paragraph 3 says “appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection.”

The significant thing here is the omission of the specific intent of paragraph 2. Although the language of paragraph 2 is obscure and omits a governmental reference, it obviously must refer to State and local governments, else it would be redundant and have no meaning at all.

Also, as I pointed out, investigations conducted under paragraphs 2 and 3 could go far afield from the question of voting rights. The Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools, and elsewhere, under the authorization of these two paragraphs. Combining its authority to investigate on an unlimited scale and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions, the Commission would have a powerful weapon.

Mr. President, I do not believe the people of this country realize the virtually unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. While the Commission would have no power to implement its desires, I do not believe the people of this country want such a totalitarian type of persuasion imposed upon them.

Part I. of H. R. 6127 purports to create a Civil Rights Commission. Actually, it would create a traveling investigation commission.

Section 103(b) of part I. also would place tremendous power within the grasp of the Attorney General with reference to members of the Commission “otherwise in the service of the Government.” The clear implication is that whoever drafted this scheme to send traveling agents over the country intended to make use of certain members of the executive branch of the Federal Government. I don’t believe it would be necessary to look further than the Justice Department to determine where Commission members already in Government service would be secured. By placing his employees on the Commission, the Attorney General would transform the traveling agents into an additional investigative arm of the Justice Department.

Mr. President, I next call attention to the potential abuse found in section 102(g) under the innocuous title, “Rules of Procedure of the Commission.” That section provides that “no evidence or testimony taken in executive session may be released or used in public sessions without the consent of the Commission. Whoever releases or uses in public without the consent of the Commission evidence or testimony taken in executive session shall be fined not more than $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 1 year.”

In an editorial of July 26, 1957, the Washington Post very correctly pointed out how this section could be used to imprison reporters and other citizens for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them.

This editorial provides a penetrating and enlightening criticism of this section. Because of its pertinency and fine analysis, I shall read the last three paragraphs of the editorial which is entitled “Open Rights Hearings,” which states:

“The bill contains an invitation to the Commission to operate behind closed doors. It provides that ‘if the Commission determines that evidence or testimony at any hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, it shall * * * receive such evidence or testimony in executive session * * *.’ Some closed sessions may be necessary to avoid unfair reflections upon individuals, but these should certainly be an exception to the general rule. In our opinion, this section ought to be rewritten in more positive vein to provide that sessions of the Commission should be open to the public, unless it should find that closed hearings were essential to avoid unfairness.

“The House also wrote into the bill a dangerous section providing for the fining or imprisonment for not more than 1 year of anyone who might ‘release or use in public,’ without the consent of the Commission, any testimony taken behind closed doors. If the Commission should choose to operate under cover, without any valid reason to do so, newspaper reporters and other citizens could be jailed for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them. This is a penalty that has been shunned even in matters affecting national security. Such a provision is an invitation to abuse and a serious menace to the right of the people to know about the activities of governmental agencies.

“It is well to remember that this would not be merely a study commission. In addition it would be under obligation to investigate allegations that persons were being deprived of their rights under the 14th and 15th amendments. It could subpena witnesses and documents and appeal to the courts for enforcement of such edicts. Its powers would be such that it should be held to scrupulous rules of fairness. To encourage the Commission to operate in secret, and then to penalize news mediums and citizens for disclosing what should have been public in the first place, would be the sort of mistake that Congress ought to avoid at the outset.”

Mr. President, I think the points made in the editorial are clear and valid. Secrecy in the activities of such a Commission could only lead to a denial of the rights of an individual rather than to protection of his rights.

Another subject which must not be passed over is the subpena power of the Commission. Section 105(f) provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the production of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

Mr. President, many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding Commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed.

Neither would the power contained in section 105(g) which provides that Federal courts shall have the power, upon application by the Attorney General, to issue “an order requiring” a witness to answer a subpena of the Commission and “any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.”

The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority of the traditional American factfinding commission. I look with suspicion upon such a Commission so endowed with authority, and I object to its establishment.

Mr. President, I want to discuss another reason, briefly, why I would be opposed to the establishment of the Commission proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127. Every appropriation bill which has come before the Senate this year has been reduced by the Senate below the budget request. The people of this country have called upon the Members of Congress to reduce the costs of government, not to increase them by creating new agencies or commissions.

The advocates of the Commission might argue that the cost of its operation would not be great, but nowhere in the records of the hearings have I found an estimate of what the total cost would be. If the Commission were to exist only for the 2 years provided in the bill, the compensation and ''per diem'' allowance of Commission members would amount to more than a quarter of a million dollars, not counting their travel allowances.

Since there is no limitation on the number of personnel which might be appointed by the Commission, there is no way to estimate the ultimate cost of personnel salaries and expenses. Since the Commission is designed to travel over the country at will, very heavy travel expenses undoubtedly would be incurred.

The taxpayers would never know how many of their tax dollars were wasted by virtue of the seemingly innocuous language in section 105(e). Unknown, concealed costs are not, however, the only dangers lurking in that subsection. A serious departure from sound legislative procedure is also involved.

In the past, when creating an agency or commission, Congress retained control of its creation by the appropriation power. This is a wonderful check, Mr. President, against the abuse or misuse of Commission authority. Scrupulous care should be taken to preserve it.

However, section 105(e) provides that “all Federal agencies shall cooperate fully with the Commission to the end that it may effectively carry out its functions and duties.”

Thus the Civil Rights Commission could call on the other governmental agencies to perform many of its tasks. Congressional control over the Commission would be much less than if the Commission had to depend on its own appropriations and would not be permitted to use the resources of other agencies. Once the commission is created, only another law can check its activity during the period of its existence.

Another thing that concerns me about this Commission is the fact that once a Government agency or commission is established, nothing else on earth so nearly approaches eternal existence as that Government agency or commission. Mr. President, I feel that the 2-year limitation placed upon the Commission in this bill would simply be a starting point, and the people of this country should realize that at this time.

With further reference to section 104(a), I want to point out the use of the mandatory word shall. This word requires the Commission to investigate all sworn allegations submitted to the Commission of any citizen allegedly being deprived of his right to vote.

But the provision neglects to require that such allegations be submitted by parties in interest—not simply by some meddler who seeks to create trouble between other persons. This is another provision of this bill similar to section 131(c) which would permit the Attorney General to make the United States a party to a case without the consent of the party actually involved.

Another objection to 104(a) is that under this provision a person could make an allegation to the Commission against a person who was not even a citizen of the same State. Even so, under the mandatory language of section 104(a), the Commission would be required to make an investigation of the charges.

Since the Commission is limited by section 102(k) to subpenaing witnesses to hearings only within the State of residence of the witness, there would be no opportunity in such a situation for the accused to confront his accuser. Charges against a person should not be accepted by the Commission unless the accuser is a citizen of the same State as the person he is charging with a violation of the law.

Also, Mr. President, once the Commission has received the sworn allegation, there is no requirement that other testimony received relating to the allegation be taken under oath. Failure to make all persons giving testimony subject to perjury prosecutions in the event they testify to falsehoods would surely destroy the value of any such testimony received.

The Commission could and might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony; but I should not like to see the Senate leave that point to the discretion of the Commission because, in my judgment, the Congress should require that practice to be followed.

Mr. President, as I stated earlier, it is my view that an inquiry into the field of civil rights, or so-called civil rights, is entirely unnecessary at this time. The laws of the States and the Federal laws are being enforced effectively.

Should there come a time when information might be needed on this subject, the Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with deliberation and care. The appropriate committees of the Congress itself should hold hearings limited to the jurisdiction of the Congress, and the Congress should make its own determination as to the need for legislation.

There is no present indication that any such study will be needed.

Part II. of the bill still provides for the appointment of one additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. As I have stated in previous addresses, there is absolutely no need for an additional Attorney General to be appointed at a cost to the taxpayers of $20,000 per year.

Of course, that would merely be a small part of the total cost because a large staff of lawyers would also be employed.

The other provisions of the bill do not necessitate the establishment of a civil-rights division in the Justice Department, because there is no indication there would be any substantial increase in such cases with which the Department should be concerned.

As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have admitted time and again here in the Senate that there has been a steady decrease in the number of civil-rights cases throughout the country.

Since there has been a decrease in civil-rights cases, and since there is no indication that any increase should be expected, I can see absolutely no reason for the expansion of the present civil-rights section of the Justice Department into a Civil Rights Division with an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge.

Mr. President, in view of the fact that sufficient justification has not been presented for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, I hope the Senate will not approve such additional expenditures as would be required for this purpose. In my opinion, the Attorney General has failed entirely to show a need for an additional assistant.

Part III. of the bill as amended has been thoroughly discussed and I shall not dwell on that at this time.

Part IV., which is the section dealing with what the advocates of the bill have said was the entire purpose of the bill, still has provisions which are objectionable to me. Section 131(c) still contains language which, to me, borders on an effort at thought control instead of providing an unneeded additional guaranty of the right to vote. Also, it gives the Attorney General undue authority. The section reads as follows:

“(c) Whenever any person has engaged, or there are reasonable grounds to believe that any person is about to engage, in any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege secured by subsection (a) or (b), the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States, a civil action or other proper proceeding for preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order. In any proceeding hereunder the United States shall be liable for costs the same as a private person.”

As long ago as February 26, when I appeared before the special Judiciary Subcommittee of the House of Representatives to testify against pending civil-rights bills, I expressed my opposition to the language contained in the section I. have just quoted. I do not believe it possible for the Attorney General, for any of his representatives, or for anybody else to determine what is in another person’s mind and whether he is about to engage in some violation of the law.

If the Attorney General should attempt to ascertain what is going on in the minds of other persons, he will need soothsayers and prophets instead of an additional Attorney General.

I object to this language because I do not believe it possible for any witness to testify truthfully that he knows another person was about to violate the law, unless some overt action had been taken by the accused person.

Mr. President, an attempt to apply this provision against American citizens would be completely out of keeping with the guaranties of personal freedom contained in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights.

I object also to the authority granted the Attorney General in section (c) to “institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States,” a civil action or other court proceeding on behalf of a person without the consent of that person. Individuals have adequate legal remedies which they themselves may institute on their own behalf. It is not necessary to give the Attorney General this extreme power of absolute discretion to be exercised as he desires on behalf of some individual who may not wish to take court action or to have anybody else take such action on his behalf.

If one of the duties of the proposed additional Assistant Attorney General would be to seek out persons and insist upon entering the courts on their behalf, this provision, combined with part II., provides another objection to the appointment of an Assistant Attorney General.

The American system has never condoned the idea that a third party should stir up trouble between two other persons. Instead, the American system abhors troublemakers, especially when troublemaking takes the form of barratry. This form of troublemaking has been looked down upon much in the same way other lawyers look down upon their colleagues who chase ambulances.

The United States Government should not be placed in this position of disrepute and certainly it should not be called upon to bear the expenses of such court proceedings.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which provides that—

“(b) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.”

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States, should not be exhausted prior to Federal district courts taking jurisdiction in election-law violations.

This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 have spoken out strongly on behalf of the Federal courts during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them.

The laws of all the 48 States contain provisions protecting the right to vote. No additional protection is needed beyond existing State and Federal laws.

In my own State of South Carolina, the constitution of 1895 required the general assembly to provide by law for the punishment of crimes against the election laws. That has been done. The State constitution further required a provision to permit a person to appeal to the State supreme court if he should be denied registration. The election law spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court, and requires that the court hold a special session if one is not scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.

South Carolina’s constitution also provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State. In pursuance of this constitutional provision, the South Carolina General Assembly has enacted laws for the punishment of anyone who threatens, mistreats, or abuses any voter in an effort to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. These laws apply to all elections. Anyone who violates these laws is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.

Mr. President, in view of the existing laws of the States and the existing Federal laws, I now contend, as I have contended since the so-called civil-rights bills were introduced, that any qualified voter in the United States is fully protected in his right of suffrage.

This bill, H. R. 6127, is unnecessary. It is an encroachment upon the rights of the States, and it infringes upon the rights of individuals when the Attorney General is empowered to take action on the behalf of any person without his consent.

I believe this bill should be rejected, because of the various unnecessary and unconstitutional provisions which I have discussed.

Part V. of the bill, which was added to insure and provide for trial by jury in proceedings to punish criminal contempts, is an amendment which I approved and voted for, but I do not consider it as strong as desirable. In my opinion, the bill which the senior Senators from Mississippi and Virginia and I introduced in the Senate last March should be approved, to provide best for the right of trial by jury for every American citizen.

However, the addition of part V. to the bill makes it much less objectionable than the bill would have been without the assurance of trial by jury in criminal-contempt proceedings contained in part V.

Mr. President, I want to reiterate my previous assertions that this bill is unnecessary, and in some respects unconstitutional.

H. R. 6127 in its original form carried the label of being a right-to-vote bill; but when we unwrapped the package here in the Senate and examined it carefully, as we have, we found the label was entirely misleading.

The so-called civil-rights bill should have been entitled “A bill to empower the Attorney General to deprive certain citizens of their right to trial by jury.” Also, it should have been labeled as an implement intended to be used to force integration of the races in the public schools.

Happily, we examined the contents of the package, stripped off the old label, and advertised the deception so that every citizen could recognize the dangers wrapped in the package.

The amendments which have been enacted have reduced the power which was intended to be placed in the hands of the Attorney General. They have removed the authority for the use of military forces in cases of alleged civil-rights violations. They have made the proposed Commission answerable to Congress as well as to the President, and have provided for the members to be subject to confirmation by the Senate. They have better defined and narrowed the powers of Federal judges in contempt proceedings. All of these amendments have vastly ameliorated the original obnoxiousness of H. R. 6127. However, nothing could entirely remove the objectionable features of this packaged bill of goods, submitted to the American people under a deceptive label.

I shall vote against passage of H. R. 6127, because I believe that in so doing I shall be casting a vote for the preservation of our liberties, and for the preservation of constitutional government in this country.}}

Mr. President, that was the statement which I made on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced vigorous objection to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127 as amended by the Senate.

Of course, the Senate bill was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of the bill.

Mr. President, I now wish to discuss part IV. of H. R. 6127 and the 15th amendment to the Constitution.

{{smaller block|PART IV.—TO PROVIDE MEANS OF FURTHER SECURING AND PROTECTING THE RIGHT TO VOTE}}

Part IV. of the proposed civil-rights bill confers on the Attorney General the right to bring civil action and seek an injunction in a Federal district in the name of the United States if he believes any person is violating or about to violate either of two laws presently existing for the protection of voters.

Let us examine the two laws the Attorney General seeks to enforce by civil suit or injunction.

The first of these laws, presently appearing as section 2004 of the Revised Statutes of 1874—title 42, United States Code, section 1971—is actually section 1 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870—Sixteenth United States Statutes at Large, page 140. This bill, S. 810 and H. R. 1293, passed the respective Houses of Congress without debate on its merits under the rule on motion. This bill as it passed Congress contained in its second section a definite provision that civil damages to the aggrieved might be recovered through civil suit in the Federal courts. Furthermore, it provided for the obtaining of political office by civil suit through ''quo'' warrant proceedings in Federal courts.

On May 20, 1870, an attempt was made in the Senate to allow third parties to sue in behalf of the aggrieved party. This is the same proposal contained in the present bill whereby the Attorney General would be allowed to bring civil action and seek injunctions.

Even this radical 41st Congress would not accept any such proposition providing double penalties. The proposition in the present bill would provide double penalties because present law contained in both title 18, Section 242—Deprivation of Rights Under Color of Law—and title 42, Section 1971—Race, Color, or Previous Condition Not To Affect Right to Vote—afford appropriate criminal and civil remedy.

To show how the Senate in 1870 rejected such an idea of double penalties, let us examine the colloquy in the Senate on the proposal to allow someone other than the aggrieved to bring civil suit—Congressional Globe, volume 93, 41st Congress, 2d session, 1870, pages 3563–3564:

{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I understand I am in order in offering to amend the amendment.

The {{sc|Presiding Officer}}. The amendment to the amendment is in order.

Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I will repeat it, then, for the information of the Senate. I move to amend the Senate bill in section 2, line 15, by striking out the words “the person aggrieved thereby” and inserting “any person who shall sue for the same.”

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. I hope that this amendment will not be agreed to. There are now two views taken of this branch of the bill as it stands. One is that there ought not to be any provision at all for the party aggrieved; that it ought all to be out; and another view is that taken by my friend from Alabama, that it does not go far enough; that we ought not to confine this redress to the person whose vote is refused. The committee considered both those views, and thought, in analogy to State legislation and to the simple proprieties of justice, that this middle ground was the true one.

If a voter is deprived of his right to vote by the misconduct of an official, it is a personal grievance to him, an actionable injury, for which all civilized laws give him redress in some form. It is true that in most States and countries no specific amount of damages is allowed, for the reason that it is thought safer, inasmuch as that might be a matter of speculation, to leave it under the circumstances of each case to be great or small, as a jury shall think it wise to make it. But in applying the 15th amendment, which is intended to secure the rights of a large class of the population of the United States, and to secure their rights in courts which may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, by juries who may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, in communities where the local officers are found to be those who deny the rights that the 15th amendment secures, we thought it wise not to leave it to an unfriendly jury to give only 1 penny damages, if a man under the 15th amendment was deprived of a right he had, but to fix the sum the party should be entitled to recover as his damages; and on the other hand, in a community where juries might be very favorable to the party aggrieved, we thought it right to impose upon juries a limit above which they ought not to go; so that they should not either give no damages at all nor excessive damages.

This branch of the section, therefore, is framed upon that theory. It is to give to the person aggrieved, as damages for the deprivation of his rights as a citizen, a private right of his own, a right to sue, which all laws give; it would not be necessary to put that into the statute—he would have the right of action; but to fix the amount for each specific wrong to him {{SIC|whch|which}} he should be entitled to recover. Then we provide in another part of the bill, and perhaps in the same section, just as we ought to do if we are to have any law at all, that the officer guilty of this wrong to the citizen is also guilty of an offense against the public, a criminal misdemeanor, for which he may be indicted and fined, of course within certain limits, in the discretion of the court. I submit to my friend from Alabama whether, on the whole, this middle ground, which is defensible both by philosophy and by analogy, is not the true one.

Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I desire to make this bill as effective for the purpose intended as possible. The persons who will be aggrieved, particularly in our section of the country, will in the main be ignorant and timid persons, who will be afraid to sue. The fact that they may be afraid to go to the polls and vote is evidence that they will not perhaps have the courage and fearlessness to sue; but there may be some third party who would be willing to enforce the penalty. I think in the great majority of cases the person aggrieved would not avail himself of this provision.

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Then, I suggest to my friend that he would not be entitled to any action at all under this section, because this is not a section to give every man $500 who is afraid to offer to do what he has a right to do; but it is to give him as damages the sum of $500 for a positive and specific denial to him of the exercise of a right that he attempts to exercise; otherwise, he would have no cause of action. You cannot give a right of action to anybody because he is intimidated. The intimidation part of the law must be purely criminal, and is found in another part of the bill.

Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. But my amendment would give a remedy by enabling any other person than the party aggrieved to enforce the penalty. The party aggrieved I think in most cases would fail to enforce it; but some other party might.

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Some other party may in his name.

Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I desire to say a word in regard to the particular amendment now pending. This bill is for the purpose of enforcing the 15th amendment, which applies to colored voters, most of whom reside in the section of the country from which the Senator from Alabama and myself come. The great and most effectual means used to interfere with their exercise of the right secured to them by the 15th amendment is by intimidation, by violence. I think that the penalty which is named in this second section, to be enforced by the party aggrieved, would never be put into operation at all. The purpose of the bill is to protect those citizens against intimidation from voting.

I confess that there is something in the suggestion of the Senator from Vermont, that there is no intimidation in this particular section aimed at. But, sir, it is perfectly sure that the very same means of intimidation which prevents a colored citizen from voting will be resorted to to prevent him from bringing this penal action, and unless the section is amended as suggested by the Senator from Alabama, I do not believe that an action will ever be brought in those States, because it is much more difficult for one of those citizens to bring and maintain a criminal action than it is for him to perform the single act of voting.

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Will my friend permit me to make a suggestion right there?

Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. Certainly.

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. If you take out this penalty, as it is called, really liquidated damages, from the person who is aggrieved, whose right is denied, and who has suffered injury, and give it to anybody who will sue for it, it becomes a pure penalty. Then the question is, whether you can have a bill which contains double penalties; whether you are to punish, in the strict sense of punishment, a man twice for the same offense; because my friend will see that the section, in addition to giving these damages to the party aggrieved as damages, makes it a criminal misdemeanor, punishable on indictment and conviction by a fine of not less than $500 and imprisonment not less than a month nor more than a year. I suggest to my friend, who is a cultivated and educated lawyer, whether he would not in court find himself in great difficulty with a bill of double penalties, which were purely such.

Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I have never examined that question under the laws of the United States. I only know that is frequently done in my own State. We have statutes with double penalties, as referred to by the Senator, and we have never had any difficulty in that State with regard to them.

But I understood the committee to mean by this section that there was danger in the States where it is principally to apply of not being able to obtain a grand jury who will find a bill of indictment, and that in the event no bill of indictment could be found before a grand jury the party aggrieved, or, if amended as the Senator from Alabama suggests, any person in the community may still punish the offender by bringing a penal action. It seems I had mistaken the purpose of the committee entirely from what is said by the Senator from Vermont. I think, nevertheless, the amendment had better be made, unless there really be that legal objection which the Senator suggests as to double penalties, so that it could not, under the laws of the United States and the practice of the United States courts, be enforced. If that were so, it would be conclusive that the amendment ought not to be adopted. I did not understand the Senator as expressing the positive opinion that such could not be done.}}

Now, Mr. President, I shall discuss injunctions issuing from Federal district judges on the question of a person’s qualification for voting.

The civil-rights bill in part IV. confers on the district courts of the United States jurisdiction to issue injunctions in civil-rights actions and it is to be assumed that these injunctions will concern, among other supposed rights, the right to vote.

Actually appropriate remedy already exists where a person’s civil rights are violated. Section 242 of title 18, United States Code, provides a penalty and damages may be recovered in a civil action. The West Virginia Jehovah’s Witnesses case is a typical example of adequate remedy existing in such cases. In this case, the United States attorney was unable to get an indictment by the grand jury. He therefore proceeded to prosecute by information, as provided by rule 7(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and subsequently got a conviction. The information charged that two public officers, acting under color of law, had willfully deprived their victims of the Federal rights of free speech, freedom of religion, the right not to be deprived of liberty without due process of law, and the right to equal protection of the laws. The conviction was upheld by the United States court of appeals—''Catlette'' v. ''U. S.'' ((1943) 132 F. 2d 902). Civil suits were brought by the Witnesses against their prosecutors—those who had deprived them of their rights—and a settlement was made totaling $1,170 in damages which was paid.

How can the Congress vest jurisdiction in Federal courts to determine the qualifications of voters and allow Federal judges to issue injunctions in effect requiring that certain persons—the judge thinks are qualified—shall be registered and allowed to vote?

The qualifications of voters are fixed and enumerated in the constitution of each sovereign State. For purposes of determining who is entitled to vote in each State for United States Representatives and Senators, the Federal Constitution simply adopts such qualifications as the State has fixed for voting for members of that State’s legislature.

The language of article I., section 2, clause 3 of the United States Constitution reads:

{{smaller block|The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.}}

Similarly, the 17th amendment adopts for the purpose of electing United States Senators such qualifications as the States have fixed:

{{smaller block|The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 2 Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for 6 years; and each Senator shall have 1 vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.}}

In the fixing of qualifications of voters the States are limited only by the 15th amendment and the 19th amendment in that the right to vote may not be denied because of race or color or sex, respectively.

That the respective States determine who are entitled to vote has never been seriously controverted. The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly declared that the right to vote comes from the State. In declaring sections 3 and 4 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, unconstitutional, the Supreme Court in 1875 said—''U. S.'' v. ''Reese'' ((1875) 92 U. S. 214, 217, 218); also ''Butts'' v. ''Merchants and Miners Transportation Co.'' ((1913) 230 U. S. 126):

{{smaller block|The 15th amendment does not confer the right of suffrage upon anyone. It prevents the States, or the United States, however, from giving preference, in this particular, to one citizen of the United States over another on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Before its adoption, this could be done. It was as much within the power of a State to exclude citizens of the United States from voting on account of race, etc., as it was on account of age, one race having certain qualifications are permitted by law to vote, those of another having the same qualifications must be. Previous to this amendment, there was no constitutional guaranty against this discrimination; now there is. It follows that the amendment has invested the citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. This, under the express provisions of the second section of the amendment, Congress may enforce by appropriate legislation.}}

This leads us to inquire whether the act now under consideration is appropriate legislation for that purpose. The power of Congress to legislate at all upon the subject of voting at State elections rests upon this amendment. The effect of article I., section 4, of the Constitution, in respect to elections for Senators and Representatives, is not now under consideration. It has not been contended, nor can it be, that the amendment confers authority to impose penalties for every wrongful refusal to receive the vote of a qualified elector at State elections. It is only when the wrongful refusal at such an election is because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, that Congress can interfere, and provide for its punishment: If, therefore, the third and fourth sections of the act are beyond that limit, they are unauthorized.}}

Thus, if the 15th amendment has not conferred the right to vote upon anyone, how can Congress give a Federal judge authority to confer that right by injunction?

The Attorney General knows that it is a settled principle of law that an injunction will not issue to prevent a crime. At the present time the laws governing enforcement of civil rights are criminal statutes and as such he seeks to have them reenacted as civil statutes so he can secure injunctions. An injunction is really a serious proposition.

Actually an injunction is a proceeding in equity and not of law and under this principle since all of the States have adequate procedure for determining the qualifications of voters in courts of law, injunctions cannot issue in such cases.

An injunction is actually the giving of validity to a judge’s own individual opinion. The injunction had its origin during the reign of Henry VIII., when Cardinal Wolsey augmented the authority of the Court of Chancery in exercising his equitable authority over everything that could be a matter of judicial inquiry. Both Wolsey and his successor, Sir Thomas More, were severely criticized by the English judiciary for issuing injunctions in equity and thereby substituting their individual opinions for the verdict of a jury in a common law court—the Law magazine, London, volume XXVII., 1870, pages 1–25.

Such great importance is attached to the issuance of an injunction that Lord Correnham in his judgment in ''Brown'' v. ''Newall'' ((1870), 2 M. and C. 558, 570), said:

{{smaller block|Now, that that ''ex parte'' injunction was an order which ought not to have been made, is not in dispute. It has been subsequently dissolved, and nothing is attempted (570) to be said in support of it at the bar; and it is impossible that it could have been sustained. The order was a departure from the known and established rule and practice of this court. Nothing is so difficult as to bring within any general rule every case in which a special injunction ought to be granted; but, when an action has regularly proceeded, and is on the very eve of trial, an ''ex parte'' injunction to stop it is an order such as I have not before seen. The vice chancellor appears to have stated that the order was made under some misapprehension of the facts; and indeed it is quite obvious that it must have been so, for the vice chancellor could not have made the order if the facts had been thoroughly understood. It is very probable that some facts were then supposed to exist which did not actually exist.

I am not entitled, however, to assume that the order was made upon any other grounds than those stated in the affidavit which was used upon the application for the injunction; and I am, therefore, to see whether, on that affidavit, the parties have suppressed or misrepresented facts in such a way as was calculated to induce the court to grant the injunction.

I am most unwilling to lay down any rule which should limit the power and discretion of the court as to the particular cases in which a special injunction should or should not be granted; but I have always felt—and since I have been upon the bench I have seen no reason to alter my opinion—that extreme danger attends the exercise of this part of the jurisdiction of the court, and that it is a jurisdiction which is to be exercised with extreme caution. It is absolutely necessary that the power should exist, because there are cases in which it is indispensable; but I believe that practically it does as much injustice as it promotes (571) justice; and it is, therefore, to be exercised with extreme caution. The court can have no ground upon which it can proceed, in granting an ''ex parte'' injunction, but a faithful statement of the case; and where the court has found a party misstating the case, either by misrepresentation or suppression, the court has always exercised its jurisdiction, for the purpose of repressing that practice; and I am desirous to abstain from putting, by anticipation, a limit to that power. The extent to which the court is to go in so doing is only to be determined by the case itself; but then it must appear, upon the affidavits, that there was such misrepresentation. Now the affidavit upon which the ''ex parte'' injunction was obtained certainly does not state all the facts; but the question is, whether there was any such suppression or misstatement as to lead the court to grant the injunction. I do not find on that affidavit that description of misrepresentation or suppression which, in my opinion, presented a case likely to procure a judgment on the application, but different from the case which really existed.}}

Thus we can easily see, even if we had the power, that it would be a dangerous experiment to allow Federal district judges to issue injunctions on simple ''ex parte'' affidavits as is proposed in the present bill. And it might be possible under this proposal to assign New York or Vermont Federal judges to a crowded injunction calendar in Virginia to determine who is qualified to vote in that State. Section 134 of title 26, United States Code, simply requires that a district judge reside in the district or one of the districts for which he is appointed and does not preclude his assignment to another district. In fact, Chief Justice Warren under section 292 of the Judicial Code—title 28, United States Code—may assign California judges to South Carolina:

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 292. District judges:

(a) The chief judge of a circuit may designate and assign one or more district judges within the circuit to sit upon the court of appeals or a division thereof whenever the business of that court so requires. Such designations or assignments shall be in conformity with the rules or orders of the court of appeals of the circuit.

(b) The chief judge of a district may, in the public interest, designate and assign temporarily any district judge of the circuit to hold a district court in any district within the circuit.

(c) The Chief Justice of the United States may designate and assign temporarily a district judge of one circuit for service in another circuit, either in a district court or court of appeals, upon presentation of a certificate of necessity by the chief judge or circuit justice of the circuit wherein the need arises. (June 25, 1948, ch. 646, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 901.)}}

The Federal Enforcement Act of 1870 attempted to do just what this bill seeks to do, that is, take away from the States the control of their elections and place that control in the hands of federally appointed officials. If anyone has any doubts about the failure of the Enforcement Act or even its constitutionality he should read the various decisions of the United States Supreme Court declaring almost every section of the act unconstitutional. When Congress finally got around to repealing that act in 1893 here are some of the frauds cited in Congress as reasons for repeal. They included 19,000 fraudulent naturalization certificates being issued by a single judge in New York State. They included payment in fees from the United States Treasury to a single Federal supervisor of elections and commissioner of the Federal court the sum of $145,000. Interestingly enough, repeal was initiated by a New York Congressman. See {{sc|Congressional Record}}, Volume 25, pages 1959, 1808.

Mr. President, on Tuesday afternoon, August 27, I made a motion in the Senate to have H. R. 6127 in its so-called compromise form referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. I pointed out that I believed it to be a dangerous procedure to allow bills to come over from the House of Representatives and be placed on the calendar of the Senate without being referred to the appropriate committee. However, my motion was voted down 66 to 18, so the bill is now before the Senate for consideration.

Since very few Members of the Senate were present at that time to hear my objections to the present version of H. R. 6127, I shall present my arguments again.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution because that would be the result insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—

{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}

Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}

The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common-law cases.

These guaranties were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historic document their complaints against denial of the right of trial by jury.

That document was the Declaration of Independence.

After declaring that all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the signers of the Declaration pointed out that the King had a history of “repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object to the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States.” Then they proceeded to the listing of a bill of particulars against the King.

He was charged with “depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.”

That is what the Declaration of Independence contained. The King was charged, among other things, with depriving the American people of the benefit of trial by jury. That is the very thing I am fighting for—the right of trial by jury, which is contained in the Constitution, and embodied in it in quite a number of places. The compromise bill which comes from the House attempts to compromise the Constitution of the United States. The bill does not provide for a trial by jury unless the penalty is more than 45 days’ imprisonment or more than a $300 fine. That is a compromise of the Constitution.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

When the original Constitution was written there was placed in it article III., section 2, which guarantees the right of trial by jury. Then the Bill of Rights was adopted, and that right was provided in three different places.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights.

A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and onetime Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him. “The Bill of Rights,” he declared, “denies the power of any government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.”

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:

{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?

The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}

Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic law if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes, in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:

{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}

Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

When our forefathers met in 1787 in Philadelphia they wrote in article III., section 2, of the Constitution that in all crimes except treason a man shall be entitled to a jury trial. In several places in the Bill of Rights they wrote it again, with special emphasis in the sixth amendment that a man is entitled to a jury trial. Yet the compromisers brought forth a compromise which {{SIC|attemps|attempts}} to compromise the Constitution of the United States. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States. The compromise would have been unconstitutional if it had provided that if a judge wanted to punish for criminal contempt he could sentence the defendant to serve 1 day or fine him $1. He has no right to fine him $1 or give him 1 day’s punishment in prison without a jury trial, because the Constitution says that in a criminal case a man charged with crime is entitled to a jury trial.

I cited last night a decision which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and this so-called compromise which has come to the Senate is an effort of the Senate and the House of Representatives to get together, but in the effort to get together and pass a political bill—and that is all it is—they have  been willing to compromise the Constitution of the United States.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says, “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says, “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.”

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved.

If the Constitution had had an exception in it and read, “This shall not apply to criminal contempt or crimes of criminal contempt,” then there would be some basis for the Congress to legislate. But it did not make such an exception. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “The trial of ''all'' crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

What right has a Federal judge to use his discretion and tell a man he can be tried by a jury? The Constitution says if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to be tried by a jury if he wants to be tried by a jury. In the Constitution there is no exception of criminal contempt or any exception that gives a judge the power to try a man so charged rather than a jury.

We are dealing with the basic rights of the people of this Nation and we should be careful to protect those precious rights which have been handed down to us by our forefathers. This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted. We cannot make trial by jury a matter of degree. If the Constitution gives a man the right of trial by jury, he has that right and we cannot take it away from him. The Congress cannot take it away. Furthermore, this compromise pretends to let the judge try the case if he wants to do so, in his discretion. Then if he finds the defendant ought to be punished by a fine in excess of $300 or by imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the man is entitled to a trial by jury. Do you not know, Mr. President, that if a judge has already tried a man, and then the defendant asks for a jury trial, the judge’s decision is bound to affect the jury in the case strongly, even if it were constitutional for that to be done, which it is not?

Under this proposal if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days in prison he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of punishment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. I realize that Congress may want to get away from Washington. We have had a long, hard session. I also realize that both national parties are playing to the minorities by means of the right-to-vote bill, when each State in the Nation has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and section 594 of the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure protects the right to vote. Yet, as a political gesture, both parties are making this play to try to claim credit. Watch my prediction that in the elections of 1958 both parties will try to claim that they got the civil-rights bill through the Congress.

Why are we not more interested in preserving the Constitution? Are we going to violate the Constitution by passing a political civil-rights bill in order to give thunder and political fodder to politicians to enable them to garner votes? Which is more important, the Constitution of this country or the political parties vying for the votes of minorities?

I wish to see the right to vote exercised by every man who is qualified to vote and who wants to vote. If he is entitled to vote, I want to see him vote. But the true purpose of this bill is not to insure the right to vote, because we have statutes in every State, and we have statutes on the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure now already that punish people interfering with anybody trying to vote. If the statutes we now have on the books are not being enforced, what good will it do to put another statute on the books? If the Justice Department is claiming that there are any individuals who have been denied their right to vote, why does it not prosecute them under the present law, which is completely adequate? And if no people have been denied the right to vote, then why is it claimed that this bill is necessary? The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents and in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

Perhaps the House and the Senate wanted to get together and they thought this was the only way they could do it, but I want to tell the American people when they did get together and brought forth this compromise they violated the Constitution of the United States. This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill. Like father, like son; a chip off the old block. Both are bad.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of the fine—or even 1 cent—and if a day, or even an hour, were added to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial, and a jury would decide the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

The proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was passed by the Senate.

The inclusion by the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, made the bill a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, the present unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope a majority of the Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the ''bloc'' voting of the pivotal states. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.

Those are the words of Stewart Alsop; and he is not a southerner, so far as I know.

To explain his point, he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States, Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.

The following four paragraphs are quoted directly from Mr. Alsop’s column:

{{smaller block|In 1954, Averell Harriman was elected Governor of New York by less than 15,000 votes over Senator {{sc|Irving Ives}}. According to Harris’ analysis, Harriman polled a whopping 79 percent of the Negro vote. Negro voters thus supplied Harriman with his margin of victory several times over. Two years later, the Democrats had dropped some 90,000 Negro votes to the Republicans—or about 6 times the number of votes {{sc|Ives}} needed to defeat Harriman.

Or take another close race—the victory of Senator {{sc|Joseph Clark}}, of Pennsylvania, over the Republican incumbent, Senator James Duff, in 1956. Again, {{sc|Clark}} just squeaked in, with a plurality of less than 18,000 votes. {{sc|Clark}}, despite the Supreme Court, carried the Negro vote by a huge 76 percent margin, which was worth about 150,000 votes to him. Suppose the Negro vote had dropped off as sharply in Pennsylvania as it did in Illinois, where it nosedived from 75 percent in 1952 to 58 percent in 1956. Then Duff would be in the Senate by a comfortable majority, and {{sc|Clark}} would be practicing law.

Other examples could be cited, like that of Senator {{sc|Paul Douglas}}, of Illinois, who owes about 60 percent of his 1954 plurality to the Negro vote. But the lesson is clear enough. If the Republicans can attract something approaching half the Negro vote in the Northern States, the Republican Party will then be the normal majority party in those States.

Read the role of big States in which the Negroes can be expected to poll 5 percent or more of the total vote—not only New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, but such States as Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, and California. It then becomes clear what is at stake in the civil-rights struggle—nothing less than the future balance of political power in the Nation.}}

But, Mr. President, are we going to compromise the Constitution, whether we lose an election or not? Which is more important—to win an election or to preserve the Constitution? It is about time that both parties began to consider the welfare of the country and to determine whether the Constitution is of more importance, or whether winning an election is of more importance.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today; but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law, eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of the bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily.

Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law.

Under the provisions of the compromise, jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge, so long as the sentence he metes does not exceed the maximum limit set for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of the bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim, the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges.

No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When the bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted the great legal mind of 18th century England, Blackstone. Because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him again at this time. This is what Blackstone had to say:

{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}

That is what Blackstone, the leading legal light the world has known, had to say. I wish to repeat one of his sentences:

{{smaller block|And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}

Mr. President, a trial by jury is one of the bedrocks of this democracy. It is one of the bedrocks of this Nation. It is one of the bedrocks of this Government. When we talk to people in the street and to laymen generally about taking away their right of trial by jury, they cannot understand it, because they know that the Constitution provides that a man shall have a trial by jury when he is charged with the commission of a crime.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:

{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen, chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth, and the surest guardians of public justice. For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan of the United States Supreme Court delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and made the following statement:

{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}

Mr. President, that is a significant statement to me, coming from a member of the present Supreme Court. I will not predict what the Court might do when the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury as embodied in this so-called compromise is presented to the Court.

However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said:

{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}

And further:

{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}

If the people of this Nation want Federal judges to have the power to punish persons for criminal contempt by sentences of either days, weeks, or months in jail, or by fines of dollars, they can amend the Constitution and provide for it. If the people of this country want Federal judges to have the discretion of determining whether a person shall have a jury trial or not, then they can amend the Constitution and so provide. There is no provision and no exception for either instance in the present Constitution.

That is certainly a clue to what might be expected from the Court when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

I think what the Supreme Court did in the ''Reid'' against ''Covert'' case might be a clue to what it might do, or what might be expected of the Court, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all of the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State. A summary of these laws was submitted to me, and I request that this summary be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks.

As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote.

The people of my State vote. I am in favor of qualified people voting. All the people of my State vote if they are qualified.

Whence comes this hue and cry? Those raising it have not presented the matter to the Judiciary Committee, so the chairman of that committee may hold hearings. They have held hearings for weeks and months on the subject, and the proponents of the bill have failed to present evidence to show that people do not have the right to vote.

It is inescapable, as I have said, that this is a political bill and not a bill to provide the right to vote. The people already have that privilege.

If any such incident as a refusal to permit a citizen to vote had occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina.

The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice. The people of the States are interested in justice just as are the officials of the Federal Government, but I shall return to that subject in a few minutes and go into the matter of the Federal statutes a little more fully.

We have Federal statutes to protect the right to vote, if the voters are not satisfied with the State statutes, and certainly the Federal statutes protect them.

I say that the Negro citizens in South Carolina are safeguarded in their rights; and the payment of a poll tax is not required.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. As I have said, South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. Registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that the poll tax be repealed as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature acted promptly and submitted the matter to the people, and the people voted in favor of repeal of the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature approved it, and we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina, if proof is desired, can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia, S. C., Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that “estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina constitution which protect a citizen’s right to vote:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}

Article 1, section 9, suffrage: The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.

Article 1, section 10, elections free and open: All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.

Article 2, section 5, appeal; crimes against election laws: Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.

Article 2, section 8, registration provided; elections; board of registration; books of registration: The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.

Article 2, section 15, right of suffrage free: No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}

In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the record to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|South Carolina Code, title 23}}}}

23–73. Appeal from denial of registration.

The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.

23–74. Proceedings to court of common pleas.

Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as Calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.

23–75. Further appeal to supreme court.

From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}

In other words, in our State, if anybody has an appeal and it goes before the trial judge and he denies it, the supreme court will go into session in order to hear such a case so as to be sure that nobody is deprived of the right to vote.

{{smaller block|23–100. Right to vote.

No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.

23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.

No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.

23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guard rail; assistance.

No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guard rail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.

23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats.

At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.

23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.

If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court.

23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct.

It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.

23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.

In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.

23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally.

Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State. Also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, proves that there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right-to-vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a Commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise. Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—

{{smaller block|(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and

(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}

These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an unusual grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people.

This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so.

If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A Civil Rights Division in the Justice Department is not needed because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed, and he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country.

Since conditions have improved, and there is no indication that conditions will change unless the Attorney General and the Civil Rights Commission create trouble, there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of civil-rights matters in the Department of Justice.

Mr. President, permit me to digress in order to discuss certain matters pertaining to the Bill of Rights.

I have before me a book entitled “Our Bill of Rights: What It Means To Me—A National Symposium,” edited by James Waterman, Wisconsin:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Foreword}}}}

Things of the spirit never die. They flame anew each time they are under fire. They are flaming high at this moment.

Bombs may blow the body to bits, but they bind the soul together.

This book is testimony to the spirit of man; to his personality; to his right to be decent.

From the beginning of time men have had to fight for this sort of life. The fight has never been easy, but it has always been won.

As long as men believe in freedom they will achieve it. The Dark Ages shall not return.

When freedom dies man lives on his knees. When freedom lives man walks erect.

The Bill of Rights is our prayer book and our promise of salvation. The cause of freedom is the cause of God. That is the dedication of this volume.

None of us is wise enough to say finally what one event is the greatest in our history. There are some that cry aloud for that description:

The Declaration of Independence; the Treaty of Paris, ending the Revolutionary War; the adoption of the Constitution; the pronouncement of the Monroe Doctrine; the Emancipation Proclamation; the end of the War Between the States; the war for freedom and democracy, begun in 1917—and still going on.

I have left to the last, although it belongs at the top, the formulation and adoption of the Bill of Rights—the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, adopted by the baby nation December 15, 1791.

In this group of principles are to be found the soul and spirit of the Constitution. With the Bill of Rights added, the Constitution becomes nearly a perfect thing. Without the bill, the seven articles of the original draft are largely given over to the protection of property.

Jefferson, shocked by the omissions in the Constitution, as promulgated in 1789, while he was United States Minister to France (another type of France than Vichy represents today), drafted the additions to our great charter. Thus we were given the four freedoms by which we grew strong in self-reliance, in courage, in independence, and in self-respect.

The amendments gave us free speech, free press, free worship, free assembly, and also the right to petition. They gave us full protection Of the citizen against oppression; the right of trial by jury and, generally, the right of the individual against the state. Jefferson said himself, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:

“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”

This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount, Magna Carta, and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.

Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.

To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.

{{right|
{{sc|Herbert Bayard Swope,}}{{em|6}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{font-size-x|100%|''Chairman, Bill of Rights Sesquicentennial Committee''.}}
}}

Jefferson himself said, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:

“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”

This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments; the Sermon on the Mount; Magna Carta; and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.

Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.

To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.

{{***|5}}

America is face to face with certain grim realities. It is apparent that the expense attached to the defense effort will run into an appalling sum. The sweeping readjustments that will eventually reach every family are becoming clearer by the day. The need for redirection of our whole economy in order to supply plants which manufacture implements of war with an abundance of raw materials is now painfully obvious.

Yes, the world that we know is being re-fashioned. But so be it, and although the disappearance of familiar patterns and habits of living brings a momentary shock, there must be no regrets, no longing backward glances. Neither can we afford to hang our heads, wring our hands and insist that we cannot defend democracy without destroying it. After all, the only disaster that will overtake us is the disaster that comes from indecision and inaction.

I like to remind myself of the origin of the Bill of Rights. It came into being at a time of great distress and clearly represented the desires of the people who had paid a high price for their independence, and were determined to keep it. Since that time it has weathered an internal conflict, foreign wars, periods of economic depression. Even during these emergencies there has been no foreshortening of the scope of the Bill of Rights, nor has its fundamental character been altered. Invariably after these crises have passed each American has turned his face homeward and found, to his intense joy, his personal liberty inviolate. This augurs well for the future. Perhaps the destructive forces loose in the world will assume more awesome proportions than any yet seen; perhaps the dangers and hardships of the civilian population will be greater than ever before; but I cannot believe that these new developments will serve to swerve us from our course any more than the vicissitudes of the past.

Undoubtedly it will mean a vigilant citizenry constantly on guard. But we have that. Undoubtedly it will mean leadership of the highest quality, but we have that, too. In fact, I can think of no more impressive reiteration of belief in the Bill of Rights than that made by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his message to Congress last January:

“In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

“The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.

“The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.

“The third is freedom from want. * * *

“The fourth is freedom from fear. * * *

“That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

“This Nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads, and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

“To that high concept there can be no end save victory.”}}

Mr. President, those were the words of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in speaking of the Bill of Rights, which guarantees a jury trial to the people of the United States, but which the so-called compromise civil-rights bill would deprive the people of.

I read further:

{{smaller block|We accept our liberty, as we do our health, pretty much as a matter of course, hardly giving it a thought until we begin to lose it. Then we become conscious of how much it means.

Experience throughout the long period of human history teaches that liberty must be won in every generation and can be held only by eternal vigilance. As foes of freedom the aggressors reappear with different weapons, but always with the same aim—to destroy the souls of freemen.

That religion and democracy are closely linked together is a truism proved amply in the history of our country. The American colonies were settled by men and women seeking a free life, as well as a home for freedom. Religion was written prominently into their agreements, covenants, pacts, and constitutions, but the early colonists made no provision for the the free exercise of religion. Those who had fled before the demands of conformity later determined by law that others must conform or get out of the colony. It was said of Governor Endicott of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, if he had found toleration in his dictionary, he would have cut the word out, just as he drew his sword and cut the red cross out of the English flag because it represented the ancient Catholic faith of England. This attitude, formulated into law and supported by stern preaching, led to the founding of Rhode Island by Roger Williams and his associates. They were the first ones to put into practice the principle of the independence of the individual conscience even beyond the grants of liberty by the State. Maryland was founded by a small company of Catholics seeking freedom of worship in 1634, only 14 years after the Protestant Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth.

Under Lord Baltimore’s liberal rule there developed a large degree of freedom in religion, as well as a remarkable advance in democratic procedure. The people of Maryland not only took part in making their laws but were given power to originate laws. No other colony at the time enjoyed quite as much freedom, and in 1649 the assembly passed the Toleration Act which confirmed by law these liberties. Following this action, Maryland became the refuge not only for the oppressed Catholics from England, but Protestants from some of the other American colonies, Puritans from Virginia, Quakers, and others who found congenial homes in this colony.}}

It is true that the Toleration Act was not very broad in that it tolerated only those of the Christian religion, but it was a step forward on the road to liberty and marked a greater advance than anything even in England at the time. It remained for the colony at Providence, R. I., to advance the act of toleration by granting full religious freedom to Christians and Jews and even to those without any religious affiliation or belief. The act affirmed “that men of all religions should live unmolested so long as they behaved themselves.”

The Bill of Rights provides for freedom of religion. Our Bill of Rights provides for many vital rights which we enjoy.

The study of the Constitution should be an essential part not only of the education of the American youth, but of all Americans, and especially those who have become naturalized citizens of this great Nation. While all of us cannot be trained in the technicalities of the law, we should have some idea of our fundamental institutions. We need to know their relationship to our daily life, the reasons for their existence, and the benefits we derive from them, as well as the importance to ourselves of their perpetuation. The Constitution is not self-perpetuating by any means; if it is to survive it will be because it has the support of the people—not passive, but active public support. This means making adequate sacrifice to maintain that which is of the greatest benefit to the greatest number.

The Constitution has its roots in the great and heroic past of the English-speaking race. Today, under that Constitution which was adopted through the blood and sweat of the pioneers of our country, the safeguard of personal liberty is ever present. Under our great Bill of Rights our governmental power is divided into three parts. The first is the power granted to the Central Government; the second that reserved to the States; and the third, and by far the most important, although at times the fact may not be generally recognized, the power reserved to the people under the many inhibitions upon both State and Federal legislation.

In the turmoil which now seems to have engulfed the entire world, the citizens of the United States should well remember particularly that it is the people, those who go to make up the great cross-section of this country, who must guard the ramparts from the ever-increasing dangers of nazism, fascism, and communism. Our Constitution is the final safeguard of every right that is enjoyed by any American citizen. So long as it is observed, those rights will be secure, but should it fall into disrespect or disrepute the way of orderly, organized government as we have known it for the past 150 years will be at an end.

When the Federal Constitution was, on September 28, 1787, submitted by Congress to the legislatures of the several States for ratification, there was very strong opposition to its adoption in all the States. The Democrats, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, feared that the provisions of the instrument would unduly abridge States rights and result in a Government too highly centralized for their views. It was necessary for nine States to ratify the Constitution before it could take effect. It was not until June 21, 1788, that the ninth State, New Hampshire, gave its approval. The States which had not ratified up to that time were Virginia, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island. Virginia and New York gave their assent in 1788. When President Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, on the steps of the Federal Hall in New York, neither North Carolina nor Rhode Island had ratified and, therefore, were not States of the United States. These two reluctant States did, however, come into line. North Carolina ratified on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The Bill of Rights was a pacer in the democratic movement in America and as such is entitled to all the prestige of leadership. Yet it really took a century after its enactment for American women to procure the 19th amendment to the Federal Constitution which compelled reluctant States to grant them the basic right of the free—the right to vote. Non-Christian men and freethinkers of their sex more readily wrested from State legislatures the guaranty of their civil rights.

But even the original Bill of Rights would have been a dead letter if dauntless men and women, risking death, had not taught the public to listen without rioting to opinions which it abhorred. That educational process enabled the letter of the law to live in practice, or application, for the American way of life. In celebrating the original Bill of Rights now, we should celebrate with it the courage and skill of the men and the women who made tolerance a fact as well as a principle of law. The open forum, so characteristic of American democracy, owes its inception and its continuation to persons of both sexes who insisted that law and practice were parts of the same thing.

That rights carry duties has become a third aspect of democratic evaluations, nurtured on free debates. It is increasingly understood in America that liberty could become license; that rights if viewed as extreme personal privileges could reduce society to anarchy. There is today, in connection with rights, the wide prevalence of the philosophy that rights are granted to individuals in order that they may develop their talents for competent voluntary cooperation in the thought and action essential to the strength of society, to general welfare, and to the very endurance of civil liberties themselves.

A history of civilization could be written around the derivation of the privileges that constitute our Bill of Rights. The emphasis would be not on rulers and governments but on the struggle mankind has waged for centuries to obtain recognition of the rights of individual men. These rights are guaranties necessary to any people who wish to live in the free atmosphere of liberty. They are the foundation of any government that exists by the free will of the governed and not by the military force of self-appointed rulers.

The history of our own Bill of Rights is fired with the determination of the American people to preserve their liberties as individuals living in a free state. It is significant that these first 10 amendments in our Constitution were drawn from earlier declarations of rights which a number of the Original Thirteen States had formulated for themselves before they joined the Union. They not only served as models for our Federal Constitution but became basic patterns for new democracies all over the world.

Today there is abroad in the world a monstrous force that would set the clock back and reestablish regimes that rank the state above the individual. Already in many lands fundamental rights have been destroyed; and the existence of our own is threatened. Such crises have occurred before in the history of man but never with such ruthless vehemence and on such a worldwide scale.

Mr. President, there are many objections to H. R. 6127, but the strongest objection is the failure to give a jury trial. I wish now to present to the Senate some information on the jury trial and I shall go into the historical development of the jury system. This information is coming from the History of the Jury System, by Maximus A. Lesser, instructor of political science, New York Evening High School. Some very important points are brought out here about the jury system which are pertinent to this debate.

{{smaller block|{{c|
{{sc|Historical Development of the Jury System}}

(By Maximus A. Lesser)

{{asc|CHAPTER I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JURY}}
}}

The subject we propose to investigate is the historical genesis and gradual development of an institution which, today is an inseparable element of English jurisprudence and an important factor in the administration of justice, wherever the English or common law, “* * * the State’s collected will, o’er thrones and globes elate, sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.”

This purpose is not free from difficulties, for, while the nature and functions of the tribunal, as today existent, are sufficiently well comprehended, still the origin of that institution and the successive steps by which it was evolved are less clearly understood and subject to considerable misconception, as is evinced by the many and conflicting theories advanced in explanation thereof. It is the object of this treatise to reconcile, as far as may be, these various views, to give to each well sustained suggestion its proper weight and effect during the formative period, and to trace its influence in the production of the result. The method of treatment is, in general, chronological; for the English jury is so closely interwoven with the historical and political development of the English nation, that every component which contributed to the formation and completion of the latter had a concomitant effect upon the former; accordingly, the history and features of each foreign factor will be described in connection with that period of our history at which it first made itself felt. For to the jury may be truly applied, what Maine says of law, that it is a matter of growth, the result of the needs of the community in which it originated; and an institution—as another writer well observes—which “does not owe its existence to any positive law; it is not the creature of an act of Parliament establishing the form and defining the functions of the new tribunal. It arose * * * silently and gradually out of the usages of a state of society which has forever passed away.” We will, in the first place, regard its general aspect and characteristics as beheld today, and then proceed to consider whether, and in what respects, it is resembled by institutions of early days. The body with which we have to deal—in the language of an able Scotch jurist—“is the institution by which disputed facts are to be decided for judicial purposes in the administration of civil or criminal justice, and which is in modern times familiar to us under the denomination of trial by jury. * * * The etymological derivation of the term is obviously from ''juro'', to swear, whence we find this institution called in forensic Latin ''jurata'', and the persons composing it ''jurati''. * * * When the object is inquiry only, this tribunal is sometimes called an inquest or inquisition, as in the instance of a grand jury or coroner’s inquest; but when facts are to be determined by it for judicial purposes, it is always styled a jury.”

This board of inquiry, then, is composed of “a body of men taken from the community at large, summoned to find the truth of disputed facts. Their office is to decide upon the effect of evidence and thus inform the court truly upon the question at issue, in order that the latter may be enabled to pronounce a right judgment. But they are not the court itself nor do they form part of it; and have nothing to do with the sentence which follows the delivery of their verdict.” While, concerning the third characteristic element of our jury, De Lolme wrote that they who have the power to discriminate between disputed facts and “to whom the law has thus exclusively delegated the prerogative of deciding that a punishment is to be inflicted—those men without whose declaration the executive and the judicial powers are both thus bound down to inaction, do not form among themselves a permanent body, who may have had time to study how their power can serve to promote their private views or interest; they are men selected at once from among the people, who perhaps never were before called to the exercise of such a function, nor foresee that they ever shall be called to it again.”

In other words, the jury is the sole judge of the weight of evidence adduced and the arbiter of compensation for contracts broken or injuries sustained, and is composed of men selected by lot and “sworn to declare the facts of a case as they are delivered from the evidence placed before them”—its province being to determine the truth of facts or the amount of damages in civil, and the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal, cases.

This province is confined by the following limitations:

(1) It is restricted to the consideration of matters proved by evidence at the trial;

(2) It is subject to the instructions of the judge, concerning the rules of law applicable;

(3) It is influenced by the directions of the judge, as to weight, value, and materiality of evidence;

(4) It is affected by the selection of the jurors from the locality of the action, whence they discharge their duties with a certain amount of independent local knowledge, whilom “counted on, and deemed essential to a just consideration of the case.”

Two other qualifications may be added. After the rendition of a verdict in a civil case, it is still within the power of the trial judge to modify or even annul the same, in a proper case; for instance, “because the verdict is for excessive or insufficient damages, or otherwise contrary to the evidence or contrary to law.”

Again, in a criminal case, a verdict of conviction, even when accompanied by a recommendation of mercy, does not control the sentence to be meted out by the presiding magistrate, who may impose the highest or lowest or any intermediate penalty prescribed by law as proper for the offense committed.

How, then, did this institution, whose features as currently administered have just been described, originate? What are the sources from whence it arose, and the forces by which it was developed? Did it spring forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, ready for action and fully equipped with forensic vesture and legal armament, or was its development the result of the gradual accretion of successive strata of growth? As stated above, various and conflicting theories are advanced to answer these queries.

“Many writers of authority,” says Canon Stubbs, “have maintained that the entire jury system indigenous in England, some deriving it from Celtic tradition based on the principles of Roman law, and adopted by the Anglo-Saxons and Normans from the people they had conquered, others have regarded it as a product of that legal genius of the Anglo-Saxons of which Alfred is the mythic impersonation, or as derived by that nation from the customs of primitive Germany or from their intercourse with the Danes. Nor even, when it is admitted that the system of recognition was introduced from Normandy, have legal writers agreed as to the source from which the Normans themselves derived it. One scholar maintains that it was brought by the Norsemen from Scandinavia; another, that it was derived from the processes of the Canon Law; another, that it was developed on Gallic soil from Roman principles; another, that it came from Asia through the Crusades.” An American authority insists that it “is undoubtedly a development of English institutions and civilization.” Again, it is suggested that it was borrowed by the Angles and Saxons from their Slavonic neighbors in northern Europe; it has been traced to the assises de Jerusalem of Godfrey de Bouillon; it is even claimed to be of divine origin; and, finally, a French scholar despairingly exclaims: “Son origine se perd dans la niut de temps.”

According to Robertson, “the true answer is, that forms of trial resembling the jury system in various particulars are to be found in the primitive institutions of all [Aryan] nations. That which comes nearest in time and character to trial by jury is the system of recognition by sworn inquest, introduced into England by the Normans * * * the instrument which the lawyers in England ultimately shaped into trial by jury.” The name “Recognition,” Bracton tells us, is deduced from the fact that the participants “acknowledged” a disseisin or dispossession by their verdict, and the inquest itself was “directly derived from the Frank capitularies, into which it may have been adopted from the fiscal regulations of the Theodosian Code and thus own some distant relationship with the Roman jurisprudence.” This is the system which, Lord Campbell writes, “in the fifth Norman reign had nearly superseded the simple juridical institutions of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors;” while an eminent American jurist, after observing that investigation has shown among Norman legal usages traces more closely resembling our form of jury trial than anything afforded by the system of the Anglo-Saxons, concludes:

“We regard it, therefore, as certain that all these influences contributed to establish this mode of trial in England, and to shape it as we know it to exist there. Indeed, it was not until all of them had had an opportunity of completing their work, that we find what we should now call a jury.”

A due regard for the definiteness of legal phraseology calls for some comment on the meaning of “law and fact,” terms so frequently employed in the course of this work. Law, in its widest sense, is a rule of action; in its technical sense, it is a general rule of human action, taking cognizance only of external acts, enforced by a determinate human authority paramount within a state. Whether the rule so enforced be moral or pernicious, is impertinent to the question. “The existence of law is one thing, its merit or demerit another.” Again, “although human actions are the subject-matter about which law is conversant, they are not essential to its existence; for the rule is the same, whether its application is called forth or not. * * * The rule continues in abstraction and theory, until an act is done on which it can attach. * * * The maxim, ''ex facto oritur jus'' must be understood in this sense; and the duty of judicial tribunals, consequently, embraces the investigation of doubtful or disputed facts, as well as the application of the principles of jurisprudence to such as are ascertained.”

Fact is a term most difficult to define—so much so that Mr. Justice Stephen (in the third edition of his Digest of the Law of Evidence) abandoned the attempt previously made. Webster’s definition (ed. 1859) is: “Anything done, or that comes to pass; an act; a deed; an effect produced or achieved; an event.” Negatively, a learned American jurist suggests that “nothing is a question of fact which is not a question of the existence, reality, truth of something.” Anything which is the subject of testimony is “matter of fact,” while “matter of law” is the general law of the land of which courts take judicial cognizance. Evidence is the means or method by which a fact under judicial examination may be proved or disproved. “Whether there be any evidence, is a question for the judge. Whether sufficient evidence, is for the jury.”

In any event, it is clear that the formula of Coke, hereinabove quoted, “was never meant to be taken absolutely. * * * It relates to issues of fact, and not to the incidental questions that spring up before the parties are at issue. The jury has to do with only a limited class of questions of fact, namely, questions of ultimate fact.” “In general, issues of fact, and only issues of fact, are to be tried by jury; when they are so tried, the jury and not the court are to find the facts, and the court and not the jury is to give the rule of law; the jury are not to refer the evidence to the judge and ask his judgment upon that, but are to find the facts which the evidence tends to establish, and may only ask the court for judgment upon these.”}}

Mr. President, I shall next take up the history of the jury system of the Anglo-Saxons:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Chapter VI.—The System of the Anglo-Saxons}}}}

As regards the manner of men who now directed the destinies of England—for under that name (derived from the Angles) the island is henceforth known—and who indelibly impressed their characteristics upon it, and concerning their status in the scale of civilization, a graphic description is afforded us by the same historian. They “were little removed from the original state of nature; the social confederacy among them was more martial than civil; they had chiefly in view the means of attack and defense against public enemies, not those of protection against their fellow citizens; their possessions were so slender and so equal that they were not exposed to great danger, and the natural bravery of the people made every man trust to himself and to his particular friends for his defense. * * * An insult upon any man was regarded by his relations and associates as a common injury; they were bound by honor, as well as by a sense of common interest, to revenge his death or any violence which he had suffered; they retaliated on the aggressor by like acts of violence; and if he were protected, as was natural and unusual, by his own clan, the quarrel was spread still wider and bred endless disorders in the nation.”

Such, then, was the state of civilization which the Saxons enjoyed, and such the social and political structure which superseded the administration of the Romans. For almost four centuries the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms—true to the characteristics of their founders—present a history of uninterrupted warfare, bloodshed and internecine strife, though Christianity had meanwhile prevailed among them. Wessex, however, gradually acquired the hegemony, and in A. D. 827 its King Egbert succeeded in securing his acknowledgment as supreme head of the heptarchy, with which event the history of the English nation properly begins.

Concerning their civil and social condition, at this period, after a sojourn of 400 years on English soil, it appears that “though they had been so long settled in the island [they] seem not as yet to have been much improved beyond their German ancestors, either in arts, civility, knowledge, humanity, justice, or obedience to the laws. * * * Bounty to the church atoned for every violence against society.” It cannot be doubted that, under ordinary circumstances, nationalization would have paved the way to improvements in the administration of justice, which, under the primitive system and the constant wars of the Saxons, had sadly degenerated. For, since “their language was everywhere nearly the same, their customs, laws, institutions, civil and religious * * * a union also in government opened to them the agreeable prospect of future tranquility. * * * But these flattering views were soon overcast by the appearance of the Danes, who, during some centuries, kept the Anglo-Saxons in perpetual inquietude, committed the most barbarous ravages upon them, and at last reduced them to grievous servitude.”

The first great landmark in the history of English law is the reign of King Alfred (871–901), who, after he had restored peace, and either settled the Danes in or expelled them from the country, turned his attention to the administration of justice, which had become a mere name. His political and juridical institutions are recorded by Hume, as follows: “That he might render the execution of justice strict and regular, he divided all England into counties; these counties he divided into hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings. Every householder was answerable for the behavior of his family. * * * Ten neighboring householders were formed into one corporation, who, under the name of a tithing, decennary, or fribourg, were answerable for each other’s conduct, and over whom one person, called a tithingman, headbourg, or borsholder, was appointed to preside. Every man was punished as an outlaw who did not register himself in some tithing.

“By this institution, every man was obliged from his own interest to keep a watchful eye on the conduct of his neighbors; and was in a manner surety for the behavior of those who were placed under the division to which he belonged. Whence these decennaries received the name of frankpledges. The barsholder summoned together the whole decennary to assist him in deciding any lesser difference which occurred among the members. In appeals from the decennary, or in controversies arising between members of different decennaries, the case was brought before the hundred, which consisted of 10 decennaries or 100 families of freemen, and which was regularly assembled once in 4 weeks for the deciding of causes. (Leg. Edw. c. 2.)

“Their method of decision deserves to be noted, as being”—at least in our historian’s opinion—“the origin of juries. * * * Twelve freeholders were chosen, who, having sworn (together with the hundred or presiding magistrate of that division) to administer impartial justice, proceeded to the examination of that cause which was submitted to their jurisdiction. And besides these monthly meetings of the hundred, there was an annual meeting appointed * * * for the inquiry into crimes, the correction of abuses, and other matters of public concern. If a further appeal were desired, or in controversies between members of different hundreds, the case was brought before the freeholders of the county (or shire) over whom the bishop together with the alderman presided. A final appeal lay to the King himself.

“Formerly the alderman possessed both the civil and military authority; but Alfred * * * appointed also a sheriff in each county, who enjoyed a coordinate authority with the former in his judicial (as distinguished from the military) function. His office also empowered him to guard the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy the fines imposed.”

Such was the system established by Alfred, and adhered to by his successors as far as those turbulent times permitted. For its promotion and perpetuation, as well as for the guidance of the magistrates, on whom the duty to administer it was incumbent, the same king—according to our historical guide—“framed a body of laws which, though now lost, served long as the basis of English jurisprudence, and is generally deemed the origin of what is denominated the common law.” While his judgment concerning the paternity of the system is, that “the similarity of these institutions to the customs of the ancient Germans, and to the Saxon laws during the heptarchy, prevents us from regarding Alfred as the sole author of this plan of government, and leads us rather to think that he contented himself with reforming, extending, and executing the institutions which he found previously established.”

Thus far Hume, whose profound historical researches, combined with his early legal training, certainly entitle his opinion to much weight. But the existence, among the Saxons, of any institution resembling the jury has been hotly contested, and the dispute whether it was known to the Anglo-Saxons or introduced as a result of the Norman conquest, may be thus summarized: Coke (in his Institutes), Spelman (Glossarium Archaiologicum), Blackstone (Com. III., ch. 23), Nicholson (preface to Wilkin’s Anglo-Saxon Laws), and Turner (Hist. Anglo-Saxons, IV., book XI., ch. 9) ascribe it to Saxon paternity. On the other hand, Hickes (Dissert. Epist. p. 34), Reeves (Hist. Eng. Law, I., 22, 24), and Palgrave (Rise and Progress of Commonwealth, I, 243) claim with equal confidence that it was introduced by or at least derived from the Normans and was not of Anglo-Saxon origin.

So Judge Cooley (Am. Cycl. IX. 722) approvingly observes that “so many of the attendant circumstances indicate that it was a Norman institution, bestowed upon his English subjects by a Norman king, that Sir Francis Palgrave has not hesitated to consider our jury trial as derived directly from Norman law” and Mr. Macclachlan (Eng. Cycl. III., 24) remarks: “Without entering minutely into this controversy, it may be stated that the traces of the trial by jury, in the form in which it existed for several centuries after the conquest, are more distinctly discernible in the ancient customs of Normandy than in the few and scanty fragments of Anglo-Saxon law which have descended to our time.”

The conclusion reached by Mr. Forsyth affords perhaps the fairest statement of the case, and may be advantageously quoted in this place: “It may be confidently asserted that trial by jury was unknown to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors; and the idea of its existence in their legal system has arisen from a want of attention to the radical distinction between the members or judges composing a court, and a body of men set apart from that court, but summoned to attend in order to determine conclusively the facts of the case in dispute. This is the principle on which is founded the intervention of a jury; and no trace whatever can be found of such an institution in Anglo-Saxon times.

“If it has existed,” he continues, “it is utterly inconceivable that distinct mention of it should not frequently have occurred in the body of Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporary chronicles which we possess, extending from the time of Ethelbert (568–616) to the Norman Conquest (1066). Those who have fancied that they discover indications of its existence during that period, have been misled by false analogies and inattention to the distinguishing features of the jury trial which have been previously pointed out. While, however, we assert that it was unknown in Saxon times, it is nevertheless true that we can recognize the traces of a system which paved the way for its introduction, and rendered its adaptation at a later period [the reign of Henry II.] neither unlikely nor abrupt. * * * Of the exact mode in which trials were conducted in these [ante-Norman] courts, we know little; but the Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporaneous annals make frequent mention of two classes of witnesses, who play a most important part in the judicial proceedings of the time.” These are compurgators and official witnesses, who, together with other features of their system, will be more fully considered hereafter.

With the demise of King Alfred, his system gradually lost ground. “During the reign of eight kings who succeeded Alfred,” wrote Gilmans, “the country suffered constant invasions from Denmark, which became so oppressive that in 991 the King, Ethelred II., agreed to pay the Danes 10,000 pounds, called danegelt, to buy immunity. This sum was raised by a tax on land, the first one recorded in English history.” Eleven years later the same King planned and partly executed a general massacre of foreigners in the island (Danemort) which led to a fierce attack from the Danes, to the expulsion of the King, and to the establishment of Sweyn as ruler of England. His son Canute married Ethelred’s widow, a sister of the Duke of Normandy, in order, as it were, to legitimize his title, to strengthen his alliances, and to make secure the succession of his line.

When Canute, the Dane, mounted the English throne (1014) it might be supposed that he would transplant to, and incorporate in the system of, England the Danish quasi-jury or Nævninger—an institution common, with modifications, to all the Scandinavian nations—which derived its appellation from the fact of being composed of a fixed number of men (usually 12) named by the inhabitants of each district; a majority of those so chosen was competent to render a decision (subject to the ratification of the bishop and 8 best men of the district) in civil suits; while in criminal cases the accuser was obliged to convince the Nævn by sworn evidence of the truth of his charge, before the accused would be subjected to a public trial—this institution thus combining the functions of grand and petit jury with the exercise of judicial powers.

Canute, however, who was a lineal descendant of Alfred, and desirous of emulating that monarch, adopted a policy of conciliation toward the English. He had his succession to the throne ratified by a general assembly (Witenagemot) and publicly consented to restore and observe the Saxon customs and laws. In 1030, he addressed a letter “To all the Nations of the English”—under which designation he also meant to include the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians—in which he said: “Be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to God, to govern my kingdom with justice, and to observe the right in all things.” That is, he refrained from making any essential innovations or alterations in the systems (political or judicial) to which his several dominions were accustomed, and in consequence Danish rule had no tangible formative effect on English jurisprudence.

The last of the Saxon line who ruled in England—chosen by the people when Sweyn’s family became extinct—was Edward the Confessor (1042–66) whom Hume deems commendable for his attention to the administration of justice, and his compiling for that purpose a body of laws which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for the laws that pass under Edward’s name were composed afterward) was long the object of affection to the English nation.

{{c|{{asc|CHAPTER VII.—FORMS OF TRIAL AND TRIBUNALS AMONG THE SAXONS}}}}

Having examined the social and political status of the Saxons in England, as evidenced by their history and environment, we may expect to find, on considering the judicial institutions, their personal characteristics reflected therein. Here, as there, we distinguish the same primitive system of administration, the same rudimentary ideas of right, the same regard for the efficacy of clerical absolution, the same adherence to old and meaningless forms, and the same reverence for the vis major.

The judicial system of the Anglo-Saxons depended for its administration on, and consisted of, four distinct factors or elements: these were, sectatores or suitors of court, the secta or suit of witnesses, official witnesses, and compurgators. These have been generally confounded or at least not clearly distinguished, and the misconception of their proper functions has given rise to many ingenious theories. In general it may be said that of all these functionaries the first class only performed judicial duties; the second and the third were species of witnesses; the fourth officiated (at least originally) in criminal cases only, while none of them were jurors. A delineation of the functions of each will be given, and a distinction attempted.

The name of sectatores is applied by Forsyth to the limited number of freemen “who attended the hundred, county, and manorial courts, to try offenses and determine disputes there; * * * and the obligation to attend was in the nature of a tenure, for neglect of which they might be distrained to appear.” For, in accordance with the customs of those days, “to do suit at a county or other inferior court was * * * one of the common tenures by which land was held, and the suitors, called sectatores, or * * * at a later period pares, were therefore bound to give their attendance.” Anciently their number appears to have depended on chance or convenience; nor do they appear to have acted always under the sanction of an oath; for to Reeves “it seems that causes in the county and other courts were heard and determined by an indefinite number of persons called sectatores,” of whom “the frequent mention,” he continues, “is no proof of juries, properly so-called, being known to our Saxon ancestors.” It would seem that this form of judicial tribunal was the modified outcome of a feature of the elaborate county system established by Alfred, and a result of the alterations necessitated and the encroachments caused by the incessant warfare prevalent after the death of that monarch, which must have greatly affected his system of government. The whole matter, however, is involved in much obscurity, and will be resumed, to some extent, in the chapter treating of the ''judicium parium''.

Concerning the second of the four classes, Professor Robertson observes: “The trial ''per sectam'' * * * resembled in principle the system of compurgation. The plaintiff proved his case by vouching a certain number of witnesses (secta) who had seen the transaction in question, and the defendant rebutted the presumption thus created by vouching a larger number of witnesses on his own side.” It was thus an application to civil suits of the principle, which governed the system of compurgation in relation to criminal causes. At a later period in Saxon history, however, it seems that compurgation was also extended to (and thus superseded the use of the secta in) * * * civil proceedings; or, at least, that the term “compurgation” was employed to designate both the criminal and the civil (''i. e.'', the sectatory) method. Indeed, the very name of secta became an alternative term for sectatores—the judges above described—which led to the confounding of the one with the other, and bred endless confusion and mistake.

At a more advanced period of the Anglo-Saxon dominion, when the defects of their mode of evidence and system of trial became perceptible even to their untutored minds, an attempt was made to partially remedy these defects by the official appointment in each district of sworn witnesses, whose duty it was to attest therein all sales, endowment of a woman ''ad ostium ecclesiae'', and the execution of charters. They were not subject to cross-examination, and their oath was decisive in case of dispute. Later, persons peculiarly qualified by circumstances (though not preappointed), were similarly sworn to prove age, ownership of chattels, and the death of one in whose estate dower was claimed. Hence in the Year Books (16 Edw. II., 507, A. D. 1323) we read complaint that one “may name ses cosyns et ses auns, who by his procurement will decide against us.”

The most important of the four elements, and that destined to play the largest part in the development of trial by jury, was compurgation. Under the Saxon system, in criminal cases the charge of the prosecutor or accuser sufficed to put the accused on his defense.

This defense was by means of the process of compurgation, which was in vogue among the various Teutonic nations (12 being the usual number) and rested on the maxim: “Nobilis homo ingenuus—cum duodecim ingenuis se purget.” Compurgators may be defined as persons, who supported by their oaths the credibility of the party accused, pledging their belief in the latter’s denial of the charge brought against him.

These were in no sense witnesses, for they might be wholly ignorant of the real facts in dispute; nor were they a jury, for no evidence was submitted to their consideration. They were merely friends of the party who summoned them; they knew his character, and by their united oaths they at once attested that character and their confidence in his truthfulness and the justice of his cause.

This mode of trial was brought into England by the Saxons, and Judge Cooley thus describes it: “Then the party accused—or, in later times, the party plaintiff or defendant—appeared with his friends, and they swore, he laying his hand on theirs and swearing with them, to the innocence of the accused, or to the claim or defense of the party. Little is certainly known either of the origin or of the extent, in point of time or of country, over which the trial by compurgators prevailed; but it must have had great influence over the subsequent forms of procedure. It fixed the number of the traverse (''i. e.'', the petit or trial) jury at 12, that being the common number of compurgators * * * and this was a great improvement on the varying and sometimes very large number in Greece and Rome.”

Where the compurgators coincided in a favorable declaration, there was a complete acquittal. But if the accused was unable to present a sufficient number of these purgers; or, “if the party had been before accused of larceny or perjury, or had otherwise been rendered infamous and was thought not worthy of credit—he was driven to make out his innocence by an appeal to heaven, in the trial by ordeal,” which was practiced either by the boiling water or the red-hot iron; the former being supplied to the common people, while the latter was reserved for the nobility. The nature of this institution is so curious and interesting, and its peculiarities throw so much light on the character of that age, as to warrant a fuller consideration of this primitive predecessor and sometime competitor of our criminal jury.

If the accused was sentenced to undergo the ordeal by hot water, “he was to put his head into it or his whole arm, according to the degree of the offense: if it was by cold water, his thumbs were tied to his toes, and in this posture he was thrown into it. If he escaped unhurt by the boiling water (which might easily be contrived by the art of the priests), or if he sunk in the cold water, which would certainly happen, he was declared innocent. If he was hurt by the boiling water or swum in the cold, he was considered as guilty.”}}

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator tell me the name of the case he is reading?

Mr. THURMOND. It is the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. This so-called amendment that came from the House does not provide for a jury trial unless the judge in his discretion sees fit to give one; or unless he imposes punishment of more than 45 days’ imprisonment or a fine of more than $300.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator quoting at this point from a particular case, and, if so, will the Senator give us the name of the case?

Mr. THURMOND. I am not quoting from a case at this particular time. I am going back into the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And to show how through the life of this Nation the jury trial has developed.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And how our forefathers in writing the Constitution put into it by article III., section 2, under which a man charged with a crime is entitled to a trial by jury.

To remove any further doubt, when the Bill of Rights was written the same provision was made in several places. The sixth amendment of the Bill of Rights guarantees a man charged with a crime the right to a jury trial.

During the night, probably about 4 or 5 o’clock this morning, I did cite a case holding that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man who is being tried for criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know whether it has ever been held that criminal contempt is not a crime under the law of the Nation?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not know of any decision in the courts where criminal contempt has not been considered a crime, and I have had all the authorities and ran them down. Criminal contempt is a crime. We have a decision on that point. When a man is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a trial by jury. However, under this proposal, the so-called compromise which came from the House, he will not get a jury trial unless the judge, out of the goodness of his heart, says “I think you are entitled to a jury trial, and I am going to give you one.”

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Or unless the judge tries him first and finds him guilty and finds that he should be punished by more than 45 days’ imprisonment or $300 fine, in which event he can give him a new trial. The judge tries him once, and then he will be tried again. I think there again the so-called compromise is unconstitutional because you cannot put a man in jeopardy two times. If he is tried once, he has been in jeopardy and he cannot be put in jeopardy again.

The whole thing is a concoction to get a compromise on something for civil rights. It is purely an endeavor to get some kind of compromise; but it violates the Constitution, and I hope the Senate and the Congress will not pass it. Even people who believe in civil rights and have fought for civil rights are of that opinion.

The distinguished Senator from Minnesota [Mr. {{sc|Humphrey}}] has made many speeches on civil rights. I remember one he made in 1948 at the Democratic Convention in Philadelphia, which I did not like at all because I am a States righter and not a so-called civil righter. I believe in real civil rights, but not the kind of civil rights which are being alleged here.

I do not know how Senators who really believe in civil rights and who know the Constitution can vote for a bill which flatfootedly violates several provisions of the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know of any greater civil right any person possesses in any nation than the right to a trial by a jury of his peers and his neighbors when he is accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot imagine any civil right I would rather possess were I charged with a crime. I do not know of any civil right that is more vital to the people of the United States than the right of trial by jury. I do not know of any civil right that one could envision that could be more important. The right of trial by jury is most important because a man may be tried for his life. If he is not tried for his life, he can be put in prison. He can have his liberty taken away from him.

It is only after trial by jury that a man in this Nation can have his liberty taken away from him. I do not want a judge to try me if I ever have to be tried. I want 12 of my peers, 12 of my fellow countrymen, as the Constitution provides.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Is not the right to trial by jury, in which a person accused of a crime to challenge any prejudiced person who might be on the jury venire one of the possible differences between the free system of government that exists in this Nation and other free nations as compared to the system of government that exists in Communist nations?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Senator has the vision to see and realize the importance of what jury trial means to the people of this Nation.

I quoted during the night Associate Justice Brennan of the Supreme Court. I do not think a man could have made a stronger address than he made on the jury-trial question. Justice Brennan made a powerful argument for a jury trial even in automobile-accident cases. Even where property is involved—not liberty, not life, but property—he believed there should be protection to the citizen through jury trial. Under the so-called compromise civil-rights bill a judge can put a man in jail for 45 days, and some judges will do so if they have the opportunity. They will make it exactly 45 days if they want to punish a man.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Under the facts stated in regard to the situation in Washington Parish, La., it was contended that more than 1,000 colored people were denied voting rights. I am not sure if that was correct or not. Perhaps those people should or should not be on the rolls. But assuming the charge was correct, it would be possible for a judge in that case to put a person in jail for {{SIC|4,500|45,000}} days without a jury trial, alleging that there were 1,000 different offenses.

Mr. THURMOND. I see no reason why he could not, if he tries the defendant on each separate offense, which I think he would have to do to sentence him for more than 45 days. If he tries the accused for one act of depriving a person of his right to vote, there would be only one act, and 45 days in my opinion would be the limit. But if a judge saw fit to try a man and sentence him to prison for 45 days, he could try him again on another charge with respect to a man who claims his rights were violated in connection with voting and the defendant could be given another 45 days. I do not think there is any limit to that. I think he could keep filing them.

Mr. LONG: Is it not conceivable following such a procedure a judge could put a man in jail for his natural lifetime without a jury trial? Suppose he alleges that the defendant prevented 2,000 people from registering. That would be 90,000 days he could put the man in jail without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. While I think theoretically that is possible, I do not think actually it would be practicable. But it is theoretically possible to do that.

I wish to read the distinguished Senator what Associate Justice Brennan said:

{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it.}}

What is the Congress doing here if they let a judge try a man for criminal contempt, which is a crime?

I quote Associate Justice Brennan further:

{{smaller block|One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence—}}

In my State they cannot comment on the evidence and I do not believe they can in the State of the Senator from Louisiana, can they? In a few cases I believe they can.

Mr. LONG. No; not in a criminal case.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not believe they can even instruct the jury except as the parties request instruction. In some States the judge cannot charge the jury at all except where the parties request him to instruct, so jealously is the right of trial by jury regarded, leaving to the 12 fellow countrymen, 12 peers of the defendant, the authority to decide the case.

I wish to quote further from Associate Justice Brennan:

{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies, and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question to my distinguished colleague from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. I regret that because of my ill health, of which the Senator is aware, I was unable to be here.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sorry, too. I thought about the distinguished Senator a great deal and inquired about him.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure during the night sometime the distinguished Senator from South Carolina discussed how the jury system came into being; is that correct? The divine right of kings principle was set aside and the jury system installed in its place.

Mr. THURMOND. That is right. I am going now into the history of the jury system. That is the very thing I am discussing now.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that in the State of South Carolina—and, I might say, it is true in some of the other States—the higher courts have set aside verdicts of guilty because of the presence of prejudiced jurors or jurors who did not tell the truth on their examination, when they were asked if they knew anything about the facts.

We have always been extremely jealous under the Constitution to see that every defendant receives a fair and honest trial. I know that there have been such cases in the State of South Carolina as the type to which I have referred.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. I was a trial judge for 8 years, and came into close contact with jurors. I know how jurors feel. I know how the people feel. The citizens of this country believe in the jury system. It is a part of their nature to believe in the jury system. Those who have talked with me do not like the fact that the bill provides for compromising the Constitution in order to get a compromise civil-rights bill. We should not compromise the Constitution. That is exactly what this so-called compromise bill does, on the jury-trial question.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure that when the distinguished Senator was a judge, if any efforts were made to influence a jury, either by telephone or letter, if the judge became aware of it, he promptly declared a mistrial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is correct. Any judge would set aside a verdict if a juror were influenced.

Judges are human. Some people look upon a Federal judge as sacrosanct, so to speak—clothed with a robe, high, mighty, and arrogant. They are human, and they are subject to the errors of human nature, just as any other citizen is. They should not be entrusted with this great power, involving the liberty of our people, in violation of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that once in a while there is a dishonest judge. Is not that true?

Mr. THURMOND. I presume it is. However, I have never heard of any in South Carolina.

Mr. LANGER. We had a very dishonest Federal judge in the State of North Dakota at one time. I had personal experience with him. Time and again during my service in the Senate I have charged that judge with being dishonest. He is still alive. I did not rely upon Congressional immunity. I have made that statement often. I have never been sued for it, and I know very well that I never will be.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the distinguished Senator would not want such a judge to try him for criminal contempt, which is a crime. I am certain that the distinguished Senator from North Dakota would want a jury to try him. Is not that correct?

Mr. LANGER. That is certainly correct. I believe that in the State of South Carolina, or any other State, the people will insist not only on good, honest judges, but also on seeing to it that the jury system is kept unimpaired.

Mr. THURMOND. Some of the proponents of the bill think they are going to punish the South. However, the bill applies to every American. The bill will fly back in the faces of some of its proponents and their friends, and they will be surprised.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to discuss this question with the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

I was discussing the history of the jury system.

I continue to read from “History of the Jury System,” in the chapter entitled “Trials and Tribunals Among the Saxons.”

{{smaller block|It will be observed that it was the priests who had charge of administering these tests of innocence—termed ''judicia dei''—and they doubtless reaped a rich harvest from the monopoly of this privilege, commensurate with the wealth and the guilt of the accused.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator further yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In view of the fact that I mentioned a dishonest judge, I should like to give an illustration of how a dishonest judge operates.

In the first place, when it is desired to obtain a jury which is dishonest, a special assistant United States marshal will be appointed. The marshal will walk into a store, for example, and say, “Mr. Jones, I would like to have you take 100 subscriptions to a certain newspaper.” The man behind the counter might say, “Why should I take a hundred subscriptions?” The marshal may say, “We are fighting the Governor of the State.”

If the man takes 100 subscriptions, and pays $100, or $1 apiece for a year, his name goes into the jury box; and if he does not subscribe, his name does not go into the jury box.

In the case to which I have reference, the slips which were put into the box were different. The names of those who were prejudiced against a defendant would be written on wide slips. The names of those who were not so prejudiced were written upon narrow slips. A clerk was conniving with the judge. I may say that later the clerk went to the penitentiary. He would feel around until he felt a broad slip, and withdraw that slip.

A Federal judge has a vast amount of power. A judge may say, “I am not going to allow any of the defense lawyers to examine any prospective jurors. Let them write out their questions and submit them to me, and I will ask the prospective jurors whether or not they are prejudiced, or what answers they have to the questions.”

Two or three days might be consumed in the effort to get a fair jury; but because of the fact that the Federal judge will not allow the lawyers for the defendant to ask any questions, the judge will finally get a jury which has not been thoroughly examined from the viewpoint of the defendant.

That is not all. A dishonest judge, by the tone of his voice, can let the jury know what he himself thinks of the case. For example, the defendant may be giving testimony, and if the United States attorney interrupts him the Federal judge may say, “Well, let the defendant tell his story,” with a sneer on his face, for the benefit of the jury.

When it comes to his instructions, he may, in a very low tone of voice, give the instructions he is required to give which are favorable to the defendant. Then he raises his voice and makes gestures which let the jury know he does not believe the defendant to be innocent. He tries to impress the jury by his loud tone of voice and the things he says in his instructions, which tend to prejudice the jury.

I have seen it happen. I myself was a trial lawyer. I served at one time as attorney general of my State, and later as governor of the State.

As I have previously stated, a Federal judge has a vast amount of power. He can name special bailiffs is he decides that the number of bailiffs in the court is not sufficient. He can appoint half a dozen or a dozen more, and have them carry revolvers to impress the rank and file of the jurors with the great importance of the case.

A Federal judge can claim that his life is in danger, and he can have Federal troops escort him back and forth between the courthouse and the hotel. A Federal judge can have airplanes flying over the courthouse, to repel the mob, for the purpose of impressing the jury with the gravity of the case which is pending before it.

I have gone all through that experience. When I came to the Senate one of the charges brought against me was with respect to the four Federal cases in which I, as governor of the State, was tried.

A Federal judge who is dishonest, with all the power he has, need not be afraid of any governor, because he holds the position for life. During the history of the United States there have been only five impeachments of Federal judges.

I well remember a case which was brought before I became a Member of the Senate. Senator Josiah Bailey, a very distinguished Senator, said to me in connection with that case, “I voted ‘not guilty’ on all counts except the last one. I voted ‘guilty’ on the last one.”

It was the fact that he voted “guilty” on that count which resulted in the impeachment of the judge.

We must take into consideration the money that is required, the lawyers who are required, and so forth. The Senate does not like to take up an impeachment case. Yet, that is the only remedy a poor man has in the matter of impeaching a dishonest Federal judge.

I am frankly delighted that the distinguished Senator from South Caroline has been going into the history of how the jury trial originated. There was a great battle to obtain the right of trialby jury on behalf of the people of England before they ever achieved their goal. One of the very first of the English juries was sent out by the judge time and time again and asked to bring in a verdict of guilty, and the jury refused to do so. They were out for many hours defying the judge. Finally, the judge said he would put them in jail.

One of the greatest calamities that could possibly occur in this country or in any other country would be to have the “divine right of kings” come back and the jury system made inoperative. I wish to thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina for bringing the matter to the attention of the Senate.

Mr. THURMOND. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota is to be commended for his statement.

Mr. President, it is not a question of civil rights. They have hooked to it an unconstitutional provision. It is now a question of whether we shall vote for a bill that violates the Constitution and takes away from citizens the right to a trial by jury.

I believe it was at Runnymeade, in 1215, that there were wrenched from King John certain rights for the benefit of the people which were written into a paper known as the Magna Carta. One of the rights wrenched from King John and which the people had cherished so long and which had been denied them was the right of trial by jury.

Mr. President, our Declaration of Independence starts out by citing grievances, among which was the fact that in many instances the citizens of the Colonies had been tried without a jury. That was one of the grievances brought up and included in the Declaration of Independence.

When our Constitution was written our forefathers had heard their fathers speak of how in generations back the people had suffered persecution. That was why many of them came to these shores, to enjoy liberty and freedom. After studying the governments of the world at that time, our forefathers finally decided on the tripartite system of government, with its three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial, which could check on each other.

They did not stop with that, Mr. President. The States organized their governments on the same basis, so that what we have is what is known as a compound Republic. We have a division of power between the States and the Federal Government. We have a division of power between the different branches on the national level and on the State level. Our forefathers, when they wrote the Constitution in Philadelphia in 1787, were determined that one thing would be contained in it would be the right of trial by jury. It is found in article III., section 2, and it provides that the trial of all crimes except cases of impeachment shall be by jury. It does not make any other exceptions for civil rights or anything else. It provides that all crimes except that of impeachment shall be tried by jury and that the trial shall be held in the State in which the crime was committed.

Even after the Constitution was written, three distinguished men attending the Convention would not sign it. They were George Mason, of Virginia, who was the author of the Bill of Rights; John Randolph, of Virginia, another very prominent citizen; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. They refused to sign the Constitution even after it was written.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, would the Senator from South Carolina be willing to yield to me for the purpose of submitting a unanimous-consent request to the Senate to the effect that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears the telegram of the Governor of the State of Wisconsin may be read and the oath be administered by unanimous consent of the Senate, without my friend from South Carolina losing the floor thereby, and that his remarks thereafter shall not count as a second speech against him, and that this interruption be placed in another portion of the {{sc|Record}}?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield under those conditions.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears in the Chamber the clerk may read the telegram from the Governor of Wisconsin and that the Senate give its consent to the oath being administered to the Senator-elect.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous-consent request of the Senator from Texas? The Chair thinks it also includes the provision that the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}] shall not lose the floor.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. All the conditions enumerated, Mr. President.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, reserving the right to object—and, of course, I shall not object—I should like to be associated with the unanimous-consent request made by the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I make the request on behalf of the minority leader and myself. I wish to make it abundantly clear that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears consent will have already been given to his being sworn in after the telegrams have been read; and that the Senator from South Carolina will still retain the floor and will be protected in his right to the floor and in the fact that he has made only one speech on this subject. Also, Mr. President, I request that the interruption be placed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from South Carolina.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and the request is agreed to.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. I thank the Senator from South Carolina for yielding.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was engaged in colloquy with the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Langer}}] ,at the time when we were interrupted. I should like to continue the colloquy with him.

Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from North Dakota for his questions and for bringing out the points he did. What I started to say is that when the Constitution Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1787 for the purpose of writing a constitution, the deputies, as they were called then, were confronted with the very difficult proposition of how the States would have representation. The large States wanted representation in proportion to population; the small States wanted representation according to States, regardless of size. Of course, they reached a compromise, and we have the two bodies of Congress. The Senate has an equal number of Senators from each State, regardless of the size of the State, and the House of Representatives is based on population. That is only one of the many intricate problems which had to be fought and settled by the Convention. It was a very difficult task to bring about the adoption of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question at this point?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator from North Dakota, as the distinguished Senator from South Carolina knows, is very much interested in the small States. The two Senators from North Dakota are very much interested in the small States. They have been battling and fighting for the rights of the small States. Today there are six States which never have had any Cabinet members. For example, take the State of Florida. It has now for 107 years been a member of this Union. Yet the State of Florida has never had a member of the Cabinet, although the city of New York under Franklin Roosevelt at one time had six from the State of New York.

Take the State of Nevada. Nevada had an Ambassador. The State of South Dakota has never had one. Montana never has had one. Idaho never has had one. The Senator from North Dakota finally succeeded in getting one for North Dakota, the first one after 62 years of statehood. It seems to me that the Senators from these States and from the States of smaller population a long time ago ought to have gotten together and said to the State Department, “We demand that citizens of the States of lesser population also have some appointments as ambassadors, or occasionally have a man appointed to the Cabinet of the President of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree with the Senator, and what I said was by way of illustration.

Mr. LANGER. Yes.

Mr. THURMOND. The point I started to make was this: There were so many problems confronting the deputies in Philadelphia that they had a very hard time drafting a constitution, and even after it was drafted, it would not have been ratified if they had not promised the leading political leaders of the day that there would be a Bill of Rights. That is the only way they were able to have the Constitution adopted; and even then, George Mason, of Virginia; John Hancock, of Massachusetts; Elbridge Gary, of Massachusetts, refused to sign it. They did not want to take for granted any question about the rights to which the people were entitled, and one of the precious rights in which they were most interested was the right of trial by jury. The right of trial by jury was not only written in article III., section 2 of the Constitution, but in several places in the Bill of Rights. The right of trial by jury has been handed down to us as part of our Government as a great heritage, and we do not want to run the risk of losing that precious right.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true at the present time in one foreign country after another, to whom we have been sending foreign aid and with whom we fought in World War II., later in the Korean war—one of the very things we are advocating in these countries are reforms which will provide trial by jury. Is that not correct?

Mr. THURMOND. I understand we have been advocating that other countries, in which we have been trying to help the people to set up democratic governments, accord the right of trial by jury. It is going to look a little inconsistent to those people to whom we have held out trial by jury as the ideal, when we pass a bill which proposes to take away trial by jury.

Some persons do not feel this is important; some of them say, “Well it is a compromise. The House held to a certain idea and the Senate another; and it is a matter of getting together as best they could.”

But this is a vital question. There is nothing more important, no right more important than that of trial by jury.

Mr. LANGER. I assume the Senator means a fair trial, an honest trial.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. The experience the Senator has had as judge ably demonstrated that, did it not?

Mr. THURMOND. My experience has been that a jury will come nearer rendering a fair verdict than a judge will, because there are 12 men on the jury—and Mr. Justice Brennan concurs in this—who hear the evidence and reach a conclusion. It is a most important matter; yet here in this so-called civil rights bill—

Madam President, may we have order, please?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair). The Senate will be in order.

The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. The effect of the so-called civil-rights bill is to amend the Constitution. The Constitution says, in article III., section 2, that “the trial of all crimes, except cases of impeachment; shall be by jury,” and then in the sixth amendment to the Constitution the statement is made again. It says, “In all”—it does not say in some—it does not say in all but civil rights; it makes no exception. It says:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and a public trial, by an impartial jury of the State * * * to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses.}}

And so forth. instead of that, this civil-rights bill now includes an amendment—which has been added by the House of Representatives—which gives the judge the power to make the decision, without a trial by jury, unless the fine exceeds a certain amount of money or unless the period of incarceration exceeds a certain number of days.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair) Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true that one of the arguments used when the right of women’s suffrage was asked for, was that women should have the right to sit on juries?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that women be allowed to sit on the juries. I think it is very wholesome to have that allowed. Such a law has not yet been passed in South Carolina, but I think it will be; in my opinion, that time will come.

Mr. LANGER. We who live in North Dakota have had such a law for many years, and it works very satisfactorily.

Mr. THURMOND. I so understand.

In some States, women are allowed to serve on juries, if they wish, but they are not forced to do so. In other States, women must serve on juries, if called. In other States, women do not have to serve at all on juries.

Madam President, the bill of rights—and the right of trial by jury is the heart of the bill of rights—is the most precious document of the American people.

Madam President, let me say to the distinguished Senator from North Dakota that when the Declaration of Independence was written, it included a very definite reference to trial by jury. I wish to read part of the Declaration of Independence, in order to remind the distinguished Senator from North Dakota of that fact.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, I shall be very glad to have the Senator from South Carolina do so.

Mr. THURMOND. Madam President, I read now from the Declaration of Independence:

{{smaller block|When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.}}

A little later in the Declaration of Independence, we find the following—

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, it is very interesting to hear the Declaration of Independence read.

Mr. THURMOND. It is, indeed.

I read further from the Declaration of Independence:

{{smaller block|He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing taxes on us without our consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.}}

That was one of the cardinal points which was set forth in the Declaration of Independence, namely, that the King of England had deprived the colonists “in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.”

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}, in accordance with the previous unanimous-consent agreement, yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas, for the purpose of having the Senator-elect from Wisconsin take the oath of office. By agreement, the proceedings incident thereto appear in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

The VICE PRESIDENT. Pursuant to the order, the Chair recognizes the Senator from South Carolina.

The Senate will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a good many Senators were not here when I presented my views earlier during this debate, and I shall take a few minutes now to express a few points which I should like to have them hear.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution, because that would be the result, insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—

{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}

Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}

The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common law cases.

As I have stated earlier today, I cited a decision during this debate to show that criminal contempt is a crime. Since criminal contempt is a crime, a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no way, under the Constitution, by which a man charged with a crime can be denied a trial by jury.

Since the decision I have cited shows that criminal contempt is a crime, it simply follows that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

These guaranties to which I referred, in article III., section 2, of the Constitution, and in the fifth and seventh amendments, were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historical document their complaints against the denial of the right to trial by jury. That document was the Declaration of Independence. I am going to read the section of the Declaration of Independence in which our forefathers with courage and stamina severed their relations with the mother country, Great Britain, and established their own government. A list of grievances against the King was set forth in that document and among those grievances there was one pertaining to trial by jury. It reads as follows:

{{smaller block|Depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.}}

In other words, those who signed the Declaration of Independence gave as one of the reasons for declaring their independence and for cutting loose from the King the fact that they had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. Therefore we can see with that incentive in mind in writing the Declaration of Independence why there was such a strong urge in writing the Constitution to include in it a provision for trial by jury, and then later in writing the Bill of Rights, to provide a trial by jury without the exceptions which are contained in this so-called compromise that came from the House of Representatives.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights. A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790. The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and one-time Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him.

The Bill of Rights, he declared—

{{smaller block|denies the power of any Government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.}}

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:

{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?

The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}

Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional Government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic laws, if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes; in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:

{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}

Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.}}

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “the trial of all crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days’ imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. In this day and time I wonder, sometimes, if there is not too much compromise. It does my heart good to see a man with strong convictions, a man who believes in something, a man who stands for something and who is not willing to compromise on everything when there is a vital principle at stake.

Mr. President, I realize that legislation to a large extent is compromise. That is perfectly legitimate when it does not involve the Constitution. But when it involves the Constitution, there should be no compromise. There should have been no compromise on this bill which comes back to the Senate from the House. There can be no compromise with reference to the manner in which the bill was amended.

The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of Government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was approved by the Senate.

The enactment in the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, was a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, this unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope that a majority of this Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the bloc voting of the pivotal States. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that—

{{smaller block|Behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.}}

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', 12 members of the Italian Chamber of Deputies visit the Senate, and Mr. Thurmond’s is interrupted, so as to introduce the deputies appropriately. At the time in the ''Record'', several other matters are read into the ''Record'', namely, a “Message from the House,” the “House Bills and Joint Resolutions Referred,” and the “House Concurrent Resolution Referred.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, to explain his point Mr. Alsop cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the “Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States,” Mr. Alsop stated that it is “almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.”

In other words, Mr. Alsop says that the whole civil-rights fight is purely political, and the effect of it is that both parties are vying to get the Negro vote in the doubtful States.

To explain his point he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in those States. Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any Presidential candidate could lose those three States and win the election.

I shall not take any more further time to present the analysis he made, but he went into considerable detail.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today, but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of this bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily. Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether or not to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law. Jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge so long as he does not exceed the maximum limit prescribed for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of this bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges. No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected by it. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When this bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted that great legal mind of the 18th century of England, Blackstone, because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence.

I have also quoted heretofore and cited a case which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That is a decision I have heretofore reviewed. I might refer to it again for the benefit of any who missed it, because that is an important point. I do not believe that some of the lawyers in the Congress have realized that criminal contempt is a crime.

''Bessett'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' (194 U. S. 324) says a contempt proceeding is criminal in its nature. ''Ex parte'' Grossman (267 U. S. 87) says a criminal contempt committed by disobedience of an injunction issued by the district court to abate a nuisance in pursuance of the prohibition law is an offense against the United States, and within the pardoning powers of the President under article II. of the Constitution.

The ''Conkey'' case I just referred to, volume 194 United States Reports, page 324, defines civil and criminal contempt, pointing out that the latter, criminal contempt, is criminal and punitive in its nature, and the Government, the courts, and the people are interested in their prosecution.

If criminal contempt is a crime, as the United States Supreme Court decision holds it is, then under the Constitution of the United States a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury. There is no ifs, ands, and buts about it. There can be no exceptions.

Article III., section 2 of the Constitution provides:

{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}

Again in the sixth amendment in the Bill of Rights, it is provided:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}

Mr. President, when this bill was previously debated in the Senate, I cited Blackstone as an authority, and I may cite him again today, but I want to refer to a portion of this bill, to show how it violates the Constitution on the jury trial question.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to my distinguished friend for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Could the Senator from South Carolina tell us how it happened that the Federal judges encroached upon the rights of defendants? How did they come to hold that contempt of court was not a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. There is a long story about contempt and how it arrived at where it is now. I might say, in brief, and that is what my distinguished friend is interested in, that under the present law a man charged with criminal contempt gets a jury trial unless the Government is a party to the suit, and in labor disputes defendants get a jury trial even if the Government is a party to the suit.

Under this so-called compromise which the House sent to the Senate, that will not be the case unless a judge in his discretion sees fit to give the defendant a jury trial, or the judge tries him and decides he wants to punish him to a greater extent than a $300 fine or a 45 days’ prison sentence, in which event he would then have a jury trial.

Mr. President, under the version of the bill which was passed by the House of Representatives, the Attorney General could substitute the government for a private party, and thereby could deprive an individual of a jury trial.

But the Senate amended the bill as passed by the House of Representatives; and the Senate sent the bill, as thus amended, back to the House of Representatives. The Senate, by means of one of its amendments, drew a distinction and delineated between civil contempt and criminal contempt. The amendment provided that if the purpose of the action the judge wished to obtain was compliance with his order, in the case of something to be done in the future, failure to comply with the order would constitute civil contempt; but if the purpose was to punish for something done in the past, failure to comply with the judge’s order would constitute criminal contempt.

The Senate amended the bill, as I have stated, and returned the bill, as thus amended, to the House of Representatives. Then the House of Representatives added the amendment which I believe violates the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. It has been a pleasure, I assure the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. President, because of the authoritative place that Blackstone holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him at this time. Every lawyer respects Mr. Blackstone. He said:

{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law.}}

That is what Blackstone said about trial by jury—that it is “the glory of the English law.”

Blackstone further said:

{{smaller block|And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under Providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}

In other words, Rome, Sparta, and Carthage did not have trial by jury when their people lost their liberties.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:

{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen; chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth and the surest guardians of public justice, For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}

Mr. President, that is what Mr. Blackstone said. No brighter legal mind ever shone in the brilliant galaxy of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence.

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied to another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court, delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and he made the following statement:

{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. * * * One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions.}}

Mr. President, in my State the judge charges the jury as to the law, but he cannot comment on the facts. In some States a judge is not even permitted to charge the jury, unless the parties to the suit request it.

I read further from the address by Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court:

{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials, because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}

Mr. President, those are the words of Associate Justice Brennan, in speaking about jury trials. I do not know how he could have stated the matter in much stronger terms.

Mr. President, that statement by Associate Justice Brennan is most significant, to me, in that it comes from a member of the present Supreme Court of the United States. I shall not predict what the Court may do when the question of the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury, as embodied in the so-called compromise, is presented to the Court. However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill to be unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in the case of ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said—and this is the Supreme Court of the United States speaking:

{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Kennedy}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. If the Congress can say to the people of the United States that a Federal judge has absolute power to forbid a jury trial if the sentence is not more than 45 days in jail or a fine of not more than $300, and if such a law is held constitutional, what would there be to stop a future Congress from changing the amounts to 10 times those—in other words, let us say, to 450 days in jail and a fine of $3,000, or even more?

As I see it, the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is fighting for a principle.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. The principle—not the exact amount of the punishment or the exact amount of the fine—is the important consideration in this case.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, the Senator from South Carolina is chiefly concerned with the principle, rather than with the exact amount of the punishment—whether it be 45 days in jail or a fine of $300, or whether it be more than that; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. Certainly it is a fact that the Congress should not give to any Federal judge the power to levy fines of $300 or to imprison for 45 days, without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Congress does not have power to do it if it wants to.

Mr. LANGER. In my opinion, you certainly quoted excellent authority to sustain that view.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much.

These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

And further:

{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}

If the Constitution provided that a Federal judge could give to a defendant a jury trial if he wanted to do so, or to refuse it if he wanted to do that, then there would be authority for what the House sent to the Senate. If the Constitution provided that in cases of criminal contempt defendants would be excepted from the jury. trial, the House would have been legally justified in passing what they did. But there is no exception to the right of jury trial in the Constitution or in the Bill of Rights.

The Constitution will first have to be amended in order that this so-called compromise bill, which has passed the House and is before the Senate, can be upheld.

I cannot say what the Supreme Court will do, no one can say, but I do not see how they could make any other holding in view of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. That is certainly what may be expected from the Court, in view of the statement I just quoted from Justice Brennan, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State, and I spoke on them during the night, starting with Alabama, and covered every State, including Wyoming.

I cited the law and the section of the code, including North Dakota and all the States. They all have laws to protect the right to vote. In a few minutes, I am going to cite a Federal section to show that there is a Federal law already on the subject; so, if a Federal law were desired on the subject, we already have one.

I think it is a matter that ought to be left to the States, but if people disagree about that, and if it is within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, we already have a statute on the subject. But this bill is a violation of the Constitution on the right to a jury trial question, regardless.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Would the Senator be kind enough to read the statutes in South Carolina and Mississippi, if he has them?

Mr. THURMOND. Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote. I shall discuss them in a few minutes.

I do not know of a single case having arisen in South Carolina in which a potential voter has charged that he has been deprived of his right to vote. Had such an instance occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina. The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, on May 1, 1947, I recommended to the State legislature that it repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

The legislature took favorable action and submitted the question to a vote of the people at the next general election, which was in November 1948.

The people voted favorably on the amendment, and then in January 1949, or early in 1949, the legislature ratified the action of the people. Our poll tax was eliminated as a prerequisite to voting. So we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting. We have a school tax, but no one has to pay to vote. Moreover, registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina—if proof is desired—can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia (S. C.) Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that: “Estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution which protect a citizen’s tight to vote:

{{smaller block|{{c|
{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}

{{asc|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9. SUFFRAGE}}
}}

The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10. ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}

All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5. APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}

Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8. REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}

The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the first of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15. RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}

No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}

In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the {{sc|Record}} to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:

{{smaller block|{{c|
SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23

{{asc|23–73. APPEAL FROM DENIAL OF REGISTRATION}}
}}

The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.

{{c|{{asc|23–74. PROCEEDINGS IN COURT OF COMMON PLEAS}}}}

Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.

{{c|{{asc|23–75. FURTHER APPEAL TO SUPREME COURT}}}}

From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make.}}

I do not know of any other State which gives this protection.

{{smaller block|If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}

The supreme court will be called together to hear one man’s case on appeal. What more can we do than that? We have, first, the board of registration; next the court of common pleas, and then the supreme court. The supreme court will hold an extra session, if necessary, to hear the appeal, and even if there is only one man who feels that he has been disenfranchised, or disqualified, for any reason, to receive a registration certificate.

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|23–100. RIGHT TO VOTE}}}}

No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}

In other words, if he loses his certificate, or has any trouble with the board—the books are filed there—if his name is on the book, the clerk will give him a certificate. If it is not there, he can even go to the secretary of state at Columbia, if there is any local prejudice or other trouble. He can go to the State capital, and obtain a certificate from the secretary of state. That is the protection we give. We have some others.

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|23–349. VOTER NOT TO TAKE MORE THAN 5 MINUTES IN BOOTH; TALKING IN BOOTH, ETC.}}}}

No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.

{{c|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}

No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. A little while ago the distinguished Senator said that he had before him the election laws of all 48 States.

Mr. THURMOND. That is true.

Mr. LANGER. Are not the laws of South Carolina more liberal than those of other States?

Mr. THURMOND. I think they are more liberal with respect to voting. I think we have gone further than have most of the other States. We repealed the poll-tax requirement. We have given every opportunity to everyone to vote. I do not know of anyone in my State today who is denied the right to vote if he wishes to vote.

Our requirements are not too severe. The only requirement is that the voter must be able to read or write the Constitution. The Constitution was used in order to have reference to some document. Anyone who can read and write can read the Constitution as well as he can read anything else. Or if he cannot do that, he must own $300 worth of property. If he meets either requirement, he can vote.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator stated that there was a Federal law in this connection.

Mr. THURMOND. Yes.

Mr. LANGER. May we have the Federal statute read?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has just asked me about the Federal law on the books with regard to voting. I should like to have the Senator from North Dakota and other Senators hear this. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Case}}] and other Senators to listen to the statute I am about to read. Last night I made the point that every State in the Union has laws on this subject. Of course, if the Senator from South Dakota has already made up his mind, I do not wish to take his time. Will he give me his attention for just a moment?

Mr. CASE of South Dakota. The Senator from South Dakota is listening.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not wish to take the Senator’s time if his mind is made up. But if his mind is open, I want him to hear this. I made the statement last night that every State in the Nation has statutes to protect the right to vote. I called upon the Library of Congress to compile those statutes, and I read them into the {{sc|Record}}. They will be found in my speech. Starting with Alabama and going through Wyoming, every State has laws protecting the right to vote.

But some people say that we need Federal laws. I do not believe many people know that we have Federal statutes on the subject. For some reason or other they must have overlooked them. I wish to read the Federal law at this time to show that there is a Federal law on the statute books. It is designated as section 594 of chapter 29, title 18, of Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure. It reads as follows:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|594. INTIMIDATION OF VOTERS}}}}

Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the Office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}

If anyone intimidates, threatens, or coerces another with respect to voting, or with respect to how he wishes to vote, or for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote, or to vote for whomever he chooses, there is a Federal statute under which a Federal judge can send him to jail for 1 year, or fine him $1,000. There is already a Federal statute on the subject. So why pass the bill coming from the House, or any other bill to provide the right to vote?

The statute which I have just read is a criminal statute. It enables the Federal Government, if it wishes to protect the right to vote, to protect any man’s right to vote, because it can put a man in jail for as long as 1 year, or fine him $1,000 if he interferes with the right of anyone to vote.

The only difference is that this is a criminal statute, and if a man were prosecuted under this statute he would get a jury trial. If we believe in the Constitution and in jury trials, we want to preserve that right anyway. The Constitution is clear on the question of jury trials. Article III., section 2, is specific on it. The Bill of Rights contains several references to it. The sixth amendment, in the Bill of Rights, is directly to the point.

I have before me a decision—I do not know whether the Senator heard it or not—which upholds the contention that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man is entitled to a trial by jury under the Constitution of the United States if he is charged with criminal contempt.

If there have been complaints to the Federal Government in any State of the Nation about people not being allowed to vote, why has not the Justice Department taken action under the statute to which I have just referred, and put offenders behind bars or fined them if they interfered with the right of other people to vote?

The Federal Government has the power to do it. It is not necessary for it to have more power. The accused should have a jury trial. This is a free country. The mere fact that a jury returns a verdict which one of the parties may not like is no excuse for abolishing the jury trial.

Either the Federal Government is not doing its duty in protecting people who have complained to it that they could not vote for one reason or another, or that voting has been interfered with for one reason or another, and has not given the proper protection to those people who complained to it, or there have been no complaints.

If there have been any complaints, it was the duty of the Department of Justice to take action, and they could take action under the statute I have cited. There is no use beating about the bush and saying there is a duty to pass a right to vote bill. There is such a law on the statute books. Every State in the Union has such a law. The United States Code contains a provision protecting the right to vote. Let the Attorney General enforce this statute I have cited. If he has received any complaint from South Carolina about any man not voting, or has received a complaint from any other State, it is his duty to take action under the statute, and see that the one who interferes is punished. He can be put in jail for a year or fined $1,000.

Mr. President, I am merely desiring to call this to the attention of Senators who are in the Chamber at this time, because so many of them do not seem to understand that we now have a Federal law on the books, section 594, which provides for the protection of voting rights. I do not know how it could be made any stronger.

The Senator from North Dakota was asking about the South Carolina statute. I read from the statutes:

{{smaller block|After the voter’s ballot has been prepared, the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.

{{c|{{asc|23–656. PROCURING OR OFFERING TO PROCURE VOTES BY THREAT}}}}

At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.

{{c|{{asc|23–657. THREATENING OR ABUSING VOTERS, ETC.}}}}

If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.

{{c|{{asc|23–658. SELLING OR GIVING AWAY LIQUOR WITHIN 1 MILE OF VOTING PRECINCT}}}}

It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.

{{c|{{asc|23–659. ALLOWING BALLOT TO BE SEEN, IMPROPER ASSISTANCE, ETC.}}}}

In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.

{{c|{{asc|23–667. ILLEGAL CONDUCT AT ELECTION GENERALLY}}}}

Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}

Mr. President, I believe what I have read covers the constitutional provisions and the statutory provisions. Does not the Senator from North Dakota think those provisions add to the protection of voters?

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator be kind enough to repeat the Federal statute?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am particularly interested in where the Federal statute states that one can be both fined and imprisoned.

Mr. THURMOND. It says “or both.”

{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}

But such person can get a jury trial, though. In other words, that is just another crime. It is like when a man is charged with murder or any other crime.

He will have a jury trial. If he is found guilty, then the judge can sentence him to $1,000 or 1 year in prison, or both. That is a strong statute.

Mr. LANGER. I want to thank the distinguished Senator for bringing that to the attention of the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is entirely welcome.

I think it is a statute that a good many people may have overlooked. There has been so much talk about the right to vote and people not having the right to vote protected until I thought the Senate and the people of the Nation ought to know that not only every State has laws protecting the right to vote, but the Federal Government also has on the statute books a statute protecting the right to vote. As I stated, that is section 594, of chapter 29, title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be glad to yield to my distinguished friend.

Mr. LANGER. For a question?

Mr. THURMOND. For a question.

Mr. LANGER. Have there been any decisions by the South Carolina Supreme Court on any of the statutes which the distinguished Senator has read?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall offhand that any cases have gone to the supreme court. In our State everybody registers and votes who wants to, and I guess that is probably the reason there have been no cases taken to the supreme court.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, prove there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right to vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise.

Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—

{{smaller block|(2) study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and

(3) appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}

These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an {{SIC|unsual|unusual}} grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and non-political, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I should like to have the Senator hear this. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people, to involve neighbor against neighbor. This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others, to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so. If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make the testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate, before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A civil-rights division in the Justice Department is not needed, because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed; in fact, he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country. Since conditions have improved and since there is no indication that conditions will change—unless the Attorney General and the Civil-Rights Commission create trouble—there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of a Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department.

Part III. of the bill, as originally written—which was completely obnoxious—was removed. I have several times stated my views on part IV. I object to its grant of dictatorial power to the Attorney General. The Congress should never agree to place such authority in the hands of any one official of the Government.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which reads as follows:

{{smaller block|(d) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield to me?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. As I understand, in the case of the existing section 594, during all these years the Attorney General of the United States has had the power to enforce that section, and he has had the assistance of the United States attorneys in every State of the Union, and they have had the help of their assistants; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. In some of the States there are eastern districts, northern districts, southern districts, and western districts—for instance, as in the case of New York; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That also is correct.

Mr. LANGER. And each of those districts has United States attorneys and assistant United States attorneys and United States marshals; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. So all the necessary machinery for the enforcement of section 594, to protect the voting right of any citizen of the United States who may have had his voting right denied, has been in existence all during this period of time; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. Can the distinguished Senator from South Carolina name a single case in which the Attorney General of the United States has tried to enforce any of these statutes?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator, I will say that I do not know about the situation in other States; but as for the situation in my own State, I have not heard of such a case. However, I can see why that would be; I can understand why probably there would not be any such cases in South Carolina. That is because anyone in South Carolina who wishes to register to vote, has no trouble doing so. But I have not heard that any cases of this sort have been brought in other States. Such cases may have been brought in other States, but I have not heard of any.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I wish to ask what additional power the Attorney General will have, if a new Assistant Attorney General is appointed, inasmuch as the Attorney General already has the help of other Assistant Attorneys General and the help of United States attorneys, whose appointments have to be approved by the Senate; they cannot be appointed until the Congress has consented to the appointments.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question asked by the Senator from North Dakota, I would say that I see no need for an additional Assistant Attorney General—who, if appointed, would receive a large salary. I see no need for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, because the Department of Justice already has a civil-rights section; and there has been no evidence of any need for a big division, similar to the one now proposed to be created. I think the establishment of such a division would simply mean the payment of more salaries and a larger Federal payroll and more taxes on the backs of the American people.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, there has never been a time when, under present law, the Department of Justice could not have presented a case of that sort before a grand jury, if the Department had wished to do so; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. If there had been any complaint in either North Dakota or South Carolina, let us say, to the effect that someone had not been able to vote, although he was eligible to vote, all the Department of Justice would have had to do would have been to have the United States attorneys in those States look into the matter and take whatever action would have been appropriate under the circumstances.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator from North Dakota for his questions.

Mr. President, a moment ago I read the provisions of section 131(d). It simply means that the district courts can, under that provision, bypass the State procedures, the administrative remedies under the State laws, and can take action, and thus can cause much tension, embarrassment, and trouble although it is not necessary to do so. If anyone cannot obtain justice through the administrative remedies of his State, then of course he will be able to go to the district attorneys, and they can prosecute under the Federal statute I have just read. But the use of the existing remedies under the State laws should first be required—which is the usual procedure one would follow.

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States should not be exhausted prior to having Federal district courts take jurisdiction in cases of election-law violations.

In other words, I believe in letting the States run their business, if they will. A Federal statute already is in existence; and if there is need to use it, it can be used. But why not let the States handle the matter of voting and the other matters which are reserved to them under the Constitution? Let the States handle them. Then, if the States fail to do so or if they fall down in the performance of their duty, section 594 is in existence, and it can be used as a hammer with which they can be clubbed to death, if need be.

The present proposal could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority, and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 spoke strongly on behalf of the Federal courts, during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them. That is the point I made just a few minutes ago.

I shall not go into further details with reference to the provisions of this part of the bill, but I am just as strongly opposed to it as I was when it was first introduced. I shall continue to oppose such grants of power to the Attorney General or to any other official.

Mr. President, I based my opposition to H. R. 6127 throughout its consideration in the Senate on three principal points. I am convinced the bill is unconstitutional in several respects which I have cited. I know that it is unnecessary because the right to vote is fully protected in every State and under the laws of the United States where applicable.

Finally, I know that the enactment of such legislation is extremely unwise.

It is unwise because the sure result of passing this bill would be to destroy a great deal of the good feeling existing between the white and the Negro races, not only in the South but in every community where a substantial number of Negroes live. Nothing would be gained, but much would be lost.

The Civil Rights Commission, by using its powers to attempt to force integration of the races, is bound to create suspicion and tension between the races to an even greater degree than the suspicion and tension which was created by the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the school segregation cases.

Unbiased persons who are familiar with the segregation problem, and who observed the detrimental result of the Supreme Court decision, know that a traveling investigation commission and a meddling Attorney General could bring about chaos in racial relations.

The chaos would not be confined to the South because the provisions of this bill will apply to every citizen in every State. However, the Attorney General, in exercising the discretion granted him, along with the extraordinary powers also granted him, must be expected to confine his investigations and his court actions to the States of the South.

The South has often been derided and condemned on charges of sectionalism, but if the advocates of this legislation believe they will create greater unity instead of greater division in this country by the enactment of this bill, they are entirely mistaken.

George Washington in his Farewell Address used his strongest language against those who would divide our country and urged a unity of spirit. He said:

{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern, Atlantic, and western—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}

H. R. 6127 is a blueprint for suspicion, confusion, and disunity.

The laws of the Nation are dependent upon the customs and traditions of the people. Unless law is based upon the will of the people, it will not meet with acceptance.

Government in this country derives no power except the power coming from the people. Laws which are not based on the Constitution, which is the basic statement of the will of the people, cannot be justified on any ground.

Mr. President, when there is so much evidence that this bill is unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unwise, it should never be approved. Force may subjugate the human body, but force by itself can never change the human mind. Laws, like leaders, must be of the people, by the people, and for the people.

H. R. 6127 fails to measure up by any standard. It should be rejected. I appeal to every Member of this body who believes in constitutional government and the sovereignty of the people to vote against this bill.

Mr. President, this bill, as I have stated before, has been widely called a right-to-vote bill. That is a completely misleading term. The bill, as I have stated, in my opinion, is unnecessary, because we have laws in every State to protect the right to vote. We have laws by the Federal Government to protect the right to vote. In the sections I have cited, a man can be punished severely for any interference with the right to vote.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}} yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas and other Senators, who requested the transaction of certain business, all of which appears in the {{sc|Record}} following Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, we have the finest Nation in the world. We have the finest Government in the world. In 1787 our forefathers met in Philadelphia and wrote a document called the Constitution. It was simply a compact between the States. Our forefathers came to this country to get away from tyranny. They had been punished many times without juries. They had been denied the right to worship as they pleased. They have been denied the right of freedom of speech. They had been denied the right of assemblage. They had been denied the right to petition the government, and they had been denied many other rights which we take as a commonplace in this country. They came here to enjoy the benefits of the Government they would establish to provide them those rights. After the States operating as colonies for a while felt the need of a central government for purposes of national defense, for purposes of commerce, for purposes of postal service, trade, and other reasons, they decided to form a union. They met in Philadelphia in 1787, and with deputies from all the 13 States attending that conferential meeting, all except Rhode Island—at that time Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals and ignored the whole proceeding—all with the exception of that one State, had deputies at the Constitutional Convention.

They wrote a document to delegate certain of their powers—there were States before there was a Federal union, of course—to the Federal Government for the purpose of forming a union and a central government which could do certain things for the States better than they themselves could do them.

At that convention there was a very difficult situation. The delegates had to start from scratch, so to speak, to write the basic law for a new nation. Much discussion and debate occurred there, but after working together for several months in Philadelphia they finally arrived at a document, or a compact, which was signed by the representatives of the States, delegating certain powers to the Central Government.

Three of the delegates attending the convention were not pleased, and did not sign it. I believe I stated this morning who they were. They were George Mason, of Virginia; John Randolph, of Virginia; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. The other delegates signed their names, except one, who left, but had his friend sign it.

The document was then presented to the States for ratification. Within due time ratification was had, but there was considerable opposition at the convention, and when the question of ratification arose, the main objection which was raised was that there was not spelled out in the Constitution a bill of rights. Some of the most powerful leaders in the States opposed ratification for that reason. Those who did not sign in Philadelphia opposed it chiefly, I understand, for that reason.

The Bill of Rights is a document which we cherish. The Bill of Rights is the finest civil-rights bill in the world. The Bill of Rights is a genuine civil-rights bill. That document provides us with the fundamental civil rights which we enjoy in this country today.

One of the bases of the Bill of Rights—and I like to call it the heart of the Bill of Rights—is the right of trial by jury. In the Bill of Rights, the sixth amendment is a trial-by-jury amendment. It provides specifically that any person charged with a crime shall be tried by a jury. I have previously brought out today that criminal contempt is a crime, and therefore, since it is a crime, a person charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

The bill which passed the House is a compromise, as most legislation is. Some people may have felt that that was the best the House and Senate could do, because the conferees got together and reconciled the differences between the two Houses. Ordinarily that principle would be sound in connection with legislation, but it is not sound here, because the effect of the so-called compromise would be to violate the Constitution of the United States.

If the so-called compromise had provided that a judge, in his discretion, could try a man for criminal contempt, I would have opposed it just as much if no punishment whatever were involved, because the Constitution says that a man is entitled to a trial by jury when he is prosecuted for a crime. There is no discretion in the Constitution. There is no ''proviso'' in the Constitution. There is no exception in the Constitution. The Constitution is perfectly clear on that point.

If the punishment provided in the bill in the House had called for 1 day’s imprisonment, or a fine of $1, I would be just as bitterly opposed to it. The Constitution of the United States provides that if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to a jury trial. Under the decision which I have cited here twice today, I believe, holding that criminal contempt is a crime, it is clear that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial.

I do not believe that the compromise amendment is valid. I do not think it is constitutional. The amendment of the distinguished Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] delineated and defined civil contempt and criminal contempt, and provided that civil contempt proceedings were for the purpose of bringing about compliance, in which case the order would be issued prior to the act, and that criminal contempt proceedings were to punish, in which case the order would be issued after the act. If the House had accepted it, the American people would be guaranteed trial by jury in the event of a charge of criminal contempt, which is a crime.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield to me for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to ask the Senator if I understood him correctly to say that in his opinion the so-called jury-trial provision of the bill which has been returned to us by the House is invalid and unconstitutional?

Mr. THURMOND. That is my opinion.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to say to the Senator from South Carolina that I completely agree with that opinion. It is impossible to govern the right of trial by jury by the discretion of the judge, according to the penalty he conceives he intends to inflict.

I should like to ask the Senator another question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the distinguished Senator.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina if he agrees with me that the question of jury trial should be reexamined as soon as conveniently possible, and that I would be doing a wise thing if, when the new session of Congress assembles, I should introduce a repetition of the general jury-trial amendment, firm in the belief that the advocates of civil rights, upon examination of the pretended amendment which has come to us from the House, will discover that they have bought a pigeon instead of a swallow.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question, I will say that I agree with him that the bill should be reexamined; but I think the reexamination should take place before Congress passes the bill, and not wait until next January.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. If the Senator will permit me to make this comment—will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND: I will yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I shall frame it in the form of a question. Does not the Senator agree that we are all weary and worn down; that most of us are almost as tired as is the Senator himself; and that perhaps when we return in January in the full vigor of our bodies and minds we shall be able to do a better job than we can do at this session of the Congress? I am going to introduce a jury-trial amendment in the next session in the firm belief that this jury-trial amendment accomplishes nothing; that it does not at all help the advocates of civil rights.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question I will say that I have been on my feet for the past 17 hours, and I still feel pretty good. But I agree that it has been a long, tough session. But even though it has been a long, tough session, I do not think we ought to quit now and pass a bill that the Senator and I both feel is unconstitutional. I think we should refer it to the committee, which I tried to do the other night, but was unsuccessful in my attempt. But I think this bill should not be passed at this session. I believe the Senator would prefer that it not be passed; but if it is passed, of course I should be delighted to have the Senator offer an amendment to correct the unconstitutional portion of it when we return in January. But I really do not see why we should have to pass an unconstitutional piece of legislation if we can avoid it.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for another question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. This question is a little different from the one I asked before. I am wondering if the Senator from South Carolina would cooperate with me in enabling me to pass a bill which does not involve any constitutional question. The Senate passed the bill without any opposition at all, and the House has returned it to the Senate with an amendment. I should like to move that the House amendment be concurred in by the Senate, and thus get the bill disposed of.

Mr. THURMOND. If the Senator will ask unanimous consent for me to yield to him on condition that I can retain the floor, and, further, that I shall not be charged with a second speech when I resume the discussion of the present subject—

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wyoming ask unanimous consent based on those conditions?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I do, Mr. President.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator from Wyoming this question: This is not a civil-rights bill, as I understand, is it?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. No; it is not.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Wyoming? The Chair hears none.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Mr. O’Mahoney, the “Approval of Contract with the Casper–Alcova Irrigation District, Wyoming,” is dealt with, as is a “Message from the House” and the “Enrolled Bills and Joint Resolution Signed.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was speaking a few moments ago about the States and the Federal Government. I should like to remind the people of this country that we had States before we had a union, and that the only power the Federal Government had and the only power the Union had was the power delegated by the States in Philadelphia in 1787 and in the amendments to the Constitution since that time. All other powers which have not been delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States or to the people.

I think the bill which is under consideration is unconstitutional. I think it is invalid. I think we are doing a useless thing. The proponents of the bill who feel that they are helping people, in my judgment, are going to find that there is just a lot of lost motion involved, because I do not believe the Supreme Court will hold this bill constitutional. I do not see how it could hold it constitutional. This compromise bill which came from the House leaves it entirely up to a Federal judge to say whether or not he is going to give a man a jury trial. That is not what our forefathers wrote into the Constitution. This bill provides that a judge shall decide whether he will grant a jury trial. Suppose he decides he will not grant a jury trial and then tries the defendant. Suppose he decides that the man ought to be imprisoned for more than 45 days or should pay a fine of more than $300. Then the case must be tried all over again.

That is another reason why I think the bill is unconstitutional. When we once try a man we put him in double jeopardy by trying him again.

So I think we are doing a useless thing here to pass a bill to provide that a judge can try a man and then, if he imposes above a certain sentence, the man can ask for a jury trial and then a jury can try the man. He would be tried twice. That is not only unconstitutional, it is also unfair, because if a judge tries the man himself and fines him more than $300 or sentence him to be imprisoned more than 45 days, then there is a trial ''de novo'', as they call it.

But the judge’s finding of guilt is bound to influence the jury when the jury tries him a second time. It is my opinion that the man can plead double jeopardy. The distinguished Presiding Officer was a distinguished judge in Texas. Any lawyer knows that we cannot try a man more than once for the same offense. The bill coming from the House would allow the man to be tried twice.

Mr. President, I want the American people to know what they are getting in this bill. They are getting a bill under which a judge can try a man and a jury can then try the same man. It is unconstitutional, in my opinion. Furthermore, I think it is extremely unfair, because the judge has already expressed his opinion, and if he is the judge who tries the case a second time he would be bound to show his feelings during the trial. Even if he did not show his feelings during the trial, in my opinion, his feelings would enter into the sentence after the trial.

Mr. President, there are many things in this bill. I am not against civil rights, and I am not against voting. As I have said, the finest civil rights are those in the Bill of Rights. I am for genuine civil rights, not this so-called political civil rights.

Both national parties that are pushing civil rights bills, this right to vote and other bills, are not doing it because they love the Negro. The southern white man does more for the Negro than any other man in any part of the country. This bill is motivated purely by politics. It is a political bill.

We might as well face the facts as they are. Both parties are trying to play to get the Negro vote, and, in some States, if the Negroes vote as a bloc, which they should not do, they are herded to the polls like sheep and voted. If they vote as individual citizens, which they should, this would not occur. But for some reason, both parties think that they are going to vote as a bloc. I do not know how a few leaders do it, or just how it is done. But it is unfortunate, and it is unfair to the Negro, because it takes him out of the category of an individual. It takes away his dignity. It takes away his sanctity as an individual, in which he can take pride in himself, his accomplishments and his race and not be led around like a bull with a ring in his nose. But that is the feeling of both parties in this country. They think they can vote the Negroes in a bloc, and they are making this play on these civil rights bills, so-called. They are not civil rights bills. They are so-called civil rights bills. The politicians are pushing these so-called civil rights bills to make a play and try to get the vote of the Negroes in certain doubtful States.

I have some good friends who are Negroes. I have helped many of them. I have represented them in lawsuits. I have loaned them money. I value the friendship of many Negroes, and I hate to see them treated like they are being treated. I hope that their real leaders, their genuine leaders, who are sincerely interested in them, will wake up some day and inform the members of their race just what is going on.

Mr. President, there is no need in the world to pass this bill. In the wee hours last night, when most Senators were sleeping, I was here talking, and after I had the Library of Congress, Legislative Section, prepare for me, and I put into the {{sc|Record}} at that time, statutes which provide voting rights in all the States of the Nation.

The {{sc|Congressional Record}} of last night contains those statutes of all the States from Alabama to Wyoming. In every one of the States of the Nation there are statutes that protect the right to vote. There is not a single one of the 48 States that does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

Why does the Federal Government have to have this bill passed? Is it not practically an insult to the States?

It is.

“We need it. The States will not enforce their laws?” If that be the case, all the Government has to do is to enforce the Federal statute I referred to today. Title 18, section 594, is the number of that Federal statute, which provides punishment for anyone who intimidates, coerces, or threatens any person for interfering with any other person in voting. That statute is as clear as a crystal. It provides for a fine of $1,000, or punishment of 1 year in prison, for anyone who interferes with the right of another citizen to vote. So, if there is anybody in this country today who is prevented from voting, all he has to do is to report it to the district attorney in his State, of if he prefers, to write the Justice Department. He can take that course, and action can be taken under that statute which is already on the books.

Why put another statute on the books? Why put another statute which the Supreme Court will very probably hold to be unconstitutional? I do not know what the Supreme Court will hold. I do not like to take any chances with the Supreme Court.

At any rate, the Constitution of the United States is clear, the wording is simple. Any seventh-grade child can read article III., section 2, of the Constitution of the United States and see that any citizen charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. He can also read the sixth amendment to the Constitution, one of the amendments in the Bill of Rights, and see that any man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial.

It is very difficult to understand why the Congress, which is supposed to be composed of the brightest intellects in the country, or some of the brightest intellects, would pass a bill of this kind.

Yet, if the Congress passes such a bill, this so-called compromise bill on voting rights, it will certainly amaze me if the Supreme Court does not hold it to be unconstitutional. I shall be badly disappointed if the Congress passes it.

Of course, under the pressure of different organizations, left-wing organization, ADA and NAACP, both parties are dancing like jitterbugs on the civil-rights question, because they want to carry the doubtful States where the Negroes, although only a small percentage, if they vote in a bloc, can swing a State.

I think it will be a great pity if the Congress passes this bill. I hate to see it pass such an unnecessary bill.

It seems to me that every Representative in Congress and every Senator is practically insulting his home State if he votes for this bill. He is practically saying to the governor of his State and the legislators of his State, “Although you have bills to protect voting rights, we have no confidence in you, and although we have one Federal law, we are going to pass another Federal law, and ram it down your throats whether or not you want it.” I think it is almost an insult to the States.

I suggest that they write the governors and see how many of them want this bill passed. I am wondering how many Senators in this body and how many House members have checked with the governors to find out if they want this unconstitutional monstrosity passed by the Congress.

I do not believe 10 percent of the governors of the Nation would say, “We are weaklings, and we want you to pass a strong civil-rights bill because we do not have the courage to do it. We do not have the courage to protect our people.”

As a matter of fact, Mr. President, the States already have laws on that subject, and I have read them into the {{sc|Record}}. The voting-rights statutes of the States have been read into the {{sc|Congressional Record}}, in the case of every State of the Union. Those who read the {{sc|Congressional Record}} will find them set forth there.

Mr. President, if any Senator, on either side of the aisle, can state why it is necessary to enact another Federal law to protect the right to vote, I should like to have him do so, provided I am able to yield for that purpose without losing the floor and without having the remarks I make after yielding for that purpose counted as a second speech by me. I challenge any Senator on either side of the aisle to answer this question: Why is another Federal law needed in order to protect the right to vote, when there is already on the statute books section 594, which reads, in part, as follows:

{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose.}}

In other words, one who intimidates, threatens, or coerces a voter, or even attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce him, may, under the provisions of this statute, be prosecuted. He may be prosecuted, not only if his purpose is to interfere with the right of such other person to vote, but also if his purpose is to interfere as to the person for whom such other person may wish to vote.

Mr. President, are there teeth in this statute? There certainly are. This statute provides that anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, or attempts to interfere with his voting for whomever he wishes to vote for, can be prosecuted in a Federal court and can be fined $1,000 or sentenced to a prison term of 1 year. Do not those provisions constitute teeth and strength in the existing law? Of course they do.

If there is in the United States, today, any person who is having any trouble in exercising his voting right, again I say that all he has to do is contact the Department of Justice or the district attorney in his home State, and action can be taken under this Federal law to punish any person who interferes with his right to vote.

Inasmuch as section 594 is an existing Federal statute on that subject, why is it necessary to enact another Federal statute dealing with the right to vote? It would be absolutely useless, unnecessary, and futile to enact another Federal statute on that subject; it would be a great mistake to do so, especially in view of the fact that such a statute would be unconstitutional.

Mr. President, please understand that I do not even concede that the Federal Government has a right to enter this field. Instead, I believe that these matters should be handled by the respective States. However, the Federal Government is already in this field—under the provisions of section 594, by means of which a person can be fined as much as $1,000 or put in jail for as long as one year, if her tries to interfere with the right of someone else to vote.

Since the Federal Government already is in this field, why should another Federal law on the same subject be enacted?

Mr. President, every day that passes, the Federal Government, here in Washington, D. C., is whittling away the rights of the States. It hurts me to see the Federal Government invade fields which are reserved to the States. I deeply regret that a bigger and more powerful Federal Government is being built up in Washington, D. C. This Central Government has become tremendously top-heavy. I should like to see the States have more power.

Since World War II., the Communists have taken over approximately 17 countries. In doing so, they did not invade by means of troops using bayonets and tanks; those countries were not taken over in that way by the Communists. Instead, the Communists proceeded by way of infiltration. Poland was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Poles. Czechoslovakia was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Czechs. China was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Chinese. The Communists have been able to infiltrate into the central governments; they have been able to worm their way into the police systems, and then into the election systems. Then, before one could realize it, the countries were taken over by the Communists.

Mr. President, why have the Communists been able to take over those countries? Since the end of World War II., they have been able to take over 17 countries, with populations totaling between 600 million and 800 million. The Communists have been able to do that because each of those countries has had a strong central government; and when the Communists obtained control of that central government, they were able to take over control of the entire country.

Mr. President, the more we in the United States build up power in a strong central government, the more risk we run from the standpoint of subversive activities and infiltration. If the people of the United States have the vision to keep the 48 States strong—each with its own election laws and its own police system—there will be no way by means of which the United States can be taken over by subversion. But if more and more power is given to our Central Government, after a while the States will be nothing but territories, and will not have any power.

Mr. President, the so-called civil-rights bill which the Congress is about to pass would simply take power a way from the States and would give it to the Federal Government.

A Senator might say, “I should vote for the bill because it will help me in the elections.” Mr. President, Senators had better begin to think more about the welfare and safety of their country, and less about the elections.

Mr. President, I am convinced that we must protect the States. The Constitution now protects them; but the Supreme Court and the Congress and the executive branch of the Government have been taking steps—by handing down decisions, passing laws, and issuing regulations and edicts—which violate the rights of the States and take away from the States the power they have.

Mr. President, this development cannot continue to occur, if our country is to be safe. I am disturbed for the safety of my country.

I am a brigadier general in the Army Reserve and if our country becomes engaged in an armed conflict, I am ready to serve. But we must keep our country stronger, or we shall find it engaged in conflict.

One of the ways to weaken it is to weaken the States, as we are doing today, and to keep taking away the powers of the States and building up a powerful Central Government in Washington. It is the greatest mistake in the world. It was not contemplated when our Constitution was written.

Our forefathers decided they would delegate a few powers to the Federal Government, and they spelled them out in the Constitution. All one has to do is to get the Constitution and read it. It spells out just what powers the Congress has, what powers the Federal Government has, but all other powers are reserved to the States and to the people thereof. At the rate we are going now, we will not have any States after a while. The Federal Government will have all the power.

Mr. President, some time ago I read a book by a man by the name of James Jackson Kilpatrick, of Richmond, Va., printed by the Henry Regner Co., of Chicago, entitled “The Sovereign States.”

I wish every American could read this book. I am going to read some excerpts from it today. I should like to have Senators listen to some of the passages in this book. This man is a great writer, a true patriot, and a great American.

First, I am going to read a passage by John C. Calhoun, one of the five all-time great Senators, recently selected to have his portrait placed in the Senate reception room. John C. Calhoun, I think, is one of the greatest men this country has produced. I nominated him to be selected to have his portrait placed here, and I am proud the committee selected it. He was a man who had keen vision and a proper conception of the Constitution.

There is one page in the beginning of the book by him that I want to read; it is very short.

This is what he says:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Foreword}}}}

The great and leading principle is, that the General Government emanated from the people of the several States, forming distinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community; that the Constitution of the United States is, in fact, a compact, to which each State is a party, in the character already described; and that the several States, or parties, have a right to judge of its infractions; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of power not delegated, they have the right, in the last resort, to use the language of the Virginia resolutions, “to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.”

This right of interposition, thus solemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may—state right, veto, nullification, or by any other name—I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system, resting on facts historically as certain as our revolution itself, and deductions as simple and demonstrative as that of any political or moral truth whatever; and I firmly believe that on its recognition depend the stability and safety of our political institutions.

{{right|{{sc|John C. Calhoun.}}|1em}}

{{left|{{sc|Fort Hill}}, ''July 26, 1831''.|1em}}
}}

This was John C. Calhoun.

He wrote that at Fort Hill, and if any Senators want to know where it is, it is at Simpson College. In fact, his home was at the college.

Mr. President, my statement was that Fort Hill is at Simpson College in South Carolina. Of course, that is the greatest college in the United States.

This book on the sovereign State was written, as I have said, by James J. Kilpatrick. First, I want to take up his introduction, and then I want to present some excerpts from the book:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Introduction}}}}

Among the more melancholy aspects of the genteel world we live in is a slow decline in the enjoyment that men once found in the combat of ideas, free and unrestrained. Competition of any sort, indeed, seems to be regarded these days, in our schools and elsewhere, as somehow not in very good taste. Under the curious doctrines of the Fair Trade Act, vigorous salesmanship is unfair, and retailers are enjoined against discommoding their fellows. Mr. Stevenson’s criticism of the administration’s foreign policy, during the last presidential campaign, was not that the policies were so very wrong: they were not bipartisan. With a few robust exceptions, our writers paint in pastels; our political scholars write a sort of ruffled-sleeve, harpsichord prose. We duel with soft pillows, or with buttoned foils; our ideas have lace on them; we are importuned to steer, with moderation, down the middle of the road.

These chamber music proprieties I acknowledge, simply to say, now, that the essay which follows should not be misunderstood. May it please the court, this is not a work of history; it is a work of advocacy. The intention is not primarily to inform, but to exhort. The aim is not to be objective; it is to be partisan.

I plead the cause of States rights.

My thesis is that our Union is a Union of States; that the meaning of this Union has been obscured, that its inherent value has been debased and all but lost.

I hold this truth to be self-evident: That government is least evil when it is closest to the people. I submit that when effective control of government moves away from the people, it becomes a greater evil, a greater restraint upon liberty.

My object is not to prove that the powers and functions of government have grown steadily more centralized, more remote from the people, for that proposition requires no proof; it requires only that one open one’s eyes. Rather, my intention is to plead that the process of consolidation first be halted, then reversed, toward the end that our Federal Government may be strictly limited to its constitutional functions and the States may again be encouraged to look after their own affairs, for good or ill.

A long time ago, the geometric mind of Edmund Pendleton offered a theorem. The State and Federal Governments, he said, must follow the path of parallel lines. Others have conceived the relationship in terms of spheres, separate but touching. The idea, when all this began, was that neither authority would encroach upon the other; and in the beginning, it was more feared that the States would usurp Federal powers than the other way around.

Now the rights and powers of the States are being obliterated. The encroachments of the Federal Government have widened its road to a highway and narrowed the road of the States to a footpath. Having deceptively added a dimension to the Federal line, the broad constructionists declare their faithful adherence to the plans of the original draftsmen. Soon, a geometry unknown to Pendleton can proclaim the apparent miracle of parallels that meet this side of infinity.

I do not know that the sovereign powers of the States may be regained at all. Justice Salmon P. Chase once remarked, with great satisfaction, that State sovereignty died at Appomattox. But I do most earnestly believe that an effort must be made to regain these powers. The alternative is for American Government to grow steadily more centralized, steadily more remote from the people, steadily more monolithic and despotic.

Only the States themselves can make the effort; which is to say, only the people of the States. Only if the citizens of Virginia, as Virginians; or of Texas, as Texans; or of Iowa, as Iowans, insist upon a strict obedience to the spirit of the 10th amendment, can the Federal juggernaut be slowed. Only if the people evidence a determination once more to do for themselves can the essential vitality of a responsible and resourceful society be restored.

I do not despair. So long as the I-beams and rafters of the Constitution remain undisturbed, the ravages of Federal encroachment may be repaired. A latent yearning for personal liberty, an inherited resentment against the authoritarian state, a drowsing spirit of independence—these may yet be awakened.

But again, the States, as States, will have to do it.

It will not be easy. In many influential quarters, it will not be popular. It is a sweet narcotic that centralists sell.

Yet there is high example to be found in what the States have done before to preserve their identity. They have not always been spineless. In times past they have resisted, now successfully, now unsuccessfully; but even in their failures, something has been gained merely in the assertion of State convictions.

My purpose here is first to examine the bases of State sovereignty; then to follow the State and Federal relationship from its beginnings under the Articles of Confederation through its refinement in the Constitution; next to review some of the comment on the role the States were expected to play. The place of the States scarcely had been fixed, it will be submitted, before advocates of consolidation began to whittle it down—first in the ''Chisholm'' case, which led to the 11th amendment, and more memorably in the Alien and Sedition Acts, which led to the “Doctrine of ’98” and the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of that year. It is proposed to follow this doctrine of the States’ “right to interpose,” in its various forms and applications down through the years, with particular emphasis upon the dangers of judicial encroachment and the need for State resistance against it. Finally, I have in mind to marshal some of the evidence which supports the case for the South in its immediate conflict with Federal authority, and to review other recent events that seem to me usurpations of the States’ reserved powers.

So much, then for the plan of this book. The political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall will not care much for it.

{{right|J. J. K.|1em}}
{{left|{{sc|Richmond, Va.}}, ''September 1956''.|1em}}
}}

That was the introduction to the book The Sovereign States, by James J. Kilpatrick. James J. Kilpatrick is one of the greatest editors in the Nation today. I will read certain excerpts from the book, beginning on page 3. First I will read a quotation opposite page 3:

{{smaller block|The States within the limitations of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the 10th amendment, “reserved,” are as independent of the General Government as the General Government, within its sphere, is independent of the States. (Justice Samuel Nelson, ''Collector'' v. ''Day'' (1871).)}}

Mr. Kilpatrick has done a fine job and rendered a great service to this country in writing this book:

{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to here yield to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana, for a question.

Mr. LONG. Did I correctly understand the Senator to make the statement that, according to the preface or introduction to the book, the book would be displeasing to those who agreed with Alexander Hamilton, who was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, the forerunner of the American Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. The editor said that the political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall would not care much for the book.

Alexander Hamilton was a great American, but his philosophy was different from that of Thomas Jefferson. They were both great Americans, but Alexander Hamilton believed more in the theory of a strong Central Government, with the power residing in Washington. Thomas Jefferson’s idea was that the power should remain with the States, and that only so much power should be given to the Federal Government as was necessary to perform its functions as delineated in the Constitution.

The Senator has probably read many books about Hamilton. In one of such books his philosophy is described in this way:

{{smaller block|Speaking of education, Alexander Hamilton’s thought was to select some of the brightest young men and educate them, to make them leaders. Thomas Jefferaon’s philosophy was to give all an opportunity, and let the leaders rise where they would.}}

So, when Kilpatrick wrote this statement I am confident that he was contrasting the philosophy of Hamilton more or less with that of Thomas Jefferson.

Hamilton was a very able man, one of the greatest Americans this country has produced; but his philosophy, as the Senator well knows from studying his life and history, was different from that of Thomas Jefferson.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it the view of the Senator that Alexander Hamilton would ever for a moment have approved of any proposal whereby an American accused of a crime would have been denied the right to present his case before a jury of impartial people who would hear the case, judge the evidence, and find him guilty or innocent?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply, I will say no. I think Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson both would have approved of trial by jury. They were both delegates to the Constitutional Convention, and they both rendered magnificent service in many ways.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, if the Senator will further yield, I believe he will find that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, did the Senator yield for a question or a statemen?

Mr. LONG. The Senator yielded for a question.

Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the Senator from Louisiana for a question.

The Senator is correct about Thomas Jefferson. I had in mind Madison.

Mr. LONG. Does not the Senator realize that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention? The Senator is perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the convention which adopted the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson was the drafter of the American Declaration of Independence. Is not, the Senator perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the fact that Thomas Jefferson was one of those who participated in drafting the Declaration of Independence? Thomas Jefferson was the American Ambassador to France at the time the Constitution was drafted.

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. Thomas Jefferson was Ambassador to France, but Alexander Hamilton was a delegate from New York State, and he signed the Constitution. In fact, he was the only delegate from New York State who signed the Constitution.

When I spoke a few minutes ago about Jefferson, I was thinking about Madison. Madison signed the Constitution, as did Blair. Both were from Virginia. George Washington presided over the Convention.

Mr. LONG. Is there any doubt in the Senator’s mind that, so far as Alexander Hamilton was concerned, he would never for a moment have contested the right of any citizen to be tried before a jury if he were accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree. If he had taken any other position, he would not have signed the Constitution.

As I have stated, Alexander Hamilton was the only delegate from the State of New York who signed the Constitution as representing the State of New York. In the original Constitution, article III, section 2, provided for jury trial.

Mr. LONG. Is it not, therefore, true that insofar as the right of a citizen to be tried by jury for a crime is concerned, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would have agreed 100 percent that the freedoms guaranteed Americans under their form of government included the right to be tried by a jury of their own neighbors, in the area where the crime was committed, in the event they were accused of committing a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I can yield only for a question. I shall be glad to express myself after the Senator has concluded. Let the Senator ask any question he wishes. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to state that, although the book from which the Senator is reading may not reflect the views of Alexander Hamilton, it is nevertheless correct to state that Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would both have agreed that anyone accused of a crime should have the right to be tried before a jury of his neighbors?

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree. In my judgment, if Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson were living today, and both were Members of the Senate, both would be fighting for the right to a jury trial, as provided in the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to say that so far as we can determine there has never been a man who served in this body, and who was regarded as a great statesman, who has ever at any time advocated that American citizens should be denied their right to be tried by a jury in the event they were accused of committing a crime against the United States or against a State?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the able Senator is eminently correct. I do not know of a great man in our history, any man whom I would consider great, whose name is on the lips of the people—I cannot think of a single one in our history who would take a position in opposition to jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Scott}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from Louisiana?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to paraphrase more or less the words of Shakespeare, that those American politicians who have fought against the freedom of Americans to be tried by a jury when accused of a crime have been politicians who more or less strutted and strutted their brief hour on the stage to be heard from no more?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not think any man who takes a stand against giving a person a jury trial will be long remembered after he has gone or when his record is searched and it is found that he opposed a jury trial. I think we would immediately call for a reappraisal of his whole life in the event he had been considered a great man previous to that time.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that men like George Norris, William Borah, and Robert M. La Follette, who fought through the years for the right of trial by jury, have statues standing in the Hall of Fame in the Capitol Building?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. In fact, there is a quotation from George Norris which I read last night. If I can put my hand on it I should like to read it to the Senator from Louisiana. I have never read a stronger statement in behalf of a jury trial. He said that in all cases a man should have a jury trial. The distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr. {{sc|Byrd}}] and the distinguished Senator from Mississippi [Mr. {{sc|Eastland}}] and I introduced a bill in March to provide the very type of jury trial which Senator Norris recommended.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. The Senator from South Carolina having made a great study of all these matters involving jury trials, the freedom of Americans, and States rights, can he now name from memory a single one of those Senators who made a fight down through the years to deny American citizens of the right of trial by jury?

Mr. THURMOND. I could not name a single man whom I considered a great man or a great Senator who opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator recall the names of any Americans who have served in this body and who have made a fight against the right of a man accused of a crime to be tried by a jury? Can the Senator offhand recall the name of any such person?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot recall the name of any American of any stature within my recollection who has opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator Borah’s statue is just outside the main entrance of the Senate Chamber, immediately outside the door?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. I see it every time I go through the door.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator William E. Borah, a great constitutional lawyer, even though he came from a very small Western State, population considered, was seriously considered by the Republican Party as its nominee for the Presidency of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. I have been told that. I did not know the Senator personally; only through reputation. But I know he was a great American. He declared on April 8, 1930:

{{smaller block|I am not contending here that labor organizations can at any time employ threats, force, or violence or intimidation. They must keep within the law—}}

He was referring there to jury trials in labor cases.

I have a long report including a speech by Senator Norris on May 2, 1930. I read it last night—

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question at that point?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that those who oppose the right of jury trials are basically those who do not believe in the freedoms that Americans enjoy under the Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. I certainly agree with the Senator. I think the jury trial is one of the greatest freedoms we have. I look upon it as the heart of the Bill of Rights.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

MT. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that persons who fear that juries may not convict guilty persons are those who really have very little confidence in the determination of people to uphold free government?

Mr. THURMOND. It seems to me they could not have much confidence in human nature; otherwise they would favor jury trials. To be tried by a man’s neighbors, his peers, his fellow men, is the fairest way a man could be tried. I sat on the bench for 8 years and tried many cases, but I always felt much better about it when a jury passed on the question. I watched closely the verdicts of juries. I was deeply impressed. I feel that juries come nearer to meting out justice to criminals than it can be done in any other way.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Recognizing the fact that it is possible for a jury to turn a guilty person free, is it not also true that the freedoms which Americans enjoy under their Constitution were calculated in such fashion as to express the philosophy that it is better to turn 9 guilty men free than to send 1 innocent man to the penitentiary or to his death?

Mr. THURMOND. I never did go on the theory of nine guilty ones being turned loose. There is no doubt that there is a common saying to that effect. If I had to make a decision as to whether I would turn 9 guilty ones loose, or put 1 innocent man in prison, I would turn the 9 loose. I think that would be the thinking and the feeling of the average American.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Does not this logic become conclusively clear when we contemplate for a moment a capital punishment case where it is possible to put an innocent man to death? In such a situation, would it not be better for the court to turn 9 culprits loose rather than to kill 1 innocent man?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. There is no question about it. Some juries make mistakes. Anybody in any kind of work makes mistakes. Everybody has weaknesses and there are bound to be errors. Judges make mistakes. Of course, often a judge’s philosophy is different.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that anyone can make mistakes, is it not somewhat better that the scales of justice should be weighted a little in favor of finding a person innocent when there is a considerable doubt as to whether the person is innocent or guilty?

Mr. THURMOND. Our law is based on the presumption that a man is innocent until he is proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. That is a common legal principle that any lawyer knows about who has practiced any criminal law. I do not know precisely what the Senator had in mind on that, though, for this reason: I do not think if a man is given a jury trial, a jury necessarily lets him go free. I think a jury is going to do what it thinks is right unless it is biased, or has been approached in some way, or influenced in some way. Of course, that happens sometimes. It does not happen often, but I think it does happen sometimes.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Can the Senator imagine a judge who issues an order ordering the entire world to comply with his injunction as being as fair and impartial as a jury before which a case involving a violation of his order should be tried?

Mr. THURMOND. When a judge hears a contempt case he is the legislator, he is the prosecutor, he is the judge, and he is the jury. If I were a judge and if such a law as is here proposed were on the books, if I were back on the bench, and if I had to act under this type law, I would submit it to the jury anyway.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that it is contemplated that a judge makes a law by issuing the injunction and then cites the individuals whom he cares to cite, can the Senator think of anything any more inappropriate than the judge who makes the law, addressed to individuals, should be the same person to try the same individuals for violating his own order? Does the Senator not believe that any judge worthy of the name would at least want to have a jury to prove that justice is being done to people who violated his own order?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the Senator is eminently correct. It is unfortunate that a judge who issues an order of contempt has to try the case, because he has already made up his mind to a certain degree. Of course, that might be removed. But still he has made up his mind, or he would not issue the order.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that a person who is responsible for issuing the edict and commanding people to do certain things at his discretion should be the last person to make the final decision on who should be punished for not obeying his order?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator. In fact, this is known as injunction-made law. That is what it is. It is injunction-made law, and it is bad law. It is much better to have a jury trial. That is the American way of doing things. That is one of the grievances complained of by those who signed the Declaration of Independence, as I have brought out, namely, that in a great many cases they were denied jury trials. Provisions for jury trial are embodied in several places in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, so there is no question about the whole intent of our judicial system. Our administration of justice has been based upon jury trials. I think it is one of the most fundamental principles embodied in our type of government.

If this so-called compromise amendment were to go a little bit further, it would sound more like a Communist amendment.

I do not believe I read what Senator Norris said about jury trial. He said:

{{smaller block|I wonder if a suffering people, whose forefathers fought for liberty, are going to give up the idea of it in this day and age, in this civilized day, and are going to submit to injunction-made law.}}

He was wondering whether they were going to submit to it.

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|1. THE BEGINNINGS}}}}

“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”

This was on the sunny afternoon of Thursday, June 12, 1788, in the New Academy on Shockoe Hill in Richmond. The Virginia Convention had been grappling for 10 days with the new Constitution, and Edmund Pendleton, aging and crippled, had been sitting in dignified silence for as long as he could stand it. Patrick Henry, who was a hard man to live with at any time, was being especially difficult. Once before, on the 5th, Pendleton bad attempted to soothe him, but Henry was not to be soothed.

The State and Federal Governments would be at war with one another, Henry had predicted, and the State governments ultimately would be destroyed and consolidated into the General Government. One by one their powers would be snatched from them. A rapacious Federal authority, ever seeking to expand its grasp, could not be confined by the States.

“Notwithstanding what the worthy gentleman said,” remarked Mr. Pendleton with some warmth, for there were times when he regarded Mr. Henry as neither worthy nor a gentleman. “I believe I am still correct, and insist that, if each power is confined within its proper bounds, and to its proper objects, an interference can never happen. Being for two different purposes, as long as they are limited to the different objects, they can no more clash than two parallel lines can meet. * * *”

They were big ifs that Edmund Pendleton, a judicious man, here used as qualifications. If the State and Federal Governments were each confined within its proper bounds, be said, the clash could never come. But the Federal Government could not be kept confined, even as Henry feared, and the clash did come. It continues to this day. Mr. Pendleton’s geometry was fine, but his powers of prophecy (for be believed that each government could be kept in check) were sadly in error.

To understand how the parallel lines of State and Federal powers have turned awry, it is necessary to look back at the period before these lines were drawn. The acts of ratification by Virginia and her neighbors were acts of sovereign States. At stake was their consent to a written constitution. How, it may be inquired, did they come to be sovereign States? What is this concept of State sovereignty?

It would be possible, in any such review, to go back to the great roots of Runnymede, but it will suffice to begin much later, in the turbulent summer of 1776. The startling commitments of Lexington and Concord were behind us then; the bitter trials of White Plains, Vincennes, Camden, and Yorktown still lay ahead. March and April and May had passed—a time of bringing forth of newness, of fresh hope—and great human events had run their course. Now, in June, a resurgent people made the solemn decision to dissolve the political bands which had connected them with another. Thus Jefferson’s draft began, thus the Continental Congress adopted it at Philadelphia; from this moment Americans unborn were to date the years of their independence.

The eloquent beginning of the Declaration—the assertion of truths self-evident and rights beyond alienation—is well known: It is a towering irony that Jefferson, whose convictions were cemented in the inequality of man, should have his precise phrase corrupted by the levelers of a bulldozer society. The Declaration’s beginning is too much recited and too little read.

What counts, for our present purpose, is not the first paragraph, but the last. Let us inquire, What, precisely, was it that we declared ourselves to be that Fourth of July? Hitherto there had been colonies subject to the King. That form of government would now be abolished. We would now solemnly publish and declare to a candid world—what? That the people of the colonies had formed a free and independent nation? By no means. Or that they were henceforth a free and independent people? Still no.

This was the declaration: “That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.” Not one State, or one Nation, but in the plural—States; and again, in the next breath, so this multiple birth could not be misunderstood, “that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.”

It had opened, this Declaration, as an enunciation of what often are termed the “human rights,” but it concluded, in the plainest terms, as a pronouncement of political powers—the political powers of newly created States. And these powers of war and peace, these powers of alliance and commerce, were published not as the powers of a national government, but as powers henceforth asserted by 13 free and independent states.

To be sure, the States were united. Their representatives styled themselves Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, but it was not the spokesmen of a nation who gathered in parliament. These were States in Congress. “One out of many,” it is said. In a sense, yes. But the many remained—separate States, individual entities, each possessed, from that moment, of sovereign rights and powers.

Certainly Jefferson so understood our creation. “The several States,” he was to write much later, “were, from their first establishment, separate and distinct societies, dependent on no other society of men whatever.”

So Mr. Justice Samuel Chase comprehended it: He considered the Declaration of Independence, “as a declaration, not that the United Colonies Jointly, in a collective capacity, were independent States, etc., but that each of them was a sovereign and independent State, that is, that each of them had a right to govern itself by its own authority, and its own laws without any control from any other power on earth.” From the Fourth of July, said Chase, “the American States were ''de facto'' as well as ''de jure'' in the possession and actual exercise of all the rights of independent governments. * * * I have ever considered it as the established doctrine of the United States, that their independence originated from, and commenced with, the declaration of Congress, on the Fourth of July 1776; and that no other period can be fixed on for its commencement; and that all laws made by the legislatures of the several States, after the Declaration of Independence, were the laws of sovereign and independent governments.”

So, too, the sage and cool-minded Mr. Justice Cushing: “The several States which composed this Union * * * became entitled, from the time when they declared themselves independent, to all the rights and powers of sovereign States.”

Even Marshall himself had no doubts: In the beginning, “we were divided into independent States, united for some purposes, but in most respects sovereign.” The lines which separate the States, he later remarked, were too clear ever to be misunderstood.

And for a contemporary authority, it is necessary only to turn to Mr. Justice Frankfurter, who some years ago fell to discussing the dual powers of taxation preserved under the Constitution: “The States,” he said, “after they formed the Union”—not the people, but the States, “continued to have the same range of taxing power which they had before, barring only duties affecting exports, imports, and on tonnage.” Regrettably, Mr. Justice Frankfurter appears in more recent times to have lost his concept of States forming a Union.

It is no matter. Evidence of the States’ individual sovereignty is abundantly available. Consider for example, the powers asserted on the part of each State in the Declaration “to levy War, conclude Peace, and contract Alliances.” Surely these are sovereign powers. The States exercised them, as States, in the Revolutionary War. But it is of value to note that New York also very nearly exercised her war powers to enter into formal hostilities with the State of Vermont. Tensions reached so grave a point that Massachusetts, in 1784, felt compelled to adopt a formal resolution of neutrality, enjoining her citizens to give “no aid or assistance to either party,” and to send “no provisions, arms, or ammunition or other necessities to a fortress or garrison” besieged by either belligerent. When New York adopted a resolution avowing her readiness to “ecur to force,”&quot; Vermont’s Governor Chittenden (whose son was to be heard from 30 years later in another row) observed that Vermont “does not wish to enter into a war with the State of New York.” But should this unhappy contingency result, Vermont “expects that Congress and the 12 States will observe a strict neutrality, and let the contending States settle their own controversy.”

They did settle it, of course. New York and Vermont concluded a peace. The point is that no one saw anything especially remarkable in two separate sovereignties arraying themselves against each other. Vermont was then an individual political entity, as remote at law as any France or Italy. And New York, though a member of the Confederation, and hence technically required to obtain the consent of Congress before waging war, had every right to maintain a standing army for her own defense.

The status of the individual States as separate sovereign powers was recognized on higher authority than the proclamations of Vermont and Massachusetts. It is worth our while to keep in mind the first article of the treaty of September 3, 1783, by which the war of the Revolution came to an end:

“His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such.”

More than 5 years earlier, a treaty of amity and commerce with France had established the same sovereign status of the contracting parties. Louis XVI. treated with the 13 American States, but he recognized each of them as a separate power. And it is interesting to note that Virginia, feeling some action desirable to complete the treaty, prior to action by Congress, on June 4, 1779, undertook solemnly to ratify this treaty with France on her own. By appropriate resolution, transmitted by Governor Jefferson to the French minister at Philadelphia, the sovereign Commonwealth of Virginia declared herself individually bound by the French treaty. In terms of international law, Virginia was a nation; in terms of domestic law, she was a sovereign State.

{{c|{{asc|2. THE STATE}}}}

To review the process by which the colonies became States is not necessarily to answer the basic question, What is a State? It is a troublesome word. The standard definition is that a State is “a political body, or body politic; any body of people occupying a definite territory and politically organized under one government, especially one that is not subject to external control.” Chief Justice Chase, in ''Texas'' v. ''White'', put it this way: “A State, in the ordinary sense of the Constitution, is a political community of free citizens, occupying a territory of defined boundaries, and organized under a government sanctioned and limited by a written constitution, and established by the consent of the governed.” In the Cherokee case, John Marshall described a State as “a distinct political society, separated from others, capable of managing its own affairs and governing itself.”

Thus, variously, a State is defined as a body, a community, and a distinct society. Plainly, mere boundary lines are not enough; a tract of waste and uninhabited land cannot constitute a State. Nor are people, as such, sufficient to constitute a State. James Brown Scott once offered this clear and succinct definition:

“The State is an artificial person, representing and controlled by its members, but not synonymous or identical with them. Created for a political purpose, it is a body politic. It is a distinct body, an artificial person; it has a will distinct from its members, although its exercise is controlled by them; it has rights and duties distinct from its members, but subject to being changed by them; it may hold property distinct from its members, but in trust for them; it may act separately and distinctly from them and bind them by its acts, but only insofar as it is authorized by the law of its creation, and subject to being changed by the source of that power.”

Thus the State is seen as a continuing political being, controlled by its citizens and yet controlling them. The State can be bound in ways that its own people cannot be bound; it can exercise powers that no citizen or group of citizens may exercise for themselves. The State may buy, sell, hold, grant, convey; it may tax and spend; it may sue, and if it consent, be sued; it exists to create law and to execute law, to punish crime, administer justice, regulate commerce, enter into compacts with other States. Yet there is no State until a community of human beings create a State; and no State may exist without the will and the power of human beings to preserve it.

It is this combination of will and power which lies at the essence of the State in being. This is sovereignty. In the crisp phrase of John Taylor, of Caroline, sovereignty is “the will to enact, the power to execute.” Long books have been written on the nature of sovereignty, but they boil down to those necessities: The will to make, the power to unmake.

It was this power, this will, that the people as States claimed for themselves in 1776. Henceforth, they said, we are sovereign: The State government is not sovereign, nor is any citizen by himself sovereign. By the “sovereign State” we mean us citizens, the State; we collectively, within our established boundaries; this community of people; we alone who are possessed of the power to create or to abandon.

God knows it was a great, a priceless, power these people as Stat es claimed for themselves. True, not everyone saw it that way. Mr. Justice Story, for one, never grasped the concept of States. Nor did Jackson. Albert J. Beveridge, in his biography of Marshall, refers sneeringly to the States as “these pompous sovereignties,” but in a way, Beveridge’s is perhaps a high acknowledgment of the simple truth: These infant States were sovereignties, and the people within them were proudly jealous of the fact. They saw themselves, in Blackstone’s phrase, “a supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority.” This, among other things, was the aim they had fought for. It cannot be imagined that they ever would have relinquished this high power of sovereignty except in the most explicit terms.

{{c|{{asc|3. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION}}}}

In time, the Continental Congress gave way to the Articles of Confederation. The articles merit examination with the utmost care; they are too little studied, and there is much to be learned from them.

First proposed in 1778, the articles became binding upon all the States with Maryland’s ratification in 1781. Throughout this period, as the war ran on, each of the States was individually sovereign, each wholly autonomous. Mr. Justice Iredell was to observe, in 1795, that had the individual States decided not to unite together, each would have gone its own way, because each “possessed all the powers of sovereignty, internal and external * * * as completely as any of the ancient kingdoms or republics of the world which never yet had formed, or thought of forming, any sort of Federal union whatever.”

But they did form a Federal union—a “perpetual union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.” They styled themselves, “The United States of America,” and in the very second article of their compact, they put this down so no one might miss it:

“Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.”

The third article is almost equally brief, and may be quoted in less space than would be required to summarize it:

“The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.”

There will be seen, in these opening paragraphs, the genesis of constitutional provisions that were to follow in less than a decade. Here is the forerunner of the 10th amendment, with its reservation of undelegated powers to the State or to the people; here are the aims set forth of “common defense” and the “general welfare.”

The fourth article advanced other phrases that have come down to us: The free inhabitants of each State (“paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted”) were to be entitled to “all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States.” Here, too, one finds the provision, later to be inserted substantially verbatim in article IV. of the Constitution of 1787, providing for the extradition of fugitives. Here the States mutually agreed that “full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.”

The fifth article provided for representation of the States in Congress. There were to be no less than 2, no more than 7 delegates from each State. They would assemble on the first Monday in November of every year. In this Congress, each State cast one vote; each State paid the salary and maintenance of its own delegates. These provisions, of course, were later abandoned; but we may note that the fifth article prohibited delegates to the Congress from “holding any office under the United States for which he or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind,” and also provided that “freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress.” Both provisions were to turn up later in article I., section 6, of the Constitution.

The sixth and seventh articles dealt generally with limitations upon the States in terms of foreign affairs and the waging of war. Again, many a familiar phrase leaps from this much-maligned compact of Confederation. No State, nor the Congress, was to grant a title of nobility; no two or more States were to enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance without the consent of the other States in Congress assembled; no State was to keep vessels of war in time of peace (“except such number as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled”), nor was any State to engaged in war without the consent of Congress “unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or * * * the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay * * *.”

The eighth article provided for defraying the expenses of war among the State “in proportion to the value of all land within each State,” and the ninth article dealt with the powers of Congress. Once more, the origin of a dozen specific phrases in our present Constitution is evident. Congress was given the “sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war.” It was to enter into treaties and alliances, establish certain courts, fix standard weights and measures, and establish post offices. But the Congress alone could do almost none of these things—it could exercise no important power—without the consent of nine of the member States.

The remaining 4 articles are of less interest and concern, although it may be noted that in 3 places, the framers of the Articles of Confederation provided that their union was a permanent union. The articles were to be inviolably observed by the States the delegates respectively represented, “and the union shall be perpetual.”

{{c|{{asc|4. WE, THE PEOPLE}}}}

Of course, it wasn’t perpetual at all. Before 6 years had elapsed, the States came to recognize grave defects in the Articles of Confederation. And because they were sovereign States—because they had the will to enact and the power to execute, because they who had made could unmake—they set out to do the job again.

What they made, this time, was the Constitution of the United States. So much has been {{SIC|writen|written}} of the deliberations that summer of 1787 in Philadelphia—so many critics have examined every word of the great document which came forth—that probably no new light can be shed upon it here. Yet the constitutions of most States command their citizens to recur frequently to fundamental principles and the commandment is too valuable an admonition to be passed by. There is much of interest to be found if one examines the Constitution, the debates and the commentaries of the time, in terms of the relationship there established between the States and the new Federal Government they formed.

It may be inquired, was sovereignty here surrendered in whole or in part? What powers were delegated, what powers retained?}}

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I do not want the Senator to strain his voice, but I do have some responsibilities as minority leader. I do not think the Senator is making any motion, but I should at least like to know what is going on in the Senate Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield for a question if the Senator has a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. My question is, Would the Senator speak up? I do not want him to strain his voice, but I should like him to speak a little louder so I shall be sure no motions are being made or anything of that sort. I do have some responsibility here.

Mr. THURMOND. I suggest that the Senator move closer to me.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Under the rules of the Senate, which are now being strictly enforced, both Senators being in their respective seats, and this happening to be my seat as the minority leader, I urge my request of the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. We might get unanimous consent to allow the Senator to come closer to me if he wishes. I do not think my colleagues will raise any point. There is an excellent seat here, I may say to the Senator.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I am very well satisfied with the seat to which I am assigned.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I continue to read:

{{smaller block|What were the functions to be performed by the States in the future? Was it ever intended that the States should be reduced to the weakling role thrust upon them in our own time? We must inquire whether this proud possession of State sovereignty, so eloquently proclaimed in 1776, so resolutely affirmed in the articles of 1781, so clearly recognized in the events of the time, somehow vanished, died, turned to dust, totally ceased to exist in the period of the next 6 years.

Now, the argument here advanced is this—it is the argument of John Taylor of Caroline and John Randolph of Roanoke—that sovereignty, like chastity, cannot be surrendered in part. This was the argument also of Calhoun: “I maintain that sovereignty is in its nature indivisible. It is the supreme power in a State, and we might just as well speak of half a square, or half a triangle, as of half a sovereignty.” This was the position, too, of the bellicose George Troup of Georgia, of Alexander H. Stephens, of Jefferson Davis. It is the position of plain commonsense: Supreme and ultimate power must be precisely that. Finality knows no degrees. In law, as in mountain climbing, there comes a point at which the pinnacle is reached; nothing higher or greater remains. And so it is with the States of the American Union. In the last resort, it is their prerogative alone (not that of Congress, not that of the Supreme Court, not that of the whole people) to make or unmake our fundamental law. The argument here is that the States, in forming a new perpetual union to replace their old perpetual union, remained in essence what they had been before: Separate, free, and independent States. They surrendered nothing to the Federal Government they created. Some of their powers they delegated; all of their sovereignty they retained.

It is keenly important that this distinction be understood. There is a difference between sovereignty and sovereign power. The power to coin money, or to levy taxes, is a sovereign power, but it is not sovereignty. Powers can be delegated, limited, expanded, or withdrawn, but it is through the exercise of sovereignty that these changes take place. Sovereignty is the moving river, sovereign powers the stone at the mill. Only while the river flows can the inanimate stone revolve. To be sure, sovereignty can be lost—it can be lost by conquest, as in war; the extent or character of sovereignty can be changed, as in the acquisition or relinquishment of territory or the annexation of new peoples; sovereignty can be divided, when two States are created of one. But properly viewed, sovereignty is cause; sovereign powers, the effect: The wind that blows; the branches that move. Sovereignty is the essence, the life spirit, the soul: And in this Republic, sovereignty remains today where it was vested in 1776, in the people. But in the people as a whole? No. In the people as States.

The delusion that sovereignty is vested in the whole people of the United States is one of the strangest misconceptions of our public life. This hallucination has been encouraged, if not directly espoused, by such eminent figures as Marshall, Story, and Andrew Jackson. It is still embraced by excessively literal and unthinking fellows who read “we the people” in the preamble to the Constitution, and cry triumphantly, “that means everybody.” It does not; it never did.

The preamble to the abandoned Articles of Confederation, it was noted, declared the articles “binding between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York,” and so forth. The preamble offered by the Convention of 1787, reads:

“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”

The opening few words were questioned repeatedly by Patrick Henry in the Virginia Convention of 1788. He kept asking querulously, what was meant by “we the people,” but he got no very satisfactory answer for his pains. Governor Randolph ducked the question, and Pendleton missed the point. Pendleton asked, rhetorically, “who but the people have a right to form government?” and the answer, obviously, in America, is “no one.” Then Pendleton said this:

“If the objection be, that the Union ought to be not of the people, but of the State governments, then I think the choice of the former very happy and proper. What have the State governments to do with it?”

Again, the obvious answer is, “The State governments have nothing to do with it,” but that was not the question Henry asked. There is a plain distinction between “we the States” and “we the State governments,” for States endure while governments fall. It was Madison who came closest to answering the insistent Henry. Who are the parties to the Constitution? The people, said Madison, to be sure, are the parties to it, but “not the people as composing one great body.” Rather, it is “the people as composing 13 sovereignties.” And he added:}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina when he was a judge in South Carolina?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair cannot hear. Will the Senator speak a little louder?

Mr. THURMOND. From 1938 to 1946, 8 years.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator was a circuit judge, was he not?

Mr. THURMOND. Yes; in the highest trial court in the State. About half that time I was in the Army, overseas.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Continuing to quote from the Kilpatrick book:

{{smaller block|“Were it * * * a consolidated government, the assent of a majority of the people would be sufficient for its establishment; and, as a majority have adopted it already, we remaining States would be bound by the act of the majority, even if they unanimously reprobated it * * * But, sir, no State is bound by it, as it is, without its own consent.”

Col. Henry Lee took the same point of view in responding to Patrick Henry. Lighthorse Harry spoke as other proponents of the Constitution did, in irritation and perplexity. He could not comprehend why Henry’s question should even be asked. Obviously, the “we the people” mentioned in the preamble—the “we the people” there and then engaged in ratifying the Constitution—were we “the people of Virginia.” If the people of Virginia “do not adopt it, it will always be null and void as to us.”

Here Lee touched and tossed aside what doubtless was so clear to others that they could not understand what Henry was quibbling about. Of course, “we the people” meant what Madison and Lee found so obvious: It meant “we the people of the States.” Why argue the point? “I take this,” said Randolph testily, “to be one of the least and most trivial objections that will be made to the Constitution.”

The self-evident fact, as plain as the buttons on their coats, was that the whole people, the mass of people from Georgia to New Hampshire, obviously had nothing to do with the ratification of the Constitution. The basic charter of our Union never was submitted to popular referendum, taken simultaneously among the 3 million inhabitants of the country on some Tuesday in 1788. Ratification was achieved by the people of the States, acting in their sovereign capacity not as “Americans,” for there is no “State of America,” but in their sovereign capacity as citizens of the States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and Georgia.

This was the sovereign power that sired the new Union, breathed upon it, gave it life—the power of the people of the States, acting as States, binding themselves as States, seeking to form a more perfect union not of people, but of States. And if it be inquired, as a matter of drafting, why the preamble of the Articles of Confederation spelled out 13 States and the preamble of the Constitution referred only to “we the people,” a simple, uncomplicated explanation may be advanced: The framers of the Constitution, in the summer of 1787, had no way of knowing how many States would assent to the compact.

Suppose they had begun the preamble, as they thought of doing, “We the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island,” etc., and the State of Rhode Island had refused to ratify? It very nearly did. It was not until May 29, 1790, by a vote of 34 to 32, that Rhode Island agreed to join a union that actually had been created with New Hampshire’s ratification nearly 2 full years before. Given a switch of two votes, Rhode Island might have remained, to this day, as foreign to the United States (in terms of international law) as any Luxembourg or Switzerland.

Some of these forebodings clearly passed through the minds of the delegates at Philadelphia. When the preamble first appears in the notes, on August 6, it reads: “We the people of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts,” etc., “do ordain, declare and establish the following Constitution.” In that form it was tentatively approved on August 7. But the preamble, in that form, never is mentioned again. When the document came back from the Committee on Style in early September, the preamble had been amended to eliminate the spelled-out names of States, and to make it read simply that “we the people” ordain and establish. The change was not haggled over. No significance was attached to it. Why arouse antagonism in New York or North Carolina (where there was opposition enough already) by presuming to speak, in the preamble, as if it were unnecessary for New York or North Carolina even to debate the matter? The tactful and prudent thing was to name no States. Only the people as States could create the Union; only the people in ratifying States would be bound, as States, by its provisions.

{{c|{{asc|5. THE STATES IN THE CONSTITUTION}}}}

In the end, that was the way the compact read. It bound States—“The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between”—between whom?—“between the States so ratifying the same.” Not among people; it was “between States.” And this proposal was put forward “by the unanimous consent,” not of delegates assembled or of people gathered, but by “the unanimous consent of the States present the 17th day of September in the year of our Lord 1787 * * *.”

On the plain evidence of the instrument itself, it is therefore clear: States consented to the drafting of the Constitution; States undertook to bind themselves by its provisions. If 9 States ratified, the Constitution would bind those 9; if 10, those 10. Rhode Island had not even attended the convention; “poor, despised Rhode Island,” as Patrick Henry later was to describe her, could stay aloof if she chose. There was no thought here of people in the mass. There was thought only of people as States, and while the new Constitution would of course act directly upon people—that was to be its revolutionary change—it would reach those people only because they first were people of States.

The one essential prerequisite was for the State, as a State, to ratify; then the people of the State would become themselves subject to the Constitution. No individual human being, in his own capacity, possibly could assent to the new compact or bind himself to its provisions. Only as a citizen of Virginia or Georgia or Massachusetts could he become a citizen also of the United States.

Madison recognized this. He acknowledged in his famed Federalist 39 that ratification of the Constitution must come from the people “not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong.” “Each State,” he said, in ratifying the Constitution, “is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.” This fact lay at the essence of the Federal Union being formed. The States, and within them their local governments, were to be “no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere.” The jurisdiction of the Federal Government was to extend “to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” Even the most casual reading of the Constitution, it may be submitted, abundantly supports Madison’s comment here.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield to the able Senator from North Dakota for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I should like to ask whether at any time in the history of South Carolina the courts permitted a defendant to be tried without a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In South Carolina anyone who wishes a jury may have one. There are a few instances where both sides agree to be tried without a jury, by the court. But a defendant is entitled to a jury trial in my State, as is the case in other States which follow the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. In what year was South Carolina admitted to the Union? It was one of the original colonies, was it not?

Mr. THURMOND. In 1789. It was the eighth State admitted to the Union.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further for a question?

Mr: THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Even at that time in South Carolina a defendant had the right to a jury trial, did he not?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. That has been the law continuously up to the present time?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. A defendant in South Carolina is always entitled to a jury trial when charged with a crime.

Mr. LANGER. Is that also true in North Carolina?

Mr. THURMOND. I would not attempt to speak for North Carolina, but I feel quite certain that that is a fact. I believe nine States ratified the Constitution before North Carolina did. So North Carolina came in after the Union was formed. So did Rhode Island. Rhode Island was the only State that did not send representatives to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. The reason for that was that Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals at that time and it did not send any deputies.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it true that in every State in the United States under our Constitution a defendant has the right to a trial by jury in a criminal case?

Mr. THURMOND. In every State of the United States a defendant charged with a crime has the right of trial by jury. Some persons confuse magistrate courts or minor courts; but even there, although we may not see it, there is a jury box.

Most persons, unless they are lawyers, do not know that defendants are entitled to a jury trial in those courts. There is a jury box hidden somewhere. Nine out of ten do not ask for a jury trial; that is, in cases where the punishment is a fine of $100 or 30 days. But even there if a man says “Wait a minute, Mr. Recorder; I want a trial before a jury,” it must be given to him.

Mr. LANGER. That is true, for example, if a man is arrested and charged with spitting on the sidewalk or with stealing one cent?

Mr. THURMOND. Any crime.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, trial by jury is fundamental?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct; and rightly so, because that was one of the grievances pointed out a little earlier today that our forefathers listed in the Declaration of Independence. That was one grievance charged against the King, that in many cases persons had been denied trial by jury. That is written definitely into the Constitution. The right of trial by jury was included in several places in the Bill of Rights. The sixth amendment provides that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That was because our forefathers were taking no chances on not having a jury trial assured to them under the Constitution.

In the seventh amendment it is provided, also, and there is another provision, I believe, in the fifth amendment, that a man must be indicted by a grand jury before he is tried.

Under the bill that came from the House a grand jury will not pass on the question at all. Under this so-called compromise, a man is taken before a judge and is tried. He is not even asked if he wants a trial by a jury. But in the usual procedure, when the Constitution is followed, a man has to be indicted by a grand jury. In my State 18 grand jurors have to agree to a true bill before a man can be brought up for trial. He has a trial before a petit jury. In Federal courts a man can be indicted by a grand jury or on information, but in State courts a man is indicted by a grand jury. But in all the history of judicial administration in this country it has been clear that the American people have been entitled to a jury trial, and it goes back even further than the Declaration of Independence. It goes back to the Magna Carta, when the citizens of England wrung from King John in the year 1215, at Runnymede, certain rights for the people. I presume you and I, Mr. President, would call them civil rights, more or less, or corresponding to our Bill of Rights. But the people wrung from King John certain rights, and one of those rights was that a man charged with a crime would be entitled to a jury trial. So, going back to the year 1215, on down to this time, our people have had a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a further question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it the opinion of the Senator from South Carolina that of all the 10 amendments in the Bill of Rights the very heart and very core of the 10 amendments is the right of the defendant to be tried by a jury?

Mr. THURMOND. All the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights are important, but I think the trial-by-jury provision as generally spoken of is the heart of the Bill of Rights. That is the importance attached to it. It is generally spoken of as the heart of the Bill of Rights. In other words, if there should be cut out of the Bill of Rights the right of a trial by jury you have cut the heart of the Bill of Rights out; it would be excised.

What is it to have freedom of speech or freedom of religion or freedom of the press or right to petition the Government or the right to assemble, all of which are guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, or to keep troops from being quartered in our homes, or all the other things guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, if some tyrant, whether a Federal district judge, or any other kind of tyrant, can take a man and himself try him without a jury and put him in prison; and, of course, if a man is in prison he cannot enjoy his civil rights?

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator. We have gotten down to the very core of this entire proposal.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much. I appreciate his deep interest in this matter. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota has manifested an unusual interest in the right of trial by jury. He has the vision to see the importance of trial by jury and to see how this proposed bill the House has passed is attempting to bypass the Constitution and in doing so, of course, is violating the Constitution and therefore is a bill the Congress ought to kill.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. For 4 years I was attorney general of my State.

Mr. THURMOND. I understand the Senator made a very distinguished record as attorney general of the State of North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. During that time, of course, I had a great deal to do with juries.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure the Senator did.

Mr. LANGER. And in every single case I submitted to a court a jury trial had been waived.

Mr. THURMOND. Every case the Senator tried I imagine was before a jury.

Mr. LANGER. That is correct.

I should like to ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina whether in his experience in South Carolina it is true that the average defendant can get better justice from a jury than he can from a judge, no matter how honest and fair the judge may be?

Mr. THURMOND. Regardless of how fair and impartial the judge is or wants to be, it is my judgment from my experience on the bench for 8 years—and as I said, for about half of that time I was in the Army during World War II.—and from my practice of law before then, since 1930 when I was admitted to the bar—and after I left the Governor’s office in January 1951, I practiced until I came to the Senate—I consider that juries give fair verdicts, and I think it would be destroying the administration of justice if we should take any step to hamper or injure or impair in any way the jury system of the United States.

Mr. LANGER. Again I want to thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I read further:

{{smaller block|But the Constitution ought not to be read casually. Viewed from the standpoint of State and Federal relations, what does the Constitution say and do? The rubrics do not demand, before an ordinary mortal may explore the question, that he be ordained a constitutional lawyer or put on the chasuble of the bench. Our Constitution is not the property of a juridical clergy only. The laity may read it too, and with equal acuity and understanding. The terms are not ambiguous.

The first thing to note, perhaps, is that the words “State” or “States” appear no fewer than 94 times, either as proper nouns or pronominals, in the brief 6,000 words of the original 7 articles. The one theme that runs steadily through the whole of the instrument is the knitting together of States: It is a union that is being formed, and while the people are concerned for themselves and their posterity, the Constitution is to be established binding States.

Legislative powers, to begin at the beginning, are vested not in one national parliament of the people, but in a Congress of the United States. The word “Congress” was chosen with precision; it repeated and confirmed the political relationship of the preceding 11 years, when there had been first a Continental Congress and then a Congress under the Articles of Confederation.

This Congress is to consist of two Houses. The first is the House of Representatives, whose Members are to be chosen “by the people of the several States.” And here, in the very second paragraph, the framers encountered and opportunity to choose between a “national” and a “federal” characteristic: They might have established uniform national qualifications for the franchise, but they did not. Electors qualified to vote for candidates for the House of Representatives are to have “the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.”

Representatives and direct taxes are to be apportioned—how? “Among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers.” How is this enumeration to be determined? The provision should be noted with care, for it is the first of four clauses that speaks eloquently of the plural nature of our Union: “The actual enumeration shall be made within 3 years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of 10 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct.” Now, the antecedent of they is not “Congress,” but “United States.” Nowhere in the whole of the Constitution or in any of the subsequent amendments is the United States an “it.” The singular never appears.

What else sheds light in the second section of article I.? We find that “each State shall have at least one Representative,” whereupon follows a rollcall of the States themselves: “Until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse 3, Massachusetts 8,” and so forth. And when vacancies happen “in the representation from any State,” the Governor thereof is to issue a writ of election.

The dignity and sovereignty of States are made still more evident in the composition of the Senate. It is to be composed “of two Senators from each State,” and whereas Representatives are required to be inhabitants of the States “in which” they shall be chosen, Senators must be inhabitants of the States “for which” they shall be chosen.

It is in section 4 that the first grant of authority to the Federal Government appears: “The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but”—and here the qualified concession—“the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators.”

The delegations of power to a federal government appear most fully, of course, in section 8, but it is worth noting that not all the powers delegated to Congress are exclusive and unqualified powers. Thus, the Congress may raise and support armies, “but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.” Thus, the Congress may provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of the militia as may be employed in the service of the United States, but there is reserved “to the States respectively” the appointment of officers and the authority to train their militia according to regulation established by Congress. Thus, too, Congress may exercise Federal authority over federally owned property within the States, but how is such property to be acquired? The authority of the Congress extends only to those places “purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be,” and this applies not only to military and naval installations but also to “other needful buildings.”

Several provisions in section 9 merit attention. As a concession to the slave trade—one of the essential compromises without which the Constitution never would have come into being at all—it was provided that “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,” shall not be prohibited prior to 1808. Then follow seven paragraphs of specific restrictions upon the powers of Congress. The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended; no bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed; no direct tax shall be levied except according to the census of the people as a whole; no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported “from any State;” and—again emphasizing the separateness of the member States forming the Union—“no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue of the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.”

In section 10, the States undertook to restrict themselves. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; no State shall coin money or make anything but gold and silver legal tender; no State shall make any law impairing the obligation of contracts. Yet even here, the prohibitions are not without qualification. Thus, the States reserved to themselves the right to levy tariffs on imports or exports sufficient to execute their inspection laws; and though the fact is often forgotten, the States even reserved to themselves the solemn power they had claimed under the Articles of Confederation, to “engage in war,” as States, if “actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.”}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Ellender}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am very curious. I ask the Senator from South Carolina whether he knows how the House of Representatives arrived at the decision to provide for a maximum of 45 days and $300 in this instance. Why did not the House of Representatives decide to make the maximum number of days 50, and why did it not choose, as the maximum amount of fine, $250 or $500?

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to answer the question the distinguished Senator asked, but I cannot do so. I was not consulted about this compromise. All I know about it is that I heard the majority leader made an announcement, following the taking of action in the House of Representatives. And then I read about it in the newspaper.

But I had understood—and the distinguished Senator from California [Mr. {{sc|Knowland}}] can correct me about this if I am mistaken—that there was an effort on the part of the Republicans to provide for 60 days. But, since the Senate had not voted for any provision of this sort, but had voted only for a straight jury-trial provision, 45 days was selected as a compromise. That is my understanding of the matter. I pass on to the Senator from North Dakota only what I heard. But perhaps the Senator from California can answer the question. At any rate, even if 60 days had been originally proposed, and finally 45 days was decided on, the Senate got the worst end of the bargain.

However, even if the provision had been for only 1 day, in my opinion the principle would be the same, because under the Constitution a citizen is entitled to a jury trial; and the Congress has no power to pass a law providing that a Federal judge or any other judge can deprive a citizen of a jury trial. However, under this proposal, a judge would be able, in two ways, to deprive a citizen of a jury trial. In the first place, the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to allow the person to have a jury trial in the first instance. If the judge decided that there could be a jury trial, the citizen would have a jury trial. If the judge decided that there would not be a jury trial, the judge himself would try the case.

Next, if the judge decided to try the case himself, without a jury, the judge would proceed to try it. If, at the conclusion of the case, the judge were to determine that the punishment he would mete would be more than 45 days imprisonment or a fine of more than $300, the judge would then give the citizen another trial. In other words, this provision of the compromise would give the judge the option of trying the citizen in the first place, and it would give the judge the option of deciding how much punishment he would mete, and then the amount of punishment imposed would determine whether the citizen would receive still another trial.

All those exceptions are entirely foreign to the Constitution. The Constitution provides that a man charged with the commission of a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That provision is as plain as can be. Any child in the fifth grade in school can read it and understand it; and there should not be any difficulty in understanding it.

However, as I have understood in arriving at the compromise an attempt was made to get together on some provision; and the result was a monstrosity. It turned out to be an unconstitutional provision, in my opinion.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield again?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. What I should like to know is this: Is there any precedent, anywhere in the entire United States, for a measure such as this, by means of which a defendant could be tried by a judge, if the sentence imposed were imprisonment for not more than 45 days, or any other number of days, or the imposition of a fine of any size; but that if the term of imprisonment were longer or the amount of the fine were greater, there must be a jury trial? Can the Senator from South Carolina name any precedent at all for such a provision?

Mr. THURMOND. I know of no place in the United States where a person charged with a crime does not have a jury trial. Even under the present criminal-contempt procedure, under existing law, if one is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no instance in any part of the United States, from Maine or the State of Washington on the north, to California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Louisiana, Florida, or any of the other States in the southern part of the Nation, in which one who is charged with the commission of a crime does not have a trial by jury. It seems to me that in the conference, some one or more of the conferees should have raised the point, “This provision would be contrary to the Constitution, and we cannot include such a provision.” It seems to me some of the conferees would have suggested that the Constitution provides to the contrary. There is a decision which can be cited on that point; I think I have called it to the attention of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota. The decision in that case holds that criminal contempt is a crime; and, since it is a crime, one charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. If there is to be passed a bill providing punishment for criminal contempt, it should provide for a jury trial. I know of no way to get around a jury trial in this matter because the Constitution has laid down the law. That is basic law.

The Constitution can be amended. Congress can submit an amendment to it. There are four ways to amend the Constitution, and it can be amended so as to provide that a Federal judge in his discretion can give a man a jury trial. Then the compromise would be legal, and what it proposes would be effective. It would be. valid.

As the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] said today, confirming my judgment, as it stands now it is not valid. I think it is unconstitutional. The Senator from Wyoming expressed his opinion likewise. We could amend the Constitution to provide for it. Congress could pass a law to provide that a Federal judge could punish a man for contempt, by so many days’ imprisonment, or by a fine of so many dollars. We could do that, but it has not been done. Until the Constitution is amended in the manner provided in the Constitution itself, we must abide by it. I know that many people in this country would like to get around the Constitution, and it looks as if they have been doing so.

The Supreme Court has been rewriting the Constitution in some cases, and other branches of the Government at times have encroached upon the Constitution because there is divisional power between the Federal Government and the State governments. When we cross the line of the State government, as here, without constitutional authority, we violate the Constitution.

The States entered into this pact, the Constitution, about which we are talking so much, and in this pact they delegated to the Union only certain things, and they are just as plain as they can be. They are listed in the Constitution. I should like to read to the distinguished Senator what the Constitution says on that point.

Article I., section 1, provides:

{{smaller block|All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in the Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.}}

I will not take the time to go through all that. I will skip to the pertinent portions.

Section 7 of article I. provides:

{{smaller block|All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.

Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two-thirds—}}

I will skip to section 8. That is more pertinent. This is what the Congress has power to do. The powers are listed.

{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.

To borrow money on credit of the United States;

To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.}}

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator suspend to receive a message from the President of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. Certainly.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Presiding Officer, the “Message from the President,” is dealt with, as is the “Executive Message Referred” and a “Message from the House.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to Senate amendments Nos. 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue to read from article I., section 2:

{{smaller block|To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.}}

Congress would not have the power to pass bankruptcy laws, indeed Congress could not pass a law on any subject except for the power given to it by the Constitution. This provision I have read is the basis for our bankruptcy law.

{{smaller block|To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.

To establish post offices and post roads.}}

That is your authority for the Federal Government to act in that field.

{{smaller block|To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.

To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court.}}

That gives authority to Congress to establish certain courts of appeals and district courts. They are inferior tribunals, that is, inferior to the United States Supreme Court.

{{smaller block|To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations.

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.

To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.}}

But no appropriation of money for that purpose shall be for a longer term than 2 years. We cannot appropriate money for the Defense Establishment for more than 2 years because the Constitution limits it. If we should attempt to do that, we would go beyond the Constitution.

I think that is a suggestion which may apply to foreign aid. If we should commit ourselves for 5 years or 10 years, I think that would be unconstitutional. But some of the defense items are classified under the term “foreign aid.”

{{smaller block|To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}

I want to read that last part again. I wish to call attention to a point:

{{smaller block|Reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}

Do you not know, Mr. President, that if that section was not in the Constitution the Federal Government would be appointing the officers of the National Guard? That is the reason the Government cannot do it: the Constitution reserves that power to the States.

{{smaller block|To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 10 miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;}}

For that reason the Federal Government cannot go to Louisiana, North Dakota, South Carolina, or New Hampshire and buy a piece of land until the legislature passes an act approving such purchase. Under the provision the State must approve the transaction with respect to property within its borders, whether it owns the property or not, before the Federal Government can get it. Of course, the Government could condemn it; but if it followed the Constitution it would not be able to take it. The Constitution reserves that power to the States.

{{smaller block|To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.

{{sc|Sec.}} 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 for each person.

The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.}}

Regardless of what a State wishes to do, the United States Constitution provides that a writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended unless—note the exception—“unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”

{{smaller block|No bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed.

No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.}}

We have the income-tax amendment to the Constitution. The 16th amendment to the Constitution provides that Congress can levy an income tax. That is the only authority in the Federal Government to levy an income tax. It does not inherently have that authority. The Federal Government can do only what the States gave it the authority to do when they entered into the compact in Philadelphia in 1787, and the amendments which have been adopted since then. Two years later, in 1789, the States adopted the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights, for which there was so much sentiment. I do not believe the Constitution would have been ratified if the delegates to the convention had not promised the Bill of Rights would be submitted, and it was submitted and adopted 2 years after the convention, in 1789.

{{smaller block|No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.

No preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.

No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.}}

That is the only reason the States do not impose duties on some articles; otherwise they would probably do it, but under the Constitution they cannot do it.

{{smaller block|No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.}}

In other words, if I were an ambassador in London and the Queen of England wished to confer on me a title or wished to give me extra compensation for some reason I could not take the title or compensation unless Congress permitted it. Congress would have to pass an act to permit it.

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ''ex post facto'' law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.}}

In other words, that goes right down the line to support the point I make. So the Constitution provides exactly what the Federal Government can do. What hurts me is to see some distinguished Members of Congress, able men who believe in the division of powers between the Federal and State Governments—or I always thought they did—going along with the bill, because this is a bill that takes power away from the States and gives it to the Federal Government.

The matter of elections is left up to each State. That power was not delegated. The qualifications for electors, the holding of elections, and all relevant matters were reserved to the States. There has been a movement, I understand to get the Congress to pass a bill eliminating the poll tax. I believe I told the Senate this morning, or this afternoon, that when I was Governor, I recommended that the poll tax be removed in my State and it was removed. But Congress may not pass a law to do it. It could do it, but it would be unconstitutional for the reason that there is a provision of the Constitution which states that the qualifications of electors shall be left to each State. Therefore, New Hampshire has qualifications and if the people of that State wish to make as a qualification for voting in that State the payment of a poll tax, they have a right to do so. The only way such a measure could be enacted legally, if it were going to be the law nationwide, would be for Congress to submit an amendment to the Constitution eliminating the poll tax.

The Senator from Florida [Mr. {{sc|Holland}}] has now pending a proposed constitutional amendment to eliminate the poll tax, amending the Constitution. To do that would be legal; it would be constitutional, and it would be proper. Personally I think it is better to leave to each State the power to fix the qualifications for voting of its citizens. In my State, as I have said, we have very low qualifications. We have heard much about people in my State not voting. I believe more people vote in my State than vote in New York, because New York has a much higher standard for voting. That State requires, I believe someone said, a high-school education. Someone else said it requires a grade-school education. It is certainly one of the two. In my State we require only that a man be able to read and write the Constitution, or that he own $300 worth of assessed property. So our requirements for voting are not stringent. They are not nearly as strict as they are in New York. I do not know about the requirements in the State of the Senator from North Dakota.

A few years ago I was Governor of South Carolina. At that time a bill was pending in Congress to remove the poll tax on a nationwide basis. Congress was to do it. It would have been just as unconstitutional as this so-called compromise, whose proponents are trying to get it through the Congress, to deprive the people of a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. I thank my distinguished friend.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, I do not believe that American history is taught sufficiently in our high schools and colleges. I do not believe that a course in government is taught in our high schools and colleges. I come in contact with a great many intelligent people, people who have been educated, big financiers who have made a great deal of money, and many others; yet they do not know the fundamentals of the Constitution. It is because they have not studied it. I think the people of the country would be wise to study the Constitution. I think it is more important today than ever before for the people to study it and be able to delineate the powers of the Federal Government, and learn what the Federal Government has not the power to do.

For example, the Congress has no power to abolish the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting, because the qualifications of voters are left to each State. There are a great many things which Congress cannot do. Yet pressure is brought on Members of Congress, and they vote for certain measures anyway, because of the pressure.

Why do Senators think this so-called compromise on the civil rights bill is being pressed? Why is there any civil rights bill before us? Why call this measure a right-to-vote bill? It is a perfect farce. It is not a right-to-vote bill.

As I have stated, every State in the Union has statutes providing for the right to vote. The Federal Government has statutes providing for the right to vote.

Why is such a bill as this being considered at this time? Because there are pressures on Members of Congress to do so. Some Members of Congress attempted to do so, even though they were doubtful of the constitutionality of the measure. The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] stated earlier in the day that he did not think the jury trial amendment which was put in the compromise bill in the House was constitutional. He said he would offer an amendment in January to correct it.

I would rather see him vote against it now. If the bill should pass anyway, he could later offer his amendment. But if a bill is unconstitutional, I think it is better for us not to vote for it. I think Members of Congress must develop stamina, fortitude, and courage to resist pressures, and to stand by the Constitution. If we do not do so, as I stated earlier in the day, we shall keep whittling away the rights of the States until, after a while, the States will not have any rights. There will be a powerful Central Government—and it will be a powerful monster, too. Everything will radiate from Washington.

I understand there is a movement on foot to establish a national police system. It is desired to convert the FBI, which is purely an investigative agency, into a law-enforcement agency. It is not a law-enforcement agency. Congress would not have the right to establish a national police agency, because under the Constitution the police power is reserved to the States.

However, this investigative agency, the FBI, is in a different situation. It does not do police work. It apprehends criminals and works with the States, and cooperates in the execution of Federal laws, apprehending violators and bringing them to trial. But it is not a police agency. I am glad that Mr. J. Edgar Hoover said that he was opposed to a national police system. I am sorry to see that the President has been recommending a bill to provide Federal aid to education by way of construction of school buildings. I have been amazed at the fact that so many people are not acquainted with the fact that in the entire Federal Constitution there is not a sentence which contains the word “education.” The word “education” is not to be found in the United States Constitution. Therefore, since the States did not delegate the field of education to the Federal Government, the Federal Government has no jurisdiction in that field, unless we amend the Constitution and give the Federal Government jurisdiction in the field of education.

We can amend the Constitution. We can follow one of the four methods of amending the Constitution, and give the Federal Government authority in that field, if that is the wise thing to do, which I do not think it is. However, that is the way it must be done. We have no authority to appropriate money for Federal aid to education. I know that the President’s intentions are good. However, at Columbia University several years ago he was against Federal aid to education. At any rate, it would be a great mistake for the Federal Government to enter the field of education.

After we begin giving money for Federal aid to education by way of construction, the next demand from the powerful National Education Association, which I understand is building a tremendous office building in Washington, will be for a supplement to the salaries of teachers. The National Education Association will bring pressure on Members of Congress, as do other pressure organizations, and will say, “We need supplements to teachers’ salaries.”

When we enact legislation for Federal aid to construct the buildings, and to provide supplements to teachers’ salaries, the Federal Government will be asked to pay a larger share of such salaries, and there will be more and more control to go with it. Before we know it, there will be Federal control of education, and the parents of the Nation will find their children studying books selected in Washington, instead of by the people in Delaware, North Dakota, and South Carolina.

It is a great mistake for us not to follow the Constitution. If the Constitution needs amending, we can amend it. There is a provision for amending it, and it should be amended from time to time. There have been 22 amendments since it was adopted. In 1789 the first 10 amendments were adopted. Since then, 12 other amendments have been adopted. There are now 22 amendments to the Constitution.

We were talking about the 16th amendment awhile ago, the income-tax amendment. I think most people feel that it is necessary, although the income tax appears high. Therefore there had to be a way to bring it about. Congress could not pass an income-tax law. It had no authority to do so until the Constitution had been amended to give Congress the power to do it.

I think it is important to understand what we mean by the division of powers between the Federal Government and the State governments. We have a compound Republic. It is a compound Republic because there are Federal powers and State powers. There are three branches in the Federal Government, each of which checks on the others, with the exception of the Supreme Court. It has practically no check on it, and it has gone wild.

There are three branches in the State governments. Each is supposed to be a check on the others.

There are two checks on the Supreme Court. In the first place, we can impeach Supreme Court justices. However, the House must do the impeaching, and the Senate sits as a jury to hear the case. So, there is not much the Senate can do from that standpoint.

The other one is that, under the Constitution, the appellate power of the Supreme Court can be controlled by the Congress, so that if Congress saw fit to pass a bill to limit the {{SIC|appelate|appellate}} power of the Supreme Court, Congress would have that right. The Constitution gives it the power to do that. Many persons think we have to amend the Constitution before we can do that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Would the Senator say that would be a form of cruel and inhuman punishment to impose upon his colleagues?

Mr. THURMOND. I would say it is cruel and inhuman punishment to impose on the citizens of America if we pass a bill without providing for a jury trial.

(Manifestations of applause in the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The galleries will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. I have received letters from a number of States, and I have been in California. I spent a week there in the fall of 1953. Starting at Long Beach and ending up at San Francisco, I made addresses all the way up the coast. I even went to Bakersfield and saw an old friend of the Senator from California there. I talked with many persons there. Unless they have had a change in sentiment, they think, just as the people of South Carolina do, that there should be jury trials.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does not the distinguished Senator also think that the people of California are interested in the 15th amendment to the Constitution, assuring all American citizens the right to vote?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the people of California are, and I am sure the people of South Carolina are. The people of South Carolina have done something about it, just as have the people of California. Last night, when the distinguished Senator from California was resting comfortably, I was speaking here and trying to rouse the people of America concerning the dangers of taking away their right of trial by jury. I placed in the {{sc|Record}} the statutes of California on that subject, and here is what they provide:

{{smaller block|“California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:

“Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders of prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).

“Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other forms of intimidation, to compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election (sec 1158).

“Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).

“Election officers: Any election officer who induces, or attempts to induce, any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony. (sec. 11583).

“Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or action of employees, or who, within 90 days before an election, exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (secs. 11584, 11585).

“Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).

“Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).

“Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).”}}

Those are statutes of the State of California, and they are good statutes.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does the Senator not recognize the fact that under the voting rights bill which the Senate is attempting to pass but which the Senator from South Carolina has, for the moment, successfully prevented the Senate from passing, there is not a single individual who can be cited for either civil or criminal contempt if another American citizen is deprived of his right to vote under the Constitution? So, if the Senator is correct in his statement that no person is deprived of his right to vote in his State—and I feel certain that no American citizen is denied the right to vote in my State—neither California nor South Carolina would cite any public official or other person criminally unless they were depriving people of their right to vote under the laws of the State.

Mr. THURMOND. I think some part of the Union could nullify the Constitution, just as I think some juries turn loose some defendants who are guilty. Some judges will make mistakes, too. But why do we not let the States alone and let them handle their own problems? I know the southern people and I know they are doing all they can for the Negro.

I see my friend the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting next to the Senator from California. He feels that his State is doing all it can. I know the State of Mississippi, from which come my good friends, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} and Senator {{sc|Stennis}}, is doing all it can. We cannot change customs overnight. We have to let the local people work these things out. But Congress did not care to let the local people work these things out.

All that is necessary is to have enforcement of the Federal statute. There is a Federal statute, to which I called attention today. For the benefit of Senators who were not here at the time, I may say that this statute provides that whoever intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, is guilty of a crime, punishable by a $1,000 fine or by imprisonment of 1 year.

Mr. COOPER. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator know that there has never been any question, since the War Between the States, about the Negro population in Kentucky having the right to vote, and exercising that right?

Mr. THURMOND. I have never heard any question about it. I simply say that in my State the Negroes are voting in large numbers. They claimed the credit for carrying the election for Stevenson in 1952, and at that time there was a very close election. They claimed they cast more than 80,000 votes, which was about 25 percent of the total. Their own newspaper contained that information. I have a clipping from that newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer. So they are certainly voting in my State, and I am sure they are voting in the Senator’s State.

Is it not better to let the local people work out these problems, rather than to rush things on them, and try to change their customs overnight?

As a matter of fact, if you gentlemen want to take any action, however, if the proponents of this bill are not satisfied—I do not think the distinguished Senator is dissatisfied—with the enforcement by the governors of the States of the Nation—and the governors are the chief executive officers of the States and are responsible for enforcing the law—or if the Federal Government is not satisfied with the enforcement being given by the governors to the voting laws of the States to protect the rights of people to vote, then why do they not enforce the Federal statute, which is already on the books?

Mr. COOPER. Because of the Senator’s kind reference, I should like to ask a question as follows: Does the Senator know that in Kentucky all citizens, including all Negroes, have had, since the War Between the States, the right to vote, have exercised that right, and that it has never been questioned?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is the case, because I have heard that they vote there. They are voting in the South in larger numbers than ever before. No persons in my State are deprived of the right to vote. If they are qualified to vote, they are allowed to vote. Of course, no man who is not qualified ought to be allowed to vote. New York State has a much higher standard, as I said a while ago, than we have. If a person can merely read or write in my State, he can vote. In New York one has to be a high-school graduate, I believe, or at least has to meet a literacy test. So we are not nearly so strict in South Carolina as they are in New York.

The Senator comes from a border State. Kentucky is a great State. I suggest to the Senator, however, since he is from a border State that went in part with the North and in part with the South, that the Senator stick with the South.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I will ask the Senator if it is not true that Kentucky had to make that choice almost a hundred years ago and they chose to stick with the Union?

Mr. THURMOD. Mr. President, if there is any Member in the Senate who is not satisfied with the voting protection given by the governors and the other officials of the States of the Nation, again I say that all they have to do is to call upon the Justice Department to enforce section 594. It is now against the Federal law to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any voter, in any way, shape, or form. That is the Federal statute which is on the books now. Why not enforce that statute? What is the idea of coming here with a right-to-vote bill? That is a big, high-sounding word that does not mean anything. If we pass this bill, we will pass an unconstitutional bill. It will be all right if the Justice Department will enforce section 594. I believe they are enforcing it. Is there anyone that thinks they are not enforcing this law? Is there anyone who thinks the present administration is not enforcing section 594?

If the Justice Department are enforcing this law, they are protecting people in this matter now. If they are not enforcing this law, let them enforce it, and that will protect them. Either the Justice Department are not enforcing this law, if they have had complaints, or they have not had any complaints.

Has the Justice Department had complaints, such as we have been hearing about, that many people have been denied the right to vote? We hear that in the South many people are denied the right to vote. What is there now; what has there been in the past 5 years to keep the Attorney General from going to any Southern State to enforce this statute? It is a Federal statute. The Attorney General not only has the right to enforce it, but he has the duty. If there have been any complaints about people in the South not voting, I have not heard of them. But if there have been any complaints about them not voting, then the Justice Department ought to do something about it. If the Justice Department has taken no action to enforce this statute, it shows one of two things: The Department has not had anybody objecting, or, if there were objections, it ignored them and did not do its duty by enforcing the statute. The point is there is a Federal statute now, so why pass another bill? All the Congress needs to do is to follow the Constitution. If we will follow the line of demarcation in the Constitution between the powers delegated to the Federal Government and the powers reserved to the States, we will not get into difficulties about all these different things.

If a bill were introduced to repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting, there would not be any question but that the Congress would not consider it because it would be unconstitutional. The qualifications of voting are reserved to the States. Why can we not look at it from that viewpoint and not try to say whether it is a good bill or a bad bill? On the right to vote bill, should there be any question whether we are going to accept this compromise? I do not think there should be any question at all, because the Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The court decision which I have before me holds that criminal contempt is a crime.

Mr. President—

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). The Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I will proceed now, if there are no further questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina has the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. Article III., defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield to the able Senator for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it correct that under Federal statute 594 there can be imposed a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. The compromise right to vote bill cuts it down to a fine of $300 and 45 days in jail. If the judge determines that the defendant ought to suffer a greater penalty than that, the case has to go to a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator, I will say if this bill is passed, of course I am expecting it to be held unconstitutional as soon as it can be tested. But until that is done, they will have a choice.

There could be a prosecution under the Federal statute, which is section 594: or such a person could be taken before a Federal judge, and the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to try the case. If the judge decided he was in a hurry to take a vacation trip, he could simply say, “I will try the case myself.” Then, under the provisions of the compromise measure, the judge would try the case; and the person being tried could not complain.

Let me ask the Senator from North Dakota what he would do. Suppose he were to find himself in such a situation; and suppose the judge were to say to him, “Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I will not give you a jury trial. I will try you myself”—and then the judge would rear back on his haunches and would grin.

What would the Senator from North Dakota do under those circumstances? There would be nothing he could do, because the judge would have a right to try him under the provisions of the compromise measure which has come to us from the House of Representatives.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Inasmuch as section 594 is on the statute books, why is not this right-to-vote bill entirely superfluous?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has put his finger on exactly what I have been discussing in the Senate for—let me see, Mr. President, how long has it been?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Twenty-one hours.

Mr. THURMOND. No; Mr. President, it has been 22 hours and 10 minutes. [Laughter.] For 22 hours and 10 minutes I have been trying to emphasize that point—namely, why is this compromise necessary, when a Federal statute on this subject is already on the statute books? It provides for a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail.

If the Department of Justice is interested in the persons who are alleged to have been deprived of the right to vote—regardless of whether they are whites, Negroes, or others—why does not the Department of Justice take action to enforce section 594 and thus protect the right to vote? The Department of Justice can do that under section 594. That is up to the Department of Justice. I do not know what the Department will do; that is up to the Department of Justice.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. During the last 5 years, has anyone been arrested under section 594?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota, I wish to say that I have never heard that anyone in my State has been tried under that statute. So there is no use in having the representatives of the Department of Justice come to South Carolina and say that people there are deprived of the right to vote, because if anyone representing the Department of Justice does come to South Carolina and does make such a statement, I will tell him that it is his own fault, for those in the Department of Justice have failed to do their duty; they have a law under which they can punish such persons, but they have not done so. Either no one in South Carolina is deprived of the right to vote, or else the Department of Justice has failed to do its duty.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina. I get the point very clearly.

Mr. THURMOND. Let me ask whether there are any more questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I shall proceed. I am just trying to find a section of the Constitution to which I wish to refer.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, while the Senator from South Carolina is doing that, will he yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Can the Senator from South Carolina tell the Senate how many years ago section 594 was enacted into law?

Mr. THURMOND. I believe it was in 1939.

Mr. LANGER. Do I correctly understand that since that time, there has been no prosecution under that provision of law? Is that true, so far as the Senator from South Carolina knows?

Mr. THURMOND. I have not heard of a single prosecution in South Carolina under that statute.

Mr. LANGER. Has the Senator heard of one in any other State?

Mr. THURMOND. If there has been one, I have not heard of it. I would not say there has not been one in some other State, but I do not know of a case of that sort which has been tried in the Federal courts. Some have been tried in the State courts; we are enforcing our State laws.

But I have not heard of a case in which anyone has been tried under this Federal statute—which carries with it a heavy penalty, namely, a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment in jail for 1 year. I have never heard of anyone who has been tried under that law. But, Mr. President, of course I am not surprised at that, because in South Carolina, everyone who wishes to register to vote and to vote, does register and does vote, if he is qualified. So I do not think it likely that there would be any cases of that sort in South Carolina.

Mr. President, there have been insinuations to the effect that the Southern States are denying some people the right to vote. I think insinuations about any States should stop—whether that be Northern States, Southern States, Eastern States, or Western States. All of us are Americans. We have a great country. In all the wars the United States has ever fought, the United States has had brave soldiers from all sections of the country. It is very bad to have people in one section of the country try to snipe at people in another section of the country. That is the very thing George Washington warned against in his Farewell Address.

Mr. LANGER. Yes, I am familiar with that admonition by George Washington.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, if anyone in the South has been intimidated or coerced or threatened with regard to voting—if anyone in any Southern State has been treated in that way—the district attorney in the State can take action any day he wishes to; and if the Department of Justice does not do it, the Department is failing to perform its duty with respect to such violations; or else there are no violations of that sort. So evidently there have not been any violations of that sort in the State of South Carolina, or else no one has complained about them. As a matter of fact, I am quite sure that there have not been any violations of that sort in my State, because, as I have said, anyone in South Carolina who wishes to vote, and who is qualified to vote, and who registers, can vote.

Mr. President, I should like to read what George Washington said.

Sometimes, Mr. President, when I see the able Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting in his seat in this Chamber—so able a judge and lawyer, and a fine soldier in World War II.; and when I see in the Chamber the distinguished senior Senator from Michigan [Mr. {{sc|Potter}}], who lost both of his legs in that war; and when I see my other fellow veterans who are distinguished Members of this body or are distinguished Members of the House of Representatives, and then when I see matters of a sectional nature brought up here, and when one group wishes to try to have enacted into law a measure aimed at punishing another section of the country, it makes my heart ache. My colleagues who are veterans did not feel that way when they were serving in the Armed Forces overseas; they did not feel that way when they were in uniform. If the Members of Congress from various sections of the United States would just accord to all the other States the same respect that they expect to have accorded to their own States I am sure that we would not be having this trouble; and then I would not have been speaking here on this subject for more than 22 hours in an effort to arouse the American people.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. For 22 hours and 10 minutes.

Mr. THURMOND. No, Mr. President, for 22 hours and 20 minutes. [Laughter.]

I would not be trying to arouse the American people if it were not necessary. But why should the North want to pick on those of us who live in the South? Why do the people in New York want to pick on us? Why do the people in New Jersey want to pick on us? Or why do the people of any other section of the country want to pick on us? We think we are fairly good people. We think we are patriotic. The Members of Congress from the Southern States want to work together with all the other Members of Congress.

Mr. President, I want to extend every courtesy to every other Member of Congress, and I want to see those who live in any particular section of the country extend to the rest of the people of the country the same courtesy that they expect to have extended to themselves.

But, Mr. President, I can tell you this: This right-to-vote bill—and I say this because I know something about its history—is aimed at the South. It is aimed at the South; and it hurts me to see that done, because South Carolina is not guilty, and this bill should not be enacted. I do not believe the other Southern States are guilty. The Southern States have done their part in every way. As I have said, the people of the Southern States have fought for their country and have served in public office in every way. They have been honorable people.

Yet, in order to try to win the votes of certain minority blocs, some pressure groups are willing to punish us, to put us under the heel, and to grind and grind and grind us. I am getting tired of it.

(Manifestations of applause by the occupants of the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The doorkeepers must keep the galleries in order.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. COOPER. A minute ago the Senator spoke very generously of our association and friendship during World War II. I know that he did not mean to intimate that there was any intention upon the part of the Senator from Kentucky, in his vote on the civil-rights bill, to show any bias or prejudice toward his own people in the South.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that there was not, Senator.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator remember?

Mr. THURMOND. I remember, and I say to the Senator from Kentucky he is one of the finest and most gracious gentlemen I have known.

The Senator from Kentucky is not one of those ardent proponents of the bill who is trying to ram the bill home. I do not know how he is going to vote, but he is a good constitutional lawyer. I hope he will not vote for it. I hope he will think over the jury trial issue and not vote for it.

He has not been one of those who has been baiting the South.

Mr. COOPER. The Senator from Kentucky is a good friend of the Senator from South Carolina, but the Senator from Kentucky will vote for civil rights. He intends to vote for the bill this evening or at some later time.

In the debate he said again and again that he believes in the juries in the South, and that the people of the South would respect the law and would follow the law. I am sure the Senator from South Carolina knows that the Senator from Kentucky said that.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure he did say that.

The only thing is that if the Senator feels that the South obeys the law, I do not understand why he should want to have this bill passed.

I will get on with what George Washington said.

Mr. President, George Washington, in his Farewell Address, used his strongest language against those who would divide our country; he urged a unity of spirit. He said:

{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern—Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}

That was George Washington speaking.

George Washington wanted to see the people from the North to the South, and to the East and the West, bound together with a fraternal feeling. He wanted a fraternal attitude manifested.

Why should we not manifest a fraternal attitude on these matters? Why should we not try to help another section, and not sponsor legislation which is aimed at any particular section, merely to try to get votes to win an election?

I have said, and I repeat, that since every State in the United States from Alabama to Wyoming has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and since the Federal Government has a statute on its books to protect the right to vote, there is no need for this bill.

I say, and I repeat, that I think the bill is purely political, and I think that both parties have been trying to grab the ball to see who could get the spotlight for the elections coming up in 1958.

{{smaller block|Article III, defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review. We may note, for example, two further uses of the plural: First, the judicial power is to extend “to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority.” Second, treason against the United States is to consist “only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies.” Because the authority of the Court will be considered at length in a later chapter, it will suffice here merely to point out that nowhere in article III is the Court given jurisdiction over controversies between a State and the United States. That proposal was specifically advanced during the convention, and specifically rejected.

Every section—indeed, every paragraph—of article IV touches upon the Federal nature of the Union. Full faith and credit are to be given in each State, to the acts and judicial proceedings of every other State. If this were not a Federal Union, the provision would be nonsense. Beyond this, the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall be delivered upon demand to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.

Then comes the provision that Northern States were to flout over a period of 30 years: “No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.”

Finally, we may note in article IV the provision for admitting new States into this Union (not this Nation, but this Union): “No new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.”

Article V had best be quoted in full. It has not been changed by so much as an apostrophe in the years since it came from Philadelphia in September of 1787. It still fixes and defines the sovereign power:

Pause for a moment over this article of the Constitution. We are dealing here with Taylor’s “will to enact” and “power to execute;” we are dealing with Marshall’s “power to make and unmake.” It was plainly envisioned by the framers that their work would require amendment through the years. “That useful alterations will be suggested by experience, could not but be foreseen,” Madison was to write. There was a double aim in the provision, even a triple aim. {{SIC|Aricle|Article}} V, Madison tells us, was intended, first, to guard equally against too-easy amendment on the one hand and too-difficult amendment on the other. It was drafted, secondly, to permit amendments to originate both with the Federal and with the State Governments. But it was intended, finally, to leave the ultimate decision upon changing the Constitution to the sovereign States themselves—not to the people as a mass, nor even to a bare majority of the States as such. It was recognized that the great, overriding principle of protection for minorities should apply here as bindingly as it was to apply elsewhere. If one-fourth of the States plus one should object to a change in the Constitution—even if that change were desired by three-fourths minus one (and even if this larger fraction should include the great bulk of the total population)—the change could not be engrafted to the Constitution.

Article VI is brief. Its first provision covers debts and engagements entered into under the Articles of Confederation and continues these obligations under the proposed new Constitution; its third provision prohibits any religious test as a qualification for public office and requires an oath to support the Constitution of all public officers, both State and Federal.

It is the second provision that merits brief attention in this summary review:

“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”

Let us go back: What is to be supreme? Three things. First, “this Constitution.” Secondly, “laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof.” Third, treaties made “under the authority of the United States.” That is all. Not Executive orders of the President. Not even judgments of the Supreme Court. The Constitution, the laws made in pursuance thereof, the treaties.

In passing, note the phrase “law of the land.” It stems originally from the Magna Carta; but as it appears in the Constitution, “law of the land” was merely a substitution, proposed by the committee on style, for “law of the several States and their citizens and inhabitants.” The object was to extend this new supreme law to Territories as well as to the States. And this phrase, “law of the land,” is as close as the Constitution ever comes to suggesting a “nation.” Actually the word “nation” or the word “national” never appears in the Constitution.

The aim, we will recall, was to form “a more perfect Union.” Representatives and taxes were to be apportioned among the several States which may be included “within this Union.” The militia may be called forth to execute “the laws of the Union.” The President is to provide Congress with information on the “state of the Union.” New States are to be admitted “into this Union.” The guaranty of a republican form of government goes “to every State in this Union.” But never, at any point, are the United States described, in the Constitution, as comprising a “nation.”

This is not to contend, of course, that ours is not a Nation, or that the Federal Government does not operate nationally. It is only to suggest that the deliberate terms of the Constitution speak for themselves, and should be heeded: Our country is, first and foremost, originally and still, a Union of States. And when we speak of the law of the land, it should be kept steadily in mind that the land is a Federal Union, in which each of the States stands coequal with every other State. The Constitution is supreme not only in its authority over each State, but also in its protection over each State. And each State, each respective State, is entitled to rely upon the Constitution as embodying supreme law that all other States must adhere to with equal fidelity, like it or not, until the Constitution be changed by the States themselves.

Note, too, the careful qualification that defines laws enacted by the Congress. Just any laws of the United States are not enough: Laws, to be binding, must be laws made in pursuance of the Constitution. Any attempted statutes that invade the residuary authority of the States, Hamilton tells us, “will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such.” And he adds, at another point, that:

“There is no position which depends on clearer principles than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid.”

Surely, it may be urged that precisely the same standard must be applied to other branches of the Federal Government—the executive and judicial no less than the legislative. By extension, thus, judgments of the Court, to be supreme law of the land, must be made pursuant to the Constitution. A judgment of the Court, so violative of the clear terms and understandings of the Constitution as to invade the residuary authority of the States, must also be regarded as a usurpation, and should deserve to be treated as such. The argument will be pursued at greater length hereafter.

Finally, this brief examination of the Constitution from the standpoint of the States may be concluded with a second look at article VII. It should be read carefully; for this is the clause that binds: “The ratification of the conventions of 9 States”—not, again, the approval of a majority of the people in a popular referendum, but the ratification of 9 States—“shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.”

Thus, on September 17, the Convention concluded its work. George Washington, as President of the Convention, transmitted the document to the Congress. A prophetic sentence appeared in his letter, as he mentioned the compromises necessary for the surrender of sovereign powers: “It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved.” The States had done the best they could through their delegates. Eager to consolidate their Union, each State had been disposed “to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected.” They launched the ship.

“Well, Doctor,” said the lady to Mr. Franklin, “what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?”

“A republic,” replied the doctor, “if you can keep it.”}}

It is pretty hard to keep when bills are introduced to violate the Constitution by chipping off and whittling away the rights of the States in an effort, it seems, to reduce them to colonial status.

Continuing the quotation from the Kilpatrick book:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|6. THE PROPHETIC MR. HENRY}}}}

For the States’ understanding of what the Constitution was to mean to them, as States, we can look not only to the internal evidence of the Constitution itself, but to the debates in the ratifying conventions and to some of the contemporary criticism, notably in the Federalist papers. We can look, also, to some of the pronouncements of the Supreme Court from time to time, and to the writings of scholars of our own day.

The evidence is overwhelming. By written compact, solemnly ratified, the States agreed mutually to delegate certain of their sovereign powers to a Federal Government. They enumerated these powers. All other powers they reserved to themselves, and these reserved powers did not need to be enumerated: the reserved powers constituted an inherent powers of sovereign States not specifically abridged.

So plain was this understanding that the feeling most frequently encountered, in reading comments of the period, is one of incredulity that anyone should doubt it.

“The proposed constitution,” said Hamilton, “so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.”

So, too, said Madison:

“It is to be remembered that the General Government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administering laws. Its {{SIC|jursidiction|jurisdiction}} is limited to certain enumerated objects which concern all the members of the Republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate provisions of any. The subordinate governments, which can extend their care to all other objects which can be separately provided for, will retain their due authority and activity.”

Neither Hamilton nor Madison could quite imagine the Federal Government ever seriously encroaching upon the States.

“Allowing the utmost latitude to the love of power which any reasonable man can require,” said Hamilton, “I confess I am at a loss to discover what temptation the persons intrusted with the administration of the General Government could ever feel to divest the States of the authorities of that description. The regulation of the mere domestic police of a State appears to me to hold out slender allurements to ambition. Commerce, finance, negotiation, and war seem to comprehend all the objects which have charms for minds governed by that passion; and all the powers necessary to those objects ought, in the first instance, to be lodged in the national depository.”

Then he added, with a singular absence of prophecy:

“The administration of private justice between the citizens of the same State, the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation, can never be desirable cares of a general jurisdiction. It is therefore improbable that there should exist a disposition in the Federal councils to usurp the powers with which they are connected. * * *

“It will always be far more easy for the State governments to encroach upon the national authorities, than for the National Government to encroach upon the State authorities.”}}

That is where he was wrong. In other words, Hamilton had no idea that the Federal Government would ever attempt to encroach on the rights of the states. In his day it looked to him as if it would be easier for the States to encroach on the rights of the Federal Government than for the Federal Government to encroach on the rights of the States. But in recent years do-gooders, welfare-staters, left-wingers, and other pressure groups are trying to transform this Government. They are trying to make of it a national government. It is not a national government; it is a Federal Government. The States came together in a federation and formed this Government. That is the conception which I hope we can get over to the people of the Nation, that our Government is not a national government; it is a Federal Government made by the States coming together and forming a federation and signing the compact which became the Constitution. Therefore we have a Federal Government, not a national government. I hope we shall never have a national government. We must stop the Federal usurpation that is now going on and has been going on for some years.

{{smaller block|Madison, also, imagined that the Federal Government would “be disinclined to invade the rights of the individual States, or the prerogatives of their governments.” For his part, Hamilton thought it more probable that the States would encroach upon the Federal Government, and he imagined that in such contests the State governments, because they “will commonly possess most influence” over the people, would dominate Federal agencies “to the disadvantage of the Union.” However, all such conjectures Hamilton viewed as “extremely vague and fallible.” He preferred to assume that the people “will always take care to preserve the constitutional equilibrium between the general and the State governments.”

In No. 45, Madison treated at considerable length the widespread apprehension that the States would be obliterated. Some of his comments have been outdated; what he has to say about the election of Senators, for example, unhappily has been superseded by the misfortune of the 17th amendment. Some of his other observations, dealing with functions of what was to become the Bureau of Internal Revenue, may occasion some wary reflection on the lengths by which even a Madison could miss his guess. But as contemporary evidence of the role guaranteed to the States, No. 45 justifies quotation at some length:

“The State governments will have the advantage of the Federal Government, whet her we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them to the predilection and probable support of the people; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.

“The State governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the Federal Government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the people, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the people obtains for themselves an election into the State legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the Federal Government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious than too overbearing toward them. On the other side, the component parts of the State governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the Federal Government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.

“The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller than the number employed under the particular States. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side or the former than of the latter. The members of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments of 13 and more States, the justices of peace, officers of militia, ministerial officers of justice, with all the county, corporation, and town officers, for 3 millions and more of people, intermixed, and having particular acquaintance with every class and circle of people, must exceed, beyond all proportion, both in number and influence, those of every description who will be employed in the administration of the Federal system. Compare the members of the three great departments of the 13 States, excluding from the judiciary department the justices of peace, with the members of the corresponding departments of the single government of the Union; compare the militia officers of 3 millions of people with the military and marine officers of any establishment which is within the compass of probability, or, I may add, of possibility, and in this view alone, we may pronounce the advantage of the States to be decisive.

“If the Federal Government is to have collectors of revenue, the State governments will have theirs also. And as those of the former will be principally on the seacoast, and not very numerous, whilst those of the latter will be spread over the face of the country, and will be very numerous, the advantage in this view also lies on the same side. It is true, that the confederacy is to possess, and may exercise, the power of collecting internal as well as external taxes throughout the States; but it is probable that this power will not be resorted to, except for supplemental purposes of revenue; that an option will then be given to the States to supply their quotas by previous collections of their own; and that the eventual collection, under the immediate authority of the Union·, will generally be made by the officers, and according to the rules, appointed by the several States. * * *

“The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the Federal Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.

“The operations of the Federal Government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments in times of peace and security. As the former periods will probably bear a small proportion to the latter, the State governments will here enjoy another advantage over the Federal Government. The more adequate, indeed, the Federal powers may be rendered to the national defense, the less frequent will be those scenes of danger which might favor their ascendancy over the governments of the particular States.

“If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of new powers to the union, than in the invigoration of its original powers. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the Articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them.”

Even John Marshall, who did more than any man in our history to aggrandize the Federal Government and to weaken the States, never doubted the basic structure of divided powers. Consider, briefly, his comment in the famed case of ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland''. The case arose when Congress established the Bank of the United States, and Maryland undertook to levy a tax upon the bank’s Baltimore branch; James McCulloch, the cashier, refused to pay the tax, and Maryland sued.

The legal questions were two: Did Congress have power to incorporate the bank, and secondly, did Maryland have power to tax it? Marshall answered the first one “Yes,” the second, “No.” With the bulk of his reasoning, strict constructionists and apostles of States rights will disagree: Marshall’s sophisticated mind did not boggle at stretching “necessary” to mean “convenient.” In considering the actual act of ratification by which the Union was formed, Marshall was not much impressed by the fact, which he could not escape, that the people met in State conventions. “Where else should they have assembled?” he asked. But even here, a couple of sentences merit quotation as evidence from the States greatest detractor:

“It is true, [the people] assembled in their several States—and where else should they have assembled? No political dreamer was ever wild enough to think of breaking down the lines which separate the States, and of compounding the American people into one common mass. Of consequence, when they act, they act in their States.”

Marshall went on in his opinion to confuse “States” and “State governments,” thus setting up a convenient strawman to batter down. No one ever had contended that the Constitution was ratified by State governments, but Marshall, with a glittering display of intellectual swordsmanship, neatly skewered the nonexistent objection. Then he went on to say:

“This Government is acknowledged by all to be one of enumerated powers. The principle that it can exercise only the powers granted to it would seem too apparent to have required to be enforced by all those arguments which its enlightened friends, while it was pending before the people, found it necessary to urge. That principle is now universally admitted. But the question respecting the extent of the powers actually granted is perpetually arising, and will probably continue to arise, as long as our system shall exist.”

True enough, the question of “the extent of powers” does continue to arise to this day, though the doctrines of Marshall have so pervaded public thinking that it often is forgotten that the Federal Government has any limitations whatever. But the separateness of the States and the nature of their delegated powers were clearly recognized when the Constitution was created. The prophets who foresaw the trend toward consolidation—notably Patrick Henry and George Mason—were told they were old women, seeing ghosts.

Consider, if you will, the debate on ratification in Virginia. The transcript offers some absorbing reading. If the clash of a Henry and a Mason with a Pendleton and a Madison does not prompt reflection upon subsequent corruption of the Constitution, at the very least their battle must lead to regrets at the decline in the quality of today’s legislative debates. There were giants in those days. This was, to paraphrase Marshall, a Constitution they were debating. What was said of the relationship of the States and the Federal Government?

Go back in time. This was a sultry summer in Richmond. At least twice the brief convention was interrupted by thunder storms so severe the delegates were forced to recess. Tempers flared sharply. At one point Edmund Randolph, infuriated with Patrick Henry, was prepared to let their friendship “fall like Lucifer, never to rise again.” They began on Monday, June 2; they adjourned ''sine die'' on Friday, June 27. Into those 4 weeks, the Virginians of 1788 packed a world of profound reflection upon the meaning and intention of the Constitution.

Edmund Pendleton served as president of the Virginia convention. He was a remarkable man: lawyer, scholar, statesman, thinker. In advocating ratification, Pendleton was joined by James Madison, John Marshall, Edmund Randolph, and Light Horse Harry Lee. They carried the day against Patrick Henry and George Mason, as leading opponents of the proposition.

The convention scarcely had begun before Henry established the broad spread of argument. He did not propose to abide by any parliamentary decision to debate one clause at a time. Before the convention in Philadelphia the previous summer, said Henry, a general peace and a universal tranquillity had prevailed. Now he was “extremely uneasy at the proposed change of government.” He swept the room with a cold eye: “Be extremely cautious, watchful, jealous of your liberty. Instead of securing your rights, you may lose them forever.”

George Mason came to his side. He charged that the new Constitution would create “a national government, and no longer a confederation.” He especially denounced the authority proposed in the general government to levy direct taxes. This power, being at the discretion of Congress and unconfined, “and without any kind of control, must carry everything before it.” “The idea of a consolidated government,” he said, “is totally subversive of every principle which has hitherto governed us. This power is calculated to annihilate totally the State governments. * * * These two concurrent powers cannot exist long together; the one will destroy the other; the general government, being paramount to and in every respect more powerful than the State governments, the latter must give way to the former.”

Then Mason voiced the argument that is as applicable in the mid-20th century as it was toward the end of the 18th:

“Is it to be supposed that one national government will suit so extensive a country, embracing so many climates, and containing inhabitants so very different in manners, habits, and customs? It is ascertained, by history, that there never was a government over a very extensive country without destroying the liberties of the people. * * * Popular governments can only exist in small territories.”

On Thursday, June 5, Pendleton undertook to respond to Henry and to Mason. Was the proposed government, he inquired, truly a consolidated government? Of course not. “If this be such a government, I will confess, with my worthy friend, that it is inadmissible. * * *” The proposed Federal Government, he said, “extends to the general purposes of the Union. It does not intermeddle with the local, particular affairs of
the States. * * * It is the interest of the Federal to preserve the State governments; upon the latter the existence of the former depends. * * * I wonder how any gentleman, reflecting on the subject, could have conceived an idea of the possibility of the latter.”

Henry conceived it. He conceived it very clearly. The proposed Constitution, he felt, was “extremely pernicious, impolitic and dangerous.” He saw no jeopardy to the people in the Articles of Confederation; he saw great jeopardy in this new Constitution. And he had this to say:

“We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty: Our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of every thing. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors: By that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, ts about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.”

And note this prophetic observation:

“There will be no checks, no real balances, in this government. What can avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope-dancing, chain-rattling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances?”

What indeed? What have these ideal checks and balances availed the States in the 20th century? Henry saw the empty prospect: “This Constitution is said to have beautiful features; but when I come to examine these features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful. Among other deformities, it has an awful squinting; it squints toward monarchy; and does not this raise indignation in the breast of every true American?”

It was monarchy, ''per se'', that Henry foresaw. And it was despotism at the hands of a general government that he feared.

“What are your checks in this Government?” he kept asking.

No one ever answered him accurately, though half a dozen members of the Convention undertook to refute Henry and to allay his apprehensions. Randolph, replying to the objection that the country soon would be too large for effective government from the capital, commented that “no extent on earth seems to me too great,” but he added, “provided the laws be wisely made and executed.” It has proved to be a large qualification.

Madison also responded to Henry’s general objection that the liberty of the people was in danger: “Since the general civilization of mankind,” he said, “I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations.”

Follow closely what Madison had to say next. He is expounding the relationship of the State and Federal Governments as he, above all men, understood it:

“Give me leave to say something of the nature of the Government. * * * There are a number of opinions; but the principal question is, whether it be a federal or consolidated government. In order to judge properly of the question before us, we must consider it minutely in its principal parts. I conceive myself that it is of a mixed nature; it is in a manner unprecedented; we cannot find one express example in the experience of the world. It stands by itself. In some respects it is a government of a federal nature; in others it is of a consolidated nature. * * * Who are parties to it?”

Note this, especially; it was quoted earlier, but it bears repetition:

“The people—but not the people as composing one great body; but the people as composing 13 sovereignties.”

Francis Corbin, one of the ablest political students of his time, then joined Madison, in soothing the growing fear that the Federal Government might one day absorb the State Governments. “The powers of the General Government,” he said, “are only of a general nature, and their object is to protect, defend, and strengthen the United States; but the internal administration of government is left to the State legisiatures, who exclusively retain such powers as will give the States the advantages of small republics, without the danger commonly attendant on the weakness of such governments.”

Henry, undaunted, straightened his red wig and returned to the debate. “That government is no more than a choice among evils,” he remarked, “is acknowledged by the most intelligent among mankind, and has been a standing maxim for ages.” He could not accept the idea that this new government would be “a mighty benefit to us.”

“Sir, I am made of so incredulous materials, that assertions and declarations do not satisfy me. I must be convinced, sir. I shall retain my infidelity on that subject till I see our liberties secured in a manner perfectly satisfactory to my understanding.”

This exchange occurred on Friday, June 16. The following Monday, Henry renewed his assault:

“A number of characters, of the greatest eminence in this country, object to this government for its consolidating tendency. This is not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If consolidation proves to be as mischievous to this country as it has been to other countries, what will the poor inhabitants of this country do? This government will operate like an ambuscade. It will destroy the State governments, and swallow the liberties of the people, without giving previous notice.”

Madison came back with fresh replies and new remonstrances. The States were safely protected, he assured the Virginia convention. And renewing the arguments he had advanced in the Federalist, “There will be an irresistible bias toward the State governments.” It was utterly improbable—almost impossible—that the Federal Government ever would encroach upon the States. “The means of influence consist in having the disposal of gifts and emoluments, and in the number of persons employed by and dependent upon a government. Will any gentleman compare the number of persons which will be employed in the General Government with the number of those which will be in the State governments? The number of dependents upon the State governments will be infinitely greater than those on the General Government. I may say, with truth, that there never was a more economical government in any age or country, nor which will require fewer hands, or give less influence.”

Pendleton again gained the floor to tackle Henry’s objection. We are told, he said, “that there will be a war between the two bodies equally our representatives, and that the State government will be destroyed, and consolidated into the General Government. I stated before, that this could not be so. The two governments act in different manners, and for different purposes—the General Government in great national concerns, in which we are interested in common with other members of the Union; the State legislature in our mere local concerns. * * * Our dearest rights—life, liberty and property—as Virginians, are still in the hands of our State legislature.”

Patrick Henry remained unconvinced. His opinion and Madison’s were “diametrically opposite.” The mild-mannered Madison said the States would prevail. Henry, a dramatic and eloquent speaker, feared the Federal Government would prevail. Bring forth the Federal allurements, he cried, “and compare them with the poor, contemptible things that the State legislatures can bring forth. * * * There are rich, fat, Federal emoluments. Your rich, smug, fine, fat, Federal officers—the number of collectors of taxes and excises—will outnumber anything from the States. Who can cope with the excise man and the tax men?”

Henry did not imagine that the dual governments could be kept each within its proper orbit. “I assert that there is danger of interference,” he remarked, “because no line is drawn between the powers of the two governments, in many instances; and where there is a line, there is no check to prevent the one from encroaching upon the powers of the other. I therefore contend that they must interfere, and that this interference must subvert the State government as being less powerful. Unless your government have checks, it must inevitably terminate in the destruction of your privileges.”

William Grayson, burly veteran of the Revolution, was another member of the Virginia convention who clearly perceived the absence of effective checks and balances. “Power ought to have such checks and limitations,” he said, “as to prevent bad men from abusing it. It ought to be granted on a supposition that men will be bad; for it may eventually be so.”

Grayson was here discussing his apprehensions toward the powers vested by article III in the Supreme Court of the United States. “This Court,” he protested, “has more power than any court under heaven.” The Court’s appellate jurisdiction, especially, aroused his alarm: “What has it in view, unless to subvert the State governments?”}}

Mr. President, only in the past few months this Court rendered a decision which struck down the sedition statutes in 48 States and two Territories, merely because the Federal Government had a statute on sedition. The Supreme Court held that because of that fact, the Federal Government had preempted the whole field, and struck down the State statutes on sedition. Sedition means overthrowing the Government. That is the practical effect of it.

Steve Nelson, in Pennsylvania, was convicted under Pennsylvania law. He appealed his case to the United States Supreme Court, and the Court turned him loose, on the ground that when the Federal sedition statute was enacted, that statute preempted the field. Thus it struck down all the State statutes on the subject. Forty-two States and two Territories had statutes on the subject.

Judge Howard Smith, in the House, who was the author of the bill, said there was no such intention on his part when he introduced the bill. There was even a provision in the bill that the State laws should not be affected. Yet the Supreme Court struck down the sedition statutes in 42 States and two Territories. Nine men overruled the legislatures of 42 States, and would have overruled the supreme courts in 42 States if their statutes had been tested.

In New York, a man named Slochower was employed by the City College of New York. The charter of the City College provides that if any schoolteacher takes refuge behind the fifth amendment, upon being asked by an official body about his Communist connections, he shall be automatically dismissed. He was questioned by an official body. He was automatically dismissed. But what happened? The Supreme Court reinstated him in his job. City College of New York cannot control its own faculty because of these nine men in Washington. Forty-eight State legislatures cannot have sedition statutes because of these nine men in Washington. Out in New Mexico a man applied for membership in the bar. A similar situation occurred in California. One of the men was admittedly a former Communist. The bar did not want him to become a member. Certainly the bar board should have discretion enough to determine whether a man had the character to be admitted. The board turned him down.

In the other case the man refused to answer questions about his Communist connections. Both of those men—one a former Communist, the other tied in with the Communists—were refused licenses to practice law, one in New Mexico and the other in California. But the nine men comprising the Supreme Court ordered those boards to give the applicants their licenses.

Also, in California there were 14 Communists convicted of actually organizing Communist cells. They were preaching the doctrine of communism. They were convicted in the California court. The case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court. What did that Court do? It turned five of them loose and gave the other nine a new trial. It virtually held, in fact, that one can preach communism all he wants to. So long as the organizing does not begin until a future day, it will be all right. In other words, there would have to be action to put it into effect immediately under the holding of the Court.

How are we going to protect this Government? How is the FBI going to protect it? How are the people of California going to protect it when they catch people who are actually organizing Communist cells and who are advocating communism and preaching communism, and then the Supreme Court turns them loose, laying down a dangerous doctrine—and it is a dangerous doctrine to which I just referred.

Then there is the Watkins case, Mr. President, which has hampered investigations by the Congress. The Supreme Court handed down a decision after Watkins had been convicted of contempt and turned him loose. The Court, in effect, held that a member of the counsel or someone who wanted to ask questions would have to explain the questions to the witness. A smart witness would never admit he understood or comprehended what was meant.

In the city of Washington, Mr. President, one of the most dangerous decisions, I think, that has ever been handed down involved the man Mallory, who raped a white woman. He was caught the next day. He was caught about 2 o’clock. Along about 8 or 9 o’clock he was given a lie-detector test, and he confessed the crime and admitted that he raped the white woman. The officers could not get hold of the United States Commissioner that night, and had to wait until the next morning, about 9 o’clock. They held the admitted criminal from about 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, and in the meantime he gave a confession to the police in Washington. He was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. He had confessed his crime. But the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. What did those nine men do with it? They reversed the decision and said the police had held the man too long.

What is going to happen in this Nation if police officers cannot hold criminals from 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, especially when those criminals have confessed to their crimes?

Heretofore in judicial administration there has been no particular time fixed. A person could be held a reasonable time before arraignment. Under this decision the man would have to confess at just about the time he was arrested, because the Supreme Court held that after he is arrested he is under coercion; and because he was held that short time the Supreme Court reversed the case, and the district attorney said there would not be any use to try it again; that the evidence depended on the confession.

As a result of that case, the Chief of Police in Washington said it would be very difficult to apprehend and detect criminals and arrest them hereafter and be able to make the evidence stand up in court. He called it a terrible handicap to law enforcement in such cases.

Mr. President, there are other decisions the Supreme Court has handed down about which I should like to tell the Senate. The Court seems to get its greatest delight out of turning loose Communists.

The record is disgraceful. The FBI, the law-enforcement agencies, police officers chase down Communists and narcotic people—and they are hard to catch. Then the Supreme Court reverses decisions and turns them loose and they walk the streets, as did the confessed rapist who was sentenced on his own confession. It is a disgrace to this Nation.

Mr. President, I still think this compromise bill is unconstitutional, but with the present Supreme Court no one can predict what they will do about it.

{{smaller block|It was John Marshall, who 15 years later would do so much to justify Mason’s apprehensions, who undertook to allay his fears now. The Federal Government, he insisted, certainly would not have the power “to make laws on every subject.” Could Members of the Congress make laws affecting the transfer of property, or contracts, or claims, between citizens of the same State?

“Can they go beyond the delegated powers? If they were to make a law not warranted by any of the powers enumerated, it would be considered by the judges as an infringement of the Constitution which they are to guard. They would not consider such a law as coming under their jurisdiction. They would declare it void.”

Marshall saw no danger to the States from decrees of the Supreme Court: “I hope that no gentleman will think that a State will be called at the bar of the Federal court. * * * It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power should be dragged before a court.”

Madison, Monroe, and others joined Marshall in defending the third article. Their debate was long and detailed. Much of it was concerned with questions of pleading and practice. But after several days, they went on to other aspects of the Constitution: The prospect of judicial despotism was recognized by the few, and denied by the many.

{{c|{{asc|7. THE STATES RATIFY}}}}

In the end, Virginia ratified. It was a close vote. A motion to postpone ratification until amendments, in the nature of a bill of rights, could be considered by “the other States in the American confederacy,” failed by 88 to 80. Then the main question was put, and this was what Virginia agreed to. It merits careful reading:

“We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, * * * having fully and freely investigated and discussed the proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, be resumed by them whensoever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power, not granted thereby, remains with them, and at their will; that, therefore, no right, of any denomination, can be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by the Congress, by the Senate or House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by the President, or any department or officer of the United States, except in those instances in which power is given by the Constitution for those purposes; and that, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by any authority of the United States.”

The vote on that main question was 89 to 79, but even that narrow margin of approval was predicated upon a gentlemen’s agreement that the Virginia convention would recommend a number of amendments, in the form of a Bill of Rights, to be presented to the first Congress. And the first of these recommended amendments reads: “That each State in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the Federal Government.”

By the time Virginia completed ratification, of course her decision no longer carried compelling importance. The Virginia convention had opened on June 2, not quite 2 weeks after South Carolina, on May 23, had become the eighth State to ratify. But while the Virginians were debating the issue, New Hampshire, on June 21, had become No. 9: The new union had been formed, and the Constitution had become binding upon the nine States “ratifying the same.” It has ever been Virginia’s fate to make the right decisions, but to put off making them as long as possible.

In this consideration of State and Federal relationships, there is something to be learned from the other resolutions of ratification. The easy ones came first: Delaware came first, on December 7, 1787, “fully, freely, and entirely” approving and assenting to the Constitution; and then, in quick succession, Pennsylvania on December 12, after a bitter fight; New Jersey on December 18, and Georgia—Georgians had not even read the Constitution—on January 2, 1788. Connecticut followed a week later, with a comfortable vote of 128 to 40.

Then a month’s hiatus set in. Massachusetts did not become No. 6 until February 7, and her approval of this “explicit and solemn compact” was not unqualified:

“It is the opinion of this convention that certain amendments and alterations in the said Constitution would remove the fears and quiet the apprehensions of many of the good people of this commonwealth, and more effectually guard against an undue administration of the Federal Government.”

It will come as no surprise that the very first amendment recommended by Massachusetts was “that it be explicitly declared that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States to be by them exercised.”

Two months later, on April 28, Maryland ratified. Then there was another lapse of nearly a month before South Carolina, on May 23, became No. 8; South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.” Then South Carolina added:

“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”

New Hampshire, in voting its approval on June 21, closely paralleled the action of Massachusetts, but New Hampshire’s declaration as to reserved powers was even more explicit. The people of New Hampshire wanted it understood that all powers not “expressly and particularly delegated” were reserved.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield.

Mr. LANGER. Was the action of the South Carolina convention unanimous? [Laughter.]

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall, from reading the history of that matter, whether it was unanimous or not. The action of the South Carolina convention was not unanimous when it acted on the question of adopting the resolution of ratification for the admission of South Carolina to the Union. South Carolina was the eighth State to be admitted to the Union. New Hampshire was the ninth. New Hampshire’s action resulted in the formation of the Union; ratification by nine States was required in order to form the Union.

After that, Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island ratified the Constitution and became members of the Union.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I am not sure whether the action by the South Carolina convention was unanimous or not.

Mr. LANGER. I know the Senator from South Carolina, who has been a very distinguished governor of his State, is very well informed in regard to such matters.

Mr. THURMOND. As stated in the book, The Sovereign States—

{{smaller block|South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.”}}

Then South Carolina added:

{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}

I construe that declaration to be part of the resolution of ratification, which was not adopted unanimously.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have been glad, Mr. President, to have the Senator from North Dakota ask these questions.

Mr. President, a few years ago, when I was a young State senator, I made a commencement address in another county, about 40 miles from my home. The commencement was held in a long school building in which the acoustics were very bad. People in the rear could not hear, and looked as if they were going to sleep—and maybe they were. So I raised my voice, and said, “Ladies and gentlemen, I want you to know that I am speaking for the future citizens of South Carolina.” By raising my voice, I woke up the people in the rear of the room; and one fellow rose up, shook his head, and said, “Well, brother, if you speak much longer, they will soon be here, too.” [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I feel so good that I believe I could speak quite a long time. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I felt it my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort to emphasize the dangers of this bill.

I began speaking at 8:50 last night. It is now 5 minutes after 9. I shall conclude my remarks in a very few minutes.

Mr. President, in closing, I desire to remind the Senate that every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote; and the Federal Government has a statute which protects the right to vote. In my opinion, Mr. President, this bill is unconstitutional, for the reasons I have stated during this debate.

This so-called compromise, which came to the Senate from the House of Representatives, permits a Federal judge to decide whether he will try one who is charged with criminal contempt, or whether he will permit him to be tried by a jury. The bill further provides a Federal judge with the discretionary power—if he does not try the person without a jury—to decide what punishment he will impose. If he imposes a fine greater than $300 or imprisonment for more than 45 days, the defendant can then demand a jury trial. That process could result in two trials in the case of a defendant charged with criminal contempt. I believe that would be unconstitutional. Under our system of jurisprudence, a man can never be put in jeopardy more than once for the same offense. Furthermore, if a judge should find such a person guilty, as a result of the first trial, we can realize what effect that would have on the jury which would be used in the second trial.

Mr. President, I should like to remind the Senate of the decision I have cited today, which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That decision says criminal contempt is a crime. The Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The Constitution makes no exceptions.

The pending bill, which has come to the Senate from the House of Representatives, has now been amended in such a way that it could not conform to the Constitution.

Mr. President, in spite of the great amount of debate and discussion which previously have taken place on the subject of House bill 6127, I felt that this bill was of such importance to the citizens of the United States that it was my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort again to emphasize the dangers of the bill. I have spoken several times on it before.

Mr. President, I wish to say that my action was taken entirely on my own volition. I believe that every Senator must follow the dictates of his own conscience, in connection with such matters. I do not believe that the action of any other Senator should be judged according to the action I have taken.

Mr. President, if I have helped to bring home to the American people, the citizens of this Nation, the heartfelt conviction which I hold, namely, that this bill is unwise, unnecessary, and unconstitutional, then I shall have done what I believe to be my duty.

I should like to believe that some have been convinced by my arguments, and that my arguments have been accepted on the basis on which I intended them to be accepted—as arguments against what I am convinced is bad proposed legislation, proposed legislation which never should have been introduced, and which never should be approved by the Senate.

Mr. President, I urge every Member of this body to consider this bill most carefully. I hope the Senate will see fit to kill it.

I expect to vote against the bill. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I wish to extend my sincerest gratitude to the officials of the Senate, to those who have come in to listen to this debate, to the various Senators who have listened to this debate from time to time; to the clerks and the attachés, and to all who did everything they could to make me as comfortable as possible during the 24 hours and 22 minutes I have spoken.

Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for these courtesies, and again I want to thank the Presiding Officer and the others for their courtesies extended to me, and with this I now give up the floor, and suggest the absence of a quorum.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.

The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the rollcall be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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      <text bytes="851165" xml:space="preserve">{{header
|title=Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957
|author=Strom Thurmond
|section=
|previous=
|next=
|year=1957
|notes=Strom Thurmond’s filibuster against certain provisions of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1957, at 24 hours, 18 minutes in length, was the longest ever given in the U. S. Senate. It is recorded in the ''Congressional Record'', vol. 103, part 12, pp. 16263–16456.
}}{{scans available|{{GBS|ODw4AQAAMAAJ}}}}

&lt;div class=prose style=&quot;text-indent:1em&quot;&gt;
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, earlier this morning we had scheduled speakers for the day, and attempted to estimate the number of speakers. In connection with the next speaker, we had estimated that we would reach him about 9 o’clock. We are running a little ahead of schedule. Therefore, there are no speakers available at this time. We do not desire to have a vote on the bill until every Senator has had an opportunity to express himself, and we do not wish to take advantage of any Senator, or inconvenience any Senator more than is necessary.

Therefore I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 8:45 p. m. At 8:45 p. m. we will reconvene and I shall suggest the absence of a quorum. I assume that by 9 o’clock the speaker will be ready to proceed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Texas?

There being no objection, the Senate (at 7 o’clock and 38 minutes p. m.) took a recess until 8:45 p. m.

{{c|{{asc|AFTER RECESS}}}}

On the expiration of the recess, the Senate reassembled, when called to order by the Vice President.

Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secretary will call the roll.

The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. McNAMARA. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Without objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise to speak against the so-called voting-right bill H. R. 6127, which bill was passed by the House of Representatives. It came to the Senate without being referred to a committee and was placed on the Senate Calendar, which is something unusual and out of ordinary procedure. The bill was then amended by the Senate and returned to the House, after which time the House amended it again by adopting what was called a compromise. The compromise as well as the bill is entirely unreasonable, and I hope that the Senate will not pass the bill.

There are mainly three reasons why I feel the bill should not be passed. The first is that it is unnecessary.

{{c|{{asc|STATE LEGISLATION PROTECTING THE VOTING RIGHTS OF CITIZENS}}}}

Every State has enacted some legislation making it unlawful to intimidate a voter or to hinder him in the exercising of his voting rights. Penalties have been provided for such violations.

I now expect to take up the voting laws in each of the 48 States and show that each of the States affords adequate protection to the voting right. The first is Alabama.

Alabama: Unless otherwise designated, references are to the code, 1940, title 17:

{{smaller block|Intimidating or hindering voter: It Is a corrupt practice for any person on election day to intimidate an elector or an election officer, or to obstruct, hinder, or prevent or to attempt to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of the voters awaiting their turn to enter the election booths (sec. 285).

It is a corrupt practice for any person directly or indirectly to hire a person to take a place in line or to otherwise obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of the line of voters awaiting their turn to enter the polling place (sec. 286).

Penalty: Any person who does any act declared to be a corrupt practice under the election laws of the State shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, must be fined not more than $500, and may also be imprisoned in the county jail or sentenced to hard labor for the county for not more than 6 months at the discretion of the court (sec. 332).

Attempt to influence voter: Any person who by corrupt means attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or deter him from giving the same, or to disturb, or to hinder him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, at any election, must, on conviction, be fined not less than $50 nor more than $500 (sec. 304).

Disturbing elector on election day: Any person who, on election day, disturbs or prevents or attempts to prevent any elector from freely casting his ballot, must, on conviction be fined not less than $500 nor more than $1,000, and also be sentenced to hard labor for the county, or be imprisoned in the county jail for not less than 6 months nor more than 1 year (sec. 306).

Employer intimidating employee: Any employer or officer of an employer corporation, who attempts by coercion, intimidation, or threats, to discharge or lessen wages, to influence the vote of an employee, or who demands an inspection of employee’s ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not less than $500 (secs. 317, 318).}}

Arizona: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, Annotated, 1956, title 16:

{{smaller block|Coercion or intimidation of elector: It is unlawful for a person, directly or indirectly, to use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or in any other manner, to intimidate a person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure, or to commit such acts on account of a person’s having voted or refrained from voting at an election.

It is unlawful for a person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent device, to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or to compel him to either vote or refrain from voting at an election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person or measure. Violation of this provision by a person, whether acting in his individual capacity or as an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (secs. 16–1303, 16–1305).

Intimidation of elector by employer: It is unlawful for an employer to place written or printed material in pay envelopes or, within 90 days prior to an election, to put up notices or placards, etc., in the place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of employees.

Violation of this provision by an employer, whether an individual or an officer or agent of a corporation, is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not exceeding $5,000 (sec. 16–1304).

Changing vote of elector by corrupt means: It is unlawful for a person, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, either directly or indirectly, to attempt to influence an elector in casting his vote, or to deter him from casting his vote, or to attempt to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of the right of suffrage, or to defraud an elector by deceiving him and causing him to vote for a different person or measure than he intended. A person violating this provision is guilty of a felony (sec. 16–1307).

Primary: The penal provisions involving crimes against the elective franchise apply to general, primary, and special elections (sec. 16–1311).}}

Arkansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes 1947, Annotated, 1956 replacement:

{{smaller block|Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to threaten or attempt to intimidate any elector or his family, his business, or his profession, and it shall also be unlawful to attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting at any primary election. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (sec. 3–1414).

Intimidation of voters: No person shall coerce, intimidate, or unduly influence any elector to vote for or against the nominee of any political party or for or against any question or candidate, by threat of personal violence or of ejectment from rented premises, of foreclosure of mortgage, of discharge from employment, of any action at law or equity or of expulsion from membership in any church or society. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 3 years (sec. 3–1415).}}

California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:

{{smaller block|Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).

Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation to compel a person to vote or refrain from voting at any election (sec. 1158).

Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter; or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).

Election officers: Any election officer who induces or attempts to induce any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony (sec. 11583).

Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or actions of employees, or who within 90 days before an election exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (sees. 11584, 11585).

Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).

Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).

Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).}}

Colorado: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1953, chapter 49:

{{smaller block|Intimidation unlawful: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict or threaten to inflict any injury, harm, or loss or other forms of intimidation, to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, for any particular person or measure at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means to impede or prevent or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise of any voter. It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether corporation, firm, or person, to enclose material in the pay envelopes, containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees, or within 90 days before an election, to display placards in the place of employment, containing such threats (sec. 49–21–5).

Penalty: Any person convicted of violating the above provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine of not over $1,000 or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both (secs. 49–21–5, 49–21–9).

Discharge or promotion illegal: It shall be unlawful for any corporation, or any of its officers, to influence, or attempt to influence, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or by discharging from employment, or promoting in employment, or by other intimidation, any employee to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate. Violation of this provision shall be deemed a misdemeanor and shall be punishable as outlined in the “Penalty” provision, above. In addition, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 49–21–6).}}

Connecticut: Unless otherwise designated, references are to 1955 Supplement to the General Statutes:

{{smaller block|Interference with electors in voting: Any person who does any act which invades or interferes with the secrecy of the voting, or causes the same to be invaded or interfered with, shall be imprisoned for not more than 5 years (sec. 843d).

Primaries: Any person who influences or attempts to influence the vote or speech of any person in a primary caucus, or convention, by force or threat, shall be fined not less than $25, nor more than $100, or imprisoned not less than 7 days nor more than 3 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 821d).

Employers’ threats: Any person who, within 60 days before an election, attempts to influence any employee in his vote, by threats of withholding employment, or who dismisses an employee because of the way he voted at an election, shall be fined from $100 to $500 or be imprisoned for from 6 to 12 months, or be both fined and imprisoned (sec. 842d).}}

Delaware: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code, Annotated, 1953, title 15:

{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: An election officer, who, in any way, attempts to intimidate or coerce any voter in the marking of his ballot, or in the choice of the candidates for whom he votes, or who willfully discloses the manner in which any person has voted, shall be guilty of willful and malicious perjury (as violating his oath of office) and in addition to the penalties for perjury, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be imprisoned for not more than 2 years (sec. 5125).

Intimidation by employer: If any person or corporation hinders, controls, coerces, or intimidates any employee in the exercise of his right to vote at any general, special, or municipal election by threats of depriving him of employment, every elector, so aggrieved, may bring a civil action and recover $500 from such employer (secs. 5162, 5163).

Civil remedy: Any qualified elector who is prevented from voting at any election because of intimidation or threats, or because of the requirement of unconstitutional qualifications, may bring a civil action against the person who promoted such interference, and the court or jury may give exemplary damages (sec. 5304).

Primaries: Whoever, at any primary election, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, by force, threat, or intimidation, or prevents or hinders or attempts to prevent or hinder any qualified voter from exercising the rights of suffrage, shall for each offense, be fined not more than $200 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or shall both be fined and imprisoned (sec. 3168 (a)).}}

Florida: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1955 Supplement:

{{smaller block|Corruptly influencing voting: Whoever, by bribery, menace, threat, or other corruption whatsoever, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence or deceive an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or disturbs or interferes with him in the free exercise of the right of suffrage at any election, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor upon the first conviction and of a felony upon the second conviction (sec. 104.061).

Felony penalty: The penalty for every felony under the election laws, not otherwise specifically provided, shall be imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 1 year or a fine of not more than $5,000, or both (sec. 104.40).

Threats of employers: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee for voting or not voting in any State, county, or municipal election for any candidate or measure. Any person violating this provision shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. If a firm or corporation violates this provision, each officer or agent who participated in the violation shall be punished for a misdemeanor, and the firm or corporation, shall, in addition, be fined not more than $1,000 (sec. 104.081).}}

Georgia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1936:

{{smaller block|Improper voting; disorderly conduct: No person outside a voting room or voting booth shall, in any manner, either by words or gestures, attempt to influence or interfere with any voter who is in said room or booth preparing his ballot; nor shall any person enter any booth while a voter is in there; nor shall any person commit any act of disorder, or be guilty of any disorderly conduct in or near the voting rooms or booths (sec. 34–1909).

Violation of this provision shall be a misdemeanor (sec. 34–9918).

Primary: All penal laws relating to illegal practices in general elections are extended to all primary elections held for State, county, or municipal offices (1955 Supp., sec. 34–9933).}}

Idaho: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1948:

{{smaller block|Intimidation, corruption, and frauds: Every person, who, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or any corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote or to deter him from giving same, or to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or defrauds an elector at an election by deceiving him and causing him to vote differently than he intended, or who, being an officer of any election, induces, or attempts to induce, any elector, by menace or reward, to vote differently than he desired, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 18–2305), punishable by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than 6 months, or by a fine of not over $300, or by both (sec. 18–113).

Interference with election: Any person who willfully disturbs any election place, or is guilty of riotous conduct near such place, with intent to disturb same, or interferes with the access of electors to the polling place, or interferes in any manner with the free exercise of the election franchise of any of the voters there assembled, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable as stated above (sec. 18–2313).

Attempt to influence vote: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of any elector by means of a promise of a favor, or by means of violence or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a suit or criminal process, or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him, or by any other means (sec. 18–2319). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison not exceeding 5 years, or by both (sec. 18–2315).}}

Illinois: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Smith–Hurd Annotated Statutes, 1944, chapter 46:

{{smaller block|Offenses involving polling places: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court, for each offense. It shall be the duty of judges of election to enforce this provision (sec. 29–14).

Miscellaneous offenses: Any person, who, at a primary or any election, shall (1) by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or otherwise unlawfully, directly or indirectly, induce or attempt to induce any voter or any person to exercise the right of franchise, or to vote for or against any person or measure, or (2) intentionally practice any fraud on any elector regarding his ballot, or (3) otherwise defraud him of his vote, or (4) by unlawful means prevent or attempt to prevent any voter from attending or voting at an election or primary, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or imprisoned in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 29–16).}}

Indiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Burma Statutes Annotated, 1949, replacement:

{{smaller block|Using violence, threats, or restraint: Whoever, for the purpose of influencing a voter, by violence or threats, seeks to enforce the payment of a debt, or ejects or threatens to eject a person from any house he may occupy, or begins a criminal prosecution, or injures the business or trade of a person, or threatens to withhold the wages of or to dismiss from service, any laborer in his employ, or refuses to allow such employee time to vote, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5941).

Coercion by election board officer: Any member of a precinct election board, who attempts, by persuasion, menace, or reward to induce any elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5935).

Defrauding voter: Whoever fraudulently causes or attempts to cause any voter, at any election, to vote for a different person than he intended, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5938).

Bribery or threat by candidate: Whoever gives or offers a bribe or makes a threat to procure his election to any office, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 29–5907).

Threats by employer: Every employer who places written or printed material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election or primary, exhibits placards, etc., in his place of employment, containing express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinions or actions of such employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 29–5711).

Felonies, penalty: A person, convicted of a felony under the election laws, shall be imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years in either the State prison or the reformatory, as may be required by law, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period, to which may be added a fine of from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 29–5964).

Misdemeanors, penalty: Any person convicted of a misdemeanor under the election laws may either be fined from $1 to $500, or be imprisoned in either the county jail or the State farm for from 30 days to 1 year, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall be disfranchised for any determinate period not to exceed 5 years (sec. 29–5965).}}

Iowa: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1949:

{{smaller block|Prohibited acts: Interrupting, hindering, or opposing any voter while in or approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting, or interfering, or attempting to interfere, with a voter, when inside the closed space, or when marking his ballot, are prohibited on any election day (sec. 49.107).

Any violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $5 to $100, or by imprisonment for from 10 to 30 days in the county jail, or by both (sec. 49.108).

Duress to prevent voting: If any person unlawfully, and by force, or threats of force, prevents, or attempts to prevent, an elector from giving his vote at any public election, he shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, and fined not more than $200 (sec. 738.13).

Procuring vote by duress: If any person, by means of violence, threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing custom or business dealing, or enforcing the payment of debts, or bringing a civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to procure the vote of any elector, at any election, or the influence of any person over other electors, either for himself or for or against any candidate, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 738.15).

Intimidation by employer: Any employer who shall refuse to allow an employee 2 hours to vote at a general election or who shall reduce his wages for such privilege, or who shall attempt to influence an employee’s vote by reward or by threats of discharge, or shall otherwise attempt to intimidate an employee from exercising his right to vote, shall be fined not less than $5 nor more than $100 (sec. 49.110).}}

Kansas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes Annotated, 1949:

{{smaller block|Unlawful attempt to deter voting: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving the same, or hinders him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, at any election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year (sec. 21–815).

Hindering voters: Any person who shall willfully hinder the voting of others shall be punished by a fine of from $10 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days or by both (sec. 25–1717).

Hindering voters at polls: No person shall interrupt, hinder, or oppose any voter while approaching the polling place for the purpose of voting. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $25 to $100, or by imprisonment in the county jail for from 10 to 30 days, or by both such fine and imprisonment, for each offense (sec. 25–1719).}}

Kentucky: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Kentucky Revised Statutes, 1953:

{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who unlawfully prevents or attempts to prevent any voter from casting his ballot, or intimidates, or attempts to intimidate, a voter to prevent him from casting his ballot, shall be confined in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years for each offense (sec. 124.140).

Coercion by employer: No person shall coerce an employee to vote for any political party or candidate for nomination or election to any office in the State, or threaten to discharge an employee for exercising his right of suffrage or for voting for any candidate, nor shall an employer circulate statements that employees are expected to vote for any candidate, party, or measure (sec. 123.110 (1)).

Any person who violates this provision shall be fined from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 123.990 (13)).}}

Louisiana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, West’s, 1951:

{{smaller block|Primary: No person shall intimidate any voter at a primary election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 and imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years (sec. 18.369 (8)).

Obstructing voter: No person shall willfully and without lawful authority obstruct, hinder, or delay any voter on his way to a polling place to vote in an election. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.587, 18.589).

Hindering voters: Prior to or during an election, no person shall willfully hinder the voting of others. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or imprisonment for not more than 1 year (secs. 18.736, 18.589).

Public intimidation: The use of violence, force, or threats upon a voter in a general, primary, or special election to influence his conduct, is deemed public intimidation, and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment with or without hard labor for not more than 5 years, or both (sec. 14.122 (4)).}}

Maine: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1954, chapter 5:

{{smaller block|Interfering with voter: Any person who shall interfere or attempt to interfere with any voter while inside the voting enclosure or while marking his ballot shall be fined from $5 to $100. Election officers shall report any such person to a police officer or constable, whose duty it shall be to see that the offender is duly brought before the proper court (sec. 107).

Corruption at elections: Whoever, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly attempts to influence a voter in giving his vote, or to induce him to withhold his vote, or hinders or disturbs him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned for not more than 11 months, and shall be ineligible to office for 10 years (sec. 109).}}

Maryland: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Annotated Code of Maryland, Flack, 1951, article 33.

{{smaller block|Hindering voters: If, at any general, special or primary election, any person shall by force, threat, menace, intimidation, or bribery, either directly or indirectly influence or attempt to influence any voter in giving his vote, or hinder, or attempt to hinder, a voter from freely voting or induce him to vote, such person shall be imprisoned in jail or in the penitentiary for from 6 months to 5 years (sec. 179).

Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether an individual or a corporation, who shall deny an employee time off for voting at a general, special, or primary election, or shall directly or indirectly hinder him from exercising his right to vote freely or shall attempt to influence his vote by threats concerning his employment, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable, for each offense, by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in jail for not over 6 months, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 180).}}

Massachusetts: Unless otherwise specified, references are to Annotated Laws, Michie, 1953 edition.

{{smaller block|Corrupt practice by candidate: A candidate is deemed to have committed a corrupt practice if he fraudulently and willfully obstructs and delays a voter in a general election, primary or caucus (ch. 55, secs. 27, 29).

If five or more persons have reason to believe that a corrupt practice has been committed by any successful candidate, other than a candidate for the United States Congress or the general court, such voters may apply to a justice of the superior court sitting in equity in Suffolk County, for leave to bring an election petition declaring the election of such candidate void (ch. 55, sec. 28).

A candidate found guilty, upon an election petition, of such corrupt practice, who forfeits his office, or who is convicted in a criminal proceeding of violating a law relating to corrupt practices in elections, shall be disqualified to hold office, and to vote, for 3 years (ch. 55, sec. 37).

Interfering with voter: Whoever willfully and without lawful authority hinders, delays, or interferes with a voter while on his way to a primary, caucus, or election, or while within the guardrail, or while marking his ballot, or while voting, or attempting to vote, shall be fined not more than $500, or imprisoned not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 29).

Obstructing voting: Whoever willfully obstructs the voting at a primary, caucus, or election shall be fined not more than $100 (ch. 56, sec. 30).

Coercion by employer: No person shall, by threats to discharge or to reduce wages, or promises of rewards, attempt to influence his employee to either give or withhold a vote, nor shall he discharge an employee, or reduce his wages, because he gave or withheld a vote. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment for not more than 1 year (ch. 56, sec. 33).}}

Michigan: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1956 Revision, title 6.

{{smaller block|Violation deemed felony: Any person who shall, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempt to influence any elector in giving his vote or to deter him from or interrupt him in giving same at any general or primary election, shall be guilty of a felony (sec. 6.1932 (a)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1935).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose written or printed matter in the pay envelopes, or within 90 days before a primary or general election, to exhibit a placard, etc., in establishment where his workers will see it, containing express or implied threats concerning employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 6 .1912). Violation of this provision is deemed a misdemeanor (sec. 6.1931 (d)), punishable by a fine not exceeding $500, or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 90 days, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 6.1934).}}

Minnesota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Annotated, 1946.

{{smaller block|Coercing voters: Any person who, within or without any polling place, directly or indirectly uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or causes, or threatens to cause, damage, harm, or loss to any person, with intent to induce or compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, or to vote in a particular way at any election, or who, by abduction, duress, or other fraudulent device, impedes the free exercise of the right of franchise at any election, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 210.05).

Undue influence by candidate: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, loss, or harm, upon any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, in any particular way; nor shall anyone, by abduction, duress, or fraudulent means, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any voter at a primary or election, or to induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at a primary or election (sec. 211.12). Violation of this provision is deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30).

Refusing employee election privilege: Any person who, as principal or as agent for another, shall directly or indirectly refuse, abridge, or interfere with the election privileges of an employee, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 210.11).

Coercion by employer: No employer, or his agent, shall make any verbal or written, express or implied threats against his employees, involving their employment, with the intention of influencing their political opinion or action (sec. 211.24). Violation of this provision by any person as an individual shall be deemed a gross misdemeanor (sec. 211.30). Violation by an officer or agent of a corporation shall be punished by a fine of from $100 to $5,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years or by both (sec. 211.28). Violation by an officer shall be deemed ''prima facie'' evidence of violation by the corporation. It is made the duty of the county attorney to conduct prosecutions under this chapter (211) on proper complaint.}}

Mississippi: Unless otherwise designated, references are to code, 1942.

{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Whoever shall procure, or endeavor to procure, the vote of any elector, or the influence of any person over electors, at any election, by violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing a debt, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or of inflicting any injury, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or shall be fined not more than $1,000, or shall be both so fined and imprisoned (sec. 2032).

Intimidating electors: Any person who shall by illegal force, or threats of force, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any elector from giving his vote, shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for not more than 2 years, or in a county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not over $500, or by both fine and imprisonment (sec. 2106).

Coercing employees in primary: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether an individual, firm, or corporation, to directly or indirectly coerce his employees to vote for any particular person or party in a primary election, by express or implied threats involving their employment (sec. 3172). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $500 or imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or both, and if violation is by a candidate, he shall forfeit his nomination (sec. 3193 (a)).}}

Missouri: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Annotated Statutes, 1952.

{{smaller block|Violence to influence voter: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, or loss upon or against any person, in order to compel him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise by any elector, or shall thereby induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, shall be imprisoned in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 129.050).

Intimidating voters: If any person, by menaces, threats, or force, or other unlawful means, attempts to influence any qualified voter in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or to disturb or hinder him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage at any election, he shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.430).

Interference with voter: Any person who shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter, when inside the guardrail, or when marking his ballot, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 129.880).

Coercion by employer: Every person, whether an individual employer or an officer or agent of a firm or corporation, who shall directly or indirectly discharge, or attempt to discharge, any employee for his political opinions, or who shall coerce, or threaten to coerce, intimidate, or bribe any employee in an attempt to influence him to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate or measure at any election, shall be deemed guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 2 to 5 years (sec. 129.080).

Violation of this provision by a corporation shall be held as a forfeiture of its charter or franchise, which may be so adjudged in a suit brought by the county or circuit prosecuting attorney or by the attorney general (sec. 129.070).

Denial of time to vote: Any person or corporation who shall deny an employee a certain time for voting without a penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500 (1956 Supp., sec. 129.060).}}

Montana: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Codes, 1947.

{{smaller block|Intimidating electors: Every person who, directly or indirectly, by force, threats, menaces, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote, or to deter him from giving same, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb any elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of not over 1 year, or both (sec. 94–1411).

Preventing public meetings of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in a public meeting for the consideration of public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 94–1419).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any employer, whether individual or corporation, to enclose printed or written material in the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days prior to an election, to display placards, etc., in his working establishment, containing express or implied threats or promises regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or actions of his employees. Violation of this provision by an individual is a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $25 to $500, and imprisonment for not over 6 months in the county jail. Violation by a corporation is punishable by a fine of not over $5,000, or forfeiture of its charter, or both (sec. 94–1424).}}

Nebraska: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1943, reissue of 1952.

{{smaller block|Registration: If at any registration of voters, any person, by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, or other unlawful means, shall prevent, hinder, or delay any qualified person from being registered, he shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by imprisonment in the State prison for from 1 to 5 years (sec. 32–1224 (7)).

Obstructing voters: It shall be unlawful for any person to willfully or wrongly obstruct or prevent persons from voting who have the right to do so, at any election. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor, punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 to 6 months. This shall apply to all elections and caucuses (sec. 32–1237 (2)).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation to coerce, or attempt to coerce, an employee in his voting at any caucus, convention, or election, by threats concerning his employment. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of not over $100, or imprisonment in the county jail for not over 30 days (sec. 32–1223).}}

Nevada.

{{smaller block|Coercion of voters: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or other means, or who shall inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm, or publish, or threaten to publish, any fact concerning a person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, or by threats to discharge an employee, impede or prevent a voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, shall be guilty of undue influence and shall be punished as for a gross misdemeanor (Laws, 1951, ch. 242, p. 360).

Time off to vote: Any employer who shall deny an employee certain time for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (Laws, 1955, ch. 203, p. 301).}}

New Hampshire: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes Annotated, 1955.

{{smaller block|Intimidation: If any person shall, directly or indirectly, by threats, intimidation, or bribery, induce, or attempt to induce, any voter to stay away from, or to avoid voting at, or to vote for or against any candidate in any town meeting, primary, or election, he shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned for not more than 3 months (sec. 69: 11).}}

New Jersey: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes Annotated, 1940, title 19.

{{smaller block|Obstructing voter: A person who shall, on election day, obstruct or interfere with any voter, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $500, or by imprisonment for not more than 1 year, or both (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–6).

Intimidating voters: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular person, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election (1956 Supp., sec. 19: 34–28).

Hindering voter: Whoever shall, at any election, in any way, willfully hinder or prevent a voter from casting his legal vote, knowing such person to have a right to vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of $500, or imprisonment in the State prison for 3 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–20).

Interfering with voter: Any person who shall, by abduction, duress, force, or fraud, impede, prevent, or interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or for any particular candidate, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 19: 34–29, 19: 34–31). An employer who shall so act toward an employee shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by fine of not over $2,000, or imprisonment for not over 5 years, or both (sec. 19: 34–27), and any corporation so acting, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 19: 34–31).

Expenditures prohibited: No person shall contribute money toward the hiring of a person to obstruct, hinder, or prevent the forming of lines of voters awaiting their turn to enter a polling place to vote (sec. 19: 34–38d).

Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert written or printed material into the pay envelopes, or, within 90 days before an election, shall exhibit placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relative to their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 19: 34–30).

Violation of this provision is punishable as for Interfering with voter, above.}}

New Mexico: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1953, Annotated.

{{smaller block|Intimidating voter: Any person who shall willfully coerce, browbeat, intimidate, or threaten any voter within a polling place, or shall attempt to do so, in order to influence the voter in marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $200, imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–8–29).

Intimidation: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, damage, or loss on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of his right of suffrage by any elector, shall be guilty of a felony, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment in the penitentiary for from 1 to 5 years, or by both (sec. 3–8–17).

Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who shall, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, any employee, on account of his political opinion, or who shall, by corrupt means, attempt to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate or measure, shall be fined from $100 to $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3–18–15).}}

New York: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Penal Law (McKinney’s), 1949.

Hindering voter: Any person who willfully and unlawfully hinders or delays, or aids in obstructing or delaying, an elector on his way to register or vote, or while he is attempting to register or vote in a general or special election, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 764 (3)).

Intimidation of elector in military service: Any person, who, directly or indirectly, by menace, bribery, or other corrupt means, attempts to control an elector in the military service of the United States in the exercise of his election rights, or who annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he exercises those rights, is guilty of a misdemeanor for which he may be tried in the future when in the State, and upon conviction of which he shall thereafter be ineligible to any office in the State (sec. 771).

Intimidation of electors: It shall be unlawful for any person to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. Violation of this provision shall be punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment for not over 1 year, or both (sec. 772–a (1)).

Duress and intimidation of voters: Any person or corporation who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or threatens to inflict any injury, damage, or loss on, or otherwise intimidates, any person, in order to induce him to vote, or to refrain from voting, at any election, for or against any person or measure, or to refrain from registering to vote, or for having registered and voted, or for having refrained from registering and voting, or who, by abduction, duress, or fraud, interferes with his free exercise of his right of suffrage, is guilty of a misdemeanor and, if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (1), (2)).

Coercion by employer: Any employer who inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter, or, within 90 days before a general election displays placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, is guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall in addition forfeit its charter (sec. 772 (3)).}}

North Carolina: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Statutes, 1952 Recompilation.

{{smaller block|Interference with voters: Any person who shall interfere with, or attempt to interfere with, any voter when inside enclosed polling space or when marking his ballot, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–176).

Intimidation: Any person who shall, in connection with any primary or election, directly or indirectly, discharge, or threaten to discharge, from employment, or otherwise intimidate or oppress any qualified voter on account of any vote such voter may cast, or intend to cast or not to cast, or which he may have failed to cast, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be fined or imprisoned, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 163–196 (6)).}}

North Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code of 1943.

{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Every person who, by force, threat, bribery, or other corrupt means, directly or indirectly, attempts to influence an elector in giving his vote at any election, or to deter him from giving his vote, or who attempts by any means to awe, restrain, hinder, or disturb an elector in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, or to induce him to vote differently than he intended to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year, and shall forever be disfranchised and ineligible to any office of trust or profit within the State (sec. 12–1106).

Obstructing elector: Every person who willfully, and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1111).

Unlawful influence: Every person, who, willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, and violence, threats of violence, intimidation, threats of withdrawing trade, or of enforcing payment of debts, or of bringing civil or criminal action, or by any other threat of injury, endeavors to prevent an elector from freely giving his vote at any election, or hinders him from voting, or attempts to influence his vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 12–1121).}}

Ohio: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, Page’s, 1951.

{{smaller block|Congregating at the polls: Nobody shall congregate in or about a voting place during the voting, so as to hinder an elector in registering or casting his ballot, after having been ordered by the election officer to disperse. Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $20 to $300, or imprisonment for not more than 6 months, or both (sec. 3599.30).

Intimidation: No person shall before, during or after any primary, convention, or election, attempt by intimidation, coercion, ​or other unlawful means to induce a delegate or an elector to register or to vote, or to refrain from registering or from voting for a particular person or measure.

Violation of this provision is deemed bribery and is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or imprisonment of from 1 to 3 years, or both, and if offender is a candidate for office or has been elected to office, he shall forfeit such nomination or office (1956 supp., sec. 3599.01 (B)).

Coercion by employer: No employer shall insert in pay envelopes or shall post on placards, etc., any express or implied threats concerning their employment, with intent to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.

Violation of this provision is a corrupt practice, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $1,000 (sec. 3599.05).

Second offense: Any person who is again convicted of a violation of the election laws, whether for the same offense or not, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000, or imprisoned for from 1 to 5 years, or both, and in addition shall be disfranchised (1956 Supp., sec. 3599.39).}}

Oklahoma: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Ann., 1937, title 21.

{{smaller block|Obstructing elector on way to polls: Every person who willfully and without authority, obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on the way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 186).

Preventing public meeting: Every person, who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in, or prevents an elector from attending public meeting to consider public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor (secs. 212, 213).

Intimidating voter: Every person who willfully, by unlawful arrest, force, violence, threats, or intimidation, prevents or, attempts to prevent, an elector from freely giving his vote at an election or attempts to hinder him from voting or to cause him to vote for any person or candidate, shall be fined from $50 to $1,000 (sec. 214).

Illegally influencing vote: Every person who procures, or attempts to procure, the vote of any elector, either for himself, or for or against any candidate, by means of violence, threats of violence, threats of withdrawing trade, of enforcing payment of debts, of bringing civil or criminal action, or any other threats of injury, shall be fined not more than $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for not over 6 months (sec. 215).

Intimidations: If any person in any manner intimidates or attempts to intimidate or deter anyone from voting at a general or primary election, he shall be fined not less than $10, or be imprisoned for not more than 3 months (title 26, sec. 479).

Coercion by employer: Every employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, who denies employees certain time for voting in an election, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $50 to $500 for each elector so denied, and every agent of employer who violates this provision, shall in addition to the fine, be imprisoned in the county jail for from 2 to 6 months (title 26, sec. 438).

Employer corporation: Any corporation which attempts to influence the votes of its employees or of other persons by threat, intimidation, bribe, or other corrupt means, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of from $500 to $5,000, and the person acting as its agent, who so acts, shall be fined from $500 to $1,000 and imprisoned in the county jail for from 60 to 120 days (title 26, sec. 440).}}

Oregon: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Statutes, 1955.

{{smaller block|Undue influence: No person shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, coercion, violence, restraint, or undue influence, or inflict, or threaten to inflict, harm or damage on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any candidate, party, or measure. No minister, priest, or officer of a church, shall otherwise than by public speech or print persuade any voter to vote or refrain from voting for any candidate, party, or measure. No person shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent any voter in the free exercise of the franchise in any election.

Violation of this provision shall be punished as for a corrupt practice (sec. 260.300), by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 1 year, or by a fine of not more than $5,000 or both (sec. 260.510).

Interference with voter: No person shall interfere, or attempt to interfere, with any voter when inside the enclosed space or when marking his ballot (sec. 260.640 (4)). Violation of this provision is punishable by a fine of from $50 to $200 (sec. 260.640 (6)).

Intimidation of voter: No person shall, by menace, threat, or violence, whether armed or unarmed, intimidate or prevent any person from voting, or attempt to do so. Violation of this provision is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for from 3 months to 1 year (sec. 260.720).

Coercion by employer: No person or corporation shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, harm, or loss, on any of his employees, to compel them to register or to vote, or refrain from registering or from voting, at any election, or for or against any person or measure.

No person or corporation shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, attempt to hinder, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any of his employees.

No such employer shall insert in the pay envelopes any written or printed matter, or within 90 days before a general election display placards, etc., which shall contain express or implied threats intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees.

Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 260.730), punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and if a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter in addition (sec. 260.740).}}

Pennsylvania: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Purdon’s Statutes Annotated, 1938, title 25.

{{smaller block|Interference with primaries and election: If any person shall block up the avenue to the door of any polling place, or shall attempt to do so, or shall use intimidation, threats, force, or violence, to unduly influence or overawe any elector, or to prevent him from voting or to restrain his freedom of choice at a primary or election, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of from 6 months to 5 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3527).

Duress and intimidation: Any person or corporation who directly or indirectly (a) uses or threatens to use force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, injury, harm, or loss on any person in order to induce him to register or vote or refrain from registering or from voting at any election, or for or against any person or measure, or for having so registered, voted, or refrained, or (b) by abduction, fraud, or duress impedes or hinders any voter from freely exercising his right of suffrage, or (c) being an employer, inserts in the pay envelopes written or printed matter or within 90 days before an election or primary exhibits placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment of the offending officers or agents for not more than 1 year, or by both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 3547).}}

Rhode Island: Unless otherwise designated, references are to General Laws of 1938, chapter 325.

{{smaller block|Intimidation: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use any threat, or employ any means of intimidation, for the purpose of influencing an elector to vote, or withhold his vote, at any election, for or against any candidate or measure, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years or by both in the discretion of the court, and shall be disfranchised (sec. 5).

Coercion by employer: Any person, being an employer, who, within 90 days before a general election, inserts written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or exhibits placards in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees, shall be punished by a fine of from $500 to $1,000, or by imprisonment for from 6 months to 2 years, or by both, in the discretion of the court, and shall thereafter be disfranchised and ineligible for public office. If employer is a corporation, it shall forfeit its charter (sec. 5).}}

South Carolina: South Carolina constitution election provisions:

{{smaller block|Article 1, section 9:

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9: SUFFRAGE}}}}

The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10: ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}

All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5: APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}

Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8: REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}

The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15: RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}

No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.

{{c|{{asc|SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23}}

''23–73. Appeal from denial of registration''}}

The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.

{{c|''23–74. Proceedings in court of common pleas''}}

Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.

{{c|''23–75. Further appeal to supreme court''

From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.

{{c|''23–100. Right to vote''}}

No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}

{{c|''23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.''}}

No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.

{{c|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}

No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.

{{c|''23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats''}}

At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.

{{c|''23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.''}}

If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.

{{c|''23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct''}}

It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.

{{c|''23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.''}}

In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.

{{c|''23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally''}}

Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}

South Dakota: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1939.

{{smaller block|Unlawful influence of voters: Every person who, directly or indirectly, willfully, by force or violence, or unlawful arrest, or abduction, duress, damage, harm, or loss, or by fraud, or by threats to use any such means, or by threats to bring civil or criminal action, or to withdraw trade or to enforce payment of debts, or to inflict any injury on the voter or other person, attempts to intimidate a voter into voting, or refraining from voting, for any candidate or measure, or who does any of these things because a voter has already voted or refrained from voting for any candidate or measure, or who willfully and without lawful authority obstructs, hinders, or delays any elector on his way to the polls to vote, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0913).

Obstructing public meeting of electors: Every person who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful force or violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meeting for considering public questions, or who so hinders or prevents any elector from attending any such meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 13.0915).

Primary: Any person who shall in any way obstruct the voting of any elector at a primary election, or intimidate any elector from attending a primary or voting thereat shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9907).

Coercion by employer: Any person who shall deny an employee certain time for voting at a general election without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 16.9922). This shall only apply in the case of an employee who does not have a period of 2 consecutive hours during the time the polls are open when he is not required to be at work (Laws, 1955, ch. 57, p. 157).

Any employer who shall insert written or printed matter into the pay envelopes of employees or shall within 90 days prior to an election exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats regarding their employment, with the intention of influencing the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and if a corporation, shall forfeit its charter (sec. 13.0914).}}

Tennessee: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1955.

{{smaller block|Intimidation: It is a misdemeanor for any person, directly or indirectly, by force or threats, to prevent or attempt to prevent an elector from voting at a primary or general election or to inflict or threaten to inflict injury, damage, or harm or other means of intimidation upon any person in order to compel him to vote or refrain from voting for any person or measure or because he has already so voted or refrained from voting (sec. 2–2211).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer to coerce or direct any employee or to threaten to discharge him, in order to induce him to vote or refrain from ​​voting for any candidate at a primary or general election or for any measure. It shall be unlawful to discharge an employee for his having voted, or refrained from voting, or for his having voted for or against any candidate or measure. Violation of these provisions is punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $5,000, or imprisonment in the county jail or workhouse for not more than 6 months, or both, and in addition thereto, if employer is a corporation, by forfeiture of its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 2–2236).

It is a misdemeanor for an employer, within 90 days of an election or primary, to display placards, etc., in his establishment, containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinions or actions of his employees (sec. 2–2237).}}

Texas: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Vernon’s Penal Code, Annotated 1951.

{{smaller block|Intimidation by election officer: Any election officer who shall, by violence or threats of violence, attempt to influence the vote of an elector for or against any particular candidate, shall be fined not over $1,000 (art. 220).

Intimidation of electors: Whoever shall by force or intimidation, obstruct or influence, or attempt to obstruct or influence, any voter in his free exercise of the elective franchise, shall be fined from $100 to $500, and in addition thereto, may be imprisoned in jail for not more than 1 month (art. 256, 255).

Election for constitutional amendments: Any election officer or any other person within 100 feet of the voting box on election day, who shall intimidate or attempt to intimidate any qualified voter from voting on any question submitted to the people for amending the constitution of the State, or who shall attempt to influence his vote, shall be fined from $50 to $500 (art. 272).

Person in service of United States: Any person in the civil or military service of the United States in Texas, who by threats, bribery, menace, or other corrupt means, controls, or attempts to control, the vote of an elector, or annoys, injures, or punishes him for the manner in which he has exercised his right of elective franchise, shall be fined not more than $500, and may be arrested and tried at any future time when he may be found in Texas (art. 258).

Coercion by employer: Whoever shall deny an employee the privilege of attending the polls without penalty or deduction of wages, shall be fined not more than $500 (art. 209).}}

Utah: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code Annotated, 1953.

The following provisions apply to general, special, and primary elections (sec. 20–13–20):

{{smaller block|Disturbance: Any person who so interferes with the voters at any election as to prevent such election from being fairly held, is guilty of a felony (sec. 20–13–3), punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by imprisonment in the State prison for not more than 5 years or by both (sec. 20–13–4).

Intimidation: It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, to use force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict, or threaten to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, for any person or measure at any election, or on account of such person having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election. It shall be unlawful for any person, by abduction, fraud, or duress, to impede, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter. Violation of these provisions is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).

Coercion by employer: It shall be unlawful for an employer, whether individual, firm, or corporation, to enclose in pay envelopes of employees, written or printed matter, or within 90 days of any election, to exhibit placards, etc., containing express or implied threats concerning their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or actions of employees. Violation of this provision is a misdemeanor (sec. 20–13–6).

It shall be unlawful for any corporation or its agent to influence or attempt to influence any employee, by force, violence, or restraint, or by inflicting, or threatening to inflict, injury or damage, or by discharging from employment or promoting in employment, or by any other form of intimidation, to vote, or not to vote, at any election, or for any person or measure. Violation of this chapter is a misdemeanor, in addition to punishment for which, a corporation shall forfeit its charter and right to do business in the State (sec. 20–13–7).

Any person who shall refuse to allow an employee certain time off for voting without penalty or reduction in wages, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor. This shall not apply to employees who are paid by the hour (sec. 20–13–18).}}

Vermont: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, Revision of 1947.

{{smaller block|Interference with voter: A person who interferes with a voter when inside the guardrail, shall be fined $50. The election officers shall see that the offender is duly prosecuted (sec. 379).

Undue influence: A person who attempts by bribery, threats, or any undue influence to dictate, or control, or alter the vote of a freeman about to be given at a general election shall be fined not more than $200 (sec. 388).

Hindering voting: A person who willfully hinders the voting of others during an election, shall be fined $50 (art. 390).

Primary: The above provisions under “undue influence” and “hindering voting” shall also apply to primary elections (sec. 391).}}

Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1950.

{{smaller block|Intimidation of voters: If it shall appear at an election that the voters are being intimidated or coerced from any source in the exercise of their suffrage by bystanders about the polling place, or that voters are being hindered or tampered with in any way so as to prevent their casting a secret ballot, the judges of election may order the person engaged in so intimidating, coercing, or hindering the voters, to cease such action, and if he does not forthwith desist, the judges or a majority of them may order the arrest of such person by anyone authorized to make arrests, and may confine him in the county or city jail for not over 24 hours, and such person, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished as for a misdemeanor (sec. 24–190).

Voting offenses: If any person, by threat or bribery, attempts to influence any elector in giving his vote, or attempts to deter him from giving his vote, he shall be confined in jail for not more than 1 year and fined not over $1,000 (sec. 24–450).

Registration: Any registration officer who willfully or maliciously rejects from registering any person, contrary to law, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor (sec. 24–453).

Misdemeanor: A misdemeanor, under the election laws, unless otherwise specified, is punishable by a fine of not over $1,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 12 months, or both (sec. 24–455).}}

Washington: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Revised Code, 1951, title 29.

{{smaller block|Hindering electors: Any person who uses menace, force, threat, or corrupt means, at or prior to any election, toward any elector, to hinder or deter him from voting at such election, or authorizes another to do so, shall be guilty of a felony. Any election officer who, by menace, persuasion, or reward, attempts to induce an elector to vote for any person, shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor (sec. 29.85.060).

Influencing voter: Any person who directly or indirectly, by menace or other corrupt means, attempts to influence a person in giving or refusing to give his vote in any election, or deters, disturbs, hinders, persuades, threatens, or intimidates any person from giving his vote therein, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $250 or by imprisonment for 6 months or both (sec. 29.85.070).

Recall: Every person shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor, who by any corrupt means or by threats or intimidation, interferes with or attempts to interfere with the right of any legal voter to sign, or not to sign, any recall petition, or to vote for or against any recall (1953 Supp., sec. 29.82.220 (5)).}}

West Virginia: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Code of 1955, Annotated (Michie).

{{smaller block|Interference with voter: Any person who shall, by any manner of force, fraud, menace, or intimidation, prevent, or attempt to prevent, any voter from attending any election or from freely exercising his right of suffrage thereat, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $1,000 or by confinement in the county jail for not over 1 year, or both, in the discretion of the court (sec. 164).

Threat of violence: Any person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, or shall inflict, or threaten to inflict, injury, harm, or loss, or other form of intimidation on any person, in order to induce him to vote, or refrain from voting, or on account of his having voted, or refrained from voting, at any election, or who shall by abduction, fraud, or duress, prevent or impede any voter from exercising freely his right of suffrage, or shall thereby compel him to either vote, or refrain from voting, for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (c)).

Coercion by employer: Any employer, whether individual or corporation, who prints on pay envelopes of employees or on placards, etc., in his establishment, express or implied threats relating to their employment, intended to influence the political opinion or votes of his employees, shall be guilty of corrupt practices, punishable by a fine of from $1,000 to $20,000, or by imprisonment in jail for not more than 1 year, or both (sec. 169 (1)).

Any employer who shall give any notice or information to his employees containing any threat, either express or implied, intended to influence the political view or actions of his employees, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of not over $10,000, or by confinement in jail for not over 1 year (sec. 191 (d)).}}

Wisconsin: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Statutes, 1951.

{{smaller block|Threats: Every person who shall, directly or indirectly, use, or threaten to use, force, violence, or restraint, in order to compel any person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election, or who shall, by abduction, fraud, or duress, impede or prevent the free exercise of the franchise at any election, or shall thereby induce an elector to give, or refrain from giving, his vote at any election for or against any particular candidate or measure, shall be punished by imprisonment in the county jail for from 1 month to 1 year (sec. 346.17, renumbered sec. 12.52 by Laws, 1955, ch. 696, sec. 160).

Coercion by employer: No employer shall distribute among his employees any printed or written matter containing express or implied threats relating to their employment, calculated to influence the political opinion or actions of his employees (sec. 12.19). Penalties for violation of this provision refer to violations by candidates or their committees (sec. 12.28).}}

Wyoming: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Wyoming Compiled Statutes Annotated, 1945.

{{smaller block|Interfering with election: Any person who shall, during an election, willfully hinder the voting of others, shall be fined from $25 to $100 (sec. 31–2309).

Misconduct: No person shall attempt to influence the vote of election by means of violence, or threats of violence, or threats of withdrawing trade, or enforcing payment of a debt, or discharging from employment, or bringing a civil or criminal action or any other threat of injury to be inflicted on him (sec. 31–2312 (8)).

No person shall prevent or attempt to prevent any qualified elector from voting (sec. 31–2312 (10)).

Violation of these provisions is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not over 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or both (sec. 31–2312 (22)).}}

Mr. President, I have read the election laws.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have read the election laws of every State in the Union, from Alabama to Wyoming, showing that the States now have, on their statute books and in their constitutions, provisions to protect the right to vote. The accuracy of the statutes which I have just recited is confirmed by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress.

No one can say that any State, from Alabama through Wyoming, does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

The bill before the Senate is called a right-to-vote bill. Why is it called that? Every State has statutes to protect the right to vote. The sovereign States are protecting their citizens in the right to vote. Yet there is a big cry and a big hue about a voting law. As a matter of fact, the only thing that instigated this bill was the desire of both parties, the Democratic and the Republican, to play to minority votes. That is the purpose of the bill. It is purely political. Why do we need a Federal law when every State has a statute to protect the right to vote? And who is in a better position to protect the right to vote than the officials of the States?

Suppose the voting laws of all the States were abrogated and violated. Does the Federal Government have a police system which would enable it to send officials into every State to police the election laws of every State? If so, it would change our entire conception of the Government of this Nation.

The Constitution of the United States was written in 1789, in Philadelphia. It was ratified by nine Colonies which made them States and created the Union; 2 years later the Bill of Rights was adopted; and in the 10th amendment, which is a part of the Bill of Rights, it is provided that all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States. There is nothing in the Constitution that delegates those powers to the Federal Government. Therefore, those rights are reserved to the States, and it is unlawful and unconstitutional for Congress to attempt to pass a law that will set up an administration which will attempt to bring about a policing of all the elections in all the 48 States of this Nation.

Some persons say, “Well, the States won’t enforce the voting laws. We have got to have a Federal law. Some States deny the vote to citizens.” I question that. Has there been a single instance brought before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the United States and proof presented that anyone has been denied the vote? From my understanding, and from the minority report which was submitted by some members of the Judiciary Committee, that has not been the case. So why does the Federal Government want to enter a field into which it has no constitutional authority to enter? As a matter of fact, the Federal Government already has a statute, I say to those who say the States are not protecting the right to vote. I am wondering if the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives have overlooked the Federal statute. I shall read that statute, so that Senators can know that we now have a Federal statute to protect the right to vote.

I shall read several provisions. The last one is the most applicable, and one on which I shall comment a little more, but I want to start with chapter 29 of title 18 of the Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

That is the United States Code, Criminal Code, and Criminal Procedure. Chapter 29 is entitled “Elections and Political Activities.”

Section 591 reads:

{{smaller block|Definitions:

When used in sections 597, 599, 602, 609, and 610 of this title—

The term “election” includes a general or special election, but does not include a primary election or convention of a political party.}}

But under a decision of the Supreme Court, in a case which went up from my own State of South Carolina, it was held that the primary election was a part of the election machinery; and the decision was rendered on that subject.

{{smaller block|The term “candidate” means an individual whose name is presented for election as Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, the Congress of the United States, whether or not such individual is elected;

The term “political committee” includes any committee, association, or organization which accepts contributions or makes expenditures for the purpose of influencing or attempting to influence the election of candidates or presidential and vice presidential electors (1) in two or more States, or (2) whether or not in more than one State if such committee, association, or organization (other than a duly organized State or local committee of a political party) is a branch or subsidiary of a national committee, association, or organization;

The term “contribution” includes a gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make a contribution, whether or not legally enforceable;

The term “expenditure” includes a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement to make an expenditure, whether or not legally enforceable;

The term “person” or the term “whoever” includes an individual, partnership, committee, association, corporation, and any other organization or group of persons;

The term “State” includes Territory and possession of the United States. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 9, 63 Stat. 90.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 592. Troops at polls.

Whoever, being an officer of the Army or Navy, or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.

This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 593. Interference by Armed Forces.

Whoever, being an officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States, prescribes or fixes or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State; or

Whoever, being such officer or member, prevents, or attempts to prevent, by force, threat, intimidation, advice, or otherwise any qualified voter of any State from fully exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election; or

{{smaller block|Whoever, being such officer or member, orders or compels or attempts to compel any election officer in any State to receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote; or

Whoever, being such officer or member, imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election in a State, different from those prescribed by law; or

Whoever, being such officer or member, interferes in any manner with an election officer’s discharge of his duties—

Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States.

This section shall not prevent any officer or member of the Armed Forces from exercising the right of suffrage in any district to which he may belong, if otherwise qualified according to the laws of the State of such district. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 719.)}}

I shall now comment on section 594, which is entitled “Intimidation of Voters.” I cannot help but believe that Members of Congress in some way must have overlooked this statute, if they believe a Federal statute is essential on this subject, which I do not. This is the way the section reads:

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 594. Intimidation of voters.

Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}

Mr. President, I do not think this statute is constitutional, in section 594, because I think the question is a matter reserved to the States. Since evidently there were people who thought the Federal Government did need to enter this field and who must have felt that it would not be unconstitutional for the Federal Government to enter it, this section was adopted. This section provides, as I have just read, for the punishment of anyone who attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose.

What is the purpose of the bill now under consideration, H. R. 6127? It is called the right-to-vote bill. The Federal statute here, in section 594 of title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure, is just as plain on the subject as it can be. There is the Federal statute on the question of voting. I do not like it, because I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field, but we have the statute, in section 594.

If there has been any violation of voting rights in this country, if there has been a single case of any person who claims that he has been intimidated or threatened or coerced to vote, the Federal Government has the power, under that statute, to punish anyone if he is convicted for such offense.

Either this statute has not been enforced, if there have been violations, or else there have been no violations. So when the Federal Government asks that another voting law be passed, such as House bill 6127, it is admitting 1 of 2 things: Either there have been no violations of the rights of people to vote, or the Justice Department is not enforcing the law on this subject.

I do not see what good it would do to enact another statute. What good would another statute do, if we have a statute already on the books? I have heard of no cases brought under this statute. There must not have been any violations. If there have been violations, the Federal Government has failed to prosecute violators, which it could do under this law.

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 595. Interference by administrative employees of Federal, State, or Territorial governments.

Whoever, being a person employed in any administrative position by the United States, or by any department or agency thereof, or by the District of Columbia, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, or by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States, or any political subdivision, municipality, or agency thereof, or agency of such political subdivision or municipality (including any corporation owned or controlled by any State, Territory, or possession of the United States or by any such political subdivision, municipality, or agency), in connection with any activity which is financed in whole or in part by loans or grants made by the United States, or any department or agency thereof, uses his official authority for the purpose of interfering with, or affecting, the nomination or the election of any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the House of Representatives, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner from any Territory or possession, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.

This section shall not prohibit or make unlawful any act by any officer or employee of any educational or research institution, establishment, agency, or system which is supported in whole or in part by any State or political subdivision thereof, or by the District of Columbia or by any Territory or possession of the United States; or by any recognized religious, philanthropic, or cultural organization. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 596. Polling Armed Forces.

Whoever, within or without the Armed Forces of the United States, polls any member of such forces, either within or without the United States, either before or after he executes any ballot under any Federal or State law, with reference to his choice of or his vote for any candidate, or states, publishes, or releases any result of any purported poll taken from or among the members of the Armed Forces of the United States or including within it the statement of choice for such candidate or of such votes cast by any member of the Armed Forces of the United States, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned for not more than 1 year, or both.

The word “poll” means any request for information, verbal or written, which by its language or form of expression requires or implies the necessity of an answer, where the request is made with the intent of compiling the result of the answers obtained, either for the personal use of the person making the request, or for the purpose of reporting the same to any other person, persons, political party, unincorporated association or corporation, or for the purpose of publishing the same orally, by radio, or in written or printed form. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 597. Expenditures to influence voting.

Whoever makes or offers to make an expenditure to any person, either to vote or withhold his vote, or to vote for or against any candidate; and

Whoever solicits, accepts, or receives any such expenditure in consideration of his vote or the withholding of his vote—

Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 598. Coercion by means of relief appropriations.

Whoever uses any part of any appropriation made by Congress for work relief, relief, or for increasing employment by providing loans and grants for public-works projects, or exercises or administers any authority conferred by any appropriation act for the purpose of interfering with, restraining, or coercing any individual in the exercise of his right to vote at any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 599. Promise of appointment by candidate.

Whoever, being a candidate, directly or indirectly promises or pledges the appointment, or the use of his influence or support for the appointment of any person to any public or private position or employment, for the purpose of procuring support in his candidacy shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 600. Promise of employment or other benefit for political activity.

Whoever, directly or indirectly, promises any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit, provided for or made possible in whole or in part by any act of Congress, to any person as consideration, favor, or reward for any political activity, or for the support of or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 601. Deprivation of employment or other benefit for political activity.

Whoever, except as required by law, directly or indirectly, deprives, attempts to deprive, or threatens to deprive any person of any employment, position, work, compensation, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, on account of race, creed, color, or any political activity, support of, or opposition to any candidate or any political party in any election, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62, Stat. 721.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 602. Solicitation of political contributions.

Whoever, being a Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to, or a candidate for Congress, or individual elected as, Senator, Representative, Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, or an officer or employee of the United States or any department or agency thereof, or a person receiving any salary or compensation for services from money derived from the Treasury of the United States, directly or indirectly solicits, receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose whatever, from any other such officer, employee, or person, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 603. Place of solicitation.

Whoever, in any room or building occupied in the discharge of official duties by any person mentioned in section 602 of this title, or in any navy yard, fort, or arsenal, solicits or receives any contribution of money or other thing of value for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722; October 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (b), 65 Stat. 718.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 604. Solicitation from persons on relief.

Whoever solicits or receives, or is in any manner concerned in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription, or contribution for any political purpose from any person known by him to be entitled to, or receiving​ compensation, employment, or other benefit provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating funds for work relief or relief purposes, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 605. Disclosure of names of persons on relief.

Whoever, for political purposes, furnishes or discloses any list or names of persons receiving compensation, employment, or benefits provided for or made possible by any act of Congress appropriating, or authorizing the appropriation of funds for work relief or relief purposes, to a political candidate, committee, campaign manager, or to any person for delivery to a political candidate, committee, or campaign manager; and

Whoever receives any such list or names for political purposes—

Shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 606. Intimidation to secure political contributions.

Whoever, being one of the officers or employees of the United States mentioned in section 602 of this title, discharges, or promotes, or degrades, or in any manner changes the official rank or compensation of any other officer or employee, or promises or threatens so to do, for giving or withholding or neglecting to make any contribution of money or other valuable thing for any political purpose, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 607. Making political contributions.

Whoever, being an officer, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States or any department or agency thereof, directly or indirectly gives or hands over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the United States, or to any Senator or Member of or Delegate to Congress, or Resident Commissioner, any money or other valuable thing on account of or to be applied to the promotion of any political object, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 722.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 608. Limitations on political contributions and purchases.

(a) Whoever, directly or indirectly, makes contributions in an aggregate amount in excess of $5,000 during any calendar year, or in connection with any campaign for nomination or election, to or on behalf of any candidate for an elective Federal office, including the offices of President of the United States and presidential and vice presidential electors, or to or on behalf of any committee or other organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.

This subsection shall not apply to contributions made to or by a State or local committee or other State or local organization or to similar committees or organizations in the District of Columbia or in any Territory or possession of the United States.

(b) Whoever purchases or buys any goods, commodities, advertising, or articles of any kind or description, the proceeds of which, or any portion thereof, directly or indirectly inures to the benefit of or for any candidate for an elective Federal office including the offices of President of the United States, and presidential and vice-presidential electors or any political committee or other political organization engaged in furthering, advancing, or advocating the nomination or election of any candidate for any such office or the success of any national political party, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.

This subsection shall not interfere with the usual and known business, trade, or profession of any candidate.

(c) In all cases of violations of this section by a partnership, committee, association, corporation, or other organization or group of persons, the officers, directors, or managing heads thereof who knowingly and willfully participate in such violation, shall be punished as herein provided.

(d) The term “contribution,” as used in this section, shall have the same meaning prescribed by section 591 of this title. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)}}

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Clark}} in the chair). The Senate will be in order. The Chair cannot hear the Senator from South Carolina. The Senator may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue by reading section 609:

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 609. Maximum contributions and expenditures.

No political committee shall receive contributions aggregating more than $3 million, or make expenditures aggregating more than $3 million, during any calendar year.

For the purposes of this section, any contributions received and any expenditures made on behalf of any political committee with the knowledge and consent of the chairman or treasurer of such committee shall be deemed to be received or made by such committee.

Any violation of this section by any political committee shall be deemed also to be a violation by the chairman and the treasurer of such committee and by any other person responsible for such violation and shall be punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment of not more than 1 year, or both; and, if the violation was willful, by a fine of not more than $10,000, or imprisonment of not more than 2 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 610. Contributions or expenditures by national banks, corporations, or labor organizations.

It is unlawful for any national bank, or any corporation organized by authority of any law of Congress, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election to any political office, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any political office, or for any corporation whatever, or any labor organization, to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which presidential and vice-presidential electors or a Senator or Representative are, or a Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress are to be voted for, or in connection with any primary election or political convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate, political committee, or other person to accept or receive any contribution prohibited by this section.

Every corporation or labor organization which makes any contribution or expenditure in violation of this section shall be fined not more than $5,000; and every officer or director of any corporation, or officer of any labor organization, who consents to any contribution or expenditure by the corporation or labor organization, as the case may be, and any person who accepts or receives any contribution, in violation of this section, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both; and if the violation was willful, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.

For the purposes of this section “labor organization” means any organization of any kind, or any agency or employee representation committee or plan, in which employees participate and which exist for the purpose, in whole or in part, of dealing with employers concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay, hours of employment, or conditions of work. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 723; May 24, 1949, ch. 139, sec. 10, 63 Stat. 90; Oct. 31, 1951, ch. 655, sec. 20 (c), 65 Stat. 718.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 611. Contributions by firms or individuals contracting with the United States.

Whoever, entering into any contract with the United States or any department or agency thereof, either for the rendition of personal services or furnishing any material, supplies, or equipment to the United States or any department or agency thereof, or selling any land or building to the United States or any department or agency thereof, if payment for the performance of such contract or payment for such material, supplies, equipment, land, or building is to be made in whole or in part from funds appropriated by the Congress, during the period of negotiation for, or performance under such contract or furnishing of material, supplies, equipment, land, or buildings, directly or indirectly makes any contribution of money or any other thing of value, or promises expressly or impliedly to make any such contribution, to any political party committee, or candidate for public office or to any person for any political purpose or use; or

Whoever knowingly solicits any such contribution from any such person or firm, for any such purpose during any such period—

Shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724.)

{{sc|Sec.}} 612. Publication or distribution of political statements.

Whoever willfully publishes or distributes, or causes to be published or distributed, or for the purpose of publishing or distributing the same, knowingly deposits for mailing or delivery, or causes to be deposited for mailing or delivery, or, except in cases of employees of the Post Office Department in the official discharge of their duties, knowingly transports or causes to be transported in interstate commerce any card, pamphlet, circular, poster, dodger, advertisement, writing, or other statement relating to or concerning any person who has publicly declared his intention to seek the office of President, or Vice President of the United States, or Senator or Representative in, or Delegate or Resident Commissioner to Congress, in a primary, general, or special election, or convention of a political party, or has caused or permitted his intention to do so to be publicly declared, which does not contain the names of the persons, associations, committees, or corporations responsible for the publication or distribution of the same, and the names of the officers of each such association, committee, or corporation, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 724; Aug. 25, 1950, ch. 784, sec. 2, 64 Stat. 475.)}}

Mr. President, I have read those Federal statutes to show that we have in title 18, chapter 29, provision for elections and political activities, and the specific section to which I referred and attempted to emphasize, section 594, provides especially for the punishment of anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces any other person for interfering with his right to vote or to vote as he may choose. That is in the Federal statutes.

Again I ask, Why does the Congress need to pass another law when we have a law, a law with teeth in it, a law that provides a punishment of as much as $1,000 or imprisonment for as long as one year, or both? In other words, under this statute, the Federal Government, through the Justice Department, can prosecute any person who intimidates, threatens, or coerces another person for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote and to vote as he chooses. If we have that kind of law on the books now, why do we need another law? As I stated a few moments ago, I do not think the Federal Government has jurisdiction in this field. But they have entered this field, and laws on the subject have been enacted. Section 594 gives the Federal Government all the authority it needs to protect the right to vote in any State of this Nation. Section 594 makes provision for specific punishment if anyone violates the section and attempts to deny the right to vote, or threatens, intimidates, or coerces one in his right to vote and to vote as he chooses.

So with every State in the Nation having laws on the subject to protect the right to vote, and with the Federal Government having laws on this subject to protect the right to vote, why do we need to pass another bill, another bill which is unconstitutional, another bill which violates the Constitution of the United States? I will come to that later on in my address. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States.

I am going to take up after a while a decision which shows that criminal contempt is a crime, and if criminal contempt is a crime, then it falls within the category of the provision of the Constitution of the United States which says that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. It does not specify by degree. If he is entitled to a jury trial, he is entitled to it. The Senate passed a bill with an amendment providing for jury trial. The bill went back to the House, the House amended it, and added a provision that the judge in his discretion could try the case if the punishment was not over 45 days or a fine of $300. That is not what the Constitution says. The Constitution does not provide that a man is entitled to a jury trial under certain conditions, if the House had fixed the fine at $1 instead of $300 and denied a man the right of a trial by jury, in my opinion it still would have been unconstitutional. I shall develop that more as my address goes on.

Mr. President, I shall now take up specific points of the proposed compromise on the jury trial provisions of H. R. 6127, so as to point out the lack of constitutionality of the provisions in connection with contempt of court proceedings.

A so-called compromise has been reached among advocates of civil-rights legislation—H. R. 6127—whereby a jury trial would be given in certain criminal contempts of Federal courts.

The purpose of this speech is to point out the objectionable features of the proposed compromise and to show conclusively that it is unconstitutional.

The proposed jury-trial amendment, being part V of H. R. 6127, reads as follows:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|PART V—TO PROVIDE TRIAL BY JURY FOR PROCEEDINGS TO PUNISH CRIMINAL CONTEMPTS OF COURT ARISING OUT OF CIVIL-RIGHTS CASES AND TO AMEND THE JUDICIAL CODE RELATING TO FEDERAL JURY QUALIFICATIONS}}}}

{{sc|Sec.}} 151. In all cases of criminal contempt arising under the provisions of this act, the accused, upon conviction, shall be punished by fine or imprisonment or both: ''Provided, however'', That in case the accused is a natural person the fine to be paid shall not exceed the sum of $1,000, nor shall imprisonment exceed the term of 6 months: ''Provided further'', That in any such proceeding for criminal contempt, at the discretion of the judge, the accused may be tried with or without a jury: ''Provided further, however'', That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of the $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury, which shall conform as near as may be to the practice in other criminal cases.

This section shall not apply to contempts committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice nor to the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders, or process of the court.

Nor shall anything herein or in any other provision of law be construed to deprive courts of their power, by civil contempt proceedings, without a jury, to secure compliance with or to prevent obstruction of, as distinguished from punishment for violations of, any lawful writ, process, order, rule, decree, or command of the court in accordance with the prevailing usages of law and equity, including the power of detention.

{{sc|Sec.}} 152. Section 1861, title 28, of the United States Code is hereby amended to read as follows:

“1861. Qualifications of Federal jurors.

“Any citizen of the United States who has attained the age of 21 years and who has resided for a period of 1 year within the judicial district, is competent to serve as a grand or petit juror unless:

“(1) He has been convicted in a State or Federal court of record of a crime punishable by imprisonment for more than 1 year and his civil rights have not been restored by pardon or amnesty.

“(2) He is unable to read, write, speak, and understand the English language.

“(3) He is incapable, by reason of mental or physical infirmities, to render efficient jury service.”}}

Mr. President, those are the provisions of the so-called compromise.

I wish to have all other Members of the Senate and all other citizens of these United States know just what the compromise provides.

First, Mr. President, this amendment is clearly unconstitutional because of vagueness.

It is an established principle of constitutional law that crimes must be clearly defined. If this amendment were enacted, persons charged with contempt would be deprived of their liberty and property without due process of law, in violation of the 14th amendment to the Federal Constitution. Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under a statute by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them.

This point is clearly brought out in Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, in the second edition, third volume, at page 1727. Here is what this great authority on the Constitution has to say on this point:

{{smaller block|1142. Crimes must be clearly defined.

Due process of law requires that one shall not be held criminally responsible under statutes by which offenses are so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable one to determine whether or not he is committing them. “A statute which either forbids or requires the doing of an act in terms so vague that men of common intelligence must necessarily guess at its meaning and differ as to its application violates the first essential of due process of law.” ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' (269 U. S. 385).}}

The first sentence of the proposed amendment—section 151—refers to criminal contempt and provides for punishment upon conviction. The first ''proviso'' of the first sentence refers to natural persons; and for such natural persons, the fine is limited to $1,000 or—in the alternative—imprisonment is limited to 6 months. This first ''proviso'' is obviously drafted to bring the offense within the present definition of “misdemeanor,” as classified by the Congress in the adoption of title 18 of the United States Code on June 25, 1948. Section 1 of title 18, United States Code, classifies offenses against the United States as follows:

{{smaller block|1. Offenses classified:

Notwithstanding any act of Congress to the contrary:

(1) Any offense punishable by death or imprisonment for a term exceeding 1 year is a felony.

(2) Any other offense is a misdemeanor.

(3) Any misdemeanor, the penalty for which does not exceed imprisonment for a period of 6 months or a fine of not more than $500, or both, is a petty offense.}}

The second ''proviso'' of the first sentence still refers to criminal contempt, and vests in the Federal district judge the discretion to determine whether the person accused of contempt is to be tried with or without a jury.

The third proviso of the first sentence, still referring only to criminal contempts, says that where the district judge proceeds summarily—without benefit of a jury—to convict the accused and fine him or her for more than $300 or imprison him or her for more than 45 days, then the person so convicted—fined or imprisoned—may demand a trial ''de novo''. It is assumed that trial ''de novo'' contemplates a trial anew of the entire controversy, including the hearing of evidence, as though no previous action had been taken. In ''Pittsburgh S. S. Co.'' v. ''Brown'' ((1948 Ct. App. Ill.) 171 Fed. 2d. 175, 177), “trial ''de novo''” is defined as an entirely new trial, but that was a civil case. The term “trial ''de novo''” nowhere appears in criminal cases referred to in volume 42 A, Words and Phrases, 1952 edition or 1957 supplement.

The second sentence of the amendment, without any reference to “criminal contempt” or without defining or differentiating between “criminal contempt” and “civil contempt,” proceeds to make the provisions of the first sentence inapplicable to those contempts “committed in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice” and likewise inapplicable to “misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court in respect to the writs, orders or process of the court.” In other words, this second sentence deals with certain “contempts” and with “misbehavior of any officers of the court” and excludes such “contempts” and “misbehavior of any officer of the court” from the provisions of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. In other words, the second sentence says that if any contempt is committed in the presence of the court, or so near thereto as to interfere directly with the administration of justice, it is not dealt with in the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127. Likewise excluded from coverage by the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127—would be “the misbehavior, misconduct, or disobedience of any officer of the court” in respect to any writ, order, or process of court issued presumably under authority of the Civil Rights Act—H. R. 6127.

The last sentence of the amendment—section 151—simply tries to restate the proposition now appearing in section 401 of title 18, United States Code, that a court of the United States has power to punish contempts of its authority. However, in restating that proposition, this last sentence refers to “civil contempts,” whereas section 401 refers to “contempt of its”—the court’s—“authority.” Thus we see the last sentence of the amendment, section 151, refers to “civil contempt,” as distinguished from the first sentence, which deals with “criminal contempt.”

Nowhere in the amendment is any definition given of either “criminal contempt” or “civil contempt;” nor has Congress ever attempted to draw any such distinction. The sole provision attempting to draw a distinction between criminal and civil contempt is contained in rule 42 (b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in the requirement that the notice with respect to a criminal contempt shall describe it as such. The Advisory Committee on Rules, appointed by the United States Supreme Court pursuant to the act of June 29, 1940—Fifty-fourth United States Statutes at Large, page 686—to assist in the preparation of rules of pleading, in their notes indicate that the requirement of notice written into rule 42 (b) was “intended to obviate the frequent confusion between criminal and civil contempt proceedings” pursuant to the suggestion made in ''McCann'' v. ''New York Stock Exchange'' ((2d Cir., 1935) 80 F. 2d 211). See Civil and Criminal Contempt in the Federal Courts, report of Los Angeles Bar Association, 17 Federal Rules Decisions 167–182—1955. The Supreme Court itself has belabored the distinction between civil and criminal contempts. For the Court’s distinction see ''Bessette'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' ((1904) 194 U.S. 324, 328).

A contempt statute certainly comes within the due process of law requirements of the Constitution. To substantiate this point, I refer again to Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, page 1727, section 1141. In this section Willoughby points out that a contempt which is not committed in open court does require due process of law for the defendant. The United States Supreme Court, in an opinion by Chief Justice Taft, held on April 13, 1925, that all the guaranties of due process of law are available to a person charged with contempt. ''Cooke'' v. ''United States'' ((1925) 267 U.S. 517.) Thus it is quite clear that the amendment—section 151—as now drafted, would subject a person to criminal prosecution for a statutory offense so indefinitely defined or described as not to enable him to determine whether or not he is committing that offense. ''Connally'' v. ''General Construction Co.'' ((1926) 269 U. S. 385); ''International Harvester Co.'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 216); ''Collins'' v. ''Kentucky'' ((1914) 234 U. S. 634).

Second. This amendment is unconstitutional, in violation of the fifth amendment prohibiting double jeopardy.

That provision of the amendment which permits the accused to be tried a second time by a jury for the same offense following conviction in a summary proceeding violates the fifth amendment to the United States Constitution, which declares “nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb.”

In ''ex parte'' Grossman the Supreme Court stated that contempt is an “offense” within the meaning of the pardoning power of the President granted in article II, section 2, clause 1 of the enumerated powers of the President. Clause 1 declares the President “shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons of offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.” Chief Justice Taft in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1925) 267 U. S. 87, 107) quoting ''Myers'' v. ''United States'' ((1924) 264 U. S. 95, 104–105).

If contempt is an offense when it comes to the pardoning power of the President, it certainly is an offense under the fifth amendment. Thus reading the language of the amendment—section 151—''in pari materia'' with the decisions in ''ex parte'' Grossman and ''Myers'' against ''United States'', for the Congress to grant a second trial following conviction, with the same defendant, the same charges, and the same evidence, would place the defendant in double jeopardy.

The proposal—section 151—even if it were not in violation of the fifth amendment, would place Congress in the position of gambling with the rights of our citizens. Suppose a judge tries a man or woman and finds the person guilty. The press reports this fact to the public and such cases are bound to stir the public interest. The person so convicted is then tried again on the same evidence. Any jury is bound to be influenced.

In addition, what basis or standard of conduct is to be the determining factor as to whether the judge imposes the lesser fine or sentence and lets his verdict stand or imposes the greater fine or punishment and moves the case along to a jury trial. There would be no uniformity in the application of the proposed statute—section 151—and the entire procedure would be awkward, cumbersome, and impracticable.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', a note is made of an interruption in Mr. Thurmond’s speech, regarding the results of a special election for a Senator, upon which several pages of the ''Record'' are used to record the reading of documents and the discussion of matters relevant thereto. As this is not a constituent portion of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, it is absent from this record. However, following this notice, several other parliamentary procedures are maintained, and other matters are dealt with; the ''Record'' then replaces the remainder of Mr. Thurmond’s speech to the records of the succeeding day, beginning on p. 16383. This record begins again from this section.''

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I now wish to take up Chief Justice Taft’s opinion on jury trials in contempt cases. Considerable has been said about what Chief Justice Taft said concerning contempt and jury trials. Chief Justice Taft was at one time President of the United States, and he was Chief Justice of the United States. He was a great man and a great American. His opinions are highly revered, but some of his opinions have been quoted out of context or when not applicable. I wish to take up at this time his opinions on jury trials in contempt cases.

On June 5, 1957, at his White House press conference, President Eisenhower, in answer to a question asked by the National Negro Press Association as to how he stood on the jury-trial amendment to the so-called civil-rights bill, quoted President Taft, as being opposed to a jury trial in contempt cases. President Eisenhower stated that Mr. Taft made this statement when he was President in 1908 and there is no evidence that he ever changed his mind.

In the first place the statement was not made by Mr. Taft while President. The statement was made by Mr. Taft in a political speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on Tuesday, July 28, 1908, in acceptance of the Republican nomination for President. Mr. Taft at the time was Secretary of War. He did not become President until March 4, 1909.

In this political speech Mr. Taft also said a trial by jury in contempt cases was never known in the history of the jurisprudence of England, or America, except in the constitution of Oklahoma. See Presidential Addresses and Papers, William H. Taft, 1910 ed., page 26.

Also in this speech Mr. Taft said the popular impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, may be affected by a personal feeling was unfounded.

Did Mr. Taft change his mind when he became Chief Justice? He most assuredly did. He not only changed his mind on the subject of whether jury trials were had at common law in contempt cases but also changed his mind about judges having personal vindictiveness in contempt orders.

While Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Mr. Taft delivered the opinion in ''ex parte'' Grossman ((1924) 267 U. S. 87) and cited eight cases at common law to show that in England a jury trial was had in contempt cases. This decision was rendered by him in upholding a pardon granted by President Hoover to a man imprisoned by a United States district judge in Illinois for contempt in a summary proceeding. Chief Justice Taft declared at page 118 of volume 267, United States Reports:

{{smaller block|The King of England before our Revolution, in the exercise of his prerogative, had always exercised the power to pardon contempts of court, just as he did ordinary crimes and misdemeanors and as he has done to the present day. In the mind of a common-law lawyer of the 18th century the word pardon included within its scope the ending by the King’s grace of the punishment of such derelictions, whether it was imposed by the court without a jury or upon indictment, for both forms of trial for contempts were had. ''Thomas of Chartham'' v. ''Benet of Stamford'' ((1313), 24 Selden Society, 185); ''Fulwood'' v. ''Fulwood'' ((1585), Toothill, 46); ''Rex'' v. ''Buckenham'' ((1665), 1 Deble 751, 707, 852); Anonymous (1674), Cases in Chancery (238); ''King and Codrington'' v. ''Rodmap'' ((1630), Cr. Car. 198); ''Bartram'' v. ''Dannett'' ((1676), Finch, 253); ''Phipps'' v. ''Earl of Angelsea'' ((1721), 1 Peere Williams, 696).}}

In all probability Mr. Taft was induced to recognize the fact that jury trials were customarily had at common law in contempts as a result of research conducted by the distinguished historian of English law, Mr. W. S. Holdsworth. The efforts of this great historian were first made public in 1909 after Mr. Taft had made his earlier statement.

Mr. Holdsworth declared that the only cases in which contempts were punished summarily was where the contemnor confessed his guilt. If he did not confess the accused was tried by the ordinary course of law which meant trial by jury. To quote Mr. Holdsworth:

{{smaller block|A History of English Law, volume III., pages 392–393. * * * But all through the medieval period, and long afterwards, the courts, though they might attack persons who were guilty of contempts of court, could not punish them summarily. Unless they confessed their guilt, they must be regularly indicted and convicted. Mr. Fox has given a list of 40 cases of various contempts—insults to the judges, an assault on the attorney general, beating jurors, striking a witness, trampling on a writ of prohibition—in all of which the offender was tried by the ordinary course of law. That this was the correct course to pursue was stated by Anderson, C. J., in 1599.}}

In another opinion while Chief Justice Mr. Taft changed his mind about the immunity of Federal judges from vindictiveness in issuing contempt orders.

On November 19, 1923, in a concurring opinion in ''Craig'' v. ''Hecht'' (263 U. S. 255 at p. 279), the Chief Justice said:

{{smaller block|The delicacy there is in the judge’s deciding whether an attack upon his own judicial action is mere criticism or real obstruction, and the possibility that impulse may incline his view to personal vindication, are manifest. But the law gives the person convicted of contempt in such a case the right to have the whole question on facts and law reviewed by three judges of the circuit court of appeals who have had no part in the proceedings, and if not successful in that court, to apply to this Court for an opportunity for a similar review here.}}

Mr. President, on June 10, 1957, the Supreme Court delivered an opinion in the case of [[Reid v. Covert (354 U.S. 1)|''Reid'' against ''Covert'']]. Since this opinion deals with the question “the right of trial by jury,” I think it is advisable for the Senate to consider this decision of the Supreme Court. I shall read a number of pages from the opinion and a concurring opinion by Justice Frankfurter.

Some of the material in this opinion necessarily discusses the background of the cases. However, I believe it appropriate to read this material because it is necessary to a full understanding of this decision which upheld the constitutional right of trial by jury which H. R. 6127 would deny under certain conditions. I read from the opinion of the Court:

{{smaller block|SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957

Mr. Justice Black announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan join.

These cases raise basic constitutional issues of the utmost concern. They call into question the role of the military under our system of government. They involve the power of Congress to expose civilians to trial by military tribunals, under military regulations and procedures, for offenses against the United States thereby depriving them of trial in civilian courts, under civilian laws and procedures and with all the safeguards of the Bill of Rights. These cases are particularly significant because for the first time since the adoption of the Constitution wives of soldiers have been denied trial by jury in a court of law and forced to trial before courts-martial.

In No. 701 Mrs. Clarice Covert killed her husband, a sergeant in the United States Air Force, at an airbase in England. Mrs. Covert, who was not a member of the armed services, was residing on the base with her husband at the time. She was tried by a court-martial for murder under Article 118 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The trial was on charges preferred by Air Force personnel and the court-martial was composed of Air Force officers. The court-martial asserted jurisdiction over Mrs. Covert under Article 2 (11) of the UCMJ, which provides:

“The following persons are subject to this code:

“(11) Subject to the provisions of any treaty or agreement to which the United States is or may be a party or to any accepted rule of international law, all persons serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces without the continental limits of the United States.”

Counsel for Mrs. Covert contended that she was insane at the time she killed her husband, but the military tribunal found her guilty of murder and sentenced her to life imprisonment. The judgment was affirmed by the Air Force Board of Reviews (16 CMR 465) but was reversed by the Court of Military Appeals (6 USCMA 48), because of prejudicial errors concerning the defense of insanity. While Mrs. Covert was being held in this country pending a proposed retrial by court-martial in the District of Columbia, her counsel petitioned the district court for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to set her free on the ground that the Constitution forbade her trial by military authorities. Construing this court’s decision in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), as holding that “a civilian is entitled to a civilian trial,” the district court held that Mrs. Covert could not be tried by court-martial and ordered her released from custody. The Government appealed directly to this court under, title 28, United States Code, section 1252. See Three Hundred and Fiftieth United States Reports, page 985.

In No. 713 Mrs. Dorothy Smith killed her husband, an Army officer, at a post in Japan where she was living with him. She was tried for murder by a court-martial and despite considerable evidence that she was insane was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. The judgment was approved by the Army Board of Review (10 CMR 350, 13 CMR 307), and the Court of Military Appeals (5 USCMA 314). Mrs. Smith was then confined in a Federal penitentiary in West Virginia. Her father, respondent here, filed a petition for ''habeas corpus'' in a district court for West Virginia. The petition charged that the court-martial was without jurisdiction because article 2 (11) of the UCMJ was unconstitutional insofar as it authorized the trial of civilian dependents accompanying servicemen overseas. The district court refused to issue the writ (137 F. Supp. 806), and while an appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit we granted ''certiorari'' at the request of the Government (350 U. S. 986).

The two cases were consolidated and argued last term and a majority of the Court, with 3 Justices dissenting and 1 reserving opinion, held that military trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert for their alleged offenses was constitutional. Three hundred and fifty-first United States Reports, page 470, 487. The majority held that the provisions of article III and the fifth and sixth amendments which require that crimes be tried by a jury after indictment by a grand jury did not protect an American citizen when he was tried by the American Government in foreign lands for offenses committed there and that Congress could provide for the trial of such offenses in any manner it saw fit so long as the procedures established were reasonable and consonant with due process. The opinion then went on to express the view that military trials, as now practiced, were not unreasonable or arbitrary when applied to dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces overseas. In reaching their conclusion the majority found it unnecessary to consider the power of Congress “to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces” under article I of the Constitution.

Subsequently, the Court granted a petition for rehearing. Three Hundred and Fifty-second United States Reports, page 901. Now, after further argument and consideration, we conclude that the previous decisions cannot be permitted to stand. We hold that Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert could not constitutionally be tried by military authorities.

{{c|{{asc|I}}}}

At the beginning we reject the idea that when the United States acts against citizens abroad it can do so free of the Bill of Rights. The United States is entirely a creature of the Constitution. Its power and authority have no other source. It can only act in accordance with all the limitations imposed by the Constitution. When the Government reaches out to punish a citizen who is abroad, the shield which the Bill of Rights and other parts of the Constitution provide to protect his life and liberty should not be stripped away just because he happens to be in another land. This is not a novel concept. To the contrary, it is as old as government. It was recognized long before Paul successfully invoked his right as a Roman citizen to be tried in strict accordance with Roman law. And many centuries later an English historian wrote:

“In a settled colony the inhabitants have all the rights of Englishmen. They take with them, in the first place, that which no Englishman can by expatriation put off, namely, allegiance to the Crown, the duty of obedience to the lawful commands of the Sovereign, and obedience to the laws which Parliament may think proper to make with reference to such a colony. But, on the other hand, they take with them all the rights and liberties of British subjects; all the rights and liberties as against the prerogative of the Crown, which they would enjoy in this county.”

The rights and liberties which citizens of our country enjoy are not protected by custom and tradition alone, they have been jealously preserved from the encroachments of Government by express provisions of our written Constitution.

Among those provisions, article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments are directly relevant to these cases. Article III, section 2, lays down the rule that—

“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.”

The fifth amendment declares:

“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”

And the sixth amendment provides:

“In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.”

The language of article III, section 2, manifests that constitutional protections for the individual were designed to restrict the United States Government when it acts outside of this country, as well as here at home. After declaring that all criminal trials must be by jury, the section states that when a crime is “not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.” If this language is permitted to have its obvious meaning, section 2 is applicable to criminal trials outside of the States as a group without regard to where the offense is committed or the trial held. From the very first Congress, Federal statutes have implemented the provisions of section 2 by providing for trial of murder and other crimes committed outside the jurisdiction of any State “in the district where the offender is apprehended, or into which he may first be brought.” The fifth and sixth amendments, like article III, section 2, are also all inclusive with their sweeping references to “no person” and to “all criminal prosecutions.”

This Court and other Federal courts have held or asserted that various constitutional limitations apply to the Government when it acts outside the continental United States. While it has been suggested that only those constitutional rights which are “fundamental” protect Americans abroad, we can find no warrant, in logic or otherwise, for picking and choosing among the remarkable collection of “Thou shalt nots” which were explicitly fastened on all departments and agencies of the Federal Government by the Constitution and its amendments. Moreover, in view of our heritage and the history of the adoption of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, it seems peculiarly anomalous to say that trial before a civilian judge and by an independent jury picked from the common citizenry are not fundamental rights. As Blackstone wrote in his Commentaries:

“The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * [I]t is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals.”

Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

The keystone of supporting authorities mustered by the Court’s opinion last June to justify its holding that article III, section 2, and the fifth and sixth amendments did not apply abroad was ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). The Ross case is one of those cases that cannot be understood except in its peculiar setting; even then, it seems highly unlikely that a similar result would be reached to-day. Ross was serving as a seaman on an American ship in Japanese waters. He killed a ship’s officer, was seized and tried before a consular court in Japan. At that time, statutes authorized American consuls to try American citizens charged with committing crimes in Japan and certain other non-Christian countries. These statutes provided that the laws of the United States were to govern the trial except:

“Where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.”

The consular power approved in the Ross case was about as extreme and absolute as that of the potentates of the non-Christian countries to which the statutes applied. Under these statutes consuls could and did make the criminal laws, initiate charges, arrest alleged offenders, try them, and after conviction take away their liberty or their life—sometimes at the American consulate. Such a blending of executive, legislative, and judicial powers in one person or even in one branch of the Government is ordinarily regarded as the very acme of absolutism. Nevertheless, the Court sustained Ross’ conviction by the consul. It stated that constitutional protections applied “only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad.” Despite the fact that it upheld Ross’ conviction under United States laws passed pursuant to asserted constitutional authority, the Court went on to make a sweeping declaration that “[t]he Constitution can have no operation in another country.”

The Ross approach that the Constitution has no applicability abroad has long since been directly repudiated by numerous cases. That approach is obviously erroneous if the United States Government, which has no power except that granted by the Constitution, can and does try citizens for crimes committed abroad. Thus the Ross case rested, at least in substantial part, on a fundamental misconception and the most that can be said in support of the result reached there is that the consular court jurisdiction had a long history antedating the adoption of the Constitution. The Congress has recently buried the consular system of trying Americans. We are not willing to jeopardize the lives and liberties of Americans by disinterring it. At best, the Ross case should be left as a relic from a different era.

The Court’s opinion last term also relied on the Insular Cases to support its conclusion that article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments were not applicable to the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. We believe that reliance was misplaced.

The Insular Cases can be distinguished from the present cases in that they involved the power of Congress to provide rules and regulations to govern temporarily territories with wholly dissimilar traditions and institutions whereas here the basis for governmental power is American citizenship. None of these cases had anything to do with military trials and they cannot properly be used as vehicles to support an extension of military jurisdiction to civilians. Moreover, it is our judgment that neither the cases nor their reasoning should be given any further expansion. The concept that the Bill of Rights and other constitutional protections against arbitrary government are inoperative when they become inconvenient or when expediency dictates otherwise is a very dangerous doctrine and if allowed to flourish would destroy the benefit of a written Constitution and undermine the basis of our Government. If our foreign commitments become of such nature that the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority, or inclination, to read exceptions into it which are not there.

{{c|{{asc|II}}}}

At the time of Mrs. Covert’s alleged offense, an executive agreement was in effect between the United States and Great Britain which permitted United States military courts to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over offenses committed in Great Britain by American servicemen or their dependents. For its part, the United States agreed that these military courts would be willing and able to try and to punish all offenses against the laws of Great Britain by such persons. In all material respects, the same situation existed in Japan when Mrs. Smith killed her husband. Even though a court-martial does not give an accused trial by jury and other Bill of Rights protections, the Government contends that section 2(11) of the UCMJ, insofar as it authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces in Great Britain and Japan, can be sustained as legislation which is necessary and proper to carry out the United States obligations under the international agreements made with those countries. The obvious and decisive answer to this, of course, is that no agreement with a foreign nation can confer power on the Congress, or on any other branch of Government, which is free from the restraints of the Constitution.

Article VI., the supremacy clause of the Constitution, declares:

“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land.”

There is nothing in this language which intimates that treaties and laws enacted pursuant to them do not have to comply with the provisions of the Constitution. Nor is there anything in the debates which accompanied the drafting and ratification of the Constitution which even suggests such a result. These debates as well as the history that surrounds the adoption of the treaty provision in article VI. make it clear that the reason treaties were not limited to those made in pursuance of the Constitution was so that agreements made by the United States under the Articles of Confederation, including the important peace treaties which concluded the Revolutionary War, would remain in effect. It would be manifestly contrary to the objectives of those who created the Constitution, as well as those who were responsible for the Bill of Rights—let alone alien to our entire constitutional history and tradition—to construe article VI. as permitting the United States to exercise power under an international agreement without observing constitutional prohibitions. In effect, such construction would permit amendment of that document in a manner not sanctioned by article V. The prohibitions of the Constitution were designed to apply to all branches of the National Government and they cannot be nullified by the executive or by the executive and the Senate combined.

There is nothing new or unique about what we say here. This court has regularly and uniformly recognized the supremacy of the Constitution over a treaty. For example, in ''Geofroy'' v. ''Riggs'' (133 U. S. 258, 267), it declared:

“The treaty power, as expressed in the Constitution, is in terms unlimited except by those restraints which are found in that instrument against the action of the Government or of its departments, and those arising from the nature of the Government itself and of that of the States. It would not be contended that it extends so far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids, or a change in the character of the Government or in that of one of the States, or a cession of any portion of the territory of the latter, without its consent.”

This Court has also repeatedly taken the position that an act of Congress, which must comply with the Constitution, is on a full parity with a treaty, and that when a statute which is subsequent in time is inconsistent with a treaty, the statute to the extent of conflict renders the treaty null. It would be completely anomalous to say that a treaty need not comply with the Constitution when such an agreement can be overridden by a statute that must conform to that instrument.

There is nothing in ''Missouri'' v. ''Holland'' (252 U. S. 416), which is contrary to the position taken here. There the Court carefully noted that the treaty involved was not inconsistent with any specific provision of the Constitution. The Court was concerned with the 10th amendment which reserves to the States or the people all power not delegated to the National Government. To the extent that the United States can validly make treaties, the people and the States have delegated their power to the National Government and the 10th amendment is no barrier.

In summary, we conclude that the Constitution in its entirety applied to the trials of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert. Since their court-martial did not meet the requirements of article III., section 2, or the fifth and sixth amendments, we are compelled to determine if there is anything within the Constitution which authorizes the military trial of dependents accompanying the Armed Forces overseas.

{{c|{{asc|III}}}}

Article I., section 8, clause 14, empowers Congress “To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” It has been held that this creates an exception to the normal method of trial in civilian courts as provided by the Constitution and permits Congress to authorize military trial of members of the armed services without all the safeguards given an accused by article III. and the Bill of Rights. But if the language of clause 14 is given its natural meaning, the power granted does not extend to civilians—even though they may be dependents living with servicemen on a military base. The term “land and naval forces” refers to persons who are members of the armed services and not to their civilian wives, children, and other dependents. It seems inconceivable that Mrs. Covert or Mrs. Smith could have been tried by military authorities as members of the land and naval forces had they been living on a military post in this country. Yet this constitutional term surely has the same meaning everywhere. The wives of servicemen are no more members of the land and naval forces when living at a military post in England or Japan than when living at a base in this country or in Hawaii or Alaska.

The Government argues that the necessary and proper clause, when taken in conjunction with clause 14, allows Congress to authorize the trial of Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert by military tribunals and under military law. The Government claims that the two clauses together constitute a broad grant of power without limitation authorizing Congress to subject all persons, civilians and soldiers alike, to military trial if necessary and proper to govern and regulate the land and naval forces. It was on a similar theory that Congress once went to the extreme of subjecting persons who made contracts with the military to court-martial jurisdiction with respect to frauds related to such contracts. In the only judicial test a Circuit Court held that the legislation was patently unconstitutional. ''Ex parte'' Henderson (11 Fed. Cas. 1067, No. 6349).

It is true that the Constitution expressly grants Congress power to make all rules necessary and proper to govern and regulate those persons who are serving in the land and naval forces. But the necessary and proper clause cannot operate to extend military jurisdiction to any group of persons beyond that class described in clause 14—“the land and naval forces.” Under the grand design of the Constitution civilian courts are the normal repositories of power to try persons charged with crimes against the United States. And to protect persons brought before these courts, article III. and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments establish the right to trial by jury, by indictment by a grand jury, and a number of other specific safeguards. By way of contrast the jurisdiction of military tribunals is a very limited and extraordinary jurisdiction derived from the cryptic language in article I., section 8, and, at most, was intended to be only a narrow exception to the normal and preferred method of trial in courts of law. Every extension of military jurisdiction is an encroachment on the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and, more important, acts as a deprivation of the right to jury trial and of other treasured constitutional protections. Having run up against the steadfast bulwark of the Bill of Rights, the necessary and proper clause cannot extend the scope of clause 14.

Nothing said here contravenes the rule laid down in ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, at 421), that:

“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.”

In McCulloch this Court was confronted with the problem of determining the scope of the necessary and proper clause in a situation where no specific restraints on governmental power stood in the way. Here the problem is different. Not only does clause 14, by its terms, limit military jurisdiction to members of the land and naval forces, but article III., section 2 and the fifth and sixth amendments require that certain express safeguards, which were designed to protect persons from oppressive governmental practices, shall be given in criminal prosecutions—safeguards which cannot be given in a military trial. In the light of these as well as other constitutional provisions, and the historical background in which they were formed, military trial of civilians is inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the constitution.

Further light is reflected on the scope of clause 14 by the fifth amendment. That amendment which was adopted shortly after the Constitution reads:

“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger.”

Since the exception in this amendment for cases arising in the land or naval forces was undoubtedly designed to correlate with the power granted Congress to provide for the government and regulation of the armed services, it is a persuasive and reliable indication that the authority conferred by clause 14 does not encompass persons who cannot fairly be said to be in the military service.

Even if it were possible, we need not attempt here to precisely define the boundary between civilians and members of the land and naval forces. We recognize that there might be circumstances where a person could be in the armed services for purposes of clause 14 even though he had not formally been inducted into the military or did not wear a uniform. But the wives, children, and other dependents of servicemen cannot be placed in that category, even though they may be accompanying a serviceman abroad at Government expense and receiving other benefits from the Government. We have no difficulty in saying that such persons do not lose their civilian status and their right to a civilian trial because the Government helps them live as members of a soldier’s family.

The tradition of keeping the military subordinate to civilian authority may not be so strong in the minds of this generation as it was in the minds of those who wrote the Constitution. The idea that the relatives of soldiers could be denied a jury trial in a court of law and instead be tried by courts-martial under the guise of regulating the Armed Forces would have seemed incredible to those men, in whose lifetime the right of the military to try soldiers for any offenses in time of peace had only been grudgingly conceded. The founders envisioned the Army as a necessary institution, but one dangerous to liberty if not confined within its essential bounds. Their fears were rooted in history. They knew that ancient republics had been overthrown by their military leaders. They were familiar with the history of 17th century England, where Charles I. tried to govern through the army and without Parliament. During this attempt, contrary to the common law, he used courts-martial to try soldiers for certain nonmilitary offenses. This court-martialing of soldiers in peacetime evoked strong protests from Parliament. The reign of Charles I. was followed by the rigorous military rule of Oliver Cromwell. Later, James II. used the army in his fight against Parliament and the people. He promulgated articles of war (strangely enough relied on in the Government’s brief) authorizing the trial of soldiers for nonmilitary Crimes by courts-martial. This action hastened the revolution that brought William and Mary to the throne upon their agreement to abide by a bill of rights which, among other things, protected the right of trial by jury. It was against this general background that two of the greatest English jurists, Lord Chief Justice Hale and Sir William Blackstone—men who exerted considerable influence on the founders—expressed sharp hostility to any expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. For instance, Blackstone went so far as to assert:

“For martial law, which is built upon no settled principles, but is entirely arbitrary in its decisions, is, as Sir Matthew Hale observes, in truth and reality no law, but something indulged rather than allowed as a law. The necessity of order and discipline in an army is the {{SIC|ony|only}} thing which can give it countenance; and therefore it ought not to be permitted in time of peace, when the king’s courts are open for all persons to receive justice according to the laws of the land.”

The generation that adopted the Constitution did not distrust the military because of past history alone. Within their own lives they had seen royal governors sometimes resort to military rule. British troops were quartered in Boston at various times from 1768 until the outbreak of the Revolutionary War to support unpopular royal governors and to intimidate the local populace. The trial of soldiers by courts-martial and the interference of the military with the civil courts aroused great anxiety and antagonism not only in Massachusetts but throughout the colonies. For example, Samuel Adams in 1768 wrote:

“[I]s it not enough for us to have seen soldiers and mariners forejudged of life, and executed within the body of the county by martial law? Are citizens to be called upon, threatened, ill-used at the will of the soldiery, and put under arrest, by pretext of the law military, in breach of the fundamental rights of subjects, and contrary to the law and franchise of the land? * * * Will the spirits of people as yet unsubdued by tyranny, unawed by the menaces of arbitrary power, submit to be governed by military force? No! Let us rouse our attention to the common law—which is our birthright, our great security against all kinds of insult and oppression.”

Colonials had also seen the right to trial by jury subverted by acts of Parliament which authorized courts of admiralty to try alleged violations of the unpopular Molasses and Navigation Acts. This gave the admiralty courts jurisdiction over offenses historically triable only by a jury in a court of law and aroused great resentment throughout the colonies. As early as 1765 delegates from nine colonies meeting in New York asserted in a declaration of rights that trial by jury was the inherent and invaluable right of every citizen in the colonies.

With this background it is not surprising that the Declaration of Independence protested that George III. had affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power and that Americans had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. And those who adopted the Constitution embodied their profound fear and distrust of military power, as well as their determination to protect trial by jury, in the Constitution and its amendments. Perhaps they were aware that memories fade and hoped that in this way they could keep the people of this Nation from having to fight again and again the same old battles for individual freedom.

In the light of this history, it seems clear that the founders had no intention to permit the trial of civilians in military courts, where they would be denied jury trials and other constitutional protections, merely by giving Congress the power to make rules which were necessary and proper for the regulation of the land and naval forces. Such a latitudinarian interpretation of these clauses would be at war with the well-established purpose of the founders to keep the military strictly within its proper sphere, subordinate to civil authority. The Constitution does not say that Congress can regulate the land and naval forces and all other persons whose regulation might have some relationship to maintenance of the land and naval forces. There is no indication that the founders contemplated setting up a rival system of military courts to compete with civilian courts for jurisdiction over civilians who might have some contact or relationship with the Armed Forces. Courts-martial were not to have concurrent jurisdiction with courts of law over nonmilitary America.

On several occasions this Court has been faced with an attempted expansion of the jurisdiction of military courts. ''Ex parte'' Milligan (4 Wall. 2), one of the great landmarks in this Court’s history, held that military authorities were without power to try civilians not in the military or naval service by declaring martial law in an area where the civil administration was not deposed and the courts were not closed. In a stirring passage the Court proclaimed:

“Another guaranty of freedom was broken when Milligan was denied a trial by jury. The great minds of the country have differed on the correct interpretation to be given to various provisions of the Federal Constitution; and judicial decision has been often invoked to settle their true meaning; but until recently no one ever doubted that the right of trial by jury was fortified in the organic law against the power of attack. It is now assailed; but if ideas can be expressed in words, and language has any meaning, this right—one of the most valuable in a free country—is preserved to everyone accused of crime who is not attached to the Army, or Navy, or militia in actual service.”

In ''Duncan'' v. ''Kahanamoku'' (327 U. S. 304), the Court reasserted the principles enunciated in ''Ex parte'' Milligan and reaffirmed the tradition of military subordination to civil authorities and institutions. It refused to sanction the military trial of civilians in Hawaii during wartime despite Government claims that the needs of defense made martial law imperative.

Just last term, this Court held in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), that military courts could not constitutionally try a discharged serviceman for an offense which he had allegedly committed while in the Armed Forces. It was decided (1) that since Toth was a civilian he could not be tried by military court-martial, and (2) that since he was charged with murder, a crime in the constitutional sense, he was entitled to indictment by a grand jury, jury trial, and the other protections contained in article III., section 2 and the fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments. The Court pointed out that trial by civilian courts was the rule for persons who were not members of the Armed Forces.

There are no supportable grounds upon which to distinguish the ''Toth'' case from the present cases. Toth, Mrs. Covert, and Mrs. Smith were all civilians. All three were American citizens. All three were tried for murder. All three alleged crimes were committed in a foreign country. The only differences were: (1) Toth was an exserviceman while they were wives of soldiers; (2) Toth was arrested in the United States while they were seized in foreign countries. If anything, Toth had closer connection with the military than the two women for his crime was committed while he was actually serving in the Air Force. Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith had never been members of the Army, had never been employed by the Army, had never served in the Army in any capacity. The Government appropriately argued in Toth that the constitutional basis for court-martialing him was clearer than for court-martialing wives who are accompanying their husbands abroad. Certainly Toth’s conduct as a soldier bears a closer relation to the maintenance of order and discipline in the Armed Forces than the conduct of these wives. The fact that Toth was arrested here while the wives were arrested in foreign countries is material only if constitutional safeguards do not shield a citizen abroad when the Government exercises its power over him. As we have said before, such a view of the Constitution is erroneous. The mere fact that these women had gone overseas with their husbands should not reduce the protection the Constitution gives them.

The Milligan, ''Duncan'', and ''Toth'' cases recognized and manifested the deeply rooted and ancient opposition in this country to the extension of military control over civilians. In each instance an effort to expand the jurisdiction of military courts to civilians was repulsed.

There have been a number of decisions in the lower Federal courts which have upheld military trial of civilians performing services for the Armed Forces in the field during time of war. To the extent that these cases can be justified, insofar as they involved trial of persons who were not members of the Armed Forces, they must rest on the Government’s war powers. In the face of an actively hostile enemy, military commanders necessarily have broad power over persons on the battlefront. From a time prior to the adoption of the Constitution the extraordinary circumstances present in an area of actual fighting have been considered sufficient to permit punishment of some civilians in that area by military courts under military rules. But neither Japan nor Great Britain could properly be said to be an area where active hostilities were underway at the time Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Covert committed their offenses or at the time they were tried.

The Government urges that the concept in the field should be broadened to reach dependents accompanying the military forces overseas under the conditions of world tension which exist at the present time. It points out how the war powers include authority to prepare defenses and to establish our military forces in defensive posture about the world. While we recognize that the war powers of the Congress and the Executive are broad, we reject the Government’s argument that present threats to peace permit military trial of civilians accompanying the Armed Forces overseas in an area where no actual hostilities are underway. The exigencies which have required military rule on the battlefront are not present in areas where no conflict exists. Military trial of civilians in the field is an extraordinary jurisdiction, and it should not be expanded at the expense of the Bill of Rights. We agree with Colonel Winthrop, an expert on military jurisdiction, who declared: “A statute cannot be framed by which a civilian can lawfully be made amenable to the military jurisdiction in time of peace.”

As this Court stated in ''United States ex rel. Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11), the business of soldiers is to fight and prepare to fight wars, not to try civilians for their alleged crimes. Traditionally, military justice has been a rough form of justice emphasizing summary procedures, speedy convictions, and stern penalties with a view to maintaining obedience and fighting fitness in the ranks. Because of its very nature and purpose the military must place great emphasis on discipline and efficiency. Correspondingly, there has always been less emphasis in the military on protecting the rights of the individual than in civilian society and in civilian courts.

Courts-martial are typically ''ad hoc'' bodies appointed by a military officer from among his subordinates. They have always been subject to varying degrees of command influence. In essence, these tribunals are simply executive tribunals whose personnel are in the executive chain of command. Frequently, the members of the court-martial must look to the appointing officer for promotions, advantageous assignments, and efficiency ratings—in short, for their future progress in the service. Conceding to military personnel that high degree of honesty and sense of justice which nearly all of them undoubtedly have, the members of a court-martial, in the nature of things, do not and cannot have the independence of jurors drawn from the general public or of civilian judges.

We recognize that a number of improvements have been made in military justice recently by engrafting more and more of the methods of civilian courts on courts-martial. In large part these ameliorations stem from the reaction of civilians, who were inducted during the two World Wars, to their experience with military justice. Notwithstanding the recent reforms, military trial does not give an accused the same protection which exists in the civil courts. Looming far above all other deficiencies of the military trial, of course, are the absence of trial by jury before an independent judge after an indictment by a grand jury. Moreover, the reforms are merely statutory; Congress—and perhaps the President—can reinstate former practices, subject to any limitations imposed by the Constitution, whenever it desires. As yet it has not been clearly settled to what extent the Bill of Rights and other protective parts of the Constitution apply to military trials.

It must be emphasized that every person who comes within the jurisdiction of courts-martial is subject to military law—law that is substantially different from the law which governs civilian society. Military law is, in many respects, harsh law which is frequently cast in very sweeping and vague terms. It emphasizes the iron hand of discipline more that it does the even scales of justice. Moreover, it has not yet been definitely established to what extent the President, as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, or his delegates, can promulgate, supplement, or change substantive military law as well as the procedures of military courts in time of peace, or in time of war. In any event, Congress has given the President broad discretion to provide the rules governing military trials. For example, in these very cases a technical manual issued under the President’s name with regard to the defense of insanity in military trials was of critical importance in the convictions of Mrs. Covert and Mrs. Smith. If the President can provide rules of substantive law as well as procedure, then he and his military subordinates exercise legislative, executive, and judicial powers with respect to those subject to military trials. Such blending of functions in one branch of the Government is the objectionable thing which the draftsmen of the Constitution endeavored to prevent by providing for the separation of governmental powers.

In summary, “it still remains true that military tribunals have not been and probably never can be constituted in such way that they can have the same kind of qualifications that the Constitution has deemed essential to fair trials of civilians in Federal courts.” In part this is attributable to the inherent differences in values and attitudes that separate the Military Establishment from civilian society. In the military, by necessity, emphasis must be placed on the security and order of the group rather than on the value and integrity of the individual.

It is urged that the expansion of military jurisdiction over civilians claimed here is only slight, and that the practical necessity for it is very great. The attitude appears to be that a slight encroachment on the Bill of Rights and other safeguards in the Constitution need cause little concern. But to hold that these wives could be tried by the military would be a tempting precedent. Slight encroachments create new boundaries from which legions of power can seek new territory to capture. “It may be that it is the obnoxious thing in its mildest and least repulsive form; but illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing in that way; namely, by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure. This can only be obviated by adhering to the rule that constitutional provisions for the security of person and property should be liberally construed. A close and literal construction deprives them of half their efficacy, and leads to gradual depreciation of the right, as if it consisted more in sound than in substance. It is the duty of courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the citizen, and against any stealthy encroachments thereon.” Moreover we cannot consider this encroachment a slight one. Throughout history many transgressions by the military have been called slight and have been justified as reasonable in light of the uniqueness of the times. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that today the peoples of many nations are ruled by the military.

We should not break faith with this Nation’s tradition of keeping military power subservient to civilian authority, a tradition which we believe is firmly embodied in the Constitution. The country has remained true to that faith for almost 170 years. Perhaps no group in the Nation has been truer than military men themselves. Unlike the soldiers of many other nations, they have been content to perform their military duties in defense of the Nation in every period of need and to perform those duties well without attempting to usurp power which is not theirs under our system of constitutional government.

Ours is a Government of divided authority on the assumption that in division there is not only strength but freedom from tyranny. And under our Constitution courts of law alone are given power to try civilians for their offenses against the United States. The philosophy expressed by Lord Coke, speaking long ago from a wealth of experience, is still timely:

“God send me never to live under the law of conveniency or discretion. Shall the soldier and justice sit on one bench, the trumpet will not let the cryer speak in Westminster Hall.”

In No. 701, ''Reid'' v. ''Covert'', the judgment of the district court directing that Mrs. Covert be released from custody is affirmed.

In No. 713, ''Kinsella'' v. ''Krueger'', the judgment of the district court is reversed and the case is remanded with instructions to order Mrs. Smith released from custody. Reversed and remanded.

Mr. Justice Whittaker took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.

{{rule|3em}}

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, NOS. 701 AND 713, OCTOBER TERM, 1955—CURTIS REID, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA JAIL, APPELLANT, ''v.'' CLARICE B. COVERT; NINA KINSELLA, WARDEN OF THE FEDERAL REFORMATORY FOR WOMEN, ALDERSON, WEST VIRGINIA, PETITIONER, ''v.'' WALTER KRUEGER, ON REHEARING, JUNE 10, 1957

Mr. Justice Frankfurter, concurring in the result.

These cases involve the constitutional power of Congress to provide for trial of civilian dependents accompanying members of the Armed Forces abroad by court-martial in capital cases. The normal method of trial of Federal offenses under the Constitution is in a civilian tribunal. Trial of offenses by way of court-martial, with all the characteristics of its procedure so different from the forms and safeguards of procedure in the conventional courts, is an exercise of exceptional jurisdiction, arising from the power granted to Congress in article I., section 8, clause 14, of the Constitution of the United States—“To make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” ''Dynes'' v. ''Hoover'', (20 How. 65); see ''Toth'' v. ''Quarles'' (350 U. S. 11); Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d ed. 1896), 52. Article 2(11) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, 64th United States Statutes at Large, pages 107, 109, title 50, United States Code, section 532, and its predecessors were passed as an exercise of that power, and the agreements with England and Japan recognized that the jurisdiction to be exercised under those agreements was based on the relation of the persons involved to the military forces. See the agreement with Great Britain (57 Stat. 1193, E. A. S. No. 355) and the United States of America (Visiting Forces) Act (1942, 5 and 6 Geo. 6, ch. 31); and the 1952 administrative agreement with Japan (3 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 3341, T. I. A. S. No. 2492).

Trial by court-martial is constitutionally permissible only for persons who can, on a fair appraisal, be regarded as falling within the authority given to Congress under article I. to regulate the “land and naval forces,” and who therefore are not protected by specific provisions of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. It is, of course, true that, at least regarding the right to a grand-jury indictment, the fifth amendment is not unmindful of the demands of military discipline. Within the scope of appropriate construction, the phrase “except in cases arising in the land and naval forces” has been assumed also to modify the guaranties of speedy and public trial by jury. And so, the problem before us is not to be answered by recourse to the literal words of this exception. The cases cannot be decided simply by saying that since these women were not in uniform, they were not “in the land and naval forces.” The Court’s function in constitutional adjudications is not exhausted by a literal reading of words. It may be tiresome, but it is nonetheless vital, to keep our judicial minds fixed on the injunction that “it is a Constitution we are expounding.” ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316, 407). Although Winthrop in his treatise states that the Constitution “clearly distinguishes the military from the civil class as separate communities” and “recognizes no third class which is part civil and part military—military for a particular purpose or in a particular situation, and civil for all other purposes and in all other situations. * * *” Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents (2d edition 1896), 145, this Court, applying appropriate methods of constitutional interpretation, has long held, and in a variety of situations, that in the exercise of a power specifically granted to it, Congress may sweep in what may be necessary to make effective the explicitly worded power. See ''Jacob Ruppert'' v. ''Caffey'' (251 U. S. 264) especially 289 and following; ''Purity Extract Co.'' v. ''Lynch'' (226 U. S. 192, 201); ''Railroad Commission'' v. ''Chicago, Burlington, &amp; Quincy R. Co.'' (257 U. S. 563, 588). This is the significance of the necessary and proper clause, which is not to be considered so much a separate clause in article I., section 8, as an integral part of each of the preceding 17 clauses. Only thus may be avoided a strangling literalness in construing a document that is not an enumeration of static rules, but the living framework of Government designed for an undefined future. ''M’Culloch'' v. ''Maryland'' (4 Wheat. 316); ''Hurtado'' v. ''California'' (110 U. S. 516, 530–531).

Everything that may be deemed, as the exercise of an allowable judgment by Congress, to fall fairly within the conception conveyed by the power given to Congress “to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces” is constitutionally within that legislative grant and not subject to revision by the independent judgment of the Court. To be sure, every event or transaction that bears some relation to “the land and naval forces” does not ''ipso facto'' come within the tolerant conception of that legislative grant. The issue in these cases involves regard for considerations not dissimilar to those involved in a determination under the due process clause. Obviously, the practical situations before us bear some relation to the military. Yet the question for this Court is not merely whether the relation of these women to the “land and naval forces” is sufficiently close to preclude the necessity of finding that Congress has been arbitrary in its selection of a particular method of trial. For although we must look to article I., section 8, clause 14, as the immediate justifying power, it is not the only clause of the Constitution to be taken into account. The Constitution is an organic scheme of government to be dealt with as an entirety. A particular provision cannot be dissevered from the rest of the Constitution. Our conclusion in these cases therefore must take due account of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must weigh all the factors involved in these cases in order to decide whether these women dependents are so closely related to what Congress may allowably deem essential for the effective “government and regulations of the land and naval forces” that they may be subjected to court-martial jurisdiction in these capital cases, when the consequence is loss of the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.

We are not concerned here even with the possibility of some alternative nonmilitary type of trial that does not contain all the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. We must judge only what has been enacted and what is at issue. It is the power actually asserted by Congress under article I., section 8, clause 14, that must now be adjudged in the light of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. In making this adjudication, I must emphasize that it is only the trial of civilian dependents in a capital case in time of peace that is in question. The Court has not before it, and therefore I need not intimate any opinion on, situations involving civilians, in the sense of persons not having a military status, other than dependents. Nor do we have before us a case involving a noncapital crime. This narrow delineation of the issue is merely to respect the important restrictions binding on the Court when passing on the constitutionality of an act of Congress. “In the exercise of that jurisdiction, it is bound by two rules, to which it has rigidly adhered, one, never to anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it; the other never to formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to be applied. These rules are safe guides to sound judgment. It is the dictate of wisdom to follow them closely and carefully.” ''Steamship Co.'' v. ''Emigration Commissioners'' (113 U. S. 33, 39).

We are also not concerned here with the substantive aspects of the grant of power to Congress to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces. What conduct should be punished and what constitutes a capital case are matters for Congressional discretion, always subject, of course, to any specific restrictions of the Constitution. These cases involve the validity of procedural conditions for determining the commission of a crime in fact punishable by death. The taking of life is irrevocable. It is in capital cases especially that the balance of conflicting interests must be weighted most heavily in favor of the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights. Thus, in ''Powell'' v. ''Alabama'' (287 U. S. 45, 71), the fact “above all that they stood in deadly peril of their lives” led the Court to conclude that the defendants had been denied due process by the failure to allow them reasonable time to seek counsel and the failure to appoint counsel. I repeat. I do not mean to imply that the considerations that are controlling in capital cases involving civilian dependents are constitutionally irrelevant in capital cases involving civilians other than dependents or in noncapital cases involving dependents or other civilians. I do say that we are dealing here only with capital cases and civilian dependents.

The Government asserts that civilian dependents are an integral part of our Armed Forces overseas and that there is substantial military necessity for subjecting them to court-martial jurisdiction. The Government points out that civilian dependents go abroad under military auspices, live with military personnel in a military community, enjoy the privileges of military facilities, and that their conduct inevitably tends to influence military discipline.

The prosecution by court-martial for capital crimes committed by civilian dependents of members of the Armed Forces abroad is hardly to be deemed; under modern conditions, obviously appropriate to the effective exercise of the power to make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces when it is a question of deciding what power is granted under article I. and, therefore, what restriction is made on article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments. I do not think that the proximity, physical and social, of these women to the land and naval forces is, with due regard to all that has been put before us, so clearly demanded by the effective Government and regulation of those forces as reasonably to demonstrate a justification for court-martial jurisdiction over capital offenses.

The Government speaks of the “great potential impact on military discipline” of these accompanying civilian dependents. This cannot be denied, nor should its implications be minimized. But the notion that discipline over military personnel is to be furthered by subjecting their civilian dependents to the threat of capital punishment imposed by court-martial is too hostile to the reasons that underlie the procedural safeguards of the Bill of Rights for those safeguards to be displaced. It is true that military discipline might be affected seriously if civilian dependents could commit murders and other capital crimes with impunity. No one, however, challenges the availability to Congress of a power to provide for trial and punishment of these dependents for such crimes. The method of trial alone is in issue. The Government suggests that if trial in an article III. court subject to the restrictions of the fifth and sixth amendments is the only alternative, such a trial could not be held abroad practicably, and it would often be equally impracticable to transport all the witnesses back to the United States for trial. But although there is no need to pass on that issue in this case, trial in the United States is obviously not the only practical alternative and other alternatives may raise different constitutional questions. The Government’s own figures for the Army show that the total number of civilians (all civilians serving with, employed by, or accompanying the Armed Forces overseas and not merely civilian dependents) for whom general courts-martial for alleged murder were deemed advisable was only 13 in the 7 fiscal years, 1950–56. It is impossible to ascertain from the figures supplied to us exactly how many persons were tried for other capital offenses, but the figures indicate that there could not have been many. There is nothing to indicate that the figures for the other services are more substantial. It thus appears to be a manageable problem within the procedural restrictions found necessary by this opinion.

A further argument is made that a decision adverse to the Government would mean that only a foreign trial could be had. Even assuming that the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, (4 U. S. Treaties and Other International Agreements 1792, T. I. A. S. No. 2846) covering countries where a large part of our Armed Forces are stationed, gives jurisdiction to the United States only through its military authorities, this court cannot speculate that any given nation would be unwilling to grant or continue such extraterritorial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in capital cases if they were to be tried by some other manner than court-martial. And even if such were the case, these civilian dependents would then merely be in the same position as are so many Federal employees and their dependents and other United States citizens who are subject to the laws of foreign nations when residing there. See also the NATO Status of Forces Agreement, ''supra'', article VII., sections 2, 3.

The Government makes the final argument that these civilian dependents are part of the United States military contingent abroad in the eyes of the foreign nations concerned and that their conduct may have a profound effect on our relations with these countries, with a consequent effect on the Military Establishment there. But the argument that military courts-martial in capital cases are necessitated by this factor assumes either that a military court-martial constitutes a stronger deterrent to this sort of conduct or that in the absence of such a trial no punishment would be meted out and our foreign policy thereby injured. The reasons why these considerations carry no conviction have already been indicated.

I therefore conclude that in capital cases the exercise of court-martial jurisdiction over civilian dependents in time of peace cannot be justified by article I., considered in connection with the specific protections of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.

Since the conclusion thus reached differs from what the Court decided last term, a decent respect for the judicial process calls for reexamination of the two grounds that then prevailed. The court sustained its action on the authority of the cases dealing with the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for the territories, reinforced by ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453), in which this Court, in 1891, sustained the criminal jurisdiction of a consular court in Japan. These authorities grew out of, and related to, specific situations very different from those now here. They do not control or even embarrass the problem before us.

Legal doctrines are not self-generated abstract categories. They do not fall from the sky; nor are they pulled out of it. They have a specific judicial origin and etiology. They derive meaning and content from the circumstances that gave rise to them and from the purposes they were designed to serve. To these they are bound as is a live tree to its roots. Doctrines like those expressed by the Ross case and the series of cases beginning with ''American Insurance Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511), must be placed in their historical setting. They cannot be wrenched from it and mechanically transplanted into an alien, unrelated context without suffering mutilation or distortion. “If a precedent involving a black horse is applied to a case involving a white horse, we are not excited. If it were an elephant or an animal ''ferae naturae'' or a chose in action, then we would venture into thought. The difference might make a difference. We really are concerned about precedents chiefly when their facts differ somewhat from the facts in the case at bar. Then there is a gulf or hiatus that has to be bridged by a concern for principle and a concern for practical results and practical wisdom.” Thomas Reed Powell, Vagaries and Varieties in Constitutional Interpretation 36. This attitude toward precedent underlies the whole system of our case law. It was thus summarized by Mr. Justice Brandeis: “It is a peculiar virtue of our system of law that the process of inclusion and exclusion, so often employed in developing a rule, is not allowed to end with its enunciation and that an expression in an opinion yields later to the impact of facts unforeseen.” ''Jaybird Mining Co.'' v. ''Weir'' (271 U. S. 609, 619 (dissenting)). Especially is this attitude to be observed in constitutional controversies.

The Territorial cases relied on by the Court last term held that certain specific constitutional restrictions on the Government did not automatically apply in the acquired Territories of Florida, Hawaii, the Philippines, or Puerto Rico. In these cases, the Court drew its decisions from the power of Congress to “make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory * * * belonging to the United States,” for which provision is made in article IV., section 3. The United States from time to time acquired lands in which many of our laws and customs found an uncongenial soil because they ill accorded with the history and habits of their people. Mindful of all relevant provisions of the Constitution and not allowing one to frustrate another—which is the guiding thought of this opinion—the Court found it necessary to read article IV., section 3 together with the fifth and sixth amendments and article III. in the light of those circumstances. The question arose most frequently with respect to the establishment of trial by jury in possessions in which such a system was wholly without antecedents. The Court consistently held with respect to such Territory that Congressional power under article IV., section 3 was not restricted by the requirement of article III., section 2, clause 3, and the sixth amendment of providing trial by jury.

“If the right to trial by jury were a fundamental right which goes wherever the jurisdiction of the United States extends; or if Congress, in framing laws for outlying territory belonging to the United States, was obliged to establish that system by affirmative legislation, it would follow that, no matter what the needs or capacities of the people, trial by jury, and in no other way, must be forthwith established, although the result may be to work injustice and provoke disturbance rather than to aid the orderly administration of justice. If the United States, impelled by its duty or advantage, shall acquire territory peopled by savages, and of which it may dispose or not hold for ultimate admission to statehood, if this doctrine is sound, it must establish there the trial by jury. To state such a proposition demonstrates the impossibility of carrying it into practice. Again, if the United States shall acquire by treaty the cession of territory having an established system of jurisprudence, where jury trials are unknown, but a method of fair and orderly trial prevails under an acceptable and long-established code, the preference of the people must be disregarded, their established customs ignored, and they themselves coerced to accept, in advance of incorporation into the United States, a system of trial unknown to them and unsuited to their needs. We do not think it was intended, in giving power to Congress to make regulations for the territories, to hamper its exercise with this condition.” ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138, 148.)

The fundamental right test is the one which the Court has consistently enunciated in the long series of cases—''e. g.'', ''American Ins. Co.'' v. ''Canter'' (1 Pet. 511); ''De Lima'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 1); ''Downes'' v. ''Bidwell'' (182 U. S. 244); ''Dorr'' v. ''United States'' (195 U. S. 138); ''Balzac'' v. ''Porto Rico'' (258 U. S. 298)—dealing with claims of constitutional restrictions on the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for governing the unincorporated territories. The process of decision appropriate to the problem led to a detailed examination of the relation of the specific territory to the United States. This examination, in its similarity to analysis in terms of due process, is essentially the same as that to be made in the present cases in weighing Congressional power to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces against the safeguards of article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments.

The results in the cases that arose by reason of the acquisition of exotic territory do not control the present cases for the territorial cases rest specifically—on article IV., section 3, which is a grant of power to Congress to deal with territory and other Government property. Of course the power sought to be exercised in Great Britain and Japan does not relate to territory. The Court’s opinions in the territorial cases did not lay down a broad principle that the protective provisions of the Constitution do not apply outside the continental limits of the United States. This Court considered the particular situation in each newly acquired territory to determine whether the grant to Congress of power to govern territory was restricted by a specific provision of the Constitution. The territorial cases, in the emphasis put by them on the necessity for considering the specific circumstances of each particular case, are thus relevant in that they provide an illustrative method for harmonizing constitutional provisions which appear, separately considered, to be conflicting.

The Court last term relied on a second source of authority, the consular court case, ''In re'' Ross (140 U. S. 453). Pursuant to a treaty with Japan, Ross, a British subject but a member of the crew of a United States ship, was tried and convicted in a consular court in Yokohama for murder of a fellow seaman while the ship was in Yokohama Harbor. His application for a writ of ''habeas corpus'' to a United States circuit court was denied, 44 F. 185, and on appeal here, the judgment was affirmed. This Court set forth the ground of the circuit court, “the long and uniform acquiescence by the executive, administrative, and legislative departments of the Government in the validity of the legislation,” 140th United States Reports, at page 461, and then stated:

“The circuit court might have found an additional ground for not calling in question the legislation of Congress, in the uniform practice of civilized governments for centuries to provide consular tribunals in other than Christian countries * * * for the trial of their own subjects or citizens for offenses committed in those countries, as well as for the settlement of civil disputes between them; and in the uniform recognition, down to the time of the formation of our Government, of the fact that the establishment of such tribunals was among the most important subjects for treaty stipulations. * * *

“The treatymaking power vested in our Government extends to all proper subjects of negotiation with foreign governments. It can, equally with any of the former or present governments of Europe, make treaties providing for the exercise of judicial authority in other countries by its officers appointed to reside therein.

“We do not understand that any question is made by counsel as to its power in this respect. His objection is to the legislation by which such treaties are carried out * * *.

“By the Constitution a government is ordained and established ‘for the United States of America,’ and not for countries outside of their limits. The guarantees it affords against accusation of capital or infamous crimes, except by indictment or presentment by a grand jury, and, for an impartial trial by a jury when thus accused, apply only to citizens and others within the United States, or who are brought there for trial for alleged offenses committed elsewhere, and not to residents or temporary sojourners abroad. * * * The Constitution can have no operation in another country. When, therefore, the representatives or officers of our Government are permitted to exercise authority of any kind in another country, it must be on such conditions as the two countries may agree, the laws of neither one being obligatory upon the other. The deck of a private American vessel, it is true, is considered for many purposes constructively as territory of the United States, yet persons on board of such vessels, whether officers, sailors, or passengers, cannot invoke the protection of the provisions referred to until brought within the actual territorial boundaries of the United States.” (140 U. S., at 462–464.)

One observation should be made at the outset about the grounds for decision in Ross. Insofar as the opinion expressed a view that the Constitution is not operative outside the United States—and apparently Mr. Justice Field meant by “United States” all lands over which the United States flag flew, see John W. Burgess, How May the United States Govern Its Extra-Continental Territory? (14 Pol. Sci. Q. 1 (1899))—it expressed a notion that has long since evaporated. Governmental action abroad is performed under both the authority and the restrictions of the Constitution—for example, proceedings before American military tribunals, whether in Great Britain or in the United States, are subject to the applicable restrictions of the Constitution. See opinions in ''Burns'' v. ''Wilson'' (346 U. S. 137).

The significance of the Ross case and its relevance to the present cases cannot be assessed unless due regard is accorded the historical context in which that case was decided. Ross is not rooted in any abstract principle or comprehensive theory touching constitutional power or its restrictions. It was decided with reference to a very particular, practical problem with a long history. To be mindful of this does not attribute to Mr. Justice Field’s opinion some unavowed historical assumption. On behalf of the whole court, he spelled out the considerations that controlled it:

“The practice of European governments to send officers to reside in foreign countries, authorized to exercise a limited jurisdiction over vessels and seamen of their country, to watch the interests of their countrymen and to assist in adjusting their disputes and protecting their commerce, goes back to a very early period, even preceding what are termed the Middle Ages. * * * In other than Christian countries they were, by treaty stipulations, usually clothed with authority to hear complaints against their countrymen and to sit in judgment upon them when charged with public offenses. After the rise of Islamism, and the spread of its followers over eastern Asia and other countries bordering on the Mediterranean, the exercise of this judicial authority became a matter of great concern. The intense hostility of the people of Moslem faith to all other sects, and particularly to Christians, affected all their intercourse, and all proceedings had in their tribunals. Even the rules of evidence adopted by them placed those of different faith on unequal grounds in any controversy with them. For this cause, and by reason of the barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted in those countries, and the frequent use of torture to enforce confession from parties accused, it was a matter of deep interest to Christian governments to withdraw the trial of their subjects, when charged with the commission of a public offence, from the arbitrary and despotic action of the local officials. Treaties conferring such jurisdiction upon these consuls were essential to the peaceful residence of Christians within those countries and the successful prosecution of commerce with their people.” One Hundred and Fortieth United States Reports, at page 463.

“It is true that the occasion for consular tribunals in Japan may hereafter be less than at present, as every year that country progresses in civilization and in the assimilation of its system of judicial procedure to that of Christian countries, as well as in the improvement of its penal statutes; but the system of consular tribunals * * * is of the highest importance, and their establishment in other than. Christian countries, where our people may desire to go in pursuance of commerce, will often be essential for the protection of their persons and property” (''id.'', at 480).

It is important to have a lively sense of this background before attempting to draw on the Ross case. Historians have traced grants of extraterritorial rights as far back as the permission given by Egypt in the 12th or 13th century {{asc|B. C.}} to the merchants of Tyre to establish factories on the Nile and to live under their own law and practice their own religion. Numerous other instances of persons living under their own law in foreign lands existed in the later pre-Christian era and during the Roman Empire and the so-called Dark and Middle Ages—Greeks in Egypt, all sorts of foreigners in Rome, inhabitants of Christian cities and states in the Byzantine Empire, the Latin kingdoms of the Levant, and other Christian cities and states, Mohammedans in the Byzantine Empire and China, and many others lived in foreign lands under their own law. While the origins of this extraterritorial jurisdiction may have differed in each country, the notion that law was for the benefit of the citizens of a country and its advantages not for foreigners appears to have been an important factor. Thus, there existed a long-established custom of extraterritorial jurisdiction at the beginning of the 15th century when the complete conquest of the Byzantine Empire by the Turks and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire substantially altered political relations between Christian Europe and the Near East. But commercial relations continued, and in 1535 Francis I. of France negotiated a treaty with Suleiman I. of Turkey that provided for numerous extraterritorial rights, including criminal and civil jurisdiction over all disputes among. French subjects. (1 Ernest Charriere, Negotiations de la France dans le Levant 283.) Other nations and eventually the United States in 1830 (8 Stat. 408), later negotiated similar treaties with the Turks. (For a more complete history of the development of extraterritorial rights and consular jurisdiction, see 1 Calvo, Le Droit International Theorique et Pratique (5th ed., Rousseau, 1896), 2–18, 2 ''id.'', 9–12; Hinckley, American Consular Jurisdiction in the Orient, 1–9; 1 Miltitz, Manuel des Consuls passim; Ravndal, The Origin of the Capitulations and of the Consular Jurisdiction, S. Doc. No. 34, 67th Cong., 1st sess. 5–45, 56–96; Shih Shun Liu, Extraterritoriality, 23–66; Twiss, The Law of Nations (1884 ed.), 443–457.)

The emergence of the nation-state in Europe and the growth of the doctrine of absolute territorial sovereignty changed the nature of extraterritorial rights. No longer were strangers to be denied the advantages of local law. Indeed, territorial sovereignty meant the exercise of sovereignty over all residents within the borders of the state, and the system of extraterritorial consular jurisdiction tended to die out among Christian nations in the 18th and 19th centuries. But a new justification was found for the continuation of that jurisdiction in those countries whose systems of justice were considered inferior, and it was this strong feeling with respect to Moslem and Far Eastern countries that was reflected, as we have seen, in the Ross opinion.

Until 1842, China had asserted control over all foreigners within its territory (Shih Shun Liu, ''op. cit.'', ''supra'', 76–89) but, as a result of the Opium War, Great Britain negotiated a treaty with China whereby she obtained consular offices in five open ports and was granted extraterritorial rights over her citizens. On July 3, 1844, Caleb Cushing negotiated a similar treaty on behalf of the United States (8 Stat. 592). In a letter to Secretary of State Calhoun, he explained: “I entered China with the formed general conviction that the United States ought not to concede to any foreign state, under any circumstances, jurisdiction over the life and liberty of a citizen of the United States, unless that foreign state be of our own family of nations—in a word a Christian state.” Quoted in 7 Op. Atty. Gen. 495, 496–497. Later treaties continued the extraterritorial rights of the United States, and the treaty of 1903 contained the following article demonstrating the purpose of those rights:

“The Government of China having expressed a strong desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of western nations, the United States agrees to give every assistance to such reform and will also be prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant it in doing so” (33 Stat. 2208, 2215).

The first treaty with Japan was negotiated by Commodore Perry in 1854 (11 Stat. 597). It opened two ports, but did not provide for any exercise of judicial powers by United States officials. Under the treaty of 1857 (11 Stat. 723), such power was given, and later treaties, which opened up further Japanese cities for trade and residence by United States citizens, retained these rights. The treaty of 1894, effective on July 17, 1899, however, ended these extraterritorial rights and Japan, even though a non-Christian nation, came to occupy the same status as Christian nations (29 Stat. 848). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction by consuls over United States citizens was also provided for, at one time or another, in treaties with Borneo (10 Stat. 909, 910); Siam (11 Stat. 683, 684); Madagascar (15 Stat. 491, 492); Samoan Islands (20 Stat. 704); Korea (23 Stat. 720, 721); Tonga Islands (25 Stat. 1440, 1442) and, by virtue of most-favored-nation clauses; in treaties with Tripoli (8 Stat. 154); Persia (11 Stat. 709); the Congo (27 Stat. 926); and Ethiopia (33 Stat. 2254). The exercise of criminal jurisdiction was also provided for in a treaty with Morocco (8 Stat. 100), by virtue of a most-favored-nation clause and by virtue of a clause granting jurisdiction if “any citizens of the United States * * * shall have any disputes with each other.” The word “disputes” has been interpreted by the International Court of Justice to comprehend criminal as well as civil disputes. ''France'' v. ''United States'' (I. C. J. Rept. 1952, p. 176, 188–189.) The treaties with Algiers (8 Stat. 133, 224, 244); Tunis (8 Stat. 157); and Muscat (8 Stat. 458) contained similar disputes clauses.

The judicial power exercised by consuls was defined by statute and was sweeping:

“Jurisdiction in both criminal and civil matters shall, in all cases, be exercised and enforced in conformity with the laws of the United States, which are hereby, so far as is necessary to execute such treaties, respectively, and so far as they are suitable to carry the same into effect, extended over all citizens of the United States in those countries, and over all others to the extent that the terms of the treaties, respectively, justify or require. But in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object, or are deficient in the provisions necessary to furnish suitable remedies, the common law and the law of equity and admiralty shall be extended in like manner over such citizens and others in those countries; and if neither the common law, nor the law of equity or admiralty, nor the statutes of the United States, furnish appropriate and sufficient remedies, the ministers in those countries, respectively, shall, by decrees and regulations which shall have the force of law, supply such defects and deficiencies.” (Rev. Stat. sec. 4086.)

The consuls, then, exercised not only executive and judicial power, but legislative power as well.

The number of people subject to the jurisdiction of these courts during their most active periods appears to have been fairly small. In the Chronicle &amp; Directory for China, Japan, and the Philippines, for the year 1870, there is a listing of the total number of foreign, not just United States, residents in these three places. The list is 81 pages long, with a total of some 4,500 persons (pp. 54–134). This same publication gives the following information about Japan. “The number of foreigners settled in Japan is as yet very small. At the end of the year 1862, the foreign community at Kanagawa, the principal of the three ports of Japan open to aliens, consisted of * * * 38 Americans * * * and in the latter part of 1864 the permanent foreign residents at Kanagawa had increased to 300, not counting soldiers, of which number * * * about 80 [were] Americans. * * * At Nagasaki, the second port of Japan thrown open to foreign trade by the Government, the number of alien settlers was as follows on the 1st of January 1866: * * * American citizens, 32. * * * A third port opened to European and American traders, that of Hakodadi, in the north of Japan, was deserted, after a lengthened trial, by nearly all the foreign merchants settled there * * *.” (Appendix, p. 353.) The statesman’s Yearbook of 1890 shows: China at the end of 1888: 1,020 Americans (p. 411); Japan in 1887, 711 Americans (p. 709); Morocco; 1889 estimate: “The number of Christians is very small, not exceeding 1,500” (p. 739). The Statesman’s Yearbook of 1901 shows: China at the end of 1899: 2,335 Americans (p. 484); Japan, December 31, 1898, just before the termination of our extraterritorial rights: 1,165 Americans (p. 809); Morocco: “The number of Christians does not exceed 6,000; the Christian population of Tangier alone probably amounts to 5,000” (p. 851). These figures of course do not include those civilians temporarily in the country coming within consular jurisdiction.

The consular court jurisdiction, then, was exercised in countries whose legal systems at the time were considered so inferior that justice could not be obtained in them by our citizens. The existence of these courts was based on long-established custom and they were justified as the best possible means for securing justice for the few Americans present in those countries. The Ross case, therefore, arose out of, and rests on, very special, confined circumstances, and cannot be applied automatically to the present situation, involving hundreds of thousands of American citizens in countries with civilized systems of justice. If Congress had established consular courts or some other nonmilitary procedure for trial that did not contain all the protections afforded by article III. and the fifth and sixth amendments for the trial of civilian dependents of military personnel abroad, we would be forced to a detailed analysis of the situation of the civilian dependent population abroad in deciding whether the Ross case should be extended to cover such a case. It is not necessary to do this in the present cases in view of our decision that the form or trial here provided cannot constitutionally be justified.

The Government, apparently recognizing the constitutional basis for the decision in Ross, has, on rehearing, sought to show that civilians in general and civilian dependents in particular have been subject to military order and discipline ever since the colonial period. The materials it has submitted seem too episodic, too meager, to form a solid basis in history, preceding and contemporaneous with the framing of the Constitution, for constitutional adjudication. What has been urged on us falls far too short of proving a well-established practice—to be deemed to be infused into the Constitution—of court-martial jurisdiction, certainly not in capital cases, over such civilians in time of peace.}}

Mr. President, the decision which I have read in the {{sc|Record}} is in the case of Curtis Reid, Superintendent of the District of Columbia Jail, Appellant, against Clarice B. Covert, and Nina Kinsella, Warden of the Federal Reformatory for Women, Alderson, W. Va., petitioner, against Walter Krueger. The opinion, which was written by Mr. Justice Black, was concurred in by the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas, and Mr. Justice Brennan. It pointed out clearly that even though the court-martial so provided, the jury trial could not be denied to civilians accompanying the Armed Forces. It is very clear on that point.

There was a concurring opinion, which I have just included in the {{sc|Record}}, by Justice Frankfurter, which upholds that contention.

There is no question that under the United States Constitution citizens are entitled to a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the discretion of a Federal judge to say whether he is going to grant a trial by jury. It cannot be left to the Congress to say that if the punishment is only a $300 fine or 45 days imprisonment we will let the judge try the case, but if it is above that the defendant can get a jury trial. That simply does not make sense. It violates the Constitution and is in derogation of the administration of justice in this country. As someone has said, it is a split-level statute.

Mr. President, on May 9, 1957, before the mountain and plain regional meeting of the American Bar Association in Denver, Colo., Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., of the Supreme Court, made an address on our judicial systems. In this address he discussed the advantages of our traditional jury-trial system. Because of the clear, straightforward nature of this address, I want to quote the following statement made by Justice Brennan. This is what he said:

{{smaller block|We hear much, for example, of the proposal that we turn all automobile-accident litigation over to an administrative agency. The idea is that, because automobile litigation accounts for a major part of court business, the simple solution is to dispose of the problem by throwing it out the window. What an abject abdication of our profession’s responsibility to provide judicial justice for our citizens. But, at best, there is utterly no hope for that idea, at least not in our lifetimes, when the job of judicial reform must be done. It will be a long day before our society will pay the price of damages for every automobile injury or death without regard to the fault of the person injured or killed. There is no true analogy between compensation for the injured workman who helps produce goods or services for profit, where the cost is passed on to the consumer in the price of the goods or services, and compensation to the automobile victim, where the cost would have to be borne by all of us.

Another nostrum is that, because jury trials take more time than trials before a judge without a jury, the easy answer to calendar congestion is to get rid of jury trials in automobile accident cases. Actual studies are being made to prove that the average jury trial in a negligence case takes more time than a nonjury trial of a negligence case. I question the need for a study to prove something that every judge and lawyer knows. Of course jury trials usually take more time than nonjury trials. But those who propose this suggest also that fairer justice will result if a judge, unprejudiced for one side or the other—they really mean that juries are prejudiced in favor of plaintiffs—disposes of them. I doubt that that proposition can withstand analysis. As a trial judge I was always interested in how often the jury brought in the same verdict on liability that I would have reached. And that seems to be the experience of trial judges generally. A recent survey proved that in upwards of 85 percent of the cases the trial judge reported that the jury reached the result on liability that he would have reached. Moreover, the idea that juries go haywire in fixing damages where plaintiffs prevail should be looked at a little more closely. I think at least that judge-decided verdicts under the Federal Tort Claims Act (no jury trial is had under that act) do not persuade the Department of Justice that juries are any less conscientious in fixing damages. I know that at times juries do go overboard. But I can count on the fingers of one hand the instances in my time as a trial judge when I felt it necessary to set aside verdicts because they had done so. My experience left me with the definite impression that jurors almost always do try to fix damages within allowable limits.

I think, at all events, this proposal to abolish jury trials in automobile accident cases also faces an almost insurmountable hurdle. The success of our British brothers in abolishing jury trials should not mislead us. American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. Perhaps the emotion generated by proposals to modify or deny the right has its roots in the Jacksonian era of distrust of the legal profession and the insistence upon the people’s control of the administration of justice. Perhaps it is a survival of the same thing which gave us the elective system of judges in most States and in some, as in my own, New Jersey, actual lay participation on the bench. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of the preservation of their liberties. The road of him who would take away jury trial in automobile accident cases is a long and rocky one.

I submit that it is a sorry response to the litigant who suffers from long delay in having his accident suit tried that we can offer no relief beyond “let’s throw accident litigation out of the courts,” or “let’s deny the victim the right of a jury trial.” Our profession must stand up and reject those nostrums. We know now that there are judicial structures and techniques of judicial administration which not only can cope with problems of calendar control but to far more {{SIC|signficant|significant}} purposes can also measurably assist in our ceaseless striving to give better justice. Our need is to get up our courage to fight for these things and to do battle with the powerfully entrenched opponents of any reform who too often take their position out of self-interest without sufficient consideration of what is best in the people’s interest. It doubtless is true that achievement of a modernized, efficient judicial structure requires far-reaching legislative and constitutional changes in most jurisdictions. But, far better to do the arduous labor of getting that essential job done than to promote equally drastic changes which are nothing more than a humiliating confession of defeat.

Let us not forget that the integrity and efficiency of the judicial process is the first essential in a democratic society. The confidence of the people in the administration of justice is a prime requisite for free representative government. The public entrusts the legal profession with the sacred mission of dealing with the vital affairs that affect the whole pattern of human relations and certainly has a stake entitling it to demand not only that judges dispense justice impartially and fairly but also that judicial business shall be handled and disposed of by a modernized process which assures a minimum of friction and waste, for such a process also plays a large role in the achievement of impartial and fair justice for all litigants. There is actually no difference between the business of judicial administration and the business of running an industrial or commercial enterprise in the sense that the efficient and businesslike conduct of each means better service for the public. An inefficient and wasteful judicial administration actually can and often does result in a denial of justice, however earnestly an honest and upright judge may strive to prevent that lamentable result.

I think it is not difficult to account for today’s heightened interest on the part of the general public throughout our Nation and, indeed, the Free World in the improvement of the process for administering justice. That growing interest is in large measure a product of the tumultuous times in which we live. For these are not only times which have produced a monstrous threat to all freedom, but, by the very reason of that threat, are times which have induced in free peoples everywhere an ever intensifying critical self-examination of the institutions upon which their freedoms depend—an insistence upon exposure of the imperfections of those institutions, a peremptory demand upon those who are entrusted with those institutions to improve and strengthen them the more surely to withstand the onslaught bent upon their destruction. It is but natural then that the judicial process should come under examination, for never was it more true than today that “Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.”}}

Mr. President, I submit, just as Justice Brennan has quoted here, which never was more true than today:

{{smaller block|Justice, sirs, is the chiefest interest of man on earth.}}

I contend that since our forefathers placed in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights provisions which are so plain it seems no one could misinterpret them, providing for trial by jury in criminal cases, there can be no question that jury trials are not only desirable but are demanded under the Constitution. There should be no doubt in the mind of anyone, if he studies the Constitution, that the so-called compromise which tends to compromise the Constitution of the United States is not a just, is not a fair, is not a wise, and is not a constitutional provision, and that this bill should be killed.

Mr. President, one of the most interesting books ever written on the American system of Government was by Alexis de Tocqueville, a young Frenchman who wrote a book entitled “Democracy in America” after visiting this country during the 1830s. One of the chapters of his book was entitled “Trial by Jury in the United States Considered as a Political Institution.”

I shall read excerpts from this chapter because it provides an excellent insight into the prestige attained by the system of jury trial from the observation of an unbiased observer.

{{smaller block|[From de Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America,” written after visiting America in the 1830s.]

{{c|{{sc|Trial by Jury in the United States Constitution as a Political Institution}}}}

Trial by jury, which is one of the forms of the sovereignty of the people, ought to be compared with the other laws which establish that sovereignty: Composition of the jury in the United States; effect of trial by jury upon the national character; it educates the people; how it tends to establish the influence of the magistrates and to extend the legal spirit among the people.

Since my subject has led me to speak of the administration of justice in the United States, I will not pass over it without referring to the institution of the jury. Trial by jury may be considered in two separate points of view: as a judicial, and as a political institution. * * *

My present purpose is to consider the jury as a political institution; any other course would divert me from my subject. Of trial by jury considered as a judicial institution I shall here say but little. When the English adopted trial by jury, they were a semi-barbarous people; they have since become one of the most enlightened nations of the earth, and their attachment to this institution seems to have increased with their increasing cultivation. They have emigrated and colonized every part of the habitable globe; some have formed colonies, others independent states; the mother country has maintained its monarchial constitution; many of its offspring have founded powerful republics; but everywhere they have boasted of the privilege of trial by jury. They have established it, or hastened to reestablish it, in all their settlements. A judicial institution which thus obtains the suffrages of a great people for so long a series of ages, which is zealously reproduced at every stage of civilization, in all the climates of the earth, and under every form of human {{SIC|govment|government}}, cannot be contrary to the spirit of justice.

But to leave this part of the subject. It would be a very narrow view to look upon the jury as a mere judicial institution; for however great its influence may be upon the decisions of the courts, it is still greater on the destinies of society at large. The jury is, above all, a political institution, and it must be regarded in this light in order to be duly appreciated.

By the jury I mean a certain number of citizens chosen by lot and invested with a temporary right of judging. Trial by jury, as applied to the repression of crime, appears to me an eminently republican element in the government, for the following reasons.

The institution of the jury may be aristocratic or democratic, according to the class from which the jurors are taken; but it always preserves its republican character, in that it places the real direction of society in the hands of the governed, or of a portion of the governed, and not in that of the government. Force is never more than a transient element of success, and after force comes the notion of right. A government able to reach its enemies only upon a field of battle would soon be destroyed. The true sanction of political laws is to be found in penal legislation; and if that sanction is wanting, the law will sooner or later lose its cogency. He who punishes the criminal is therefore the real master of society. Now, the institution of the jury raises the people itself, or at least a class of citizens, to the bench of judges. The institution of the jury consequently invests the people, or that class of citizens, with the direction of society.

In England the jury is selected from the aristocratic portion of the nation; the aristocracy makes the laws, applies the laws, and punishes infractions of the laws; everything is established upon a consistent footing, and England may with truth be said to constitute an aristocratic republic. In the United States the same system is applied to the whole people. Every American citizen is both an eligible and a legally qualified voter. The jury system as it is understood in America appears to me to be as direct and as extreme a consequence of the sovereignty of the people as universal suffrage. They are two instruments of equal power, which contribute to the supremacy of the majority. All the sovereigns who have chosen to govern by their own authority, and to direct society instead of obeying its directions, have destroyed or enfeebled the institution of the jury. The Tudor monarchs sent to prison jurors who refused to convict, and Napoleon caused them to be selected by his agents.

However clear most of these truths may seem to be, they do not command universal assent; and in France, at least, trial by jury is still but imperfectly understood. If the question arises as to the proper qualification of jurors, it is confined to a discussion of the intelligence and knowledge of the citizens who may be returned, as if the jury was merely a judicial institution. This appears to me the least important part of the subject. The jury is preeminently a political institution; it should be regarded as one form of the sovereignty of the people; when that sovereignty is repudiated, it must be rejected, or it must be adapted to the laws by which that sovereignty is established. The jury is that portion of the nation to which the execution of the laws is entrusted, as the legislature is that part of the nation which makes the laws; and in order that society may be governed in a fixed and uniform manner, the list of citizens qualified to serve on juries must increase and diminish with the list of electors. This I hold to be the point of view most worthy of the attention of the legislator; all that remains is merely accessory.

I am so entirely convinced that the jury is preeminently a political institution that I still consider it in this light when it is applied in civil causes. Laws are always unstable unless they are founded upon the customs of a nation; customs are the only durable and resisting power in a people. When the jury is reserved for criminal offenses, the people witness only its occasional action in particular cases; they become accustomed to do without it in the ordinary course of life, and it is considered as an instrument, but not as the only instrument, of obtaining justice.

When, on the contrary, the jury acts also on civil causes, its application is constantly visible; it affects all the interests of the community; everyone cooperates in its work; it thus penetrates into all the usages of life, it fashions the human mind to its peculiar forms, and is gradually associated with the idea of justice itself.

The institution of the jury, if confined to criminal causes, is always in danger; but when once it is introduced into civil proceedings, it defies the aggressions of time and man. If it had been as easy to remove the jury from the customs as from the laws of England, it would have perished under the Tudors, and the civil jury did in reality at that period save the liberties of England. In whatever manner the jury be applied, it cannot fail to exercise a powerful influence upon the national character; but this influence ts prodigiously increased when it is introduced into civil causes. The jury, and more especially the civil jury, serves to communicate the spirit of the judges to the minds of all the citizens; and this spirit, with the habits which attend it, is the soundest preparation for free institutions. It imbues all classes with a respect for the thing judged and with the notion of right. If these two elements be removed, the love of independence becomes a mere destructive passion. It teaches men to practice equity; every man learns to judge his neighbor as he would himself be judged. And this is especially true of the jury in civil causes; for while the number of persons who have reason to apprehend a criminal prosecution is small, everyone is liable to have a lawsuit. The jury teaches every man not to recoil before the responsibility of his own actions and impresses him with that manly confidence without which no political virtue can exist. It invests each citizen with a kind of magistracy; it makes them all feel the duties which they are bound to discharge toward society and the part which they take in its government. By obliging men to turn their attention to other affairs than their own, it rubs off that private selfishness which is the rust of society.

The jury contributes powerfully to form the judgment and to increase the natural intelligence of a people; and this, in my opinion, is its greatest advantage. It may be regarded as a gratuitous public school, ever open, in which every juror learns his rights, enters into daily communication with the most learned and enlightened members of the upper classes, and becomes practically acquainted with the laws, which are brought within the reach of his capacity by the efforts of the bar, the advice of the judge, and even the passions of the parties. I think that the practical intelligence and political good sense of the Americans are mainly attributable to the long use that they have made of the jury in civil causes.

I do not know whether the jury is useful to those who have lawsuits, but I am certain it is highly beneficial to those who judge them; and I look upon it as one of the most efficacious means for the education of the people which society can employ.

What I have said applies to all nations, but the remark I am about to make is peculiar to the Americans and to democratic communities. I have already observed that in democracies the members of the legal profession and the judicial magistrates constitute the only aristocratic body which can moderate the movements of the people. This aristocracy is invested with no physical power; it exercises its conservative influence upon the minds of men; and the most abundant source of its authority is the institution of the civil jury. In criminal causes, when society is contending against a single man, the jury is apt to look upon the judge as the passive instrument of social power and to mistrust his advice. Moreover, criminal causes turn entirely upon simple facts, which commonsense can readily appreciate; upon this ground the judge and the jury are equal. Such is not the case, however, in civil causes; then the judge appears as a disinterested arbiter between the conflicting passions of the parties. The jurors look up to him with confidence and listen to him with respect, for in this instance, his intellect entirely governs theirs. It is the judge who sums up the various arguments which have wearied their memory, and who guides them through the devious course of the proceedings; he points their attention to the exact question of fact that they are called upon to decide and tells them how to answer the question of law. His influence over them is almost unlimited.

If I am called upon to explain why I am but little moved by the arguments derived from the ignorance of jurors in civil causes, I reply that in these proceedings, whenever the question to be solved is not a mere question of fact, the jury has only the semblance of a judicial body. The jury only sanctions the decision of the judge; they sanction this decision by the authority of society which they represent, and he by that of reason and of law.

The jury, then, which seems to restrict the rights of the judiciary does in reality consolidate its power; and in no country are the judges so powerful as where the people share their privileges. It is especially by means of the jury in civil causes that the American magistrates imbue even the lower classes of society with the spirit of their profession. Thus the jury, which is the most energetic means of making the people rule, is also the most efficacious means of teaching it how to rule well.}}

Mr. President, de Tocqueville contributed a great deal to literature and to society. He was a Frenchman who came to our country and studied our form of government. He was so impressed that he wrote the chapter on trial by jury, in which he emphasized the fact that the jury is the heart of the administration of justice in a democracy.

On Friday, July 5, 1957, there was printed in the State, a newspaper published in Columbia, S. C., an article quoting the then president of the American Bar Association, Mr. David F. Maxwell, on the subject of jury trials.

I believe Mr. Maxwell is a member of the Philadelphia bar, of which our distinguished Presiding Officer [Mr. {{sc|Clark}}] is also a member. I am sure that the Presiding Officer, as well as the Senate, will be interested in what Mr. Maxwell had to say on the subject of jury trials, and that the views expressed by him will be of interest to everyone who believes in constitutional government. I read as follows:

{{smaller block|The president of the American Bar Association today answered charges that trial by jury is an outmoded, time-consuming process which can be replaced by more efficient legal procedure.

David F. Maxwell, of Philadelphia, who heads the lawyers organization, said instead that jury trials are the ultimate protection against invasion of personal freedom.

He spoke at the diamond jubilee celebration of the State Bar of Texas.

“Too many persons today are prone to view trial by jury solely as a factfinding device, and hence expendable, if as good or better a method can be devised,” he said.

These critics are influenced, Maxwell said, by the late Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who wrote that an experienced judge should be able to represent the commonsense of the community far better than the average jury.

The Pennsylvania attorney said, “Such a contention presupposes the ability of the trial judge to discard foibles and prejudices built up within himself through his personal experience and background,” adding that a group of average citizens can mete out more even justice than can the most competent and experienced judge.

“So let us in this country take warning,” he said. “The jury alone is able to function as the thin wedge of reserved power that separates our system of law from the monolithic, totalitarian despotism behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.”}}

Mr. President, an editorial appeared in the Greenville (S. C.) News of June 6, 1957. It is entitled “Jury Trial Is at Heart of Rights Issue” and has this to say on the jury-trial issue:

{{smaller block|The day after it was reported from Washington that the administration would protest the southern claim that the so-called civil-rights bill would deny the right to trial by jury, the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate approved an amendment intended to guarantee that right to persons who might come under an injunction authorized in the proposed law.

In his several appearances before the Senate and House committees studying the various proposals, Attorney General Brownell tried to claim that a trial by jury would not be denied. He had rough going, and at times was downright evasive, when Senator {{sc|Sam. J. Ervin}}, of North Carolina, began to cross-examine him on his statements.

Senator {{sc|Ervin}}, an eminent lawyer and a former member of his State’s supreme court, is of the opinion that trial by jury not only would not be guaranteed under the bills as submitted, but could be denied. Certainly, it would be possible for the courts to deny a jury hearing and a judge, if he chose, could sit in judgment on the testimony as well as the law.

Speaking for the administration, Attorney General Brownell is taking his case to the House of Representatives, but the action of the Senate committee on Monday indicates that even a number of northern Democrats and Republicans have been convinced of the facts.

The jury trial issue came up in this way:

Among the bills included in the civil rights packages (various versions of which have been offered by the administration and by individuals and groups of Democratic and Republican Members of Congress) is one which would set up a special civil rights division of the Department of Justice.

It would be manned by a number of assistants to the Attorney General and would have the authority to initiate civil suits against persons accused of violating the civil rights of others or whom it might have reason to believe were about to violate such rights.

(At present, it is a criminal offense to violate the civil rights of another. But a person accused of violating such laws has the right to be arraigned before a grand jury and to be tried by a petit jury.)

The administration proposal—and members of both parties have supported this or made similar proposals of their own—is to transfer civil rights cases from the criminal to the civil side of the Federal courts. The Government itself would bring such suits, with or without the request of the allegedly injured persons.

The Government could ask for and obtain an injunction forbidding anyone to do certain things, such as to refuse a voting certificate to a certain person or to oppose an integration order issued against a certain school. Such action on the part of the defendant might be a violation of an injunction or it might be a violation of a criminal law on civil rights.

But in such cases, the Government would bring the individual before the judge on a charge of contempt. And the judge could convict and sentence the individual without a trial by jury.

That is what prompted the southern amendment to the bill aimed at assuring a jury trial. And that is the principle Mr. Brownell is assailing in his statements to Congress.

He does not deny that trial by jury would be denied the defendants. He merely says the amendment would make the bill ineffective and would weaken the power of the Federal courts to enforce their orders. He says this power to punish for contempt has long been available to the Government in other Federal cases.

That much is true. When the Government brings a civil suit and obtains an injunction, contempt can be adjudged and punished without a jury. But these are cases entirely different from those Mr. Brownell proposes to bring in the name of civil rights.

In this instance, Mr. Brownell is trying to do in a roundabout way what the Constitution forbids him to do directly; that is, try and convict a person for an alleged crime without a jury.}}

Mr. President, here is an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of April 17, 1957. It is entitled “Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} Understands Threat to Liberty in Civil-Rights Bill” and has this to say:

{{smaller block|Speaking at the annual banquet of the Hibernian Society in Charleston, March 18, 1947, Senator {{sc|Joseph C. O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, stressed the fact that the United States has repudiated the doctrine of arbitrary power.

This week, 10 years after he made this statement, Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} gave evidence that he believes what he said. The Democratic Senator lined up with southern critics of the so-called civil-rights bill. He said he was in favor of a civil-rights bill but one that is conceived in justice and freedom rather than in any thought of punishment.

Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} told reporters that the proposed Presidential Civil Rights Commission to investigate complaints of civil-rights violations could easily do more harm than good. And with respect to another part of the bill vigorously opposed by southern Senators, he said, “I don’t think we should be afraid of a jury trial in matters of this kind.” In announcing his stand on the legislation, he said that the South has made many striking advances in racial relations, while such relations in some other parts of the country have worsened.

Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}’s stand on the civil-rights bill is of major significance. His statement shows that the South is gaining ground in its battle to convince other regions that the force bills are a threat to the liberties of all Americans.

Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is not a western conservative like, say, Senator {{sc|Barry Goldwater}}, Republican, of Arizona, who might be expected to line up with southern conservatives. The Senator from Wyoming is a western liberal and an old-time supporter of the New Deal. Hence his acceptance of some of the southern constitutional arguments is all the more meaningful.

If Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}} is convinced that the right to jury trial and other parts of our heritage are being threatened by the civil-rights bill, the likelihood of convincing other northern and western Senators is considerable.

In order to overcome the propaganda barriers of the NAACP and convince these Senators, the South must continue to argue its case—and on the highest level. Senator {{sc|Sam Ervin}} of North Carolina has done especially fine work this session in accomplishing just that.

The other task facing southerners is that of insisting on respect for law and order throughout our region. The enemies of the South must not have any excuse for urging Federal intervention. Hoodlumism must be put down. The ignorant elements who join the Ku Klux Klan must be made to realize they are under the eyes of local and State police. Responsible men must stay active in movements such as the citizens council, and prevent infiltration by troublemakers or hotheads.

If the South can speak with dignity in Washington and act with honesty and good sense at home, there will be more Senator O’Mahoneys who will realize southerners are fighting the good fight for American liberties.}}

Mr. President, here is another article from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Trial by Jury Right of All Americans” and it appears in the June 5, 1957, issue of the News and Courier, and has this to say:

{{smaller block|A guaranty of trial by jury, squeezed into a civil-rights law by vote of a Senate subcommittee, has been hailed as a southern victory.

This victory—though it is little more than solace in a string of defeats—in fact belongs to the American Republic. Southerners are not alone in danger. If the Federal Government can deprive southerners of the right of trial by jury, on the ground that they are unfair to Negroes, it can do the same to citizens of other regions on equally flimsy grounds.

Thanks to the NAACP and its political allies, defense of Negroes’ civil rights is popular today. Even at the sacrifice of rights of all citizens, restrictive laws have won serious support. The News and Courier finds biting irony in the need for Congress to guarantee the right of trial by jury. Americans have been brought up in the belief that the United States Constitution meant what it said in guaranteeing them this right.

Nowadays, the ruling clique no longer trusts ordinary people to govern themselves. Juries, they fear, will bring in unjust verdicts. The bosses prefer to entrust such delicate matters as civil rights to hand-picked Federal judges, who are screened by the Department of Justice and appointed by the President. With both national parties committed to the NAACP program, no lawyer who takes a strong stand against that program stands much chance of appointment. As older judges die or retire, Attorney General Brownell will make sure, insofar as he is able, that replacements have a “liberal” view of race.

With administration of election laws removed from the hands of elected State officials and placed under Federal appointees, government is being removed ever further from the people. The jury system, safeguard of Anglo–Saxon liberty, may yet be a victim of alien notions now gathering power in our Republic.}}

Mr. President, I have an article from the May 10, 1957, issue of the Charleston, (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “The Civil-Rights Fight and Trial-by-Jury Issue” and was written by the distinguished southern newspaperman, Dr. John Temple Graves. Here is what it has to say on the jury-trial issue:

{{smaller block|{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm|“}}Backward, turn backward,
O Time in thy flight * * *”&lt;/poem&gt;}}

Time accommodates.

Its comment on jury trials last week overlooked the Federal march of time.

Admitting that the trial-by-jury issue has come to dominate the civil-rights fight, the magazine pontificated that “the contempt citation is the judiciary’s historic enforcement tool.” It avowed that “jury trials in contempt cases have absolutely no basis in equity or constitutional law and precious little legislative sanction.”

The trick in this extraordinary statement is in Time’s small print at the bottom of the page. It explains that “with a single exception (the Norris–La Gaurdia Act covering labor disputes) trial by jury has never been required in contempt cases to which the United States has been a party.” With the United States Government proposing now to be a party to just about everything in heaven, earth, and the waters beneath—a new situation exists.

The Constitution loves the principle of trial by jury and says so over and over again. That great basic principle, rather than any technicality, is what is involved for the South.

Call it contempt or something else, let the Government be a party or not a party, what concerns us and what concerned the makers of the Constitution is that citizens in handcuffs shall not be adjudged by those who put the handcuffs on them, that the right of an accused to be properly tried in the Anglo–Saxon ideal shall not be abridged in the name of contempt or participation of the Government.

The Constitution speaks for this principle in article 3. The fifth amendment speaks for it, and the sixth, and the seventh.

Nothing in the whole instrument is more emphatic.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the April 8, 1957, issue of South, the news magazine of Dixie. It is entitled “Force Bill ‘Liberals’ Would Kill Jury Trial.” Here is what it has to say:

{{smaller block|It is incredible that those who like to boast that they are liberals and protectors of individual rights are crying the loudest for the currently misnamed civil-rights legislation which would deny alleged violators the right to trial by jury. The politically inspired anti-South force bill package has induced such a state of hypnosis in the self-styled liberals that they want to replace constitutional guarantees of civil liberties with their own false notions of civil rights.

If the question of race were not at issue, the very people who are pressing for passage of this abominable travesty on constitutional principle would be the first to denounce it for discarding the sacred right of trial by jury. At the outset the legislation violates the rights spelled out in article III., section 3, and by the seventh amendment, one of the historic ten making up the Bill of Rights. It would empower the United States Attorney General to seek injunctions against persons suspected of being about to violate the so-called civil-rights measure. Then a Federal judge, acting also as prosecutor and jury, would decree a whole community or State in contempt. An individual cited for contempt would be tried without a jury by the judge who cited him.

The proponents of this evil proposal know exactly what they are doing. By design they are taking away the right of jury trial. In fact, they are bold to say that if they did not set aside the right of trial by jury, they could not get convictions in the South. To allow jury trials, they say, would be to gut the bill. Attorney General Brownell is horror-struck at the thought that the no-jury-trial provision be stricken. President Eisenhower, who violates a campaign pledge made at Miami by pushing this legislation, says he would have to get Brownell’s opinion as to whether to sign or veto a civil-rights bill containing the assurance of jury trial in contempt cases. The civil strife proponents protest that this guaranty—in the Constitution which Eisenhower, Brownell, and all Congressmen are sworn to uphold—would cripple the bill. Has the President so soon forgotten that he said at Miami, 2 weeks before the election, that civil-rights problems should be handled to the greatest extent on a local and State basis?

Surely our liberals know that Hitler, Mussolini, and all tyrants from the time of King John (until forced to sign the Magna Carta) opposed jury trials because they would cripple their programs.}}

Mr. President, I have an article from the April 14, 1957, issue of the Greenville, S. C., News. It is entitled “Jackie Robinson on Meet the Press: Negro Athlete Favors Jury Trials” and has this to say:

{{smaller block|Jackie Robinson, Negro baseball star, when asked if he favored jury trials for civil-rights defendants, said Sunday night he would personally prefer a jury trial.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People strongly opposes a jury trial guaranty in criminal injunction cases arising under the bill.

Robinson is leading the NAACP’s freedom-fund campaign for a million dollars to attain first-class citizenship for all members.

The former Brooklyn Dodger told an NBC Meet the Press television panel that he did not know what the million dollars would be spent for—possibly for lawsuits against school segregation.

He said he favored the civil-rights bill but knows very little about it.

Frank Van Der Linden, this newspaper’s Washington correspondent, asked the questions about the civil-rights bill.}}

This is a man, Mr. President, who favors the civil-rights bill, but even he says he favors a trial by jury.

That is what the House did on this so-called compromise. In effect, they have nullified the right of trial by jury. There are very, very few instances in which a judge, when he finds a man guilty of contempt, would give a sentence of more than 45 days in prison or a fine of more than $300. That simply means the practical effect is that the jury trial has been completely nullified.

As I have said earlier, and as I will say later in my address, the right of jury trial is something the Constitution grants to the citizens of the United States. The Congress does not have the authority to take the jury trial away from the people of America.

Mr. President, I have an excerpt from an editorial from the August 26, 1957, issue of the Columbia (S. C.) Record. It is entitled “Jury-Trial Compromise No Compromise,” and this is what it has to say:

{{smaller block|The “compromise” on the jury-trial amendment to the civil-rights bill, worked out between the House and Senate leaders of both parties, is anything but a genuine compromise. It is a nullification of the jury-trial principle, for which the southern Democrats fought so valiantly in the Senate.

The amendment written into the bill by the Senate provided that in all cases of criminal contempt defendants should be entitled to jury trials, guaranteed by the Constitution to all persons accused of crime. This applied not only to criminal contempt charges growing out of voting-right cases, but also to other criminal contempt proceedings as well.

The so-called compromise allows jury trials only in voting-rights cases and then only after a defendant has been tried and convicted without a jury trial and sentenced to more than 45 days’ imprisonment and a $300 fine. In such a case the defendant could ask for a jury trial and the case would then be tried ''de novo'' before a jury. But no jury, of course, could try such a case ''de novo'' in fact. Every juror would know that the defendant had been found guilty by a judge and given more than a minimum sentence. This is a condition precedent to a jury trial in these voting-right cases. And no jury trial under such circumstances is anything approaching the right of trial by jury guaranteed by the Constitution.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the August 25, 1957, issue of the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier. It is entitled “Jury Trial ‘Compromise’ Is False Bait in Wicked Trap for Liberty,” and here is what it has to say:

{{smaller block|A proposed compromise now pending in Congress is as wicked and immoral, in our opinion, as total denial of trial by jury under Federal election laws.

Reports from Washington indicate a likelihood that the civil rights force bill may be rammed through Congress with this compromise to grease the way. Perhaps the northern scrambles for Negro votes and their “liberal” southern allies have the power in Congress to enact this hateful law. They should not get even silent support from anyone who loves the American Republic.

The compromise is really no compromise at all. It would grant the opportunity to seek a new trial before a jury by a defendant in an election case who had received a sentence greater than a $1,000 fine or 45 days in jail.}}

The amount there, incidentally, Mr. President, should be corrected. Instead of a $1,000 fine, it should be a $300 fine.

{{smaller block|But the size of a fine and the duration of imprisonment are not the key issue in this legislation. Penalties may be amended once the principle is set up. Besides, imprisoning State election officials even for a short time could rig the outcome of voting.

The key issue here is whether the liberty of a citizen, and the constitutional rights of the States to conduct free elections, should be sacrificed for the sake of current political advantage of national parties and politicians.}}

As I have said before, Mr. President—to digress there—the only purpose of this so-called right-to-vote bill is to advance the cause of the national political parties with the minorities and to advance the cause of certain politicians. If it were not for the purpose of both parties playing to the minorities and advancing the cause of certain politicians to high offices, I do not believe this bill would ever have been introduced. It is a disgrace to the United States even to have the Congress consider such an abominable and obnoxious bill.

{{smaller block|Behind this force bill lies a game of power politics. Both national parties are struggling to control the votes of herded Negroes in big northern cities and their liberal allies. These bloc voters are believed to hold the balance of political power in the United States.

Buried beneath the nauseating political greed that has produced this force bill are principles once dear to Americans. The bill has many of the earmarks of totalitarian government that the Constitution was built to prevent.}}

Among these earmarks are Federal control of elections, seizing the power of the ballot box from the people most likely to be affected; substitution of judges for juries in enforcement of the law; and secrecy in working up prosecutions.

The bill would set up a powerful commission on the phony pretense of guarding voting rights of minority groups. This Commission’s actions would be shielded from public view. Persons are forbidden under penalties to make known what it is doing. The Star Chamber—a tyrannous device once used by English Kings—thus would be imposed for the first time on the United States.

Southerners may be overwhelmed by superior force, but they should go down fighting every step of the way.

In honorable defeat they may sound an alarm to fellow Americans not yet awake to dangers to the Republic. Passage of the civil-rights force bill would be a defeat for all citizens of whatever race or region, for it would help to set the stage for dictatorship and oppression. The compromise on which passage now seems to hinge is only a deceptive detail in a dirty business.}}

Mr. President, I have here an excellent editorial from the Washington Evening Star of July 12, 1957. It is an editorial full of quotes, but the editor made his point well in this editorial without even having to insert his own comments. Here is what the editorial says:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Brownell}} ''v.'' {{sc|Norris}}}}

Attorney General Brownell (in a letter explaining the civil-rights bill):

“Enactment of legislation providing for jury trial in contempt cases arising out of governmental litigation would undermine the authority of the Federal courts by seriously weakening their power to enforce their lawful orders. The effect of adopting current proposals for jury trial would be to weaken and undermine the authority of the Federal courts by making their every order, even when issued after due hearing and affirmed on appeal, reviewable by a local jury. * * *

“Furthermore the proposed amendment to existing procedures that is being advocated under the innocuous slogan of jury trial would permit practical nullification of the effectiveness of the proposed civil-rights legislation. The enforcement of any court order may require prompt and vigorous action if it is to be effective. Prompt action will often be vital in civil-rights cases, especially election cases, where the registration period or the election may pass while enforcement is delayed. The injection of a jury trial between an order of a court enjoining discrimination against Negroes in an election, and the enforcement of that order would provide numerous opportunities for delay beyond the time when the order could have practical effect.”

The late Senator George W. Norris (insisting on the right of trial by jury, by Congressional enactment, in every case of indirect contempt):

“I agree that any man charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.”}}

I wish to repeat that statement. He said:

{{smaller block|I agree that any many charged with contempt in any court of the United States * * * in any case, no matter what it is, ought to have a jury trial.}}

Under the proposed compromise amendment which came from the House, the people will not get a jury trial. In 99 percent of the cases the judge will sentence people without a jury trial. It is said, “Well, they are able to get a jury trial if the fine is more than $300 or if the imprisonment is for more than 45 days.”

That is not the point. The point is that in 99 percent of the cases the compromise would deny to the citizens a jury trial, which is guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Congress should not be a party to violating the Constitution of the United States by passing the compromise amendment.

I continue to read from the editorial:

{{smaller block|“It is no answer to say that there will sometimes be juries which will not convict. That is a charge which can be made against our jury system. Every man who has tried lawsuits before juries, every man who has ever presided in court and heard jury trials, knows that juries make mistakes, as all other human beings do, and they sometimes render verdicts which seem almost obnoxious. But it is the best system I know of. I would not have it abolished; and when I see how juries will really do justice when a biased and prejudiced judge is trying to lead them astray I am confirmed in my opinion that, after all, our jury system is one which the American people, who believe in liberty and justice, will not dare to surrender. I like to have trial by jury preserved in all kinds of cases where there is a dispute of facts.”}}

Mr. President, I have before me an editorial from the Greenville (S. C.) News of March 29, 1957, entitled “How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?”

It reads:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|How Secure Is Right of Jury Trial?}}}}

Rather smugly, perhaps, we Americans have taken for granted our right to a trial before a jury when we stand accused of violating the law.

So fixed in our system of jurisprudence and our common concepts of justice is the jury trial that few of us ever have stopped to consider the difference between having our guilt or innocence determined by a group of ordinary citizens and having a judge, a creature of the Government, mete out justice singlehandedly, as he alone sees it.

Article III., section 2 of the United States Constitution, says that “the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment, article VI. of the Bill of Rights, spells out further the right to the accused in criminal proceedings “to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. * * *”

It goes on to guarantee the accused the right to be informed specifically of the charges against him, to confront the witnesses against him, to subpena witnesses in his favor, and to be represented by counsel.

The seventh amendment, article VII. of the Bill of Rights, provides that in suits at common law the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.

One would think that, with all these references in the Constitution, the right to a jury trial would be secure. But liberal elements, including our own Department of Justice, advocating passage of proposed civil-rights legislation are teaching us that this basic right is not so secure as we might have thought.

For the bills now before the Congress would, in fact, deny persons accused of violating the civil rights of others the right of a trial by a jury of citizens of their State and district. And the NAACP and Attorney General Brownell are insisting on this provision of the bill. Attempts of southern Senators and Congressmen to write into it a guaranty of that right have thus far been beaten down.

If the bill is enacted, the Government would be empowered to bring civil, rather than criminal charges, against an individual accused of violating someone else’s rights. He would be prosecuted by a Government attorney before a Federal judge, who might be sent in from outside his State, who would pass on the facts as well as the law and would pass sentence.

The accused would be just as apt to go to jail on the civil charge as he would if he were charged with a criminal offense in which the jury trial would be guaranteed. Indeed, the chances of his going to jail might be even greater.

But that is only part of it.

The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint. If the individual did complain, the Government would bear the whole cost of prosecuting his case.

The defendant, on the other hand, would find himself faced with the necessity of hiring a lawyer and, perhaps, of going through a long series of court proceedings that could very well break him financially.

This could become vicious persecution instead of reasonable prosecution.

This threat of persecution is no less real in another phase of the proposed civil-rights legislation relating to the creation of a commission empowered to investigate alleged incidents of discrimination, economic boycotts, and the like.

If this plan became a reality, a citizen accused of discriminating against a member of a minority, or of applying economic pressure against him, could be ordered to report to a place in Washington at a given time and be subjected to an investigation. His need for counsel and, hence, the expense of defending himself, could be just as great as it would be if he were accused of some crime.

All of this is being proposed in the name of civil rights by persons calling themselves liberals.

How can we create rights by destroying rights? And how liberal is it?}}

Mr. President, I wish to repeat a paragraph in the editorial which I believe is most important. It should appeal to every lawyer, and, in fact, to every citizen. It reads:

{{smaller block|The bill would create a new division in the Justice Department with an unlimited number of lawyers employed to investigate and bring civil-rights suits. This division could bring suit in behalf of a named plaintiff, even though that individual had never raised a complaint.}}

Mr. President, I believe we are setting a very dangerous precedent when the Government can bring suits of the kind provided in the civil-rights bill, even if an individual does not complain. The Government can file a suit in behalf of an individual, even if the individual has not complained, and it can bring a suit for an individual who has complained. In either case, the Government can substitute its name in behalf of the defendant in bringing the case.

Furthermore, the Government would bear the cost of prosecuting the case. The poor defendant must pay his own expense. If an individual wishes to bring a case in court, why should he not pay his own expense? Why should the Federal Government bear the expense of a person whose statement may be true or which may not be true? I can foresee untold litigation. I can see all kinds of fabrications being made in order to have cases brought. It is a dangerous bill, Mr. President. It is far more dangerous than I believe the average man on the street has been able to understand. The average man in the street does not realize what is in the bill. I cannot imagine why Members of Congress would even consider passing such a bill. Again I say that it would not even have been introduced, in my opinion, or given any consideration at all, if it were not purely a political bill.

Mr. President, I have an editorial published in the Greenville (S. C.) News of February 26, 1957, entitled “Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty.”

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Civil-Rights Bills Threaten Liberty}}}}

({{sc|Editor’s Note}}.—The following editorial is taken from a statement prepared by the editor of the News at the request of the Governor of South Carolina. The statement is to be offered to the subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon by representatives of this State who are appearing in opposition to the civil-rights bills.)

The civil-rights bills of 1957, like those proposed during the last 20 years and more by individuals of both parties and by administrations of both parties, are anachronistic.

An anachronism is something that is misplaced in time. In this instance, it is a throwback to a more primitive age which is, at best, a misfit and, at worst, a destructive force in the age in which it occurs.

And when intelligent and otherwise dedicated men ignore more pressing and more serious problems and pass up greater opportunities for service to deliberately create such an anachronism, the result is bound to be tragic.

Even if we could assume, which we cannot, that the broad and untested powers these proposed laws would confer on an already oversized and unwieldy Federal bureaucracy would always be wisely and fairly administered, the need for them, if it ever existed, has long since passed.

The purposes now claimed for them have been better served by processes springing from the people themselves than ever they can be by pressure and threat of punishment imposed upon the people by an omnipotent and omnipresent “Big Brother” sort of government.

Furthermore, the instruments now proposed to protect liberty and to uplift men are such as to be capable of being used to destroy liberty and to oppress men.

To appreciate the origin of the civil-rights bills and the natural resistance to them in many parts of the country, especially the South, one must consider them in their proper perspective with past history and present trends.

To put it bluntly, this legislation grows out of a latter-day extension of the overzealous efforts of the abolitionists, who profited and were exalted during the era preceding the War Between the States. It is being pushed in the same sort of spirit that motivated the vengeant and vindictive planners and executors of the reconstruction.

Not even during the tragic and oppressive reconstruction did a Congress, which was dominated by radicals and in which the conquered South had few friends and spokesmen, see fit to enact such laws as now proposed.

There was military occupation and corrupt government imposed from Washington, but there was no permanent board of inquisitors that could be turned into an agency of harassment and intimidation. There was injustice, but there was no permanent overturning of the processes of the courts.

Purged by bloodshed of the sin of slavery, which was not his alone, nor his country’s alone, the southern white resisted the reconstruction. He resisted it because he feared, with justification, that it was intended to take from him in order to give to the Negro. He resists court-decreed integration and the civil-rights proposals for the same reason—again with justification for his fears.

{{c|{{asc|NEGRO IS MISLED}}}}

The Negro was misled in those days, and he is being misled now.

The end of the abominable institution of slavery was inevitable, and it could have been accomplished without fratricide and without threatening the Union and creating abiding bitterness. At its end, the Negro was led to believe he could switch from the status of slave to that of master. In some instances, for a time, he did. In others, he was promised “40 acres and a mule,” but more often than not he didn’t know what to do with the 40 acres and he never got the mule.

The Negro again is being falsely led to believe that integration will solve all of his remaining problems and that all he needs to realize the millennium is a few more court decrees and Federal laws. He has been led to believe that political largesse will bring to him those things that he can best realize by earning and exercising the rights and privileges already available to him.

Until fairly recent decades, southern whites and Negroes engaged in a pathetic sort of competition for the lesser degree of poverty, but they have made progress together and they have achieved a mutual understanding. Education and a rising prosperity were easing the old bitterness and misunderstanding and improving relations between the races at a rate that has been positively amazing.

The tragedy of this era is that, since 1954, with the Supreme Court decision in the school cases, and especially since the renewal of agitation of civil-rights legislation with almost virulent vigor, this progress has been slowed down. And the Negro stands to lose the most. The bitterness and the old suspicions are being revived.

A few years ago in a prosperous South Carolina industrial city, a joint committee of white and Negro citizens conducted a survey of the needs of the Negro community, ranging from health and housing to transportation and recreation. Much progress came of it.

Also, a few years ago, with the help of the newspapers and interested white citizens, certain racial barriers in the public hospital were broken down and qualified Negro doctors were granted staff privileges for the first time on full equality with their white colleagues.

Along about the same time, the newspapers and interested white citizens campaigned for better housing for Negroes. City substandard housing laws were strengthened and better enforcement machinery established. The improvement in rental property has been marked.

Also, it was urged that property be made available to Negroes of means who wanted to build better homes away from congested areas in which Negroes tend to congregate. Subsequently, a fairly exclusive Negro residential section, near white neighborhoods, was started. There were no objections.

{{c|{{asc|PROGRESS IS SLOWED}}}}

This sort of things would be more difficult now, if not impossible, in no small part because the Negro is reluctant to cooperate. Both he and his white friends are subject to pressure and unpleasantness from radical elements among their respective races. The Negro apparently has been led to believe the moon may be within his grasp; and lawless and more extreme whites have been aroused.

In many cities in the South, the newspapers have sought for years to treat the Negro with the dignity any citizen deserves in their handling of the news. Special sections devoted to news of the Negro community, often prepared by Negro reporters, were started. Until recently, there was no protest. Now there are murmurs, direct protests, and anonymous letters.

None of this has to do with integration. Neither race is ready for integration, and may never be. But if they become so it will be on the only basis of successful close human association—natural affinity, mutual appreciation, and individual choice. Neither court decrees nor laws can create these conditions.

In his speech on conciliation with the American Colonies in 1775, Edmund Burke said, “I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.”

With the help of the proposed legislation, and the injunctive process, the Federal courts may one day find such a method, but the result will be the destruction, not the preservation of civil rights.

Burke also said in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontent in 1770 that, “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”

This cause is not the South’s alone. The extension of the judicial process into areas it was not intended to reach and stretching it for purposes it is incapable of serving; the striking down of the police power of the States in field after field; the unprecedented use of the injunctive power without jury trial to punish for contempt persons not before the court; all of these, as able judges and lawyers are solemnly warning, threaten the future security of all Americans.

The granting of the powers the Justice Department is now asking can only hasten this process. Even the layman can see that. The proposed commission, with power to investigate and harass at its own will could, in the wrong hands, become an instrument of coercion and intimidation.

Like other Americans, no southerner of good conscience condones the denial of rights, either by violation of the law or by threat or violence. But the atmosphere created by agitation is not only inciting lawless elements to violence, but is making such incidents even harder to deal with.

Of laws we have aplenty. The Federal Government has ample power to deal with the violations the Attorney General alleges but doesn’t specify. The States have laws against violence, and many of them, like South Carolina, have laws making violation of any citizen’s rights a crime.

They should be left free to enforce them.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Orangeburg (S. C.) Times and Democrat of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “On Jury Trials.” This is what it has to say on this subject:

{{smaller block|The committee in the Senate which has been considering the civil-rights bill has added an amendment to the bill which would allow persons accused of contempt to be given jury trials. Many Senators who were and are in favor of the civil-rights bill are supporting this amendment.

We do not see how Congress can go wrong in providing jury trials for persons accused of contempt. While we do not wish to join in a wholesale assault on the judiciary of this Nation, it is nevertheless true that the judiciary—like the other branches of the Government—must have its limitations.

No one branch of our Government functions perfectly, nor is it made up of perfect citizens. The judicial branch has assumed increasing power in recent years and it would be wise to safeguard the right of persons to a trial by jury because of what might follow if this right is denied citizens. It may be that only one issue is involved at present, but the future might well turn up an undesirable situation in which the principle wherein judges who find American citizens guilty of contempt, exercise such unlimited powers concerning various issues and freedom that any bill limiting the right of jury trial would be a tragedy and result in injustice to many Americans.

We do not believe that any one section of the country has a monopoly on all the good people in the United States. We believe that trial by jury is the best possible system establishing guilt and that the people themselves, who make up our juries, will come nearer seeing that justice is done than any group, acting individually, no matter how talented the various individuals may be.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Columbia (S. C.) State of June 5, 1957. It is entitled “A Wise Provision,” and here is what it has to say on the question of jury trials:

{{smaller block|Administration forces fell before six Democrats and a Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee who insisted upon including in the so-called civil-rights bill a proviso guaranteeing trial by jury to persons accused in court in civil-rights cases. In supporting the amendment as a poor substitute for killing the bill, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} explained that the section would give civil-rights defendants the same right now enjoyed by trade unionists in labor injunction cases.

The development does not, however, meet with the approval of Attorney General Brownell, who has been playing out of position before now in lobbying for controversial and doubtful legislation, arraying section against section and class against class. He complains the proviso would permit practical nullification of proposed civil-rights legislation. In the words of Orphan Annie, “Would that be bad?”

One wonders just what the advocates of such legislation are after. Could they be seeking to destroy the Constitution?

Everything considered, the section guaranteeing jury trials to defendants in civil-rights cases follows the orderly procedure defined by the Founding Fathers as to the rights and dignity of the individual. Trial by jury is one of the cardinal triumphs of our Constitution as inherited from Magna Carta. There is no reason why any exception should be made to gratify the unilateral zeal of special interests of self-appointed reregulators.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Nashville (Tenn.) Banner, of July 10, 1957. Here is what it has to say:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|A Principle of Rights: South Making Its Point}}}}

More Senators, it appears, are seeing the validity of the South’s insistence on trial by jury as a fixed point of law and due process—{{SIC|bone|borne}} of contention with the civil-rights brigade. They are seeing, surely, what logic underscores: that if this principle falls under the impact of biased thinking against the South, it falls for all. It is not, therefore, a regional issue, but national. The southern protest is not addressed to a narrow, selfish view, but to a view exactly as broad as the Constitution—and as far reaching.

Senator {{sc|O’Mahoney}}, of Wyoming, has paid tribute to the fairness of southern colleagues—having spoken out prior to this showdown for the stated right of due process; and recognizing the progress already made, and voluntarily, on race relations. As a further point of edification, the fact of voting rights enjoyed and practiced in the South should be laid before him.

Who, influenced by propaganda to the contrary, has bothered to examine the record in State after State? By what process of competent investigation have these civil-rights firebrands arrived at a conclusion of wholesale indictment?

Voting is a privilege, as well as a duty, of citizenship, asserted and protected by law. With that principle there can be no quarrel. The issue is invasion by Federal authority, and methods of enforcement begetting strife by the measures of force contemplated in this iniquitous legislation.

There are States, outside the South, where people of voting age are denied the right to vote—Indians, for example. Negro citizens do vote, under the same rules of eligibilty applied in the case of white citizens; and if any Senator doubts that, he should come this way and watch.

In Tennessee, and other Southern States, he would find Negroes holding public office. In Nashville they elect their own representatives to city council; they have membership on the school board. They staff their schools. They are employed on the police department and the fire department.

Facts, it appears, are coming out in the Senate and registering—and they are facts answering organized diatribe; substantiating both the concept of justice and of constitutional law.

The South does not stand at the bar of public opinion convicted—just accused. It is not on the defensive. It is defending a basic right of responsible treatment, and the place of that defense is the floor of the Senate.

As manifested by the implied readiness of opponents to concede the trial-by-jury point, its stand to date is influencing that decision. It cannot compromise any principle to the detriment of established, constitutional rights, much less yield to the whip of caprice.}}

A column written by Dr. John Temple Graves, one of the outstanding men in the South and in the Nation, printed in the Charleston, S. C., News and Courier of July 8, 1957, is entitled “South’s Most Civil Right Is Right To Be Let Alone,” reads as follows:

{{smaller block|“The right to be let alone.”

That is our most civil liberty.

Remember it and be of good cheer as Senators from the South fight against the so-called civil-liberty bill.

Civil liberty is indivisible.

It is the whole Constitution, the whole ideal. When you sacrifice one part for another you decrease and endanger the total. When the right to jury trial is impeached to save the right to vote there is net loss, and the same loss runs the whole constitutional gamut.

Basically, all American rights are civil rights. States’ rights are civil. The rights of Congress against the Supreme Court are civil, and of the executive against each, and vice versa.

And when the Federal Government (or the State) invades areas never intended or authorized there is violation of the most civil right of all—the right to be let alone.

If the Founding Fathers made a mistake, if they failed to look ahead enough, if they should have anticipated a future so social and interrelated that nothing short of a totalitarian central government and law would serve, we should face it and get a new Constitution. Certainly we should not undertake to cover the situation by ignoring the Constitution in one place and insisting on it in another, sacrificing one civil right to make another safe.

Most of us believe no mistake was made, that liberty and justice can still be had in the great terms of the Constitution.

If the President could just be reached on this jury-trial issue in the civil-force bill many of us who go on liking him believe he would see the South’s case as the Nation’s. The Baltimore Sun nails it thus: “The injunction contemplated would forbid actions already forbidden under Federal criminal laws. This being so, the injunction procedure is obviously a judicial shortcut, and one which would deprive those cited for contempt of a right which would be guaranteed them under the Federal Constitution (if they) were indicted for the same offense. It is proposed to assure one right—the right to vote—by ignoring another right—the right to a jury trial.”

As pointed out here many times, jury trials should be stretched just as far as contempt is stretched, you would think. The civil-rights bill would stretch contempt into areas that ordinarily involve jury trial. It should not be permitted to deny jury trial, therefore, on the plea that contempt cases don’t allow for them.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier of July 4, 1957, entitled &quot;“Unless Citizens Fight Against Tyranny Independence Will Perish in the United States of America:”

{{smaller block|The 181st anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 today finds independence at low ebb in these United States.

There is a real question as to whether Americans of this day are capable of keeping whatever measure of independence is left to them, let alone restoring lost liberties.

The original Independence Day was celebrated a long time ago.

The national memory of what it means is dim. There is a certain amount of speechifying by political leaders. And the White House will hand reporters a mimeographed Fourth of July statement, written by one of the President’s ghostwriters.

But the deep meaning of the day will not be especially clear to millions of Americans who are looking forward to a long weekend at the beach or other pleasure resorts.

There is no reason why the Fourth of July should be a long-faced affair. Nor is there any reason why it should be just another holiday—another day for family picnics, parties, and romping in the surf.

Except for a few lines of it embodied in newspaper stories, no one will read the Declaration of Independence. And yet our ancestors read it with the greatest care, for it touched their lives.

It is an angry document, full of resentment toward a government that was steadily pushing Americans into a corner. Finally, in the Declaration, the people said they had enough.

Throughout June 1957 the American people were being pushed into a corner, precisely as the people of the province of South Carolina and 12 other colonies were being pushed in the broiling summer of 1776. No one attacked Sullivan’s Island last month, except possibly mosquitoes. But liberties of South Carolinians and their fellow citizens in 47 States were under attack.

Who knows it? Who cares? Today Fort Moultrie, which should be a national shrine, is padlocked and the grounds overgrown with grass. Today, grass is growing over American liberties.

Americans cared in 1776. Of George III., the signers said: “The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.”

And so they submitted the facts. They said that King George “has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation; for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; for suspending our legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.”

Does this have a familiar ring?

Is not the Congress, on recommendation of the President, preparing a civil-rights bill that would deny trial by jury to some Americans? Isn’t the Supreme Court striking down State laws, abolishing important laws of Congress and altering fundamental forms of our State and Federal governments? Isn’t the Supreme Court legislating school laws for the South?

The answer to all these questions is “Yes.”

The Declaration of Independence says that it is the duty of a free people, when a design to reduce them to despotism has been perceived, to provide new guards for their future security.

That is what Americans living in 1957 must do. There is no need for flag-waving demonstrations—nothing of that sort. All that is needed is for millions of Americans to halt one moment, in the midst of holiday pleasure, to resolve that they will support their elected representatives in setting up new guards against tyranny.

Unless there is such a resolve, there won’t be much independence to celebrate in the years ahead.}}

Mr. President, I have an editorial from the July 9, 1957, Charleston (S. C.) News and Courier entitled “People Should Accept No Compromise on States’ Control of Elections:”

{{smaller block|Talk about compromise on civil rights force bills before Congress is in the news from Washington. What goes on behind the scenes the public seldom knows at the time, and doesn’t always find out later. We speak with no knowledge other than what we read in press dispatches.

The comment of Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, Republican, of South Dakota, who has predicted a compromise in time to let the Senate adjourn by mid-August, is especially interesting. He said the compromise would be one “for which the South can’t vote, but one with which the South can live.” The terms of the compromise would be to guarantee the right of Negro and other minority groups to vote without harassment.

Qualified Negroes, like qualified white people, already have a right to vote. Race agitators from time to time dig up cases of alleged intimidation of Negro voters in the South. No doubt there are voting irregularities in the South, as in other regions of the country. In the areas that the News and Courier knows about, Negroes register and vote without hindrance. If there is widespread violation of anybody’s civil rights we are not aware of it. The big question is not so much whether and where violations may occur, but who has authority to enforce guaranties of the rights.

Heretofore in our country the States have set up and supervised elections within their borders. We strongly believe that the future of the American Republic depends on saving a balance of power between State and Federal authorities. Control of the ballot and voting procedures is essential to that balance.

The force bill now before Congress, generally known as the civil-rights bill, would set up new Federal machinery, armed with power to imprison without trial by jury, to manage racial aspects of elections. It would be a short step to amend this law to put other, perhaps all, election machinery into Federal hands. Thus some of the safeguards—precious few of them remaining—would disappear.

Compromise on the force bill is a compromise with freedom. Today the Southern States may seem to be the target. But the danger exists for all 48 States.

Perhaps the danger cannot be avoided in the present mood of our Government. Senator {{sc|Mundt}}, in the past a stanch supporter of States’ rights, has forecast a compromise “with which the South can live,” even though it cannot vote for the compromise.

The South could not live with Reconstruction after the Civil War. Some of the proposals today seem designed to revive the spirit of Reconstruction. The News and Courier does not believe the South can live with that spirit now any better than it could live with it 80 years ago.

For that reason we reject any compromise with basic rights and basic freedom.

If the South loses to superior power, either in the form of votes in Congress or any other form of force, let it not be said that the South gave its consent. Someday, if it is not then too late, the rest of the country may come to its senses. The South may be able to hasten that day by resisting wreckers of the Republic. If the people of the United States realized what was being done to their country, they would not offer up the South as a sacrifice, nor compromise with liberty.

The South might be able to live with compromise, but not at the same time with pride and self-respect.}}

Mr. President, there have been a number of occasions on which I have spoken before the subcommittees of the Committees on the Judiciary of the House and Senate, and on the floor of the Senate, in opposition to the provisions of H. R. 6127 and the other so-called civil-rights bills which were introduced both in the House and in the Senate. The first of these statements was made before the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives on February 26. Because a good portion of the statement was made with reference to certain so-called civil-rights bills then being considered, but which are not now before the Senate, I have edited out portions of the statement. I now read my statement as edited.

{{smaller block|I am here today to oppose the so-called civil-rights bills.

Tyranny by any other name is just as bad.

In other countries tyranny has taken the forms of fascism, communism, and absolute monarchy. I do not want to see it foisted on the American people under the alias of “civil rights.”

Real civil rights and so-called civil rights should not be confused. Everybody favors human rights. But it is a fraud on the American people to pretend that human rights can long endure without constitutional restraint on the power of government.

The actual power of the Federal Government should not be confused with power longed for by those who would destroy the States as sovereign governments.

{{c|{{asc|USURPATION BY JUDICIARY}}}}

There have been a number of instances of attempted and real usurpation of power by the Federal Government, which these pending bills would attempt to legalize, expand, and extend.

The most notorious illustration of this type of usurpation is the May 17, 1954, school segregation decision by the United States Supreme Court. Since that time there have been several other decisions by the Court which I think have wakened people all over the country who previously paid little attention, or cared little, what the result might be in the school segregation cases.

There are two recent cases. One arose in Pennsylvania and one in New York. The Pennsylvania case is ''Pennsylvania'' v. ''Steve Nelson'', decided April 2, 1956, dealing with the right of the State to take action against a Communist. The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that because there was a Federal sedition law, the State of Pennsylvania had no authority in that field. The laws of 42 States were invalidated by the decision. Even the protest of the Department of Justice that the laws of the States did not interfere with enforcement of the Federal law did not stop the Court.

The author of the Federal law, the Honorable {{sc|Howard Smith}}, Of Virginia, has stated there was no intent embodied in the Federal act to prohibit the States from legislating against sedition.

The second case to which I refer arose when the city of New York dismissed from employment a teacher who had refused to disclose whether he was a Communist when questioned by duly constituted authority.

Here again the United States Supreme Court ruled against the power and authority of the local government contained in the charter of the city of New York.

{{c|{{asc|USURPATION BY EXECUTIVE}}}}

Now let me refer briefly to some attempts at usurpation of the rights of the States by the executive branch of the Federal Government. Administrators in some Federal departments and agencies have issued directives having the effect of laws which have never been enacted by the Congress.

A specific illustration is that of the Civil Aeronautics Administration issuing a directive last year to withhold Federal funds from facilities in the construction of airports where segregation of the races is practiced.

There is absolutely no basis in law for this administrative action, but by use of a directive or an edict the administrator effected a result just as though a law had been enacted.

Other attempts at Federal interference from the executive branch with the rights of the individual citizen is demonstrated by the Contracts Compliance Commission. This Commission has dictated that contractors working on Federal projects must employ persons of both the white and Negro races, whether the contractors wish to do so or not. The strength of the Commission lies in the power to withhold contracts, or threatening to do so, if a contractor fails to carry out the dictates of the Commission.

{{c|{{asc|ATTEMPTED USURPATION BY CONGRESS}}}}

I can think of no better {{SIC|ilustration|illustration}} of attempted usurpation of the rights of the States by the legislative branch of the Federal Government than what is going on here now. I believe that the Congress, by attempting to enact these so-called civil-rights bills, is invading the rights of the States.

{{c|{{asc|NO DOUBT AS TO CONSTITUTION}}}}

Wherever a person lives in this country, whatever political faith he holds, whatever he believes in connection with any matter of interest, he has one firm basis for knowing his rights. Those rights are enumerated in the Constitution of the United States. I believe in that document. I believe that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less.

If American citizens cannot believe in the Constitution, and know that it means exactly what it says, no more and no less, then there is no assurance that our representative form of government will continue in this country.

I believe that people all over the country are beginning to realize that steps should be taken to preserve the constitutional guaranties which are being infringed upon in many ways.

I believe we should also take steps to regain for the States some of the powers previously lost in unwarranted assaults on the States by the Federal Government.

{{c|{{asc|STATE OFFICIALS UNDERSTANDING}}}}

The administration of laws relating to civil rights is being carried out much more intelligently at the local levels of government than they could ever possibly be administered by edicts handed down from Washington. State officials and county officials know the people and know the problems of those people. Most officials of the Federal Government in Washington know much less about local problems than do the public officials in the States and in the counties.

If these so-called civil-rights bills should be approved, then we must anticipate that the Federal Government, having usurped the authority of local government, will try to send Federal detectives snooping throughout the land. Federal police could be sent into the home of any citizen charged with violating the civil-rights laws.

If there are constitutional proposals here which any of the States wish to enact, I have no objection to that. Every State has the right to enact any constitutional law which has not been specifically delegated to the Federal Government in the Constitution.

On the other hand, I am firmly opposed to the enactment by Congress of laws in fields where the Congress has no authority, or in fields where there is no necessity for action by the Congress.

From my observations, I have gained the strong feeling that most of the States are performing their police duties well. I believe that the individual States are looking after their own problems in the field of civil rights better than any enactment of this Congress could provide for, and better than any commission appointed by the Chief Executive could look after them.}}

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question, with the understanding that he will not lose his right to the floor, and the understanding that it will not be considered a second speech or jeopardize the Senator’s right to the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. If unanimous consent is granted, under the conditions which the distinguished Senator has outlined, I will be pleased to yield.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from California? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I shall preface my question by this brief statement of fact, namely, since the House has adopted a ''sine die'' adjournment resolution, and there is no fixed period for adjournment, and the Senate can, and in my judgment will, continue in session as long as it is necessary to complete its business, I put these questions in all seriousness to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina:

First. What is the Senator’s purpose by his interesting but prolonged remarks? Is it a matter of education of the Senate or of the country?

Second. Is it to establish a record of discussion on the floor of the Senate?

Third. Is it merely to delay a vote on the civil rights bill, which is the pending business?

Fourth. Is it to prevent a final vote on H. R. 6127, the so-called civil rights bill?

Fifth. Is it to make friends and to influence other Senators in the southern position?

Sixth. Is it to emphasize to the Senate the need for a change, beginning in January, of rule XXII.?

There may be other reasons, but I should be very much interested—and I believe the Senate would be interested also—if the Senator from South Carolina would agree to indicate the purpose of his prolonged address.

Mr. THURMOND. I would merely say that my purpose in making the extended address is for educational purposes—to educate the Senate and the people of the country. There is no question in my mind that the so-called civil-rights bill violates the Constitution of the United States. I do not believe the Senator was in the Chamber when I spoke earlier and cited a decision pointing out that criminal contempt has been held to be a crime and that under the Constitution of the United States it is provided that a man charged with crime shall get a jury trial.

The so-called compromise bill provides that if a person is sentenced by a judge by being fined more than $300 or imprisoned for more than 45 days, he will get a jury trial. The Constitution does not say that. The Constitution provides that if he is charged with a crime, he shall get a jury trial.

I believe in the Constitution. I believe that the Constitution is clear. I hope the Senator will take the time one of these days—probably he will not have an opportunity soon—to read the address I have made in which I have gone into these matters and have tried to delineate them and point them out for the benefit of the American people, as well as for the benefit of the Senate.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am confident that the pending bill is a dangerous bill in a number of ways. I have pointed out that it is necessary that every State in the Nation have laws to protect the right to vote. The Senator’s own State of California has such laws. I started with the State of Alabama and read the laws for every State. Those laws were confirmed to be accurate by the Library of Congress. I read the State laws beginning with Alabama and ending with Wyoming. Every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote.

I say there is no need for the pending bill. This is a matter that comes under the Constitution, and it should be left to the States. It is a State matter. It is not a Federal matter.

Furthermore, the Federal Government has invaded the field. It has already invaded the field. I believe it made a mistake when it did so.

I should like to invite the attention of the Senator—again I do not believe he was in the Chamber when I referred to it previously—section 594 of chapter 29 of title 18 of the United States Code. That section provides:

{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield again under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. That is the Federal law today. If anyone is being denied his right to vote today he has recourse to that statute. If anyone is being denied the right to vote and complains about it, the Justice Department fails to do its duty if it fails to prosecute under that section of the Federal statute. Either that condition exists or there are no just complaints. The Committee on the Judiciary held hearings for months on the question, and it did not have before it one valid complaint. It had some fictitious complaints from a parish in Mississippi. It turned out that they asked a witness to return the next day, but he did not return, and it proved that the whole testimony was a fabrication, according to the chairman of the committee.

Therefore, there are State laws which protect the right to vote, and there is a Federal law which protects the right to vote. Under that act, if a man is tried, he would have a right to trial by jury. Under the so-called compromise, if he is tried, he would not have the right of trial by jury if the sentence were less than $300 or if the imprisonment were for less than 45 days.

Ninety-nine percent of all the criminal contempt cases would fall within that sphere. I was a circuit court judge for 8 years and heard cases all over South Carolina. I cannot remember the case of even one man who was sentenced by me or by any other circuit court judge in South Carolina for contempt of court for longer than 45 days in jail.

Therefore, the effect of the so-called compromise is to deny to the citizens of South Carolina and of the United States the right to a jury trial, as is guaranteed in several places in the Constitution. That is the reason I have made this extended address. It is to call to the attention of the Senate and to the people of the Nation that the pending bill is a dangerous bill. In my opinion, it is purely a political bill.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions as heretofore stated?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I can assure the Senator, whether we make that proviso in our remarks back and forth, the Senator will be fully protected in his rights to the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield to the Senator from California under those conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I did listen to the earlier part of the Senator’s address. I was in the Chamber at the time. I must confess that for several hours I did get some sleep and was able to freshen up and to change my clothes, and I am now back in the Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. I notice that the Senator looks very fresh at about 6:45 in the morning.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Yes. I am glad to be here with the Senator. Of course, the question which obviously disturbed a majority of the two Houses of Congress was that the statutes which are now on the statute books were not effective in protecting those constitutional rights. The Senators who felt that way are just as sincere as the Senator from South Carolina. I know the Senator from South Carolina has a deep conviction and is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. However, I refer to the provisions of section 1 of the 15th amendment to the Constitution, which provides:

{{smaller block|The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.}}

Section 2 of the 15th amendment reads:

{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.}}

Both sections point up the fundamental constitutional right of American citizens and clearly underscore the fact that Congress not only has the right, but the responsibility in this field.

The Senator may feel that in his State or perhaps in other States—and I have no doubt it is true in many areas of the South—there is no problem relative to the voting rights of American citizens.

But at least the predominant opinion in Congress indicates that there is also a strong feeling that in many areas—and this may not be related only to the South, for that matter—the full rights under the 15th amendment are not being effectively implemented. It was for that reason that the House, by a vote, I believe, of more than 2 to 1, and the Senate finally by a very substantial majority, passed the bill, which is now going through another legislative process. It finally came back to the Senate floor after the House had concurred and amended the Senate version, as the House had a right to do.

My only point is that obviously the Senate of the United States is going to stay in session and complete work on the proposed legislation. It may sit for the remainder of the week, and it may sit next month and, if necessary, the month after that. I wish to emphasize to the Senator from South Carolina that, so far as the recommendations of the minority leader might be followed—and I know of no difference of opinion so far as the majority is concerned, although I cannot speak for the majority, and I would not attempt to do so—there will be no ''sine die'' adjournment resolution adopted by the Senate which would permit Congress to adjourn the first session of the 85th Congress until we have completed the work on the pending legislation, which is the civil-rights bill, and completed the work on the proposed legislation dealing with the mutual aid appropriation bill. Therefore, there is no fixed hour and date of adjournment.

I was wondering, therefore, why the Senator was making his extended address, and that is the reason I asked the questions I asked of him. He said he was making the address for the purpose of an educational campaign, for the benefit of the country and the Senate. I was wondering whether he hoped to prevent passage of the bill or merely delay its passage, or whether he had some other reason in mind.

Mr. THURMOND. In answer to the distinguished Senator, I wish to say that I should be highly pleased if the bill did not pass. I should like to ask the Senator this question: Under the statute which I have just read—and that is not a State statute, but a Federal statute, which provides “whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote as he may choose,” and so forth, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both—is there any deficiency in the statute? Is that not as clear as it can be? If anyone interferes with another’s right to vote, or intimidates, or if he threatens or coerces, he shall be punished. Is that not what it says? If that is the case, why does the Senator believe we should have another statute on voting added to it? Is this statute deficient? The Senator says the present laws are defective, as I understand. The statute I have read is a criminal statute. It will punish a guilty person by fining him for as much as $1,000 and could send him to jail for a year. In what respect does the Senator believe the statute is defective?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I shall not at this hour get into a detailed legal argument, because I am not a lawyer, but a newspaperman; furthermore, I would not attempt to put myself up against the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, who has been a judge in his own State and has been for a long time a distinguished member of the bar. I have listened to the arguments on the floor of the Senate. I have read a number of the reports and the proceedings, and I have had some discussions with people who are familiar with the circumstances connected with the subject. I do know that those in the Department of Justice who have been concerned with this problem apparently feel that that statute is not effective so far as the constitutional rights of American citizens are concerned.

Secondly, I am not in a position to argue with the Senator relative to what the legal definition of coercion is. I do say to the Senator that I believe there are various forms of coercion, some of which might be very difficult to prove in a court of law, but which might still be equally effective in keeping people from exercising their voting rights.

The coercion might consist of economic pressure, or there might be some difficulty about finding work in a community or there might be the difficulty of a small merchant maintaining his business. It might be very difficult to trace such things to the fact that a person had tried to go to a voting place on voting day to cast his vote. Nevertheless, such coercion could be quite effective in keeping a person from exercising his right to the voting franchise.

It is also true that in the debate which has taken place on the floor of the Senate it was disclosed that in one of the parishes or voting districts in a Southern State which had been mentioned on the floor of the Senate, there had been the situation where certain facts were laid before a grand jury in that particular State, and the facts were very clear, but still no action was taken in that particular situation.

I will say to the Senator that it should be remembered that the bill has now been stripped practically to a voting-rights bill.

Furthermore, I certainly believe that the fundamental right of an American citizen in this day and age should be protected, because every citizen has the right to vote. If that right is assured to a citizen, in time he may help himself secure the other civil rights to which he is entitled and which are guaranteed to him by the 14th amendment. The bill before us, as I say, is primarily a voting-rights bill. Those who have had some responsibility in this field—and I think some knowledge of it also—feel that the procedure outlined in the bill would at least facilitate the exercise of the voting rights of American citizens in all sections of the country.

Mr. THURMOND. I might say to the distinguished Senator that he is one of the ablest Members of the Senate. Even though he is not a lawyer, he knows a statute when he hears one read. The criminal statute I have read is just as plain as any criminal statute can be. I am in favor of having every qualified voter enjoy the right of franchise. I want to say that in my State every qualified voter has that privilege. No one—white, colored, or anyone else—is denied the right to vote in South Carolina. The statute I have read protects people from being coerced and intimidated and threatened in any way. If there is any violation of law now, a person who is discriminated against may go to the Department of Justice, and under the statute I have read a violator of that statute will be either sent to jail or fined or both. What the proposed compromise would do would be to take away that right of trial by jury.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield under the same conditions?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield under the same conditions.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say that both the original bill as passed by the two Houses and the final form now before us are not intended to deprive anyone of his vote, but to encourage the constitutional right of people to enjoy the right to vote. The fact of the matter is that quite a due process procedure is set up. If a person comes forward and alleges that he has been denied the right, there is a procedure set up by which he may go into Federal court, under his constitutional right, under the 15th amendment and the other constitutional rights he has, and make certain allegations. The judge must make certain findings. If he finds the facts are correct, he issues a court order, directed to what we in our State would call the registrar of voters, but what in other States might be the county clerk, or whatever else he might be, and says, in effect, “You are violating the constitutional rights of this man. He is being discriminated against under the laws of this State. Put him on the registration rolls.”

If the local official complies with the law and complies with the Constitution, nobody is fined, and nobody goes to jail. It is only if the local official or the local individuals involved in the case ignore the order of the court and, in effect, say that “we will not comply with the order seeking to protect the constitutional rights of American citizens,” that the judge may, under either civil contempt, which may be used in most cases, and may in most cases be effective, or under the criminal contempt provisions, impose the penalties.

So this bill is not seeking to punish people. To the contrary, it is seeking to gain for American citizens the very fundamental right to vote. If nobody is denied the right to vote in the State of the Senator from South Carolina, there will not be a single citizen in the State of South Carolina who will be involved in either a civil or criminal contempt. If nobody is being denied the right to vote in any other State, there will not be a single citizen, man or woman, who will be involved in either civil or criminal contempt under this bill. There will not be large numbers of persons who will be fined or jailed for 10 days or 30 days or 45 days, to force compliance with the constitutional rights of American citizens. That is going to be so only if the conditions which the Senator says prevail in his State do not prevail in other areas of the country and large numbers of American citizens are denied their constitutional rights. It seems to me it is all clear and simple. The Senator has nothing to fear in his own State or in any other State, because if nobody is being denied the right to vote, nobody can be punished by either civil or criminal contempt proceedings under the bill.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to say, in reply to that statement, whether a single person in South Carolina would be affected by the bill or not would not change my opinion about the bill, because the bill as passed by the House affects American citizens everywhere. The bill the Senate passed delineated and made a distinction between civil contempt, the purpose of which is to bring about compliance with an order, and criminal contempt, the purpose of which is to punish for a crime.

A criminal contempt has been held, in a court decision which I cited earlier today, to be a crime. Criminal contempt is a crime. The bill as passed by the House provides for punishment for criminal contempt and provides that a judge can try the case, in his discretion. The defendant does not get a jury trial for a criminal contempt unless the punishment goes beyond 45 days or beyond a $300 fine. I am not concerned about the people of South Carolina violating the voting rights of citizens, because I do not think anybody in South Carolina is violating anyone’s voting rights. I presume this bill is aimed chiefly at helping the Negroes, is it not, Senator?

Mr. KNOWLAND. No. The bill would be aimed at any American citizen, without regard to race, creed, or color, whose voting rights under the 15th amendment would be denied.

Mr. THURMOND. As a matter of fact, it is the Negro whom it is chiefly aimed to help. Is that not a fact?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I suppose most allegations of a denial of voting rights come from colored citizens of the United States, but I assume the same situation might apply to Indians, in some instances, or might apply to others who might be entitled, under the Constitution, to the right to vote; but it is not aimed at any one race or one section of the country. The Constitution, as the Senator well knows, and I think would not dispute, applies to all 48 States of the Union, and not merely to a part of the Union.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is correct, but I refer to the practical purpose of the bill. I understood that was so admitted, and one reason why the right of trial by jury was attempted to be taken away was that southern juries would not convict in cases involving the right of Negroes to vote.

For the Senator’s information, in my State I would like him to know that in the 1952 election President Eisenhower lacked just a few votes of carrying the State. The Negroes voted in heavy numbers. The Negro newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer, of Columbia, S. C., published by and for Negroes, bragged about the fact that they were responsible for winning the State for Stevenson. It said that more than 80,000 of them had voted in that election, and that represented about one-fourth of the entire votes cast in that general election. The Negroes of our State comprise only 40 percent of the population. If they voted to the extent of almost one-fourth of all the votes cast in that election—and they probably voted more, because they admitted they cast that many—think it is indicative that the Negroes are voting in large numbers. Of course, they are not so well qualified to vote as are the White people. I do not know of a Negro in South Carolina who is qualified and wants to vote who is denied that privilege. So Negroes are voting in my State.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I might say to the Senator I was in his State in 1952. I happened to travel with then General Eisenhower, who was a candidate for the presidency before he became President of the United States. I attended meetings with the President-to-be. The point I want to make perfectly clear is that I do not dispute the fact, as stated by the distinguished Senator, that a large number—perhaps a good majority—of the Negro citizens of this country or of his State may be registered Democrats. I think they may continue to vote for the Democratic ticket, so far as that is concerned. They may have been responsible, as the Senator says, for having carried South Carolina for Stevenson—

Mr. THURMOND. That is what they said.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Or, at least, that is what they said; but that would not change my viewpoint in the slightest, as a Republican, if they were entitled as American citizens to vote, even though they were responsible for the defeat of my party in that State. I might say that in the northern areas, the heavily populated areas, with large Negro populations, for the most part Negroes have voted the Democratic ticket, and generally for New Deal candidates, and it certainly is not politically advantageous to my party when they vote that way. That still would not change my viewpoint that, if they, are American citizens and if under the Constitution they are entitled to the right of any other citizen to vote, which the Constitution clearly gives them, both the Senate and the House, as well as the executive branch of the Government and the local public officials and the national public officials, have the responsibility to see that they are not denied the right to vote and to exercise their constitutional rights, whether the citizens may be predominantly Democratic, predominantly Republican, or predominantly Independent.

That point is not at issue here. The issue is whether they are entitled, under the qualifications of the State laws, and under the Constitution of the United States, to vote. If they are, they should be assured that every public official who raises his hand to support both the State and National Constitution has the responsibility to see that citizens get the right to vote when they want to exercise it. In this country, we do not have coerced voting, where citizens have to go to the polls. But if citizens want to do so, they should be allowed to do so, without any direct intimidation or without any of the more subtle, indirect intimidations or coercions which sometimes can be practiced, as the distinguished Senator knows.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator if he has had evidence presented to him which has convinced him that there is a need for this bill to be passed, in spite of all the laws the States have to protect the right to vote, and in spite of section 594 of the United States criminal code which protects the right to vote. Has the Senator ever had evidence presented to him that convinced him it is necessary to pass the bill, in spite of the laws of the States and the Federal statutes?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator if I did not feel that it was both necessary and desirable to pass the bill, I would not have supported it. I believe there have been sufficient facts presented to indicate that a bill of this type is both necessary and desirable.

I have never taken the position on the floor, or publicly or privately, in which I have made a blanket indictment and stated that southern juries would not convict, because I have the highest respect for the people of the South, for their responsibilities of citizenship, for their loyalty to this country, and for the fact that they have served in uniform side by side with citizens from other sections of the country in fighting off our enemies in the various struggles in which this Nation has been engaged. I have never suggested that there should be a blanket indictment of a whole people under any circumstances. I do not now say that the facts outlined by the Senator from South Carolina, with respect to his own State, are not correct. Of course, I do not know his State as well as does the Senator from South Carolina, but if he tells me that there are no cases where a person is deprived of his right to vote, where a Negro citizen, if he possesses precisely the same qualifications that would be expected of a white citizen—

Mr. THURMOND. None that I know about.

Mr. KNOWLAND. That he has exactly the same rights to register, exactly the same rights to vote, I take the Senator’s word for it, because I have great respect for him. I will say, however, that in the facts presented by the Attorney General’s office before the committee, relative to another State in the broad general area of the South—I might say the same thing might apply in an area of the North or the West, for that matter, because what we are seeking to protect is the rights of American citizens in all 48 States of the Union—it was shown that large numbers of persons who had been registered were purged from the registration rolls. The predominant number, if not all of the purgees, were members of the Negro race, with very few, if any, members of the white race. Purely on the law of averages, to a reasonable man, one would not have to be a lawyer to know that it does not seem to be a matter of chance. Then when they sought to re-register, according to the facts presented, the local registrar indicated, though there were several thousand of them, he could not register more than 50 a day. That meant those persons had to stand in line for long periods of time, which would naturally be a discouraging thing in trying to get back on the registration rolls.

There was used the apparently rather interesting and novel provision of verbal question. I doubt very much whether many, if any, Members of the Senate could have answered some of the questions which were asked. If a question was answered one way, that apparently was not the right answer. If the question was answered the other way, which any reasonable person might have done, that apparently was not the right answer. Perhaps the same position would have been taken by the local registrar if the citizen involved had been of any other race, but, again, to a reasonable person it seems that there was at least an effort made to discourage American citizens from exercising the right of franchise.

I again reiterate that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, that occurrence did not take place in the State of South Carolina.

The Senator has made a very fine statement of the rights the citizens of his State enjoy. I think all Americans will rejoice in that fact. I want to say there is nothing in the proposal before the Senate which will in the least change the power of the States to prescribe the qualifications of their voters. They have that right under our Federal system. I think, however, the States have the obligation not merely to give lip service to, but to follow both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and that whenever such qualifications are prescribed, whatever they may be, they should be applied impartially and equitably to every American citizen, regardless of his race, color, creed, or previous condition of servitude.

Those are the words of the Constitution. Those are the words that every citizen occupying a position as a registrar, a county clerk, or a local voting commissioner has a full obligation to comply with. Such persons should not apply one rule to one group of citizens and a different rule to a different group of citizens. If they will apply the laws with equity and with impartiality, then they have nothing to fear in the slightest in the way of either civil or criminal contempt under this bill, at least in my judgment.

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to ask the Senator from California one more question, and with that I will desist.

Although the Senator is not a lawyer, he is one of the best read men in the United States. I imagine he is an expert on the Constitution, also, because he is a very deep student.

I wonder how the Senator could agree to this compromise, which would deprive people in criminal contempt cases of the right to a trial by jury, when the Constitution is so clear on that point?

Mr. KNOWLAND. I will say to the Senator that I will leave the matter to the lawyers, to debate later the specific point which the Senator mentions. I, at least, have heard of no section of the country where there is a provision for a trial by jury in an equity proceeding where there is a contempt of the court.

Mr. THURMOND. I am speaking of criminal contempt.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I know, but I am speaking also of a contempt of the court in carrying out its order in an equity proceeding.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to that I will say to the Senator I agree that in civil contempt cases under the present law the court has the right to use its power to bring about compliance with an order, in civil contempt cases. However, I am speaking of criminal contempt cases, which are provided for in the compromise bill. The bill provides for criminal contempt actions.

Criminal contempt is a crime. I have here a decision which sustains that point. Since criminal contempt is a crime, there is a right to a trial by jury.

The Constitution of the United States in article III., section 2, says this:

{{smaller block|The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases or Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; * * *.}}

The sixth amendment reads:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions—}}

That is what we are referring to. We refer to a criminal prosecution for criminal contempt. It is a prosecution by the judge, who is the prosecutor, the legislature, the judge, and the jury.

The court has held that criminal contempt is a crime, and the Constitution makes reference to all criminal prosecutions. We refer here to a criminal prosecution.

The sixth amendment says:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, * * *.}}

And so forth.

In the seventh amendment to the Constitution there is also a reference to a jury trial. The amendment I have read is exactly to the point.

If the Senator had provided in the compromise bill that the judge could impose a sentence of imprisonment for 1 day—not 45 days, but even 1 day—or a fine of even $1 in a criminal-contempt case, he would be giving the judge the power to try a man without a jury in violation of the Constitution, even though the punishment would be negligible.

What I am opposed to is the fact that the compromise bill, the way it is written and the way it has come to the Senate, violates the Constitution of the United States. I am vitally concerned about that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the Senator will yield further, then I shall not interrupt him any more.

All I can say to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is that the highest law officers of the Government of the United States are the Attorney General of the United States and representatives of the Department of Justice. They, too, have sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States. The most able lawyers in the Department of Justice have looked over the proposed legislation, as well. In their judgment, it is constitutional and it does not violate the Constitution of the United States.

The Senator is entitled, of course, to make the assertion that in his judgment the provision is not constitutional. Such arguments come up even before the Supreme Court of the United States, as the distinguished Senator knows, from time to time, as well as before other courts. Sometimes the judges can agree by a unanimous vote as to what they think is constitutional or what they think is unconstitutional. However, over the long period of our history there have been many notable cases relative to the constitutionality of some act of Congress or the constitutional rights of some individual as to which the Supreme Court of the United States, which is the highest judicial tribunal of the land, has divided on a 5-to-4 decision.

The Senator’s assertion that the provision is not constitutional—I am sure the Senator would be the first to admit—does not make it unconstitutional. I quite admit that the assertion of any qualified lawyer on this side, who might make the assertion the provision was constitutional, would not, by that assertion, make it so. Nor would the opinion of the Attorney General make it so.

At least I do not want the record to show that merely by having the Senator make the assertion that in his judgment it is not constitutional, necessarily, ''ipso facto'', that assertion makes a fact.

Mr. THURMOND. Of course, we remember also that the Attorney General in the original bill wanted to transfer these matters to the equity side of the court to deprive citizens of the right of jury trial. We have to keep that in mind.

Mr. KNOWLAND. If the distinguished Senator will yield further, I wish to thank him for his courtesy in yielding. I hope he has enjoyed our discussion as much as I have. I hope perhaps it has been a brief respite to him, under all the circumstances. I would stay to listen to the Senator, but I have a breakfast engagement with the President at the White House. I know under those circumstances the distinguished Senator will excuse me.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to yield to the distinguished Senator, for whom I have such high admiration.

Mr. President, I continue to read my statement:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|BILL OF RIGHTS GUARANTIES}}

Before taking up specific provisions of several of the bills pending before the committee, I should like to read for you two of the basic provisions in the Bill of Rights.

The ninth amendment to the Constitution provides:

“The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”

The 10th amendment to the Constitution provides:

“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”

Those last two amendments of the Bill of Rights make clear the intent of the Founding Fathers. Their intent was that all rights not specifically listed, and all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal Government, would be held inalienable by the States, and the people.

{{c|{{asc|BILL OF RIGHTS UNALTERED}}}}

This basic concept of the Bill of Rights has never been constitutionally amended, no matter what the Federal courts have done, no matter what the executive branch of the Federal Government has done, and no matter what the Congress might have done or attempted to do in the past. The people and the States still retain all rights not specifically delegated to the Federal Government.

Let us also consider these proposals from a practical standpoint.

What could be accomplished by a Federal law embodying provisions which are already on the statute books of the States that cannot be accomplished by the State laws? I fail to see that any benefit could come from the enactment of Federal laws duplicating State statutes which guarantee the rights of citizens. Certainly the enactment of still other laws not approved by the States could result only in greater unrest than has been created by the recent decisions of the Federal courts.

{{c|{{asc|MR. DOOLEY WAS RIGHT}}}}

The truth is very much as Mr. Dooley, the writer-philosopher, stated it many years ago, that the Supreme Court follows the election returns.

If he were alive today, I believe Mr. Dooley would note also that the election returns follow the Supreme Court.

And now it looks as if some people are trying to follow both the Supreme Court and the election returns. Having made these general comments, I would like to comment specifically on some of the pending proposals. First, on the proposal for the establishment of a Commission on Civil Rights.

{{c|{{asc|COMMISSION UNNEEDED}}}}

There is absolutely no reason for the establishment of such a commission. The Congress and its committees can perform all of the investigative functions which would come within the sphere of constitutional authority.

I do not believe the members of any commission, however established, could represent the views of the people of this country as well as the Members of Congress can. I hope that the members of this committee and the Members of the Congress will not permit themselves to be persuaded that anyone else can look after the problems of the people any better, or as well, as the Congress can.

Furthermore, there is no justification for an investigation in this field.

I hope this committee will recommend against the establishment of such a commission.

Another bill would provide for an additional Assistant Attorney General to head a department given by the Attorney General last year. I have searched the testimony given by the Attorney General last year before the committees of the Congress with regard to this proposal, and I have found no valid reason why an additional Assistant Attorney General is needed.

I can understand how an additional Assistant Attorney General might be needed if the Congress were to approve a Civil Rights Division and enact some of the other proposals in the so-called civil-rights bills. But they are proposals not dealing with criminal offenses—they deal with efforts of the Justice Department to enter into civil actions against citizens.

If the Justice Department is permitted to go into the various States to stir up and agitate persons to seek injunctions and to enter suits against their neighbors, then the Attorney General might need another assistant. However, the Justice Department should avoid civil litigation, instead of seeking to promote it.

I hope the members of this committee will recognize this proposal as one which could turn neighbor against neighbor, and will treat it as it deserves by voting against it.

{{c|{{asc|WORSE THAN ''EX POST FACTO''}}}}

Another proposal of the so-called civil-rights bills is closely related to the one I have just discussed. It would provide that—

“Whenever any persons have engaged or about to engage in any acts or practices which would give rise to a cause of action * * * the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States but for the benefit of the real party in interest, a civil action or other proper proceeding or redress or preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order.”

Now that proposal is one which I would label as even more insidious than any ''ex post facto'' law which could possibly be imagined.

An ''ex post facto'' law would at least apply to some real act committed by a person which was not in violation of law at the time. The point is, however, in such instance the person would actually have committed the act.

This proposal would permit the Justice Department to secure an injunction from a Federal judge or to institute a civil suit on behalf of some person against a second person when the latter had committed no act at all. An injunction might be secured from a Federal judge charging a violation of the law without any evidence that a person even intended to do so.

How any person could support by oath a charge as to whether another person was about to engage in violating the law is beyond my understanding.

Many of the pioneers who settled this new continent came because they wanted to escape the tyranny of European despots. They wanted their families to live in a new land where everybody could be guaranteed the right to trial by jury, instead of the decrees of dictators.

Congress, as the directly elected representatives of the people, should be the last to consider depriving the people of jury trials. We should never consider it at all. But, if this proposal to strengthen the civil-rights statutes is approved, that would be its effect.

{{c|{{asc|AGENTS COULD MEDDLE}}}}

Under this provision, the Attorney General could dispatch his agents throughout the land. They would be empowered to meddle with private business, police elections, intervene in private lawsuits, and breed litigation generally. They would keep our people in a constant state of apprehension and harassment. Liberty quickly perishes under such government, as we have seen it perish in foreign nations.

A further provision of that same proposal would permit the bypassing of State authorities in such cases. The Federal district courts would take over original jurisdiction, regardless of administrative remedies, and the right of appeal to the State courts.

{{c|{{asc|STATE COURTS STRIPPED}}}}

This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and vest the Federal courts with that authority.

Still another proposal among the so-called civil-rights bills would “provide a means of further securing and protecting the right to vote.” I have had a search made of the laws of all 48 States and the right to vote is protected by law in every State.

{{c|{{asc|SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION PROTECTS VOTER}}}}

In South Carolina, my own State, the constitution of 1895 provides in article III., section 5, that the general assembly shall provide by law for crimes against the election laws and, further, for right of appeal to the State supreme court for any person denied registration.

The South Carolina election statute spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court. It also requires a special session of the court if no session is scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.

Article II., section 15 of South Carolina’s constitution, provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State.

In pursuance of the constitutional provisions, the South Carolina General Assembly has passed laws to punish anyone who shall threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. Anyone who violates any of the provisions in regard to general, special, or primary elections, is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.

In this proposed Federal bill to “protect the right to vote,” a person could be prosecuted or an injunction obtained against him based on surmise as to what he might be about to do. The bill says that the Attorney General may institute proceedings against a person who has engaged or “is about to engage in” any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege concerned with voting.

{{c|{{asc|UNCONSTITUTIONAL AMENDING}}}}

I believe the effect of enactment of such legislation as these proposals would be to alter our form of government, without following the procedures established by the Constitution.

I believe the effect of enacting these bills into law would be to take from the States power and authority guaranteed to them by the Constitution.

In recent years there have been more and more assaults by the Federal Government on the rights of the States, as the Federal Government has seized power held by the States. In many instances, I believe, this has been done without a constitutional basis.

The States have lost prestige. But more important, the States have lost a part of their sovereignty whenever the Federal Government has taken over additional responsibilities. That loss might seem unimportant at the time, but gradually it could become a major part of the sovereignty of the States.

Officials of the Federal Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or the judicial branch, should not forget to whom they owe their allegiance. Each of us owes his allegiance to the Constitution and to the people—not to any agency, department, or person. We have taken an oath to support and defend the Constitution.

We must take into account the facts as they really are, and not be panicked by the organized pressures which so often beset public officials.

{{c|{{asc|STATES CREATED UNION}}}}

We must not lose sight of the fact that the States created the Federal Union; the Federal Government did not create the States.

All of the powers held by the Federal Government were delegated to it by the States in the Constitution. The Federal Government had no power, and should have no power, which was not granted by the States in the constitution.

If this Congress approves the legislation embodied in the bills pending before the committee, it will be an unwarranted attempt to seize power not rightfully held by the Congress or by any branch of the Federal Government.

I hope this committee will consider these facts and recommend the disapproval of these bills.}}

Mr. President, that was the statement I made before the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives on February 26.

Mr. President, on August 6 I made my third address on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced my vigorous objections to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127, as amended by the Senate, which was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of this bill.

I shall now repeat my several objections to this milder form of the bill as I stated them on August 6. These were my words at that time:

{{smaller block|Mr. President, I am opposed to the creation of a Commission on Civil Rights as proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127.

To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a Commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, such an investigation should be conducted by the States or by an appropriate committee of the Congress, acting within the jurisdiction of Congressional authority. It should not be done by a commission.

I also object to part I. of H. R. 6127 because of the fact that it places duties upon the Commission and endows it with powers which no governmental commission should have.

In fact, Mr. President, the language of the bill proposing to establish this Commission is so broad and so general that it may encompass more evils than have yet been detected in it.

Under its duties and powers the Commission would be able to subpena citizens to appear before it to answer questions on many subjects outside the scope of elections and voting rights.

Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—

“(1) Investigate allegations in writing under oath or affirmation that certain citizens of the United States are being deprived of their right to vote and have that vote counted by reason of their color, race, religion, or national origin; which writing, under oath or affirmation, shall set forth the facts upon which such belief or beliefs are based.”

Mr. President, the bill, in part IV., contains an additional protection of the voting right of citizens above and beyond present State and Federal laws. Provision is made for enforcement of part IV., and there were already sufficient enforcement provisions to carry out the intent of the existing State and Federal laws. I do not see how a commission could enhance officers nor the powers of law enforcement officers nor the enforcement and punitive authority of the courts.

I can see no valid reason why a commission should be created, in addition to the legal enforcement procedures, unless the purpose is for the Commission to stir up litigation among our people.

This bill has been advertised, promoted, and ballyhooed as a right-to-vote bill. However, I want to cite two paragraphs which give broad authority for investigations other than alleged violations of a person’s right to vote.

Section 104(a) provides the Commission shall—

“(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and

“(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.”

Instead of limiting the power of the Commission, these two paragraphs provide it with ''carte blanche'' authority to probe into and meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals which the Commission and members of its staff could conjure up.

I want to call particular attention to a divergence in language between paragraphs 2 and 3. Paragraph 2 refers to a study of “legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection.” Paragraph 3 says “appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection.”

The significant thing here is the omission of the specific intent of paragraph 2. Although the language of paragraph 2 is obscure and omits a governmental reference, it obviously must refer to State and local governments, else it would be redundant and have no meaning at all.

Also, as I pointed out, investigations conducted under paragraphs 2 and 3 could go far afield from the question of voting rights. The Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools, and elsewhere, under the authorization of these two paragraphs. Combining its authority to investigate on an unlimited scale and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions, the Commission would have a powerful weapon.

Mr. President, I do not believe the people of this country realize the virtually unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. While the Commission would have no power to implement its desires, I do not believe the people of this country want such a totalitarian type of persuasion imposed upon them.

Part I. of H. R. 6127 purports to create a Civil Rights Commission. Actually, it would create a traveling investigation commission.

Section 103(b) of part I. also would place tremendous power within the grasp of the Attorney General with reference to members of the Commission “otherwise in the service of the Government.” The clear implication is that whoever drafted this scheme to send traveling agents over the country intended to make use of certain members of the executive branch of the Federal Government. I don’t believe it would be necessary to look further than the Justice Department to determine where Commission members already in Government service would be secured. By placing his employees on the Commission, the Attorney General would transform the traveling agents into an additional investigative arm of the Justice Department.

Mr. President, I next call attention to the potential abuse found in section 102(g) under the innocuous title, “Rules of Procedure of the Commission.” That section provides that “no evidence or testimony taken in executive session may be released or used in public sessions without the consent of the Commission. Whoever releases or uses in public without the consent of the Commission evidence or testimony taken in executive session shall be fined not more than $1,000, or imprisoned for not more than 1 year.”

In an editorial of July 26, 1957, the Washington Post very correctly pointed out how this section could be used to imprison reporters and other citizens for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them.

This editorial provides a penetrating and enlightening criticism of this section. Because of its pertinency and fine analysis, I shall read the last three paragraphs of the editorial which is entitled “Open Rights Hearings,” which states:

“The bill contains an invitation to the Commission to operate behind closed doors. It provides that ‘if the Commission determines that evidence or testimony at any hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, it shall * * * receive such evidence or testimony in executive session * * *.’ Some closed sessions may be necessary to avoid unfair reflections upon individuals, but these should certainly be an exception to the general rule. In our opinion, this section ought to be rewritten in more positive vein to provide that sessions of the Commission should be open to the public, unless it should find that closed hearings were essential to avoid unfairness.

“The House also wrote into the bill a dangerous section providing for the fining or imprisonment for not more than 1 year of anyone who might ‘release or use in public,’ without the consent of the Commission, any testimony taken behind closed doors. If the Commission should choose to operate under cover, without any valid reason to do so, newspaper reporters and other citizens could be jailed for disclosure of what a witness might voluntarily tell them. This is a penalty that has been shunned even in matters affecting national security. Such a provision is an invitation to abuse and a serious menace to the right of the people to know about the activities of governmental agencies.

“It is well to remember that this would not be merely a study commission. In addition it would be under obligation to investigate allegations that persons were being deprived of their rights under the 14th and 15th amendments. It could subpena witnesses and documents and appeal to the courts for enforcement of such edicts. Its powers would be such that it should be held to scrupulous rules of fairness. To encourage the Commission to operate in secret, and then to penalize news mediums and citizens for disclosing what should have been public in the first place, would be the sort of mistake that Congress ought to avoid at the outset.”

Mr. President, I think the points made in the editorial are clear and valid. Secrecy in the activities of such a Commission could only lead to a denial of the rights of an individual rather than to protection of his rights.

Another subject which must not be passed over is the subpena power of the Commission. Section 105(f) provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the production of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

Mr. President, many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding Commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed.

Neither would the power contained in section 105(g) which provides that Federal courts shall have the power, upon application by the Attorney General, to issue “an order requiring” a witness to answer a subpena of the Commission and “any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.”

The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority of the traditional American factfinding commission. I look with suspicion upon such a Commission so endowed with authority, and I object to its establishment.

Mr. President, I want to discuss another reason, briefly, why I would be opposed to the establishment of the Commission proposed in part I. of H. R. 6127. Every appropriation bill which has come before the Senate this year has been reduced by the Senate below the budget request. The people of this country have called upon the Members of Congress to reduce the costs of government, not to increase them by creating new agencies or commissions.

The advocates of the Commission might argue that the cost of its operation would not be great, but nowhere in the records of the hearings have I found an estimate of what the total cost would be. If the Commission were to exist only for the 2 years provided in the bill, the compensation and ''per diem'' allowance of Commission members would amount to more than a quarter of a million dollars, not counting their travel allowances.

Since there is no limitation on the number of personnel which might be appointed by the Commission, there is no way to estimate the ultimate cost of personnel salaries and expenses. Since the Commission is designed to travel over the country at will, very heavy travel expenses undoubtedly would be incurred.

The taxpayers would never know how many of their tax dollars were wasted by virtue of the seemingly innocuous language in section 105(e). Unknown, concealed costs are not, however, the only dangers lurking in that subsection. A serious departure from sound legislative procedure is also involved.

In the past, when creating an agency or commission, Congress retained control of its creation by the appropriation power. This is a wonderful check, Mr. President, against the abuse or misuse of Commission authority. Scrupulous care should be taken to preserve it.

However, section 105(e) provides that “all Federal agencies shall cooperate fully with the Commission to the end that it may effectively carry out its functions and duties.”

Thus the Civil Rights Commission could call on the other governmental agencies to perform many of its tasks. Congressional control over the Commission would be much less than if the Commission had to depend on its own appropriations and would not be permitted to use the resources of other agencies. Once the commission is created, only another law can check its activity during the period of its existence.

Another thing that concerns me about this Commission is the fact that once a Government agency or commission is established, nothing else on earth so nearly approaches eternal existence as that Government agency or commission. Mr. President, I feel that the 2-year limitation placed upon the Commission in this bill would simply be a starting point, and the people of this country should realize that at this time.

With further reference to section 104(a), I want to point out the use of the mandatory word shall. This word requires the Commission to investigate all sworn allegations submitted to the Commission of any citizen allegedly being deprived of his right to vote.

But the provision neglects to require that such allegations be submitted by parties in interest—not simply by some meddler who seeks to create trouble between other persons. This is another provision of this bill similar to section 131(c) which would permit the Attorney General to make the United States a party to a case without the consent of the party actually involved.

Another objection to 104(a) is that under this provision a person could make an allegation to the Commission against a person who was not even a citizen of the same State. Even so, under the mandatory language of section 104(a), the Commission would be required to make an investigation of the charges.

Since the Commission is limited by section 102(k) to subpenaing witnesses to hearings only within the State of residence of the witness, there would be no opportunity in such a situation for the accused to confront his accuser. Charges against a person should not be accepted by the Commission unless the accuser is a citizen of the same State as the person he is charging with a violation of the law.

Also, Mr. President, once the Commission has received the sworn allegation, there is no requirement that other testimony received relating to the allegation be taken under oath. Failure to make all persons giving testimony subject to perjury prosecutions in the event they testify to falsehoods would surely destroy the value of any such testimony received.

The Commission could and might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony; but I should not like to see the Senate leave that point to the discretion of the Commission because, in my judgment, the Congress should require that practice to be followed.

Mr. President, as I stated earlier, it is my view that an inquiry into the field of civil rights, or so-called civil rights, is entirely unnecessary at this time. The laws of the States and the Federal laws are being enforced effectively.

Should there come a time when information might be needed on this subject, the Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with deliberation and care. The appropriate committees of the Congress itself should hold hearings limited to the jurisdiction of the Congress, and the Congress should make its own determination as to the need for legislation.

There is no present indication that any such study will be needed.

Part II. of the bill still provides for the appointment of one additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. As I have stated in previous addresses, there is absolutely no need for an additional Attorney General to be appointed at a cost to the taxpayers of $20,000 per year.

Of course, that would merely be a small part of the total cost because a large staff of lawyers would also be employed.

The other provisions of the bill do not necessitate the establishment of a civil-rights division in the Justice Department, because there is no indication there would be any substantial increase in such cases with which the Department should be concerned.

As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have admitted time and again here in the Senate that there has been a steady decrease in the number of civil-rights cases throughout the country.

Since there has been a decrease in civil-rights cases, and since there is no indication that any increase should be expected, I can see absolutely no reason for the expansion of the present civil-rights section of the Justice Department into a Civil Rights Division with an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge.

Mr. President, in view of the fact that sufficient justification has not been presented for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, I hope the Senate will not approve such additional expenditures as would be required for this purpose. In my opinion, the Attorney General has failed entirely to show a need for an additional assistant.

Part III. of the bill as amended has been thoroughly discussed and I shall not dwell on that at this time.

Part IV., which is the section dealing with what the advocates of the bill have said was the entire purpose of the bill, still has provisions which are objectionable to me. Section 131(c) still contains language which, to me, borders on an effort at thought control instead of providing an unneeded additional guaranty of the right to vote. Also, it gives the Attorney General undue authority. The section reads as follows:

“(c) Whenever any person has engaged, or there are reasonable grounds to believe that any person is about to engage, in any act or practice which would deprive any other person of any right or privilege secured by subsection (a) or (b), the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States, a civil action or other proper proceeding for preventive relief, including an application for a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or other order. In any proceeding hereunder the United States shall be liable for costs the same as a private person.”

As long ago as February 26, when I appeared before the special Judiciary Subcommittee of the House of Representatives to testify against pending civil-rights bills, I expressed my opposition to the language contained in the section I. have just quoted. I do not believe it possible for the Attorney General, for any of his representatives, or for anybody else to determine what is in another person’s mind and whether he is about to engage in some violation of the law.

If the Attorney General should attempt to ascertain what is going on in the minds of other persons, he will need soothsayers and prophets instead of an additional Attorney General.

I object to this language because I do not believe it possible for any witness to testify truthfully that he knows another person was about to violate the law, unless some overt action had been taken by the accused person.

Mr. President, an attempt to apply this provision against American citizens would be completely out of keeping with the guaranties of personal freedom contained in the Constitution and in the Bill of Rights.

I object also to the authority granted the Attorney General in section (c) to “institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States,” a civil action or other court proceeding on behalf of a person without the consent of that person. Individuals have adequate legal remedies which they themselves may institute on their own behalf. It is not necessary to give the Attorney General this extreme power of absolute discretion to be exercised as he desires on behalf of some individual who may not wish to take court action or to have anybody else take such action on his behalf.

If one of the duties of the proposed additional Assistant Attorney General would be to seek out persons and insist upon entering the courts on their behalf, this provision, combined with part II., provides another objection to the appointment of an Assistant Attorney General.

The American system has never condoned the idea that a third party should stir up trouble between two other persons. Instead, the American system abhors troublemakers, especially when troublemaking takes the form of barratry. This form of troublemaking has been looked down upon much in the same way other lawyers look down upon their colleagues who chase ambulances.

The United States Government should not be placed in this position of disrepute and certainly it should not be called upon to bear the expenses of such court proceedings.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which provides that—

“(b) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.”

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States, should not be exhausted prior to Federal district courts taking jurisdiction in election-law violations.

This could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 have spoken out strongly on behalf of the Federal courts during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them.

The laws of all the 48 States contain provisions protecting the right to vote. No additional protection is needed beyond existing State and Federal laws.

In my own State of South Carolina, the constitution of 1895 required the general assembly to provide by law for the punishment of crimes against the election laws. That has been done. The State constitution further required a provision to permit a person to appeal to the State supreme court if he should be denied registration. The election law spells out the right of appeal to the State supreme court, and requires that the court hold a special session if one is not scheduled between the time of an appeal and the next election.

South Carolina’s constitution also provides that no power, civil or military, shall at any time prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in the State. In pursuance of this constitutional provision, the South Carolina General Assembly has enacted laws for the punishment of anyone who threatens, mistreats, or abuses any voter in an effort to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage. These laws apply to all elections. Anyone who violates these laws is subject to a fine and/or imprisonment.

Mr. President, in view of the existing laws of the States and the existing Federal laws, I now contend, as I have contended since the so-called civil-rights bills were introduced, that any qualified voter in the United States is fully protected in his right of suffrage.

This bill, H. R. 6127, is unnecessary. It is an encroachment upon the rights of the States, and it infringes upon the rights of individuals when the Attorney General is empowered to take action on the behalf of any person without his consent.

I believe this bill should be rejected, because of the various unnecessary and unconstitutional provisions which I have discussed.

Part V. of the bill, which was added to insure and provide for trial by jury in proceedings to punish criminal contempts, is an amendment which I approved and voted for, but I do not consider it as strong as desirable. In my opinion, the bill which the senior Senators from Mississippi and Virginia and I introduced in the Senate last March should be approved, to provide best for the right of trial by jury for every American citizen.

However, the addition of part V. to the bill makes it much less objectionable than the bill would have been without the assurance of trial by jury in criminal-contempt proceedings contained in part V.

Mr. President, I want to reiterate my previous assertions that this bill is unnecessary, and in some respects unconstitutional.

H. R. 6127 in its original form carried the label of being a right-to-vote bill; but when we unwrapped the package here in the Senate and examined it carefully, as we have, we found the label was entirely misleading.

The so-called civil-rights bill should have been entitled “A bill to empower the Attorney General to deprive certain citizens of their right to trial by jury.” Also, it should have been labeled as an implement intended to be used to force integration of the races in the public schools.

Happily, we examined the contents of the package, stripped off the old label, and advertised the deception so that every citizen could recognize the dangers wrapped in the package.

The amendments which have been enacted have reduced the power which was intended to be placed in the hands of the Attorney General. They have removed the authority for the use of military forces in cases of alleged civil-rights violations. They have made the proposed Commission answerable to Congress as well as to the President, and have provided for the members to be subject to confirmation by the Senate. They have better defined and narrowed the powers of Federal judges in contempt proceedings. All of these amendments have vastly ameliorated the original obnoxiousness of H. R. 6127. However, nothing could entirely remove the objectionable features of this packaged bill of goods, submitted to the American people under a deceptive label.

I shall vote against passage of H. R. 6127, because I believe that in so doing I shall be casting a vote for the preservation of our liberties, and for the preservation of constitutional government in this country.}}

Mr. President, that was the statement which I made on the floor of the Senate in which I voiced vigorous objection to a number of provisions contained in H. R. 6127 as amended by the Senate.

Of course, the Senate bill was the least obnoxious of all the many obnoxious forms of the bill.

Mr. President, I now wish to discuss part IV. of H. R. 6127 and the 15th amendment to the Constitution.

{{smaller block|PART IV.—TO PROVIDE MEANS OF FURTHER SECURING AND PROTECTING THE RIGHT TO VOTE}}

Part IV. of the proposed civil-rights bill confers on the Attorney General the right to bring civil action and seek an injunction in a Federal district in the name of the United States if he believes any person is violating or about to violate either of two laws presently existing for the protection of voters.

Let us examine the two laws the Attorney General seeks to enforce by civil suit or injunction.

The first of these laws, presently appearing as section 2004 of the Revised Statutes of 1874—title 42, United States Code, section 1971—is actually section 1 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870—Sixteenth United States Statutes at Large, page 140. This bill, S. 810 and H. R. 1293, passed the respective Houses of Congress without debate on its merits under the rule on motion. This bill as it passed Congress contained in its second section a definite provision that civil damages to the aggrieved might be recovered through civil suit in the Federal courts. Furthermore, it provided for the obtaining of political office by civil suit through ''quo'' warrant proceedings in Federal courts.

On May 20, 1870, an attempt was made in the Senate to allow third parties to sue in behalf of the aggrieved party. This is the same proposal contained in the present bill whereby the Attorney General would be allowed to bring civil action and seek injunctions.

Even this radical 41st Congress would not accept any such proposition providing double penalties. The proposition in the present bill would provide double penalties because present law contained in both title 18, Section 242—Deprivation of Rights Under Color of Law—and title 42, Section 1971—Race, Color, or Previous Condition Not To Affect Right to Vote—afford appropriate criminal and civil remedy.

To show how the Senate in 1870 rejected such an idea of double penalties, let us examine the colloquy in the Senate on the proposal to allow someone other than the aggrieved to bring civil suit—Congressional Globe, volume 93, 41st Congress, 2d session, 1870, pages 3563–3564:

{{smaller block|Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I understand I am in order in offering to amend the amendment.

The {{sc|Presiding Officer}}. The amendment to the amendment is in order.

Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I will repeat it, then, for the information of the Senate. I move to amend the Senate bill in section 2, line 15, by striking out the words “the person aggrieved thereby” and inserting “any person who shall sue for the same.”

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. I hope that this amendment will not be agreed to. There are now two views taken of this branch of the bill as it stands. One is that there ought not to be any provision at all for the party aggrieved; that it ought all to be out; and another view is that taken by my friend from Alabama, that it does not go far enough; that we ought not to confine this redress to the person whose vote is refused. The committee considered both those views, and thought, in analogy to State legislation and to the simple proprieties of justice, that this middle ground was the true one.

If a voter is deprived of his right to vote by the misconduct of an official, it is a personal grievance to him, an actionable injury, for which all civilized laws give him redress in some form. It is true that in most States and countries no specific amount of damages is allowed, for the reason that it is thought safer, inasmuch as that might be a matter of speculation, to leave it under the circumstances of each case to be great or small, as a jury shall think it wise to make it. But in applying the 15th amendment, which is intended to secure the rights of a large class of the population of the United States, and to secure their rights in courts which may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, by juries who may be supposed not to be altogether friendly, in communities where the local officers are found to be those who deny the rights that the 15th amendment secures, we thought it wise not to leave it to an unfriendly jury to give only 1 penny damages, if a man under the 15th amendment was deprived of a right he had, but to fix the sum the party should be entitled to recover as his damages; and on the other hand, in a community where juries might be very favorable to the party aggrieved, we thought it right to impose upon juries a limit above which they ought not to go; so that they should not either give no damages at all nor excessive damages.

This branch of the section, therefore, is framed upon that theory. It is to give to the person aggrieved, as damages for the deprivation of his rights as a citizen, a private right of his own, a right to sue, which all laws give; it would not be necessary to put that into the statute—he would have the right of action; but to fix the amount for each specific wrong to him {{SIC|whch|which}} he should be entitled to recover. Then we provide in another part of the bill, and perhaps in the same section, just as we ought to do if we are to have any law at all, that the officer guilty of this wrong to the citizen is also guilty of an offense against the public, a criminal misdemeanor, for which he may be indicted and fined, of course within certain limits, in the discretion of the court. I submit to my friend from Alabama whether, on the whole, this middle ground, which is defensible both by philosophy and by analogy, is not the true one.

Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. I desire to make this bill as effective for the purpose intended as possible. The persons who will be aggrieved, particularly in our section of the country, will in the main be ignorant and timid persons, who will be afraid to sue. The fact that they may be afraid to go to the polls and vote is evidence that they will not perhaps have the courage and fearlessness to sue; but there may be some third party who would be willing to enforce the penalty. I think in the great majority of cases the person aggrieved would not avail himself of this provision.

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Then, I suggest to my friend that he would not be entitled to any action at all under this section, because this is not a section to give every man $500 who is afraid to offer to do what he has a right to do; but it is to give him as damages the sum of $500 for a positive and specific denial to him of the exercise of a right that he attempts to exercise; otherwise, he would have no cause of action. You cannot give a right of action to anybody because he is intimidated. The intimidation part of the law must be purely criminal, and is found in another part of the bill.

Mr. {{sc|Warner}}. But my amendment would give a remedy by enabling any other person than the party aggrieved to enforce the penalty. The party aggrieved I think in most cases would fail to enforce it; but some other party might.

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Some other party may in his name.

Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I desire to say a word in regard to the particular amendment now pending. This bill is for the purpose of enforcing the 15th amendment, which applies to colored voters, most of whom reside in the section of the country from which the Senator from Alabama and myself come. The great and most effectual means used to interfere with their exercise of the right secured to them by the 15th amendment is by intimidation, by violence. I think that the penalty which is named in this second section, to be enforced by the party aggrieved, would never be put into operation at all. The purpose of the bill is to protect those citizens against intimidation from voting.

I confess that there is something in the suggestion of the Senator from Vermont, that there is no intimidation in this particular section aimed at. But, sir, it is perfectly sure that the very same means of intimidation which prevents a colored citizen from voting will be resorted to to prevent him from bringing this penal action, and unless the section is amended as suggested by the Senator from Alabama, I do not believe that an action will ever be brought in those States, because it is much more difficult for one of those citizens to bring and maintain a criminal action than it is for him to perform the single act of voting.

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. Will my friend permit me to make a suggestion right there?

Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. Certainly.

Mr. {{sc|Edmunds}}. If you take out this penalty, as it is called, really liquidated damages, from the person who is aggrieved, whose right is denied, and who has suffered injury, and give it to anybody who will sue for it, it becomes a pure penalty. Then the question is, whether you can have a bill which contains double penalties; whether you are to punish, in the strict sense of punishment, a man twice for the same offense; because my friend will see that the section, in addition to giving these damages to the party aggrieved as damages, makes it a criminal misdemeanor, punishable on indictment and conviction by a fine of not less than $500 and imprisonment not less than a month nor more than a year. I suggest to my friend, who is a cultivated and educated lawyer, whether he would not in court find himself in great difficulty with a bill of double penalties, which were purely such.

Mr. {{sc|Pool}}. I have never examined that question under the laws of the United States. I only know that is frequently done in my own State. We have statutes with double penalties, as referred to by the Senator, and we have never had any difficulty in that State with regard to them.

But I understood the committee to mean by this section that there was danger in the States where it is principally to apply of not being able to obtain a grand jury who will find a bill of indictment, and that in the event no bill of indictment could be found before a grand jury the party aggrieved, or, if amended as the Senator from Alabama suggests, any person in the community may still punish the offender by bringing a penal action. It seems I had mistaken the purpose of the committee entirely from what is said by the Senator from Vermont. I think, nevertheless, the amendment had better be made, unless there really be that legal objection which the Senator suggests as to double penalties, so that it could not, under the laws of the United States and the practice of the United States courts, be enforced. If that were so, it would be conclusive that the amendment ought not to be adopted. I did not understand the Senator as expressing the positive opinion that such could not be done.}}

Now, Mr. President, I shall discuss injunctions issuing from Federal district judges on the question of a person’s qualification for voting.

The civil-rights bill in part IV. confers on the district courts of the United States jurisdiction to issue injunctions in civil-rights actions and it is to be assumed that these injunctions will concern, among other supposed rights, the right to vote.

Actually appropriate remedy already exists where a person’s civil rights are violated. Section 242 of title 18, United States Code, provides a penalty and damages may be recovered in a civil action. The West Virginia Jehovah’s Witnesses case is a typical example of adequate remedy existing in such cases. In this case, the United States attorney was unable to get an indictment by the grand jury. He therefore proceeded to prosecute by information, as provided by rule 7(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and subsequently got a conviction. The information charged that two public officers, acting under color of law, had willfully deprived their victims of the Federal rights of free speech, freedom of religion, the right not to be deprived of liberty without due process of law, and the right to equal protection of the laws. The conviction was upheld by the United States court of appeals—''Catlette'' v. ''U. S.'' ((1943) 132 F. 2d 902). Civil suits were brought by the Witnesses against their prosecutors—those who had deprived them of their rights—and a settlement was made totaling $1,170 in damages which was paid.

How can the Congress vest jurisdiction in Federal courts to determine the qualifications of voters and allow Federal judges to issue injunctions in effect requiring that certain persons—the judge thinks are qualified—shall be registered and allowed to vote?

The qualifications of voters are fixed and enumerated in the constitution of each sovereign State. For purposes of determining who is entitled to vote in each State for United States Representatives and Senators, the Federal Constitution simply adopts such qualifications as the State has fixed for voting for members of that State’s legislature.

The language of article I., section 2, clause 3 of the United States Constitution reads:

{{smaller block|The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.}}

Similarly, the 17th amendment adopts for the purpose of electing United States Senators such qualifications as the States have fixed:

{{smaller block|The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 2 Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for 6 years; and each Senator shall have 1 vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.}}

In the fixing of qualifications of voters the States are limited only by the 15th amendment and the 19th amendment in that the right to vote may not be denied because of race or color or sex, respectively.

That the respective States determine who are entitled to vote has never been seriously controverted. The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly declared that the right to vote comes from the State. In declaring sections 3 and 4 of the old Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870, unconstitutional, the Supreme Court in 1875 said—''U. S.'' v. ''Reese'' ((1875) 92 U. S. 214, 217, 218); also ''Butts'' v. ''Merchants and Miners Transportation Co.'' ((1913) 230 U. S. 126):

{{smaller block|The 15th amendment does not confer the right of suffrage upon anyone. It prevents the States, or the United States, however, from giving preference, in this particular, to one citizen of the United States over another on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Before its adoption, this could be done. It was as much within the power of a State to exclude citizens of the United States from voting on account of race, etc., as it was on account of age, one race having certain qualifications are permitted by law to vote, those of another having the same qualifications must be. Previous to this amendment, there was no constitutional guaranty against this discrimination; now there is. It follows that the amendment has invested the citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. This, under the express provisions of the second section of the amendment, Congress may enforce by appropriate legislation.}}

This leads us to inquire whether the act now under consideration is appropriate legislation for that purpose. The power of Congress to legislate at all upon the subject of voting at State elections rests upon this amendment. The effect of article I., section 4, of the Constitution, in respect to elections for Senators and Representatives, is not now under consideration. It has not been contended, nor can it be, that the amendment confers authority to impose penalties for every wrongful refusal to receive the vote of a qualified elector at State elections. It is only when the wrongful refusal at such an election is because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, that Congress can interfere, and provide for its punishment: If, therefore, the third and fourth sections of the act are beyond that limit, they are unauthorized.}}

Thus, if the 15th amendment has not conferred the right to vote upon anyone, how can Congress give a Federal judge authority to confer that right by injunction?

The Attorney General knows that it is a settled principle of law that an injunction will not issue to prevent a crime. At the present time the laws governing enforcement of civil rights are criminal statutes and as such he seeks to have them reenacted as civil statutes so he can secure injunctions. An injunction is really a serious proposition.

Actually an injunction is a proceeding in equity and not of law and under this principle since all of the States have adequate procedure for determining the qualifications of voters in courts of law, injunctions cannot issue in such cases.

An injunction is actually the giving of validity to a judge’s own individual opinion. The injunction had its origin during the reign of Henry VIII., when Cardinal Wolsey augmented the authority of the Court of Chancery in exercising his equitable authority over everything that could be a matter of judicial inquiry. Both Wolsey and his successor, Sir Thomas More, were severely criticized by the English judiciary for issuing injunctions in equity and thereby substituting their individual opinions for the verdict of a jury in a common law court—the Law magazine, London, volume XXVII., 1870, pages 1–25.

Such great importance is attached to the issuance of an injunction that Lord Correnham in his judgment in ''Brown'' v. ''Newall'' ((1870), 2 M. and C. 558, 570), said:

{{smaller block|Now, that that ''ex parte'' injunction was an order which ought not to have been made, is not in dispute. It has been subsequently dissolved, and nothing is attempted (570) to be said in support of it at the bar; and it is impossible that it could have been sustained. The order was a departure from the known and established rule and practice of this court. Nothing is so difficult as to bring within any general rule every case in which a special injunction ought to be granted; but, when an action has regularly proceeded, and is on the very eve of trial, an ''ex parte'' injunction to stop it is an order such as I have not before seen. The vice chancellor appears to have stated that the order was made under some misapprehension of the facts; and indeed it is quite obvious that it must have been so, for the vice chancellor could not have made the order if the facts had been thoroughly understood. It is very probable that some facts were then supposed to exist which did not actually exist.

I am not entitled, however, to assume that the order was made upon any other grounds than those stated in the affidavit which was used upon the application for the injunction; and I am, therefore, to see whether, on that affidavit, the parties have suppressed or misrepresented facts in such a way as was calculated to induce the court to grant the injunction.

I am most unwilling to lay down any rule which should limit the power and discretion of the court as to the particular cases in which a special injunction should or should not be granted; but I have always felt—and since I have been upon the bench I have seen no reason to alter my opinion—that extreme danger attends the exercise of this part of the jurisdiction of the court, and that it is a jurisdiction which is to be exercised with extreme caution. It is absolutely necessary that the power should exist, because there are cases in which it is indispensable; but I believe that practically it does as much injustice as it promotes (571) justice; and it is, therefore, to be exercised with extreme caution. The court can have no ground upon which it can proceed, in granting an ''ex parte'' injunction, but a faithful statement of the case; and where the court has found a party misstating the case, either by misrepresentation or suppression, the court has always exercised its jurisdiction, for the purpose of repressing that practice; and I am desirous to abstain from putting, by anticipation, a limit to that power. The extent to which the court is to go in so doing is only to be determined by the case itself; but then it must appear, upon the affidavits, that there was such misrepresentation. Now the affidavit upon which the ''ex parte'' injunction was obtained certainly does not state all the facts; but the question is, whether there was any such suppression or misstatement as to lead the court to grant the injunction. I do not find on that affidavit that description of misrepresentation or suppression which, in my opinion, presented a case likely to procure a judgment on the application, but different from the case which really existed.}}

Thus we can easily see, even if we had the power, that it would be a dangerous experiment to allow Federal district judges to issue injunctions on simple ''ex parte'' affidavits as is proposed in the present bill. And it might be possible under this proposal to assign New York or Vermont Federal judges to a crowded injunction calendar in Virginia to determine who is qualified to vote in that State. Section 134 of title 26, United States Code, simply requires that a district judge reside in the district or one of the districts for which he is appointed and does not preclude his assignment to another district. In fact, Chief Justice Warren under section 292 of the Judicial Code—title 28, United States Code—may assign California judges to South Carolina:

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 292. District judges:

(a) The chief judge of a circuit may designate and assign one or more district judges within the circuit to sit upon the court of appeals or a division thereof whenever the business of that court so requires. Such designations or assignments shall be in conformity with the rules or orders of the court of appeals of the circuit.

(b) The chief judge of a district may, in the public interest, designate and assign temporarily any district judge of the circuit to hold a district court in any district within the circuit.

(c) The Chief Justice of the United States may designate and assign temporarily a district judge of one circuit for service in another circuit, either in a district court or court of appeals, upon presentation of a certificate of necessity by the chief judge or circuit justice of the circuit wherein the need arises. (June 25, 1948, ch. 646, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 901.)}}

The Federal Enforcement Act of 1870 attempted to do just what this bill seeks to do, that is, take away from the States the control of their elections and place that control in the hands of federally appointed officials. If anyone has any doubts about the failure of the Enforcement Act or even its constitutionality he should read the various decisions of the United States Supreme Court declaring almost every section of the act unconstitutional. When Congress finally got around to repealing that act in 1893 here are some of the frauds cited in Congress as reasons for repeal. They included 19,000 fraudulent naturalization certificates being issued by a single judge in New York State. They included payment in fees from the United States Treasury to a single Federal supervisor of elections and commissioner of the Federal court the sum of $145,000. Interestingly enough, repeal was initiated by a New York Congressman. See {{sc|Congressional Record}}, Volume 25, pages 1959, 1808.

Mr. President, on Tuesday afternoon, August 27, I made a motion in the Senate to have H. R. 6127 in its so-called compromise form referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. I pointed out that I believed it to be a dangerous procedure to allow bills to come over from the House of Representatives and be placed on the calendar of the Senate without being referred to the appropriate committee. However, my motion was voted down 66 to 18, so the bill is now before the Senate for consideration.

Since very few Members of the Senate were present at that time to hear my objections to the present version of H. R. 6127, I shall present my arguments again.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution because that would be the result insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—

{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}

Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}

The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common-law cases.

These guaranties were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historic document their complaints against denial of the right of trial by jury.

That document was the Declaration of Independence.

After declaring that all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the signers of the Declaration pointed out that the King had a history of “repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object to the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States.” Then they proceeded to the listing of a bill of particulars against the King.

He was charged with “depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.”

That is what the Declaration of Independence contained. The King was charged, among other things, with depriving the American people of the benefit of trial by jury. That is the very thing I am fighting for—the right of trial by jury, which is contained in the Constitution, and embodied in it in quite a number of places. The compromise bill which comes from the House attempts to compromise the Constitution of the United States. The bill does not provide for a trial by jury unless the penalty is more than 45 days’ imprisonment or more than a $300 fine. That is a compromise of the Constitution.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

When the original Constitution was written there was placed in it article III., section 2, which guarantees the right of trial by jury. Then the Bill of Rights was adopted, and that right was provided in three different places.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights.

A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and onetime Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him. “The Bill of Rights,” he declared, “denies the power of any government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.”

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:

{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?

The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}

Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic law if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes, in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:

{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}

Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

When our forefathers met in 1787 in Philadelphia they wrote in article III., section 2, of the Constitution that in all crimes except treason a man shall be entitled to a jury trial. In several places in the Bill of Rights they wrote it again, with special emphasis in the sixth amendment that a man is entitled to a jury trial. Yet the compromisers brought forth a compromise which {{SIC|attemps|attempts}} to compromise the Constitution of the United States. We cannot compromise the Constitution of the United States. The compromise would have been unconstitutional if it had provided that if a judge wanted to punish for criminal contempt he could sentence the defendant to serve 1 day or fine him $1. He has no right to fine him $1 or give him 1 day’s punishment in prison without a jury trial, because the Constitution says that in a criminal case a man charged with crime is entitled to a jury trial.

I cited last night a decision which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and this so-called compromise which has come to the Senate is an effort of the Senate and the House of Representatives to get together, but in the effort to get together and pass a political bill—and that is all it is—they have  been willing to compromise the Constitution of the United States.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says, “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says, “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.”

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved.

If the Constitution had had an exception in it and read, “This shall not apply to criminal contempt or crimes of criminal contempt,” then there would be some basis for the Congress to legislate. But it did not make such an exception. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “The trial of ''all'' crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

What right has a Federal judge to use his discretion and tell a man he can be tried by a jury? The Constitution says if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to be tried by a jury if he wants to be tried by a jury. In the Constitution there is no exception of criminal contempt or any exception that gives a judge the power to try a man so charged rather than a jury.

We are dealing with the basic rights of the people of this Nation and we should be careful to protect those precious rights which have been handed down to us by our forefathers. This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted. We cannot make trial by jury a matter of degree. If the Constitution gives a man the right of trial by jury, he has that right and we cannot take it away from him. The Congress cannot take it away. Furthermore, this compromise pretends to let the judge try the case if he wants to do so, in his discretion. Then if he finds the defendant ought to be punished by a fine in excess of $300 or by imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the man is entitled to a trial by jury. Do you not know, Mr. President, that if a judge has already tried a man, and then the defendant asks for a jury trial, the judge’s decision is bound to affect the jury in the case strongly, even if it were constitutional for that to be done, which it is not?

Under this proposal if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days in prison he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of punishment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. I realize that Congress may want to get away from Washington. We have had a long, hard session. I also realize that both national parties are playing to the minorities by means of the right-to-vote bill, when each State in the Nation has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and section 594 of the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure protects the right to vote. Yet, as a political gesture, both parties are making this play to try to claim credit. Watch my prediction that in the elections of 1958 both parties will try to claim that they got the civil-rights bill through the Congress.

Why are we not more interested in preserving the Constitution? Are we going to violate the Constitution by passing a political civil-rights bill in order to give thunder and political fodder to politicians to enable them to garner votes? Which is more important, the Constitution of this country or the political parties vying for the votes of minorities?

I wish to see the right to vote exercised by every man who is qualified to vote and who wants to vote. If he is entitled to vote, I want to see him vote. But the true purpose of this bill is not to insure the right to vote, because we have statutes in every State, and we have statutes on the Federal Code of Criminal Procedure now already that punish people interfering with anybody trying to vote. If the statutes we now have on the books are not being enforced, what good will it do to put another statute on the books? If the Justice Department is claiming that there are any individuals who have been denied their right to vote, why does it not prosecute them under the present law, which is completely adequate? And if no people have been denied the right to vote, then why is it claimed that this bill is necessary? The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents and in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

Perhaps the House and the Senate wanted to get together and they thought this was the only way they could do it, but I want to tell the American people when they did get together and brought forth this compromise they violated the Constitution of the United States. This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill. Like father, like son; a chip off the old block. Both are bad.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of the fine—or even 1 cent—and if a day, or even an hour, were added to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial, and a jury would decide the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

The proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was passed by the Senate.

The inclusion by the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, made the bill a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, the present unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope a majority of the Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the ''bloc'' voting of the pivotal states. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.

Those are the words of Stewart Alsop; and he is not a southerner, so far as I know.

To explain his point, he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States, Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.

The following four paragraphs are quoted directly from Mr. Alsop’s column:

{{smaller block|In 1954, Averell Harriman was elected Governor of New York by less than 15,000 votes over Senator {{sc|Irving Ives}}. According to Harris’ analysis, Harriman polled a whopping 79 percent of the Negro vote. Negro voters thus supplied Harriman with his margin of victory several times over. Two years later, the Democrats had dropped some 90,000 Negro votes to the Republicans—or about 6 times the number of votes {{sc|Ives}} needed to defeat Harriman.

Or take another close race—the victory of Senator {{sc|Joseph Clark}}, of Pennsylvania, over the Republican incumbent, Senator James Duff, in 1956. Again, {{sc|Clark}} just squeaked in, with a plurality of less than 18,000 votes. {{sc|Clark}}, despite the Supreme Court, carried the Negro vote by a huge 76 percent margin, which was worth about 150,000 votes to him. Suppose the Negro vote had dropped off as sharply in Pennsylvania as it did in Illinois, where it nosedived from 75 percent in 1952 to 58 percent in 1956. Then Duff would be in the Senate by a comfortable majority, and {{sc|Clark}} would be practicing law.

Other examples could be cited, like that of Senator {{sc|Paul Douglas}}, of Illinois, who owes about 60 percent of his 1954 plurality to the Negro vote. But the lesson is clear enough. If the Republicans can attract something approaching half the Negro vote in the Northern States, the Republican Party will then be the normal majority party in those States.

Read the role of big States in which the Negroes can be expected to poll 5 percent or more of the total vote—not only New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, but such States as Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, and California. It then becomes clear what is at stake in the civil-rights struggle—nothing less than the future balance of political power in the Nation.}}

But, Mr. President, are we going to compromise the Constitution, whether we lose an election or not? Which is more important—to win an election or to preserve the Constitution? It is about time that both parties began to consider the welfare of the country and to determine whether the Constitution is of more importance, or whether winning an election is of more importance.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today; but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law, eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of the bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily.

Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law.

Under the provisions of the compromise, jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge, so long as the sentence he metes does not exceed the maximum limit set for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of the bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim, the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges.

No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When the bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted the great legal mind of 18th century England, Blackstone. Because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him again at this time. This is what Blackstone had to say:

{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}

That is what Blackstone, the leading legal light the world has known, had to say. I wish to repeat one of his sentences:

{{smaller block|And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}

Mr. President, a trial by jury is one of the bedrocks of this democracy. It is one of the bedrocks of this Nation. It is one of the bedrocks of this Government. When we talk to people in the street and to laymen generally about taking away their right of trial by jury, they cannot understand it, because they know that the Constitution provides that a man shall have a trial by jury when he is charged with the commission of a crime.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:

{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen, chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth, and the surest guardians of public justice. For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan of the United States Supreme Court delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and made the following statement:

{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions. The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}

Mr. President, that is a significant statement to me, coming from a member of the present Supreme Court. I will not predict what the Court might do when the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury as embodied in this so-called compromise is presented to the Court.

However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said:

{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness. These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.}}

And further:

{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}

If the people of this Nation want Federal judges to have the power to punish persons for criminal contempt by sentences of either days, weeks, or months in jail, or by fines of dollars, they can amend the Constitution and provide for it. If the people of this country want Federal judges to have the discretion of determining whether a person shall have a jury trial or not, then they can amend the Constitution and so provide. There is no provision and no exception for either instance in the present Constitution.

That is certainly a clue to what might be expected from the Court when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

I think what the Supreme Court did in the ''Reid'' against ''Covert'' case might be a clue to what it might do, or what might be expected of the Court, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all of the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State. A summary of these laws was submitted to me, and I request that this summary be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks.

As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote.

The people of my State vote. I am in favor of qualified people voting. All the people of my State vote if they are qualified.

Whence comes this hue and cry? Those raising it have not presented the matter to the Judiciary Committee, so the chairman of that committee may hold hearings. They have held hearings for weeks and months on the subject, and the proponents of the bill have failed to present evidence to show that people do not have the right to vote.

It is inescapable, as I have said, that this is a political bill and not a bill to provide the right to vote. The people already have that privilege.

If any such incident as a refusal to permit a citizen to vote had occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina.

The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice. The people of the States are interested in justice just as are the officials of the Federal Government, but I shall return to that subject in a few minutes and go into the matter of the Federal statutes a little more fully.

We have Federal statutes to protect the right to vote, if the voters are not satisfied with the State statutes, and certainly the Federal statutes protect them.

I say that the Negro citizens in South Carolina are safeguarded in their rights; and the payment of a poll tax is not required.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. As I have said, South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. Registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that the poll tax be repealed as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature acted promptly and submitted the matter to the people, and the people voted in favor of repeal of the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. The legislature approved it, and we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina, if proof is desired, can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia, S. C., Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that “estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina constitution which protect a citizen’s right to vote:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}}}

Article 1, section 9, suffrage: The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting, under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.

Article 1, section 10, elections free and open: All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.

Article 2, section 5, appeal; crimes against election laws: Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.

Article 2, section 8, registration provided; elections; board of registration; books of registration: The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the 1st of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.

Article 2, section 15, right of suffrage free: No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}

In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the record to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|South Carolina Code, title 23}}}}

23–73. Appeal from denial of registration.

The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.

23–74. Proceedings to court of common pleas.

Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as Calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.

23–75. Further appeal to supreme court.

From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make. If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}

In other words, in our State, if anybody has an appeal and it goes before the trial judge and he denies it, the supreme court will go into session in order to hear such a case so as to be sure that nobody is deprived of the right to vote.

{{smaller block|23–100. Right to vote.

No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.

23–349. Voter not to take more than 5 minutes in booth; talking in booth, etc.

No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.

23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guard rail; assistance.

No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guard rail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot. After the voter’s ballot has been prepared the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.

23–656. Procuring or offering to procure votes by threats.

At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.

23–657. Threatening or abusing voters, etc.

If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court.

23–658. Selling or giving away liquor within 1 mile of voting precinct.

It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.

23–659. Allowing ballot to be seen, improper assistance, etc.

In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.

23–667. Illegal conduct at elections generally.

Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State. Also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, proves that there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right-to-vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a Commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise. Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—

{{smaller block|(2) Study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and

(3) Appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}

These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an unusual grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and nonpolitical, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people.

This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so.

If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A Civil Rights Division in the Justice Department is not needed because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed, and he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country.

Since conditions have improved, and there is no indication that conditions will change unless the Attorney General and the Civil Rights Commission create trouble, there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of civil-rights matters in the Department of Justice.

Mr. President, permit me to digress in order to discuss certain matters pertaining to the Bill of Rights.

I have before me a book entitled “Our Bill of Rights: What It Means To Me—A National Symposium,” edited by James Waterman, Wisconsin:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Foreword}}}}

Things of the spirit never die. They flame anew each time they are under fire. They are flaming high at this moment.

Bombs may blow the body to bits, but they bind the soul together.

This book is testimony to the spirit of man; to his personality; to his right to be decent.

From the beginning of time men have had to fight for this sort of life. The fight has never been easy, but it has always been won.

As long as men believe in freedom they will achieve it. The Dark Ages shall not return.

When freedom dies man lives on his knees. When freedom lives man walks erect.

The Bill of Rights is our prayer book and our promise of salvation. The cause of freedom is the cause of God. That is the dedication of this volume.

None of us is wise enough to say finally what one event is the greatest in our history. There are some that cry aloud for that description:

The Declaration of Independence; the Treaty of Paris, ending the Revolutionary War; the adoption of the Constitution; the pronouncement of the Monroe Doctrine; the Emancipation Proclamation; the end of the War Between the States; the war for freedom and democracy, begun in 1917—and still going on.

I have left to the last, although it belongs at the top, the formulation and adoption of the Bill of Rights—the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, adopted by the baby nation December 15, 1791.

In this group of principles are to be found the soul and spirit of the Constitution. With the Bill of Rights added, the Constitution becomes nearly a perfect thing. Without the bill, the seven articles of the original draft are largely given over to the protection of property.

Jefferson, shocked by the omissions in the Constitution, as promulgated in 1789, while he was United States Minister to France (another type of France than Vichy represents today), drafted the additions to our great charter. Thus we were given the four freedoms by which we grew strong in self-reliance, in courage, in independence, and in self-respect.

The amendments gave us free speech, free press, free worship, free assembly, and also the right to petition. They gave us full protection Of the citizen against oppression; the right of trial by jury and, generally, the right of the individual against the state. Jefferson said himself, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:

“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”

This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount, Magna Carta, and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.

Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.

To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.

{{right|
{{sc|Herbert Bayard Swope,}}{{em|6}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{font-size-x|100%|''Chairman, Bill of Rights Sesquicentennial Committee''.}}
}}

Jefferson himself said, speaking in the prophetic tone that is true of great men:

“The Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government.”

This publication is testimony to an immortal writing that will live with the Ten Commandments; the Sermon on the Mount; Magna Carta; and those other great fountains of faith by which men live.

Today we fight again for the ideals that democracy gives to us as rights. We shall never lose them; the whole world some day will achieve them.

To help all of us to realize the high privilege we have of living under the Bill of Rights, the thoughts contained herein were put in words by men and women who believe the fires of freedom must always burn brightly and sometimes fiercely. Now is one of those times.

{{***|5}}

America is face to face with certain grim realities. It is apparent that the expense attached to the defense effort will run into an appalling sum. The sweeping readjustments that will eventually reach every family are becoming clearer by the day. The need for redirection of our whole economy in order to supply plants which manufacture implements of war with an abundance of raw materials is now painfully obvious.

Yes, the world that we know is being re-fashioned. But so be it, and although the disappearance of familiar patterns and habits of living brings a momentary shock, there must be no regrets, no longing backward glances. Neither can we afford to hang our heads, wring our hands and insist that we cannot defend democracy without destroying it. After all, the only disaster that will overtake us is the disaster that comes from indecision and inaction.

I like to remind myself of the origin of the Bill of Rights. It came into being at a time of great distress and clearly represented the desires of the people who had paid a high price for their independence, and were determined to keep it. Since that time it has weathered an internal conflict, foreign wars, periods of economic depression. Even during these emergencies there has been no foreshortening of the scope of the Bill of Rights, nor has its fundamental character been altered. Invariably after these crises have passed each American has turned his face homeward and found, to his intense joy, his personal liberty inviolate. This augurs well for the future. Perhaps the destructive forces loose in the world will assume more awesome proportions than any yet seen; perhaps the dangers and hardships of the civilian population will be greater than ever before; but I cannot believe that these new developments will serve to swerve us from our course any more than the vicissitudes of the past.

Undoubtedly it will mean a vigilant citizenry constantly on guard. But we have that. Undoubtedly it will mean leadership of the highest quality, but we have that, too. In fact, I can think of no more impressive reiteration of belief in the Bill of Rights than that made by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his message to Congress last January:

“In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

“The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.

“The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.

“The third is freedom from want. * * *

“The fourth is freedom from fear. * * *

“That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

“This Nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads, and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

“To that high concept there can be no end save victory.”}}

Mr. President, those were the words of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in speaking of the Bill of Rights, which guarantees a jury trial to the people of the United States, but which the so-called compromise civil-rights bill would deprive the people of.

I read further:

{{smaller block|We accept our liberty, as we do our health, pretty much as a matter of course, hardly giving it a thought until we begin to lose it. Then we become conscious of how much it means.

Experience throughout the long period of human history teaches that liberty must be won in every generation and can be held only by eternal vigilance. As foes of freedom the aggressors reappear with different weapons, but always with the same aim—to destroy the souls of freemen.

That religion and democracy are closely linked together is a truism proved amply in the history of our country. The American colonies were settled by men and women seeking a free life, as well as a home for freedom. Religion was written prominently into their agreements, covenants, pacts, and constitutions, but the early colonists made no provision for the the free exercise of religion. Those who had fled before the demands of conformity later determined by law that others must conform or get out of the colony. It was said of Governor Endicott of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, if he had found toleration in his dictionary, he would have cut the word out, just as he drew his sword and cut the red cross out of the English flag because it represented the ancient Catholic faith of England. This attitude, formulated into law and supported by stern preaching, led to the founding of Rhode Island by Roger Williams and his associates. They were the first ones to put into practice the principle of the independence of the individual conscience even beyond the grants of liberty by the State. Maryland was founded by a small company of Catholics seeking freedom of worship in 1634, only 14 years after the Protestant Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth.

Under Lord Baltimore’s liberal rule there developed a large degree of freedom in religion, as well as a remarkable advance in democratic procedure. The people of Maryland not only took part in making their laws but were given power to originate laws. No other colony at the time enjoyed quite as much freedom, and in 1649 the assembly passed the Toleration Act which confirmed by law these liberties. Following this action, Maryland became the refuge not only for the oppressed Catholics from England, but Protestants from some of the other American colonies, Puritans from Virginia, Quakers, and others who found congenial homes in this colony.}}

It is true that the Toleration Act was not very broad in that it tolerated only those of the Christian religion, but it was a step forward on the road to liberty and marked a greater advance than anything even in England at the time. It remained for the colony at Providence, R. I., to advance the act of toleration by granting full religious freedom to Christians and Jews and even to those without any religious affiliation or belief. The act affirmed “that men of all religions should live unmolested so long as they behaved themselves.”

The Bill of Rights provides for freedom of religion. Our Bill of Rights provides for many vital rights which we enjoy.

The study of the Constitution should be an essential part not only of the education of the American youth, but of all Americans, and especially those who have become naturalized citizens of this great Nation. While all of us cannot be trained in the technicalities of the law, we should have some idea of our fundamental institutions. We need to know their relationship to our daily life, the reasons for their existence, and the benefits we derive from them, as well as the importance to ourselves of their perpetuation. The Constitution is not self-perpetuating by any means; if it is to survive it will be because it has the support of the people—not passive, but active public support. This means making adequate sacrifice to maintain that which is of the greatest benefit to the greatest number.

The Constitution has its roots in the great and heroic past of the English-speaking race. Today, under that Constitution which was adopted through the blood and sweat of the pioneers of our country, the safeguard of personal liberty is ever present. Under our great Bill of Rights our governmental power is divided into three parts. The first is the power granted to the Central Government; the second that reserved to the States; and the third, and by far the most important, although at times the fact may not be generally recognized, the power reserved to the people under the many inhibitions upon both State and Federal legislation.

In the turmoil which now seems to have engulfed the entire world, the citizens of the United States should well remember particularly that it is the people, those who go to make up the great cross-section of this country, who must guard the ramparts from the ever-increasing dangers of nazism, fascism, and communism. Our Constitution is the final safeguard of every right that is enjoyed by any American citizen. So long as it is observed, those rights will be secure, but should it fall into disrespect or disrepute the way of orderly, organized government as we have known it for the past 150 years will be at an end.

When the Federal Constitution was, on September 28, 1787, submitted by Congress to the legislatures of the several States for ratification, there was very strong opposition to its adoption in all the States. The Democrats, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, feared that the provisions of the instrument would unduly abridge States rights and result in a Government too highly centralized for their views. It was necessary for nine States to ratify the Constitution before it could take effect. It was not until June 21, 1788, that the ninth State, New Hampshire, gave its approval. The States which had not ratified up to that time were Virginia, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island. Virginia and New York gave their assent in 1788. When President Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, on the steps of the Federal Hall in New York, neither North Carolina nor Rhode Island had ratified and, therefore, were not States of the United States. These two reluctant States did, however, come into line. North Carolina ratified on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790.

The Bill of Rights was a pacer in the democratic movement in America and as such is entitled to all the prestige of leadership. Yet it really took a century after its enactment for American women to procure the 19th amendment to the Federal Constitution which compelled reluctant States to grant them the basic right of the free—the right to vote. Non-Christian men and freethinkers of their sex more readily wrested from State legislatures the guaranty of their civil rights.

But even the original Bill of Rights would have been a dead letter if dauntless men and women, risking death, had not taught the public to listen without rioting to opinions which it abhorred. That educational process enabled the letter of the law to live in practice, or application, for the American way of life. In celebrating the original Bill of Rights now, we should celebrate with it the courage and skill of the men and the women who made tolerance a fact as well as a principle of law. The open forum, so characteristic of American democracy, owes its inception and its continuation to persons of both sexes who insisted that law and practice were parts of the same thing.

That rights carry duties has become a third aspect of democratic evaluations, nurtured on free debates. It is increasingly understood in America that liberty could become license; that rights if viewed as extreme personal privileges could reduce society to anarchy. There is today, in connection with rights, the wide prevalence of the philosophy that rights are granted to individuals in order that they may develop their talents for competent voluntary cooperation in the thought and action essential to the strength of society, to general welfare, and to the very endurance of civil liberties themselves.

A history of civilization could be written around the derivation of the privileges that constitute our Bill of Rights. The emphasis would be not on rulers and governments but on the struggle mankind has waged for centuries to obtain recognition of the rights of individual men. These rights are guaranties necessary to any people who wish to live in the free atmosphere of liberty. They are the foundation of any government that exists by the free will of the governed and not by the military force of self-appointed rulers.

The history of our own Bill of Rights is fired with the determination of the American people to preserve their liberties as individuals living in a free state. It is significant that these first 10 amendments in our Constitution were drawn from earlier declarations of rights which a number of the Original Thirteen States had formulated for themselves before they joined the Union. They not only served as models for our Federal Constitution but became basic patterns for new democracies all over the world.

Today there is abroad in the world a monstrous force that would set the clock back and reestablish regimes that rank the state above the individual. Already in many lands fundamental rights have been destroyed; and the existence of our own is threatened. Such crises have occurred before in the history of man but never with such ruthless vehemence and on such a worldwide scale.

Mr. President, there are many objections to H. R. 6127, but the strongest objection is the failure to give a jury trial. I wish now to present to the Senate some information on the jury trial and I shall go into the historical development of the jury system. This information is coming from the History of the Jury System, by Maximus A. Lesser, instructor of political science, New York Evening High School. Some very important points are brought out here about the jury system which are pertinent to this debate.

{{smaller block|{{c|
{{sc|Historical Development of the Jury System}}

(By Maximus A. Lesser)

{{asc|CHAPTER I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JURY}}
}}

The subject we propose to investigate is the historical genesis and gradual development of an institution which, today is an inseparable element of English jurisprudence and an important factor in the administration of justice, wherever the English or common law, “* * * the State’s collected will, o’er thrones and globes elate, sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.”

This purpose is not free from difficulties, for, while the nature and functions of the tribunal, as today existent, are sufficiently well comprehended, still the origin of that institution and the successive steps by which it was evolved are less clearly understood and subject to considerable misconception, as is evinced by the many and conflicting theories advanced in explanation thereof. It is the object of this treatise to reconcile, as far as may be, these various views, to give to each well sustained suggestion its proper weight and effect during the formative period, and to trace its influence in the production of the result. The method of treatment is, in general, chronological; for the English jury is so closely interwoven with the historical and political development of the English nation, that every component which contributed to the formation and completion of the latter had a concomitant effect upon the former; accordingly, the history and features of each foreign factor will be described in connection with that period of our history at which it first made itself felt. For to the jury may be truly applied, what Maine says of law, that it is a matter of growth, the result of the needs of the community in which it originated; and an institution—as another writer well observes—which “does not owe its existence to any positive law; it is not the creature of an act of Parliament establishing the form and defining the functions of the new tribunal. It arose * * * silently and gradually out of the usages of a state of society which has forever passed away.” We will, in the first place, regard its general aspect and characteristics as beheld today, and then proceed to consider whether, and in what respects, it is resembled by institutions of early days. The body with which we have to deal—in the language of an able Scotch jurist—“is the institution by which disputed facts are to be decided for judicial purposes in the administration of civil or criminal justice, and which is in modern times familiar to us under the denomination of trial by jury. * * * The etymological derivation of the term is obviously from ''juro'', to swear, whence we find this institution called in forensic Latin ''jurata'', and the persons composing it ''jurati''. * * * When the object is inquiry only, this tribunal is sometimes called an inquest or inquisition, as in the instance of a grand jury or coroner’s inquest; but when facts are to be determined by it for judicial purposes, it is always styled a jury.”

This board of inquiry, then, is composed of “a body of men taken from the community at large, summoned to find the truth of disputed facts. Their office is to decide upon the effect of evidence and thus inform the court truly upon the question at issue, in order that the latter may be enabled to pronounce a right judgment. But they are not the court itself nor do they form part of it; and have nothing to do with the sentence which follows the delivery of their verdict.” While, concerning the third characteristic element of our jury, De Lolme wrote that they who have the power to discriminate between disputed facts and “to whom the law has thus exclusively delegated the prerogative of deciding that a punishment is to be inflicted—those men without whose declaration the executive and the judicial powers are both thus bound down to inaction, do not form among themselves a permanent body, who may have had time to study how their power can serve to promote their private views or interest; they are men selected at once from among the people, who perhaps never were before called to the exercise of such a function, nor foresee that they ever shall be called to it again.”

In other words, the jury is the sole judge of the weight of evidence adduced and the arbiter of compensation for contracts broken or injuries sustained, and is composed of men selected by lot and “sworn to declare the facts of a case as they are delivered from the evidence placed before them”—its province being to determine the truth of facts or the amount of damages in civil, and the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal, cases.

This province is confined by the following limitations:

(1) It is restricted to the consideration of matters proved by evidence at the trial;

(2) It is subject to the instructions of the judge, concerning the rules of law applicable;

(3) It is influenced by the directions of the judge, as to weight, value, and materiality of evidence;

(4) It is affected by the selection of the jurors from the locality of the action, whence they discharge their duties with a certain amount of independent local knowledge, whilom “counted on, and deemed essential to a just consideration of the case.”

Two other qualifications may be added. After the rendition of a verdict in a civil case, it is still within the power of the trial judge to modify or even annul the same, in a proper case; for instance, “because the verdict is for excessive or insufficient damages, or otherwise contrary to the evidence or contrary to law.”

Again, in a criminal case, a verdict of conviction, even when accompanied by a recommendation of mercy, does not control the sentence to be meted out by the presiding magistrate, who may impose the highest or lowest or any intermediate penalty prescribed by law as proper for the offense committed.

How, then, did this institution, whose features as currently administered have just been described, originate? What are the sources from whence it arose, and the forces by which it was developed? Did it spring forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, ready for action and fully equipped with forensic vesture and legal armament, or was its development the result of the gradual accretion of successive strata of growth? As stated above, various and conflicting theories are advanced to answer these queries.

“Many writers of authority,” says Canon Stubbs, “have maintained that the entire jury system indigenous in England, some deriving it from Celtic tradition based on the principles of Roman law, and adopted by the Anglo-Saxons and Normans from the people they had conquered, others have regarded it as a product of that legal genius of the Anglo-Saxons of which Alfred is the mythic impersonation, or as derived by that nation from the customs of primitive Germany or from their intercourse with the Danes. Nor even, when it is admitted that the system of recognition was introduced from Normandy, have legal writers agreed as to the source from which the Normans themselves derived it. One scholar maintains that it was brought by the Norsemen from Scandinavia; another, that it was derived from the processes of the Canon Law; another, that it was developed on Gallic soil from Roman principles; another, that it came from Asia through the Crusades.” An American authority insists that it “is undoubtedly a development of English institutions and civilization.” Again, it is suggested that it was borrowed by the Angles and Saxons from their Slavonic neighbors in northern Europe; it has been traced to the assises de Jerusalem of Godfrey de Bouillon; it is even claimed to be of divine origin; and, finally, a French scholar despairingly exclaims: “Son origine se perd dans la niut de temps.”

According to Robertson, “the true answer is, that forms of trial resembling the jury system in various particulars are to be found in the primitive institutions of all [Aryan] nations. That which comes nearest in time and character to trial by jury is the system of recognition by sworn inquest, introduced into England by the Normans * * * the instrument which the lawyers in England ultimately shaped into trial by jury.” The name “Recognition,” Bracton tells us, is deduced from the fact that the participants “acknowledged” a disseisin or dispossession by their verdict, and the inquest itself was “directly derived from the Frank capitularies, into which it may have been adopted from the fiscal regulations of the Theodosian Code and thus own some distant relationship with the Roman jurisprudence.” This is the system which, Lord Campbell writes, “in the fifth Norman reign had nearly superseded the simple juridical institutions of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors;” while an eminent American jurist, after observing that investigation has shown among Norman legal usages traces more closely resembling our form of jury trial than anything afforded by the system of the Anglo-Saxons, concludes:

“We regard it, therefore, as certain that all these influences contributed to establish this mode of trial in England, and to shape it as we know it to exist there. Indeed, it was not until all of them had had an opportunity of completing their work, that we find what we should now call a jury.”

A due regard for the definiteness of legal phraseology calls for some comment on the meaning of “law and fact,” terms so frequently employed in the course of this work. Law, in its widest sense, is a rule of action; in its technical sense, it is a general rule of human action, taking cognizance only of external acts, enforced by a determinate human authority paramount within a state. Whether the rule so enforced be moral or pernicious, is impertinent to the question. “The existence of law is one thing, its merit or demerit another.” Again, “although human actions are the subject-matter about which law is conversant, they are not essential to its existence; for the rule is the same, whether its application is called forth or not. * * * The rule continues in abstraction and theory, until an act is done on which it can attach. * * * The maxim, ''ex facto oritur jus'' must be understood in this sense; and the duty of judicial tribunals, consequently, embraces the investigation of doubtful or disputed facts, as well as the application of the principles of jurisprudence to such as are ascertained.”

Fact is a term most difficult to define—so much so that Mr. Justice Stephen (in the third edition of his Digest of the Law of Evidence) abandoned the attempt previously made. Webster’s definition (ed. 1859) is: “Anything done, or that comes to pass; an act; a deed; an effect produced or achieved; an event.” Negatively, a learned American jurist suggests that “nothing is a question of fact which is not a question of the existence, reality, truth of something.” Anything which is the subject of testimony is “matter of fact,” while “matter of law” is the general law of the land of which courts take judicial cognizance. Evidence is the means or method by which a fact under judicial examination may be proved or disproved. “Whether there be any evidence, is a question for the judge. Whether sufficient evidence, is for the jury.”

In any event, it is clear that the formula of Coke, hereinabove quoted, “was never meant to be taken absolutely. * * * It relates to issues of fact, and not to the incidental questions that spring up before the parties are at issue. The jury has to do with only a limited class of questions of fact, namely, questions of ultimate fact.” “In general, issues of fact, and only issues of fact, are to be tried by jury; when they are so tried, the jury and not the court are to find the facts, and the court and not the jury is to give the rule of law; the jury are not to refer the evidence to the judge and ask his judgment upon that, but are to find the facts which the evidence tends to establish, and may only ask the court for judgment upon these.”}}

Mr. President, I shall next take up the history of the jury system of the Anglo-Saxons:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Chapter VI.—The System of the Anglo-Saxons}}}}

As regards the manner of men who now directed the destinies of England—for under that name (derived from the Angles) the island is henceforth known—and who indelibly impressed their characteristics upon it, and concerning their status in the scale of civilization, a graphic description is afforded us by the same historian. They “were little removed from the original state of nature; the social confederacy among them was more martial than civil; they had chiefly in view the means of attack and defense against public enemies, not those of protection against their fellow citizens; their possessions were so slender and so equal that they were not exposed to great danger, and the natural bravery of the people made every man trust to himself and to his particular friends for his defense. * * * An insult upon any man was regarded by his relations and associates as a common injury; they were bound by honor, as well as by a sense of common interest, to revenge his death or any violence which he had suffered; they retaliated on the aggressor by like acts of violence; and if he were protected, as was natural and unusual, by his own clan, the quarrel was spread still wider and bred endless disorders in the nation.”

Such, then, was the state of civilization which the Saxons enjoyed, and such the social and political structure which superseded the administration of the Romans. For almost four centuries the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms—true to the characteristics of their founders—present a history of uninterrupted warfare, bloodshed and internecine strife, though Christianity had meanwhile prevailed among them. Wessex, however, gradually acquired the hegemony, and in A. D. 827 its King Egbert succeeded in securing his acknowledgment as supreme head of the heptarchy, with which event the history of the English nation properly begins.

Concerning their civil and social condition, at this period, after a sojourn of 400 years on English soil, it appears that “though they had been so long settled in the island [they] seem not as yet to have been much improved beyond their German ancestors, either in arts, civility, knowledge, humanity, justice, or obedience to the laws. * * * Bounty to the church atoned for every violence against society.” It cannot be doubted that, under ordinary circumstances, nationalization would have paved the way to improvements in the administration of justice, which, under the primitive system and the constant wars of the Saxons, had sadly degenerated. For, since “their language was everywhere nearly the same, their customs, laws, institutions, civil and religious * * * a union also in government opened to them the agreeable prospect of future tranquility. * * * But these flattering views were soon overcast by the appearance of the Danes, who, during some centuries, kept the Anglo-Saxons in perpetual inquietude, committed the most barbarous ravages upon them, and at last reduced them to grievous servitude.”

The first great landmark in the history of English law is the reign of King Alfred (871–901), who, after he had restored peace, and either settled the Danes in or expelled them from the country, turned his attention to the administration of justice, which had become a mere name. His political and juridical institutions are recorded by Hume, as follows: “That he might render the execution of justice strict and regular, he divided all England into counties; these counties he divided into hundreds, and the hundreds into tithings. Every householder was answerable for the behavior of his family. * * * Ten neighboring householders were formed into one corporation, who, under the name of a tithing, decennary, or fribourg, were answerable for each other’s conduct, and over whom one person, called a tithingman, headbourg, or borsholder, was appointed to preside. Every man was punished as an outlaw who did not register himself in some tithing.

“By this institution, every man was obliged from his own interest to keep a watchful eye on the conduct of his neighbors; and was in a manner surety for the behavior of those who were placed under the division to which he belonged. Whence these decennaries received the name of frankpledges. The barsholder summoned together the whole decennary to assist him in deciding any lesser difference which occurred among the members. In appeals from the decennary, or in controversies arising between members of different decennaries, the case was brought before the hundred, which consisted of 10 decennaries or 100 families of freemen, and which was regularly assembled once in 4 weeks for the deciding of causes. (Leg. Edw. c. 2.)

“Their method of decision deserves to be noted, as being”—at least in our historian’s opinion—“the origin of juries. * * * Twelve freeholders were chosen, who, having sworn (together with the hundred or presiding magistrate of that division) to administer impartial justice, proceeded to the examination of that cause which was submitted to their jurisdiction. And besides these monthly meetings of the hundred, there was an annual meeting appointed * * * for the inquiry into crimes, the correction of abuses, and other matters of public concern. If a further appeal were desired, or in controversies between members of different hundreds, the case was brought before the freeholders of the county (or shire) over whom the bishop together with the alderman presided. A final appeal lay to the King himself.

“Formerly the alderman possessed both the civil and military authority; but Alfred * * * appointed also a sheriff in each county, who enjoyed a coordinate authority with the former in his judicial (as distinguished from the military) function. His office also empowered him to guard the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy the fines imposed.”

Such was the system established by Alfred, and adhered to by his successors as far as those turbulent times permitted. For its promotion and perpetuation, as well as for the guidance of the magistrates, on whom the duty to administer it was incumbent, the same king—according to our historical guide—“framed a body of laws which, though now lost, served long as the basis of English jurisprudence, and is generally deemed the origin of what is denominated the common law.” While his judgment concerning the paternity of the system is, that “the similarity of these institutions to the customs of the ancient Germans, and to the Saxon laws during the heptarchy, prevents us from regarding Alfred as the sole author of this plan of government, and leads us rather to think that he contented himself with reforming, extending, and executing the institutions which he found previously established.”

Thus far Hume, whose profound historical researches, combined with his early legal training, certainly entitle his opinion to much weight. But the existence, among the Saxons, of any institution resembling the jury has been hotly contested, and the dispute whether it was known to the Anglo-Saxons or introduced as a result of the Norman conquest, may be thus summarized: Coke (in his Institutes), Spelman (Glossarium Archaiologicum), Blackstone (Com. III., ch. 23), Nicholson (preface to Wilkin’s Anglo-Saxon Laws), and Turner (Hist. Anglo-Saxons, IV., book XI., ch. 9) ascribe it to Saxon paternity. On the other hand, Hickes (Dissert. Epist. p. 34), Reeves (Hist. Eng. Law, I., 22, 24), and Palgrave (Rise and Progress of Commonwealth, I, 243) claim with equal confidence that it was introduced by or at least derived from the Normans and was not of Anglo-Saxon origin.

So Judge Cooley (Am. Cycl. IX. 722) approvingly observes that “so many of the attendant circumstances indicate that it was a Norman institution, bestowed upon his English subjects by a Norman king, that Sir Francis Palgrave has not hesitated to consider our jury trial as derived directly from Norman law” and Mr. Macclachlan (Eng. Cycl. III., 24) remarks: “Without entering minutely into this controversy, it may be stated that the traces of the trial by jury, in the form in which it existed for several centuries after the conquest, are more distinctly discernible in the ancient customs of Normandy than in the few and scanty fragments of Anglo-Saxon law which have descended to our time.”

The conclusion reached by Mr. Forsyth affords perhaps the fairest statement of the case, and may be advantageously quoted in this place: “It may be confidently asserted that trial by jury was unknown to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors; and the idea of its existence in their legal system has arisen from a want of attention to the radical distinction between the members or judges composing a court, and a body of men set apart from that court, but summoned to attend in order to determine conclusively the facts of the case in dispute. This is the principle on which is founded the intervention of a jury; and no trace whatever can be found of such an institution in Anglo-Saxon times.

“If it has existed,” he continues, “it is utterly inconceivable that distinct mention of it should not frequently have occurred in the body of Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporary chronicles which we possess, extending from the time of Ethelbert (568–616) to the Norman Conquest (1066). Those who have fancied that they discover indications of its existence during that period, have been misled by false analogies and inattention to the distinguishing features of the jury trial which have been previously pointed out. While, however, we assert that it was unknown in Saxon times, it is nevertheless true that we can recognize the traces of a system which paved the way for its introduction, and rendered its adaptation at a later period [the reign of Henry II.] neither unlikely nor abrupt. * * * Of the exact mode in which trials were conducted in these [ante-Norman] courts, we know little; but the Anglo-Saxon laws and contemporaneous annals make frequent mention of two classes of witnesses, who play a most important part in the judicial proceedings of the time.” These are compurgators and official witnesses, who, together with other features of their system, will be more fully considered hereafter.

With the demise of King Alfred, his system gradually lost ground. “During the reign of eight kings who succeeded Alfred,” wrote Gilmans, “the country suffered constant invasions from Denmark, which became so oppressive that in 991 the King, Ethelred II., agreed to pay the Danes 10,000 pounds, called danegelt, to buy immunity. This sum was raised by a tax on land, the first one recorded in English history.” Eleven years later the same King planned and partly executed a general massacre of foreigners in the island (Danemort) which led to a fierce attack from the Danes, to the expulsion of the King, and to the establishment of Sweyn as ruler of England. His son Canute married Ethelred’s widow, a sister of the Duke of Normandy, in order, as it were, to legitimize his title, to strengthen his alliances, and to make secure the succession of his line.

When Canute, the Dane, mounted the English throne (1014) it might be supposed that he would transplant to, and incorporate in the system of, England the Danish quasi-jury or Nævninger—an institution common, with modifications, to all the Scandinavian nations—which derived its appellation from the fact of being composed of a fixed number of men (usually 12) named by the inhabitants of each district; a majority of those so chosen was competent to render a decision (subject to the ratification of the bishop and 8 best men of the district) in civil suits; while in criminal cases the accuser was obliged to convince the Nævn by sworn evidence of the truth of his charge, before the accused would be subjected to a public trial—this institution thus combining the functions of grand and petit jury with the exercise of judicial powers.

Canute, however, who was a lineal descendant of Alfred, and desirous of emulating that monarch, adopted a policy of conciliation toward the English. He had his succession to the throne ratified by a general assembly (Witenagemot) and publicly consented to restore and observe the Saxon customs and laws. In 1030, he addressed a letter “To all the Nations of the English”—under which designation he also meant to include the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians—in which he said: “Be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to God, to govern my kingdom with justice, and to observe the right in all things.” That is, he refrained from making any essential innovations or alterations in the systems (political or judicial) to which his several dominions were accustomed, and in consequence Danish rule had no tangible formative effect on English jurisprudence.

The last of the Saxon line who ruled in England—chosen by the people when Sweyn’s family became extinct—was Edward the Confessor (1042–66) whom Hume deems commendable for his attention to the administration of justice, and his compiling for that purpose a body of laws which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for the laws that pass under Edward’s name were composed afterward) was long the object of affection to the English nation.

{{c|{{asc|CHAPTER VII.—FORMS OF TRIAL AND TRIBUNALS AMONG THE SAXONS}}}}

Having examined the social and political status of the Saxons in England, as evidenced by their history and environment, we may expect to find, on considering the judicial institutions, their personal characteristics reflected therein. Here, as there, we distinguish the same primitive system of administration, the same rudimentary ideas of right, the same regard for the efficacy of clerical absolution, the same adherence to old and meaningless forms, and the same reverence for the vis major.

The judicial system of the Anglo-Saxons depended for its administration on, and consisted of, four distinct factors or elements: these were, sectatores or suitors of court, the secta or suit of witnesses, official witnesses, and compurgators. These have been generally confounded or at least not clearly distinguished, and the misconception of their proper functions has given rise to many ingenious theories. In general it may be said that of all these functionaries the first class only performed judicial duties; the second and the third were species of witnesses; the fourth officiated (at least originally) in criminal cases only, while none of them were jurors. A delineation of the functions of each will be given, and a distinction attempted.

The name of sectatores is applied by Forsyth to the limited number of freemen “who attended the hundred, county, and manorial courts, to try offenses and determine disputes there; * * * and the obligation to attend was in the nature of a tenure, for neglect of which they might be distrained to appear.” For, in accordance with the customs of those days, “to do suit at a county or other inferior court was * * * one of the common tenures by which land was held, and the suitors, called sectatores, or * * * at a later period pares, were therefore bound to give their attendance.” Anciently their number appears to have depended on chance or convenience; nor do they appear to have acted always under the sanction of an oath; for to Reeves “it seems that causes in the county and other courts were heard and determined by an indefinite number of persons called sectatores,” of whom “the frequent mention,” he continues, “is no proof of juries, properly so-called, being known to our Saxon ancestors.” It would seem that this form of judicial tribunal was the modified outcome of a feature of the elaborate county system established by Alfred, and a result of the alterations necessitated and the encroachments caused by the incessant warfare prevalent after the death of that monarch, which must have greatly affected his system of government. The whole matter, however, is involved in much obscurity, and will be resumed, to some extent, in the chapter treating of the ''judicium parium''.

Concerning the second of the four classes, Professor Robertson observes: “The trial ''per sectam'' * * * resembled in principle the system of compurgation. The plaintiff proved his case by vouching a certain number of witnesses (secta) who had seen the transaction in question, and the defendant rebutted the presumption thus created by vouching a larger number of witnesses on his own side.” It was thus an application to civil suits of the principle, which governed the system of compurgation in relation to criminal causes. At a later period in Saxon history, however, it seems that compurgation was also extended to (and thus superseded the use of the secta in) * * * civil proceedings; or, at least, that the term “compurgation” was employed to designate both the criminal and the civil (''i. e.'', the sectatory) method. Indeed, the very name of secta became an alternative term for sectatores—the judges above described—which led to the confounding of the one with the other, and bred endless confusion and mistake.

At a more advanced period of the Anglo-Saxon dominion, when the defects of their mode of evidence and system of trial became perceptible even to their untutored minds, an attempt was made to partially remedy these defects by the official appointment in each district of sworn witnesses, whose duty it was to attest therein all sales, endowment of a woman ''ad ostium ecclesiae'', and the execution of charters. They were not subject to cross-examination, and their oath was decisive in case of dispute. Later, persons peculiarly qualified by circumstances (though not preappointed), were similarly sworn to prove age, ownership of chattels, and the death of one in whose estate dower was claimed. Hence in the Year Books (16 Edw. II., 507, A. D. 1323) we read complaint that one “may name ses cosyns et ses auns, who by his procurement will decide against us.”

The most important of the four elements, and that destined to play the largest part in the development of trial by jury, was compurgation. Under the Saxon system, in criminal cases the charge of the prosecutor or accuser sufficed to put the accused on his defense.

This defense was by means of the process of compurgation, which was in vogue among the various Teutonic nations (12 being the usual number) and rested on the maxim: “Nobilis homo ingenuus—cum duodecim ingenuis se purget.” Compurgators may be defined as persons, who supported by their oaths the credibility of the party accused, pledging their belief in the latter’s denial of the charge brought against him.

These were in no sense witnesses, for they might be wholly ignorant of the real facts in dispute; nor were they a jury, for no evidence was submitted to their consideration. They were merely friends of the party who summoned them; they knew his character, and by their united oaths they at once attested that character and their confidence in his truthfulness and the justice of his cause.

This mode of trial was brought into England by the Saxons, and Judge Cooley thus describes it: “Then the party accused—or, in later times, the party plaintiff or defendant—appeared with his friends, and they swore, he laying his hand on theirs and swearing with them, to the innocence of the accused, or to the claim or defense of the party. Little is certainly known either of the origin or of the extent, in point of time or of country, over which the trial by compurgators prevailed; but it must have had great influence over the subsequent forms of procedure. It fixed the number of the traverse (''i. e.'', the petit or trial) jury at 12, that being the common number of compurgators * * * and this was a great improvement on the varying and sometimes very large number in Greece and Rome.”

Where the compurgators coincided in a favorable declaration, there was a complete acquittal. But if the accused was unable to present a sufficient number of these purgers; or, “if the party had been before accused of larceny or perjury, or had otherwise been rendered infamous and was thought not worthy of credit—he was driven to make out his innocence by an appeal to heaven, in the trial by ordeal,” which was practiced either by the boiling water or the red-hot iron; the former being supplied to the common people, while the latter was reserved for the nobility. The nature of this institution is so curious and interesting, and its peculiarities throw so much light on the character of that age, as to warrant a fuller consideration of this primitive predecessor and sometime competitor of our criminal jury.

If the accused was sentenced to undergo the ordeal by hot water, “he was to put his head into it or his whole arm, according to the degree of the offense: if it was by cold water, his thumbs were tied to his toes, and in this posture he was thrown into it. If he escaped unhurt by the boiling water (which might easily be contrived by the art of the priests), or if he sunk in the cold water, which would certainly happen, he was declared innocent. If he was hurt by the boiling water or swum in the cold, he was considered as guilty.”}}

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator tell me the name of the case he is reading?

Mr. THURMOND. It is the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. This so-called amendment that came from the House does not provide for a jury trial unless the judge in his discretion sees fit to give one; or unless he imposes punishment of more than 45 days’ imprisonment or a fine of more than $300.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator quoting at this point from a particular case, and, if so, will the Senator give us the name of the case?

Mr. THURMOND. I am not quoting from a case at this particular time. I am going back into the History of the Jury Trial.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And to show how through the life of this Nation the jury trial has developed.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. And how our forefathers in writing the Constitution put into it by article III., section 2, under which a man charged with a crime is entitled to a trial by jury.

To remove any further doubt, when the Bill of Rights was written the same provision was made in several places. The sixth amendment of the Bill of Rights guarantees a man charged with a crime the right to a jury trial.

During the night, probably about 4 or 5 o’clock this morning, I did cite a case holding that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man who is being tried for criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial under the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know whether it has ever been held that criminal contempt is not a crime under the law of the Nation?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not know of any decision in the courts where criminal contempt has not been considered a crime, and I have had all the authorities and ran them down. Criminal contempt is a crime. We have a decision on that point. When a man is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a trial by jury. However, under this proposal, the so-called compromise which came from the House, he will not get a jury trial unless the judge, out of the goodness of his heart, says “I think you are entitled to a jury trial, and I am going to give you one.”

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Or unless the judge tries him first and finds him guilty and finds that he should be punished by more than 45 days’ imprisonment or $300 fine, in which event he can give him a new trial. The judge tries him once, and then he will be tried again. I think there again the so-called compromise is unconstitutional because you cannot put a man in jeopardy two times. If he is tried once, he has been in jeopardy and he cannot be put in jeopardy again.

The whole thing is a concoction to get a compromise on something for civil rights. It is purely an endeavor to get some kind of compromise; but it violates the Constitution, and I hope the Senate and the Congress will not pass it. Even people who believe in civil rights and have fought for civil rights are of that opinion.

The distinguished Senator from Minnesota [Mr. {{sc|Humphrey}}] has made many speeches on civil rights. I remember one he made in 1948 at the Democratic Convention in Philadelphia, which I did not like at all because I am a States righter and not a so-called civil righter. I believe in real civil rights, but not the kind of civil rights which are being alleged here.

I do not know how Senators who really believe in civil rights and who know the Constitution can vote for a bill which flatfootedly violates several provisions of the Constitution.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator know of any greater civil right any person possesses in any nation than the right to a trial by a jury of his peers and his neighbors when he is accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot imagine any civil right I would rather possess were I charged with a crime. I do not know of any civil right that is more vital to the people of the United States than the right of trial by jury. I do not know of any civil right that one could envision that could be more important. The right of trial by jury is most important because a man may be tried for his life. If he is not tried for his life, he can be put in prison. He can have his liberty taken away from him.

It is only after trial by jury that a man in this Nation can have his liberty taken away from him. I do not want a judge to try me if I ever have to be tried. I want 12 of my peers, 12 of my fellow countrymen, as the Constitution provides.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Is not the right to trial by jury, in which a person accused of a crime to challenge any prejudiced person who might be on the jury venire one of the possible differences between the free system of government that exists in this Nation and other free nations as compared to the system of government that exists in Communist nations?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Senator has the vision to see and realize the importance of what jury trial means to the people of this Nation.

I quoted during the night Associate Justice Brennan of the Supreme Court. I do not think a man could have made a stronger address than he made on the jury-trial question. Justice Brennan made a powerful argument for a jury trial even in automobile-accident cases. Even where property is involved—not liberty, not life, but property—he believed there should be protection to the citizen through jury trial. Under the so-called compromise civil-rights bill a judge can put a man in jail for 45 days, and some judges will do so if they have the opportunity. They will make it exactly 45 days if they want to punish a man.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LONG. Under the facts stated in regard to the situation in Washington Parish, La., it was contended that more than 1,000 colored people were denied voting rights. I am not sure if that was correct or not. Perhaps those people should or should not be on the rolls. But assuming the charge was correct, it would be possible for a judge in that case to put a person in jail for {{SIC|4,500|45,000}} days without a jury trial, alleging that there were 1,000 different offenses.

Mr. THURMOND. I see no reason why he could not, if he tries the defendant on each separate offense, which I think he would have to do to sentence him for more than 45 days. If he tries the accused for one act of depriving a person of his right to vote, there would be only one act, and 45 days in my opinion would be the limit. But if a judge saw fit to try a man and sentence him to prison for 45 days, he could try him again on another charge with respect to a man who claims his rights were violated in connection with voting and the defendant could be given another 45 days. I do not think there is any limit to that. I think he could keep filing them.

Mr. LONG: Is it not conceivable following such a procedure a judge could put a man in jail for his natural lifetime without a jury trial? Suppose he alleges that the defendant prevented 2,000 people from registering. That would be 90,000 days he could put the man in jail without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. While I think theoretically that is possible, I do not think actually it would be practicable. But it is theoretically possible to do that.

I wish to read the distinguished Senator what Associate Justice Brennan said:

{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it.}}

What is the Congress doing here if they let a judge try a man for criminal contempt, which is a crime?

I quote Associate Justice Brennan further:

{{smaller block|One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence—}}

In my State they cannot comment on the evidence and I do not believe they can in the State of the Senator from Louisiana, can they? In a few cases I believe they can.

Mr. LONG. No; not in a criminal case.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not believe they can even instruct the jury except as the parties request instruction. In some States the judge cannot charge the jury at all except where the parties request him to instruct, so jealously is the right of trial by jury regarded, leaving to the 12 fellow countrymen, 12 peers of the defendant, the authority to decide the case.

I wish to quote further from Associate Justice Brennan:

{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies, and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question to my distinguished colleague from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. I regret that because of my ill health, of which the Senator is aware, I was unable to be here.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sorry, too. I thought about the distinguished Senator a great deal and inquired about him.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure during the night sometime the distinguished Senator from South Carolina discussed how the jury system came into being; is that correct? The divine right of kings principle was set aside and the jury system installed in its place.

Mr. THURMOND. That is right. I am going now into the history of the jury system. That is the very thing I am discussing now.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that in the State of South Carolina—and, I might say, it is true in some of the other States—the higher courts have set aside verdicts of guilty because of the presence of prejudiced jurors or jurors who did not tell the truth on their examination, when they were asked if they knew anything about the facts.

We have always been extremely jealous under the Constitution to see that every defendant receives a fair and honest trial. I know that there have been such cases in the State of South Carolina as the type to which I have referred.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. I was a trial judge for 8 years, and came into close contact with jurors. I know how jurors feel. I know how the people feel. The citizens of this country believe in the jury system. It is a part of their nature to believe in the jury system. Those who have talked with me do not like the fact that the bill provides for compromising the Constitution in order to get a compromise civil-rights bill. We should not compromise the Constitution. That is exactly what this so-called compromise bill does, on the jury-trial question.

Mr. LANGER. I am sure that when the distinguished Senator was a judge, if any efforts were made to influence a jury, either by telephone or letter, if the judge became aware of it, he promptly declared a mistrial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is correct. Any judge would set aside a verdict if a juror were influenced.

Judges are human. Some people look upon a Federal judge as sacrosanct, so to speak—clothed with a robe, high, mighty, and arrogant. They are human, and they are subject to the errors of human nature, just as any other citizen is. They should not be entrusted with this great power, involving the liberty of our people, in violation of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. The distinguished Senator knows that once in a while there is a dishonest judge. Is not that true?

Mr. THURMOND. I presume it is. However, I have never heard of any in South Carolina.

Mr. LANGER. We had a very dishonest Federal judge in the State of North Dakota at one time. I had personal experience with him. Time and again during my service in the Senate I have charged that judge with being dishonest. He is still alive. I did not rely upon Congressional immunity. I have made that statement often. I have never been sued for it, and I know very well that I never will be.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the distinguished Senator would not want such a judge to try him for criminal contempt, which is a crime. I am certain that the distinguished Senator from North Dakota would want a jury to try him. Is not that correct?

Mr. LANGER. That is certainly correct. I believe that in the State of South Carolina, or any other State, the people will insist not only on good, honest judges, but also on seeing to it that the jury system is kept unimpaired.

Mr. THURMOND. Some of the proponents of the bill think they are going to punish the South. However, the bill applies to every American. The bill will fly back in the faces of some of its proponents and their friends, and they will be surprised.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. It is a pleasure to discuss this question with the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

I was discussing the history of the jury system.

I continue to read from “History of the Jury System,” in the chapter entitled “Trials and Tribunals Among the Saxons.”

{{smaller block|It will be observed that it was the priests who had charge of administering these tests of innocence—termed ''judicia dei''—and they doubtless reaped a rich harvest from the monopoly of this privilege, commensurate with the wealth and the guilt of the accused.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator further yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In view of the fact that I mentioned a dishonest judge, I should like to give an illustration of how a dishonest judge operates.

In the first place, when it is desired to obtain a jury which is dishonest, a special assistant United States marshal will be appointed. The marshal will walk into a store, for example, and say, “Mr. Jones, I would like to have you take 100 subscriptions to a certain newspaper.” The man behind the counter might say, “Why should I take a hundred subscriptions?” The marshal may say, “We are fighting the Governor of the State.”

If the man takes 100 subscriptions, and pays $100, or $1 apiece for a year, his name goes into the jury box; and if he does not subscribe, his name does not go into the jury box.

In the case to which I have reference, the slips which were put into the box were different. The names of those who were prejudiced against a defendant would be written on wide slips. The names of those who were not so prejudiced were written upon narrow slips. A clerk was conniving with the judge. I may say that later the clerk went to the penitentiary. He would feel around until he felt a broad slip, and withdraw that slip.

A Federal judge has a vast amount of power. A judge may say, “I am not going to allow any of the defense lawyers to examine any prospective jurors. Let them write out their questions and submit them to me, and I will ask the prospective jurors whether or not they are prejudiced, or what answers they have to the questions.”

Two or three days might be consumed in the effort to get a fair jury; but because of the fact that the Federal judge will not allow the lawyers for the defendant to ask any questions, the judge will finally get a jury which has not been thoroughly examined from the viewpoint of the defendant.

That is not all. A dishonest judge, by the tone of his voice, can let the jury know what he himself thinks of the case. For example, the defendant may be giving testimony, and if the United States attorney interrupts him the Federal judge may say, “Well, let the defendant tell his story,” with a sneer on his face, for the benefit of the jury.

When it comes to his instructions, he may, in a very low tone of voice, give the instructions he is required to give which are favorable to the defendant. Then he raises his voice and makes gestures which let the jury know he does not believe the defendant to be innocent. He tries to impress the jury by his loud tone of voice and the things he says in his instructions, which tend to prejudice the jury.

I have seen it happen. I myself was a trial lawyer. I served at one time as attorney general of my State, and later as governor of the State.

As I have previously stated, a Federal judge has a vast amount of power. He can name special bailiffs is he decides that the number of bailiffs in the court is not sufficient. He can appoint half a dozen or a dozen more, and have them carry revolvers to impress the rank and file of the jurors with the great importance of the case.

A Federal judge can claim that his life is in danger, and he can have Federal troops escort him back and forth between the courthouse and the hotel. A Federal judge can have airplanes flying over the courthouse, to repel the mob, for the purpose of impressing the jury with the gravity of the case which is pending before it.

I have gone all through that experience. When I came to the Senate one of the charges brought against me was with respect to the four Federal cases in which I, as governor of the State, was tried.

A Federal judge who is dishonest, with all the power he has, need not be afraid of any governor, because he holds the position for life. During the history of the United States there have been only five impeachments of Federal judges.

I well remember a case which was brought before I became a Member of the Senate. Senator Josiah Bailey, a very distinguished Senator, said to me in connection with that case, “I voted ‘not guilty’ on all counts except the last one. I voted ‘guilty’ on the last one.”

It was the fact that he voted “guilty” on that count which resulted in the impeachment of the judge.

We must take into consideration the money that is required, the lawyers who are required, and so forth. The Senate does not like to take up an impeachment case. Yet, that is the only remedy a poor man has in the matter of impeaching a dishonest Federal judge.

I am frankly delighted that the distinguished Senator from South Caroline has been going into the history of how the jury trial originated. There was a great battle to obtain the right of trialby jury on behalf of the people of England before they ever achieved their goal. One of the very first of the English juries was sent out by the judge time and time again and asked to bring in a verdict of guilty, and the jury refused to do so. They were out for many hours defying the judge. Finally, the judge said he would put them in jail.

One of the greatest calamities that could possibly occur in this country or in any other country would be to have the “divine right of kings” come back and the jury system made inoperative. I wish to thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina for bringing the matter to the attention of the Senate.

Mr. THURMOND. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota is to be commended for his statement.

Mr. President, it is not a question of civil rights. They have hooked to it an unconstitutional provision. It is now a question of whether we shall vote for a bill that violates the Constitution and takes away from citizens the right to a trial by jury.

I believe it was at Runnymeade, in 1215, that there were wrenched from King John certain rights for the benefit of the people which were written into a paper known as the Magna Carta. One of the rights wrenched from King John and which the people had cherished so long and which had been denied them was the right of trial by jury.

Mr. President, our Declaration of Independence starts out by citing grievances, among which was the fact that in many instances the citizens of the Colonies had been tried without a jury. That was one of the grievances brought up and included in the Declaration of Independence.

When our Constitution was written our forefathers had heard their fathers speak of how in generations back the people had suffered persecution. That was why many of them came to these shores, to enjoy liberty and freedom. After studying the governments of the world at that time, our forefathers finally decided on the tripartite system of government, with its three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial, which could check on each other.

They did not stop with that, Mr. President. The States organized their governments on the same basis, so that what we have is what is known as a compound Republic. We have a division of power between the States and the Federal Government. We have a division of power between the different branches on the national level and on the State level. Our forefathers, when they wrote the Constitution in Philadelphia in 1787, were determined that one thing would be contained in it would be the right of trial by jury. It is found in article III., section 2, and it provides that the trial of all crimes except cases of impeachment shall be by jury. It does not make any other exceptions for civil rights or anything else. It provides that all crimes except that of impeachment shall be tried by jury and that the trial shall be held in the State in which the crime was committed.

Even after the Constitution was written, three distinguished men attending the Convention would not sign it. They were George Mason, of Virginia, who was the author of the Bill of Rights; John Randolph, of Virginia, another very prominent citizen; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. They refused to sign the Constitution even after it was written.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, would the Senator from South Carolina be willing to yield to me for the purpose of submitting a unanimous-consent request to the Senate to the effect that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears the telegram of the Governor of the State of Wisconsin may be read and the oath be administered by unanimous consent of the Senate, without my friend from South Carolina losing the floor thereby, and that his remarks thereafter shall not count as a second speech against him, and that this interruption be placed in another portion of the {{sc|Record}}?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield under those conditions.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears in the Chamber the clerk may read the telegram from the Governor of Wisconsin and that the Senate give its consent to the oath being administered to the Senator-elect.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous-consent request of the Senator from Texas? The Chair thinks it also includes the provision that the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}] shall not lose the floor.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. All the conditions enumerated, Mr. President.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, reserving the right to object—and, of course, I shall not object—I should like to be associated with the unanimous-consent request made by the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. President, I make the request on behalf of the minority leader and myself. I wish to make it abundantly clear that when the Senator-elect from Wisconsin appears consent will have already been given to his being sworn in after the telegrams have been read; and that the Senator from South Carolina will still retain the floor and will be protected in his right to the floor and in the fact that he has made only one speech on this subject. Also, Mr. President, I request that the interruption be placed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from South Carolina.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and the request is agreed to.

Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. I thank the Senator from South Carolina for yielding.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was engaged in colloquy with the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Langer}}] ,at the time when we were interrupted. I should like to continue the colloquy with him.

Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from North Dakota for his questions and for bringing out the points he did. What I started to say is that when the Constitution Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1787 for the purpose of writing a constitution, the deputies, as they were called then, were confronted with the very difficult proposition of how the States would have representation. The large States wanted representation in proportion to population; the small States wanted representation according to States, regardless of size. Of course, they reached a compromise, and we have the two bodies of Congress. The Senate has an equal number of Senators from each State, regardless of the size of the State, and the House of Representatives is based on population. That is only one of the many intricate problems which had to be fought and settled by the Convention. It was a very difficult task to bring about the adoption of the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question at this point?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator from North Dakota, as the distinguished Senator from South Carolina knows, is very much interested in the small States. The two Senators from North Dakota are very much interested in the small States. They have been battling and fighting for the rights of the small States. Today there are six States which never have had any Cabinet members. For example, take the State of Florida. It has now for 107 years been a member of this Union. Yet the State of Florida has never had a member of the Cabinet, although the city of New York under Franklin Roosevelt at one time had six from the State of New York.

Take the State of Nevada. Nevada had an Ambassador. The State of South Dakota has never had one. Montana never has had one. Idaho never has had one. The Senator from North Dakota finally succeeded in getting one for North Dakota, the first one after 62 years of statehood. It seems to me that the Senators from these States and from the States of smaller population a long time ago ought to have gotten together and said to the State Department, “We demand that citizens of the States of lesser population also have some appointments as ambassadors, or occasionally have a man appointed to the Cabinet of the President of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree with the Senator, and what I said was by way of illustration.

Mr. LANGER. Yes.

Mr. THURMOND. The point I started to make was this: There were so many problems confronting the deputies in Philadelphia that they had a very hard time drafting a constitution, and even after it was drafted, it would not have been ratified if they had not promised the leading political leaders of the day that there would be a Bill of Rights. That is the only way they were able to have the Constitution adopted; and even then, George Mason, of Virginia; John Hancock, of Massachusetts; Elbridge Gary, of Massachusetts, refused to sign it. They did not want to take for granted any question about the rights to which the people were entitled, and one of the precious rights in which they were most interested was the right of trial by jury. The right of trial by jury was not only written in article III., section 2 of the Constitution, but in several places in the Bill of Rights. The right of trial by jury has been handed down to us as part of our Government as a great heritage, and we do not want to run the risk of losing that precious right.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true at the present time in one foreign country after another, to whom we have been sending foreign aid and with whom we fought in World War II., later in the Korean war—one of the very things we are advocating in these countries are reforms which will provide trial by jury. Is that not correct?

Mr. THURMOND. I understand we have been advocating that other countries, in which we have been trying to help the people to set up democratic governments, accord the right of trial by jury. It is going to look a little inconsistent to those people to whom we have held out trial by jury as the ideal, when we pass a bill which proposes to take away trial by jury.

Some persons do not feel this is important; some of them say, “Well it is a compromise. The House held to a certain idea and the Senate another; and it is a matter of getting together as best they could.”

But this is a vital question. There is nothing more important, no right more important than that of trial by jury.

Mr. LANGER. I assume the Senator means a fair trial, an honest trial.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. The experience the Senator has had as judge ably demonstrated that, did it not?

Mr. THURMOND. My experience has been that a jury will come nearer rendering a fair verdict than a judge will, because there are 12 men on the jury—and Mr. Justice Brennan concurs in this—who hear the evidence and reach a conclusion. It is a most important matter; yet here in this so-called civil rights bill—

Madam President, may we have order, please?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair). The Senate will be in order.

The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. The effect of the so-called civil-rights bill is to amend the Constitution. The Constitution says, in article III., section 2, that “the trial of all crimes, except cases of impeachment; shall be by jury,” and then in the sixth amendment to the Constitution the statement is made again. It says, “In all”—it does not say in some—it does not say in all but civil rights; it makes no exception. It says:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and a public trial, by an impartial jury of the State * * * to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses.}}

And so forth. instead of that, this civil-rights bill now includes an amendment—which has been added by the House of Representatives—which gives the judge the power to make the decision, without a trial by jury, unless the fine exceeds a certain amount of money or unless the period of incarceration exceeds a certain number of days.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. {{sc|Smith}} of Maine in the chair) Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it not true that one of the arguments used when the right of women’s suffrage was asked for, was that women should have the right to sit on juries?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, I recommended that women be allowed to sit on the juries. I think it is very wholesome to have that allowed. Such a law has not yet been passed in South Carolina, but I think it will be; in my opinion, that time will come.

Mr. LANGER. We who live in North Dakota have had such a law for many years, and it works very satisfactorily.

Mr. THURMOND. I so understand.

In some States, women are allowed to serve on juries, if they wish, but they are not forced to do so. In other States, women must serve on juries, if called. In other States, women do not have to serve at all on juries.

Madam President, the bill of rights—and the right of trial by jury is the heart of the bill of rights—is the most precious document of the American people.

Madam President, let me say to the distinguished Senator from North Dakota that when the Declaration of Independence was written, it included a very definite reference to trial by jury. I wish to read part of the Declaration of Independence, in order to remind the distinguished Senator from North Dakota of that fact.

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, I shall be very glad to have the Senator from South Carolina do so.

Mr. THURMOND. Madam President, I read now from the Declaration of Independence:

{{smaller block|When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.}}

A little later in the Declaration of Independence, we find the following—

Mr. LANGER. Madam President, it is very interesting to hear the Declaration of Independence read.

Mr. THURMOND. It is, indeed.

I read further from the Declaration of Independence:

{{smaller block|He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing taxes on us without our consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.}}

That was one of the cardinal points which was set forth in the Declaration of Independence, namely, that the King of England had deprived the colonists “in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury.”

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}, in accordance with the previous unanimous-consent agreement, yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas, for the purpose of having the Senator-elect from Wisconsin take the oath of office. By agreement, the proceedings incident thereto appear in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

The VICE PRESIDENT. Pursuant to the order, the Chair recognizes the Senator from South Carolina.

The Senate will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a good many Senators were not here when I presented my views earlier during this debate, and I shall take a few minutes now to express a few points which I should like to have them hear.

Mr. President, I was bitterly opposed to the passage of H. R. 6127 in the form which was approved by the Senate. I am even more bitterly opposed to the acceptance of this so-called compromise which has come back from the House of Representatives.

Later on I want to comment on various provisions of the entire bill, but at this time I am directing my comments at the specific provisions of the so-called compromise. In my view, it is no less than an attempt to compromise the United States Constitution itself.

In effect, it would be an illegal amendment to the Constitution, because that would be the result, insofar as the constitutional guaranty of trial by jury is concerned.

Article III., section 2, of the Constitution provides that—

{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}

Again in the sixth amendment—in the Bill of Rights—it is provided that—

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}

The fifth and seventh amendments to the Constitution provide additional guaranties of action by a jury under certain circumstances. The fifth amendment refers to the guaranty of indictment by a grand jury before a person shall be held to answer for a crime. The seventh amendment guarantees trial by jury in common law cases.

As I have stated earlier today, I cited a decision during this debate to show that criminal contempt is a crime. Since criminal contempt is a crime, a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no way, under the Constitution, by which a man charged with a crime can be denied a trial by jury.

Since the decision I have cited shows that criminal contempt is a crime, it simply follows that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

These guaranties to which I referred, in article III., section 2, of the Constitution, and in the fifth and seventh amendments, were not included in our Constitution without good and sufficient reasons. They were written into the Constitution because of the abuses against the rights of the people by the King of England. Even before the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were drafted, our forefathers wrote indelibly into a historical document their complaints against the denial of the right to trial by jury. That document was the Declaration of Independence. I am going to read the section of the Declaration of Independence in which our forefathers with courage and stamina severed their relations with the mother country, Great Britain, and established their own government. A list of grievances against the King was set forth in that document and among those grievances there was one pertaining to trial by jury. It reads as follows:

{{smaller block|Depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury.}}

In other words, those who signed the Declaration of Independence gave as one of the reasons for declaring their independence and for cutting loose from the King the fact that they had been deprived in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury. Therefore we can see with that incentive in mind in writing the Declaration of Independence why there was such a strong urge in writing the Constitution to include in it a provision for trial by jury, and then later in writing the Bill of Rights, to provide a trial by jury without the exceptions which are contained in this so-called compromise that came from the House of Representatives.

Mr. President, when our forefathers won their freedom from Great Britain, they did not forget that they had fought to secure a right of trial by jury. They wrote into the Constitution the provisions guaranteeing trial by jury. Still not satisfied, they wrote into the Bill of Rights 2 years later the 3 specific additional provisions for jury action.

It is a well-known fact that there was general dissatisfaction with the Constitution when it was submitted to the States on September 28, 1787, because it did not contain a Bill of Rights. A majority of the people of this country, under the leadership of George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, and others, were determined to have spelled out in the Constitution in the form of a Bill of Rights those guaranties of personal security which are embodied in the first 10 amendments.

It was 9 months after the Constitution was submitted to the States before the ninth State ratified the Constitution, thus making it effective.

Although by that time it was generally understood, and pledges had been made by the political leaders of the day, that a Bill of Rights would quickly be submitted to the people, 4 of the 13 States still were outside the Union.

Nineteen months after the Constitution was submitted to the States, George Washington was inaugurated on April 30, 1789, as our first President. Even then, however, North Carolina and Rhode Island remained outside the Union for several months, North Carolina ratifying on November 21, 1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790. The reluctance of all the States to enter the Union which they had helped to create clearly demonstrated how strong the people felt about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution. The Constitution might never have been ratified had it not been for the assurances given to the people by Hamilton, Madison, and other political leaders that a Bill of Rights would be drafted as soon as the Constitution was ratified. Leaders of that day carried out the mandate of the people, and the Bill of Rights with its guaranties of trial by jury was submitted to the States on September 25, 1789.

In 1941, the late John W. Davis, that great constitutional lawyer and one-time Democratic nominee for President, was asked to state what the Bill of Rights meant to him.

The Bill of Rights, he declared—

{{smaller block|denies the power of any Government—the one set up in 1789, or any other—or of any majority, no matter how large, to invade the native rights of a single citizen.}}

Mr. Davis continued his definition with the following:

{{smaller block|There was a day when the absence of such rights in other countries could fill an American with incredulous pity. Yet today, over vast reaches of the earth, governments exist that have robbed their citizens by force or fraud of every one of the essential rights American citizens still enjoy. Usage blunts surprise, yet how can we regard without amazement and horror the depths to which the subjects of the totalitarian powers have fallen?

The lesson is plain for all to read. No men enjoy freedom who do not deserve it. No men deserve freedom who are unwilling to defend it. Americans can be free so long as they compel the governments they themselves have erected to govern strictly within the limits set by the Bill of Rights. They can be free so long, and no longer, as they call to account every governmental agent and officer who trespasses on these rights to the smallest extent. They can be free only if they are ready to repel, by force of arms if need be, every assault upon their liberty, no matter whence it comes.}}

Mr. President, this bill is an assault upon our liberty. The United States is a constitutional Government, and our Constitution cannot be suspended or abrogated to suit the whims of a radical and aggressive minority in any era.

The specific provisions in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights guaranteeing trial by jury have not been repealed. Neither have they been altered or amended by the constitutional methods provided for making changes in our basic laws, if the people deem it wise to make such changes.

Nevertheless, in spite of the prevailing constitutional guaranties of trial by jury, we are here presented with a proposal which would compromise the provisions of the Constitution—yes; in my opinion, amend the Constitution illegally.

This compromise provides that in cases of criminal contempt, under the provisions of this act, “the accused may be tried with or without a jury” at the discretion of the judge.

It further provides:

{{smaller block|That in the event such proceeding for criminal contempt be tried before a judge without a jury and the sentence of the court upon conviction is a fine in excess of $300 or imprisonment in excess of 45 days, the accused in said proceeding, upon demand therefor, shall be entitled to a trial ''de novo'' before a jury.}}

Mr. President, the first of the provisions I have just cited, giving discretion to a judge whether or not a jury trial is granted in a criminal case, is in direct conflict with the Constitution.

The Constitution does not provide for the exercise of any discretion in a criminal case as to whether the person accused shall have a jury trial. The Constitution says “The trial of all crimes except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury.”

The sixth amendment says:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury.}}

The Constitution does not say in some crimes. The Constitution says in all crimes. The Constitution does not say trial may be by jury. The Constitution says trial shall be by jury.

How, then, Mr. President, can we be presented with this compromise? How can we be asked to accept a proposal so clearly in conflict with and in violation of the Constitution?

The Constitution makes no exception to the trial by jury provision in criminal cases in the event contempt is involved. Let me repeat and let me emphasize. The Constitution says “the trial of all crimes shall be by jury”—not all crimes except those involving contempt, but all crimes.

What power has been granted to this Congress to agree to any such proposal when it is in such complete contradiction to the Constitution? There is no power except the power of the people of this Nation by which the Constitution can be amended. The power of the people cannot be infringed upon by any lesser authority.

As the directly elected representatives of the people, this Congress should be the last body to attempt to infringe upon the authority which is vested solely in the people.

We are here dealing with one of the basic legal rights and one of the most vital personal liberties guaranteed under our form of government. But the proposed compromise insists that the treasured right of trial by jury be transformed into a matter of discretion for a judge—for one person—to decide whether it shall be granted or withheld.

This compromise attempts to make trial by jury a matter of degree, as stated in the second part of the provision which I quoted.

Under this proposal, if a man were to receive a sentence of a fine of $300 or 45 days’ imprisonment, he would be deprived of his right of trial by jury, except at the discretion of the judge. On the other hand, if a dollar were added to the amount of money, or even 1 cent, and a day, or even an hour, to the length of imprisonment, that man would be granted a new trial with a jury deciding the facts.

Mr. President, this is not something which can be compromised. In this day and time I wonder, sometimes, if there is not too much compromise. It does my heart good to see a man with strong convictions, a man who believes in something, a man who stands for something and who is not willing to compromise on everything when there is a vital principle at stake.

Mr. President, I realize that legislation to a large extent is compromise. That is perfectly legitimate when it does not involve the Constitution. But when it involves the Constitution, there should be no compromise. There should have been no compromise on this bill which comes back to the Senate from the House. There can be no compromise with reference to the manner in which the bill was amended.

The right of trial by jury is too dear a right to be measured in dollars and cents or in terms of days and hours. The right of trial by jury is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is a vital principle upon which our form of Government is based. Principle is not a matter of degree.

This proposed compromise is a true child of the parent bill—like father, like son, or a chip off the old block. Both are bad. But the provisions of the compromise are even worse than the provisions of the bill which I opposed when it was approved by the Senate.

The enactment in the Senate of part V., with its jury-trial provision, was a vast improvement over the radical bill which was sent to us from the House of Representatives.

However, this unconstitutional compromise now makes part V. conform with the obnoxious provisions which were in the original bill. In the name of constitutional government, I hope that a majority of this Senate will vote against this proposal.

The principal purpose of this bill which the House has returned to the Senate is political. Both parties fear the bloc voting of the pivotal States. Both parties want to be in position to claim credit for the passage of what is being called a civil-rights bill. Both parties hope to be able to capitalize on the passage of a bill such as this one in the congressional elections of 1958, and then to carry those gains into the presidential election of 1960.

Propaganda and pressure exerted upon the Congress and upon the American people explain how such a bill as this one came to be considered at all. Stewart Alsop, the newspaper columnist, only last week stated the simple facts of the case.

He said that—

{{smaller block|Behind the shifting, complex, often fascinating drama of the struggle over civil rights, there is one simple political reality—the Negro vote in the key industrial States in the North. That is, of course, in hard political terms, what the fight has been all about.}}

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', 12 members of the Italian Chamber of Deputies visit the Senate, and Mr. Thurmond’s is interrupted, so as to introduce the deputies appropriately. At the time in the ''Record'', several other matters are read into the ''Record'', namely, a “Message from the House,” the “House Bills and Joint Resolutions Referred,” and the “House Concurrent Resolution Referred.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, to explain his point Mr. Alsop cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Pointing out that the “Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in these States,” Mr. Alsop stated that it is “almost inconceivable that any presidential candidate could lose those three States and win an election.”

In other words, Mr. Alsop says that the whole civil-rights fight is purely political, and the effect of it is that both parties are vying to get the Negro vote in the doubtful States.

To explain his point he cited the situation prevailing in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, pointing out that the Negro vote can be absolutely decisive in those States. Mr. Alsop stated that it is almost inconceivable that any Presidential candidate could lose those three States and win the election.

I shall not take any more further time to present the analysis he made, but he went into considerable detail.

Mr. President, the advocates of this proposed legislation may believe it fits their objective today, but I am convinced that if this bill is enacted into law eventually it will be just as undesirable to its advocates as it is to me.

No explanation of this bill can alter the fact that it was, and is now, under the proposed compromise, a force bill. Its purpose is to put a weapon of force into the hands of the Attorney General and into the hands of Federal judges to exercise arbitrarily. Just as the Attorney General can decide arbitrarily whether or not to prosecute a case, so now this compromise provides Federal judges with authority to exercise discretion in applying the law. Jury trial may be granted or withheld on any grounds whatsoever in the mind of a judge so long as he does not exceed the maximum limit prescribed for denying trial by jury.

The proponents of this bill claim it would strengthen the rights of individuals. In contrast to this claim the bill actually would strengthen the bureaucratic power of the Attorney General and the arbitrary authority of Federal judges. No new right is granted by this bill. No old right held by the people is better protected by it. The substance of the bill is to deprive the people of a right held under the Constitution.

When this bill was debated in the Senate, many authorities were quoted on the importance of trial by jury. At that time I quoted that great legal mind of the 18th century of England, Blackstone, because of the authoritative place he holds in jurisprudence.

I have also quoted heretofore and cited a case which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That is a decision I have heretofore reviewed. I might refer to it again for the benefit of any who missed it, because that is an important point. I do not believe that some of the lawyers in the Congress have realized that criminal contempt is a crime.

''Bessett'' v. ''W. B. Conkey Co.'' (194 U. S. 324) says a contempt proceeding is criminal in its nature. ''Ex parte'' Grossman (267 U. S. 87) says a criminal contempt committed by disobedience of an injunction issued by the district court to abate a nuisance in pursuance of the prohibition law is an offense against the United States, and within the pardoning powers of the President under article II. of the Constitution.

The ''Conkey'' case I just referred to, volume 194 United States Reports, page 324, defines civil and criminal contempt, pointing out that the latter, criminal contempt, is criminal and punitive in its nature, and the Government, the courts, and the people are interested in their prosecution.

If criminal contempt is a crime, as the United States Supreme Court decision holds it is, then under the Constitution of the United States a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury. There is no ifs, ands, and buts about it. There can be no exceptions.

Article III., section 2 of the Constitution provides:

{{smaller block|The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.}}

Again in the sixth amendment in the Bill of Rights, it is provided:

{{smaller block|In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.}}

Mr. President, when this bill was previously debated in the Senate, I cited Blackstone as an authority, and I may cite him again today, but I want to refer to a portion of this bill, to show how it violates the Constitution on the jury trial question.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to my distinguished friend for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Could the Senator from South Carolina tell us how it happened that the Federal judges encroached upon the rights of defendants? How did they come to hold that contempt of court was not a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. There is a long story about contempt and how it arrived at where it is now. I might say, in brief, and that is what my distinguished friend is interested in, that under the present law a man charged with criminal contempt gets a jury trial unless the Government is a party to the suit, and in labor disputes defendants get a jury trial even if the Government is a party to the suit.

Under this so-called compromise which the House sent to the Senate, that will not be the case unless a judge in his discretion sees fit to give the defendant a jury trial, or the judge tries him and decides he wants to punish him to a greater extent than a $300 fine or a 45 days’ prison sentence, in which event he would then have a jury trial.

Mr. President, under the version of the bill which was passed by the House of Representatives, the Attorney General could substitute the government for a private party, and thereby could deprive an individual of a jury trial.

But the Senate amended the bill as passed by the House of Representatives; and the Senate sent the bill, as thus amended, back to the House of Representatives. The Senate, by means of one of its amendments, drew a distinction and delineated between civil contempt and criminal contempt. The amendment provided that if the purpose of the action the judge wished to obtain was compliance with his order, in the case of something to be done in the future, failure to comply with the order would constitute civil contempt; but if the purpose was to punish for something done in the past, failure to comply with the judge’s order would constitute criminal contempt.

The Senate amended the bill, as I have stated, and returned the bill, as thus amended, to the House of Representatives. Then the House of Representatives added the amendment which I believe violates the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. It has been a pleasure, I assure the distinguished Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. President, because of the authoritative place that Blackstone holds in jurisprudence, I wish to quote him at this time. Every lawyer respects Mr. Blackstone. He said:

{{smaller block|The trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law.}}

That is what Blackstone said about trial by jury—that it is “the glory of the English law.”

Blackstone further said:

{{smaller block|And if it has been so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how much must that advantage be heightened when it is applied to criminal cases. * * * It is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of 12 of his neighbors and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under Providence, secured the just liberties of this Nation for a long succession of ages. And therefore a celebrated French writer, who concludes, that because Rome, Sparta, and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England in time must perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Carthage, at the time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the trial by jury.}}

In other words, Rome, Sparta, and Carthage did not have trial by jury when their people lost their liberties.

At another point, Blackstone further declared his faith in trial by jury in these words:

{{smaller block|A competent number of sensible and upright jurymen; chosen by lot * * * will be found the best investigators of truth and the surest guardians of public justice, For the most powerful individual in the State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another’s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by 12 indifferent men, not appointed till the hour of trial; and that, when once the fact is ascertained, the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, preserves in the hands of the people that share which they ought to have in the administration of public justice.}}

Mr. President, that is what Mr. Blackstone said. No brighter legal mind ever shone in the brilliant galaxy of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence.

Mr. President, the wisdom of Blackstone’s words is undeniable. The liberty of every citizen must continue to be protected by the right of trial by jury. This is not a right which applies to one person and is denied to another. The Constitution makes no exception in its guaranty of trial by jury to every citizen.

On May 9, 1957, Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court, delivered an address in Denver, Colo. In that address, Justice Brennan dealt with the subject of trial by jury, and he made the following statement:

{{smaller block|American tradition has given the right to trial by jury a special place in public esteem that causes Americans generally to speak out in wrath at any suggestion to deprive them of it. * * * One has only to remember that it is still true in many States that so highly is the jury function prized, that judges are forbidden to comment on the evidence and even to instruct the jury except as the parties request instructions.}}

Mr. President, in my State the judge charges the jury as to the law, but he cannot comment on the facts. In some States a judge is not even permitted to charge the jury, unless the parties to the suit request it.

I read further from the address by Associate Justice Brennan, of the United States Supreme Court:

{{smaller block|The jury is a symbol to Americans that they are bosses of their Government. They pay the price, and willingly, of the imperfections, inefficiencies and, if you please, greater expense of jury trials, because they put such store upon the jury system as a guaranty of their liberties.}}

Mr. President, those are the words of Associate Justice Brennan, in speaking about jury trials. I do not know how he could have stated the matter in much stronger terms.

Mr. President, that statement by Associate Justice Brennan is most significant, to me, in that it comes from a member of the present Supreme Court of the United States. I shall not predict what the Court may do when the question of the constitutionality of the denial of trial by jury, as embodied in the so-called compromise, is presented to the Court. However, I shall not be surprised if the Court declares the bill to be unconstitutional, because on June 10, 1957, in the case of ''Reid'' against ''Covert'', the so-called military wives case, the Supreme Court issued a strong opinion on behalf of trial by jury. In that case the Court said—and this is the Supreme Court of the United States speaking:

{{smaller block|Trial by jury in a court of law and in accordance with traditional modes of procedure after an indictment by grand jury has served and remains one of our most vital barriers to governmental arbitrariness.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Kennedy}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. If the Congress can say to the people of the United States that a Federal judge has absolute power to forbid a jury trial if the sentence is not more than 45 days in jail or a fine of not more than $300, and if such a law is held constitutional, what would there be to stop a future Congress from changing the amounts to 10 times those—in other words, let us say, to 450 days in jail and a fine of $3,000, or even more?

As I see it, the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is fighting for a principle.

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. The principle—not the exact amount of the punishment or the exact amount of the fine—is the important consideration in this case.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, the Senator from South Carolina is chiefly concerned with the principle, rather than with the exact amount of the punishment—whether it be 45 days in jail or a fine of $300, or whether it be more than that; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly.

Mr. LANGER. Certainly it is a fact that the Congress should not give to any Federal judge the power to levy fines of $300 or to imprison for 45 days, without a jury trial.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. The Congress does not have power to do it if it wants to.

Mr. LANGER. In my opinion, you certainly quoted excellent authority to sustain that view.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much.

These elemental procedural safeguards were embedded in our Constitution to secure their inviolateness and sanctity against the passing demands of expediency or convenience.

And further:

{{smaller block|If * * * the Government can no longer satisfactorily operate within the bounds laid down by the Constitution, that instrument can be amended by the method which it prescribes. But we have no authority to read exceptions into it which are not there.}}

If the Constitution provided that a Federal judge could give to a defendant a jury trial if he wanted to do so, or to refuse it if he wanted to do that, then there would be authority for what the House sent to the Senate. If the Constitution provided that in cases of criminal contempt defendants would be excepted from the jury. trial, the House would have been legally justified in passing what they did. But there is no exception to the right of jury trial in the Constitution or in the Bill of Rights.

The Constitution will first have to be amended in order that this so-called compromise bill, which has passed the House and is before the Senate, can be upheld.

I cannot say what the Supreme Court will do, no one can say, but I do not see how they could make any other holding in view of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. That is certainly what may be expected from the Court, in view of the statement I just quoted from Justice Brennan, when it is called upon to decide the constitutionality of part V. of H. R. 6127 as it has been amended by this so-called compromise.

Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. I requested the Library of Congress to make a study of the laws of the States by which the right to vote is protected in each State, and I spoke on them during the night, starting with Alabama, and covered every State, including Wyoming.

I cited the law and the section of the code, including North Dakota and all the States. They all have laws to protect the right to vote. In a few minutes, I am going to cite a Federal section to show that there is a Federal law already on the subject; so, if a Federal law were desired on the subject, we already have one.

I think it is a matter that ought to be left to the States, but if people disagree about that, and if it is within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, we already have a statute on the subject. But this bill is a violation of the Constitution on the right to a jury trial question, regardless.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Would the Senator be kind enough to read the statutes in South Carolina and Mississippi, if he has them?

Mr. THURMOND. Many claims have been made that this is a bill to protect the individual’s right to vote. The evidence proves that there are more than adequate laws in all the States to protect the right to vote. As to my own State of South Carolina, I shall discuss at some length the constitutional and statutory safeguards protecting a citizen’s right to vote. I shall discuss them in a few minutes.

I do not know of a single case having arisen in South Carolina in which a potential voter has charged that he has been deprived of his right to vote. Had such an instance occurred, justice would have been secured in the courts of South Carolina. The Federal Government has no monopoly over the administration of justice.

Both white and Negro citizens exercise their franchise freely in South Carolina. Our requirements are not stringent. South Carolina does not require the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

When I was Governor of South Carolina, on May 1, 1947, I recommended to the State legislature that it repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting.

The legislature took favorable action and submitted the question to a vote of the people at the next general election, which was in November 1948.

The people voted favorably on the amendment, and then in January 1949, or early in 1949, the legislature ratified the action of the people. Our poll tax was eliminated as a prerequisite to voting. So we have no poll tax in my State as a prerequisite to voting. We have a school tax, but no one has to pay to vote. Moreover, registration is necessary only once every 10 years.

Proof that Negroes vote in large numbers in South Carolina—if proof is desired—can be found in an article which was published following the general election in 1952 in the Lighthouse and Informer, a Columbia (S. C.) Negro newspaper. In its issue of November 8, 1952, the Lighthouse and Informer discussed the results of the election and declared that: “Estimates placed the Negro votes at between 60,000 and 80,000 who actually voted.”

This represents almost one-fourth of the votes cast in that election. I did not see an estimate of the Negro votes in the 1956 general election, but reports which came to me indicated there was another large turnout.

Mr. President, I shall now read the provisions of the South Carolina Constitution which protect a citizen’s tight to vote:

{{smaller block|{{c|
{{sc|South Carolina Constitution Election Provisions}}

{{asc|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 9. SUFFRAGE}}
}}

The right of suffrage, as regulated in this constitution, shall be protected by law regulating elections and prohibiting under adequate penalties, all undue influences from power, bribery, tumult, or improper conduct.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 1, SECTION 10. ELECTIONS FREE AND OPEN}}}}

All elections shall be free and open, and every inhabitant of this State possessing the qualifications provided for in this constitution shall have an equal right to elect officers and be elected to fill public office.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 5. APPEAL; CRIMES AGAINST ELECTION LAWS}}}}

Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal to the court of common pleas, or any judge thereof, and thence to the supreme court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo'', and the general assembly shall provide by law for such appeal, and for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting, and all other crimes against the election laws.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 8. REGISTRATION PROVIDED; ELECTIONS; BOARD OF REGISTRATION; BOOKS OF REGISTRATION}}}}

The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration of all qualified electors, and shall prescribe the manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results of the same: ''Provided'', At the first registration under this constitution, and until the first of January 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration to be provided for under this constitution, the registration books shall be kept open for at least 6 consecutive weeks; and thereafter from time to time at least 1 week in each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under this constitution. The registration books shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen at all times.

{{c|{{asc|ARTICLE 2, SECTION 15. RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE FREE}}}}

No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State.}}

In addition to these general provisions of the constitution protecting the right to vote, I shall now read specific statutory provisions contained in the South Carolina Code. I believe it is especially appropriate that I do so in view of the fact that it has been charged that South Carolina, as well as other States, has failed to protect the right of citizens to vote.

The charge is false. The right of every citizen to vote in South Carolina is protected, and I want the {{sc|Record}} to be clear; therefore, I cite the following provisions of law in South Carolina:

{{smaller block|{{c|
SOUTH CAROLINA CODE—TITLE 23

{{asc|23–73. APPEAL FROM DENIAL OF REGISTRATION}}
}}

The boards of registration to be appointed under section 23–51 shall be the judges of the legal qualifications of all applicants for registration. Any person denied registration shall have the right of appeal from the decision of the board of registration denying him registration to the court of common pleas of the county or any judge thereof and thence to the supreme court.

{{c|{{asc|23–74. PROCEEDINGS IN COURT OF COMMON PLEAS}}}}

Any person denied registration and desiring to appeal must within 10 days after written notice to him of the decision of the board of registration file with the board a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom. Within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal, the board of registration shall file with the clerk of the court of common pleas for the county the notice of intention to appeal and any papers in its possession relating to the case, together with a report of the case if it deem proper. The clerk of the court shall file the same and enter the case on a special docket to be known as calendar No. 4. If the applicant desires the appeal to be heard by a judge at chambers he shall give every member of the board of registration 4 days’ written notice of the time and place of the hearing. On such appeal the hearing shall be ''de novo''.

{{c|{{asc|23–75. FURTHER APPEAL TO SUPREME COURT}}}}

From the decision of the court of common pleas or any judge thereof the applicant may further appeal to the supreme court by filing a written notice of his intention to appeal therefrom in the office of the clerk of the court of common pleas within 10 days after written notice to him of the filing of such decision and within such time serving a copy of such notice on every member of the board of registration. Thereupon the clerk of the court of common pleas shall certify all the papers in the case to the clerk of the supreme court within 10 days after the filing of such notice of intention to appeal. The clerk of the supreme court shall place the case on a special docket, and it shall come up for hearing upon the call thereof under such rules as the supreme court may make.}}

I do not know of any other State which gives this protection.

{{smaller block|If such appeal be filed with the clerk of the supreme court at a time that a session thereof will not be held between the date of filing and an election at which the applicant will be entitled to vote if registered the chief justice or, if he is unable to act or disqualified, the senior associate justice shall call an extra term of the court to hear and determine the case.}}

The supreme court will be called together to hear one man’s case on appeal. What more can we do than that? We have, first, the board of registration; next the court of common pleas, and then the supreme court. The supreme court will hold an extra session, if necessary, to hear the appeal, and even if there is only one man who feels that he has been disenfranchised, or disqualified, for any reason, to receive a registration certificate.

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|23–100. RIGHT TO VOTE}}}}

No elector shall vote in any polling precinct unless his name appears on the registration books for that precinct. But if the name of any registered elector does not appear or incorrectly appears on the registration books of his polling precinct he shall, nevertheless, be entitled to vote upon the production and presentation to the managers of election of such precinct, in addition to his registration certificate, of a certificate of the clerk of the court of common pleas of his county that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in such clerk’s office or a certificate of the secretary of state that his name is enrolled in the registration book or record of his county on file in the office of the secretary of state.}}

In other words, if he loses his certificate, or has any trouble with the board—the books are filed there—if his name is on the book, the clerk will give him a certificate. If it is not there, he can even go to the secretary of state at Columbia, if there is any local prejudice or other trouble. He can go to the State capital, and obtain a certificate from the secretary of state. That is the protection we give. We have some others.

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|23–349. VOTER NOT TO TAKE MORE THAN 5 MINUTES IN BOOTH; TALKING IN BOOTH, ETC.}}}}

No voter, while receiving, preparing and casting his ballot, shall occupy a booth or compartment for a longer time than 5 minutes. No voter shall be allowed to occupy a booth or compartment already occupied by another, nor to speak or converse with anyone, except as herein provided, while in the booth. After having voted, or declined or failed to vote within 5 minutes, the voter shall immediately withdraw from the voting place and shall not enter the polling place again during the election.

{{c|''23–350. Unauthorized persons not allowed within guardrail; assistance''}}

No person other than a voter preparing his ballot shall be allowed within the guardrail, except as herein provided. A voter who is not required to sign the poll list himself by this title may appeal to the managers for assistance and the chairman of the managers shall appoint one of the managers and a bystander to be designated by the voter to assist him in preparing his ballot.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. A little while ago the distinguished Senator said that he had before him the election laws of all 48 States.

Mr. THURMOND. That is true.

Mr. LANGER. Are not the laws of South Carolina more liberal than those of other States?

Mr. THURMOND. I think they are more liberal with respect to voting. I think we have gone further than have most of the other States. We repealed the poll-tax requirement. We have given every opportunity to everyone to vote. I do not know of anyone in my State today who is denied the right to vote if he wishes to vote.

Our requirements are not too severe. The only requirement is that the voter must be able to read or write the Constitution. The Constitution was used in order to have reference to some document. Anyone who can read and write can read the Constitution as well as he can read anything else. Or if he cannot do that, he must own $300 worth of property. If he meets either requirement, he can vote.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator stated that there was a Federal law in this connection.

Mr. THURMOND. Yes.

Mr. LANGER. May we have the Federal statute read?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has just asked me about the Federal law on the books with regard to voting. I should like to have the Senator from North Dakota and other Senators hear this. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Dakota [Mr. {{sc|Case}}] and other Senators to listen to the statute I am about to read. Last night I made the point that every State in the Union has laws on this subject. Of course, if the Senator from South Dakota has already made up his mind, I do not wish to take his time. Will he give me his attention for just a moment?

Mr. CASE of South Dakota. The Senator from South Dakota is listening.

Mr. THURMOND. I do not wish to take the Senator’s time if his mind is made up. But if his mind is open, I want him to hear this. I made the statement last night that every State in the Nation has statutes to protect the right to vote. I called upon the Library of Congress to compile those statutes, and I read them into the {{sc|Record}}. They will be found in my speech. Starting with Alabama and going through Wyoming, every State has laws protecting the right to vote.

But some people say that we need Federal laws. I do not believe many people know that we have Federal statutes on the subject. For some reason or other they must have overlooked them. I wish to read the Federal law at this time to show that there is a Federal law on the statute books. It is designated as section 594 of chapter 29, title 18, of Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure. It reads as follows:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|594. INTIMIDATION OF VOTERS}}}}

Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the Office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both. (June 25, 1948, ch. 645, sec. 1, 62 Stat. 720.)}}

If anyone intimidates, threatens, or coerces another with respect to voting, or with respect to how he wishes to vote, or for the purpose of interfering with his right to vote, or to vote for whomever he chooses, there is a Federal statute under which a Federal judge can send him to jail for 1 year, or fine him $1,000. There is already a Federal statute on the subject. So why pass the bill coming from the House, or any other bill to provide the right to vote?

The statute which I have just read is a criminal statute. It enables the Federal Government, if it wishes to protect the right to vote, to protect any man’s right to vote, because it can put a man in jail for as long as 1 year, or fine him $1,000 if he interferes with the right of anyone to vote.

The only difference is that this is a criminal statute, and if a man were prosecuted under this statute he would get a jury trial. If we believe in the Constitution and in jury trials, we want to preserve that right anyway. The Constitution is clear on the question of jury trials. Article III., section 2, is specific on it. The Bill of Rights contains several references to it. The sixth amendment, in the Bill of Rights, is directly to the point.

I have before me a decision—I do not know whether the Senator heard it or not—which upholds the contention that criminal contempt is a crime. If criminal contempt is a crime, then a man is entitled to a trial by jury under the Constitution of the United States if he is charged with criminal contempt.

If there have been complaints to the Federal Government in any State of the Nation about people not being allowed to vote, why has not the Justice Department taken action under the statute to which I have just referred, and put offenders behind bars or fined them if they interfered with the right of other people to vote?

The Federal Government has the power to do it. It is not necessary for it to have more power. The accused should have a jury trial. This is a free country. The mere fact that a jury returns a verdict which one of the parties may not like is no excuse for abolishing the jury trial.

Either the Federal Government is not doing its duty in protecting people who have complained to it that they could not vote for one reason or another, or that voting has been interfered with for one reason or another, and has not given the proper protection to those people who complained to it, or there have been no complaints.

If there have been any complaints, it was the duty of the Department of Justice to take action, and they could take action under the statute I have cited. There is no use beating about the bush and saying there is a duty to pass a right to vote bill. There is such a law on the statute books. Every State in the Union has such a law. The United States Code contains a provision protecting the right to vote. Let the Attorney General enforce this statute I have cited. If he has received any complaint from South Carolina about any man not voting, or has received a complaint from any other State, it is his duty to take action under the statute, and see that the one who interferes is punished. He can be put in jail for a year or fined $1,000.

Mr. President, I am merely desiring to call this to the attention of Senators who are in the Chamber at this time, because so many of them do not seem to understand that we now have a Federal law on the books, section 594, which provides for the protection of voting rights. I do not know how it could be made any stronger.

The Senator from North Dakota was asking about the South Carolina statute. I read from the statutes:

{{smaller block|After the voter’s ballot has been prepared, the bystander so appointed shall immediately leave the vicinity of the guard rail.

{{c|{{asc|23–656. PROCURING OR OFFERING TO PROCURE VOTES BY THREAT}}}}

At or before every election, general, special, or primary, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, procure or offer or promise to endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and, upon conviction, shall be fined not less than $100 nor more than $500 or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 1 month nor more than 6 months, or both by such fine and such imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.

{{c|{{asc|23–657. THREATENING OR ABUSING VOTERS, ETC.}}}}

If any person shall, at any of the elections, general, special, or primary, in any city, town, ward, or polling precinct, threaten, mistreat, or abuse any voter with a view to control or intimidate him in the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such offender shall upon conviction thereof suffer fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court.

{{c|{{asc|23–658. SELLING OR GIVING AWAY LIQUOR WITHIN 1 MILE OF VOTING PRECINCT}}}}

It shall be unlawful hereafter for any person to sell, barter, give away, or treat any voter to any malt or intoxicating liquor within 1 mile of any voting precinct during any primary or other election day, under a penalty, upon conviction thereof, of not more than $100 nor more than 30 days’ imprisonment with labor. All offenses against the provisions of this section shall be heard, tried, and determined before the court of general sessions after indictment.

{{c|{{asc|23–659. ALLOWING BALLOT TO BE SEEN, IMPROPER ASSISTANCE, ETC.}}}}

In any election, general, special, or primary, any voter who shall (a) except as provided by law, allow his ballot to be seen by any person, (b) take or remove or attempt to take or remove any ballot from the polling place before the close of the polls, (c) place any mark upon his ballot by which it may be identified, (d) take into the election booth any mechanical device to enable him to mark his ballot, or (e) remain longer than the specified time allowed by law in the booth or compartment after having been notified that his time has expired and requested by a manager to leave the compartment or booth and any person who shall (a) interfere with any voter who is inside of the polling place or is marking his ballot, (b) unduly influence or attempt to influence unduly any voter in the preparation of his ballot, (c) endeavor to induce any voter to show how he marks or has marked his ballot, or (d) aid or attempt to aid any voter by means of any mechanical device whatever in marking his ballot shall be fined not exceeding $100 or be imprisoned not exceeding 30 days.

{{c|{{asc|23–667. ILLEGAL CONDUCT AT ELECTION GENERALLY}}}}

Every person who shall vote at any general, special, or primary election who is not entitled to vote and every person who shall by force, intimidation, deception, fraud, bribery, or undue influence obtain, procure, or control the vote of any voter to be cast for any candidate or measure other than as intended or desired by such voter or who shall violate any of the provisions of this title in regard to general, special, or primary elections shall be punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $1,000 or by imprisonment in jail for not less than 3 months nor more than 12 months or both, in the discretion of the court.}}

Mr. President, I believe what I have read covers the constitutional provisions and the statutory provisions. Does not the Senator from North Dakota think those provisions add to the protection of voters?

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator be kind enough to repeat the Federal statute?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am particularly interested in where the Federal statute states that one can be both fined and imprisoned.

Mr. THURMOND. It says “or both.”

{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not to vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of Representatives, Delegates, or Commissioners from the Territories and possessions, at any election held solely or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both.}}

But such person can get a jury trial, though. In other words, that is just another crime. It is like when a man is charged with murder or any other crime.

He will have a jury trial. If he is found guilty, then the judge can sentence him to $1,000 or 1 year in prison, or both. That is a strong statute.

Mr. LANGER. I want to thank the distinguished Senator for bringing that to the attention of the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is entirely welcome.

I think it is a statute that a good many people may have overlooked. There has been so much talk about the right to vote and people not having the right to vote protected until I thought the Senate and the people of the Nation ought to know that not only every State has laws protecting the right to vote, but the Federal Government also has on the statute books a statute protecting the right to vote. As I stated, that is section 594, of chapter 29, title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure.

Mr. President, the provisions of the South Carolina constitution and the provisions of the South Carolina statutes, which I have just read, prove the absolute lack of necessity for additional protection of the right to vote in my State.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be glad to yield to my distinguished friend.

Mr. LANGER. For a question?

Mr. THURMOND. For a question.

Mr. LANGER. Have there been any decisions by the South Carolina Supreme Court on any of the statutes which the distinguished Senator has read?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall offhand that any cases have gone to the supreme court. In our State everybody registers and votes who wants to, and I guess that is probably the reason there have been no cases taken to the supreme court.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, also, the summary of the laws of other States, which I have requested to be printed in the {{sc|Record}} at the conclusion of my remarks, prove there is no necessity for greater protection of the right to vote in any other State.

The claim that this is a right to vote bill is completely without foundation. If the advocates of this so-called civil-rights bill want to deny the right of trial by jury to American citizens, they should proclaim their objective and seek to remove the guaranty of trial by jury from the Constitution. They should follow constitutional methods. Then the people of this Nation would not be misled, as some have been, to think that H. R. 6127 would give birth to a right to vote for anybody—a right already held by those it purports to help.

Mr. President, I also object to part I. of this bill, which would create a Commission on Civil Rights. To begin with, there is absolutely no need or reason for the establishment of such a commission. If there were any necessity for an investigation in the field of civil rights, it should be conducted by the States, or by an appropriate committee of the Congress within the jurisdiction held by the Congress.

The Congress should not delegate its authority to a commission. In such a delicate and sensitive area, the Congress should proceed with great deliberation and care. There is no present indication that any such study will be needed in the foreseeable future.

The establishment of a commission as proposed in this bill is most unwise.

Section 104(a) of part I. provides the Commission shall—

{{smaller block|(2) study and collect information concerning legal developments constituting a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution; and

(3) appraise the laws and policies of the Federal Government with respect to equal protection of the laws under the Constitution.}}

These two paragraphs provide the Commission with absolute authority to probe into and to meddle into every phase of the relations existing between individuals, limited only by the imagination of the Commission and its staff.

The Commission can go far afield from a survey on whether the right to vote is protected. Through the power granted in the paragraphs I have cited, the Commission could exert its efforts toward bringing about integration of the races in the schools and elsewhere. It would be armed with a powerful weapon when it combined its investigative power and its authority to force witnesses to answer questions.

I do not believe the people of this country realize the almost unlimited powers of inquiry which would be placed in the hands of this political Commission. I do not believe the people of this country want to have such a strong-arm method of persuasion imposed upon them. Section 105(f) of part I. provides that “subpenas for the attendance and testimony of witnesses or the protection of written or other matter may be issued in accordance with the rules of the Commission.”

This is an {{SIC|unsual|unusual}} grant of authority. Many of the committees and special committees of the Congress do not have this power. The Truman Commission on Civil Rights did not have it. The subpena is a punitive measure, generally reserved for penal process whereby powers are granted to force testimony which would not otherwise be available. If the proposed Commission were simply a factfinding commission and non-political, the extreme power to force testimony by the use of a subpena would not be needed. The power of subpena in the hands of a political commission and the additional power to enforce its subpenas by court order diverge from the authority usually held by traditional factfinding groups.

There are several grounds for serious objection to section 104(a) of part I. This section permits complaints to be submitted to the Commission for investigation, but it does not require the person complaining to have a direct interest in the matter. Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I should like to have the Senator hear this. This means, of course, that any meddler can inject himself into the relationship existing between other persons. It opens the door for fanatics to stir up trouble against innocent people, to involve neighbor against neighbor. This section opens the door wide for such organizations as the NAACP, the ADA, and others, to make complaints to the Commission with little or no basis for doing so. If an NAACP official in Washington made a complaint against a citizen of South Carolina, the South Carolina citizen would not have the opportunity of confronting his accuser unless the accuser appeared voluntarily.

Although part I. requires sworn allegations to the Commission, there is no requirement that testimony taken by the Commission be taken under oath. Failure to make all witnesses subject to perjury prosecutions by placing them under oath would certainly make the testimony of little value. The Commission might adopt a rule to require sworn testimony, but this should not be left to the discretion of the Commission. It should be written into law.

There are many other objections to part I. which were pointed out during the debate, before the Senate passed its version of the bill. I shall not go into them further at this time.

Part II. of the bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department. Since the Justice Department already has a section to handle civil-rights cases, there is no reason to create this new position. The creation of a new division would require many additional attorneys and other employees in the Justice Department. The Department has not disclosed how many additional lawyers, clerks, and stenographers it would plan to employ.

A civil-rights division in the Justice Department is not needed, because there is no indication that there will be any increase in the number of civil-rights cases which are now being handled by a section in the Department.

The Attorney General had a most difficult time trying to show that an additional Assistant Attorney General was needed; in fact, he failed completely in his efforts to do so. As a matter of fact, even those who have advocated passage of H. R. 6127 have been forced to admit time after time that conditions relating to civil-rights matters have been steadily improving all over the country. Since conditions have improved and since there is no indication that conditions will change—unless the Attorney General and the Civil-Rights Commission create trouble—there is absolutely no justification for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General in charge of a Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department.

Part III. of the bill, as originally written—which was completely obnoxious—was removed. I have several times stated my views on part IV. I object to its grant of dictatorial power to the Attorney General. The Congress should never agree to place such authority in the hands of any one official of the Government.

Another particularly obnoxious provision is found in section 131(d) which reads as follows:

{{smaller block|(d) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether the party aggrieved shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield to me?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr {{sc|Holland}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. As I understand, in the case of the existing section 594, during all these years the Attorney General of the United States has had the power to enforce that section, and he has had the assistance of the United States attorneys in every State of the Union, and they have had the help of their assistants; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. In some of the States there are eastern districts, northern districts, southern districts, and western districts—for instance, as in the case of New York; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That also is correct.

Mr. LANGER. And each of those districts has United States attorneys and assistant United States attorneys and United States marshals; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. So all the necessary machinery for the enforcement of section 594, to protect the voting right of any citizen of the United States who may have had his voting right denied, has been in existence all during this period of time; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. Can the distinguished Senator from South Carolina name a single case in which the Attorney General of the United States has tried to enforce any of these statutes?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator, I will say that I do not know about the situation in other States; but as for the situation in my own State, I have not heard of such a case. However, I can see why that would be; I can understand why probably there would not be any such cases in South Carolina. That is because anyone in South Carolina who wishes to register to vote, has no trouble doing so. But I have not heard that any cases of this sort have been brought in other States. Such cases may have been brought in other States, but I have not heard of any.

Mr. LANGER. Will the Senator from South Carolina yield further?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I wish to ask what additional power the Attorney General will have, if a new Assistant Attorney General is appointed, inasmuch as the Attorney General already has the help of other Assistant Attorneys General and the help of United States attorneys, whose appointments have to be approved by the Senate; they cannot be appointed until the Congress has consented to the appointments.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question asked by the Senator from North Dakota, I would say that I see no need for an additional Assistant Attorney General—who, if appointed, would receive a large salary. I see no need for the appointment of an additional Assistant Attorney General, because the Department of Justice already has a civil-rights section; and there has been no evidence of any need for a big division, similar to the one now proposed to be created. I think the establishment of such a division would simply mean the payment of more salaries and a larger Federal payroll and more taxes on the backs of the American people.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, there has never been a time when, under present law, the Department of Justice could not have presented a case of that sort before a grand jury, if the Department had wished to do so; is that correct?

Mr. THURMOND. Exactly. If there had been any complaint in either North Dakota or South Carolina, let us say, to the effect that someone had not been able to vote, although he was eligible to vote, all the Department of Justice would have had to do would have been to have the United States attorneys in those States look into the matter and take whatever action would have been appropriate under the circumstances.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator from North Dakota for his questions.

Mr. President, a moment ago I read the provisions of section 131(d). It simply means that the district courts can, under that provision, bypass the State procedures, the administrative remedies under the State laws, and can take action, and thus can cause much tension, embarrassment, and trouble although it is not necessary to do so. If anyone cannot obtain justice through the administrative remedies of his State, then of course he will be able to go to the district attorneys, and they can prosecute under the Federal statute I have just read. But the use of the existing remedies under the State laws should first be required—which is the usual procedure one would follow.

No legitimate reason has been presented as to why administrative remedies and remedies provided in the courts of the States should not be exhausted prior to having Federal district courts take jurisdiction in cases of election-law violations.

In other words, I believe in letting the States run their business, if they will. A Federal statute already is in existence; and if there is need to use it, it can be used. But why not let the States handle the matter of voting and the other matters which are reserved to them under the Constitution? Let the States handle them. Then, if the States fail to do so or if they fall down in the performance of their duty, section 594 is in existence, and it can be used as a hammer with which they can be clubbed to death, if need be.

The present proposal could be a step toward future elimination of the State courts altogether. I do not believe the Congress has, or should want, the power to strip our State courts of authority, and to vest it in the Federal courts. Some of the advocates of H. R. 6127 spoke strongly on behalf of the Federal courts, during the debate on the jury-trial amendment. I wish they were equally as vehement in their defense of our State courts.

There is no reason to permit an individual to bypass the administrative agencies of his own State and the courts of his own State in favor of a Federal court when the matter involved is principally a State matter. If a person should be dissatisfied with the results obtained in the State agency and courts, he could then appeal from the decision. But until he has exhausted established remedies, he should not be permitted to bypass them. That is the point I made just a few minutes ago.

I shall not go into further details with reference to the provisions of this part of the bill, but I am just as strongly opposed to it as I was when it was first introduced. I shall continue to oppose such grants of power to the Attorney General or to any other official.

Mr. President, I based my opposition to H. R. 6127 throughout its consideration in the Senate on three principal points. I am convinced the bill is unconstitutional in several respects which I have cited. I know that it is unnecessary because the right to vote is fully protected in every State and under the laws of the United States where applicable.

Finally, I know that the enactment of such legislation is extremely unwise.

It is unwise because the sure result of passing this bill would be to destroy a great deal of the good feeling existing between the white and the Negro races, not only in the South but in every community where a substantial number of Negroes live. Nothing would be gained, but much would be lost.

The Civil Rights Commission, by using its powers to attempt to force integration of the races, is bound to create suspicion and tension between the races to an even greater degree than the suspicion and tension which was created by the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the school segregation cases.

Unbiased persons who are familiar with the segregation problem, and who observed the detrimental result of the Supreme Court decision, know that a traveling investigation commission and a meddling Attorney General could bring about chaos in racial relations.

The chaos would not be confined to the South because the provisions of this bill will apply to every citizen in every State. However, the Attorney General, in exercising the discretion granted him, along with the extraordinary powers also granted him, must be expected to confine his investigations and his court actions to the States of the South.

The South has often been derided and condemned on charges of sectionalism, but if the advocates of this legislation believe they will create greater unity instead of greater division in this country by the enactment of this bill, they are entirely mistaken.

George Washington in his Farewell Address used his strongest language against those who would divide our country and urged a unity of spirit. He said:

{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern, Atlantic, and western—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}

H. R. 6127 is a blueprint for suspicion, confusion, and disunity.

The laws of the Nation are dependent upon the customs and traditions of the people. Unless law is based upon the will of the people, it will not meet with acceptance.

Government in this country derives no power except the power coming from the people. Laws which are not based on the Constitution, which is the basic statement of the will of the people, cannot be justified on any ground.

Mr. President, when there is so much evidence that this bill is unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unwise, it should never be approved. Force may subjugate the human body, but force by itself can never change the human mind. Laws, like leaders, must be of the people, by the people, and for the people.

H. R. 6127 fails to measure up by any standard. It should be rejected. I appeal to every Member of this body who believes in constitutional government and the sovereignty of the people to vote against this bill.

Mr. President, this bill, as I have stated before, has been widely called a right-to-vote bill. That is a completely misleading term. The bill, as I have stated, in my opinion, is unnecessary, because we have laws in every State to protect the right to vote. We have laws by the Federal Government to protect the right to vote. In the sections I have cited, a man can be punished severely for any interference with the right to vote.

(At this point Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}} yielded to Mr. {{sc|Johnson}} of Texas and other Senators, who requested the transaction of certain business, all of which appears in the {{sc|Record}} following Mr. {{sc|Thurmond}}’s speech.)

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, we have the finest Nation in the world. We have the finest Government in the world. In 1787 our forefathers met in Philadelphia and wrote a document called the Constitution. It was simply a compact between the States. Our forefathers came to this country to get away from tyranny. They had been punished many times without juries. They had been denied the right to worship as they pleased. They have been denied the right of freedom of speech. They had been denied the right of assemblage. They had been denied the right to petition the government, and they had been denied many other rights which we take as a commonplace in this country. They came here to enjoy the benefits of the Government they would establish to provide them those rights. After the States operating as colonies for a while felt the need of a central government for purposes of national defense, for purposes of commerce, for purposes of postal service, trade, and other reasons, they decided to form a union. They met in Philadelphia in 1787, and with deputies from all the 13 States attending that conferential meeting, all except Rhode Island—at that time Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals and ignored the whole proceeding—all with the exception of that one State, had deputies at the Constitutional Convention.

They wrote a document to delegate certain of their powers—there were States before there was a Federal union, of course—to the Federal Government for the purpose of forming a union and a central government which could do certain things for the States better than they themselves could do them.

At that convention there was a very difficult situation. The delegates had to start from scratch, so to speak, to write the basic law for a new nation. Much discussion and debate occurred there, but after working together for several months in Philadelphia they finally arrived at a document, or a compact, which was signed by the representatives of the States, delegating certain powers to the Central Government.

Three of the delegates attending the convention were not pleased, and did not sign it. I believe I stated this morning who they were. They were George Mason, of Virginia; John Randolph, of Virginia; and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. The other delegates signed their names, except one, who left, but had his friend sign it.

The document was then presented to the States for ratification. Within due time ratification was had, but there was considerable opposition at the convention, and when the question of ratification arose, the main objection which was raised was that there was not spelled out in the Constitution a bill of rights. Some of the most powerful leaders in the States opposed ratification for that reason. Those who did not sign in Philadelphia opposed it chiefly, I understand, for that reason.

The Bill of Rights is a document which we cherish. The Bill of Rights is the finest civil-rights bill in the world. The Bill of Rights is a genuine civil-rights bill. That document provides us with the fundamental civil rights which we enjoy in this country today.

One of the bases of the Bill of Rights—and I like to call it the heart of the Bill of Rights—is the right of trial by jury. In the Bill of Rights, the sixth amendment is a trial-by-jury amendment. It provides specifically that any person charged with a crime shall be tried by a jury. I have previously brought out today that criminal contempt is a crime, and therefore, since it is a crime, a person charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a trial by jury.

The bill which passed the House is a compromise, as most legislation is. Some people may have felt that that was the best the House and Senate could do, because the conferees got together and reconciled the differences between the two Houses. Ordinarily that principle would be sound in connection with legislation, but it is not sound here, because the effect of the so-called compromise would be to violate the Constitution of the United States.

If the so-called compromise had provided that a judge, in his discretion, could try a man for criminal contempt, I would have opposed it just as much if no punishment whatever were involved, because the Constitution says that a man is entitled to a trial by jury when he is prosecuted for a crime. There is no discretion in the Constitution. There is no ''proviso'' in the Constitution. There is no exception in the Constitution. The Constitution is perfectly clear on that point.

If the punishment provided in the bill in the House had called for 1 day’s imprisonment, or a fine of $1, I would be just as bitterly opposed to it. The Constitution of the United States provides that if a man is charged with a crime he is entitled to a jury trial. Under the decision which I have cited here twice today, I believe, holding that criminal contempt is a crime, it is clear that a man charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial.

I do not believe that the compromise amendment is valid. I do not think it is constitutional. The amendment of the distinguished Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] delineated and defined civil contempt and criminal contempt, and provided that civil contempt proceedings were for the purpose of bringing about compliance, in which case the order would be issued prior to the act, and that criminal contempt proceedings were to punish, in which case the order would be issued after the act. If the House had accepted it, the American people would be guaranteed trial by jury in the event of a charge of criminal contempt, which is a crime.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield to me for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to ask the Senator if I understood him correctly to say that in his opinion the so-called jury-trial provision of the bill which has been returned to us by the House is invalid and unconstitutional?

Mr. THURMOND. That is my opinion.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I wish to say to the Senator from South Carolina that I completely agree with that opinion. It is impossible to govern the right of trial by jury by the discretion of the judge, according to the penalty he conceives he intends to inflict.

I should like to ask the Senator another question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the distinguished Senator.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina if he agrees with me that the question of jury trial should be reexamined as soon as conveniently possible, and that I would be doing a wise thing if, when the new session of Congress assembles, I should introduce a repetition of the general jury-trial amendment, firm in the belief that the advocates of civil rights, upon examination of the pretended amendment which has come to us from the House, will discover that they have bought a pigeon instead of a swallow.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question, I will say that I agree with him that the bill should be reexamined; but I think the reexamination should take place before Congress passes the bill, and not wait until next January.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. If the Senator will permit me to make this comment—will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND: I will yield for a question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I shall frame it in the form of a question. Does not the Senator agree that we are all weary and worn down; that most of us are almost as tired as is the Senator himself; and that perhaps when we return in January in the full vigor of our bodies and minds we shall be able to do a better job than we can do at this session of the Congress? I am going to introduce a jury-trial amendment in the next session in the firm belief that this jury-trial amendment accomplishes nothing; that it does not at all help the advocates of civil rights.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator’s question I will say that I have been on my feet for the past 17 hours, and I still feel pretty good. But I agree that it has been a long, tough session. But even though it has been a long, tough session, I do not think we ought to quit now and pass a bill that the Senator and I both feel is unconstitutional. I think we should refer it to the committee, which I tried to do the other night, but was unsuccessful in my attempt. But I think this bill should not be passed at this session. I believe the Senator would prefer that it not be passed; but if it is passed, of course I should be delighted to have the Senator offer an amendment to correct the unconstitutional portion of it when we return in January. But I really do not see why we should have to pass an unconstitutional piece of legislation if we can avoid it.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for another question.

Mr. O’MAHONEY. This question is a little different from the one I asked before. I am wondering if the Senator from South Carolina would cooperate with me in enabling me to pass a bill which does not involve any constitutional question. The Senate passed the bill without any opposition at all, and the House has returned it to the Senate with an amendment. I should like to move that the House amendment be concurred in by the Senate, and thus get the bill disposed of.

Mr. THURMOND. If the Senator will ask unanimous consent for me to yield to him on condition that I can retain the floor, and, further, that I shall not be charged with a second speech when I resume the discussion of the present subject—

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wyoming ask unanimous consent based on those conditions?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. I do, Mr. President.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator from Wyoming this question: This is not a civil-rights bill, as I understand, is it?

Mr. O’MAHONEY. No; it is not.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Wyoming? The Chair hears none.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Mr. O’Mahoney, the “Approval of Contract with the Casper–Alcova Irrigation District, Wyoming,” is dealt with, as is a “Message from the House” and the “Enrolled Bills and Joint Resolution Signed.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to the amendments numbered 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina may proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I was speaking a few moments ago about the States and the Federal Government. I should like to remind the people of this country that we had States before we had a union, and that the only power the Federal Government had and the only power the Union had was the power delegated by the States in Philadelphia in 1787 and in the amendments to the Constitution since that time. All other powers which have not been delegated to the Federal Government are reserved to the States or to the people.

I think the bill which is under consideration is unconstitutional. I think it is invalid. I think we are doing a useless thing. The proponents of the bill who feel that they are helping people, in my judgment, are going to find that there is just a lot of lost motion involved, because I do not believe the Supreme Court will hold this bill constitutional. I do not see how it could hold it constitutional. This compromise bill which came from the House leaves it entirely up to a Federal judge to say whether or not he is going to give a man a jury trial. That is not what our forefathers wrote into the Constitution. This bill provides that a judge shall decide whether he will grant a jury trial. Suppose he decides he will not grant a jury trial and then tries the defendant. Suppose he decides that the man ought to be imprisoned for more than 45 days or should pay a fine of more than $300. Then the case must be tried all over again.

That is another reason why I think the bill is unconstitutional. When we once try a man we put him in double jeopardy by trying him again.

So I think we are doing a useless thing here to pass a bill to provide that a judge can try a man and then, if he imposes above a certain sentence, the man can ask for a jury trial and then a jury can try the man. He would be tried twice. That is not only unconstitutional, it is also unfair, because if a judge tries the man himself and fines him more than $300 or sentence him to be imprisoned more than 45 days, then there is a trial ''de novo'', as they call it.

But the judge’s finding of guilt is bound to influence the jury when the jury tries him a second time. It is my opinion that the man can plead double jeopardy. The distinguished Presiding Officer was a distinguished judge in Texas. Any lawyer knows that we cannot try a man more than once for the same offense. The bill coming from the House would allow the man to be tried twice.

Mr. President, I want the American people to know what they are getting in this bill. They are getting a bill under which a judge can try a man and a jury can then try the same man. It is unconstitutional, in my opinion. Furthermore, I think it is extremely unfair, because the judge has already expressed his opinion, and if he is the judge who tries the case a second time he would be bound to show his feelings during the trial. Even if he did not show his feelings during the trial, in my opinion, his feelings would enter into the sentence after the trial.

Mr. President, there are many things in this bill. I am not against civil rights, and I am not against voting. As I have said, the finest civil rights are those in the Bill of Rights. I am for genuine civil rights, not this so-called political civil rights.

Both national parties that are pushing civil rights bills, this right to vote and other bills, are not doing it because they love the Negro. The southern white man does more for the Negro than any other man in any part of the country. This bill is motivated purely by politics. It is a political bill.

We might as well face the facts as they are. Both parties are trying to play to get the Negro vote, and, in some States, if the Negroes vote as a bloc, which they should not do, they are herded to the polls like sheep and voted. If they vote as individual citizens, which they should, this would not occur. But for some reason, both parties think that they are going to vote as a bloc. I do not know how a few leaders do it, or just how it is done. But it is unfortunate, and it is unfair to the Negro, because it takes him out of the category of an individual. It takes away his dignity. It takes away his sanctity as an individual, in which he can take pride in himself, his accomplishments and his race and not be led around like a bull with a ring in his nose. But that is the feeling of both parties in this country. They think they can vote the Negroes in a bloc, and they are making this play on these civil rights bills, so-called. They are not civil rights bills. They are so-called civil rights bills. The politicians are pushing these so-called civil rights bills to make a play and try to get the vote of the Negroes in certain doubtful States.

I have some good friends who are Negroes. I have helped many of them. I have represented them in lawsuits. I have loaned them money. I value the friendship of many Negroes, and I hate to see them treated like they are being treated. I hope that their real leaders, their genuine leaders, who are sincerely interested in them, will wake up some day and inform the members of their race just what is going on.

Mr. President, there is no need in the world to pass this bill. In the wee hours last night, when most Senators were sleeping, I was here talking, and after I had the Library of Congress, Legislative Section, prepare for me, and I put into the {{sc|Record}} at that time, statutes which provide voting rights in all the States of the Nation.

The {{sc|Congressional Record}} of last night contains those statutes of all the States from Alabama to Wyoming. In every one of the States of the Nation there are statutes that protect the right to vote. There is not a single one of the 48 States that does not have statutes to protect the right to vote.

Why does the Federal Government have to have this bill passed? Is it not practically an insult to the States?

It is.

“We need it. The States will not enforce their laws?” If that be the case, all the Government has to do is to enforce the Federal statute I referred to today. Title 18, section 594, is the number of that Federal statute, which provides punishment for anyone who intimidates, coerces, or threatens any person for interfering with any other person in voting. That statute is as clear as a crystal. It provides for a fine of $1,000, or punishment of 1 year in prison, for anyone who interferes with the right of another citizen to vote. So, if there is anybody in this country today who is prevented from voting, all he has to do is to report it to the district attorney in his State, of if he prefers, to write the Justice Department. He can take that course, and action can be taken under that statute which is already on the books.

Why put another statute on the books? Why put another statute which the Supreme Court will very probably hold to be unconstitutional? I do not know what the Supreme Court will hold. I do not like to take any chances with the Supreme Court.

At any rate, the Constitution of the United States is clear, the wording is simple. Any seventh-grade child can read article III., section 2, of the Constitution of the United States and see that any citizen charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. He can also read the sixth amendment to the Constitution, one of the amendments in the Bill of Rights, and see that any man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial.

It is very difficult to understand why the Congress, which is supposed to be composed of the brightest intellects in the country, or some of the brightest intellects, would pass a bill of this kind.

Yet, if the Congress passes such a bill, this so-called compromise bill on voting rights, it will certainly amaze me if the Supreme Court does not hold it to be unconstitutional. I shall be badly disappointed if the Congress passes it.

Of course, under the pressure of different organizations, left-wing organization, ADA and NAACP, both parties are dancing like jitterbugs on the civil-rights question, because they want to carry the doubtful States where the Negroes, although only a small percentage, if they vote in a bloc, can swing a State.

I think it will be a great pity if the Congress passes this bill. I hate to see it pass such an unnecessary bill.

It seems to me that every Representative in Congress and every Senator is practically insulting his home State if he votes for this bill. He is practically saying to the governor of his State and the legislators of his State, “Although you have bills to protect voting rights, we have no confidence in you, and although we have one Federal law, we are going to pass another Federal law, and ram it down your throats whether or not you want it.” I think it is almost an insult to the States.

I suggest that they write the governors and see how many of them want this bill passed. I am wondering how many Senators in this body and how many House members have checked with the governors to find out if they want this unconstitutional monstrosity passed by the Congress.

I do not believe 10 percent of the governors of the Nation would say, “We are weaklings, and we want you to pass a strong civil-rights bill because we do not have the courage to do it. We do not have the courage to protect our people.”

As a matter of fact, Mr. President, the States already have laws on that subject, and I have read them into the {{sc|Record}}. The voting-rights statutes of the States have been read into the {{sc|Congressional Record}}, in the case of every State of the Union. Those who read the {{sc|Congressional Record}} will find them set forth there.

Mr. President, if any Senator, on either side of the aisle, can state why it is necessary to enact another Federal law to protect the right to vote, I should like to have him do so, provided I am able to yield for that purpose without losing the floor and without having the remarks I make after yielding for that purpose counted as a second speech by me. I challenge any Senator on either side of the aisle to answer this question: Why is another Federal law needed in order to protect the right to vote, when there is already on the statute books section 594, which reads, in part, as follows:

{{smaller block|Whoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose.}}

In other words, one who intimidates, threatens, or coerces a voter, or even attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce him, may, under the provisions of this statute, be prosecuted. He may be prosecuted, not only if his purpose is to interfere with the right of such other person to vote, but also if his purpose is to interfere as to the person for whom such other person may wish to vote.

Mr. President, are there teeth in this statute? There certainly are. This statute provides that anyone who intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person, or attempts to interfere with his voting for whomever he wishes to vote for, can be prosecuted in a Federal court and can be fined $1,000 or sentenced to a prison term of 1 year. Do not those provisions constitute teeth and strength in the existing law? Of course they do.

If there is in the United States, today, any person who is having any trouble in exercising his voting right, again I say that all he has to do is contact the Department of Justice or the district attorney in his home State, and action can be taken under this Federal law to punish any person who interferes with his right to vote.

Inasmuch as section 594 is an existing Federal statute on that subject, why is it necessary to enact another Federal statute dealing with the right to vote? It would be absolutely useless, unnecessary, and futile to enact another Federal statute on that subject; it would be a great mistake to do so, especially in view of the fact that such a statute would be unconstitutional.

Mr. President, please understand that I do not even concede that the Federal Government has a right to enter this field. Instead, I believe that these matters should be handled by the respective States. However, the Federal Government is already in this field—under the provisions of section 594, by means of which a person can be fined as much as $1,000 or put in jail for as long as one year, if her tries to interfere with the right of someone else to vote.

Since the Federal Government already is in this field, why should another Federal law on the same subject be enacted?

Mr. President, every day that passes, the Federal Government, here in Washington, D. C., is whittling away the rights of the States. It hurts me to see the Federal Government invade fields which are reserved to the States. I deeply regret that a bigger and more powerful Federal Government is being built up in Washington, D. C. This Central Government has become tremendously top-heavy. I should like to see the States have more power.

Since World War II., the Communists have taken over approximately 17 countries. In doing so, they did not invade by means of troops using bayonets and tanks; those countries were not taken over in that way by the Communists. Instead, the Communists proceeded by way of infiltration. Poland was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Poles. Czechoslovakia was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Czechs. China was taken over by the Communists with the aid of some of the Chinese. The Communists have been able to infiltrate into the central governments; they have been able to worm their way into the police systems, and then into the election systems. Then, before one could realize it, the countries were taken over by the Communists.

Mr. President, why have the Communists been able to take over those countries? Since the end of World War II., they have been able to take over 17 countries, with populations totaling between 600 million and 800 million. The Communists have been able to do that because each of those countries has had a strong central government; and when the Communists obtained control of that central government, they were able to take over control of the entire country.

Mr. President, the more we in the United States build up power in a strong central government, the more risk we run from the standpoint of subversive activities and infiltration. If the people of the United States have the vision to keep the 48 States strong—each with its own election laws and its own police system—there will be no way by means of which the United States can be taken over by subversion. But if more and more power is given to our Central Government, after a while the States will be nothing but territories, and will not have any power.

Mr. President, the so-called civil-rights bill which the Congress is about to pass would simply take power a way from the States and would give it to the Federal Government.

A Senator might say, “I should vote for the bill because it will help me in the elections.” Mr. President, Senators had better begin to think more about the welfare and safety of their country, and less about the elections.

Mr. President, I am convinced that we must protect the States. The Constitution now protects them; but the Supreme Court and the Congress and the executive branch of the Government have been taking steps—by handing down decisions, passing laws, and issuing regulations and edicts—which violate the rights of the States and take away from the States the power they have.

Mr. President, this development cannot continue to occur, if our country is to be safe. I am disturbed for the safety of my country.

I am a brigadier general in the Army Reserve and if our country becomes engaged in an armed conflict, I am ready to serve. But we must keep our country stronger, or we shall find it engaged in conflict.

One of the ways to weaken it is to weaken the States, as we are doing today, and to keep taking away the powers of the States and building up a powerful Central Government in Washington. It is the greatest mistake in the world. It was not contemplated when our Constitution was written.

Our forefathers decided they would delegate a few powers to the Federal Government, and they spelled them out in the Constitution. All one has to do is to get the Constitution and read it. It spells out just what powers the Congress has, what powers the Federal Government has, but all other powers are reserved to the States and to the people thereof. At the rate we are going now, we will not have any States after a while. The Federal Government will have all the power.

Mr. President, some time ago I read a book by a man by the name of James Jackson Kilpatrick, of Richmond, Va., printed by the Henry Regner Co., of Chicago, entitled “The Sovereign States.”

I wish every American could read this book. I am going to read some excerpts from it today. I should like to have Senators listen to some of the passages in this book. This man is a great writer, a true patriot, and a great American.

First, I am going to read a passage by John C. Calhoun, one of the five all-time great Senators, recently selected to have his portrait placed in the Senate reception room. John C. Calhoun, I think, is one of the greatest men this country has produced. I nominated him to be selected to have his portrait placed here, and I am proud the committee selected it. He was a man who had keen vision and a proper conception of the Constitution.

There is one page in the beginning of the book by him that I want to read; it is very short.

This is what he says:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Foreword}}}}

The great and leading principle is, that the General Government emanated from the people of the several States, forming distinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community; that the Constitution of the United States is, in fact, a compact, to which each State is a party, in the character already described; and that the several States, or parties, have a right to judge of its infractions; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of power not delegated, they have the right, in the last resort, to use the language of the Virginia resolutions, “to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.”

This right of interposition, thus solemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may—state right, veto, nullification, or by any other name—I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system, resting on facts historically as certain as our revolution itself, and deductions as simple and demonstrative as that of any political or moral truth whatever; and I firmly believe that on its recognition depend the stability and safety of our political institutions.

{{right|{{sc|John C. Calhoun.}}|1em}}

{{left|{{sc|Fort Hill}}, ''July 26, 1831''.|1em}}
}}

This was John C. Calhoun.

He wrote that at Fort Hill, and if any Senators want to know where it is, it is at Simpson College. In fact, his home was at the college.

Mr. President, my statement was that Fort Hill is at Simpson College in South Carolina. Of course, that is the greatest college in the United States.

This book on the sovereign State was written, as I have said, by James J. Kilpatrick. First, I want to take up his introduction, and then I want to present some excerpts from the book:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{sc|Introduction}}}}

Among the more melancholy aspects of the genteel world we live in is a slow decline in the enjoyment that men once found in the combat of ideas, free and unrestrained. Competition of any sort, indeed, seems to be regarded these days, in our schools and elsewhere, as somehow not in very good taste. Under the curious doctrines of the Fair Trade Act, vigorous salesmanship is unfair, and retailers are enjoined against discommoding their fellows. Mr. Stevenson’s criticism of the administration’s foreign policy, during the last presidential campaign, was not that the policies were so very wrong: they were not bipartisan. With a few robust exceptions, our writers paint in pastels; our political scholars write a sort of ruffled-sleeve, harpsichord prose. We duel with soft pillows, or with buttoned foils; our ideas have lace on them; we are importuned to steer, with moderation, down the middle of the road.

These chamber music proprieties I acknowledge, simply to say, now, that the essay which follows should not be misunderstood. May it please the court, this is not a work of history; it is a work of advocacy. The intention is not primarily to inform, but to exhort. The aim is not to be objective; it is to be partisan.

I plead the cause of States rights.

My thesis is that our Union is a Union of States; that the meaning of this Union has been obscured, that its inherent value has been debased and all but lost.

I hold this truth to be self-evident: That government is least evil when it is closest to the people. I submit that when effective control of government moves away from the people, it becomes a greater evil, a greater restraint upon liberty.

My object is not to prove that the powers and functions of government have grown steadily more centralized, more remote from the people, for that proposition requires no proof; it requires only that one open one’s eyes. Rather, my intention is to plead that the process of consolidation first be halted, then reversed, toward the end that our Federal Government may be strictly limited to its constitutional functions and the States may again be encouraged to look after their own affairs, for good or ill.

A long time ago, the geometric mind of Edmund Pendleton offered a theorem. The State and Federal Governments, he said, must follow the path of parallel lines. Others have conceived the relationship in terms of spheres, separate but touching. The idea, when all this began, was that neither authority would encroach upon the other; and in the beginning, it was more feared that the States would usurp Federal powers than the other way around.

Now the rights and powers of the States are being obliterated. The encroachments of the Federal Government have widened its road to a highway and narrowed the road of the States to a footpath. Having deceptively added a dimension to the Federal line, the broad constructionists declare their faithful adherence to the plans of the original draftsmen. Soon, a geometry unknown to Pendleton can proclaim the apparent miracle of parallels that meet this side of infinity.

I do not know that the sovereign powers of the States may be regained at all. Justice Salmon P. Chase once remarked, with great satisfaction, that State sovereignty died at Appomattox. But I do most earnestly believe that an effort must be made to regain these powers. The alternative is for American Government to grow steadily more centralized, steadily more remote from the people, steadily more monolithic and despotic.

Only the States themselves can make the effort; which is to say, only the people of the States. Only if the citizens of Virginia, as Virginians; or of Texas, as Texans; or of Iowa, as Iowans, insist upon a strict obedience to the spirit of the 10th amendment, can the Federal juggernaut be slowed. Only if the people evidence a determination once more to do for themselves can the essential vitality of a responsible and resourceful society be restored.

I do not despair. So long as the I-beams and rafters of the Constitution remain undisturbed, the ravages of Federal encroachment may be repaired. A latent yearning for personal liberty, an inherited resentment against the authoritarian state, a drowsing spirit of independence—these may yet be awakened.

But again, the States, as States, will have to do it.

It will not be easy. In many influential quarters, it will not be popular. It is a sweet narcotic that centralists sell.

Yet there is high example to be found in what the States have done before to preserve their identity. They have not always been spineless. In times past they have resisted, now successfully, now unsuccessfully; but even in their failures, something has been gained merely in the assertion of State convictions.

My purpose here is first to examine the bases of State sovereignty; then to follow the State and Federal relationship from its beginnings under the Articles of Confederation through its refinement in the Constitution; next to review some of the comment on the role the States were expected to play. The place of the States scarcely had been fixed, it will be submitted, before advocates of consolidation began to whittle it down—first in the ''Chisholm'' case, which led to the 11th amendment, and more memorably in the Alien and Sedition Acts, which led to the “Doctrine of ’98” and the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of that year. It is proposed to follow this doctrine of the States’ “right to interpose,” in its various forms and applications down through the years, with particular emphasis upon the dangers of judicial encroachment and the need for State resistance against it. Finally, I have in mind to marshal some of the evidence which supports the case for the South in its immediate conflict with Federal authority, and to review other recent events that seem to me usurpations of the States’ reserved powers.

So much, then for the plan of this book. The political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall will not care much for it.

{{right|J. J. K.|1em}}
{{left|{{sc|Richmond, Va.}}, ''September 1956''.|1em}}
}}

That was the introduction to the book The Sovereign States, by James J. Kilpatrick. James J. Kilpatrick is one of the greatest editors in the Nation today. I will read certain excerpts from the book, beginning on page 3. First I will read a quotation opposite page 3:

{{smaller block|The States within the limitations of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the 10th amendment, “reserved,” are as independent of the General Government as the General Government, within its sphere, is independent of the States. (Justice Samuel Nelson, ''Collector'' v. ''Day'' (1871).)}}

Mr. Kilpatrick has done a fine job and rendered a great service to this country in writing this book:

{{smaller block|“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”}}

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to here yield to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana, for a question.

Mr. LONG. Did I correctly understand the Senator to make the statement that, according to the preface or introduction to the book, the book would be displeasing to those who agreed with Alexander Hamilton, who was one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, the forerunner of the American Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. The editor said that the political heirs of Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall would not care much for the book.

Alexander Hamilton was a great American, but his philosophy was different from that of Thomas Jefferson. They were both great Americans, but Alexander Hamilton believed more in the theory of a strong Central Government, with the power residing in Washington. Thomas Jefferson’s idea was that the power should remain with the States, and that only so much power should be given to the Federal Government as was necessary to perform its functions as delineated in the Constitution.

The Senator has probably read many books about Hamilton. In one of such books his philosophy is described in this way:

{{smaller block|Speaking of education, Alexander Hamilton’s thought was to select some of the brightest young men and educate them, to make them leaders. Thomas Jefferaon’s philosophy was to give all an opportunity, and let the leaders rise where they would.}}

So, when Kilpatrick wrote this statement I am confident that he was contrasting the philosophy of Hamilton more or less with that of Thomas Jefferson.

Hamilton was a very able man, one of the greatest Americans this country has produced; but his philosophy, as the Senator well knows from studying his life and history, was different from that of Thomas Jefferson.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it the view of the Senator that Alexander Hamilton would ever for a moment have approved of any proposal whereby an American accused of a crime would have been denied the right to present his case before a jury of impartial people who would hear the case, judge the evidence, and find him guilty or innocent?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply, I will say no. I think Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson both would have approved of trial by jury. They were both delegates to the Constitutional Convention, and they both rendered magnificent service in many ways.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, if the Senator will further yield, I believe he will find that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, did the Senator yield for a question or a statemen?

Mr. LONG. The Senator yielded for a question.

Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield to the Senator from Louisiana for a question.

The Senator is correct about Thomas Jefferson. I had in mind Madison.

Mr. LONG. Does not the Senator realize that Thomas Jefferson was not a delegate to the Constitutional Convention? The Senator is perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the convention which adopted the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson was the drafter of the American Declaration of Independence. Is not, the Senator perhaps confusing the Constitutional Convention with the fact that Thomas Jefferson was one of those who participated in drafting the Declaration of Independence? Thomas Jefferson was the American Ambassador to France at the time the Constitution was drafted.

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. Thomas Jefferson was Ambassador to France, but Alexander Hamilton was a delegate from New York State, and he signed the Constitution. In fact, he was the only delegate from New York State who signed the Constitution.

When I spoke a few minutes ago about Jefferson, I was thinking about Madison. Madison signed the Constitution, as did Blair. Both were from Virginia. George Washington presided over the Convention.

Mr. LONG. Is there any doubt in the Senator’s mind that, so far as Alexander Hamilton was concerned, he would never for a moment have contested the right of any citizen to be tried before a jury if he were accused of a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree. If he had taken any other position, he would not have signed the Constitution.

As I have stated, Alexander Hamilton was the only delegate from the State of New York who signed the Constitution as representing the State of New York. In the original Constitution, article III, section 2, provided for jury trial.

Mr. LONG. Is it not, therefore, true that insofar as the right of a citizen to be tried by jury for a crime is concerned, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would have agreed 100 percent that the freedoms guaranteed Americans under their form of government included the right to be tried by a jury of their own neighbors, in the area where the crime was committed, in the event they were accused of committing a crime?

Mr. THURMOND. I can yield only for a question. I shall be glad to express myself after the Senator has concluded. Let the Senator ask any question he wishes. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to state that, although the book from which the Senator is reading may not reflect the views of Alexander Hamilton, it is nevertheless correct to state that Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson would both have agreed that anyone accused of a crime should have the right to be tried before a jury of his neighbors?

Mr. THURMOND. I thoroughly agree. In my judgment, if Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson were living today, and both were Members of the Senate, both would be fighting for the right to a jury trial, as provided in the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to say that so far as we can determine there has never been a man who served in this body, and who was regarded as a great statesman, who has ever at any time advocated that American citizens should be denied their right to be tried by a jury in the event they were accused of committing a crime against the United States or against a State?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the able Senator is eminently correct. I do not know of a great man in our history, any man whom I would consider great, whose name is on the lips of the people—I cannot think of a single one in our history who would take a position in opposition to jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Scott}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from Louisiana?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not correct to paraphrase more or less the words of Shakespeare, that those American politicians who have fought against the freedom of Americans to be tried by a jury when accused of a crime have been politicians who more or less strutted and strutted their brief hour on the stage to be heard from no more?

Mr. THURMOND. I do not think any man who takes a stand against giving a person a jury trial will be long remembered after he has gone or when his record is searched and it is found that he opposed a jury trial. I think we would immediately call for a reappraisal of his whole life in the event he had been considered a great man previous to that time.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that men like George Norris, William Borah, and Robert M. La Follette, who fought through the years for the right of trial by jury, have statues standing in the Hall of Fame in the Capitol Building?

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is eminently correct. In fact, there is a quotation from George Norris which I read last night. If I can put my hand on it I should like to read it to the Senator from Louisiana. I have never read a stronger statement in behalf of a jury trial. He said that in all cases a man should have a jury trial. The distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr. {{sc|Byrd}}] and the distinguished Senator from Mississippi [Mr. {{sc|Eastland}}] and I introduced a bill in March to provide the very type of jury trial which Senator Norris recommended.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. The Senator from South Carolina having made a great study of all these matters involving jury trials, the freedom of Americans, and States rights, can he now name from memory a single one of those Senators who made a fight down through the years to deny American citizens of the right of trial by jury?

Mr. THURMOND. I could not name a single man whom I considered a great man or a great Senator who opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Does the Senator recall the names of any Americans who have served in this body and who have made a fight against the right of a man accused of a crime to be tried by a jury? Can the Senator offhand recall the name of any such person?

Mr. THURMOND. I cannot recall the name of any American of any stature within my recollection who has opposed jury trials.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator Borah’s statue is just outside the main entrance of the Senate Chamber, immediately outside the door?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. I see it every time I go through the door.

Mr. LONG. Is the Senator aware of the fact that Senator William E. Borah, a great constitutional lawyer, even though he came from a very small Western State, population considered, was seriously considered by the Republican Party as its nominee for the Presidency of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. I have been told that. I did not know the Senator personally; only through reputation. But I know he was a great American. He declared on April 8, 1930:

{{smaller block|I am not contending here that labor organizations can at any time employ threats, force, or violence or intimidation. They must keep within the law—}}

He was referring there to jury trials in labor cases.

I have a long report including a speech by Senator Norris on May 2, 1930. I read it last night—

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question at that point?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that those who oppose the right of jury trials are basically those who do not believe in the freedoms that Americans enjoy under the Constitution?

Mr. THURMOND. I certainly agree with the Senator. I think the jury trial is one of the greatest freedoms we have. I look upon it as the heart of the Bill of Rights.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

MT. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that persons who fear that juries may not convict guilty persons are those who really have very little confidence in the determination of people to uphold free government?

Mr. THURMOND. It seems to me they could not have much confidence in human nature; otherwise they would favor jury trials. To be tried by a man’s neighbors, his peers, his fellow men, is the fairest way a man could be tried. I sat on the bench for 8 years and tried many cases, but I always felt much better about it when a jury passed on the question. I watched closely the verdicts of juries. I was deeply impressed. I feel that juries come nearer to meting out justice to criminals than it can be done in any other way.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LONG. Recognizing the fact that it is possible for a jury to turn a guilty person free, is it not also true that the freedoms which Americans enjoy under their Constitution were calculated in such fashion as to express the philosophy that it is better to turn 9 guilty men free than to send 1 innocent man to the penitentiary or to his death?

Mr. THURMOND. I never did go on the theory of nine guilty ones being turned loose. There is no doubt that there is a common saying to that effect. If I had to make a decision as to whether I would turn 9 guilty ones loose, or put 1 innocent man in prison, I would turn the 9 loose. I think that would be the thinking and the feeling of the average American.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Does not this logic become conclusively clear when we contemplate for a moment a capital punishment case where it is possible to put an innocent man to death? In such a situation, would it not be better for the court to turn 9 culprits loose rather than to kill 1 innocent man?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator.

Mr. LONG. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. There is no question about it. Some juries make mistakes. Anybody in any kind of work makes mistakes. Everybody has weaknesses and there are bound to be errors. Judges make mistakes. Of course, often a judge’s philosophy is different.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that anyone can make mistakes, is it not somewhat better that the scales of justice should be weighted a little in favor of finding a person innocent when there is a considerable doubt as to whether the person is innocent or guilty?

Mr. THURMOND. Our law is based on the presumption that a man is innocent until he is proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. That is a common legal principle that any lawyer knows about who has practiced any criminal law. I do not know precisely what the Senator had in mind on that, though, for this reason: I do not think if a man is given a jury trial, a jury necessarily lets him go free. I think a jury is going to do what it thinks is right unless it is biased, or has been approached in some way, or influenced in some way. Of course, that happens sometimes. It does not happen often, but I think it does happen sometimes.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. Can the Senator imagine a judge who issues an order ordering the entire world to comply with his injunction as being as fair and impartial as a jury before which a case involving a violation of his order should be tried?

Mr. THURMOND. When a judge hears a contempt case he is the legislator, he is the prosecutor, he is the judge, and he is the jury. If I were a judge and if such a law as is here proposed were on the books, if I were back on the bench, and if I had to act under this type law, I would submit it to the jury anyway.

Mr. LONG. Will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to hear it.

Mr. LONG. In view of the fact that it is contemplated that a judge makes a law by issuing the injunction and then cites the individuals whom he cares to cite, can the Senator think of anything any more inappropriate than the judge who makes the law, addressed to individuals, should be the same person to try the same individuals for violating his own order? Does the Senator not believe that any judge worthy of the name would at least want to have a jury to prove that justice is being done to people who violated his own order?

Mr. THURMOND. I think the Senator is eminently correct. It is unfortunate that a judge who issues an order of contempt has to try the case, because he has already made up his mind to a certain degree. Of course, that might be removed. But still he has made up his mind, or he would not issue the order.

Mr. LONG. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a further question.

Mr. LONG. Is it not true that a person who is responsible for issuing the edict and commanding people to do certain things at his discretion should be the last person to make the final decision on who should be punished for not obeying his order?

Mr. THURMOND. I agree with the Senator. In fact, this is known as injunction-made law. That is what it is. It is injunction-made law, and it is bad law. It is much better to have a jury trial. That is the American way of doing things. That is one of the grievances complained of by those who signed the Declaration of Independence, as I have brought out, namely, that in a great many cases they were denied jury trials. Provisions for jury trial are embodied in several places in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, so there is no question about the whole intent of our judicial system. Our administration of justice has been based upon jury trials. I think it is one of the most fundamental principles embodied in our type of government.

If this so-called compromise amendment were to go a little bit further, it would sound more like a Communist amendment.

I do not believe I read what Senator Norris said about jury trial. He said:

{{smaller block|I wonder if a suffering people, whose forefathers fought for liberty, are going to give up the idea of it in this day and age, in this civilized day, and are going to submit to injunction-made law.}}

He was wondering whether they were going to submit to it.

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|1. THE BEGINNINGS}}}}

“The true distinction,” said Mr. Pendleton, with some irritation, “is that the two governments are established for different purposes, and act on different objects.”

This was on the sunny afternoon of Thursday, June 12, 1788, in the New Academy on Shockoe Hill in Richmond. The Virginia Convention had been grappling for 10 days with the new Constitution, and Edmund Pendleton, aging and crippled, had been sitting in dignified silence for as long as he could stand it. Patrick Henry, who was a hard man to live with at any time, was being especially difficult. Once before, on the 5th, Pendleton bad attempted to soothe him, but Henry was not to be soothed.

The State and Federal Governments would be at war with one another, Henry had predicted, and the State governments ultimately would be destroyed and consolidated into the General Government. One by one their powers would be snatched from them. A rapacious Federal authority, ever seeking to expand its grasp, could not be confined by the States.

“Notwithstanding what the worthy gentleman said,” remarked Mr. Pendleton with some warmth, for there were times when he regarded Mr. Henry as neither worthy nor a gentleman. “I believe I am still correct, and insist that, if each power is confined within its proper bounds, and to its proper objects, an interference can never happen. Being for two different purposes, as long as they are limited to the different objects, they can no more clash than two parallel lines can meet. * * *”

They were big ifs that Edmund Pendleton, a judicious man, here used as qualifications. If the State and Federal Governments were each confined within its proper bounds, be said, the clash could never come. But the Federal Government could not be kept confined, even as Henry feared, and the clash did come. It continues to this day. Mr. Pendleton’s geometry was fine, but his powers of prophecy (for be believed that each government could be kept in check) were sadly in error.

To understand how the parallel lines of State and Federal powers have turned awry, it is necessary to look back at the period before these lines were drawn. The acts of ratification by Virginia and her neighbors were acts of sovereign States. At stake was their consent to a written constitution. How, it may be inquired, did they come to be sovereign States? What is this concept of State sovereignty?

It would be possible, in any such review, to go back to the great roots of Runnymede, but it will suffice to begin much later, in the turbulent summer of 1776. The startling commitments of Lexington and Concord were behind us then; the bitter trials of White Plains, Vincennes, Camden, and Yorktown still lay ahead. March and April and May had passed—a time of bringing forth of newness, of fresh hope—and great human events had run their course. Now, in June, a resurgent people made the solemn decision to dissolve the political bands which had connected them with another. Thus Jefferson’s draft began, thus the Continental Congress adopted it at Philadelphia; from this moment Americans unborn were to date the years of their independence.

The eloquent beginning of the Declaration—the assertion of truths self-evident and rights beyond alienation—is well known: It is a towering irony that Jefferson, whose convictions were cemented in the inequality of man, should have his precise phrase corrupted by the levelers of a bulldozer society. The Declaration’s beginning is too much recited and too little read.

What counts, for our present purpose, is not the first paragraph, but the last. Let us inquire, What, precisely, was it that we declared ourselves to be that Fourth of July? Hitherto there had been colonies subject to the King. That form of government would now be abolished. We would now solemnly publish and declare to a candid world—what? That the people of the colonies had formed a free and independent nation? By no means. Or that they were henceforth a free and independent people? Still no.

This was the declaration: “That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.” Not one State, or one Nation, but in the plural—States; and again, in the next breath, so this multiple birth could not be misunderstood, “that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.”

It had opened, this Declaration, as an enunciation of what often are termed the “human rights,” but it concluded, in the plainest terms, as a pronouncement of political powers—the political powers of newly created States. And these powers of war and peace, these powers of alliance and commerce, were published not as the powers of a national government, but as powers henceforth asserted by 13 free and independent states.

To be sure, the States were united. Their representatives styled themselves Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, but it was not the spokesmen of a nation who gathered in parliament. These were States in Congress. “One out of many,” it is said. In a sense, yes. But the many remained—separate States, individual entities, each possessed, from that moment, of sovereign rights and powers.

Certainly Jefferson so understood our creation. “The several States,” he was to write much later, “were, from their first establishment, separate and distinct societies, dependent on no other society of men whatever.”

So Mr. Justice Samuel Chase comprehended it: He considered the Declaration of Independence, “as a declaration, not that the United Colonies Jointly, in a collective capacity, were independent States, etc., but that each of them was a sovereign and independent State, that is, that each of them had a right to govern itself by its own authority, and its own laws without any control from any other power on earth.” From the Fourth of July, said Chase, “the American States were ''de facto'' as well as ''de jure'' in the possession and actual exercise of all the rights of independent governments. * * * I have ever considered it as the established doctrine of the United States, that their independence originated from, and commenced with, the declaration of Congress, on the Fourth of July 1776; and that no other period can be fixed on for its commencement; and that all laws made by the legislatures of the several States, after the Declaration of Independence, were the laws of sovereign and independent governments.”

So, too, the sage and cool-minded Mr. Justice Cushing: “The several States which composed this Union * * * became entitled, from the time when they declared themselves independent, to all the rights and powers of sovereign States.”

Even Marshall himself had no doubts: In the beginning, “we were divided into independent States, united for some purposes, but in most respects sovereign.” The lines which separate the States, he later remarked, were too clear ever to be misunderstood.

And for a contemporary authority, it is necessary only to turn to Mr. Justice Frankfurter, who some years ago fell to discussing the dual powers of taxation preserved under the Constitution: “The States,” he said, “after they formed the Union”—not the people, but the States, “continued to have the same range of taxing power which they had before, barring only duties affecting exports, imports, and on tonnage.” Regrettably, Mr. Justice Frankfurter appears in more recent times to have lost his concept of States forming a Union.

It is no matter. Evidence of the States’ individual sovereignty is abundantly available. Consider for example, the powers asserted on the part of each State in the Declaration “to levy War, conclude Peace, and contract Alliances.” Surely these are sovereign powers. The States exercised them, as States, in the Revolutionary War. But it is of value to note that New York also very nearly exercised her war powers to enter into formal hostilities with the State of Vermont. Tensions reached so grave a point that Massachusetts, in 1784, felt compelled to adopt a formal resolution of neutrality, enjoining her citizens to give “no aid or assistance to either party,” and to send “no provisions, arms, or ammunition or other necessities to a fortress or garrison” besieged by either belligerent. When New York adopted a resolution avowing her readiness to “ecur to force,”&quot; Vermont’s Governor Chittenden (whose son was to be heard from 30 years later in another row) observed that Vermont “does not wish to enter into a war with the State of New York.” But should this unhappy contingency result, Vermont “expects that Congress and the 12 States will observe a strict neutrality, and let the contending States settle their own controversy.”

They did settle it, of course. New York and Vermont concluded a peace. The point is that no one saw anything especially remarkable in two separate sovereignties arraying themselves against each other. Vermont was then an individual political entity, as remote at law as any France or Italy. And New York, though a member of the Confederation, and hence technically required to obtain the consent of Congress before waging war, had every right to maintain a standing army for her own defense.

The status of the individual States as separate sovereign powers was recognized on higher authority than the proclamations of Vermont and Massachusetts. It is worth our while to keep in mind the first article of the treaty of September 3, 1783, by which the war of the Revolution came to an end:

“His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such.”

More than 5 years earlier, a treaty of amity and commerce with France had established the same sovereign status of the contracting parties. Louis XVI. treated with the 13 American States, but he recognized each of them as a separate power. And it is interesting to note that Virginia, feeling some action desirable to complete the treaty, prior to action by Congress, on June 4, 1779, undertook solemnly to ratify this treaty with France on her own. By appropriate resolution, transmitted by Governor Jefferson to the French minister at Philadelphia, the sovereign Commonwealth of Virginia declared herself individually bound by the French treaty. In terms of international law, Virginia was a nation; in terms of domestic law, she was a sovereign State.

{{c|{{asc|2. THE STATE}}}}

To review the process by which the colonies became States is not necessarily to answer the basic question, What is a State? It is a troublesome word. The standard definition is that a State is “a political body, or body politic; any body of people occupying a definite territory and politically organized under one government, especially one that is not subject to external control.” Chief Justice Chase, in ''Texas'' v. ''White'', put it this way: “A State, in the ordinary sense of the Constitution, is a political community of free citizens, occupying a territory of defined boundaries, and organized under a government sanctioned and limited by a written constitution, and established by the consent of the governed.” In the Cherokee case, John Marshall described a State as “a distinct political society, separated from others, capable of managing its own affairs and governing itself.”

Thus, variously, a State is defined as a body, a community, and a distinct society. Plainly, mere boundary lines are not enough; a tract of waste and uninhabited land cannot constitute a State. Nor are people, as such, sufficient to constitute a State. James Brown Scott once offered this clear and succinct definition:

“The State is an artificial person, representing and controlled by its members, but not synonymous or identical with them. Created for a political purpose, it is a body politic. It is a distinct body, an artificial person; it has a will distinct from its members, although its exercise is controlled by them; it has rights and duties distinct from its members, but subject to being changed by them; it may hold property distinct from its members, but in trust for them; it may act separately and distinctly from them and bind them by its acts, but only insofar as it is authorized by the law of its creation, and subject to being changed by the source of that power.”

Thus the State is seen as a continuing political being, controlled by its citizens and yet controlling them. The State can be bound in ways that its own people cannot be bound; it can exercise powers that no citizen or group of citizens may exercise for themselves. The State may buy, sell, hold, grant, convey; it may tax and spend; it may sue, and if it consent, be sued; it exists to create law and to execute law, to punish crime, administer justice, regulate commerce, enter into compacts with other States. Yet there is no State until a community of human beings create a State; and no State may exist without the will and the power of human beings to preserve it.

It is this combination of will and power which lies at the essence of the State in being. This is sovereignty. In the crisp phrase of John Taylor, of Caroline, sovereignty is “the will to enact, the power to execute.” Long books have been written on the nature of sovereignty, but they boil down to those necessities: The will to make, the power to unmake.

It was this power, this will, that the people as States claimed for themselves in 1776. Henceforth, they said, we are sovereign: The State government is not sovereign, nor is any citizen by himself sovereign. By the “sovereign State” we mean us citizens, the State; we collectively, within our established boundaries; this community of people; we alone who are possessed of the power to create or to abandon.

God knows it was a great, a priceless, power these people as Stat es claimed for themselves. True, not everyone saw it that way. Mr. Justice Story, for one, never grasped the concept of States. Nor did Jackson. Albert J. Beveridge, in his biography of Marshall, refers sneeringly to the States as “these pompous sovereignties,” but in a way, Beveridge’s is perhaps a high acknowledgment of the simple truth: These infant States were sovereignties, and the people within them were proudly jealous of the fact. They saw themselves, in Blackstone’s phrase, “a supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority.” This, among other things, was the aim they had fought for. It cannot be imagined that they ever would have relinquished this high power of sovereignty except in the most explicit terms.

{{c|{{asc|3. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION}}}}

In time, the Continental Congress gave way to the Articles of Confederation. The articles merit examination with the utmost care; they are too little studied, and there is much to be learned from them.

First proposed in 1778, the articles became binding upon all the States with Maryland’s ratification in 1781. Throughout this period, as the war ran on, each of the States was individually sovereign, each wholly autonomous. Mr. Justice Iredell was to observe, in 1795, that had the individual States decided not to unite together, each would have gone its own way, because each “possessed all the powers of sovereignty, internal and external * * * as completely as any of the ancient kingdoms or republics of the world which never yet had formed, or thought of forming, any sort of Federal union whatever.”

But they did form a Federal union—a “perpetual union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.” They styled themselves, “The United States of America,” and in the very second article of their compact, they put this down so no one might miss it:

“Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.”

The third article is almost equally brief, and may be quoted in less space than would be required to summarize it:

“The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.”

There will be seen, in these opening paragraphs, the genesis of constitutional provisions that were to follow in less than a decade. Here is the forerunner of the 10th amendment, with its reservation of undelegated powers to the State or to the people; here are the aims set forth of “common defense” and the “general welfare.”

The fourth article advanced other phrases that have come down to us: The free inhabitants of each State (“paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted”) were to be entitled to “all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States.” Here, too, one finds the provision, later to be inserted substantially verbatim in article IV. of the Constitution of 1787, providing for the extradition of fugitives. Here the States mutually agreed that “full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.”

The fifth article provided for representation of the States in Congress. There were to be no less than 2, no more than 7 delegates from each State. They would assemble on the first Monday in November of every year. In this Congress, each State cast one vote; each State paid the salary and maintenance of its own delegates. These provisions, of course, were later abandoned; but we may note that the fifth article prohibited delegates to the Congress from “holding any office under the United States for which he or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind,” and also provided that “freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress.” Both provisions were to turn up later in article I., section 6, of the Constitution.

The sixth and seventh articles dealt generally with limitations upon the States in terms of foreign affairs and the waging of war. Again, many a familiar phrase leaps from this much-maligned compact of Confederation. No State, nor the Congress, was to grant a title of nobility; no two or more States were to enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance without the consent of the other States in Congress assembled; no State was to keep vessels of war in time of peace (“except such number as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled”), nor was any State to engaged in war without the consent of Congress “unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or * * * the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay * * *.”

The eighth article provided for defraying the expenses of war among the State “in proportion to the value of all land within each State,” and the ninth article dealt with the powers of Congress. Once more, the origin of a dozen specific phrases in our present Constitution is evident. Congress was given the “sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war.” It was to enter into treaties and alliances, establish certain courts, fix standard weights and measures, and establish post offices. But the Congress alone could do almost none of these things—it could exercise no important power—without the consent of nine of the member States.

The remaining 4 articles are of less interest and concern, although it may be noted that in 3 places, the framers of the Articles of Confederation provided that their union was a permanent union. The articles were to be inviolably observed by the States the delegates respectively represented, “and the union shall be perpetual.”

{{c|{{asc|4. WE, THE PEOPLE}}}}

Of course, it wasn’t perpetual at all. Before 6 years had elapsed, the States came to recognize grave defects in the Articles of Confederation. And because they were sovereign States—because they had the will to enact and the power to execute, because they who had made could unmake—they set out to do the job again.

What they made, this time, was the Constitution of the United States. So much has been {{SIC|writen|written}} of the deliberations that summer of 1787 in Philadelphia—so many critics have examined every word of the great document which came forth—that probably no new light can be shed upon it here. Yet the constitutions of most States command their citizens to recur frequently to fundamental principles and the commandment is too valuable an admonition to be passed by. There is much of interest to be found if one examines the Constitution, the debates and the commentaries of the time, in terms of the relationship there established between the States and the new Federal Government they formed.

It may be inquired, was sovereignty here surrendered in whole or in part? What powers were delegated, what powers retained?}}

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I do not want the Senator to strain his voice, but I do have some responsibilities as minority leader. I do not think the Senator is making any motion, but I should at least like to know what is going on in the Senate Chamber.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield for a question if the Senator has a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. My question is, Would the Senator speak up? I do not want him to strain his voice, but I should like him to speak a little louder so I shall be sure no motions are being made or anything of that sort. I do have some responsibility here.

Mr. THURMOND. I suggest that the Senator move closer to me.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Under the rules of the Senate, which are now being strictly enforced, both Senators being in their respective seats, and this happening to be my seat as the minority leader, I urge my request of the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. We might get unanimous consent to allow the Senator to come closer to me if he wishes. I do not think my colleagues will raise any point. There is an excellent seat here, I may say to the Senator.

Mr. KNOWLAND. I am very well satisfied with the seat to which I am assigned.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I continue to read:

{{smaller block|What were the functions to be performed by the States in the future? Was it ever intended that the States should be reduced to the weakling role thrust upon them in our own time? We must inquire whether this proud possession of State sovereignty, so eloquently proclaimed in 1776, so resolutely affirmed in the articles of 1781, so clearly recognized in the events of the time, somehow vanished, died, turned to dust, totally ceased to exist in the period of the next 6 years.

Now, the argument here advanced is this—it is the argument of John Taylor of Caroline and John Randolph of Roanoke—that sovereignty, like chastity, cannot be surrendered in part. This was the argument also of Calhoun: “I maintain that sovereignty is in its nature indivisible. It is the supreme power in a State, and we might just as well speak of half a square, or half a triangle, as of half a sovereignty.” This was the position, too, of the bellicose George Troup of Georgia, of Alexander H. Stephens, of Jefferson Davis. It is the position of plain commonsense: Supreme and ultimate power must be precisely that. Finality knows no degrees. In law, as in mountain climbing, there comes a point at which the pinnacle is reached; nothing higher or greater remains. And so it is with the States of the American Union. In the last resort, it is their prerogative alone (not that of Congress, not that of the Supreme Court, not that of the whole people) to make or unmake our fundamental law. The argument here is that the States, in forming a new perpetual union to replace their old perpetual union, remained in essence what they had been before: Separate, free, and independent States. They surrendered nothing to the Federal Government they created. Some of their powers they delegated; all of their sovereignty they retained.

It is keenly important that this distinction be understood. There is a difference between sovereignty and sovereign power. The power to coin money, or to levy taxes, is a sovereign power, but it is not sovereignty. Powers can be delegated, limited, expanded, or withdrawn, but it is through the exercise of sovereignty that these changes take place. Sovereignty is the moving river, sovereign powers the stone at the mill. Only while the river flows can the inanimate stone revolve. To be sure, sovereignty can be lost—it can be lost by conquest, as in war; the extent or character of sovereignty can be changed, as in the acquisition or relinquishment of territory or the annexation of new peoples; sovereignty can be divided, when two States are created of one. But properly viewed, sovereignty is cause; sovereign powers, the effect: The wind that blows; the branches that move. Sovereignty is the essence, the life spirit, the soul: And in this Republic, sovereignty remains today where it was vested in 1776, in the people. But in the people as a whole? No. In the people as States.

The delusion that sovereignty is vested in the whole people of the United States is one of the strangest misconceptions of our public life. This hallucination has been encouraged, if not directly espoused, by such eminent figures as Marshall, Story, and Andrew Jackson. It is still embraced by excessively literal and unthinking fellows who read “we the people” in the preamble to the Constitution, and cry triumphantly, “that means everybody.” It does not; it never did.

The preamble to the abandoned Articles of Confederation, it was noted, declared the articles “binding between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York,” and so forth. The preamble offered by the Convention of 1787, reads:

“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”

The opening few words were questioned repeatedly by Patrick Henry in the Virginia Convention of 1788. He kept asking querulously, what was meant by “we the people,” but he got no very satisfactory answer for his pains. Governor Randolph ducked the question, and Pendleton missed the point. Pendleton asked, rhetorically, “who but the people have a right to form government?” and the answer, obviously, in America, is “no one.” Then Pendleton said this:

“If the objection be, that the Union ought to be not of the people, but of the State governments, then I think the choice of the former very happy and proper. What have the State governments to do with it?”

Again, the obvious answer is, “The State governments have nothing to do with it,” but that was not the question Henry asked. There is a plain distinction between “we the States” and “we the State governments,” for States endure while governments fall. It was Madison who came closest to answering the insistent Henry. Who are the parties to the Constitution? The people, said Madison, to be sure, are the parties to it, but “not the people as composing one great body.” Rather, it is “the people as composing 13 sovereignties.” And he added:}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina when he was a judge in South Carolina?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair cannot hear. Will the Senator speak a little louder?

Mr. THURMOND. From 1938 to 1946, 8 years.

Mr. LANGER. The Senator was a circuit judge, was he not?

Mr. THURMOND. Yes; in the highest trial court in the State. About half that time I was in the Army, overseas.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Continuing to quote from the Kilpatrick book:

{{smaller block|“Were it * * * a consolidated government, the assent of a majority of the people would be sufficient for its establishment; and, as a majority have adopted it already, we remaining States would be bound by the act of the majority, even if they unanimously reprobated it * * * But, sir, no State is bound by it, as it is, without its own consent.”

Col. Henry Lee took the same point of view in responding to Patrick Henry. Lighthorse Harry spoke as other proponents of the Constitution did, in irritation and perplexity. He could not comprehend why Henry’s question should even be asked. Obviously, the “we the people” mentioned in the preamble—the “we the people” there and then engaged in ratifying the Constitution—were we “the people of Virginia.” If the people of Virginia “do not adopt it, it will always be null and void as to us.”

Here Lee touched and tossed aside what doubtless was so clear to others that they could not understand what Henry was quibbling about. Of course, “we the people” meant what Madison and Lee found so obvious: It meant “we the people of the States.” Why argue the point? “I take this,” said Randolph testily, “to be one of the least and most trivial objections that will be made to the Constitution.”

The self-evident fact, as plain as the buttons on their coats, was that the whole people, the mass of people from Georgia to New Hampshire, obviously had nothing to do with the ratification of the Constitution. The basic charter of our Union never was submitted to popular referendum, taken simultaneously among the 3 million inhabitants of the country on some Tuesday in 1788. Ratification was achieved by the people of the States, acting in their sovereign capacity not as “Americans,” for there is no “State of America,” but in their sovereign capacity as citizens of the States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and Georgia.

This was the sovereign power that sired the new Union, breathed upon it, gave it life—the power of the people of the States, acting as States, binding themselves as States, seeking to form a more perfect union not of people, but of States. And if it be inquired, as a matter of drafting, why the preamble of the Articles of Confederation spelled out 13 States and the preamble of the Constitution referred only to “we the people,” a simple, uncomplicated explanation may be advanced: The framers of the Constitution, in the summer of 1787, had no way of knowing how many States would assent to the compact.

Suppose they had begun the preamble, as they thought of doing, “We the people of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island,” etc., and the State of Rhode Island had refused to ratify? It very nearly did. It was not until May 29, 1790, by a vote of 34 to 32, that Rhode Island agreed to join a union that actually had been created with New Hampshire’s ratification nearly 2 full years before. Given a switch of two votes, Rhode Island might have remained, to this day, as foreign to the United States (in terms of international law) as any Luxembourg or Switzerland.

Some of these forebodings clearly passed through the minds of the delegates at Philadelphia. When the preamble first appears in the notes, on August 6, it reads: “We the people of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts,” etc., “do ordain, declare and establish the following Constitution.” In that form it was tentatively approved on August 7. But the preamble, in that form, never is mentioned again. When the document came back from the Committee on Style in early September, the preamble had been amended to eliminate the spelled-out names of States, and to make it read simply that “we the people” ordain and establish. The change was not haggled over. No significance was attached to it. Why arouse antagonism in New York or North Carolina (where there was opposition enough already) by presuming to speak, in the preamble, as if it were unnecessary for New York or North Carolina even to debate the matter? The tactful and prudent thing was to name no States. Only the people as States could create the Union; only the people in ratifying States would be bound, as States, by its provisions.

{{c|{{asc|5. THE STATES IN THE CONSTITUTION}}}}

In the end, that was the way the compact read. It bound States—“The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between”—between whom?—“between the States so ratifying the same.” Not among people; it was “between States.” And this proposal was put forward “by the unanimous consent,” not of delegates assembled or of people gathered, but by “the unanimous consent of the States present the 17th day of September in the year of our Lord 1787 * * *.”

On the plain evidence of the instrument itself, it is therefore clear: States consented to the drafting of the Constitution; States undertook to bind themselves by its provisions. If 9 States ratified, the Constitution would bind those 9; if 10, those 10. Rhode Island had not even attended the convention; “poor, despised Rhode Island,” as Patrick Henry later was to describe her, could stay aloof if she chose. There was no thought here of people in the mass. There was thought only of people as States, and while the new Constitution would of course act directly upon people—that was to be its revolutionary change—it would reach those people only because they first were people of States.

The one essential prerequisite was for the State, as a State, to ratify; then the people of the State would become themselves subject to the Constitution. No individual human being, in his own capacity, possibly could assent to the new compact or bind himself to its provisions. Only as a citizen of Virginia or Georgia or Massachusetts could he become a citizen also of the United States.

Madison recognized this. He acknowledged in his famed Federalist 39 that ratification of the Constitution must come from the people “not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong.” “Each State,” he said, in ratifying the Constitution, “is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.” This fact lay at the essence of the Federal Union being formed. The States, and within them their local governments, were to be “no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere.” The jurisdiction of the Federal Government was to extend “to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” Even the most casual reading of the Constitution, it may be submitted, abundantly supports Madison’s comment here.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be glad to yield to the able Senator from North Dakota for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I should like to ask whether at any time in the history of South Carolina the courts permitted a defendant to be tried without a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In South Carolina anyone who wishes a jury may have one. There are a few instances where both sides agree to be tried without a jury, by the court. But a defendant is entitled to a jury trial in my State, as is the case in other States which follow the Constitution.

Mr. LANGER. In what year was South Carolina admitted to the Union? It was one of the original colonies, was it not?

Mr. THURMOND. In 1789. It was the eighth State admitted to the Union.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield further for a question?

Mr: THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Even at that time in South Carolina a defendant had the right to a jury trial, did he not?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. That has been the law continuously up to the present time?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct. A defendant in South Carolina is always entitled to a jury trial when charged with a crime.

Mr. LANGER. Is that also true in North Carolina?

Mr. THURMOND. I would not attempt to speak for North Carolina, but I feel quite certain that that is a fact. I believe nine States ratified the Constitution before North Carolina did. So North Carolina came in after the Union was formed. So did Rhode Island. Rhode Island was the only State that did not send representatives to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. The reason for that was that Rhode Island was in the hands of radicals at that time and it did not send any deputies.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. LANGER. Is it true that in every State in the United States under our Constitution a defendant has the right to a trial by jury in a criminal case?

Mr. THURMOND. In every State of the United States a defendant charged with a crime has the right of trial by jury. Some persons confuse magistrate courts or minor courts; but even there, although we may not see it, there is a jury box.

Most persons, unless they are lawyers, do not know that defendants are entitled to a jury trial in those courts. There is a jury box hidden somewhere. Nine out of ten do not ask for a jury trial; that is, in cases where the punishment is a fine of $100 or 30 days. But even there if a man says “Wait a minute, Mr. Recorder; I want a trial before a jury,” it must be given to him.

Mr. LANGER. That is true, for example, if a man is arrested and charged with spitting on the sidewalk or with stealing one cent?

Mr. THURMOND. Any crime.

Mr. LANGER. In other words, trial by jury is fundamental?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct; and rightly so, because that was one of the grievances pointed out a little earlier today that our forefathers listed in the Declaration of Independence. That was one grievance charged against the King, that in many cases persons had been denied trial by jury. That is written definitely into the Constitution. The right of trial by jury was included in several places in the Bill of Rights. The sixth amendment provides that a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That was because our forefathers were taking no chances on not having a jury trial assured to them under the Constitution.

In the seventh amendment it is provided, also, and there is another provision, I believe, in the fifth amendment, that a man must be indicted by a grand jury before he is tried.

Under the bill that came from the House a grand jury will not pass on the question at all. Under this so-called compromise, a man is taken before a judge and is tried. He is not even asked if he wants a trial by a jury. But in the usual procedure, when the Constitution is followed, a man has to be indicted by a grand jury. In my State 18 grand jurors have to agree to a true bill before a man can be brought up for trial. He has a trial before a petit jury. In Federal courts a man can be indicted by a grand jury or on information, but in State courts a man is indicted by a grand jury. But in all the history of judicial administration in this country it has been clear that the American people have been entitled to a jury trial, and it goes back even further than the Declaration of Independence. It goes back to the Magna Carta, when the citizens of England wrung from King John in the year 1215, at Runnymede, certain rights for the people. I presume you and I, Mr. President, would call them civil rights, more or less, or corresponding to our Bill of Rights. But the people wrung from King John certain rights, and one of those rights was that a man charged with a crime would be entitled to a jury trial. So, going back to the year 1215, on down to this time, our people have had a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield for a further question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it the opinion of the Senator from South Carolina that of all the 10 amendments in the Bill of Rights the very heart and very core of the 10 amendments is the right of the defendant to be tried by a jury?

Mr. THURMOND. All the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights are important, but I think the trial-by-jury provision as generally spoken of is the heart of the Bill of Rights. That is the importance attached to it. It is generally spoken of as the heart of the Bill of Rights. In other words, if there should be cut out of the Bill of Rights the right of a trial by jury you have cut the heart of the Bill of Rights out; it would be excised.

What is it to have freedom of speech or freedom of religion or freedom of the press or right to petition the Government or the right to assemble, all of which are guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, or to keep troops from being quartered in our homes, or all the other things guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, if some tyrant, whether a Federal district judge, or any other kind of tyrant, can take a man and himself try him without a jury and put him in prison; and, of course, if a man is in prison he cannot enjoy his civil rights?

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator. We have gotten down to the very core of this entire proposal.

Mr. THURMOND. I thank the Senator very much. I appreciate his deep interest in this matter. The able and distinguished Senator from North Dakota has manifested an unusual interest in the right of trial by jury. He has the vision to see the importance of trial by jury and to see how this proposed bill the House has passed is attempting to bypass the Constitution and in doing so, of course, is violating the Constitution and therefore is a bill the Congress ought to kill.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield further to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I will be pleased to yield to the Senator from North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. For 4 years I was attorney general of my State.

Mr. THURMOND. I understand the Senator made a very distinguished record as attorney general of the State of North Dakota.

Mr. LANGER. During that time, of course, I had a great deal to do with juries.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure the Senator did.

Mr. LANGER. And in every single case I submitted to a court a jury trial had been waived.

Mr. THURMOND. Every case the Senator tried I imagine was before a jury.

Mr. LANGER. That is correct.

I should like to ask the distinguished Senator from South Carolina whether in his experience in South Carolina it is true that the average defendant can get better justice from a jury than he can from a judge, no matter how honest and fair the judge may be?

Mr. THURMOND. Regardless of how fair and impartial the judge is or wants to be, it is my judgment from my experience on the bench for 8 years—and as I said, for about half of that time I was in the Army during World War II.—and from my practice of law before then, since 1930 when I was admitted to the bar—and after I left the Governor’s office in January 1951, I practiced until I came to the Senate—I consider that juries give fair verdicts, and I think it would be destroying the administration of justice if we should take any step to hamper or injure or impair in any way the jury system of the United States.

Mr. LANGER. Again I want to thank the Senator.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I read further:

{{smaller block|But the Constitution ought not to be read casually. Viewed from the standpoint of State and Federal relations, what does the Constitution say and do? The rubrics do not demand, before an ordinary mortal may explore the question, that he be ordained a constitutional lawyer or put on the chasuble of the bench. Our Constitution is not the property of a juridical clergy only. The laity may read it too, and with equal acuity and understanding. The terms are not ambiguous.

The first thing to note, perhaps, is that the words “State” or “States” appear no fewer than 94 times, either as proper nouns or pronominals, in the brief 6,000 words of the original 7 articles. The one theme that runs steadily through the whole of the instrument is the knitting together of States: It is a union that is being formed, and while the people are concerned for themselves and their posterity, the Constitution is to be established binding States.

Legislative powers, to begin at the beginning, are vested not in one national parliament of the people, but in a Congress of the United States. The word “Congress” was chosen with precision; it repeated and confirmed the political relationship of the preceding 11 years, when there had been first a Continental Congress and then a Congress under the Articles of Confederation.

This Congress is to consist of two Houses. The first is the House of Representatives, whose Members are to be chosen “by the people of the several States.” And here, in the very second paragraph, the framers encountered and opportunity to choose between a “national” and a “federal” characteristic: They might have established uniform national qualifications for the franchise, but they did not. Electors qualified to vote for candidates for the House of Representatives are to have “the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.”

Representatives and direct taxes are to be apportioned—how? “Among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers.” How is this enumeration to be determined? The provision should be noted with care, for it is the first of four clauses that speaks eloquently of the plural nature of our Union: “The actual enumeration shall be made within 3 years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of 10 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct.” Now, the antecedent of they is not “Congress,” but “United States.” Nowhere in the whole of the Constitution or in any of the subsequent amendments is the United States an “it.” The singular never appears.

What else sheds light in the second section of article I.? We find that “each State shall have at least one Representative,” whereupon follows a rollcall of the States themselves: “Until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse 3, Massachusetts 8,” and so forth. And when vacancies happen “in the representation from any State,” the Governor thereof is to issue a writ of election.

The dignity and sovereignty of States are made still more evident in the composition of the Senate. It is to be composed “of two Senators from each State,” and whereas Representatives are required to be inhabitants of the States “in which” they shall be chosen, Senators must be inhabitants of the States “for which” they shall be chosen.

It is in section 4 that the first grant of authority to the Federal Government appears: “The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but”—and here the qualified concession—“the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators.”

The delegations of power to a federal government appear most fully, of course, in section 8, but it is worth noting that not all the powers delegated to Congress are exclusive and unqualified powers. Thus, the Congress may raise and support armies, “but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.” Thus, the Congress may provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of the militia as may be employed in the service of the United States, but there is reserved “to the States respectively” the appointment of officers and the authority to train their militia according to regulation established by Congress. Thus, too, Congress may exercise Federal authority over federally owned property within the States, but how is such property to be acquired? The authority of the Congress extends only to those places “purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be,” and this applies not only to military and naval installations but also to “other needful buildings.”

Several provisions in section 9 merit attention. As a concession to the slave trade—one of the essential compromises without which the Constitution never would have come into being at all—it was provided that “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,” shall not be prohibited prior to 1808. Then follow seven paragraphs of specific restrictions upon the powers of Congress. The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended; no bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed; no direct tax shall be levied except according to the census of the people as a whole; no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported “from any State;” and—again emphasizing the separateness of the member States forming the Union—“no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue of the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.”

In section 10, the States undertook to restrict themselves. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; no State shall coin money or make anything but gold and silver legal tender; no State shall make any law impairing the obligation of contracts. Yet even here, the prohibitions are not without qualification. Thus, the States reserved to themselves the right to levy tariffs on imports or exports sufficient to execute their inspection laws; and though the fact is often forgotten, the States even reserved to themselves the solemn power they had claimed under the Articles of Confederation, to “engage in war,” as States, if “actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.”}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Ellender}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. I am very curious. I ask the Senator from South Carolina whether he knows how the House of Representatives arrived at the decision to provide for a maximum of 45 days and $300 in this instance. Why did not the House of Representatives decide to make the maximum number of days 50, and why did it not choose, as the maximum amount of fine, $250 or $500?

Mr. THURMOND. I should like to answer the question the distinguished Senator asked, but I cannot do so. I was not consulted about this compromise. All I know about it is that I heard the majority leader made an announcement, following the taking of action in the House of Representatives. And then I read about it in the newspaper.

But I had understood—and the distinguished Senator from California [Mr. {{sc|Knowland}}] can correct me about this if I am mistaken—that there was an effort on the part of the Republicans to provide for 60 days. But, since the Senate had not voted for any provision of this sort, but had voted only for a straight jury-trial provision, 45 days was selected as a compromise. That is my understanding of the matter. I pass on to the Senator from North Dakota only what I heard. But perhaps the Senator from California can answer the question. At any rate, even if 60 days had been originally proposed, and finally 45 days was decided on, the Senate got the worst end of the bargain.

However, even if the provision had been for only 1 day, in my opinion the principle would be the same, because under the Constitution a citizen is entitled to a jury trial; and the Congress has no power to pass a law providing that a Federal judge or any other judge can deprive a citizen of a jury trial. However, under this proposal, a judge would be able, in two ways, to deprive a citizen of a jury trial. In the first place, the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to allow the person to have a jury trial in the first instance. If the judge decided that there could be a jury trial, the citizen would have a jury trial. If the judge decided that there would not be a jury trial, the judge himself would try the case.

Next, if the judge decided to try the case himself, without a jury, the judge would proceed to try it. If, at the conclusion of the case, the judge were to determine that the punishment he would mete would be more than 45 days imprisonment or a fine of more than $300, the judge would then give the citizen another trial. In other words, this provision of the compromise would give the judge the option of trying the citizen in the first place, and it would give the judge the option of deciding how much punishment he would mete, and then the amount of punishment imposed would determine whether the citizen would receive still another trial.

All those exceptions are entirely foreign to the Constitution. The Constitution provides that a man charged with the commission of a crime is entitled to a jury trial. That provision is as plain as can be. Any child in the fifth grade in school can read it and understand it; and there should not be any difficulty in understanding it.

However, as I have understood in arriving at the compromise an attempt was made to get together on some provision; and the result was a monstrosity. It turned out to be an unconstitutional provision, in my opinion.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield again?

Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield.

Mr. LANGER. What I should like to know is this: Is there any precedent, anywhere in the entire United States, for a measure such as this, by means of which a defendant could be tried by a judge, if the sentence imposed were imprisonment for not more than 45 days, or any other number of days, or the imposition of a fine of any size; but that if the term of imprisonment were longer or the amount of the fine were greater, there must be a jury trial? Can the Senator from South Carolina name any precedent at all for such a provision?

Mr. THURMOND. I know of no place in the United States where a person charged with a crime does not have a jury trial. Even under the present criminal-contempt procedure, under existing law, if one is charged with criminal contempt, he is entitled to a jury trial. I know of no instance in any part of the United States, from Maine or the State of Washington on the north, to California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Louisiana, Florida, or any of the other States in the southern part of the Nation, in which one who is charged with the commission of a crime does not have a trial by jury. It seems to me that in the conference, some one or more of the conferees should have raised the point, “This provision would be contrary to the Constitution, and we cannot include such a provision.” It seems to me some of the conferees would have suggested that the Constitution provides to the contrary. There is a decision which can be cited on that point; I think I have called it to the attention of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota. The decision in that case holds that criminal contempt is a crime; and, since it is a crime, one charged with criminal contempt is entitled to a jury trial. If there is to be passed a bill providing punishment for criminal contempt, it should provide for a jury trial. I know of no way to get around a jury trial in this matter because the Constitution has laid down the law. That is basic law.

The Constitution can be amended. Congress can submit an amendment to it. There are four ways to amend the Constitution, and it can be amended so as to provide that a Federal judge in his discretion can give a man a jury trial. Then the compromise would be legal, and what it proposes would be effective. It would be. valid.

As the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] said today, confirming my judgment, as it stands now it is not valid. I think it is unconstitutional. The Senator from Wyoming expressed his opinion likewise. We could amend the Constitution to provide for it. Congress could pass a law to provide that a Federal judge could punish a man for contempt, by so many days’ imprisonment, or by a fine of so many dollars. We could do that, but it has not been done. Until the Constitution is amended in the manner provided in the Constitution itself, we must abide by it. I know that many people in this country would like to get around the Constitution, and it looks as if they have been doing so.

The Supreme Court has been rewriting the Constitution in some cases, and other branches of the Government at times have encroached upon the Constitution because there is divisional power between the Federal Government and the State governments. When we cross the line of the State government, as here, without constitutional authority, we violate the Constitution.

The States entered into this pact, the Constitution, about which we are talking so much, and in this pact they delegated to the Union only certain things, and they are just as plain as they can be. They are listed in the Constitution. I should like to read to the distinguished Senator what the Constitution says on that point.

Article I., section 1, provides:

{{smaller block|All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in the Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.}}

I will not take the time to go through all that. I will skip to the pertinent portions.

Section 7 of article I. provides:

{{smaller block|All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.

Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two-thirds—}}

I will skip to section 8. That is more pertinent. This is what the Congress has power to do. The powers are listed.

{{smaller block|The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.

To borrow money on credit of the United States;

To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.}}

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the Senator suspend to receive a message from the President of the United States?

Mr. THURMOND. Certainly.

'''Editor’s note'''.—''At this point in the ''Record'', the matter referenced by Presiding Officer, the “Message from the President,” is dealt with, as is the “Executive Message Referred” and a “Message from the House.” As these are not constituent portions of Mr. Thurmond’s speech, they are absent from this record. After these matters were completed, the ''Record'' continues with Mr. Thurmond’s consideration of the “Civil Rights Act of 1957.” This record begins again from that section.''

The Senate resumed the consideration of the amendments of the House of Representatives to Senate amendments Nos. 7 and 15 to the bill (H. R. 6127) to provide means of further securing and protecting the civil rights of persons within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator will proceed.

Mr. THURMOND. I continue to read from article I., section 2:

{{smaller block|To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.}}

Congress would not have the power to pass bankruptcy laws, indeed Congress could not pass a law on any subject except for the power given to it by the Constitution. This provision I have read is the basis for our bankruptcy law.

{{smaller block|To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.

To establish post offices and post roads.}}

That is your authority for the Federal Government to act in that field.

{{smaller block|To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.

To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court.}}

That gives authority to Congress to establish certain courts of appeals and district courts. They are inferior tribunals, that is, inferior to the United States Supreme Court.

{{smaller block|To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations.

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.

To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than 2 years.}}

But no appropriation of money for that purpose shall be for a longer term than 2 years. We cannot appropriate money for the Defense Establishment for more than 2 years because the Constitution limits it. If we should attempt to do that, we would go beyond the Constitution.

I think that is a suggestion which may apply to foreign aid. If we should commit ourselves for 5 years or 10 years, I think that would be unconstitutional. But some of the defense items are classified under the term “foreign aid.”

{{smaller block|To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}

I want to read that last part again. I wish to call attention to a point:

{{smaller block|Reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.}}

Do you not know, Mr. President, that if that section was not in the Constitution the Federal Government would be appointing the officers of the National Guard? That is the reason the Government cannot do it: the Constitution reserves that power to the States.

{{smaller block|To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 10 miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;}}

For that reason the Federal Government cannot go to Louisiana, North Dakota, South Carolina, or New Hampshire and buy a piece of land until the legislature passes an act approving such purchase. Under the provision the State must approve the transaction with respect to property within its borders, whether it owns the property or not, before the Federal Government can get it. Of course, the Government could condemn it; but if it followed the Constitution it would not be able to take it. The Constitution reserves that power to the States.

{{smaller block|To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.

{{sc|Sec.}} 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 for each person.

The privilege of the writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.}}

Regardless of what a State wishes to do, the United States Constitution provides that a writ of ''habeas corpus'' shall not be suspended unless—note the exception—“unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”

{{smaller block|No bill of attainder or ''ex post facto'' law shall be passed.

No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.}}

We have the income-tax amendment to the Constitution. The 16th amendment to the Constitution provides that Congress can levy an income tax. That is the only authority in the Federal Government to levy an income tax. It does not inherently have that authority. The Federal Government can do only what the States gave it the authority to do when they entered into the compact in Philadelphia in 1787, and the amendments which have been adopted since then. Two years later, in 1789, the States adopted the 10 amendments known as the Bill of Rights, for which there was so much sentiment. I do not believe the Constitution would have been ratified if the delegates to the convention had not promised the Bill of Rights would be submitted, and it was submitted and adopted 2 years after the convention, in 1789.

{{smaller block|No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.

No preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.

No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.}}

That is the only reason the States do not impose duties on some articles; otherwise they would probably do it, but under the Constitution they cannot do it.

{{smaller block|No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.}}

In other words, if I were an ambassador in London and the Queen of England wished to confer on me a title or wished to give me extra compensation for some reason I could not take the title or compensation unless Congress permitted it. Congress would have to pass an act to permit it.

{{smaller block|{{sc|Sec.}} 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ''ex post facto'' law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.}}

In other words, that goes right down the line to support the point I make. So the Constitution provides exactly what the Federal Government can do. What hurts me is to see some distinguished Members of Congress, able men who believe in the division of powers between the Federal and State Governments—or I always thought they did—going along with the bill, because this is a bill that takes power away from the States and gives it to the Federal Government.

The matter of elections is left up to each State. That power was not delegated. The qualifications for electors, the holding of elections, and all relevant matters were reserved to the States. There has been a movement, I understand to get the Congress to pass a bill eliminating the poll tax. I believe I told the Senate this morning, or this afternoon, that when I was Governor, I recommended that the poll tax be removed in my State and it was removed. But Congress may not pass a law to do it. It could do it, but it would be unconstitutional for the reason that there is a provision of the Constitution which states that the qualifications of electors shall be left to each State. Therefore, New Hampshire has qualifications and if the people of that State wish to make as a qualification for voting in that State the payment of a poll tax, they have a right to do so. The only way such a measure could be enacted legally, if it were going to be the law nationwide, would be for Congress to submit an amendment to the Constitution eliminating the poll tax.

The Senator from Florida [Mr. {{sc|Holland}}] has now pending a proposed constitutional amendment to eliminate the poll tax, amending the Constitution. To do that would be legal; it would be constitutional, and it would be proper. Personally I think it is better to leave to each State the power to fix the qualifications for voting of its citizens. In my State, as I have said, we have very low qualifications. We have heard much about people in my State not voting. I believe more people vote in my State than vote in New York, because New York has a much higher standard for voting. That State requires, I believe someone said, a high-school education. Someone else said it requires a grade-school education. It is certainly one of the two. In my State we require only that a man be able to read and write the Constitution, or that he own $300 worth of assessed property. So our requirements for voting are not stringent. They are not nearly as strict as they are in New York. I do not know about the requirements in the State of the Senator from North Dakota.

A few years ago I was Governor of South Carolina. At that time a bill was pending in Congress to remove the poll tax on a nationwide basis. Congress was to do it. It would have been just as unconstitutional as this so-called compromise, whose proponents are trying to get it through the Congress, to deprive the people of a jury trial.

Mr. LANGER. I thank my distinguished friend.

Mr. THURMOND. The Senator is welcome.

Mr. President, I do not believe that American history is taught sufficiently in our high schools and colleges. I do not believe that a course in government is taught in our high schools and colleges. I come in contact with a great many intelligent people, people who have been educated, big financiers who have made a great deal of money, and many others; yet they do not know the fundamentals of the Constitution. It is because they have not studied it. I think the people of the country would be wise to study the Constitution. I think it is more important today than ever before for the people to study it and be able to delineate the powers of the Federal Government, and learn what the Federal Government has not the power to do.

For example, the Congress has no power to abolish the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting, because the qualifications of voters are left to each State. There are a great many things which Congress cannot do. Yet pressure is brought on Members of Congress, and they vote for certain measures anyway, because of the pressure.

Why do Senators think this so-called compromise on the civil rights bill is being pressed? Why is there any civil rights bill before us? Why call this measure a right-to-vote bill? It is a perfect farce. It is not a right-to-vote bill.

As I have stated, every State in the Union has statutes providing for the right to vote. The Federal Government has statutes providing for the right to vote.

Why is such a bill as this being considered at this time? Because there are pressures on Members of Congress to do so. Some Members of Congress attempted to do so, even though they were doubtful of the constitutionality of the measure. The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. {{sc|O’Mahoney}}] stated earlier in the day that he did not think the jury trial amendment which was put in the compromise bill in the House was constitutional. He said he would offer an amendment in January to correct it.

I would rather see him vote against it now. If the bill should pass anyway, he could later offer his amendment. But if a bill is unconstitutional, I think it is better for us not to vote for it. I think Members of Congress must develop stamina, fortitude, and courage to resist pressures, and to stand by the Constitution. If we do not do so, as I stated earlier in the day, we shall keep whittling away the rights of the States until, after a while, the States will not have any rights. There will be a powerful Central Government—and it will be a powerful monster, too. Everything will radiate from Washington.

I understand there is a movement on foot to establish a national police system. It is desired to convert the FBI, which is purely an investigative agency, into a law-enforcement agency. It is not a law-enforcement agency. Congress would not have the right to establish a national police agency, because under the Constitution the police power is reserved to the States.

However, this investigative agency, the FBI, is in a different situation. It does not do police work. It apprehends criminals and works with the States, and cooperates in the execution of Federal laws, apprehending violators and bringing them to trial. But it is not a police agency. I am glad that Mr. J. Edgar Hoover said that he was opposed to a national police system. I am sorry to see that the President has been recommending a bill to provide Federal aid to education by way of construction of school buildings. I have been amazed at the fact that so many people are not acquainted with the fact that in the entire Federal Constitution there is not a sentence which contains the word “education.” The word “education” is not to be found in the United States Constitution. Therefore, since the States did not delegate the field of education to the Federal Government, the Federal Government has no jurisdiction in that field, unless we amend the Constitution and give the Federal Government jurisdiction in the field of education.

We can amend the Constitution. We can follow one of the four methods of amending the Constitution, and give the Federal Government authority in that field, if that is the wise thing to do, which I do not think it is. However, that is the way it must be done. We have no authority to appropriate money for Federal aid to education. I know that the President’s intentions are good. However, at Columbia University several years ago he was against Federal aid to education. At any rate, it would be a great mistake for the Federal Government to enter the field of education.

After we begin giving money for Federal aid to education by way of construction, the next demand from the powerful National Education Association, which I understand is building a tremendous office building in Washington, will be for a supplement to the salaries of teachers. The National Education Association will bring pressure on Members of Congress, as do other pressure organizations, and will say, “We need supplements to teachers’ salaries.”

When we enact legislation for Federal aid to construct the buildings, and to provide supplements to teachers’ salaries, the Federal Government will be asked to pay a larger share of such salaries, and there will be more and more control to go with it. Before we know it, there will be Federal control of education, and the parents of the Nation will find their children studying books selected in Washington, instead of by the people in Delaware, North Dakota, and South Carolina.

It is a great mistake for us not to follow the Constitution. If the Constitution needs amending, we can amend it. There is a provision for amending it, and it should be amended from time to time. There have been 22 amendments since it was adopted. In 1789 the first 10 amendments were adopted. Since then, 12 other amendments have been adopted. There are now 22 amendments to the Constitution.

We were talking about the 16th amendment awhile ago, the income-tax amendment. I think most people feel that it is necessary, although the income tax appears high. Therefore there had to be a way to bring it about. Congress could not pass an income-tax law. It had no authority to do so until the Constitution had been amended to give Congress the power to do it.

I think it is important to understand what we mean by the division of powers between the Federal Government and the State governments. We have a compound Republic. It is a compound Republic because there are Federal powers and State powers. There are three branches in the Federal Government, each of which checks on the others, with the exception of the Supreme Court. It has practically no check on it, and it has gone wild.

There are three branches in the State governments. Each is supposed to be a check on the others.

There are two checks on the Supreme Court. In the first place, we can impeach Supreme Court justices. However, the House must do the impeaching, and the Senate sits as a jury to hear the case. So, there is not much the Senate can do from that standpoint.

The other one is that, under the Constitution, the appellate power of the Supreme Court can be controlled by the Congress, so that if Congress saw fit to pass a bill to limit the {{SIC|appelate|appellate}} power of the Supreme Court, Congress would have that right. The Constitution gives it the power to do that. Many persons think we have to amend the Constitution before we can do that.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Would the Senator say that would be a form of cruel and inhuman punishment to impose upon his colleagues?

Mr. THURMOND. I would say it is cruel and inhuman punishment to impose on the citizens of America if we pass a bill without providing for a jury trial.

(Manifestations of applause in the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The galleries will be in order.

Mr. THURMOND. I have received letters from a number of States, and I have been in California. I spent a week there in the fall of 1953. Starting at Long Beach and ending up at San Francisco, I made addresses all the way up the coast. I even went to Bakersfield and saw an old friend of the Senator from California there. I talked with many persons there. Unless they have had a change in sentiment, they think, just as the people of South Carolina do, that there should be jury trials.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does not the distinguished Senator also think that the people of California are interested in the 15th amendment to the Constitution, assuring all American citizens the right to vote?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that the people of California are, and I am sure the people of South Carolina are. The people of South Carolina have done something about it, just as have the people of California. Last night, when the distinguished Senator from California was resting comfortably, I was speaking here and trying to rouse the people of America concerning the dangers of taking away their right of trial by jury. I placed in the {{sc|Record}} the statutes of California on that subject, and here is what they provide:

{{smaller block|“California: Unless otherwise designated, references are to Elections Code Annotated—West’s—1955:

“Hindering public meeting: Every person is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by threats, intimidation, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders of prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for consideration of public questions (sec. 5004).

“Intimidating voter: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor, who, directly or indirectly, uses, or threatens to use, force, violence, or restraint, or inflicts, or threatens to inflict, any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or other forms of intimidation, to compel a person to vote, or refrain from voting, at any election (sec 1158).

“Interference with free exercise of elective franchise: Every person or corporation is guilty of a misdemeanor who, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent means, impedes or prevents the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter, or who compels or induces a voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election, or to vote or refrain from voting for a particular person (sec. 11582).

“Election officers: Any election officer who induces, or attempts to induce, any voter, either by menace or reward, to vote differently from the way he intended to vote, is guilty of a felony. (sec. 11583).

“Threat by employer: Any employer, whether a corporation or natural person, is guilty of a misdemeanor, if he encloses material in the pay envelopes containing threats, express or implied, intended to influence political opinions or action of employees, or who, within 90 days before an election, exhibits any placard, etc., in the place of employment, containing such threats (secs. 11584, 11585).

“Penalty: Any corporation guilty of intimidating a voter shall forfeit its charter (sec. 11586).

“Misdemeanor: Unless a different penalty is prescribed, a misdemeanor is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 6 months, or by fine of not over $500, or by both (Penal Code, sec. 19).

“Scope of penalty provisions: All penalty provisions listed above apply to both final elections and primary elections (sec. 11500).”}}

Those are statutes of the State of California, and they are good statutes.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a further question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. KNOWLAND. Does the Senator not recognize the fact that under the voting rights bill which the Senate is attempting to pass but which the Senator from South Carolina has, for the moment, successfully prevented the Senate from passing, there is not a single individual who can be cited for either civil or criminal contempt if another American citizen is deprived of his right to vote under the Constitution? So, if the Senator is correct in his statement that no person is deprived of his right to vote in his State—and I feel certain that no American citizen is denied the right to vote in my State—neither California nor South Carolina would cite any public official or other person criminally unless they were depriving people of their right to vote under the laws of the State.

Mr. THURMOND. I think some part of the Union could nullify the Constitution, just as I think some juries turn loose some defendants who are guilty. Some judges will make mistakes, too. But why do we not let the States alone and let them handle their own problems? I know the southern people and I know they are doing all they can for the Negro.

I see my friend the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting next to the Senator from California. He feels that his State is doing all it can. I know the State of Mississippi, from which come my good friends, Senator {{sc|Eastland}} and Senator {{sc|Stennis}}, is doing all it can. We cannot change customs overnight. We have to let the local people work these things out. But Congress did not care to let the local people work these things out.

All that is necessary is to have enforcement of the Federal statute. There is a Federal statute, to which I called attention today. For the benefit of Senators who were not here at the time, I may say that this statute provides that whoever intimidates, threatens, or coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any person, for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote, or to vote as he may choose, is guilty of a crime, punishable by a $1,000 fine or by imprisonment of 1 year.

Mr. COOPER. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator know that there has never been any question, since the War Between the States, about the Negro population in Kentucky having the right to vote, and exercising that right?

Mr. THURMOND. I have never heard any question about it. I simply say that in my State the Negroes are voting in large numbers. They claimed the credit for carrying the election for Stevenson in 1952, and at that time there was a very close election. They claimed they cast more than 80,000 votes, which was about 25 percent of the total. Their own newspaper contained that information. I have a clipping from that newspaper, the Lighthouse and Informer. So they are certainly voting in my State, and I am sure they are voting in the Senator’s State.

Is it not better to let the local people work out these problems, rather than to rush things on them, and try to change their customs overnight?

As a matter of fact, if you gentlemen want to take any action, however, if the proponents of this bill are not satisfied—I do not think the distinguished Senator is dissatisfied—with the enforcement by the governors of the States of the Nation—and the governors are the chief executive officers of the States and are responsible for enforcing the law—or if the Federal Government is not satisfied with the enforcement being given by the governors to the voting laws of the States to protect the rights of people to vote, then why do they not enforce the Federal statute, which is already on the books?

Mr. COOPER. Because of the Senator’s kind reference, I should like to ask a question as follows: Does the Senator know that in Kentucky all citizens, including all Negroes, have had, since the War Between the States, the right to vote, have exercised that right, and that it has never been questioned?

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that is the case, because I have heard that they vote there. They are voting in the South in larger numbers than ever before. No persons in my State are deprived of the right to vote. If they are qualified to vote, they are allowed to vote. Of course, no man who is not qualified ought to be allowed to vote. New York State has a much higher standard, as I said a while ago, than we have. If a person can merely read or write in my State, he can vote. In New York one has to be a high-school graduate, I believe, or at least has to meet a literacy test. So we are not nearly so strict in South Carolina as they are in New York.

The Senator comes from a border State. Kentucky is a great State. I suggest to the Senator, however, since he is from a border State that went in part with the North and in part with the South, that the Senator stick with the South.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I will ask the Senator if it is not true that Kentucky had to make that choice almost a hundred years ago and they chose to stick with the Union?

Mr. THURMOD. Mr. President, if there is any Member in the Senate who is not satisfied with the voting protection given by the governors and the other officials of the States of the Nation, again I say that all they have to do is to call upon the Justice Department to enforce section 594. It is now against the Federal law to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or to attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any voter, in any way, shape, or form. That is the Federal statute which is on the books now. Why not enforce that statute? What is the idea of coming here with a right-to-vote bill? That is a big, high-sounding word that does not mean anything. If we pass this bill, we will pass an unconstitutional bill. It will be all right if the Justice Department will enforce section 594. I believe they are enforcing it. Is there anyone that thinks they are not enforcing this law? Is there anyone who thinks the present administration is not enforcing section 594?

If the Justice Department are enforcing this law, they are protecting people in this matter now. If they are not enforcing this law, let them enforce it, and that will protect them. Either the Justice Department are not enforcing this law, if they have had complaints, or they have not had any complaints.

Has the Justice Department had complaints, such as we have been hearing about, that many people have been denied the right to vote? We hear that in the South many people are denied the right to vote. What is there now; what has there been in the past 5 years to keep the Attorney General from going to any Southern State to enforce this statute? It is a Federal statute. The Attorney General not only has the right to enforce it, but he has the duty. If there have been any complaints about people in the South not voting, I have not heard of them. But if there have been any complaints about them not voting, then the Justice Department ought to do something about it. If the Justice Department has taken no action to enforce this statute, it shows one of two things: The Department has not had anybody objecting, or, if there were objections, it ignored them and did not do its duty by enforcing the statute. The point is there is a Federal statute now, so why pass another bill? All the Congress needs to do is to follow the Constitution. If we will follow the line of demarcation in the Constitution between the powers delegated to the Federal Government and the powers reserved to the States, we will not get into difficulties about all these different things.

If a bill were introduced to repeal the poll tax as a prerequisite to voting, there would not be any question but that the Congress would not consider it because it would be unconstitutional. The qualifications of voting are reserved to the States. Why can we not look at it from that viewpoint and not try to say whether it is a good bill or a bad bill? On the right to vote bill, should there be any question whether we are going to accept this compromise? I do not think there should be any question at all, because the Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The court decision which I have before me holds that criminal contempt is a crime.

Mr. President—

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). The Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I will proceed now, if there are no further questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina has the floor.

Mr. THURMOND. Article III., defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I will yield to the able Senator for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Is it correct that under Federal statute 594 there can be imposed a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail?

Mr. THURMOND. That is correct.

Mr. LANGER. The compromise right to vote bill cuts it down to a fine of $300 and 45 days in jail. If the judge determines that the defendant ought to suffer a greater penalty than that, the case has to go to a jury.

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the Senator, I will say if this bill is passed, of course I am expecting it to be held unconstitutional as soon as it can be tested. But until that is done, they will have a choice.

There could be a prosecution under the Federal statute, which is section 594: or such a person could be taken before a Federal judge, and the Federal judge could decide whether he wanted to try the case. If the judge decided he was in a hurry to take a vacation trip, he could simply say, “I will try the case myself.” Then, under the provisions of the compromise measure, the judge would try the case; and the person being tried could not complain.

Let me ask the Senator from North Dakota what he would do. Suppose he were to find himself in such a situation; and suppose the judge were to say to him, “Mr. {{sc|Langer}}, I will not give you a jury trial. I will try you myself”—and then the judge would rear back on his haunches and would grin.

What would the Senator from North Dakota do under those circumstances? There would be nothing he could do, because the judge would have a right to try him under the provisions of the compromise measure which has come to us from the House of Representatives.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. {{sc|Frear}} in the chair). Does the Senator from South Carolina yield to the Senator from North Dakota?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Inasmuch as section 594 is on the statute books, why is not this right-to-vote bill entirely superfluous?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the Senator from North Dakota has put his finger on exactly what I have been discussing in the Senate for—let me see, Mr. President, how long has it been?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Twenty-one hours.

Mr. THURMOND. No; Mr. President, it has been 22 hours and 10 minutes. [Laughter.] For 22 hours and 10 minutes I have been trying to emphasize that point—namely, why is this compromise necessary, when a Federal statute on this subject is already on the statute books? It provides for a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment of 1 year in jail.

If the Department of Justice is interested in the persons who are alleged to have been deprived of the right to vote—regardless of whether they are whites, Negroes, or others—why does not the Department of Justice take action to enforce section 594 and thus protect the right to vote? The Department of Justice can do that under section 594. That is up to the Department of Justice. I do not know what the Department will do; that is up to the Department of Justice.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. During the last 5 years, has anyone been arrested under section 594?

Mr. THURMOND. In reply to the question of the distinguished Senator from North Dakota, I wish to say that I have never heard that anyone in my State has been tried under that statute. So there is no use in having the representatives of the Department of Justice come to South Carolina and say that people there are deprived of the right to vote, because if anyone representing the Department of Justice does come to South Carolina and does make such a statement, I will tell him that it is his own fault, for those in the Department of Justice have failed to do their duty; they have a law under which they can punish such persons, but they have not done so. Either no one in South Carolina is deprived of the right to vote, or else the Department of Justice has failed to do its duty.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina. I get the point very clearly.

Mr. THURMOND. Let me ask whether there are any more questions.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from South Carolina yield the floor?

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I shall proceed. I am just trying to find a section of the Constitution to which I wish to refer.

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, while the Senator from South Carolina is doing that, will he yield for another question?

Mr. THURMOND. I shall be pleased to yield for a question.

Mr. LANGER. Can the Senator from South Carolina tell the Senate how many years ago section 594 was enacted into law?

Mr. THURMOND. I believe it was in 1939.

Mr. LANGER. Do I correctly understand that since that time, there has been no prosecution under that provision of law? Is that true, so far as the Senator from South Carolina knows?

Mr. THURMOND. I have not heard of a single prosecution in South Carolina under that statute.

Mr. LANGER. Has the Senator heard of one in any other State?

Mr. THURMOND. If there has been one, I have not heard of it. I would not say there has not been one in some other State, but I do not know of a case of that sort which has been tried in the Federal courts. Some have been tried in the State courts; we are enforcing our State laws.

But I have not heard of a case in which anyone has been tried under this Federal statute—which carries with it a heavy penalty, namely, a fine of $1,000 or imprisonment in jail for 1 year. I have never heard of anyone who has been tried under that law. But, Mr. President, of course I am not surprised at that, because in South Carolina, everyone who wishes to register to vote and to vote, does register and does vote, if he is qualified. So I do not think it likely that there would be any cases of that sort in South Carolina.

Mr. President, there have been insinuations to the effect that the Southern States are denying some people the right to vote. I think insinuations about any States should stop—whether that be Northern States, Southern States, Eastern States, or Western States. All of us are Americans. We have a great country. In all the wars the United States has ever fought, the United States has had brave soldiers from all sections of the country. It is very bad to have people in one section of the country try to snipe at people in another section of the country. That is the very thing George Washington warned against in his Farewell Address.

Mr. LANGER. Yes, I am familiar with that admonition by George Washington.

Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, if anyone in the South has been intimidated or coerced or threatened with regard to voting—if anyone in any Southern State has been treated in that way—the district attorney in the State can take action any day he wishes to; and if the Department of Justice does not do it, the Department is failing to perform its duty with respect to such violations; or else there are no violations of that sort. So evidently there have not been any violations of that sort in the State of South Carolina, or else no one has complained about them. As a matter of fact, I am quite sure that there have not been any violations of that sort in my State, because, as I have said, anyone in South Carolina who wishes to vote, and who is qualified to vote, and who registers, can vote.

Mr. President, I should like to read what George Washington said.

Sometimes, Mr. President, when I see the able Senator from Kentucky [Mr. {{sc|Cooper}}] sitting in his seat in this Chamber—so able a judge and lawyer, and a fine soldier in World War II.; and when I see in the Chamber the distinguished senior Senator from Michigan [Mr. {{sc|Potter}}], who lost both of his legs in that war; and when I see my other fellow veterans who are distinguished Members of this body or are distinguished Members of the House of Representatives, and then when I see matters of a sectional nature brought up here, and when one group wishes to try to have enacted into law a measure aimed at punishing another section of the country, it makes my heart ache. My colleagues who are veterans did not feel that way when they were serving in the Armed Forces overseas; they did not feel that way when they were in uniform. If the Members of Congress from various sections of the United States would just accord to all the other States the same respect that they expect to have accorded to their own States I am sure that we would not be having this trouble; and then I would not have been speaking here on this subject for more than 22 hours in an effort to arouse the American people.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. For 22 hours and 10 minutes.

Mr. THURMOND. No, Mr. President, for 22 hours and 20 minutes. [Laughter.]

I would not be trying to arouse the American people if it were not necessary. But why should the North want to pick on those of us who live in the South? Why do the people in New York want to pick on us? Why do the people in New Jersey want to pick on us? Or why do the people of any other section of the country want to pick on us? We think we are fairly good people. We think we are patriotic. The Members of Congress from the Southern States want to work together with all the other Members of Congress.

Mr. President, I want to extend every courtesy to every other Member of Congress, and I want to see those who live in any particular section of the country extend to the rest of the people of the country the same courtesy that they expect to have extended to themselves.

But, Mr. President, I can tell you this: This right-to-vote bill—and I say this because I know something about its history—is aimed at the South. It is aimed at the South; and it hurts me to see that done, because South Carolina is not guilty, and this bill should not be enacted. I do not believe the other Southern States are guilty. The Southern States have done their part in every way. As I have said, the people of the Southern States have fought for their country and have served in public office in every way. They have been honorable people.

Yet, in order to try to win the votes of certain minority blocs, some pressure groups are willing to punish us, to put us under the heel, and to grind and grind and grind us. I am getting tired of it.

(Manifestations of applause by the occupants of the galleries.)

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The doorkeepers must keep the galleries in order.

Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. THURMOND. I yield.

Mr. COOPER. A minute ago the Senator spoke very generously of our association and friendship during World War II. I know that he did not mean to intimate that there was any intention upon the part of the Senator from Kentucky, in his vote on the civil-rights bill, to show any bias or prejudice toward his own people in the South.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure that there was not, Senator.

Mr. COOPER. Does the Senator remember?

Mr. THURMOND. I remember, and I say to the Senator from Kentucky he is one of the finest and most gracious gentlemen I have known.

The Senator from Kentucky is not one of those ardent proponents of the bill who is trying to ram the bill home. I do not know how he is going to vote, but he is a good constitutional lawyer. I hope he will not vote for it. I hope he will think over the jury trial issue and not vote for it.

He has not been one of those who has been baiting the South.

Mr. COOPER. The Senator from Kentucky is a good friend of the Senator from South Carolina, but the Senator from Kentucky will vote for civil rights. He intends to vote for the bill this evening or at some later time.

In the debate he said again and again that he believes in the juries in the South, and that the people of the South would respect the law and would follow the law. I am sure the Senator from South Carolina knows that the Senator from Kentucky said that.

Mr. THURMOND. I am sure he did say that.

The only thing is that if the Senator feels that the South obeys the law, I do not understand why he should want to have this bill passed.

I will get on with what George Washington said.

Mr. President, George Washington, in his Farewell Address, used his strongest language against those who would divide our country; he urged a unity of spirit. He said:

{{smaller block|In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—northern and southern—Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.}}

That was George Washington speaking.

George Washington wanted to see the people from the North to the South, and to the East and the West, bound together with a fraternal feeling. He wanted a fraternal attitude manifested.

Why should we not manifest a fraternal attitude on these matters? Why should we not try to help another section, and not sponsor legislation which is aimed at any particular section, merely to try to get votes to win an election?

I have said, and I repeat, that since every State in the United States from Alabama to Wyoming has laws on its books to protect the right to vote, and since the Federal Government has a statute on its books to protect the right to vote, there is no need for this bill.

I say, and I repeat, that I think the bill is purely political, and I think that both parties have been trying to grab the ball to see who could get the spotlight for the elections coming up in 1958.

{{smaller block|Article III, defining the judicial power of the United States, contains several provisions of interest in this review. We may note, for example, two further uses of the plural: First, the judicial power is to extend “to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority.” Second, treason against the United States is to consist “only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies.” Because the authority of the Court will be considered at length in a later chapter, it will suffice here merely to point out that nowhere in article III is the Court given jurisdiction over controversies between a State and the United States. That proposal was specifically advanced during the convention, and specifically rejected.

Every section—indeed, every paragraph—of article IV touches upon the Federal nature of the Union. Full faith and credit are to be given in each State, to the acts and judicial proceedings of every other State. If this were not a Federal Union, the provision would be nonsense. Beyond this, the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall be delivered upon demand to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.

Then comes the provision that Northern States were to flout over a period of 30 years: “No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.”

Finally, we may note in article IV the provision for admitting new States into this Union (not this Nation, but this Union): “No new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.”

Article V had best be quoted in full. It has not been changed by so much as an apostrophe in the years since it came from Philadelphia in September of 1787. It still fixes and defines the sovereign power:

Pause for a moment over this article of the Constitution. We are dealing here with Taylor’s “will to enact” and “power to execute;” we are dealing with Marshall’s “power to make and unmake.” It was plainly envisioned by the framers that their work would require amendment through the years. “That useful alterations will be suggested by experience, could not but be foreseen,” Madison was to write. There was a double aim in the provision, even a triple aim. {{SIC|Aricle|Article}} V, Madison tells us, was intended, first, to guard equally against too-easy amendment on the one hand and too-difficult amendment on the other. It was drafted, secondly, to permit amendments to originate both with the Federal and with the State Governments. But it was intended, finally, to leave the ultimate decision upon changing the Constitution to the sovereign States themselves—not to the people as a mass, nor even to a bare majority of the States as such. It was recognized that the great, overriding principle of protection for minorities should apply here as bindingly as it was to apply elsewhere. If one-fourth of the States plus one should object to a change in the Constitution—even if that change were desired by three-fourths minus one (and even if this larger fraction should include the great bulk of the total population)—the change could not be engrafted to the Constitution.

Article VI is brief. Its first provision covers debts and engagements entered into under the Articles of Confederation and continues these obligations under the proposed new Constitution; its third provision prohibits any religious test as a qualification for public office and requires an oath to support the Constitution of all public officers, both State and Federal.

It is the second provision that merits brief attention in this summary review:

“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”

Let us go back: What is to be supreme? Three things. First, “this Constitution.” Secondly, “laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof.” Third, treaties made “under the authority of the United States.” That is all. Not Executive orders of the President. Not even judgments of the Supreme Court. The Constitution, the laws made in pursuance thereof, the treaties.

In passing, note the phrase “law of the land.” It stems originally from the Magna Carta; but as it appears in the Constitution, “law of the land” was merely a substitution, proposed by the committee on style, for “law of the several States and their citizens and inhabitants.” The object was to extend this new supreme law to Territories as well as to the States. And this phrase, “law of the land,” is as close as the Constitution ever comes to suggesting a “nation.” Actually the word “nation” or the word “national” never appears in the Constitution.

The aim, we will recall, was to form “a more perfect Union.” Representatives and taxes were to be apportioned among the several States which may be included “within this Union.” The militia may be called forth to execute “the laws of the Union.” The President is to provide Congress with information on the “state of the Union.” New States are to be admitted “into this Union.” The guaranty of a republican form of government goes “to every State in this Union.” But never, at any point, are the United States described, in the Constitution, as comprising a “nation.”

This is not to contend, of course, that ours is not a Nation, or that the Federal Government does not operate nationally. It is only to suggest that the deliberate terms of the Constitution speak for themselves, and should be heeded: Our country is, first and foremost, originally and still, a Union of States. And when we speak of the law of the land, it should be kept steadily in mind that the land is a Federal Union, in which each of the States stands coequal with every other State. The Constitution is supreme not only in its authority over each State, but also in its protection over each State. And each State, each respective State, is entitled to rely upon the Constitution as embodying supreme law that all other States must adhere to with equal fidelity, like it or not, until the Constitution be changed by the States themselves.

Note, too, the careful qualification that defines laws enacted by the Congress. Just any laws of the United States are not enough: Laws, to be binding, must be laws made in pursuance of the Constitution. Any attempted statutes that invade the residuary authority of the States, Hamilton tells us, “will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such.” And he adds, at another point, that:

“There is no position which depends on clearer principles than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is exercised, is void. No legislative act therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid. To deny this, would be to affirm that the deputy is greater than his principal; that the servant is above his master; that the representatives of the people are superior to the people themselves; that men acting by virtue of powers, may do not only what their powers do not authorize, but what they forbid.”

Surely, it may be urged that precisely the same standard must be applied to other branches of the Federal Government—the executive and judicial no less than the legislative. By extension, thus, judgments of the Court, to be supreme law of the land, must be made pursuant to the Constitution. A judgment of the Court, so violative of the clear terms and understandings of the Constitution as to invade the residuary authority of the States, must also be regarded as a usurpation, and should deserve to be treated as such. The argument will be pursued at greater length hereafter.

Finally, this brief examination of the Constitution from the standpoint of the States may be concluded with a second look at article VII. It should be read carefully; for this is the clause that binds: “The ratification of the conventions of 9 States”—not, again, the approval of a majority of the people in a popular referendum, but the ratification of 9 States—“shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.”

Thus, on September 17, the Convention concluded its work. George Washington, as President of the Convention, transmitted the document to the Congress. A prophetic sentence appeared in his letter, as he mentioned the compromises necessary for the surrender of sovereign powers: “It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved.” The States had done the best they could through their delegates. Eager to consolidate their Union, each State had been disposed “to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected.” They launched the ship.

“Well, Doctor,” said the lady to Mr. Franklin, “what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?”

“A republic,” replied the doctor, “if you can keep it.”}}

It is pretty hard to keep when bills are introduced to violate the Constitution by chipping off and whittling away the rights of the States in an effort, it seems, to reduce them to colonial status.

Continuing the quotation from the Kilpatrick book:

{{smaller block|{{c|{{asc|6. THE PROPHETIC MR. HENRY}}}}

For the States’ understanding of what the Constitution was to mean to them, as States, we can look not only to the internal evidence of the Constitution itself, but to the debates in the ratifying conventions and to some of the contemporary criticism, notably in the Federalist papers. We can look, also, to some of the pronouncements of the Supreme Court from time to time, and to the writings of scholars of our own day.

The evidence is overwhelming. By written compact, solemnly ratified, the States agreed mutually to delegate certain of their sovereign powers to a Federal Government. They enumerated these powers. All other powers they reserved to themselves, and these reserved powers did not need to be enumerated: the reserved powers constituted an inherent powers of sovereign States not specifically abridged.

So plain was this understanding that the feeling most frequently encountered, in reading comments of the period, is one of incredulity that anyone should doubt it.

“The proposed constitution,” said Hamilton, “so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.”

So, too, said Madison:

“It is to be remembered that the General Government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administering laws. Its {{SIC|jursidiction|jurisdiction}} is limited to certain enumerated objects which concern all the members of the Republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate provisions of any. The subordinate governments, which can extend their care to all other objects which can be separately provided for, will retain their due authority and activity.”

Neither Hamilton nor Madison could quite imagine the Federal Government ever seriously encroaching upon the States.

“Allowing the utmost latitude to the love of power which any reasonable man can require,” said Hamilton, “I confess I am at a loss to discover what temptation the persons intrusted with the administration of the General Government could ever feel to divest the States of the authorities of that description. The regulation of the mere domestic police of a State appears to me to hold out slender allurements to ambition. Commerce, finance, negotiation, and war seem to comprehend all the objects which have charms for minds governed by that passion; and all the powers necessary to those objects ought, in the first instance, to be lodged in the national depository.”

Then he added, with a singular absence of prophecy:

“The administration of private justice between the citizens of the same State, the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation, can never be desirable cares of a general jurisdiction. It is therefore improbable that there should exist a disposition in the Federal councils to usurp the powers with which they are connected. * * *

“It will always be far more easy for the State governments to encroach upon the national authorities, than for the National Government to encroach upon the State authorities.”}}

That is where he was wrong. In other words, Hamilton had no idea that the Federal Government would ever attempt to encroach on the rights of the states. In his day it looked to him as if it would be easier for the States to encroach on the rights of the Federal Government than for the Federal Government to encroach on the rights of the States. But in recent years do-gooders, welfare-staters, left-wingers, and other pressure groups are trying to transform this Government. They are trying to make of it a national government. It is not a national government; it is a Federal Government. The States came together in a federation and formed this Government. That is the conception which I hope we can get over to the people of the Nation, that our Government is not a national government; it is a Federal Government made by the States coming together and forming a federation and signing the compact which became the Constitution. Therefore we have a Federal Government, not a national government. I hope we shall never have a national government. We must stop the Federal usurpation that is now going on and has been going on for some years.

{{smaller block|Madison, also, imagined that the Federal Government would “be disinclined to invade the rights of the individual States, or the prerogatives of their governments.” For his part, Hamilton thought it more probable that the States would encroach upon the Federal Government, and he imagined that in such contests the State governments, because they “will commonly possess most influence” over the people, would dominate Federal agencies “to the disadvantage of the Union.” However, all such conjectures Hamilton viewed as “extremely vague and fallible.” He preferred to assume that the people “will always take care to preserve the constitutional equilibrium between the general and the State governments.”

In No. 45, Madison treated at considerable length the widespread apprehension that the States would be obliterated. Some of his comments have been outdated; what he has to say about the election of Senators, for example, unhappily has been superseded by the misfortune of the 17th amendment. Some of his other observations, dealing with functions of what was to become the Bureau of Internal Revenue, may occasion some wary reflection on the lengths by which even a Madison could miss his guess. But as contemporary evidence of the role guaranteed to the States, No. 45 justifies quotation at some length:

“The State governments will have the advantage of the Federal Government, whet her we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them to the predilection and probable support of the people; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.

“The State governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the Federal Government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the people, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the people obtains for themselves an election into the State legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the Federal Government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious than too overbearing toward them. On the other side, the component parts of the State governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the Federal Government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.

“The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller than the number employed under the particular States. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side or the former than of the latter. The members of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments of 13 and more States, the justices of peace, officers of militia, ministerial officers of justice, with all the county, corporation, and town officers, for 3 millions and more of people, intermixed, and having particular acquaintance with every class and circle of people, must exceed, beyond all proportion, both in number and influence, those of every description who will be employed in the administration of the Federal system. Compare the members of the three great departments of the 13 States, excluding from the judiciary department the justices of peace, with the members of the corresponding departments of the single government of the Union; compare the militia officers of 3 millions of people with the military and marine officers of any establishment which is within the compass of probability, or, I may add, of possibility, and in this view alone, we may pronounce the advantage of the States to be decisive.

“If the Federal Government is to have collectors of revenue, the State governments will have theirs also. And as those of the former will be principally on the seacoast, and not very numerous, whilst those of the latter will be spread over the face of the country, and will be very numerous, the advantage in this view also lies on the same side. It is true, that the confederacy is to possess, and may exercise, the power of collecting internal as well as external taxes throughout the States; but it is probable that this power will not be resorted to, except for supplemental purposes of revenue; that an option will then be given to the States to supply their quotas by previous collections of their own; and that the eventual collection, under the immediate authority of the Union·, will generally be made by the officers, and according to the rules, appointed by the several States. * * *

“The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the Federal Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.

“The operations of the Federal Government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments in times of peace and security. As the former periods will probably bear a small proportion to the latter, the State governments will here enjoy another advantage over the Federal Government. The more adequate, indeed, the Federal powers may be rendered to the national defense, the less frequent will be those scenes of danger which might favor their ascendancy over the governments of the particular States.

“If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of new powers to the union, than in the invigoration of its original powers. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the Articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them.”

Even John Marshall, who did more than any man in our history to aggrandize the Federal Government and to weaken the States, never doubted the basic structure of divided powers. Consider, briefly, his comment in the famed case of ''McCulloch'' v. ''Maryland''. The case arose when Congress established the Bank of the United States, and Maryland undertook to levy a tax upon the bank’s Baltimore branch; James McCulloch, the cashier, refused to pay the tax, and Maryland sued.

The legal questions were two: Did Congress have power to incorporate the bank, and secondly, did Maryland have power to tax it? Marshall answered the first one “Yes,” the second, “No.” With the bulk of his reasoning, strict constructionists and apostles of States rights will disagree: Marshall’s sophisticated mind did not boggle at stretching “necessary” to mean “convenient.” In considering the actual act of ratification by which the Union was formed, Marshall was not much impressed by the fact, which he could not escape, that the people met in State conventions. “Where else should they have assembled?” he asked. But even here, a couple of sentences merit quotation as evidence from the States greatest detractor:

“It is true, [the people] assembled in their several States—and where else should they have assembled? No political dreamer was ever wild enough to think of breaking down the lines which separate the States, and of compounding the American people into one common mass. Of consequence, when they act, they act in their States.”

Marshall went on in his opinion to confuse “States” and “State governments,” thus setting up a convenient strawman to batter down. No one ever had contended that the Constitution was ratified by State governments, but Marshall, with a glittering display of intellectual swordsmanship, neatly skewered the nonexistent objection. Then he went on to say:

“This Government is acknowledged by all to be one of enumerated powers. The principle that it can exercise only the powers granted to it would seem too apparent to have required to be enforced by all those arguments which its enlightened friends, while it was pending before the people, found it necessary to urge. That principle is now universally admitted. But the question respecting the extent of the powers actually granted is perpetually arising, and will probably continue to arise, as long as our system shall exist.”

True enough, the question of “the extent of powers” does continue to arise to this day, though the doctrines of Marshall have so pervaded public thinking that it often is forgotten that the Federal Government has any limitations whatever. But the separateness of the States and the nature of their delegated powers were clearly recognized when the Constitution was created. The prophets who foresaw the trend toward consolidation—notably Patrick Henry and George Mason—were told they were old women, seeing ghosts.

Consider, if you will, the debate on ratification in Virginia. The transcript offers some absorbing reading. If the clash of a Henry and a Mason with a Pendleton and a Madison does not prompt reflection upon subsequent corruption of the Constitution, at the very least their battle must lead to regrets at the decline in the quality of today’s legislative debates. There were giants in those days. This was, to paraphrase Marshall, a Constitution they were debating. What was said of the relationship of the States and the Federal Government?

Go back in time. This was a sultry summer in Richmond. At least twice the brief convention was interrupted by thunder storms so severe the delegates were forced to recess. Tempers flared sharply. At one point Edmund Randolph, infuriated with Patrick Henry, was prepared to let their friendship “fall like Lucifer, never to rise again.” They began on Monday, June 2; they adjourned ''sine die'' on Friday, June 27. Into those 4 weeks, the Virginians of 1788 packed a world of profound reflection upon the meaning and intention of the Constitution.

Edmund Pendleton served as president of the Virginia convention. He was a remarkable man: lawyer, scholar, statesman, thinker. In advocating ratification, Pendleton was joined by James Madison, John Marshall, Edmund Randolph, and Light Horse Harry Lee. They carried the day against Patrick Henry and George Mason, as leading opponents of the proposition.

The convention scarcely had begun before Henry established the broad spread of argument. He did not propose to abide by any parliamentary decision to debate one clause at a time. Before the convention in Philadelphia the previous summer, said Henry, a general peace and a universal tranquillity had prevailed. Now he was “extremely uneasy at the proposed change of government.” He swept the room with a cold eye: “Be extremely cautious, watchful, jealous of your liberty. Instead of securing your rights, you may lose them forever.”

George Mason came to his side. He charged that the new Constitution would create “a national government, and no longer a confederation.” He especially denounced the authority proposed in the general government to levy direct taxes. This power, being at the discretion of Congress and unconfined, “and without any kind of control, must carry everything before it.” “The idea of a consolidated government,” he said, “is totally subversive of every principle which has hitherto governed us. This power is calculated to annihilate totally the State governments. * * * These two concurrent powers cannot exist long together; the one will destroy the other; the general government, being paramount to and in every respect more powerful than the State governments, the latter must give way to the former.”

Then Mason voiced the argument that is as applicable in the mid-20th century as it was toward the end of the 18th:

“Is it to be supposed that one national government will suit so extensive a country, embracing so many climates, and containing inhabitants so very different in manners, habits, and customs? It is ascertained, by history, that there never was a government over a very extensive country without destroying the liberties of the people. * * * Popular governments can only exist in small territories.”

On Thursday, June 5, Pendleton undertook to respond to Henry and to Mason. Was the proposed government, he inquired, truly a consolidated government? Of course not. “If this be such a government, I will confess, with my worthy friend, that it is inadmissible. * * *” The proposed Federal Government, he said, “extends to the general purposes of the Union. It does not intermeddle with the local, particular affairs of
the States. * * * It is the interest of the Federal to preserve the State governments; upon the latter the existence of the former depends. * * * I wonder how any gentleman, reflecting on the subject, could have conceived an idea of the possibility of the latter.”

Henry conceived it. He conceived it very clearly. The proposed Constitution, he felt, was “extremely pernicious, impolitic and dangerous.” He saw no jeopardy to the people in the Articles of Confederation; he saw great jeopardy in this new Constitution. And he had this to say:

“We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty: Our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of every thing. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors: By that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, ts about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.”

And note this prophetic observation:

“There will be no checks, no real balances, in this government. What can avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope-dancing, chain-rattling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances?”

What indeed? What have these ideal checks and balances availed the States in the 20th century? Henry saw the empty prospect: “This Constitution is said to have beautiful features; but when I come to examine these features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful. Among other deformities, it has an awful squinting; it squints toward monarchy; and does not this raise indignation in the breast of every true American?”

It was monarchy, ''per se'', that Henry foresaw. And it was despotism at the hands of a general government that he feared.

“What are your checks in this Government?” he kept asking.

No one ever answered him accurately, though half a dozen members of the Convention undertook to refute Henry and to allay his apprehensions. Randolph, replying to the objection that the country soon would be too large for effective government from the capital, commented that “no extent on earth seems to me too great,” but he added, “provided the laws be wisely made and executed.” It has proved to be a large qualification.

Madison also responded to Henry’s general objection that the liberty of the people was in danger: “Since the general civilization of mankind,” he said, “I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations.”

Follow closely what Madison had to say next. He is expounding the relationship of the State and Federal Governments as he, above all men, understood it:

“Give me leave to say something of the nature of the Government. * * * There are a number of opinions; but the principal question is, whether it be a federal or consolidated government. In order to judge properly of the question before us, we must consider it minutely in its principal parts. I conceive myself that it is of a mixed nature; it is in a manner unprecedented; we cannot find one express example in the experience of the world. It stands by itself. In some respects it is a government of a federal nature; in others it is of a consolidated nature. * * * Who are parties to it?”

Note this, especially; it was quoted earlier, but it bears repetition:

“The people—but not the people as composing one great body; but the people as composing 13 sovereignties.”

Francis Corbin, one of the ablest political students of his time, then joined Madison, in soothing the growing fear that the Federal Government might one day absorb the State Governments. “The powers of the General Government,” he said, “are only of a general nature, and their object is to protect, defend, and strengthen the United States; but the internal administration of government is left to the State legisiatures, who exclusively retain such powers as will give the States the advantages of small republics, without the danger commonly attendant on the weakness of such governments.”

Henry, undaunted, straightened his red wig and returned to the debate. “That government is no more than a choice among evils,” he remarked, “is acknowledged by the most intelligent among mankind, and has been a standing maxim for ages.” He could not accept the idea that this new government would be “a mighty benefit to us.”

“Sir, I am made of so incredulous materials, that assertions and declarations do not satisfy me. I must be convinced, sir. I shall retain my infidelity on that subject till I see our liberties secured in a manner perfectly satisfactory to my understanding.”

This exchange occurred on Friday, June 16. The following Monday, Henry renewed his assault:

“A number of characters, of the greatest eminence in this country, object to this government for its consolidating tendency. This is not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If consolidation proves to be as mischievous to this country as it has been to other countries, what will the poor inhabitants of this country do? This government will operate like an ambuscade. It will destroy the State governments, and swallow the liberties of the people, without giving previous notice.”

Madison came back with fresh replies and new remonstrances. The States were safely protected, he assured the Virginia convention. And renewing the arguments he had advanced in the Federalist, “There will be an irresistible bias toward the State governments.” It was utterly improbable—almost impossible—that the Federal Government ever would encroach upon the States. “The means of influence consist in having the disposal of gifts and emoluments, and in the number of persons employed by and dependent upon a government. Will any gentleman compare the number of persons which will be employed in the General Government with the number of those which will be in the State governments? The number of dependents upon the State governments will be infinitely greater than those on the General Government. I may say, with truth, that there never was a more economical government in any age or country, nor which will require fewer hands, or give less influence.”

Pendleton again gained the floor to tackle Henry’s objection. We are told, he said, “that there will be a war between the two bodies equally our representatives, and that the State government will be destroyed, and consolidated into the General Government. I stated before, that this could not be so. The two governments act in different manners, and for different purposes—the General Government in great national concerns, in which we are interested in common with other members of the Union; the State legislature in our mere local concerns. * * * Our dearest rights—life, liberty and property—as Virginians, are still in the hands of our State legislature.”

Patrick Henry remained unconvinced. His opinion and Madison’s were “diametrically opposite.” The mild-mannered Madison said the States would prevail. Henry, a dramatic and eloquent speaker, feared the Federal Government would prevail. Bring forth the Federal allurements, he cried, “and compare them with the poor, contemptible things that the State legislatures can bring forth. * * * There are rich, fat, Federal emoluments. Your rich, smug, fine, fat, Federal officers—the number of collectors of taxes and excises—will outnumber anything from the States. Who can cope with the excise man and the tax men?”

Henry did not imagine that the dual governments could be kept each within its proper orbit. “I assert that there is danger of interference,” he remarked, “because no line is drawn between the powers of the two governments, in many instances; and where there is a line, there is no check to prevent the one from encroaching upon the powers of the other. I therefore contend that they must interfere, and that this interference must subvert the State government as being less powerful. Unless your government have checks, it must inevitably terminate in the destruction of your privileges.”

William Grayson, burly veteran of the Revolution, was another member of the Virginia convention who clearly perceived the absence of effective checks and balances. “Power ought to have such checks and limitations,” he said, “as to prevent bad men from abusing it. It ought to be granted on a supposition that men will be bad; for it may eventually be so.”

Grayson was here discussing his apprehensions toward the powers vested by article III in the Supreme Court of the United States. “This Court,” he protested, “has more power than any court under heaven.” The Court’s appellate jurisdiction, especially, aroused his alarm: “What has it in view, unless to subvert the State governments?”}}

Mr. President, only in the past few months this Court rendered a decision which struck down the sedition statutes in 48 States and two Territories, merely because the Federal Government had a statute on sedition. The Supreme Court held that because of that fact, the Federal Government had preempted the whole field, and struck down the State statutes on sedition. Sedition means overthrowing the Government. That is the practical effect of it.

Steve Nelson, in Pennsylvania, was convicted under Pennsylvania law. He appealed his case to the United States Supreme Court, and the Court turned him loose, on the ground that when the Federal sedition statute was enacted, that statute preempted the field. Thus it struck down all the State statutes on the subject. Forty-two States and two Territories had statutes on the subject.

Judge Howard Smith, in the House, who was the author of the bill, said there was no such intention on his part when he introduced the bill. There was even a provision in the bill that the State laws should not be affected. Yet the Supreme Court struck down the sedition statutes in 42 States and two Territories. Nine men overruled the legislatures of 42 States, and would have overruled the supreme courts in 42 States if their statutes had been tested.

In New York, a man named Slochower was employed by the City College of New York. The charter of the City College provides that if any schoolteacher takes refuge behind the fifth amendment, upon being asked by an official body about his Communist connections, he shall be automatically dismissed. He was questioned by an official body. He was automatically dismissed. But what happened? The Supreme Court reinstated him in his job. City College of New York cannot control its own faculty because of these nine men in Washington. Forty-eight State legislatures cannot have sedition statutes because of these nine men in Washington. Out in New Mexico a man applied for membership in the bar. A similar situation occurred in California. One of the men was admittedly a former Communist. The bar did not want him to become a member. Certainly the bar board should have discretion enough to determine whether a man had the character to be admitted. The board turned him down.

In the other case the man refused to answer questions about his Communist connections. Both of those men—one a former Communist, the other tied in with the Communists—were refused licenses to practice law, one in New Mexico and the other in California. But the nine men comprising the Supreme Court ordered those boards to give the applicants their licenses.

Also, in California there were 14 Communists convicted of actually organizing Communist cells. They were preaching the doctrine of communism. They were convicted in the California court. The case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court. What did that Court do? It turned five of them loose and gave the other nine a new trial. It virtually held, in fact, that one can preach communism all he wants to. So long as the organizing does not begin until a future day, it will be all right. In other words, there would have to be action to put it into effect immediately under the holding of the Court.

How are we going to protect this Government? How is the FBI going to protect it? How are the people of California going to protect it when they catch people who are actually organizing Communist cells and who are advocating communism and preaching communism, and then the Supreme Court turns them loose, laying down a dangerous doctrine—and it is a dangerous doctrine to which I just referred.

Then there is the Watkins case, Mr. President, which has hampered investigations by the Congress. The Supreme Court handed down a decision after Watkins had been convicted of contempt and turned him loose. The Court, in effect, held that a member of the counsel or someone who wanted to ask questions would have to explain the questions to the witness. A smart witness would never admit he understood or comprehended what was meant.

In the city of Washington, Mr. President, one of the most dangerous decisions, I think, that has ever been handed down involved the man Mallory, who raped a white woman. He was caught the next day. He was caught about 2 o’clock. Along about 8 or 9 o’clock he was given a lie-detector test, and he confessed the crime and admitted that he raped the white woman. The officers could not get hold of the United States Commissioner that night, and had to wait until the next morning, about 9 o’clock. They held the admitted criminal from about 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, and in the meantime he gave a confession to the police in Washington. He was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. He had confessed his crime. But the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. What did those nine men do with it? They reversed the decision and said the police had held the man too long.

What is going to happen in this Nation if police officers cannot hold criminals from 2 o’clock one day to 9 o’clock the next day, especially when those criminals have confessed to their crimes?

Heretofore in judicial administration there has been no particular time fixed. A person could be held a reasonable time before arraignment. Under this decision the man would have to confess at just about the time he was arrested, because the Supreme Court held that after he is arrested he is under coercion; and because he was held that short time the Supreme Court reversed the case, and the district attorney said there would not be any use to try it again; that the evidence depended on the confession.

As a result of that case, the Chief of Police in Washington said it would be very difficult to apprehend and detect criminals and arrest them hereafter and be able to make the evidence stand up in court. He called it a terrible handicap to law enforcement in such cases.

Mr. President, there are other decisions the Supreme Court has handed down about which I should like to tell the Senate. The Court seems to get its greatest delight out of turning loose Communists.

The record is disgraceful. The FBI, the law-enforcement agencies, police officers chase down Communists and narcotic people—and they are hard to catch. Then the Supreme Court reverses decisions and turns them loose and they walk the streets, as did the confessed rapist who was sentenced on his own confession. It is a disgrace to this Nation.

Mr. President, I still think this compromise bill is unconstitutional, but with the present Supreme Court no one can predict what they will do about it.

{{smaller block|It was John Marshall, who 15 years later would do so much to justify Mason’s apprehensions, who undertook to allay his fears now. The Federal Government, he insisted, certainly would not have the power “to make laws on every subject.” Could Members of the Congress make laws affecting the transfer of property, or contracts, or claims, between citizens of the same State?

“Can they go beyond the delegated powers? If they were to make a law not warranted by any of the powers enumerated, it would be considered by the judges as an infringement of the Constitution which they are to guard. They would not consider such a law as coming under their jurisdiction. They would declare it void.”

Marshall saw no danger to the States from decrees of the Supreme Court: “I hope that no gentleman will think that a State will be called at the bar of the Federal court. * * * It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power should be dragged before a court.”

Madison, Monroe, and others joined Marshall in defending the third article. Their debate was long and detailed. Much of it was concerned with questions of pleading and practice. But after several days, they went on to other aspects of the Constitution: The prospect of judicial despotism was recognized by the few, and denied by the many.

{{c|{{asc|7. THE STATES RATIFY}}}}

In the end, Virginia ratified. It was a close vote. A motion to postpone ratification until amendments, in the nature of a bill of rights, could be considered by “the other States in the American confederacy,” failed by 88 to 80. Then the main question was put, and this was what Virginia agreed to. It merits careful reading:

“We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, * * * having fully and freely investigated and discussed the proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being prepared, as well as the most mature deliberation hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, be resumed by them whensoever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power, not granted thereby, remains with them, and at their will; that, therefore, no right, of any denomination, can be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by the Congress, by the Senate or House of Representatives, acting in any capacity, by the President, or any department or officer of the United States, except in those instances in which power is given by the Constitution for those purposes; and that, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified, by any authority of the United States.”

The vote on that main question was 89 to 79, but even that narrow margin of approval was predicated upon a gentlemen’s agreement that the Virginia convention would recommend a number of amendments, in the form of a Bill of Rights, to be presented to the first Congress. And the first of these recommended amendments reads: “That each State in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the Federal Government.”

By the time Virginia completed ratification, of course her decision no longer carried compelling importance. The Virginia convention had opened on June 2, not quite 2 weeks after South Carolina, on May 23, had become the eighth State to ratify. But while the Virginians were debating the issue, New Hampshire, on June 21, had become No. 9: The new union had been formed, and the Constitution had become binding upon the nine States “ratifying the same.” It has ever been Virginia’s fate to make the right decisions, but to put off making them as long as possible.

In this consideration of State and Federal relationships, there is something to be learned from the other resolutions of ratification. The easy ones came first: Delaware came first, on December 7, 1787, “fully, freely, and entirely” approving and assenting to the Constitution; and then, in quick succession, Pennsylvania on December 12, after a bitter fight; New Jersey on December 18, and Georgia—Georgians had not even read the Constitution—on January 2, 1788. Connecticut followed a week later, with a comfortable vote of 128 to 40.

Then a month’s hiatus set in. Massachusetts did not become No. 6 until February 7, and her approval of this “explicit and solemn compact” was not unqualified:

“It is the opinion of this convention that certain amendments and alterations in the said Constitution would remove the fears and quiet the apprehensions of many of the good people of this commonwealth, and more effectually guard against an undue administration of the Federal Government.”

It will come as no surprise that the very first amendment recommended by Massachusetts was “that it be explicitly declared that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States to be by them exercised.”

Two months later, on April 28, Maryland ratified. Then there was another lapse of nearly a month before South Carolina, on May 23, became No. 8; South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.” Then South Carolina added:

“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”

New Hampshire, in voting its approval on June 21, closely paralleled the action of Massachusetts, but New Hampshire’s declaration as to reserved powers was even more explicit. The people of New Hampshire wanted it understood that all powers not “expressly and particularly delegated” were reserved.}}

Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, will the Senator from South Carolina yield for a question?

Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to yield.

Mr. LANGER. Was the action of the South Carolina convention unanimous? [Laughter.]

Mr. THURMOND. I do not recall, from reading the history of that matter, whether it was unanimous or not. The action of the South Carolina convention was not unanimous when it acted on the question of adopting the resolution of ratification for the admission of South Carolina to the Union. South Carolina was the eighth State to be admitted to the Union. New Hampshire was the ninth. New Hampshire’s action resulted in the formation of the Union; ratification by nine States was required in order to form the Union.

After that, Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island ratified the Constitution and became members of the Union.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I am not sure whether the action by the South Carolina convention was unanimous or not.

Mr. LANGER. I know the Senator from South Carolina, who has been a very distinguished governor of his State, is very well informed in regard to such matters.

Mr. THURMOND. As stated in the book, The Sovereign States—

{{smaller block|South Carolina accompanied her resolution of ratification with a pointed statement that she considered it essential “to the preservation of the rights reserved to the several States” and for the freedom of the people, that the State’s right to prescribe the manner, time, and places of Congressional elections “be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the several States.”}}

Then South Carolina added:

{{smaller block|“This convention doth also declare that no section or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a construction that the States do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union.”}}

I construe that declaration to be part of the resolution of ratification, which was not adopted unanimously.

Mr. LANGER. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. THURMOND. I have been glad, Mr. President, to have the Senator from North Dakota ask these questions.

Mr. President, a few years ago, when I was a young State senator, I made a commencement address in another county, about 40 miles from my home. The commencement was held in a long school building in which the acoustics were very bad. People in the rear could not hear, and looked as if they were going to sleep—and maybe they were. So I raised my voice, and said, “Ladies and gentlemen, I want you to know that I am speaking for the future citizens of South Carolina.” By raising my voice, I woke up the people in the rear of the room; and one fellow rose up, shook his head, and said, “Well, brother, if you speak much longer, they will soon be here, too.” [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I feel so good that I believe I could speak quite a long time. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I felt it my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort to emphasize the dangers of this bill.

I began speaking at 8:50 last night. It is now 5 minutes after 9. I shall conclude my remarks in a very few minutes.

Mr. President, in closing, I desire to remind the Senate that every State in the Nation has laws to protect the right to vote; and the Federal Government has a statute which protects the right to vote. In my opinion, Mr. President, this bill is unconstitutional, for the reasons I have stated during this debate.

This so-called compromise, which came to the Senate from the House of Representatives, permits a Federal judge to decide whether he will try one who is charged with criminal contempt, or whether he will permit him to be tried by a jury. The bill further provides a Federal judge with the discretionary power—if he does not try the person without a jury—to decide what punishment he will impose. If he imposes a fine greater than $300 or imprisonment for more than 45 days, the defendant can then demand a jury trial. That process could result in two trials in the case of a defendant charged with criminal contempt. I believe that would be unconstitutional. Under our system of jurisprudence, a man can never be put in jeopardy more than once for the same offense. Furthermore, if a judge should find such a person guilty, as a result of the first trial, we can realize what effect that would have on the jury which would be used in the second trial.

Mr. President, I should like to remind the Senate of the decision I have cited today, which holds that criminal contempt is a crime. That decision says criminal contempt is a crime. The Constitution says a man charged with a crime is entitled to a jury trial. The Constitution makes no exceptions.

The pending bill, which has come to the Senate from the House of Representatives, has now been amended in such a way that it could not conform to the Constitution.

Mr. President, in spite of the great amount of debate and discussion which previously have taken place on the subject of House bill 6127, I felt that this bill was of such importance to the citizens of the United States that it was my duty to make sure that I had not failed to exert every effort again to emphasize the dangers of the bill. I have spoken several times on it before.

Mr. President, I wish to say that my action was taken entirely on my own volition. I believe that every Senator must follow the dictates of his own conscience, in connection with such matters. I do not believe that the action of any other Senator should be judged according to the action I have taken.

Mr. President, if I have helped to bring home to the American people, the citizens of this Nation, the heartfelt conviction which I hold, namely, that this bill is unwise, unnecessary, and unconstitutional, then I shall have done what I believe to be my duty.

I should like to believe that some have been convinced by my arguments, and that my arguments have been accepted on the basis on which I intended them to be accepted—as arguments against what I am convinced is bad proposed legislation, proposed legislation which never should have been introduced, and which never should be approved by the Senate.

Mr. President, I urge every Member of this body to consider this bill most carefully. I hope the Senate will see fit to kill it.

I expect to vote against the bill. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, I wish to extend my sincerest gratitude to the officials of the Senate, to those who have come in to listen to this debate, to the various Senators who have listened to this debate from time to time; to the clerks and the attachés, and to all who did everything they could to make me as comfortable as possible during the 24 hours and 22 minutes I have spoken.

Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for these courtesies, and again I want to thank the Presiding Officer and the others for their courtesies extended to me, and with this I now give up the floor, and suggest the absence of a quorum.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.

The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the rollcall be rescinded.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Religious Teachings of|{{namespace link|415|Number 8-9/The Religious Teachings of Aeschylus}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Alger, G. W.'', In Memoriam Shelley|{{namespace link|315|Number 6-7/In Memoriam, Shelley. 1792-1892}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Alkestis|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|92|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#92}}, {{namespace link|99|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#99}}, {{namespace link|516|Number 10/A Study of Shakespeare's 'Winter's Tale.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘All’s Well that Ends Well’|{{namespace link|214|Number 4/Shakespeare and Rhythm#214}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Andrea del Sarto’: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antigone|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antony and Cleopatra, The Comradeship of|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Arbes, Jakub: A Modern Bohemian Novelist|{{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Arbes, Jakub'', Newton’s Brain, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Are we approaching a Dark Age?|637}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Arme Heinrich, Der’|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Asolando|242}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘As You Like It,’ Character in|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Ethics of|498}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Aurora Leigh,’ First edition of|472}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bacon, How Shakespeare Illustrates|200}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Roger, Unwitting Cause of Baconianism|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Baldwin, Eleanor'', Is Chaucer Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Balzac|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bengough, S. E.'', The Music of Language in ‘Venus and Adonis’|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Bernard de Mandeville’|143}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bjórnson, Bjórnstjerne'', A Glove|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ’s Politics|285}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Blauvelt, M. T.'', The Religious Teachings of Æschylus|415}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Blot in the ’Scutcheon’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Book Inklings|{{nowrap|286, 381, 528}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Books Noticed: Austin, Jane, Works}}|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bates, Arlo, ‘Told in the Gate’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Berdoe, E., ‘Browning Cyclopædia’|{{nowrap|107, 276}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Browning, R., ‘Prose Life of Strafford’|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cawein, M. J., ‘Days and Dreams,’ ‘Moods and Memories’|585}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} C. M. T., ‘Browning Year-book’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Corson, H., ‘Primer of English Verse’|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Dandridge, D., ‘Joy and Other Poems,’ ‘Rose Brake’|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fairfax, ‘Browning and the Drama’|529}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fleay, F. G., ‘Chronicle History of English Drama’|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Furness, H. H., Variorum ‘Tempest’|225}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Garnett, Trans. from Greek Anthology|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Going, B., ‘Summer Falow’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Gunsaulus, F. W., ‘Phidias’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hales, J. W., ‘Essays and Notes on Shakespeare’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hatton, ‘Cigarette Papers’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Ibsen, H., ‘Peer Gynt’|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Jones, Henry, ‘Browning as a Philosophical Teacher’|280}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Kipling, ‘Ballads’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Landor, W. S., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lanthrop, G. Pl, ‘Dreams and Days’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell, J. R., ‘Choice Odes, Lyrics, and Sonnets’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lüders, C. H., ‘The Dead Nymph and Other Poems’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Masson, ‘Recollections of Three Cities’|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Meredith, Geo., ‘Modern Love’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mersereau, W. T., ‘Vesper Bells and Other Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Morrison, J., ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc.|{{nowrap|107, 282}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moulton, Louise C., ‘Swallow Flights’|588}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Orr, Mrs. S., ‘Browning Handbook’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Parsons, E. B., ‘Tennyson’s Life and Poetry’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Peacock, T. L., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pendleton, C., ‘Easter Song’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robinsons, H. H., ‘The New Pandora’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Shattuck, H. R., ‘Woman’s Manual of Parliametary Law’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Silsby, M. R., ‘Tributes to Shakespeare’|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Smyth, A. H., ‘Philadelphia Magazines and their Contributors’|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Snider, D. J., ‘Shakespearian Drama’|287}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}|caption-style=font-size:207%}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Adam, Lilith, and Eve’|{{namespace link|276|Number 5/Recent Browning books}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Æschylus|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|137|Number 3/A Sketch of the Prometheus Myth in Poetry#137}}, {{namespace link|{{SIC|148|243}}|Number 5/A Study of Browning's 'Ixion.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Religious Teachings of|{{namespace link|415|Number 8-9/The Religious Teachings of Aeschylus}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Alger, G. W.'', In Memoriam Shelley|{{namespace link|315|Number 6-7/In Memoriam, Shelley. 1792-1892}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Alkestis|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|92|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#92}}, {{namespace link|99|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#99}}, {{namespace link|516|Number 10/A Study of Shakespeare's 'Winter's Tale.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘All’s Well that Ends Well’|{{namespace link|214|Number 4/Shakespeare and Rhythm#214}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Andrea del Sarto’: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antigone|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antony and Cleopatra, The Comradeship of|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Arbes, Jakub: A Modern Bohemian Novelist|{{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Arbes, Jakub'', Newton’s Brain, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Are we approaching a Dark Age?|637}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Arme Heinrich, Der’|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Asolando|242}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘As You Like It,’ Character in|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Ethics of|498}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Aurora Leigh,’ First edition of|472}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bacon, How Shakespeare Illustrates|200}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Roger, Unwitting Cause of Baconianism|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Baldwin, Eleanor'', Is Chaucer Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Balzac|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bengough, S. E.'', The Music of Language in ‘Venus and Adonis’|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Bernard de Mandeville’|143}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bjórnson, Bjórnstjerne'', A Glove|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ’s Politics|285}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Blauvelt, M. T.'', The Religious Teachings of Æschylus|415}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Blot in the ’Scutcheon’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Book Inklings|{{nowrap|286, 381, 528}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Books Noticed: Austin, Jane, Works}}|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bates, Arlo, ‘Told in the Gate’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Berdoe, E., ‘Browning Cyclopædia’|{{nowrap|107, 276}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Browning, R., ‘Prose Life of Strafford’|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cawein, M. J., ‘Days and Dreams,’ ‘Moods and Memories’|585}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} C. M. T., ‘Browning Year-book’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Corson, H., ‘Primer of English Verse’|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Dandridge, D., ‘Joy and Other Poems,’ ‘Rose Brake’|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fairfax, ‘Browning and the Drama’|529}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fleay, F. G., ‘Chronicle History of English Drama’|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Furness, H. H., Variorum ‘Tempest’|225}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Garnett, Trans. from Greek Anthology|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Going, B., ‘Summer Falow’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Gunsaulus, F. W., ‘Phidias’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hales, J. W., ‘Essays and Notes on Shakespeare’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hatton, ‘Cigarette Papers’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Ibsen, H., ‘Peer Gynt’|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Jones, Henry, ‘Browning as a Philosophical Teacher’|280}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Kipling, ‘Ballads’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Landor, W. S., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lanthrop, G. Pl, ‘Dreams and Days’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell, J. R., ‘Choice Odes, Lyrics, and Sonnets’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lüders, C. H., ‘The Dead Nymph and Other Poems’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Masson, ‘Recollections of Three Cities’|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Meredith, Geo., ‘Modern Love’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mersereau, W. T., ‘Vesper Bells and Other Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Morrison, J., ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc.|{{nowrap|107, 282}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moulton, Louise C., ‘Swallow Flights’|588}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Orr, Mrs. S., ‘Browning Handbook’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Parsons, E. B., ‘Tennyson’s Life and Poetry’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Peacock, T. L., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pendleton, C., ‘Easter Song’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robinsons, H. H., ‘The New Pandora’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Shattuck, H. R., ‘Woman’s Manual of Parliametary Law’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Silsby, M. R., ‘Tributes to Shakespeare’|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Smyth, A. H., ‘Philadelphia Magazines and their Contributors’|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Snider, D. J., ‘Shakespearian Drama’|287}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{dhr|0.5em}}|caption-style=font-size:207%}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Adam, Lilith, and Eve’|{{namespace link|276|Number 5/Recent Browning books}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Æschylus|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|137|Number 3/A Sketch of the Prometheus Myth in Poetry#137}}, {{namespace link|{{SIC|148|243}}|Number 5/A Study of Browning's 'Ixion.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Religious Teachings of|{{namespace link|415|Number 8-9/The Religious Teachings of Aeschylus}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Alger, G. W.'', In Memoriam Shelley|{{namespace link|315|Number 6-7/In Memoriam, Shelley. 1792-1892}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Alkestis|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|92|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#92}}, {{namespace link|99|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#99}}, {{namespace link|516|Number 10/A Study of Shakespeare's 'Winter's Tale.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘All’s Well that Ends Well’|{{namespace link|214|Number 4/Shakespeare and Rhythm#214}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Andrea del Sarto’: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antigone|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antony and Cleopatra, The Comradeship of|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Arbes, Jakub: A Modern Bohemian Novelist|{{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Arbes, Jakub'', Newton’s Brain, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Are we approaching a Dark Age?|637}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Arme Heinrich, Der’|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Asolando|242}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘As You Like It,’ Character in|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Ethics of|498}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Aurora Leigh,’ First edition of|472}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bacon, How Shakespeare Illustrates|200}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Roger, Unwitting Cause of Baconianism|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Baldwin, Eleanor'', Is Chaucer Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Balzac|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bengough, S. E.'', The Music of Language in ‘Venus and Adonis’|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Bernard de Mandeville’|143}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bjórnson, Bjórnstjerne'', A Glove|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ’s Politics|285}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Blauvelt, M. T.'', The Religious Teachings of Æschylus|415}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Blot in the ’Scutcheon’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Book Inklings|{{nowrap|286, 381, 528}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Books Noticed: Austin, Jane, Works}}|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bates, Arlo, ‘Told in the Gate’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Berdoe, E., ‘Browning Cyclopædia’|{{nowrap|107, 276}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Browning, R., ‘Prose Life of Strafford’|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cawein, M. J., ‘Days and Dreams,’ ‘Moods and Memories’|585}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} C. M. T., ‘Browning Year-book’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Corson, H., ‘Primer of English Verse’|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Dandridge, D., ‘Joy and Other Poems,’ ‘Rose Brake’|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fairfax, ‘Browning and the Drama’|529}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fleay, F. G., ‘Chronicle History of English Drama’|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Furness, H. H., Variorum ‘Tempest’|225}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Garnett, Trans. from Greek Anthology|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Going, B., ‘Summer Falow’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Gunsaulus, F. W., ‘Phidias’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hales, J. W., ‘Essays and Notes on Shakespeare’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hatton, ‘Cigarette Papers’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Ibsen, H., ‘Peer Gynt’|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Jones, Henry, ‘Browning as a Philosophical Teacher’|280}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Kipling, ‘Ballads’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Landor, W. S., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lanthrop, G. Pl, ‘Dreams and Days’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell, J. R., ‘Choice Odes, Lyrics, and Sonnets’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lüders, C. H., ‘The Dead Nymph and Other Poems’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Masson, ‘Recollections of Three Cities’|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Meredith, Geo., ‘Modern Love’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mersereau, W. T., ‘Vesper Bells and Other Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Morrison, J., ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc.|{{nowrap|107, 282}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moulton, Louise C., ‘Swallow Flights’|588}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Orr, Mrs. S., ‘Browning Handbook’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Parsons, E. B., ‘Tennyson’s Life and Poetry’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Peacock, T. L., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pendleton, C., ‘Easter Song’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robinsons, H. H., ‘The New Pandora’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Shattuck, H. R., ‘Woman’s Manual of Parliametary Law’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Silsby, M. R., ‘Tributes to Shakespeare’|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Smyth, A. H., ‘Philadelphia Magazines and their Contributors’|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Snider, D. J., ‘Shakespearian Drama’|287}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Adam, Lilith, and Eve’|{{namespace link|276|Number 5/Recent Browning books}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Æschylus|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|137|Number 3/A Sketch of the Prometheus Myth in Poetry#137}}, {{namespace link|{{SIC|148|243}}|Number 5/A Study of Browning's 'Ixion.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Religious Teachings of|{{namespace link|415|Number 8-9/The Religious Teachings of Aeschylus}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Alger, G. W.'', In Memoriam Shelley|{{namespace link|315|Number 6-7/In Memoriam, Shelley. 1792-1892}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Alkestis|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|92|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#92}}, {{namespace link|99|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#99}}, {{namespace link|516|Number 10/A Study of Shakespeare's 'Winter's Tale.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘All’s Well that Ends Well’|{{namespace link|214|Number 4/Shakespeare and Rhythm#214}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Andrea del Sarto’: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antigone|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antony and Cleopatra, The Comradeship of|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Arbes, Jakub: A Modern Bohemian Novelist|{{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Arbes, Jakub'', Newton’s Brain, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Are we approaching a Dark Age?|637}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Arme Heinrich, Der’|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Asolando|242}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘As You Like It,’ Character in|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Ethics of|498}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Aurora Leigh,’ First edition of|472}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bacon, How Shakespeare Illustrates|200}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Roger, Unwitting Cause of Baconianism|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Baldwin, Eleanor'', Is Chaucer Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Balzac|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bengough, S. E.'', The Music of Language in ‘Venus and Adonis’|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Bernard de Mandeville’|143}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bjórnson, Bjórnstjerne'', A Glove|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ’s Politics|285}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Blauvelt, M. T.'', The Religious Teachings of Æschylus|415}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Blot in the ’Scutcheon’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Book Inklings|{{nowrap|286, 381, 528}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Books Noticed: Austin, Jane, Works}}|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bates, Arlo, ‘Told in the Gate’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Berdoe, E., ‘Browning Cyclopædia’|{{nowrap|107, 276}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Browning, R., ‘Prose Life of Strafford’|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cawein, M. J., ‘Days and Dreams,’ ‘Moods and Memories’|585}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} C. M. T., ‘Browning Year-book’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Corson, H., ‘Primer of English Verse’|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Dandridge, D., ‘Joy and Other Poems,’ ‘Rose Brake’|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fairfax, ‘Browning and the Drama’|529}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fleay, F. G., ‘Chronicle History of English Drama’|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Furness, H. H., Variorum ‘Tempest’|225}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Garnett, Trans. from Greek Anthology|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Going, B., ‘Summer Falow’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Gunsaulus, F. W., ‘Phidias’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hales, J. W., ‘Essays and Notes on Shakespeare’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hatton, ‘Cigarette Papers’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Ibsen, H., ‘Peer Gynt’|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Jones, Henry, ‘Browning as a Philosophical Teacher’|280}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Kipling, ‘Ballads’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Landor, W. S., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lanthrop, G. Pl, ‘Dreams and Days’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell, J. R., ‘Choice Odes, Lyrics, and Sonnets’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lüders, C. H., ‘The Dead Nymph and Other Poems’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Masson, ‘Recollections of Three Cities’|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Meredith, Geo., ‘Modern Love’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mersereau, W. T., ‘Vesper Bells and Other Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Morrison, J., ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc.|{{nowrap|107, 282}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moulton, Louise C., ‘Swallow Flights’|588}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Orr, Mrs. S., ‘Browning Handbook’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Parsons, E. B., ‘Tennyson’s Life and Poetry’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Peacock, T. L., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pendleton, C., ‘Easter Song’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robinsons, H. H., ‘The New Pandora’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Shattuck, H. R., ‘Woman’s Manual of Parliametary Law’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Silsby, M. R., ‘Tributes to Shakespeare’|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Smyth, A. H., ‘Philadelphia Magazines and their Contributors’|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Snider, D. J., ‘Shakespearian Drama’|287}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Adam, Lilith, and Eve’|{{namespace link|276|Number 5/Recent Browning books}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Æschylus|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|137|Number 3/A Sketch of the Prometheus Myth in Poetry#137}}, {{namespace link|{{SIC|148|243}}|Number 5/A Study of Browning's 'Ixion.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Religious Teachings of|{{namespace link|415|Number 8-9/The Religious Teachings of Aeschylus}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Alger, G. W.'', In Memoriam Shelley|{{namespace link|315|Number 6-7/In Memoriam, Shelley. 1792-1892}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Alkestis|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|92|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#92}}, {{namespace link|99|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#99}}, {{namespace link|516|Number 10/A Study of Shakespeare's 'Winter's Tale.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘All’s Well that Ends Well’|{{namespace link|214|Number 4/Shakespeare and Rhythm#214}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Andrea del Sarto’: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antigone|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antony and Cleopatra, The Comradeship of|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Arbes, Jakub: A Modern Bohemian Novelist|{{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Arbes, Jakub'', Newton’s Brain, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Are we approaching a Dark Age?|637}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Arme Heinrich, Der’|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Asolando|242}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘As You Like It,’ Character in|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Ethics of|498}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Aurora Leigh,’ First edition of|472}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bacon, How Shakespeare Illustrates|200}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Roger, Unwitting Cause of Baconianism|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Baldwin, Eleanor'', Is Chaucer Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Balzac|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bengough, S. E.'', The Music of Language in ‘Venus and Adonis’|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Bernard de Mandeville’|143}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bjórnson, Bjórnstjerne'', A Glove|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ’s Politics|285}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Blauvelt, M. T.'', The Religious Teachings of Æschylus|415}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Blot in the ’Scutcheon’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Book Inklings|{{nowrap|286, 381, 528}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Books Noticed: Austin, Jane, Works}}|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bates, Arlo, ‘Told in the Gate’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Berdoe, E., ‘Browning Cyclopædia’|{{nowrap|107, 276}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Browning, R., ‘Prose Life of Strafford’|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cawein, M. J., ‘Days and Dreams,’ ‘Moods and Memories’|585}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} C. M. T., ‘Browning Year-book’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Corson, H., ‘Primer of English Verse’|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Dandridge, D., ‘Joy and Other Poems,’ ‘Rose Brake’|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fairfax, ‘Browning and the Drama’|529}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fleay, F. G., ‘Chronicle History of English Drama’|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Furness, H. H., Variorum ‘Tempest’|225}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Garnett, Trans. from Greek Anthology|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Going, B., ‘Summer Falow’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Gunsaulus, F. W., ‘Phidias’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hales, J. W., ‘Essays and Notes on Shakespeare’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hatton, ‘Cigarette Papers’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Ibsen, H., ‘Peer Gynt’|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Jones, Henry, ‘Browning as a Philosophical Teacher’|280}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Kipling, ‘Ballads’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Landor, W. S., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lanthrop, G. Pl, ‘Dreams and Days’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell, J. R., ‘Choice Odes, Lyrics, and Sonnets’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lüders, C. H., ‘The Dead Nymph and Other Poems’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Masson, ‘Recollections of Three Cities’|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Meredith, Geo., ‘Modern Love’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mersereau, W. T., ‘Vesper Bells and Other Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Morrison, J., ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc.|{{nowrap|107, 282}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moulton, Louise C., ‘Swallow Flights’|588}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Orr, Mrs. S., ‘Browning Handbook’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Parsons, E. B., ‘Tennyson’s Life and Poetry’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Peacock, T. L., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pendleton, C., ‘Easter Song’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robinsons, H. H., ‘The New Pandora’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Shattuck, H. R., ‘Woman’s Manual of Parliametary Law’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Silsby, M. R., ‘Tributes to Shakespeare’|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Smyth, A. H., ‘Philadelphia Magazines and their Contributors’|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Snider, D. J., ‘Shakespearian Drama’|287}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{dhr|0.5em}}|caption-style=font-size:207%}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Adam, Lilith, and Eve’|{{namespace link|276|Number 5/Recent Browning books}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Æschylus|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|137|Number 3/A Sketch of the Prometheus Myth in Poetry#137}}, {{namespace link|{{SIC|148|243}}|Number 5/A Study of Browning's 'Ixion.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Religious Teachings of|{{namespace link|415|Number 8-9/The Religious Teachings of Aeschylus}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Alger, G. W.'', In Memoriam Shelley|{{namespace link|315|Number 6-7/In Memoriam, Shelley. 1792-1892}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Alkestis|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|92|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#92}}, {{namespace link|99|Number 2/Longfellow's 'Golden Legend' and its Analogues#99}}, {{namespace link|516|Number 10/A Study of Shakespeare's 'Winter's Tale.'}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘All’s Well that Ends Well’|{{namespace link|214|Number 4/Shakespeare and Rhythm#214}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Andrea del Sarto’: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antigone|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Antony and Cleopatra, The Comradeship of|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Arbes, Jakub: A Modern Bohemian Novelist|{{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Arbes, Jakub'', Newton’s Brain, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Are we approaching a Dark Age?|637}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Arme Heinrich, Der’|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Asolando|242}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘As You Like It,’ Character in|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Ethics of|498}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Aurora Leigh,’ First edition of|472}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Manuscript of|56|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bacon, How Shakespeare Illustrates|200}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Roger, Unwitting Cause of Baconianism|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Baldwin, Eleanor'', Is Chaucer Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Balzac|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Bengough, S. E.'', The Music of Language in ‘Venus and Adonis’|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Bernard de Mandeville’|143}}
{{TOC row dotragged|''Bjórnson, Bjórnstjerne'', A Glove|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ’s Politics|285}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Blauvelt, M. T.'', The Religious Teachings of Æschylus|415}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Blot in the ’Scutcheon’|162}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Book Inklings|{{nowrap|286, 381, 528}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Books Noticed: Austin, Jane, Works}}|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bates, Arlo, ‘Told in the Gate’|583}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Berdoe, E., ‘Browning Cyclopædia’|{{nowrap|107, 276}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Browning, R., ‘Prose Life of Strafford’|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cawein, M. J., ‘Days and Dreams,’ ‘Moods and Memories’|585}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} C. M. T., ‘Browning Year-book’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Corson, H., ‘Primer of English Verse’|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Dandridge, D., ‘Joy and Other Poems,’ ‘Rose Brake’|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fairfax, ‘Browning and the Drama’|529}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Fleay, F. G., ‘Chronicle History of English Drama’|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Furness, H. H., Variorum ‘Tempest’|225}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Garnett, Trans. from Greek Anthology|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Going, B., ‘Summer Falow’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Gunsaulus, F. W., ‘Phidias’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hales, J. W., ‘Essays and Notes on Shakespeare’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Hatton, ‘Cigarette Papers’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Ibsen, H., ‘Peer Gynt’|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Jones, Henry, ‘Browning as a Philosophical Teacher’|280}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Kipling, ‘Ballads’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Landor, W. S., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lanthrop, G. Pl, ‘Dreams and Days’|583}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell, J. R., ‘Choice Odes, Lyrics, and Sonnets’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lüders, C. H., ‘The Dead Nymph and Other Poems’|586}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Masson, ‘Recollections of Three Cities’|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Meredith, Geo., ‘Modern Love’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mersereau, W. T., ‘Vesper Bells and Other Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Morrison, J., ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc.|{{nowrap|107, 282}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moulton, Louise C., ‘Swallow Flights’|588}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Orr, Mrs. S., ‘Browning Handbook’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Parsons, E. B., ‘Tennyson’s Life and Poetry’|530}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Peacock, T. L., Works|592}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pendleton, C., ‘Easter Song’|382}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robinsons, H. H., ‘The New Pandora’|582}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Shattuck, H. R., ‘Woman’s Manual of Parliametary Law’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Silsby, M. R., ‘Tributes to Shakespeare’|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Smyth, A. H., ‘Philadelphia Magazines and their Contributors’|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Snider, D. J., ‘Shakespearian Drama’|287}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poet Lore, volume 4, 1892.djvu/10</title>
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{{rule}}
{{rh|iv|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
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{{line-height2/s|100%}}
{| style=&quot;line-height:1; margin:auto; max-width:40em; font-size:83%;&quot;
|{{ts|ar}} | {{sc|page}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sc|Books Noticed:}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{bar|2}}&lt;/includeonly&gt; Spaulding, S. M., ‘The Winds of Icarus’ | 587 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Tennyson, Alfred, ‘The Death of Œnone, Akbar’s Dream’ etc. | {{nowrap|592, 640, 643}} |chapter-width=0.01em|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Thompson, Maurice, ‘Poems’ | 584 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Watson, William, ‘Lyric Love’ | 106 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Whitman, Walt, ‘Leaves of Grass’ | 286 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Wilson, Mary, ‘Browning Primer’ | 282 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} De Windt, ‘Siberia as it is’ | 106 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Bossism, An Aristocratic Survival | 158 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Brantôme, Shakespeare’s Compliment to | 449 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Brinton, D. G.'', Epilogues of Browning: their Articstic Significance, 57; Browning on Unconventional Relations, 266; Primitive American Poetry | 329 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Brontë, Emily: A Modern Stoic | 64 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Brooks, Edward'', Magic in Poetry | 329 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} , ''M. Sears'', Browning’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source | 425 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Brown, Anna R.'', King Leir and Cordoille, 19; Celtic Element in Tenyson’s ‘Lady of Shalott’ | 408 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Browning, Elizabet Barret, First Edition, 472; Rare Poems of | 46 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Robert, as the Poet of Democracy | 481 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Books | 276 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Epilogues of | 57 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}, Theories on | {{nowrap|103, 283}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} First Editions | 471 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Letters, Excerpts from a Sheaf of | 233 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in Tennyson and | 271 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} On Unconventional Relations | 266 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Riccardi Palaces, and | 52 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Relation of Nature to Man in | 238 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Study Hints, ‘Colombe’s Birthday’ | 39 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Societies | {{nowrap|107, 288, 476, 533, 647}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source | 425 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ‘Ixion,’ A Study of | 243 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Mesmerism | 111 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} from a Scientific Point of View | 261 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Optimism, The Source of | 567 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{c|(See also titles of poems.)}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Browningese, An Instance of Shakespearian | 524 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Brownlow, E. B.'', The Tailed Sonnet | 454 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Burroughs, John'', A Boston Criticism of Whitman | 392 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Byron | {{nowrap|269, 315}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Cæsar, Shakespeare’s, Is [he] Ignoble? | 191 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} and ‘Strafford’ | 148 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Cervantes, Death of Shakespeare and | {{nowrap|169, 380}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Character in ‘As You Like It’ | {{nowrap|31, 81}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Chatterton | 593 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Chaucer, Is [he] Irreligious? | 537 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Childe Roland’ | 425 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Chrismas Orgy, The | 49 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{TOC page listing|{{gap|0.7em}}''Clarke, Helen A.'', A Sketch of Prometheus Myth in Poetry, 135; Jones’ Browning as a Philosophical Teacher, 280; Musical Settings,—Januarie, ''Frontispiec''; ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Some Notable American Verse, 580; Wilson’s Browning Primer, 282; Book Inklings, Notes, etc. |&amp;nbsp;|hi=1.7em}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ''Hugh A.'', Music,—Song from ‘Prometheus’ | {{nowrap|facing 384}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Cohen, Mary M.'', The Source of Browning’s Optimism | 567 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ Study Hints | 39 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} at Smith College | 475 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Comparative Studies | {{nowrap|91, 148, 516}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Cooke, George Willis'', The Poetic Limitations of Sordello | 612 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Copyright Law, Our So-called | 155 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Coriolanus’ | 232 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Correspondence of {{bar|2 {{bar|2}} and * * *}} | {{nowrap|49, 100, 158, 227, 274, 375, 521}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Cymbeline’ | {{nowrap|167, 608}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Dall, Caroline H.'', Roger Bacon the Unwitting Cause of Baconianism; Shakesperian Appreciation before Pope | 53 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence | 490 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Davies, Samuel D.'', Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence | 490 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Democratic Vagaries | 100 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Discouragement | 396 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Dole, Nathan Haskell'', Discouragement | 396 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Durdík, Pavel'', Trans. from Turgeniev | {{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Edinburgh University and Women | 635 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Eliot, George | 162 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Epilogues of Browning | {{nowrap|57, 103, 283}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Erbes, Philip H.'', The Essence of Goethe’s ‘Faust,’ 504; The Literary and Stage Hamlet | 105 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Euripides | 516 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Faust’ | {{nowrap|91, 109}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Essence of | 504 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Faustus | 109 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Ferishtah’s Fancies’ | 423 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Fletcher | {{nowrap|168, 475}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Ford, Harriet'', Andrea del Sarto: A Painter’s Poem | 144 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘From Ghent to Aix’ | 178 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Fust and his Friends’ | {{nowrap|110, 281}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Glove, A, a Prose Play | {{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg | 230 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Goethe, ‘Faust’ | 504 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Prometheus | {{nowrap|139, 245}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Greene, ‘Pandosto’ | 516 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Hamlet | {{nowrap|201, 232}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} and Don Quixote | 169 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} The Literary and Stage | 105 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Harold,’ Performance of | 164 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{line-height2/e}}
{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:38:24Z</timestamp>
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{{rh|iv|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sc|Books Noticed:}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{bar|2}}&lt;/includeonly&gt; Spaulding, S. M., ‘The Winds of Icarus’|587}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Tennyson, Alfred, ‘The Death of Œnone, Akbar’s Dream’ etc.|{{nowrap|592, 640, 643}}}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Thompson, Maurice, ‘Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Watson, William, ‘Lyric Love’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Whitman, Walt, ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Wilson, Mary, ‘Browning Primer’|282}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} De Windt, ‘Siberia as it is’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bossism, An Aristocratic Survival|158}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Brantôme, Shakespeare’s Compliment to|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brinton, D. G.'', Epilogues of Browning: their Articstic Significance, 57; Browning on Unconventional Relations, 266; Primitive American Poetry|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Brontë, Emily: A Modern Stoic|64}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brooks, Edward'', Magic in Poetry|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} , ''M. Sears'', Browning’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brown, Anna R.'', King Leir and Cordoille, 19; Celtic Element in Tenyson’s ‘Lady of Shalott’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Browning, Elizabet Barret, First Edition, 472; Rare Poems of|46}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robert, as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books|276}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Epilogues of|57}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}, Theories on|{{nowrap|103, 283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} First Editions|471}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Letters, Excerpts from a Sheaf of|233}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in Tennyson and|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} On Unconventional Relations|266}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Riccardi Palaces, and|52}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Relation of Nature to Man in|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Study Hints, ‘Colombe’s Birthday’|39}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 288, 476, 533, 647}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mesmerism|111}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Optimism, The Source of|567}}
{{c|(See also titles of poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Browningese, An Instance of Shakespearian|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brownlow, E. B.'', The Tailed Sonnet|454}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Burroughs, John'', A Boston Criticism of Whitman|392}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Byron|{{nowrap|269, 315}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Cæsar, Shakespeare’s, Is [he] Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and ‘Strafford’|148}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Cervantes, Death of Shakespeare and|{{nowrap|169, 380}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Character in ‘As You Like It’|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chaucer, Is [he] Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Childe Roland’|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chrismas Orgy, The|49}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Clarke, Helen A.'', A Sketch of Prometheus Myth in Poetry, 135; Jones’ Browning as a Philosophical Teacher, 280; Musical Settings,—Januarie, ''Frontispiec''; ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Some Notable American Verse, 580; Wilson’s Browning Primer, 282; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.|}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ''Hugh A.'', Music,—Song from ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|facing 384}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Cohen, Mary M.'', The Source of Browning’s Optimism|567}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ Study Hints|39}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} at Smith College|475}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Comparative Studies|{{nowrap|91, 148, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Cooke, George Willis'', The Poetic Limitations of Sordello|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Copyright Law, Our So-called|155}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Coriolanus’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Correspondence of {{bar|2 {{bar|2}} and * * *}}|{{nowrap|49, 100, 158, 227, 274, 375, 521}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Cymbeline’|{{nowrap|167, 608}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Dall, Caroline H.'', Roger Bacon the Unwitting Cause of Baconianism; Shakesperian Appreciation before Pope|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence|490}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Davies, Samuel D.'', Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence|490}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Democratic Vagaries|100}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Discouragement|396}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Dole, Nathan Haskell'', Discouragement|396}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Durdík, Pavel'', Trans. from Turgeniev|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Edinburgh University and Women|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Eliot, George|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Epilogues of Browning|{{nowrap|57, 103, 283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Erbes, Philip H.'', The Essence of Goethe’s ‘Faust,’ 504; The Literary and Stage Hamlet|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Euripides|516|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Faust’|{{nowrap|91, 109}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Essence of|504}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Faustus|109}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ferishtah’s Fancies’|423}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Fletcher|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Ford, Harriet'', Andrea del Sarto: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘From Ghent to Aix’|178}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Fust and his Friends’|{{nowrap|110, 281}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Glove, A, a Prose Play|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|230}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Goethe, ‘Faust’|504}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus|{{nowrap|139, 245}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Greene, ‘Pandosto’|516|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Hamlet|{{nowrap|201, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Don Quixote|169}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Literary and Stage|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Harold,’ Performance of|164}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:39:32Z</timestamp>
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{{rh|iv|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sc|Books Noticed:}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{bar|2}}&lt;/includeonly&gt; Spaulding, S. M., ‘The Winds of Icarus’|587}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Tennyson, Alfred, ‘The Death of Œnone, Akbar’s Dream’ etc.|{{nowrap|592, 640, 643}}}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Thompson, Maurice, ‘Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Watson, William, ‘Lyric Love’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Whitman, Walt, ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Wilson, Mary, ‘Browning Primer’|282}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} De Windt, ‘Siberia as it is’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bossism, An Aristocratic Survival|158}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Brantôme, Shakespeare’s Compliment to|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brinton, D. G.'', Epilogues of Browning: their Articstic Significance, 57; Browning on Unconventional Relations, 266; Primitive American Poetry|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Brontë, Emily: A Modern Stoic|64}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brooks, Edward'', Magic in Poetry|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} , ''M. Sears'', Browning’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brown, Anna R.'', King Leir and Cordoille, 19; Celtic Element in Tenyson’s ‘Lady of Shalott’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Browning, Elizabet Barret, First Edition, 472; Rare Poems of|46}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robert, as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books|276}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Epilogues of|57}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}, Theories on|{{nowrap|103, 283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} First Editions|471}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Letters, Excerpts from a Sheaf of|233}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in Tennyson and|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} On Unconventional Relations|266}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Riccardi Palaces, and|52}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Relation of Nature to Man in|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Study Hints, ‘Colombe’s Birthday’|39}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 288, 476, 533, 647}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mesmerism|111}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Optimism, The Source of|567}}
{{TOC row c|3|(See also titles of poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Browningese, An Instance of Shakespearian|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brownlow, E. B.'', The Tailed Sonnet|454}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Burroughs, John'', A Boston Criticism of Whitman|392}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Byron|{{nowrap|269, 315}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Cæsar, Shakespeare’s, Is [he] Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and ‘Strafford’|148}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Cervantes, Death of Shakespeare and|{{nowrap|169, 380}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Character in ‘As You Like It’|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chaucer, Is [he] Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Childe Roland’|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chrismas Orgy, The|49}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Clarke, Helen A.'', A Sketch of Prometheus Myth in Poetry, 135; Jones’ Browning as a Philosophical Teacher, 280; Musical Settings,—Januarie, ''Frontispiec''; ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Some Notable American Verse, 580; Wilson’s Browning Primer, 282; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.|}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ''Hugh A.'', Music,—Song from ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|facing 384}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Cohen, Mary M.'', The Source of Browning’s Optimism|567}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ Study Hints|39}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} at Smith College|475}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Comparative Studies|{{nowrap|91, 148, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Cooke, George Willis'', The Poetic Limitations of Sordello|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Copyright Law, Our So-called|155}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Coriolanus’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Correspondence of {{bar|2 {{bar|2}} and * * *}}|{{nowrap|49, 100, 158, 227, 274, 375, 521}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Cymbeline’|{{nowrap|167, 608}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Dall, Caroline H.'', Roger Bacon the Unwitting Cause of Baconianism; Shakesperian Appreciation before Pope|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence|490}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Davies, Samuel D.'', Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence|490}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Democratic Vagaries|100}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Discouragement|396}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Dole, Nathan Haskell'', Discouragement|396}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Durdík, Pavel'', Trans. from Turgeniev|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Edinburgh University and Women|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Eliot, George|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Epilogues of Browning|{{nowrap|57, 103, 283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Erbes, Philip H.'', The Essence of Goethe’s ‘Faust,’ 504; The Literary and Stage Hamlet|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Euripides|516|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Faust’|{{nowrap|91, 109}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Essence of|504}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Faustus|109}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ferishtah’s Fancies’|423}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Fletcher|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Ford, Harriet'', Andrea del Sarto: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘From Ghent to Aix’|178}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Fust and his Friends’|{{nowrap|110, 281}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Glove, A, a Prose Play|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|230}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Goethe, ‘Faust’|504}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus|{{nowrap|139, 245}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Greene, ‘Pandosto’|516|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Hamlet|{{nowrap|201, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Don Quixote|169}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Literary and Stage|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Harold,’ Performance of|164}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rh|iv|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sc|Books Noticed:}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{bar|2}}&lt;/includeonly&gt; Spaulding, S. M., ‘The Winds of Icarus’|587}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Tennyson, Alfred, ‘The Death of Œnone, Akbar’s Dream’ etc.|{{nowrap|592, 640, 643}}}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Thompson, Maurice, ‘Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Watson, William, ‘Lyric Love’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Whitman, Walt, ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Wilson, Mary, ‘Browning Primer’|282}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} De Windt, ‘Siberia as it is’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bossism, An Aristocratic Survival|158}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Brantôme, Shakespeare’s Compliment to|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brinton, D. G.'', Epilogues of Browning: their Articstic Significance, 57; Browning on Unconventional Relations, 266; Primitive American Poetry|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Brontë, Emily: A Modern Stoic|64}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brooks, Edward'', Magic in Poetry|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} , ''M. Sears'', Browning’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brown, Anna R.'', King Leir and Cordoille, 19; Celtic Element in Tenyson’s ‘Lady of Shalott’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Browning, Elizabet Barret, First Edition, 472; Rare Poems of|46}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robert, as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books|276}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Epilogues of|57}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}, Theories on|{{nowrap|103, 283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} First Editions|471}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Letters, Excerpts from a Sheaf of|233}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in Tennyson and|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} On Unconventional Relations|266}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Riccardi Palaces, and|52}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Relation of Nature to Man in|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Study Hints, ‘Colombe’s Birthday’|39}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 288, 476, 533, 647}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mesmerism|111}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Optimism, The Source of|567}}
{{TOC row c|3|(See also titles of poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Browningese, An Instance of Shakespearian|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brownlow, E. B.'', The Tailed Sonnet|454}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Burroughs, John'', A Boston Criticism of Whitman|392}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Byron|{{nowrap|269, 315}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Cæsar, Shakespeare’s, Is [he] Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and ‘Strafford’|148}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Cervantes, Death of Shakespeare and|{{nowrap|169, 380}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Character in ‘As You Like It’|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chaucer, Is [he] Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Childe Roland’|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chrismas Orgy, The|49}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Clarke, Helen A.'', A Sketch of Prometheus Myth in Poetry, 135; Jones’ Browning as a Philosophical Teacher, 280; Musical Settings,—Januarie, ''Frontispiec''; ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Some Notable American Verse, 580; Wilson’s Browning Primer, 282; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.|}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ''Hugh A.'', Music,—Song from ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|facing 384}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Cohen, Mary M.'', The Source of Browning’s Optimism|567}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ Study Hints|39}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} at Smith College|475}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Comparative Studies|{{nowrap|91, 148, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Cooke, George Willis'', The Poetic Limitations of Sordello|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Copyright Law, Our So-called|155}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Coriolanus’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Correspondence of {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and * * *|{{nowrap|49, 100, 158, 227, 274, 375, 521}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Cymbeline’|{{nowrap|167, 608}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Dall, Caroline H.'', Roger Bacon the Unwitting Cause of Baconianism; Shakesperian Appreciation before Pope|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence|490}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Davies, Samuel D.'', Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence|490}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Democratic Vagaries|100}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Discouragement|396}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Dole, Nathan Haskell'', Discouragement|396}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Durdík, Pavel'', Trans. from Turgeniev|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Edinburgh University and Women|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Eliot, George|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Epilogues of Browning|{{nowrap|57, 103, 283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Erbes, Philip H.'', The Essence of Goethe’s ‘Faust,’ 504; The Literary and Stage Hamlet|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Euripides|516|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Faust’|{{nowrap|91, 109}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Essence of|504}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Faustus|109}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ferishtah’s Fancies’|423}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Fletcher|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Ford, Harriet'', Andrea del Sarto: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘From Ghent to Aix’|178}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Fust and his Friends’|{{nowrap|110, 281}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Glove, A, a Prose Play|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|230}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Goethe, ‘Faust’|504}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus|{{nowrap|139, 245}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Greene, ‘Pandosto’|516|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Hamlet|{{nowrap|201, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Don Quixote|169}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Literary and Stage|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Harold,’ Performance of|164}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rh|iv|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sc|Books Noticed:}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{bar|2}}&lt;/includeonly&gt; Spaulding, S. M., ‘The Winds of Icarus’|587}} 
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Tennyson, Alfred, ‘The Death of Œnone, Akbar’s Dream’ etc.|{{nowrap|592, 640, 643}}}} 
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Thompson, Maurice, ‘Poems’|584}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Watson, William, ‘Lyric Love’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Whitman, Walt, ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Wilson, Mary, ‘Browning Primer’|282}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} De Windt, ‘Siberia as it is’|106}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Bossism, An Aristocratic Survival|158}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Brantôme, Shakespeare’s Compliment to|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brinton, D. G.'', Epilogues of Browning: their Articstic Significance, 57; Browning on Unconventional Relations, 266; Primitive American Poetry|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Brontë, Emily: A Modern Stoic|64}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brooks, Edward'', Magic in Poetry|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} , ''M. Sears'', Browning’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brown, Anna R.'', King Leir and Cordoille, 19; Celtic Element in Tenyson’s ‘Lady of Shalott’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Browning, Elizabet Barret, First Edition, 472; Rare Poems of|46}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Robert, as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books|276}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Epilogues of|57}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}, Theories on|{{nowrap|103, 283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} First Editions|471}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Letters, Excerpts from a Sheaf of|233}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in Tennyson and|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} On Unconventional Relations|266}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Riccardi Palaces, and|52}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Relation of Nature to Man in|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Study Hints, ‘Colombe’s Birthday’|39}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 288, 476, 533, 647}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Childe Roland’ and its Danish Source|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mesmerism|111}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Optimism, The Source of|567}}
{{TOC row c|3|(See also titles of poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Browningese, An Instance of Shakespearian|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Brownlow, E. B.'', The Tailed Sonnet|454}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Burroughs, John'', A Boston Criticism of Whitman|392}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Byron|{{nowrap|269, 315}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Cæsar, Shakespeare’s, Is [he] Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and ‘Strafford’|148}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Cervantes, Death of Shakespeare and|{{nowrap|169, 380}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Character in ‘As You Like It’|{{nowrap|31, 81}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chaucer, Is [he] Irreligious?|537}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Childe Roland’|425}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Chrismas Orgy, The|49}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Clarke, Helen A.'', A Sketch of Prometheus Myth in Poetry, 135; Jones’ Browning as a Philosophical Teacher, 280; Musical Settings,—Januarie, ''Frontispiec''; ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Some Notable American Verse, 580; Wilson’s Browning Primer, 282; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.|}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} ''Hugh A.'', Music,—Song from ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|facing 384}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Cohen, Mary M.'', The Source of Browning’s Optimism|567}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ Study Hints|39}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} at Smith College|475}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Comparative Studies|{{nowrap|91, 148, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Cooke, George Willis'', The Poetic Limitations of Sordello|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Copyright Law, Our So-called|155}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Coriolanus’|232}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Correspondence of {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and * * *|{{nowrap|49, 100, 158, 227, 274, 375, 521}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Cymbeline’|{{nowrap|167, 608}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Dall, Caroline H.'', Roger Bacon the Unwitting Cause of Baconianism; Shakesperian Appreciation before Pope|53}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence|490}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Davies, Samuel D.'', Dante’s Claim to Poetic Eminence|490}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Democratic Vagaries|100}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Discouragement|396}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Dole, Nathan Haskell'', Discouragement|396}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Durdík, Pavel'', Trans. from Turgeniev|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Edinburgh University and Women|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Eliot, George|162}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Epilogues of Browning|{{nowrap|57, 103, 283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Erbes, Philip H.'', The Essence of Goethe’s ‘Faust,’ 504; The Literary and Stage Hamlet|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Euripides|516|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Faust’|{{nowrap|91, 109}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Essence of|504}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Faustus|109}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ferishtah’s Fancies’|423}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Fletcher|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Ford, Harriet'', Andrea del Sarto: A Painter’s Poem|144}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘From Ghent to Aix’|178}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Fust and his Friends’|{{nowrap|110, 281}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Glove, A, a Prose Play|{{nowrap|7, 70, 128, 204, 254}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|230}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Goethe, ‘Faust’|504}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Prometheus|{{nowrap|139, 245}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Greene, ‘Pandosto’|516|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Hamlet|{{nowrap|201, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Don Quixote|169}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} The Literary and Stage|105}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Harold,’ Performance of|164}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{| style=&quot;line-height:1; margin:auto; max-width:40em; font-size:83%;&quot;
|{{ts|ar}} | {{sc|page}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Henry VI.’ | 474 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Henry VIII.’ | {{nowrap|168, 475}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Hudson, William H.'', Early Mutilators of Shakespeare | 360 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Hunton, Charles Hugh'', Shakespeare’s Compliment to Brantôme | 449 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Ibsen’s ‘Doll’s House’ in Cairo | 528 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg | 528 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ‘Ghosts’ in Milan | 286 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ‘Peer Gynt’ | 589 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘In a Balcony’ | 162 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Invention, A Night Song of | 521 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Ixion,’ A Study of | 243 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Januarie,’ A Song from Spenser, with Music | ''Frontispiece'' |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Jastrow, Morris, Jr.'', Magic and Prodigy in the East | 118 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Juliet’s Runaway Once More | 14 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Julius Cæsar’ | {{nowrap|232, 374}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and ‘Stradfford’ | 148 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Karen, A Novelette | 385 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Kielland, Alexander'', Karen | 385 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Kingsland, William G.'', Excerpts from a Sheaf of Browning Letters, 233; Rare Poems of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 46, Ruskin on Gold: A Treasure Trove, 113; Shelley’s Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener, 304; London Literaria | {{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Král, Josef Jiří'', A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, {{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, Newton’s Brain, Trans. of, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Shakespeare in Bohemia, {{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs, Trans. of}} | {{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Lanier, Sidney | 214 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Latimer, George Dimmick'', A Study of Browning’s ‘Ixion’ | 243 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Layamon | 19 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Lear’ | {{nowrap|215, 232, 362, 451}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Leir and Cordoille: Layamon’s ‘Brut’ | 19 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Literaria, Continental | 527 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} London | {{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Longellow’s ‘Golden Ledend’ and its Analogues | 91 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Love’s Labour ’s Lost’ | 215 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Lowell | 286 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} — Whitman: A Contrast | 22 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Luria’ | 235 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Macbeth’ | {{nowrap|42, 203, 321, 232}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Mackenzie, Constance'', ‘Mesmerism’ | 107 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Magic and Prodigy in the East | 118 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} in Eastern and Western Literature | 126 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Masson on Tennyson | 635 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Massinger, ‘Duke of Milan’ | {{nowrap|167, 168}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Measure for Measure’ | 366 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Merchant of Venice’ | 232 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Meredith, George | 286 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View | 261 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Moral Implications of | 107 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Midsummer Night’s Dream’ | {{nowrap|362, 373, 524, 531}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Milton | {{nowrap|270, 457}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth | 42 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Morris, William | 241 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Mott, Emma Pratt'', Shakespeare and Rhythm | 212 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Much Ado about Nothing’ | {{nowrap|184, 364}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Musical Settings, Spenser’s ‘Januarie,’ facing p. 1; Browning’s ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Song from ‘Prometheus,’ Shelley | facing 384 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Newell, Charlotte'', The Poets-Lareate | {{nowrap|552, 599}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Newton’s Brain, A Romanetto | {{nowrap|{{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}}}}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘New Way to Pay Old Debts’ | 168 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Noyes, John B.'', Shakespeare’s ‘Childing Autumn’ | 524 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Othello’ | {{nowrap|54, 232, 362}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''P. A. C.'', A Study of Shakespeare’s ‘Winter’s Tale’: considered in Connection with Greene’s ‘Pandosto’ and the ‘Alkestis’ of Euripides, 516; Browning Study Hints: ‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ 39; ‘Julius Cæsar’ and ‘Strafford’: A Comparative Study, 148; Lonfellow’s ‘Golden Legend’ and its Analogues | 91 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Paracelsus’ | 235 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Parkes, Kineton'', Shelley’s Faith: its Development and Relativity, 289; its Prophecy | 397 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Pauline’ and ‘Louis Lambert’ | 164 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Peart, S. E.'', The Comradeship of Antony and Cleopatra | 217 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Pietro of Abano’ | 277 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Pippa Passes’ | 235 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Poetics | 381 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Poetry, American, Primitive | 329 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} | 580 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Magic in | {{nowrap|109, 119, 126, 412}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Prometheus Myth in | 135 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Poets, why are we not a race of | 227 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Poets-Laureate, The | {{nowrap|552, 599}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Pompilia Sonnets | 284 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{TOC page listing|{{gap|0.7em}}''Porter, Charlotte'', Dr. Berdoe’s Browning Cyclopædia, 276; Fleay’ Biographical History of the Drama, 222; Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth, 42, Morrison’s ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc., 282; Tennyson’s Last Book, 640; The Furness Variorum Shakespeare, 225; Our So-called Copyright Law, 155; Book Inklings, Notes, etc. |&amp;nbsp;|hi=1.7em}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Programmes, Study | {{nowrap|167, 476, 533, 536}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{lh2/e}}
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{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VI.’|474}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VIII.’|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hudson, William H.'', Early Mutilators of Shakespeare|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hunton, Charles Hugh'', Shakespeare’s Compliment to Brantôme|449|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ibsen’s ‘Doll’s House’ in Cairo|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ghosts’ in Milan|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Peer Gynt’|589}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘In a Balcony’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Invention, A Night Song of|521}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Januarie,’ A Song from Spenser, with Music|''Frontispiece''}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Jastrow, Morris, Jr.'', Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Julius Cæsar’|{{nowrap|232, 374}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and ‘Stradfford’|148|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Karen, A Novelette|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kielland, Alexander'', Karen|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kingsland, William G.'', Excerpts from a Sheaf of Browning Letters, 233; Rare Poems of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 46, Ruskin on Gold: A Treasure Trove, 113; Shelley’s Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener, 304; London Literaria|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Král, Josef Jiří'', A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, {{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, Newton’s Brain, Trans. of, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Shakespeare in Bohemia, {{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs, Trans. of}}|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lanier, Sidney|214}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Latimer, George Dimmick'', A Study of Browning’s ‘Ixion’|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Layamon|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Lear’|{{nowrap|215, 232, 362, 451}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Leir and Cordoille: Layamon’s ‘Brut’|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Literaria, Continental|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} London|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Longellow’s ‘Golden Ledend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Love’s Labour ’s Lost’|215}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lowell|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} — Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Luria’|235|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Macbeth’|{{nowrap|42, 203, 321, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mackenzie, Constance'', ‘Mesmerism’|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Massinger, ‘Duke of Milan’|{{nowrap|167, 168}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Measure for Measure’|366}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Merchant of Venice’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Meredith, George|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moral Implications of|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Midsummer Night’s Dream’|{{nowrap|362, 373, 524, 531}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Milton|{{nowrap|270, 457}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth|42}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Morris, William|241}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mott, Emma Pratt'', Shakespeare and Rhythm|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Much Ado about Nothing’|{{nowrap|184, 364}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Musical Settings, Spenser’s ‘Januarie,’ facing p. 1; Browning’s ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Song from ‘Prometheus,’ Shelley|facing 384|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Newell, Charlotte'', The Poets-Lareate|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Newton’s Brain, A Romanetto|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘New Way to Pay Old Debts’|168}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Noyes, John B.'', Shakespeare’s ‘Childing Autumn’|524|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Othello’|{{nowrap|54, 232, 362}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''P. A. C.'', A Study of Shakespeare’s ‘Winter’s Tale’: considered in Connection with Greene’s ‘Pandosto’ and the ‘Alkestis’ of Euripides, 516; Browning Study Hints: ‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ 39; ‘Julius Cæsar’ and ‘Strafford’: A Comparative Study, 148; Lonfellow’s ‘Golden Legend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Paracelsus’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Parkes, Kineton'', Shelley’s Faith: its Development and Relativity, 289; its Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pauline’ and ‘Louis Lambert’|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Peart, S. E.'', The Comradeship of Antony and Cleopatra|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pietro of Abano’|277}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pippa Passes’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetics|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetry, American, Primitive|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Magic in|{{nowrap|109, 119, 126, 412}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus Myth in|135}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets, why are we not a race of|227}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets-Laureate, The|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Porter, Charlotte'', Dr. Berdoe’s Browning Cyclopædia, 276; Fleay’ Biographical History of the Drama, 222; Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth, 42, Morrison’s ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc., 282; Tennyson’s Last Book, 640; The Furness Variorum Shakespeare, 225; Our So-called Copyright Law, 155; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Programmes, Study|{{nowrap|167, 476, 533, 536}}|class=toc-section-end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rh||''Index.''|v}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VI.’|474}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VIII.’|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hudson, William H.'', Early Mutilators of Shakespeare|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hunton, Charles Hugh'', Shakespeare’s Compliment to Brantôme|449|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ibsen’s ‘Doll’s House’ in Cairo|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ghosts’ in Milan|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Peer Gynt’|589}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘In a Balcony’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Invention, A Night Song of|521}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Januarie,’ A Song from Spenser, with Music|''Frontispiece''}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Jastrow, Morris, Jr.'', Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Julius Cæsar’|{{nowrap|232, 374}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and ‘Stradfford’|148|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Karen, A Novelette|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kielland, Alexander'', Karen|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kingsland, William G.'', Excerpts from a Sheaf of Browning Letters, 233; Rare Poems of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 46, Ruskin on Gold: A Treasure Trove, 113; Shelley’s Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener, 304; London Literaria|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Král, Josef Jiří'', A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, {{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, Newton’s Brain}}, Trans. of, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Shakespeare in Bohemia, {{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs, Trans. of|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lanier, Sidney|214}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Latimer, George Dimmick'', A Study of Browning’s ‘Ixion’|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Layamon|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Lear’|{{nowrap|215, 232, 362, 451}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Leir and Cordoille: Layamon’s ‘Brut’|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Literaria, Continental|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} London|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Longellow’s ‘Golden Ledend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Love’s Labour ’s Lost’|215}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lowell|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} — Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Luria’|235|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Macbeth’|{{nowrap|42, 203, 321, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mackenzie, Constance'', ‘Mesmerism’|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Massinger, ‘Duke of Milan’|{{nowrap|167, 168}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Measure for Measure’|366}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Merchant of Venice’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Meredith, George|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moral Implications of|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Midsummer Night’s Dream’|{{nowrap|362, 373, 524, 531}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Milton|{{nowrap|270, 457}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth|42}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Morris, William|241}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mott, Emma Pratt'', Shakespeare and Rhythm|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Much Ado about Nothing’|{{nowrap|184, 364}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Musical Settings, Spenser’s ‘Januarie,’ facing p. 1; Browning’s ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Song from ‘Prometheus,’ Shelley|facing 384|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Newell, Charlotte'', The Poets-Lareate|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Newton’s Brain, A Romanetto|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘New Way to Pay Old Debts’|168}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Noyes, John B.'', Shakespeare’s ‘Childing Autumn’|524|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Othello’|{{nowrap|54, 232, 362}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''P. A. C.'', A Study of Shakespeare’s ‘Winter’s Tale’: considered in Connection with Greene’s ‘Pandosto’ and the ‘Alkestis’ of Euripides, 516; Browning Study Hints: ‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ 39; ‘Julius Cæsar’ and ‘Strafford’: A Comparative Study, 148; Lonfellow’s ‘Golden Legend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Paracelsus’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Parkes, Kineton'', Shelley’s Faith: its Development and Relativity, 289; its Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pauline’ and ‘Louis Lambert’|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Peart, S. E.'', The Comradeship of Antony and Cleopatra|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pietro of Abano’|277}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pippa Passes’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetics|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetry, American, Primitive|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Magic in|{{nowrap|109, 119, 126, 412}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus Myth in|135}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets, why are we not a race of|227}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets-Laureate, The|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Porter, Charlotte'', Dr. Berdoe’s Browning Cyclopædia, 276; Fleay’ Biographical History of the Drama, 222; Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth, 42, Morrison’s ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc., 282; Tennyson’s Last Book, 640; The Furness Variorum Shakespeare, 225; Our So-called Copyright Law, 155; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Programmes, Study|{{nowrap|167, 476, 533, 536}}|class=toc-section-end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rh||''Index.''|v}}
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{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VI.’|474}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VIII.’|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hudson, William H.'', Early Mutilators of Shakespeare|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hunton, Charles Hugh'', Shakespeare’s Compliment to Brantôme|449|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ibsen’s ‘Doll’s House’ in Cairo|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ghosts’ in Milan|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Peer Gynt’|589}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘In a Balcony’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Invention, A Night Song of|521}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Januarie,’ A Song from Spenser, with Music|''Frontispiece''}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Jastrow, Morris, Jr.'', Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Julius Cæsar’|{{nowrap|232, 374}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and ‘Stradfford’|148|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Karen, A Novelette|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kielland, Alexander'', Karen|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kingsland, William G.'', Excerpts from a Sheaf of Browning Letters, 233; Rare Poems of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 46, Ruskin on Gold: A Treasure Trove, 113; Shelley’s Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener, 304; London Literaria|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Král, Josef Jiří'', A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, {{namespace link|1|Number 1/Newton’s Brain}}, Trans. of, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Shakespeare in Bohemia, {{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs, Trans. of|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lanier, Sidney|214}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Latimer, George Dimmick'', A Study of Browning’s ‘Ixion’|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Layamon|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Lear’|{{nowrap|215, 232, 362, 451}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Leir and Cordoille: Layamon’s ‘Brut’|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Literaria, Continental|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} London|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Longellow’s ‘Golden Ledend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Love’s Labour ’s Lost’|215}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lowell|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} — Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Luria’|235|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Macbeth’|{{nowrap|42, 203, 321, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mackenzie, Constance'', ‘Mesmerism’|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Massinger, ‘Duke of Milan’|{{nowrap|167, 168}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Measure for Measure’|366}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Merchant of Venice’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Meredith, George|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moral Implications of|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Midsummer Night’s Dream’|{{nowrap|362, 373, 524, 531}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Milton|{{nowrap|270, 457}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth|42}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Morris, William|241}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mott, Emma Pratt'', Shakespeare and Rhythm|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Much Ado about Nothing’|{{nowrap|184, 364}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Musical Settings, Spenser’s ‘Januarie,’ facing p. 1; Browning’s ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Song from ‘Prometheus,’ Shelley|facing 384|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Newell, Charlotte'', The Poets-Lareate|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Newton’s Brain, A Romanetto|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘New Way to Pay Old Debts’|168}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Noyes, John B.'', Shakespeare’s ‘Childing Autumn’|524|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Othello’|{{nowrap|54, 232, 362}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''P. A. C.'', A Study of Shakespeare’s ‘Winter’s Tale’: considered in Connection with Greene’s ‘Pandosto’ and the ‘Alkestis’ of Euripides, 516; Browning Study Hints: ‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ 39; ‘Julius Cæsar’ and ‘Strafford’: A Comparative Study, 148; Lonfellow’s ‘Golden Legend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Paracelsus’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Parkes, Kineton'', Shelley’s Faith: its Development and Relativity, 289; its Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pauline’ and ‘Louis Lambert’|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Peart, S. E.'', The Comradeship of Antony and Cleopatra|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pietro of Abano’|277}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pippa Passes’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetics|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetry, American, Primitive|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Magic in|{{nowrap|109, 119, 126, 412}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus Myth in|135}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets, why are we not a race of|227}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets-Laureate, The|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Porter, Charlotte'', Dr. Berdoe’s Browning Cyclopædia, 276; Fleay’ Biographical History of the Drama, 222; Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth, 42, Morrison’s ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc., 282; Tennyson’s Last Book, 640; The Furness Variorum Shakespeare, 225; Our So-called Copyright Law, 155; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Programmes, Study|{{nowrap|167, 476, 533, 536}}|class=toc-section-end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rh||''Index.''|v}}
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{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VI.’|474}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VIII.’|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hudson, William H.'', Early Mutilators of Shakespeare|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hunton, Charles Hugh'', Shakespeare’s Compliment to Brantôme|449|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ibsen’s ‘Doll’s House’ in Cairo|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ghosts’ in Milan|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Peer Gynt’|589}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘In a Balcony’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Invention, A Night Song of|521}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Januarie,’ A Song from Spenser, with Music|''Frontispiece''}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Jastrow, Morris, Jr.'', Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Julius Cæsar’|{{nowrap|232, 374}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and ‘Stradfford’|148|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Karen, A Novelette|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kielland, Alexander'', Karen|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kingsland, William G.'', Excerpts from a Sheaf of Browning Letters, 233; Rare Poems of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 46, Ruskin on Gold: A Treasure Trove, 113; Shelley’s Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener, 304; London Literaria|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Král, Josef Jiří'', A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, {{namespace link|1|Number 1/Newton’s Brain}}, Trans. of, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Shakespeare in Bohemia, {{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs, Trans. of|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lanier, Sidney|214}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Latimer, George Dimmick'', A Study of Browning’s ‘Ixion’|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Layamon|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Lear’|{{nowrap|215, 232, 362, 451}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Leir and Cordoille: Layamon’s ‘Brut’|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Literaria, Continental|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} London|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Longellow’s ‘Golden Ledend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Love’s Labour ’s Lost’|215}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lowell|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} — Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Luria’|235|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Macbeth’|{{nowrap|42, 203, 321, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mackenzie, Constance'', ‘Mesmerism’|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Massinger, ‘Duke of Milan’|{{nowrap|167, 168}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Measure for Measure’|366}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Merchant of Venice’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Meredith, George|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moral Implications of|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Midsummer Night’s Dream’|{{nowrap|362, 373, 524, 531}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Milton|{{nowrap|270, 457}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth|42}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Morris, William|241}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mott, Emma Pratt'', Shakespeare and Rhythm|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Much Ado about Nothing’|{{nowrap|184, 364}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Musical Settings, Spenser’s ‘Januarie,’ facing p. 1; Browning’s ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Song from ‘Prometheus,’ Shelley|facing 384|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Newell, Charlotte'', The Poets-Lareate|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Newton’s Brain, A Romanetto|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘New Way to Pay Old Debts’|168}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Noyes, John B.'', Shakespeare’s ‘Childing Autumn’|524|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Othello’|{{nowrap|54, 232, 362}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''P. A. C.'', A Study of Shakespeare’s ‘Winter’s Tale’: considered in Connection with Greene’s ‘Pandosto’ and the ‘Alkestis’ of Euripides, 516; Browning Study Hints: ‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ 39; ‘Julius Cæsar’ and ‘Strafford’: A Comparative Study, 148; Lonfellow’s ‘Golden Legend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Paracelsus’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Parkes, Kineton'', Shelley’s Faith: its Development and Relativity, 289; its Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pauline’ and ‘Louis Lambert’|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Peart, S. E.'', The Comradeship of Antony and Cleopatra|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pietro of Abano’|277}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pippa Passes’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetics|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetry, American, Primitive|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}|580}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Magic in|{{nowrap|109, 119, 126, 412}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus Myth in|135}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets, why are we not a race of|227}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets-Laureate, The|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Porter, Charlotte'', Dr. Berdoe’s Browning Cyclopædia, 276; Fleay’ Biographical History of the Drama, 222; Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth, 42, Morrison’s ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc., 282; Tennyson’s Last Book, 640; The Furness Variorum Shakespeare, 225; Our So-called Copyright Law, 155; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Programmes, Study|{{nowrap|167, 476, 533, 536}}|class=toc-section-end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rh||''Index.''|v}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VI.’|474}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Henry VIII.’|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hudson, William H.'', Early Mutilators of Shakespeare|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hunton, Charles Hugh'', Shakespeare’s Compliment to Brantôme|449|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ibsen’s ‘Doll’s House’ in Cairo|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ghosts’ in Milan|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Peer Gynt’|589}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘In a Balcony’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Invention, A Night Song of|521}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Januarie,’ A Song from Spenser, with Music|''Frontispiece''}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Jastrow, Morris, Jr.'', Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Julius Cæsar’|{{nowrap|232, 374}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and ‘Stradfford’|148|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Karen, A Novelette|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kielland, Alexander'', Karen|385}}
{{TOC row dotragged|''Kingsland, William G.'', Excerpts from a Sheaf of Browning Letters, 233; Rare Poems of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 46, Ruskin on Gold: A Treasure Trove, 113; Shelley’s Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener, 304; London Literaria|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Král, Josef Jiří'', A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, {{namespace link|1|Number 1/Newton’s Brain}}, Trans. of, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Shakespeare in Bohemia, {{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs, Trans. of|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lanier, Sidney|214}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Latimer, George Dimmick'', A Study of Browning’s ‘Ixion’|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Layamon|19}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Lear’|{{nowrap|215, 232, 362, 451}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Leir and Cordoille: Layamon’s ‘Brut’|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Literaria, Continental|527}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} London|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Longellow’s ‘Golden Ledend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Love’s Labour ’s Lost’|215}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lowell|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} — Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Luria’|235|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Macbeth’|{{nowrap|42, 203, 321, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mackenzie, Constance'', ‘Mesmerism’|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Massinger, ‘Duke of Milan’|{{nowrap|167, 168}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Measure for Measure’|366}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Merchant of Venice’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Meredith, George|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moral Implications of|107}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Midsummer Night’s Dream’|{{nowrap|362, 373, 524, 531}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Milton|{{nowrap|270, 457}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth|42}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Morris, William|241}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mott, Emma Pratt'', Shakespeare and Rhythm|212}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Much Ado about Nothing’|{{nowrap|184, 364}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Musical Settings, Spenser’s ‘Januarie,’ facing p. 1; Browning’s ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Song from ‘Prometheus,’ Shelley|facing 384|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|''Newell, Charlotte'', The Poets-Lareate|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Newton’s Brain, A Romanetto|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘New Way to Pay Old Debts’|168}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Noyes, John B.'', Shakespeare’s ‘Childing Autumn’|524|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Othello’|{{nowrap|54, 232, 362}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''P. A. C.'', A Study of Shakespeare’s ‘Winter’s Tale’: considered in Connection with Greene’s ‘Pandosto’ and the ‘Alkestis’ of Euripides, 516; Browning Study Hints: ‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ 39; ‘Julius Cæsar’ and ‘Strafford’: A Comparative Study, 148; Lonfellow’s ‘Golden Legend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Paracelsus’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Parkes, Kineton'', Shelley’s Faith: its Development and Relativity, 289; its Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pauline’ and ‘Louis Lambert’|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Peart, S. E.'', The Comradeship of Antony and Cleopatra|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pietro of Abano’|277}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pippa Passes’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetics|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetry, American, Primitive|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}|580}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Magic in|{{nowrap|109, 119, 126, 412}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus Myth in|135}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets, why are we not a race of|227}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Poets-Laureate, The|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Porter, Charlotte'', Dr. Berdoe’s Browning Cyclopædia, 276; Fleay’ Biographical History of the Drama, 222; Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth, 42, Morrison’s ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc., 282; Tennyson’s Last Book, 640; The Furness Variorum Shakespeare, 225; Our So-called Copyright Law, 155; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Programmes, Study|{{nowrap|167, 476, 533, 536}}|class=toc-section-end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rh||''Index.''|v}}
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{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Henry VI.’|474}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Henry VIII.’|{{nowrap|168, 475}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hudson, William H.'', Early Mutilators of Shakespeare|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Hunton, Charles Hugh'', Shakespeare’s Compliment to Brantôme|449|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ibsen’s ‘Doll’s House’ in Cairo|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} in St. Petersburg|528}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Ghosts’ in Milan|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Peer Gynt’|589}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘In a Balcony’|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Invention, A Night Song of|521}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ixion,’ A Study of|243|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Januarie,’ A Song from Spenser, with Music|''Frontispiece''}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Jastrow, Morris, Jr.'', Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Julius Cæsar’|{{nowrap|232, 374}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} and ‘Stradfford’|148|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Karen, A Novelette|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Kielland, Alexander'', Karen|385}}
{{TOC row dotragged|''Kingsland, William G.'', Excerpts from a Sheaf of Browning Letters, 233; Rare Poems of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 46, Ruskin on Gold: A Treasure Trove, 113; Shelley’s Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener, 304; London Literaria|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Král, Josef Jiří'', A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes, {{namespace link|1|Number 1/A Modern Bohemian Novelist: Jakub Arbes}}, Trans. of, {{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}; Shakespeare in Bohemia, {{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}; Under a Bush of Lilacs, Trans. of|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lanier, Sidney|214}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Latimer, George Dimmick'', A Study of Browning’s ‘Ixion’|243}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Layamon|19}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Lear’|{{nowrap|215, 232, 362, 451}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Leir and Cordoille: Layamon’s ‘Brut’|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Literaria, Continental|527}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} London|{{nowrap|105, 524, 591, 643}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Longellow’s ‘Golden Ledend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Love’s Labour ’s Lost’|215}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Lowell|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} — Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Luria’|235|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Macbeth’|{{nowrap|42, 203, 321, 232}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mackenzie, Constance'', ‘Mesmerism’|107}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Magic and Prodigy in the East|118}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Massinger, ‘Duke of Milan’|{{nowrap|167, 168}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Measure for Measure’|366}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Merchant of Venice’|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Meredith, George|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Moral Implications of|107}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Midsummer Night’s Dream’|{{nowrap|362, 373, 524, 531}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Milton|{{nowrap|270, 457}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth|42}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Morris, William|241}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Mott, Emma Pratt'', Shakespeare and Rhythm|212}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Much Ado about Nothing’|{{nowrap|184, 364}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Musical Settings, Spenser’s ‘Januarie,’ facing p. 1; Browning’s ‘One Way of Love,’ facing 288; Song from ‘Prometheus,’ Shelley|facing 384|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|''Newell, Charlotte'', The Poets-Lareate|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Newton’s Brain, A Romanetto|{{nowrap|{{namespace link|429|Number 8-9/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|511|Number 10/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|569|Number 11/Newton's Brain}}, {{namespace link|616|Number 12/Newton's Brain}}}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘New Way to Pay Old Debts’|168}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Noyes, John B.'', Shakespeare’s ‘Childing Autumn’|524|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Othello’|{{nowrap|54, 232, 362}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''P. A. C.'', A Study of Shakespeare’s ‘Winter’s Tale’: considered in Connection with Greene’s ‘Pandosto’ and the ‘Alkestis’ of Euripides, 516; Browning Study Hints: ‘Colombe’s Birthday,’ 39; ‘Julius Cæsar’ and ‘Strafford’: A Comparative Study, 148; Lonfellow’s ‘Golden Legend’ and its Analogues|91}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Paracelsus’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Parkes, Kineton'', Shelley’s Faith: its Development and Relativity, 289; its Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pauline’ and ‘Louis Lambert’|164}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Peart, S. E.'', The Comradeship of Antony and Cleopatra|217}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pietro of Abano’|277}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Pippa Passes’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetics|381}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poetry, American, Primitive|329}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}}|580}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Magic in|{{nowrap|109, 119, 126, 412}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Prometheus Myth in|135}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Poets, why are we not a race of|227}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Poets-Laureate, The|{{nowrap|552, 599}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2out-1|''Porter, Charlotte'', Dr. Berdoe’s Browning Cyclopædia, 276; Fleay’ Biographical History of the Drama, 222; Modjeska’s Lady Macbeth, 42, Morrison’s ‘Fifine at the Fair,’ etc., 282; Tennyson’s Last Book, 640; The Furness Variorum Shakespeare, 225; Our So-called Copyright Law, 155; Book Inklings, Notes, etc.}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Programmes, Study|{{nowrap|167, 476, 533, 536}}|class=toc-section-end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{| style=&quot;line-height:1; margin:auto; max-width:40em; font-size:83%;&quot;
|{{ts|ar}} | {{sc|page}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Richard III.’ | 191 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Riddle’s Readings | 162 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Ring and the Book, The’ | {{nowrap|55, 482}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Robinson, Harriet H.'', Pompilia Sonnets | 284 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Rolfe, W. J.'', A Correction, 380; Browning and the Riccardi Palaces, 52; From Ghent to Aix, 378; ‘Much Ado about Nothing’ | 184 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Romeo and Juliet’ | {{nowrap|14, 231, 362}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Rowley, ‘Birth of Merlin’ | 167 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Ruskin on Gold | 113 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Salmon, Arthur L.'', A Modern Stoic: Emily Brontë, 64; Chatterton | 593 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Shakespeare Appreciation before Pope | 54 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Bacon illustrated by | 201 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Bohemia, in | {{namespace link|231/Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Books on | 222 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Editor of, First American | 287 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Mutilators of | 360 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Pronunciation | 163 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Rhythm and | 212 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Societies | {{nowrap|107, 167, 168, 382, 284}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Sonnets | 223 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Why we spell, with a hyphen | 283 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}}’s Birth and Death, Date of | 380 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Cæsar, Is [he] Ignoble? | {{nowrap|152, 191}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ‘Childing Autumn’ | 531 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Compliment to Brantôme | 449 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Country, Pilgrimage to | 371 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Isabel | 609 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{c|(See also title of plays and poems.)}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Sheldon, William L.'', The Antigone of Sophocles and Shakespeare’s Isabel | 609 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Shelley | 269 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ‘Adonaïs’ | 235 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Centenary | 527 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} In Memoriam | 315 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}}’s Faith: its Development | 289 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Prophecy | 397 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener | {{nowrap|304, 378}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ‘Prometheus’ | {{nowrap|142, 298}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Song from | facing 384 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{sc|Societies: Athena, 107; Baltimore Shakespeare, 382; Boston Browning; 288, 471, 476, 647; Clifton Shakspeare, 167; Grand Rapids Shakespeare, 384; Manuscript Music, 479; Philadelphia Browning, 108, 288, 533; Peoria Shakespeare, 384; Springfiel Friends in Council, 648; Warren Shakespeare, 168; Woodland Mutual}} | 136 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Society, The Leit-Motiv in | 274 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Sógård, Thyge'', Bjórnson’s ‘A Glove,’ Translation of, 7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332; Continental Literaria, 286, 527; Kielland’s ‘Karen’ | 385 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Sonnet, The Tailed | 454 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Sophocles | {{nowrap|423,609}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Sordello, Poetic Limitations of | 612 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Spencer | 402 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Stedman, Edmund Clarence'', Juliet’s Runaway Once More | 14 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Lectures on Poetry | 161 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Stopes, Charlotte Carmichael'', A Spring Pilgrimage to Shakespeare’s Country, 371; Edinburgh University and Women: Professor Masson on Tennyson | 635 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Strafford’ and ‘Julius Cæsar’ | 148 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}}Prose Life of | 524 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}}Revision of | 473 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Tempest’ | {{nowrap|162, 167, 226, 366, 449, 530}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Tennyson | {{nowrap|216, 250, 269, 589, 635}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in | 271 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Professor Masson on | 635 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Lady of Shalot’ | 408 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Last Book | 640 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Timon of Athens’ | {{nowrap|369, 372}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Traubel, Horace L.'', Lowell—Whitman: A Contrast | 22 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Triggs, Oscar L.'', Robert Browning as the Poet of Democracy | 481 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Turgeniev, Ivan'', Hamlet and Don Quixote | {{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Twelfth Night’ | 374 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Two Noble Kinsmen,’ The | 168 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Under a Bush of Lilacs | {{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Venus and Adonis,’ Music of Language in | 562 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Verse, American | 580 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{dhr}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Wall, Annie Russell'', Is Shakespeare’s Cæsar Ignoble? | 191 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''White, Frances Emily'', Browning’s ‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View | 261 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Whitman | 286 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} and Browning | 482 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} A Boston Criticism of | 392 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Good-bye and Hail | 461 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ''In re'', Walt | 646 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Lowell: A Contrast | 22 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Nature in | {{nowrap|286, 484}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}}’s Graveside, At | 461 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} ‘Leaves of Grass’ | 286 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|{{bar|2}} Message | 229 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Whittier | 591 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Williams, Francis Howard'', The Relation of Nature to Man in Browning | 238 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Williams, Talcott'', Characteristics of Magic in Eastern and Western Literature | 126 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|‘Winter’s Tale,’ The | {{nowrap|167, 516}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Women at Edinburgh University | 635 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|Wordsworth | {{nowrap|240, 318, 486}} |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing|&amp;nbsp;|''Wurtzburg, C. A.'', Character in ‘As You Like It’ 31, 81; The Ethics of ‘As You Like It’ | 498 |chapter-width=0.01em|entry-width=100%|spaces=3}}{{line-height2/e}}{{block center/e}}
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rule}}
{{rh|vi|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Richard III.’|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Riddle’s Readings|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ring and the Book, The’|{{nowrap|55, 482}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Robinson, Harriet H.'', Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Rolfe, W. J.'', A Correction, 380; Browning and the Riccardi Palaces, 52; From Ghent to Aix, 378; ‘Much Ado about Nothing’|184}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Romeo and Juliet’|{{nowrap|14, 231, 362}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Rowley, ‘Birth of Merlin’|167}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ruskin on Gold|113|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Salmon, Arthur L.'', A Modern Stoic: Emily Brontë, 64; Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shakespeare Appreciation before Pope|54}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bacon illustrated by|201}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bohemia, in|{{namespace link|231/Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books on|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Editor of, First American|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mutilators of|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pronunciation|163}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Rhythm and|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 167, 168, 382, 284}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Sonnets|223}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Why we spell, with a hyphen|283}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Birth and Death, Date of|380}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cæsar, Is [he] Ignoble?|{{nowrap|152, 191}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Childing Autumn’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Compliment to Brantôme|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Country, Pilgrimage to|371}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Isabel|609}}
{{c|(See also title of plays and poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sheldon, William L.'', The Antigone of Sophocles and Shakespeare’s Isabel|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shelley|269}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Adonaïs’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Centenary|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} In Memoriam|315}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Faith: its Development|289}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener|{{nowrap|304, 378}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|142, 298}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Song from|facing 384}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Societies: Athena, 107; Baltimore Shakespeare, 382; Boston Browning; 288, 471, 476, 647; Clifton Shakspeare, 167; Grand Rapids Shakespeare, 384; Manuscript Music, 479; Philadelphia Browning, 108, 288, 533; Peoria Shakespeare, 384; Springfiel Friends in Council, 648; Warren Shakespeare, 168; Woodland Mutual}}|136}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Society, The Leit-Motiv in|274}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sógård, Thyge'', Bjórnson’s ‘A Glove,’ Translation of, 7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332; Continental Literaria, 286, 527; Kielland’s ‘Karen’|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sonnet, The Tailed|454}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sophocles|{{nowrap|423,609}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sordello, Poetic Limitations of|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Spencer|402}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stedman, Edmund Clarence'', Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lectures on Poetry|161}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stopes, Charlotte Carmichael'', A Spring Pilgrimage to Shakespeare’s Country, 371; Edinburgh University and Women: Professor Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Strafford’ and ‘Julius Cæsar’|148}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Prose Life of|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Revision of|473|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Tempest’|{{nowrap|162, 167, 226, 366, 449, 530}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Tennyson|{{nowrap|216, 250, 269, 589, 635}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Professor Masson on|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Lady of Shalot’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Last Book|640}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Timon of Athens’|{{nowrap|369, 372}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Traubel, Horace L.'', Lowell—Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Triggs, Oscar L.'', Robert Browning as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Turgeniev, Ivan'', Hamlet and Don Quixote|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Twelfth Night’|374}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Two Noble Kinsmen,’ The|168|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Venus and Adonis,’ Music of Language in|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Verse, American|580|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wall, Annie Russell'', Is Shakespeare’s Cæsar Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''White, Frances Emily'', Browning’s ‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whitman|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Browning|482}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} A Boston Criticism of|392}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Good-bye and Hail|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ''In re'', Walt|646}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Nature in|{{nowrap|286, 484}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Graveside, At|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Message|229}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whittier|591}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Francis Howard'', The Relation of Nature to Man in Browning|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Talcott'', Characteristics of Magic in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Winter’s Tale,’ The|{{nowrap|167, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Women at Edinburgh University|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Wordsworth|{{nowrap|240, 318, 486}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wurtzburg, C. A.'', Character in ‘As You Like It’ 31, 81; The Ethics of ‘As You Like It’|498}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rule}}
{{rh|vi|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Richard III.’|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Riddle’s Readings|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ring and the Book, The’|{{nowrap|55, 482}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Robinson, Harriet H.'', Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Rolfe, W. J.'', A Correction, 380; Browning and the Riccardi Palaces, 52; From Ghent to Aix, 378; ‘Much Ado about Nothing’|184}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Romeo and Juliet’|{{nowrap|14, 231, 362}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Rowley, ‘Birth of Merlin’|167}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ruskin on Gold|113|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Salmon, Arthur L.'', A Modern Stoic: Emily Brontë, 64; Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shakespeare Appreciation before Pope|54}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bacon illustrated by|201}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bohemia, in|{{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books on|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Editor of, First American|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mutilators of|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pronunciation|163}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Rhythm and|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 167, 168, 382, 284}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Sonnets|223}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Why we spell, with a hyphen|283}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Birth and Death, Date of|380}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cæsar, Is [he] Ignoble?|{{nowrap|152, 191}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Childing Autumn’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Compliment to Brantôme|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Country, Pilgrimage to|371}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Isabel|609}}
{{c|(See also title of plays and poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sheldon, William L.'', The Antigone of Sophocles and Shakespeare’s Isabel|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shelley|269}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Adonaïs’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Centenary|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} In Memoriam|315}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Faith: its Development|289}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener|{{nowrap|304, 378}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|142, 298}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Song from|facing 384}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Societies: Athena, 107; Baltimore Shakespeare, 382; Boston Browning; 288, 471, 476, 647; Clifton Shakspeare, 167; Grand Rapids Shakespeare, 384; Manuscript Music, 479; Philadelphia Browning, 108, 288, 533; Peoria Shakespeare, 384; Springfiel Friends in Council, 648; Warren Shakespeare, 168; Woodland Mutual}}|136}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Society, The Leit-Motiv in|274}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sógård, Thyge'', Bjórnson’s ‘A Glove,’ Translation of, 7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332; Continental Literaria, 286, 527; Kielland’s ‘Karen’|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sonnet, The Tailed|454}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sophocles|{{nowrap|423,609}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sordello, Poetic Limitations of|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Spencer|402}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stedman, Edmund Clarence'', Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lectures on Poetry|161}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stopes, Charlotte Carmichael'', A Spring Pilgrimage to Shakespeare’s Country, 371; Edinburgh University and Women: Professor Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Strafford’ and ‘Julius Cæsar’|148}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Prose Life of|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Revision of|473|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Tempest’|{{nowrap|162, 167, 226, 366, 449, 530}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Tennyson|{{nowrap|216, 250, 269, 589, 635}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Professor Masson on|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Lady of Shalot’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Last Book|640}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Timon of Athens’|{{nowrap|369, 372}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Traubel, Horace L.'', Lowell—Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Triggs, Oscar L.'', Robert Browning as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Turgeniev, Ivan'', Hamlet and Don Quixote|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Twelfth Night’|374}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Two Noble Kinsmen,’ The|168|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Venus and Adonis,’ Music of Language in|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Verse, American|580|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wall, Annie Russell'', Is Shakespeare’s Cæsar Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''White, Frances Emily'', Browning’s ‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whitman|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Browning|482}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} A Boston Criticism of|392}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Good-bye and Hail|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ''In re'', Walt|646}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Nature in|{{nowrap|286, 484}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Graveside, At|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Message|229}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whittier|591}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Francis Howard'', The Relation of Nature to Man in Browning|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Talcott'', Characteristics of Magic in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Winter’s Tale,’ The|{{nowrap|167, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Women at Edinburgh University|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Wordsworth|{{nowrap|240, 318, 486}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wurtzburg, C. A.'', Character in ‘As You Like It’ 31, 81; The Ethics of ‘As You Like It’|498}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rule}}
{{rh|vi|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Richard III.’|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Riddle’s Readings|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ring and the Book, The’|{{nowrap|55, 482}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Robinson, Harriet H.'', Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Rolfe, W. J.'', A Correction, 380; Browning and the Riccardi Palaces, 52; From Ghent to Aix, 378; ‘Much Ado about Nothing’|184}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Romeo and Juliet’|{{nowrap|14, 231, 362}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Rowley, ‘Birth of Merlin’|167}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ruskin on Gold|113|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Salmon, Arthur L.'', A Modern Stoic: Emily Brontë, 64; Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shakespeare Appreciation before Pope|54}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bacon illustrated by|201}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bohemia, in|{{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books on|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Editor of, First American|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mutilators of|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pronunciation|163}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Rhythm and|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 167, 168, 382, 284}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Sonnets|223}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Why we spell, with a hyphen|283}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Birth and Death, Date of|380}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cæsar, Is [he] Ignoble?|{{nowrap|152, 191}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Childing Autumn’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Compliment to Brantôme|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Country, Pilgrimage to|371}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Isabel|609}}
{{TOC row c|3|(See also title of plays and poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sheldon, William L.'', The Antigone of Sophocles and Shakespeare’s Isabel|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shelley|269}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Adonaïs’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Centenary|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} In Memoriam|315}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Faith: its Development|289}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener|{{nowrap|304, 378}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|142, 298}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Song from|facing 384}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Societies: Athena, 107; Baltimore Shakespeare, 382; Boston Browning; 288, 471, 476, 647; Clifton Shakspeare, 167; Grand Rapids Shakespeare, 384; Manuscript Music, 479; Philadelphia Browning, 108, 288, 533; Peoria Shakespeare, 384; Springfiel Friends in Council, 648; Warren Shakespeare, 168; Woodland Mutual}}|136}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Society, The Leit-Motiv in|274}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sógård, Thyge'', Bjórnson’s ‘A Glove,’ Translation of, 7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332; Continental Literaria, 286, 527; Kielland’s ‘Karen’|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sonnet, The Tailed|454}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sophocles|{{nowrap|423,609}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sordello, Poetic Limitations of|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Spencer|402}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stedman, Edmund Clarence'', Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lectures on Poetry|161}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stopes, Charlotte Carmichael'', A Spring Pilgrimage to Shakespeare’s Country, 371; Edinburgh University and Women: Professor Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Strafford’ and ‘Julius Cæsar’|148}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Prose Life of|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Revision of|473|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Tempest’|{{nowrap|162, 167, 226, 366, 449, 530}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Tennyson|{{nowrap|216, 250, 269, 589, 635}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Professor Masson on|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Lady of Shalot’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Last Book|640}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Timon of Athens’|{{nowrap|369, 372}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Traubel, Horace L.'', Lowell—Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Triggs, Oscar L.'', Robert Browning as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Turgeniev, Ivan'', Hamlet and Don Quixote|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Twelfth Night’|374}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Two Noble Kinsmen,’ The|168|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Venus and Adonis,’ Music of Language in|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Verse, American|580|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wall, Annie Russell'', Is Shakespeare’s Cæsar Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''White, Frances Emily'', Browning’s ‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whitman|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Browning|482}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} A Boston Criticism of|392}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Good-bye and Hail|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ''In re'', Walt|646}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Nature in|{{nowrap|286, 484}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Graveside, At|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Message|229}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whittier|591}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Francis Howard'', The Relation of Nature to Man in Browning|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Talcott'', Characteristics of Magic in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Winter’s Tale,’ The|{{nowrap|167, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Women at Edinburgh University|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Wordsworth|{{nowrap|240, 318, 486}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wurtzburg, C. A.'', Character in ‘As You Like It’ 31, 81; The Ethics of ‘As You Like It’|498}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="5919" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jan.Kamenicek&quot; /&gt;{{rule}}
{{rh|vi|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Richard III.’|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Riddle’s Readings|162}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Ring and the Book, The’|{{nowrap|55, 482}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Robinson, Harriet H.'', Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Rolfe, W. J.'', A Correction, 380; Browning and the Riccardi Palaces, 52; From Ghent to Aix, 378; ‘Much Ado about Nothing’|184}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Romeo and Juliet’|{{nowrap|14, 231, 362}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Rowley, ‘Birth of Merlin’|167}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ruskin on Gold|113|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Salmon, Arthur L.'', A Modern Stoic: Emily Brontë, 64; Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shakespeare Appreciation before Pope|54}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bacon illustrated by|201}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bohemia, in|{{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books on|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Editor of, First American|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mutilators of|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pronunciation|163}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Rhythm and|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 167, 168, 382, 284}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Sonnets|223}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Why we spell, with a hyphen|283}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Birth and Death, Date of|380}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Cæsar, Is [he] Ignoble?|{{nowrap|152, 191}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Childing Autumn’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Compliment to Brantôme|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Country, Pilgrimage to|371}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Isabel|609}}
{{TOC row c|3|(See also title of plays and poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sheldon, William L.'', The Antigone of Sophocles and Shakespeare’s Isabel|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shelley|269}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Adonaïs’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Centenary|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} In Memoriam|315}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Faith: its Development|289}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener|{{nowrap|304, 378}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|142, 298}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Song from|facing 384}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Societies: Athena, 107; Baltimore Shakespeare, 382; Boston Browning; 288, 471, 476, 647; Clifton Shakspeare, 167; Grand Rapids Shakespeare, 384; Manuscript Music, 479; Philadelphia Browning, 108, 288, 533; Peoria Shakespeare, 384; Springfiel Friends in Council, 648; Warren Shakespeare, 168; Woodland Mutual}}|136}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Society, The Leit-Motiv in|274}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sógård, Thyge'', Bjórnson’s ‘A Glove,’ Translation of, 7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332; Continental Literaria, 286, 527; Kielland’s ‘Karen’|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sonnet, The Tailed|454}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sophocles|{{nowrap|423,609}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sordello, Poetic Limitations of|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Spencer|402}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stedman, Edmund Clarence'', Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lectures on Poetry|161}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stopes, Charlotte Carmichael'', A Spring Pilgrimage to Shakespeare’s Country, 371; Edinburgh University and Women: Professor Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Strafford’ and ‘Julius Cæsar’|148}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Prose Life of|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Revision of|473|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Tempest’|{{nowrap|162, 167, 226, 366, 449, 530}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Tennyson|{{nowrap|216, 250, 269, 589, 635}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Professor Masson on|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Lady of Shalot’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Last Book|640}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Timon of Athens’|{{nowrap|369, 372}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Traubel, Horace L.'', Lowell—Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Triggs, Oscar L.'', Robert Browning as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Turgeniev, Ivan'', Hamlet and Don Quixote|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Twelfth Night’|374}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Two Noble Kinsmen,’ The|168|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Venus and Adonis,’ Music of Language in|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Verse, American|580|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wall, Annie Russell'', Is Shakespeare’s Cæsar Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''White, Frances Emily'', Browning’s ‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whitman|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Browning|482}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} A Boston Criticism of|392}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Good-bye and Hail|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ''In re'', Walt|646}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Nature in|{{nowrap|286, 484}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Graveside, At|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Message|229}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whittier|591}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Francis Howard'', The Relation of Nature to Man in Browning|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Talcott'', Characteristics of Magic in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Winter’s Tale,’ The|{{nowrap|167, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Women at Edinburgh University|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Wordsworth|{{nowrap|240, 318, 486}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wurtzburg, C. A.'', Character in ‘As You Like It’ 31, 81; The Ethics of ‘As You Like It’|498}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <id>12507567</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:42:53Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="5961" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jan.Kamenicek&quot; /&gt;{{rule}}
{{rh|vi|''Index.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{dhr|0.5em}}
{{TOC begin|style=line-height:1.4; font-size:83%;|max-width=40em}}
{{TOC row r|3|Page|style=font-variant:all-small-caps;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Richard III.’|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Riddle’s Readings|162}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Ring and the Book, The’|{{nowrap|55, 482}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Robinson, Harriet H.'', Pompilia Sonnets|284}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Rolfe, W. J.'', A Correction, 380; Browning and the Riccardi Palaces, 52; From Ghent to Aix, 378; ‘Much Ado about Nothing’|184}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Romeo and Juliet’|{{nowrap|14, 231, 362}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Rowley, ‘Birth of Merlin’|167}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ruskin on Gold|113|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Salmon, Arthur L.'', A Modern Stoic: Emily Brontë, 64; Chatterton|593}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shakespeare Appreciation before Pope|54}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bacon illustrated by|201}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Bohemia, in|{{namespace link|231|Number 4/Shakespeare in Bohemia}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Books on|222}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Editor of, First American|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Mutilators of|360}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Pronunciation|163}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Rhythm and|212}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Societies|{{nowrap|107, 167, 168, 382, 284}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Sonnets|223}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Why we spell, with a hyphen|283}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Birth and Death, Date of|380}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Cæsar, Is [he] Ignoble?|{{nowrap|152, 191}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Childing Autumn’|531}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Compliment to Brantôme|449}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Country, Pilgrimage to|371}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Isabel|609}}
{{TOC row c|3|(See also title of plays and poems.)}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sheldon, William L.'', The Antigone of Sophocles and Shakespeare’s Isabel|609}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Shelley|269}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Adonaïs’|235}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Centenary|527}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} In Memoriam|315}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Faith: its Development|289}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Prophecy|397}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Letters to Elizabeth Hitchener|{{nowrap|304, 378}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} ‘Prometheus’|{{nowrap|142, 298}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} {{bar|2}} Song from|facing 384}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{sc|Societies: Athena, 107; Baltimore Shakespeare, 382; Boston Browning; 288, 471, 476, 647; Clifton Shakspeare, 167; Grand Rapids Shakespeare, 384; Manuscript Music, 479; Philadelphia Browning, 108, 288, 533; Peoria Shakespeare, 384; Springfiel Friends in Council, 648; Warren Shakespeare, 168; Woodland Mutual}}|136}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Society, The Leit-Motiv in|274}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Sógård, Thyge'', Bjórnson’s ‘A Glove,’ Translation of, 7, 70, 128, 204, 254, 332; Continental Literaria, 286, 527; Kielland’s ‘Karen’|385}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sonnet, The Tailed|454}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Sophocles|{{nowrap|423,609}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Sordello, Poetic Limitations of|612}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Spencer|402}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stedman, Edmund Clarence'', Juliet’s Runaway Once More|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lectures on Poetry|161}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Stopes, Charlotte Carmichael'', A Spring Pilgrimage to Shakespeare’s Country, 371; Edinburgh University and Women: Professor Masson on Tennyson|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Strafford’ and ‘Julius Cæsar’|148}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Prose Life of|524}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}Revision of|473|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Tempest’|{{nowrap|162, 167, 226, 366, 449, 530}}}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Tennyson|{{nowrap|216, 250, 269, 589, 635}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Love and Duty in|271}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Professor Masson on|635}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s ‘Lady of Shalot’|408}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Last Book|640}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Timon of Athens’|{{nowrap|369, 372}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Traubel, Horace L.'', Lowell—Whitman: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Triggs, Oscar L.'', Robert Browning as the Poet of Democracy|481}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Turgeniev, Ivan'', Hamlet and Don Quixote|{{namespace link|169|Number 4/Hamlet and Don Quixote}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Twelfth Night’|374}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Two Noble Kinsmen,’ The|168|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Under a Bush of Lilacs|{{namespace link|318|Number 6-7/Under a Bush of Lilacs}}|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|‘Venus and Adonis,’ Music of Language in|562}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Verse, American|580|class=toc-section-end}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wall, Annie Russell'', Is Shakespeare’s Cæsar Ignoble?|191}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''White, Frances Emily'', Browning’s ‘Mesmerism’ from a Scientific Point of View|261}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whitman|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} and Browning|482}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} A Boston Criticism of|392}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Good-bye and Hail|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ''In re'', Walt|646}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Lowell: A Contrast|22}}
{{TOC row dotragged|{{bar|2}} Nature in|{{nowrap|286, 484}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}}’s Graveside, At|461}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} ‘Leaves of Grass’|286}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|{{bar|2}} Message|229}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Whittier|591}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Francis Howard'', The Relation of Nature to Man in Browning|238}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Williams, Talcott'', Characteristics of Magic in Eastern and Western Literature|126}}
{{TOC row dotragged|‘Winter’s Tale,’ The|{{nowrap|167, 516}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Women at Edinburgh University|635}}
{{TOC row dotragged|Wordsworth|{{nowrap|240, 318, 486}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|''Wurtzburg, C. A.'', Character in ‘As You Like It’ 31, 81; The Ethics of ‘As You Like It’|498}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-34.djvu/212</title>
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    <id>3172132</id>
    <revision>
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      <text bytes="4007" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|210|''OUR MONTHLY GOSSIP.''|[{{sc|Aug}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;effect of deafness to sunder the unfortunate from those he loves. Still, the impelling instinct of all the world is like Gounod's, who exclaims, &quot;A thousand times rather be deaf than blind!&quot; 

{{right|{{asc|L. W.}}|offset=2em}}


{{c|'''The Dummy.'''}}

{{sc|There}} is one member of society whose claims to sympathetic respect have not, it seems to me, been sufficiently regarded. Unobtrusive, but always present when wanted, patient under neglect, in no wise puffed up by attention, always ready to resign any position, however advantageous, in favor of another, useful, often indispensable, but never making capital of this fact, equal to any demands, however inordinate, this being has yet no recognized position in society. I speak of the dummy. Always ready to take a fourth hand at whist, the games that Dummy has played must be indeed innumerable. Even had he been, in the beginning, of a low order of intellect, it is incredible that his merely mechanical knowledge of the fall of the cards is not almost faultless. And if we credit him with the taste and talent for the game natural in so determined a whist-player, we must come to the conclusion that his individual skill is something stupendous. Yet when matched against competent adversaries with a most incompetent partner, observe the perfect equanimity with which he submits to the most suicidal play. Scorning to conceal his cards from the rest of the table, he plays a game which disarms criticism and defies abuse. And what base advantage is taken of Dummy's frankness! What sordid calculations are founded upon a study 
of Dummy's hand! Even the best players will not hesitate to follow a scheme contrary to all the recognized rules of good play when Dummy is to the right or the left of them, exposing alike his strength and his weakness. And yet with what exemplary patience and self-control does Dummy view the slaughter of his own and his partner's hand! With what perfect good temper are his valuable cards sacrificed to establish the short-sighted places of a partner with not one-tenth his experience! Then to what onslaughts of facetiousness is he exposed! Each person at the table provokes some mirth at the expense of Dummy. Not witty himself, he is the cause of unlimited wit in others. Yet he never retaliates, and neither is his silence sullenness, for he is always ready to take a hand again with the same party. Yet who so easily ousted from his position for a new-comer? Let such a one stroll carelessly toward a whist-table, and the cry is, &quot;Come, sit down, and take Dummy's place.&quot; Does patient and unobtrusive merit anywhere else meet with so little recognition? 

But the dummy of the whist-table is not the only one to whom we are indebted. Go into a tailor's or a fashionable dress and cloak establishment, and who are these individuals standing about, faultlessly attired and irreproachable in demeanor, ready to be of assistance to either buyer or seller, absolutely impartial in their presentation of the articles cast upon their shoulders, save for the air of distinction which a fine figure unavoidably imparts, and which is apt to fade away upon the ordinary wearer? Moreover, we have seen, when the thermometer was at ninety degrees, a large supply of cloaks and mantles thrown upon one unhappy dummy, one over the other, who wore the last with the same elegance with which she had adopted the first. Indeed, they are exposed to sudden changes of clothing uncalled for by even a New-England climate. Entering a salesroom occupied by these discreet figures, there is no air of loneliness, yet neither is there confusion or interference. 

Well dressed and well conducted, they would be ornaments in any ballroom, yet are their social gifts uniformly disregarded, while the trifling omission of a conspicuous head in their anatomy is one which should not prejudice us, who have learned how often that article is worse than useless in many social circles. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-34.djvu/213</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3176568</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506952</id>
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      <text bytes="3540" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1884.]|''OUR MONTHLY GOSSIP.''|211}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;In my early childhood I was deeply fascinated by a cap-dummy. Unlike most of its race, it had a well-shaped head and most artistic features. My grandmother used it to fit her caps on; and this head and neck, so much larger than even my largest doll, was a most delectable companion. I think it perhaps softened my feelings toward the whole race of dummies. It is very likely owing to early association with that creature, whose striking physiognomy was necessarily supplemented by a good deal of imagination, that I have been moved to raise my voice in their defence. Certain it is that they seem to me deserving of more attention. Is there not in their history and habits a field for investigation, for description, possibly for fiction? If I have contributed a little to the impartiality of their future treatment, I have done enough. {{float right|{{asc|A. E.}}|offset=2em}}


{{c|'''Which?'''}}

{{c|{{smaller|''Scene—The Conciergerie. Time—Thermidor.''}}}}

{{block center|{{smaller block|&lt;poem&gt;
Two hundred prisoners lay there, waiting for 
Judicial butchery. As in the hall their feet 
Tramped up and down, Death's huge flail seemed to beat 
On the last ears of harvest. Big with fate, 
Clouds lowered over Paris. The ''coupe-tte'' 
Sweated and toiled, and yet two hundred lay 
Ready, expectant, innocent. Each day 
A coarse, fierce, brutal, cruel man appeared. 
Smoking a pipe; removed it; stroked his beard. 
And, spelling over the day's list, called out 
Name after name, pronounced half wrong, no doubt. 
These were the victims named for that day's cart. 
Each rose at once, all ready to depart, 
Without a shudder,—without groan or tear,— 
Each one embraced his friends, and answered, &quot;Here!&quot; 
What use to tremble at a daily call? 
Death stood so near—was so well known to all, 
Men of low birth and men of lineage high 
Walked with an equal fortitude—to die, 
All brave alike—noble or Girondist. 

It chanced the jailer with the fatal list, 
Reading it out to the sad crowd one day, 
Called out one name distinctly: Charles Leguay. 
Two men at once stepped forward side by side: 
&quot;''Present!''&quot; two voices to his call replied. 
He burst out laughing: 
&quot;I can pick and choose!&quot; 

One was a ''bourgeois'', old, in square-toed shoes, 
Cold and respectable; with powdered wig; 
Of some provincial law-court the last twig. 
Ex-deputy of the Third Estate, perchance. 
The other—with calm brow and fiery glance— 
Was a young handsome officer, still dressed 
In his torn uniform. 

&quot;Ha! ha! I'm blest 
But this is funny!&quot; roared the man who read 
The daily death-list. Then he stopped, and said,— 

&quot;Have ''both'' got the same name?—the two of you?&quot; 

&quot;We are both ready.&quot; 

&quot;No! that will not do!&quot; 
Replied the jailer. &quot;One's enough for me. 
Explain yourselves. I'll settle it. Let me see.&quot; 

But both were Charles. Both bore the name Leguay. 
Both had been sentenced the preceding day. 

The jailer rolled his eyes and scratched his head. 

&quot;The devil take me if I know,&quot; he said, 
&quot;Which of the two of you I'd better pick. 
Here, citizens,—you settle it; but be quick, 
For Samson don't like waiting for his cart.&quot; 

The young man drew the older man apart. 
Few words sufficed. Two questions, and no more: 
&quot;Married?&quot; 
&quot;Ah, yes!&quot; 
&quot;How many children?&quot; 
&quot;Four.&quot; 

&quot;Well! Are you ready? Speak! Which is to die?&quot; 
&quot;''Marchons!''&quot; the officer replied,—{{&quot; '}}tis I!&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}
{{right|{{sc|François Coppée.}}}}}}

{{c|(''Translated by Mrs. E. W. Latimer.'')}}

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But as to where between the two schools right lies, we can only echo George Sand: &quot;Let the realists, if they like, go on proclaiming that all is prose, and the idealists that all is poetry. The first will have their days of sunshine, the last their rainy days. In all arts the victory remains with a privileged few who go their own ways.&quot;

{{right|{{asc|E. F. W.}}|offset=2em}}


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{{c|{{x-larger|LITERATURE OF THE DAY.}}}}

{{hi|{{sm|&quot;Thomas Carlyle. A History of his Life in London, 1834-1881.&quot; By [[Author:James Anthony Froude|James Anthony Froude]], M.A. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.}}}}

{{sc|There}} is no other instance in literary history of a great reputation so slowly, laboriously, and painfully acquired as was that of Carlyle. None of the common obstacles—poverty, obscurity, the shadow of other men's popularity, the neglect and repulses which genius must be prepared to encounter at the outset—was absent in his case; most of them, indeed, were present in an aggravated degree; and they were supplemented by others that proceeded from the peculiarities of his mental and physical constitution, as well as from the unwelcome nature of the doctrines which he conceived it to be his mission to teach. The inattention and indifference with which his utterances were at first received were succeeded by a repugnance which even those who were least hostile found it difficult to overcome. His style, so unlike that of any former writer, so opposite to all accepted models, was a stumbling-block with even the small circle, or, more correctly speaking, the isolated individuals, who acknowledged his power and originality as a thinker. It was not merely considered harsh, obscure, and loaded with affectations, but denounced as a barbarous compound, unworthy to be classed as English, and endurable, at the best, as the uncouth garb of eccentric&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{smaller block/s}}Few stories are more familiar and widely spread than that of the Lost Camel, which occurs in the opening of the romance. It was formerly, and perhaps is still, reproduced in English school reading-books. Voltaire, in chapter iii. of his “Zadig; ou, La Destinée” (the materials of which he is said to have derived from Geuelette’s “Soirées Bretonnes,”) has a version in which a lost palfrey and a she dog are described by the “sage” from the traces they had left on the path over which they passed. The great Arabian historian and traveller Mas’udi, in his “Meadows of Gold, and Mines of Gems,” written {{asc|A.D.}} 943, gives the story of the Lost Camel, and from Mas’udi it was probably taken into the MS. text of the “Thousand and One Nights,“” procured in the East (Constantinople) by Wortley Montague, and now preserved in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.&lt;ref&gt;It is not generally known that the “Birnam Wood” incident in Shakespeare’s “Macbeth” occurs in the same Arabian historical work.&lt;/ref&gt; In that MS. it forms an incident in the story of the Sultan of Yeman and his Three Sons: the princes, after their father’s death, quarrel over the succession to the throne, and at length agree to lay their respective claims before one of the tributary princes. On the road one of them remarks, “A camel has lately passed this way loaded with grain on one side, and with sweetmeats on on the other.” The second observes, “and the camel is blind of one eye.” The third adds, “and it has lost its tail.” The owner comes up, and on hearing their description of his beast, forces them to go before the king of the country, to whom they explain how they discovered the defects of the camel and its lading. In a Persian work, entitled “Nigaristan,” three brothers rightly conjecture in like manner that a camel&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{smaller block/s}}''The Brahman’s Wife and the Mongoose''.—We have, in this story, an Indian variety of the well-known Welsh legend of Llewellyn and his dog Gellert. A similiar legend was current in France during the Middle Ages. But our story—''mutatis mutandis''—is as old as the third century {{asc|B.C.}}, since it is found in a Buddhist work of that period. It also occurs in two Sanskrit forms of the celebrated Fables of Pilpay, or Bidnaia, namely the “Pancha Tantra” (five chapters), which is said to date as far back as the 5th century {{asc|A.D.}}, and the “Hitopadesa” (Friendly Counsels); also in the Arabian and other Eastern versions of the same work. It is found in all the texts of the Book of Sindibad—Greek, Syriac, Persian, Hebrew, Old Castilian, Arabic, &amp;c., and in the several European versions, known generally under the title of “The History of the Seven Wise Masters,” the earliest form of which being a Latin prose work entitled “Dolopathos.” There are, of course, differences in the details of the numerous versions both Western and Eastern, but the fundamental outline is the same in all. In my work on the migrations of popular tales, I have reproduced all the known versions of this world-wide story, with the exception of that in the present romance, which is singular in representing the woman as killing herself after she had discovered her fatal mistake, and her husband as slaying his little son and himself. The author of the romance probably added these tragedies, in order to enable the supposed narrator to more forcibly impress the king with the {{SIC|grevious|grievous}} consequences of acting in affairs of moment with inconsiderateness and precipitation. In most versions it is the husband who kills the faithful animal. Among the Malays the story of the Snake and the Mongoose is current in this&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|{{sc|Vol. XXXVI}}}}}}

{{TOC begin|sc=yes|width=80%}}
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{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ruins of Lisbon|{{TOC link|10|Volume 36|''Frontispiece''}}}}
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{{TOC row 2dot-1|Frederick the Great|{{TOC link|217|Volume 36/To the King of Prussia|192}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Madame du Châtelet|{{TOC link|327|Volume 36/On the Newtonian Philosophy|298}}}}
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{{c|{{larger|{{sc|Vol. XXXVI}}}}}}

{{TOC begin|sc=yes|width=80%}}
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{{TOC row 2dot-1|Ruins of Lisbon|{{TOC link|10|Volume 36|Frontispiece|''Frontispiece''}}}}
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{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/Author's Preface|Author's Preface]]|{{TOC link|23|Volume 36/Author's Preface|5}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|26|The Lisbon Earthquake|8}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|37|The Law of Nature|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|58|The Temple of Taste|40}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|88|The Temple of Friendship|70}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|92|Thoughts on the Newtonian Philosophy|74}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|95|The Death of Adrienne Lecouvreur|77}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|101|To the King of Prussia on his Accession|79}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|104|From Love to Friendship|82}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|106|The Worlding|84}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|111|On Calumny|89}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|118|Letter from the King of Prussia to M. Voltaire|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|119|The Reply|97}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|122|On the English Genius|100}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|123|What Pleases the Ladies|101}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|139|The Education of a Prince|117}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|148|The Education of a Daughter|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|153|The Three Manners|131}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|168|Thelema and Macareus|146}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|173|Azolan|151}}

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{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|23|Author's Preface|5|subpages=Volume 36/}}
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{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|92|Thoughts on the Newtonian Philosophy|74}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|95|The Death of Adrienne Lecouvreur|77}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|101|To the King of Prussia on his Accession|79}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|104|From Love to Friendship|82}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|106|The Worlding|84}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|111|On Calumny|89}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|118|Letter from the King of Prussia to M. Voltaire|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|119|The Reply|97}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|122|On the English Genius|100}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|123|What Pleases the Ladies|101}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|139|The Education of a Prince|117}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|148|The Education of a Daughter|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|153|The Three Manners|131}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|168|Thelema and Macareus|146}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|173|Azolan|151}}

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{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|168|Thelema and Macareus|146}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36|173|Azolan|151}}

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{{TOC begin|sc=yes|width=90%}}
{{TOC row r|3|{{x-smaller|page}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|23|Author's Preface|5|subpages=Volume 36/}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|26|The Lisbon Earthquake|8}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|37|The Law of Nature|19}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|58|The Temple of Taste|40}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|88|The Temple of Friendship|70}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|92|Thoughts on the Newtonian Philosophy|74}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|95|The Death of Adrienne Lecouvreur|77}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|101|To the King of Prussia on his Accession|79}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|104|From Love to Friendship|82}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|106|The Worlding|84}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|111|On Calumny|89}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|118|Letter from the King of Prussia to M. Voltaire|96}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|119|The Reply|97}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|122|On the English Genius|100}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|123|What Pleases the Ladies|101}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|139|The Education of a Prince|117}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|148|The Education of a Daughter|126}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|153|The Three Manners|131}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|168|Thelema and Macareus|146}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|173|Azolan|151}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Works of Voltaire Volume 36.djvu/18</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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{{TOC begin|sc=yes|width=90%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|176|The Origin of Trades|154}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|178|The Battle of Fontenoy|156}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|192|The Man of the World|170}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|197|The Padlock|176}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|200|In Camp before Philippsburg|178}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|202|Answer to a Lady|180}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|205|Envy|183}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|210|The Nature of Virtue|188}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|219|To the King of Prussia|193}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|222|Ibid|196}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|225|To M. de Fontenelle|199}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|228|To Count Algarotti|202}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|231|To Cardinal Quirini|205}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|233|To the Princess of ****|207}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|235|To M. de Cideville|209}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|236|To ****|210}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|238|Epistle XIII ****|212}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|241|To the Duke of Richelieu|215}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|244|To Madame de ****|218}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|250|To the Prince of Vendôme|224}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|253|To Madame de Gondoin|227}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|257|To Duke de la Feuillade|231}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|258|To Marshal Villars|232}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|260|To M. Genonville|234}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|262|To the Countess of Fontaine-Martel|236}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|265|To M. Pallu|239}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|268|The Nature of Pleasure|242}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{TOC end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Works of Voltaire Volume 36.djvu/19</title>
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{{TOC begin|sc=yes|width=90%}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|273|Utility of Sciences to Princes|247}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|277|On the Accession of the King of Prussia|251}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|279|To the King from the Camp before Freiburg|253}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|281|On the Death of the Emperor Charles|255}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|284|To the Queen of Hungary|258}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|286|On the Polar Expedition|260}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|290|To Dr. Gervasi|264}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|293|The Requisites to Happiness|267}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|294|To a Lady|268}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|296|Fanaticism|270}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|301|On the Peace of 1736|275}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|305|To Abbé Chaulieu|279}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|308|The Abbé's Reply|282}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|310|To President Hénault|284}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|313|Canto of an Epic Poem|287}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 36/|329|On the Newtonian Philosophy|299}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>Add an additional, optional parameter, &quot;subpages&quot; to support multi-level subpage links (like [[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 36/The Lisbon Earthquake]])</comment>
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[[Category:Experimental table templates]]
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    <title>Page:Evan's (sic) sketch of all religions abridged.pdf/5</title>
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      <text bytes="2467" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Anies2000&quot; /&gt;{{c|5}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;their religious system. Christians believe that Jesus Christ is the Messiah, in whom all the Jewish prophecies are accomplished; but the Jews, infatuated with the idea of a ''temporal'' Messiah, who is to subdue the world, still wait for his appearance.

The ''Talmud'' is a collection of the doctrines and morality of the Jews. Their confession of faith consists of thirteen articles, and distinctly affirms the authenticity and genuineness of the books of Moses.

From the time of the destruction of the city and temple of Jerusalem by the Roman emperor Titus, {{asc|A.D.}} 70, the Jews have been without a common country—without a temple—without a sacrifice—without a prophet—and, as was predicted respecting them, have ever been &quot;an astonishment, a proverb, and a by-word,&quot; among all the nations whither the Lord hath scattered them.
{{div|Mahometanism}}{{c|{{asc|MAHOMETANISM.}}}}
Mahomet, the famous impostor and founder of this religion, was born in the year 570, at Mecca, a city of Arabia. Losing his father in his infancy, he was employed by his uncle to go with his caravans from Mecca to Damascus. In this occupation he continued till he was twenty-eight years of age, when, by marrying Khadijah, a rich widow, he became one of the wealthiest men in his native city.

A disposition to religious contemplation seems to have attended him from his early youth; and having remarked in his travels the great variety of sects which prevailed, he formed the design of forming a new one. He accordingly spent much of his time in a cave near Mecca, employed in meditation and prayer. With the assistance of two Christians and a Persian Jew, he framed the celebrated Koran or Alkoran, a book which he pretended to have received from heaven, by the hands of the angel Gabriel.

At the age of forty, he publicly assumed the prophetical character, calling himself the apostle of God. At first he had only nine followers, including his wife; but in three years the number was considerably increased.

A conspiracy having been formed against him in Mecca, he retreated to Medina. It is from this event, called the Hegira, or ''flight'', that the Mussulmans compute their time; it corresponds with the 6th of June, 622.

From this period his affairs went on prosperously. Having declared his resolution to propagate the new faith by the sword, he added the hopes of booty to the religious zeal of his partisans; and having made himself master of Arabia, he&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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''[[Author:Josef Eugen Scheiner|JOSEF SCHEINER]]'',&lt;br /&gt; 
{{sm|L. L. D., president of the Bohemian Union of Sokols}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{sm|({{lang|cs|Česká Obec Sokolská}}).}}
{{dhr}}
{{sm|''EXCERPT FROM THE BOOK „SLOVANSTVO“ (THE SLAVS) CHAP III. „THE SOKOLS AND TOURISTS“. J. LAICHTER, KRÁL. VINOHRADY 1912.''}}
{{dhr}}
{{sm|Prague 1920}}

{{sm|Published by the Czecho-Slovak Foreigners’ Office.}} &lt;br /&gt;
{{sm|Printed by {{lang|cs|Pražská Akciová Tiskárna}}.}} 
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      <comment>Undo revision 12507785 by [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]]): version faithful to the original returned</comment>
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{{sm|By}}

''[[Author:Josef Eugen Scheiner|JOSEF SCHEINER]]'',&lt;br /&gt; 
{{sm|L. L. D., president of the Bohemian Union of Sokols}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{sm|({{lang|cs|Česká Obec Sokolská}}).}}
{{dhr}}
{{sm|''EXCERPT FROM THE BOOK „SLOVANSTVO“''}}&lt;br /&gt; 
{{sm|''(THE SLAVS) CHAP III. „THE SOKOLS AND TOURISTS“.''}}&lt;br /&gt;
J. LAICHTER, KRÁL. VINOHRADY 1912.
{{dhr}}
{{sm|Prague 1920}}

{{sm|Published by the Czecho-Slovak Foreigners’ Office.}} &lt;br /&gt;
{{sm|Printed by {{lang|cs|Pražská Akciová Tiskárna}}.}} 
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''[[Author:Josef Eugen Scheiner|JOSEF SCHEINER]]'',&lt;br /&gt; 
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{{sm|({{lang|cs|Česká Obec Sokolská}}).}}
{{dhr}}
{{sm|''EXCERPT FROM THE BOOK „SLOVANSTVO“ (THE SLAVS) CHAP III. „THE SOKOLS AND TOURISTS“. J. LAICHTER, KRÁL. VINOHRADY 1912.''}}
{{dhr}}
{{sm|Prague 1920}}

{{sm|{{lsp|0.1em|Published by the Czech|o}}-{{lsp|0.1em|Slovak Foreigner|s}}’ {{lsp|0.1em|Offic|e.}}}}&lt;br /&gt;
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      <comment>Undo revision 12507784 by [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]]): version faithful to the original returned</comment>
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''[[Author:Josef Eugen Scheiner|JOSEF SCHEINER]]'',&lt;br /&gt; 
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{{sm|({{lang|cs|Česká Obec Sokolská}}).}}
{{dhr}}
{{sm|''EXCERPT FROM THE BOOK „SLOVANSTVO“''}}&lt;br /&gt; 
{{sm|''(THE SLAVS) CHAP III. „THE SOKOLS AND TOURISTS“.''}}&lt;br /&gt;
J. LAICHTER, KRÁL. VINOHRADY 1912.
{{dhr}}
{{sm|Prague 1920}}

{{sm|{{lsp|0.1em|Published by the Czech|o}}-{{lsp|0.1em|Slovak Foreigner|s}}’ {{lsp|0.1em|Offic|e.}}}}&lt;br /&gt;
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    <title>Page:Blackwood's Magazine volume 001.djvu/228</title>
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      <text bytes="4797" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|226|''Register.—Meteorological Report.''|[May}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
{{c|METEOROLOGICAL REPORT.}}{{rule|4em}}

In our Meteorological Report for the fast three months of this year, we gave the results of our observations, without any comparison between the last and the present year. It may not however be uninteresting to our readers to state, that the mean temperature of the four months of this year that have just elapsed, considerably exceeds the mean temperature of the corresponding months of last year. The difference of the month of January is 5°, February 6°, March 3°, and April 4°. The effects of this difference are quite obvious in the unusually forward state of vegetation in gardens and orchards, and would have been equally conspicuous in the corn-fields, but for the severe and long-continued drought. 


{{rule|4em}}

{{c|{{asc|METEOROLOGICAL TABLE,}}

''Extracted from the Register kept on the Banks of the Tay, four miles east from Perth, Latitude'' 56° 25′, ''Elevation'' 185 ''feet.''}}

{{table missing}} 

{{c|{{sc|April}} 1817.}}

''Means.''

THERMOMETER. Degrees. 

Mean of greatest daily heat, . . 53.433 

. . cold, . . 37.616 

. . . temperature, 10 A. M. . . 47.566 

10 P. M. 41.700 

. . . of daily extremes, 45.525 

.... 10 A. M. and 10 P. M. 44.633 

BAROMETER. Inches. 

Mean of 10 A. M. (temp. of mer. 54) . 30.148 

... 10 P. M. (temp. of mer. 54) 30.136 

both, (temp. of mer. 54) . 30.142 

HYGROMETER (LESLIE'S.) Degrees. 

Mean dryness, 10 A. M. 33.366 

10 P. M. 9.766 

of both, 21.566

Rain, 0.596 in.—Evaporation, 3.127 in. 


''Extremes''. 

THERMOMETER. Degrees. 

Greatest heat, 14th day, 63.000 

Greatest cold, 9th, 27.000 

Highest, 10 A. M. 14th, . . . 58.500 

Lowest ditto, . . . 10th, 33.000 

Highest, 10 P. M. 19th, 52.000 

Lowest ditto, . . . 9th, 30.000 

BAROMETER. Inches. 

Highest, 10 A. M. 6th, 30.580 

Lowest ditto, . . . 29th, . . 29.630 

Highest, 10 P. M. 6th, . 30.570 

Loest ditto, 15th, 29.560 

HYGROMETER. Degrees. 

Highest, 10 A. M. 28th, . 53.000 

Lowest ditto, . . 5th, 8.000 

Highest. 10 P. M. 19th, . 25.000 

Lowest ditto, . . 3d, 0.000 

Fair days 24; rainy days 6. Wind West of meridian, including North, 19; East of meridian, including South, 11. 

{{rule|4em|height=2px}}

{{c|{{asc|METEOROLOGICAL TABLE,}}

''Kept at Edinburgh, in the Observatory, Calton-hill.''

{{sm|N. B.—The Observations are made twice every day, at eight o'clock in the morning, and eight o'clock in the evening.}}}}

rhcr. 
Barom. 
Attach. 
Ther, 
Wind. 
Ther. 
Barom. 
Attach. 
Ther. 
Wind. 
April l| 
M.4829.9-J6 
E. 50' 29.968 
M.45 
E. 51 / 
W. 
Fair, and 
ligh wind 
Aprilie| 
M.40 
E. 37 
29.650 
29.805 
M.46 
E.44/ 
N. 
Fair, cold &amp; 
4 
'I 
M.46 
E. 42 
M.41 
E. 41 
M.41 
E. 41 
29.977 
30.1&lt;:o 
30.328 
30.260 
30.226 
30.212 
M.48&gt; 
E.49/ 
M.461 
E.46/ 
M.45 
E.47/ 
Cble. 
E. 
Cble. 
Fair, frost in 
the evening. 
Fair. 
Pair, frost in 
'he morning. 
;:j 
E/37 
M.39 
E. 46 
M.46 
E. 49 
30.167 
30.105 
30.105 
30.150 
30.155 
30.227 
M.41 
E. 43 / 
M.43 
E 49/ 
M.481 
E. 54 / 
Cble. 
W. 
W. 
high winds. 
Fair, mild 
afternoon. 
Fair, frost in 
the morning. 
Fair. 
j 
M.44 30.168 
E. 44130.227 
VI.47 N w 
Fair, and 
very mild. 
20 1 
M.52 
E. 49 
30.262 
20.253 
M.54 
E. 54 / 
Cble. 
Fair, and 
M.40'30.385 
E. 38 30.580 
tf.46 
E.44/ 
N.E. 
Fair, hard 
'rost at night. 
21 { 
M.48 
E. 46 
50.205 
50.180 
M.52 
E. 51) 
Cble. 
very mild. 
Fair &amp; mild 
n 
M.38 30.279 
E. 45 29.127 
M.44-* 
E. 46 / 
N.W. 
Fair, high 
wind. 
22 1 
M.41 
E. 49 
30.160 
30.167 
M.isl 
E. 52 / 
N. 
weather. 
Fair, but 
4 
H 
M.45 29.720 
E. 41 29.629 
M.34 29 775 
E. 31129.733 
M.32|29.S61 
E.34 29.971 
M.47 
E. 46 / 
M.41 
E. 38 / 
M.38 
E. 59 / 
N.W. 
N.W. 
N.W. 
Showers, and 
ligh wind. 
Fair, hail in 
the evening. 
Fair, very 
cold wind. 
23 { 
24 { 
25{ 
M-47 
E. 40 
M.47 
E. 42 
M.44 
E. 40 
30.108 
30.126 
30.191 
30.166 
50.116 
30.116 
M.52 
V. 50) 
M.52 
E. 47 f 
M.48 
E.47/ 
Cble. 
Cble. 
N.E. 
cloudy. 
Fair, very 
cold wind. 
Fair, frost in 
:he morning, 
fair, but 
( 
M.33 
E.44 
2').995 
29.804 
M.39 
E.44/ 
W. 
Fair, frost in 
the morning. 
26 / 
M.4.5 
E. 45 
29.898 
29.830 
M.48 
E. 49 / 
N.E. 
vei y cold. 
Fair, very 
cold- 
i,| 
M.4t 
E.47 
M.49 
E. 46 
29.7(i2 
'29.762 
29.841 
29.841 
M.46 
E.49/ 
M.51 
E. 51 / 
W. 
W. 
Fair, shower 
in the eviig. 
Fine weather 
27 { 
28 1 
M.46 
E. 49 
M.42 
E.49 
29.894 
29.886 
29.848 
29.741 
M.50 
E.49/ 
M.47&gt; 
E. 52 / 
w. 
w. 
Fair. 
Fair, cold 
wind. 
u 
M.5C 
E. 4S 
M.4.&quot; 
E.46 
: 29.78 
29-65,5 
29-656 
29.46S 
M..511 
E. 53 / 
M.50 
E. 51 / 
W. 
N.W. 
Changeable. 
Fair, with 
high winds. 
*&gt;{ 
30 1 
M.43 
E. 38 
M.41 
E. 40 
29.416 
29.441 
29.706 
29.808 
M.50V N w 
M.46 L 
E.45j! E&gt; 
Showers of 
hail, &amp; cold. 
Rainatnight 
day cold. 
Rain( 
436 in.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>mmugv74w3ewp090xa5n8snsj9yivcmk</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506870</id>
      <parentid>12506869</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:39:40Z</timestamp>
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        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <comment>Undo revision 12506869 by [[Special:Contributions/CalendulaAsteraceae|CalendulaAsteraceae]] ([[User talk:CalendulaAsteraceae|talk]])</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="4795" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|226|''Register.—Meteorological Report.''|[May}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
{{c|METEOROLOGICAL REPORT.}}{{rule|4em}}

In our Meteorological Report for the fast three months of this year, we gave the results of our observations, without any comparison between the last and the present year. It may not however be uninteresting to our readers to state, that the mean temperature of the four months of this year that have just elapsed, considerably exceeds the mean temperature of the corresponding months of last year. The difference of the month of January is 5°, February 6°, March 3°, and April 4°. The effects of this difference are quite obvious in the unusually forward state of vegetation in gardens and orchards, and would have been equally conspicuous in the corn-fields, but for the severe and long-continued drought. 


{{rule|4em}}

{{c|{{sm|METEOROLOGICAL TABLE,}}

''Extracted from the Register kept on the Banks of the Tay, four miles east from Perth, Latitude'' 56° 25′, ''Elevation'' 185 ''feet.''}}

{{table missing}} 

{{c|{{sc|April}} 1817.}}

''Means.''

THERMOMETER. Degrees. 

Mean of greatest daily heat, . . 53.433 

. . cold, . . 37.616 

. . . temperature, 10 A. M. . . 47.566 

10 P. M. 41.700 

. . . of daily extremes, 45.525 

.... 10 A. M. and 10 P. M. 44.633 

BAROMETER. Inches. 

Mean of 10 A. M. (temp. of mer. 54) . 30.148 

... 10 P. M. (temp. of mer. 54) 30.136 

both, (temp. of mer. 54) . 30.142 

HYGROMETER (LESLIE'S.) Degrees. 

Mean dryness, 10 A. M. 33.366 

10 P. M. 9.766 

of both, 21.566

Rain, 0.596 in.—Evaporation, 3.127 in. 


''Extremes''. 

THERMOMETER. Degrees. 

Greatest heat, 14th day, 63.000 

Greatest cold, 9th, 27.000 

Highest, 10 A. M. 14th, . . . 58.500 

Lowest ditto, . . . 10th, 33.000 

Highest, 10 P. M. 19th, 52.000 

Lowest ditto, . . . 9th, 30.000 

BAROMETER. Inches. 

Highest, 10 A. M. 6th, 30.580 

Lowest ditto, . . . 29th, . . 29.630 

Highest, 10 P. M. 6th, . 30.570 

Loest ditto, 15th, 29.560 

HYGROMETER. Degrees. 

Highest, 10 A. M. 28th, . 53.000 

Lowest ditto, . . 5th, 8.000 

Highest. 10 P. M. 19th, . 25.000 

Lowest ditto, . . 3d, 0.000 

Fair days 24; rainy days 6. Wind West of meridian, including North, 19; East of meridian, including South, 11. 

{{rule|4em|height=2px}}

{{c|{{sm|METEOROLOGICAL TABLE,}}

''Kept at Edinburgh, in the Observatory, Calton-hill.''

{{sm|N. B.—The Observations are made twice every day, at eight o'clock in the morning, and eight o'clock in the evening.}}}}

rhcr. 
Barom. 
Attach. 
Ther, 
Wind. 
Ther. 
Barom. 
Attach. 
Ther. 
Wind. 
April l| 
M.4829.9-J6 
E. 50' 29.968 
M.45 
E. 51 / 
W. 
Fair, and 
ligh wind 
Aprilie| 
M.40 
E. 37 
29.650 
29.805 
M.46 
E.44/ 
N. 
Fair, cold &amp; 
4 
'I 
M.46 
E. 42 
M.41 
E. 41 
M.41 
E. 41 
29.977 
30.1&lt;:o 
30.328 
30.260 
30.226 
30.212 
M.48&gt; 
E.49/ 
M.461 
E.46/ 
M.45 
E.47/ 
Cble. 
E. 
Cble. 
Fair, frost in 
the evening. 
Fair. 
Pair, frost in 
'he morning. 
;:j 
E/37 
M.39 
E. 46 
M.46 
E. 49 
30.167 
30.105 
30.105 
30.150 
30.155 
30.227 
M.41 
E. 43 / 
M.43 
E 49/ 
M.481 
E. 54 / 
Cble. 
W. 
W. 
high winds. 
Fair, mild 
afternoon. 
Fair, frost in 
the morning. 
Fair. 
j 
M.44 30.168 
E. 44130.227 
VI.47 N w 
Fair, and 
very mild. 
20 1 
M.52 
E. 49 
30.262 
20.253 
M.54 
E. 54 / 
Cble. 
Fair, and 
M.40'30.385 
E. 38 30.580 
tf.46 
E.44/ 
N.E. 
Fair, hard 
'rost at night. 
21 { 
M.48 
E. 46 
50.205 
50.180 
M.52 
E. 51) 
Cble. 
very mild. 
Fair &amp; mild 
n 
M.38 30.279 
E. 45 29.127 
M.44-* 
E. 46 / 
N.W. 
Fair, high 
wind. 
22 1 
M.41 
E. 49 
30.160 
30.167 
M.isl 
E. 52 / 
N. 
weather. 
Fair, but 
4 
H 
M.45 29.720 
E. 41 29.629 
M.34 29 775 
E. 31129.733 
M.32|29.S61 
E.34 29.971 
M.47 
E. 46 / 
M.41 
E. 38 / 
M.38 
E. 59 / 
N.W. 
N.W. 
N.W. 
Showers, and 
ligh wind. 
Fair, hail in 
the evening. 
Fair, very 
cold wind. 
23 { 
24 { 
25{ 
M-47 
E. 40 
M.47 
E. 42 
M.44 
E. 40 
30.108 
30.126 
30.191 
30.166 
50.116 
30.116 
M.52 
V. 50) 
M.52 
E. 47 f 
M.48 
E.47/ 
Cble. 
Cble. 
N.E. 
cloudy. 
Fair, very 
cold wind. 
Fair, frost in 
:he morning, 
fair, but 
( 
M.33 
E.44 
2').995 
29.804 
M.39 
E.44/ 
W. 
Fair, frost in 
the morning. 
26 / 
M.4.5 
E. 45 
29.898 
29.830 
M.48 
E. 49 / 
N.E. 
vei y cold. 
Fair, very 
cold- 
i,| 
M.4t 
E.47 
M.49 
E. 46 
29.7(i2 
'29.762 
29.841 
29.841 
M.46 
E.49/ 
M.51 
E. 51 / 
W. 
W. 
Fair, shower 
in the eviig. 
Fine weather 
27 { 
28 1 
M.46 
E. 49 
M.42 
E.49 
29.894 
29.886 
29.848 
29.741 
M.50 
E.49/ 
M.47&gt; 
E. 52 / 
w. 
w. 
Fair. 
Fair, cold 
wind. 
u 
M.5C 
E. 4S 
M.4.&quot; 
E.46 
: 29.78 
29-65,5 
29-656 
29.46S 
M..511 
E. 53 / 
M.50 
E. 51 / 
W. 
N.W. 
Changeable. 
Fair, with 
high winds. 
*&gt;{ 
30 1 
M.43 
E. 38 
M.41 
E. 40 
29.416 
29.441 
29.706 
29.808 
M.50V N w 
M.46 L 
E.45j! E&gt; 
Showers of 
hail, &amp; cold. 
Rainatnight 
day cold. 
Rain( 
436 in.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>8ewpszu5d7gfwkv130gnegaf3qwske0</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:On Inscribed Sling-bullets.pdf/7</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3301764</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507234</id>
      <parentid>12453169</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:43:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2523" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|INSCRIBED SLING-BULLETS}}.|3}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The ''glandes'', that bear Latin inscriptions, have been found&lt;ref&gt;Mr. Hawkins, ''Archæol.'' p. 105, observes: “Specimens of sling-bullets with Roman characters, are far more scarce than those with the Greek letters. The largest number have been found at Florence, where (as conjectured) there was formerly a Roman arsenal.” I am not aware of the authority on which these statements have been made. A considerable number have been found in Tuscany, at ''il Castellare'', not far from Pisa. See Targioni Tozzetti, ''viaggi in Toscana'', i. p. 352.&lt;/ref&gt; chiefly at ''Enna'', ''Asculum'', ''Firmum'', and ''Perusia''. They have nearly the same varieties as those which I have already noticed.
#{{ci|&lt;ref name=†r&gt;Mommsen, ''Corp. Inscrip. Latin'', nn. 642, 689.&lt;/ref&gt;L·PISO·L·F·COS, &lt;ref name=†r/&gt;Q·SAL IM}}
#{{ci|&lt;ref&gt;nn. 652, 710.&lt;/ref&gt;FIR, OPITERGIN.}}
#{{ci|&lt;ref&gt;n. 686.&lt;/ref&gt;MAR&lt;br /&gt;VLT.}}
#{{ci|&lt;ref&gt;n. 685.&lt;/ref&gt;C·CAESARVS&lt;br /&gt;VICTORIA.}}
#{{ditto|&lt;sup&gt;[6]&lt;/sup&gt;FVGITIVI PERISTIS, &lt;sup&gt;[6]&lt;/sup&gt;FERI,|}}{{gap}}&lt;ref name=††/&gt;ESVREIS&lt;br&gt;&lt;ref name=††&gt;nn. 647, 649, 692.&lt;/ref&gt;FVGITIVI PERISTIS, &lt;ref name=††/&gt;FERI,{{gap}}ETME&lt;/br&gt;{{ditto|&lt;sup&gt;[6]&lt;/sup&gt;FVGITIVI PERISTIS, &lt;sup&gt;[6]&lt;/sup&gt;FERI,|}}{{gap}}CELAS.
There is a peculiar class inscribed with the designation of legions, as
{|{{brace table parameters}} {{ts|ac}}
|rowspan=2|{{gap}}6.&amp;nbsp;||rowspan=2|&lt;ref name=‡‡r&gt;nn. 695, 700, 701.&lt;/ref&gt;L·V·M P FEL||&lt;ref name=‡‡r/&gt;L·XII||rowspan=2|PR·PIL,||&lt;ref name=‡‡r/&gt;L·MAENIVS||rowspan=2|X·MILLIA.
|-
|SCAEVA||PR·L·XII
|}
1. The names of men inscribed on these objects were those of the chiefs, or commanding officers, or persons who ordered the casting of the bullets. On one&lt;ref&gt;Mommsen, n. 711.&lt;/ref&gt; we have the maker’s name clearly stated, ''scil.'' T. FABRICIVS FECIT.

L·PISO·L·F·COS, ''i. e.'' ''Lucius Piso, Lucii filius'', consul, on a ''glans'' found at Enna, is ''Lucius Calpurnius Piso'', who was consul in 133 {{asc|B.C.}}, and led an army in that year against the slaves under Eunus, in Sicily. Enna, near which this bullet was found , was not captured by him but by his successor, ''Rupilius''. We may infer, however, from this and similar inscriptions, as Mommsen suggests, that he had attempted to take it. Q·SAL IM stand for ''Quintus Salvidienus'' [''Rufus Salvius''] ''Imperator'', who had a command at Perusia, in 41 {{asc|B.C.}} He was on his way to Spain with six legions, when he was&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:On Inscribed Sling-bullets.pdf/9</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3301781</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507236</id>
      <parentid>10391224</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:43:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2759" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|INSCRIBED SLING-BULLETS}}.|5}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Mr. Rich, in his “Companion to the Latin Dictionary,” under ''glans'', observes that ‘the letters are for ''firmiter'', “Throw steadily,” or ''Feri Roma'' (Inscript. ''ap.'' Orelli, 4932), “Strike, O Rome!”’ I much prefer Mommsen’s suggestion, that FIR· are the first three letters of FIRMO, in the sense “thrown from Firmum,” and that the allusion is to the siege of that town, whilst occupied by Cn. Pompeius Strabo, during the Social war, in 90 {{asc|B.C.}}

The bullet bearing ΕΛΛΕΝΙ, ''i. e.'' Ἑλλήνων or Ἑλληνίκων, is said to have been found on the plains of Marathon, but its genuineness is justly doubted.&lt;ref&gt;Some, however, have been found there, which seem to be unimpeachable. See Dodwell’s ''Tour'', ii. 161. Those found at Athens were probably thrown during the siege by Sylla.&lt;/ref&gt; &lt;ref&gt;Ritschl, Pl. viii. nn. 20, 21.&lt;/ref&gt;ITAL, ''i. e.'' ''Italicorum'', is on ''glandes'' which were thrown on the side of the ''Socii Italici''; and those which are inscribed OPITERGIN belonged to the ''Opitergini'', who were warm allies of Cæsar.

3. The names of deities are most probably of those gods and goddesses, whose aid was specially invoked by the combatants on either side, or to whom the missiles were consecrated, as MAR·VLT, ''Marti Ultori''.

4. The names of men in connection with “victory,” of course indicate the wish that those who are named may succeed. The inscription ΑΘΗΝΙΩΝΟΣ ΝΙΚΗ, on μολύβδαιναι found in the ''campus Leontinus'', shows that such bullets were thrown by the slaves in the Servile war in Sicily, 102–99 {{asc|B.C.}}, for Athenio was a leader in that insurrection. The ''glandes'' found near Perusia, which bear the words C·&lt;ref&gt;In ''Cæsarus'' we have the archaic termination of the genitive of the third declension. Thus ''Cererus'', in n. 566, ''hominus'', in n. 200, ''patrus'', in n. 1469, &amp;c.&lt;/ref&gt;CAESARVS·VICTORIA, were thrown by the besiegers, partisans of Octavianus.

5. The inscriptions, in which the names of deities are used in connection with “Victory,” indicate the gods or goddesses who were believed to be specially interested in favour of each side, or who had been chosen as patrons. Thus ΔΙΟΣ ΝΙΚΗ may have been on the Roman missiles, and ΝΙΚΗ ΜΗΤΕΡΩΝ (otherwise ΝΙΚΗ ΜΑΤΕΡΩΝ) on the Sicilian. That the ''Deæ Matres'' were worshipped in the island, appears from the statements of Diodorus Siculus, iv. 79, 80, and Posidonius, in Plutarch, ''Marcellus'', c. 19, independently of the evidence supplied by this inscription. Another of these Sicilian bullets is inscribed with the words ΝΙΚΗ ΜΑΤΕΡΟΣ, from which&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:On Inscribed Sling-bullets.pdf/11</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3301796</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507233</id>
      <parentid>10391245</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:42:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2793" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|INSCRIBED SLING-BULLETS}}.|7}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;From these remarks it appears, if I understand them correctly, that Mr. Hawkins is dissatisfied with the use of ΦΑΙΝΕ in the sense, “appear,” or “show yourself;” and thinks that if this had been the meaning, we should have had the passive or middle ΦΑΙΝΟΥ; and yet in another place, p. 105, he translates ΦΑΙΝΕ “appear.” Again, he seems to doubt whether the word was ΦΑΙΝΩ, or ΦΑΙΝΕΩ, which latter he believed to be the Ionic form of ΦΑΙΝΟΥ. On reference to the representation of the bullet in his drawing, it is plain that the word is neither ΦΑΙΝΩ nor ΦΑΙΝΟΥ, but ΦΑΙΝΕ; after which there may, perhaps, have been another letter. What that other letter was is of course doubtful, but it certainly was not Ω. ΦΑΙΝΕΟ, not ΦΑΙΝΕΩ, is another form of ΦΑΙΝΟΥ. Mr. Hawkins had, I think, some reason to be dissatisfied with the use of ΦΑΙΝΕ in the sense “appear,” “show yourself;” but the passive or middle ΦΑΙΝΟΥ, is not necessary, as φαίνω is sometimes used intransitively. My objection to either of these words in the assigned signification is, that I do not recollect having met with a similar instance, whilst I at once call to mind the the use of φάγηθι by the Tragedians; ''e. gr.'' Æschylus, ''Persæ'', 667; Sophocles, ''Ajax'', 697; Euripides, ''Phænissæ'', 1748.

The true explanation of the inscription is, in my judgment, suggested by the consideration of the probable date. Mr. Hawkins judiciously remarks on this subject:
{{smaller block|This specimen was found lodged in the Cyclopian walls of Samé in Cephalonia. The determination of its date must depend on the degree of probability which may be attached to the supposition that it was deposited there by one of the Achæan slingers from Ægium, Patræ, and Dyme, of whom there were one hundred in the army with which the Roman consul, M. Fulvius, reduced that place, after a siege of four months, {{asc|B.C.}} 189.—(Livy, xxxviii. 20.)}}
The siege of {{SIC|Same|Samé}} took place, as is well known, at the end of the Ætolian war, in which Phæneas, ΦΑΙΝΕΑΣ, took a prominent part, as Prætor of the Ætolians. (See Livy, xxxii. 32; xxxiii. 3; xxxvi. 28; Polybius, xvii. 1; xviii. 20; xx. 9.) In this year, {{asc|B.C.}} 189, he, in conjunction with Damoteles, had obtained peace from M. Fulvius, from which, however, the Romans specially excluded Cephallenia. (See Livy, xxxviii. 8; Polybius, xxii. 12.) It appears, then, that if there was a letter after ΦΑΙΝΕ, it probably was Α, ''i. e.'' φαινέα for φαινέου. The inscription of his name seems to indicate that the bullet was Ætolian, cast whilst he was Prætor (see p. 4), or it may have been&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-07.pdf/13</title>
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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1871, by

J. B. LIPPINCOTT &amp; CO.,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
}}

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{{sc|Lippincott's Press.}}&lt;br&gt;
''Philadelphia.''
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{{c|style=font-size:83%;|
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1871, by

J. B. LIPPINCOTT &amp; CO.,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
}}

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{{sc|Lippincott's Press.}}&lt;br&gt;
''Philadelphia.''
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    <title>Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/335</title>
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      <text bytes="3410" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''BOOK-TALK.''|321}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;without rising to a higher order of experience ; a principle of self-mastery has been introduced into his nature;&quot; to be followed soon by this: &quot;If Old Harry wants any work done, you may be sure he'll find the means.&quot; 

In addition to these defects, which are to be laid to the compiler, there are various misprints in the George Eliot Calendar which deface it greatly. For instance, Silas Marner is printed throughout Silas Warner. And in the quotation, &quot;It is difficult for a woman to try to be anything good, when she is not believed in,&quot; ''for'' is replaced by ''in;'' and in another quotation, &quot;We can set a watch over our affections and our constancy as we can over our other treasures,&quot; the omission of the word ''other'' takes half the beauty from the idea. 

Whether the last citations be mistakes of the compiler's or of the printer's, they are equally inexcusable. {{float right|{{asc|J. M.}}|offset=2em}}


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{{c|{{larger|BOOK-TALK.}}}}


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{{di|A}} CORRESPONDENT who describes himself as an old reader hitherto content to act the passive part, accepting thankfully the good things set before him, has been moved by certain passages in a recent ''Book-Talk'', as well as by the general tendency of modern critical and biographical writers, to avail himself of the privilege sometimes accorded to the laity of having a voice in the matter. He begins by reminding us of the old Scotch proverb that it is an ill bird which fouls its own nest, and he continues, &quot;The inodorous truth of this saying is often called to my mind by the persistent efforts of certain writers to present literary men, especially those who have passed away, in their worst light,—to bring out phases of their nature showing them mean and silly, weak and wicked. These writers appear to have discovered that they have a high moral duty to perform: they become very tender in conscience about the estimate the world has been putting on obscure individuals connected with men of genius; chivalrous in bringing them before the public for tardy justice. All of which, by the way, is asked for by no one, and would be the last thing desired by these unfortunates could they speak for themselves. Has the author's life been so much of a success that he need be made to know his place and taught humility? Which has done mankind most harm in the past, hero-worship or the opposite tendency? How are the youthful and enthusiastic to be helped by seeing those in whose excellence they found exalted standards lowered in their eyes and by having their enthusiasm cooled? Youth cannot separate the artist from his art, and it is well it cannot. Has the world at large, or rather has the lower walk of the newspaper press, from which it gets so much of its information, been slow to find out the sins of writers and make the most of them? These singers of songs and tellers of stories have done more than all others to lessen the sadness of the soul in these days when science and philosophy appear only to widen and deepen the problems of life, without offering for them solutions or increasing our hope of ultimate enlightenment. Pessimism is not popular, but I will venture to submit whether this is not an age of high moral standards and small performance. In view of this, let us leave the men of the past to the measure that was meted out to them by their contemporaries.&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Stray feathers. Journal of ornithology for India and its dependencies (IA strayfeathersjou11873hume).pdf/12</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507406</id>
      <parentid>10412652</parentid>
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      <text bytes="3489" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{c|ii.}}{{TOC page listing||''Page''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/February 1873/Additional Remarks on the Andaman Avifauna|{{sc|Additional Remarks on the Andaman Avifauna}}]]|304}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/February 1873/Spizaetus kienerii|{{sc|Spizaetus kienerii}}]]|310}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/February 1873/Notes|{{sc|Notes}}]].—Eggs of Megapodius nicobaricus|313}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Indicator xanthonotus|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Archibuteo hemiptilopus|315}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Procarduelis Mandellii {{=}} P. rubescens|318}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Poliornis liventer|319}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Asiatic Spizaeti and Spizaetus sphynx|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Chelidon urbica|323}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Palæornis rose, a Lutino of|''ib.}}
{{rule|6em}}
{{c|No. 5.—''July''.}}
{{rule|3em}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/Indian and European Eagles, No. II.|{{sc|Indian and European Eagles}}, No. II.]] ''W. E. Brooks, Esq.''|325}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/Notes on the Paroquets of India|{{sc|Notes on the Paroquets of India}}]]. ''Capt. T. Hutton'', {{asc|C. M. Z. S.}}|331}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/Phœnicophaus pyrrhocephalus|{{sc|Phœnicophaus pyrrhocephalus}}]]. ''[[Author:William Vincent Legge|Vincent Legge]], Esq.'', {{asc|R. A.}}|346}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/Notes on a collection of Eggs made at Murree|{{sc|Notes on a collection of Eggs made at Murree}}]]. ''Capts. Cock and C. H. T. Marshall''|348}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/Indian Pipits|{{sc|Indian Pipits}}]]. ''[[Author:William Edwin Brooks|W. E. Brooks]]''|358}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/The Ornithology of the Sambhur Lake|{{sc|The Ornithology of the Sambhur Lake}}]]. ''R. M. Adam, Esq.''|361}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/Novelties|{{sc|Novelties}}]].—Arachnechthra andamanica|404}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Ephialtes Balli|407}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Dissemuroides dicruriformis|408}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Locustella subsignata|409}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Rhyticeros narcondami|411}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}''Æ''thopyga nicobarica|412}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/New Birds from Sikhim|{{sc|New Birds from Sikhim}}]]. ''[[Author:Louis Mandelli|L. Mandelli]], Esq.''|415}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Heterorhynchus Humei|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Minla rufogularis|416}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/Notes|{{sc|Notes}}]].—Corrections by ''Mr. W. T. Blanford''|417}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Ptionoprogne pallida, nobis, to stand as P. obsoleta, Cab.|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Eudromias tenuirostris nobis|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Pyrrhulauda affinis, Blyth, to stand as P. melanauchen, Cab.|418}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Diagnosis of female and immature harriers|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}A new Indian barbet from Western India, {{sc|Megalæma Sykesi}}|419}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Sindh Avifauna; additions|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Avifauna of the Islands of the Bay of Bengal|421}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Occurrence of Mergus castor in the Mahanuddee, district of Sumbulpoor|422}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/July 1873/Letters to the Editor|{{sc|Letters to the Editor}}]].—Capt. G. F. S. Marshall on Gallinago stenura|423}}
{{dtpl||Mr. F. H. Aitkin on the nidification of Gallinula phœnicura|424}}
{{dtpl||Dr. F. Stoliczka on the Anatomy of Indicator xanthonotus|425}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Stray feathers. Journal of ornithology for India and its dependencies (IA strayfeathersjou11873hume).pdf/13</title>
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      <text bytes="3076" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{c|iii.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{rule|6em}}
&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{c|No. 6.—''December''.}}
{{rule|3em}}&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{TOC page listing||''Page''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Notes on some Ceylonese Birds|{{sc|Notes on some Ceylonese Birds}}]]|429}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Acheen|{{sc|Acheen}}]]|441}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Notes upon some of the Indian and European Eagles, No. III.|{{sc|Notes upon some of the Indian and European Eagles}}]]. ''By W. E. Brooks, Esq.'', {{asc|C. E.}}, No. III.|463}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Novelties|{{sc|Novelties}}]].—Spilornis minimus|464}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Heteroglaux, Gen. nov.|467}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}{{ditto|Heteroglaux,}} Blewitti|468}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Athene pulchra|469}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Caprimulgus andamanicus|470}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Chætura indica|471}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Carcineutes amabilis|474}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Myiophoneus Eugenei|475}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Hydrornis Oatesi|477}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Criniger griseiceps|478}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Stachyris rufifrons|479}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Calornis Tytleri|480}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Dicæum virescens|482}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Novelties}}.—|}}Mirafra microptera|483}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Notes on the Skylarks of India|{{sc|Notes on the Skylarks of India}}]]. ''By W. E. Brooks, Esq.'', {{asc|C. E.}}|484}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Additions to the Avifauna of Ceylon|{{sc|Additions to the Avifauna of Ceylon}}]]. ''By W. Vincent Legge, Esq.'', {{asc|R. A.}}, {{asc|F. Z. S.}}, &amp;c.|487}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Notes|{{sc|Notes}}]].—Melanocorypha maxima|492}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Pellorneum Mandellii to stand as P. nipalensis, Hodgs.|493}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Abrornis albosuperciliaris and xanthoshistus|494}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Dumeticola bruneifrons and affinis|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Neornis flavolivacea|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Reguloides maculipennis, Blyth, to stand as R. chloronotus, Hodg.|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Phyllopneuste Sylvicultrix, Swinh., to stand as P. magnirostris, Blyth|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Notes}}.—|}}Eudromias tenuirostris|495}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Letters to the Editor|{{sc|Letters to the Editor}}]]—|&amp;nbsp;}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}Captain Vipan|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}H. J. Rainey, Esq.|496}}
{{dtpl||{{em|3}}J. R. Cripps, Esq.|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||[[Stray Feathers/Volume 1/December 1873/Index|{{sc|Index}}]].—New genera|i.}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Index}}.—|}}Species described or discriminated|''ib.''}}
{{dtpl||{{ditto|{{sc|Index}}.—|}}Species noticed|iii.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/774</title>
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      <id>12506961</id>
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      <text bytes="3388" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|754|''BOOK-TALK.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;poare Exhausted Being was panting for a cool Sip of Ice water as the ox pant at the Water Brook. So did we hope there will be a change.&quot; 

It would be interesting to know if the Wrong Boy was summarily deposed from the wrong place in answer to this prayer, but history is silent no less as to his fate than as to that of the &quot;brit&quot;-eyed girl of dark ginger cake Collor. 

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{{c|{{larger|BOOK-TALK.}}}}

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{{di|L}}ORD CAMPBELL—was it not?—once wrote a book to prove that Shakespeare, from the internal evidence of his dramas, must have been an accomplished lawyer. The book is naturally highly prized by the advocates of the Baconian theory. It is true the anti-Baconians hold that Bacon never could have written the dramas, because they are full of legal mistakes which might call a blush to the cheek of even an attorney's clerk. But this only emphasizes the great truth that if Bacon did not write the dramas he ought to have done so, just as he ought to have survived to write the modern novels. Only a man who has taken all knowledge to be his province could be fully equipped as a dramatist in Shakespeare's time or a novelist in ours. Science, philosophy, theology, medicine, law, should be at the fingers' ends of writers whose plots are continually bringing them face to face with the minutiæ of those sciences. It cannot please the author of the last new novel to learn that his pet clergyman has betrayed signal ignorance of the religion he professes, that his judge has made rulings contrary to all law, that his heroine never could have died of the disease with which he has afflicted her, but is still existing somewhere in cloud-land as an interesting valetudinarian. 


In &quot;The Holy Rose,&quot; for example, which was reviewed last month, Mr. Besant makes his heroines—pious and devoted Catholics—sell a valuable heirloom which had once been blessed by a pope. A good Catholic would look upon such a sale as a sacrilege, a mortal sin. Even Walter Scott, who was usually careful of his accessories, makes the Fair Maid of Perth go to mass in the afternoon, whereas that service can only be performed in the morning. It has been urged against [[Author:Wilkie Collins|Wilkie Collins]], who is fond of introducing the sick-room into his novels, that he does not always succeed in correctly diagnosing his patient's case, in spite of the fact that his proof-sheets, so the gossip runs, are submitted to professional criticism. But it is in law that the novelist's feet have strayed the furthest, for law has a natural fascination for the romancer in its close connection with crime, mystery, and tragedy, while it is a slippery subject even in the hands of an expert. Some of the famous trial scenes that live vividly in the memory of the old novel-reader—the trial scenes, for example, in &quot;Very Hard Cash,&quot; in &quot;Griffith Gaunt,&quot; and in &quot;Orley Farm&quot;—show all the layman's unfamiliarity with the laws of evidence, and to the legal mind have about equal verisimilitude with the still more famous trial scene in &quot;The Merchant of Venice.&quot; The greatest blunderers, of course, are the lady novelists,—Miss Braddon, Mrs. Henry Wood, and our own dear Mrs. E. D. E. N. Southworth. In her &quot;Missing Bride&quot; the latter has given us a trial scene where the jury are drawn not by the sheriff,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:History of Woman Suffrage Volume 1.djvu/150</title>
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      <text bytes="3467" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ineuw&quot; /&gt;{{rh|134|''History of Woman Suffrage.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;You ask me who made this sentiment; and my friend yonder, says woman. She is but the echo of man. Man utters the sentiment, and woman echoes it. As I said before — for I have seen and felt it deeply — she even appears to be quite nattered with her cruel tyrant, for such he has been made to be — she is quite nattered with the destroyer of woman's character — aye, worse than that, the destroyer of woman's self-respect and peace of mind — and when she meets him, she is nattered with his attentions. Why should she not be? He is admitted into Legislative halls, and to all places where men &quot;most do congregate;&quot; why, then, should she not admit him to her parlor? The woman is admitted into no such places; the Church casts her out; and a stigma is cast upon her, for what is called the slightest &quot;impropriety.&quot; Prescribed by no true moral law, but by superstition and prejudice, she is cast out not only from public places, but from private homes. And if any woman would take her sister to her heart, and warm her there again by sympathy and kindness, if she would endeavor once more to infuse into her the spark of life and virtue, of morality and peace, she often dare not so far encounter public prejudice as to do it. It requires a courage beyond what woman can now possess, to take the part of the woman against the villain. There are few such among us, and though few, they have stood forward nobly and gloriously. I will not mention names, though it is often a practice to do so I must, however, mention our sister, Lucretia Mott, who has stood up and taken her fallen sister by the hand, and warmed her at her own heart. But we can not expect every woman to possess that degree of courage.

{{sc|Abby Kelly Foster}}: I want to say here that I believe the law is but the writing out of public sentiment, and back of that public sentiment, I contend lies the responsibility. Where shall we find it? &quot;Tis education forms the common mind.&quot; It is allowed that we are what we are educated to be. Now if we can ascertain who has had the education of us, we can ascertain who is responsible for the law, and for public sentiment. Who takes the infant from its cradle and baptizes it &quot;in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost; &quot;and when that infant comes to childhood, who takes it into Sabbath-schools; who on every Sabbath day, while its mind is &quot;like clay in the hands of the potter,&quot; moulds and fashions it as he will; and when that child comes to be a youth, where is he found, one-seventh part of the time; and when he comes to maturer age, does he not leave his plow in the furrow, and his tools in the shop, and one-seventh part of the time go to the place where prayer is wont to be made? On that day no sound is heard but the roll of the carriage wheels to church; all are gathered there, everything worldly is laid aside, all thoughts are given entirely to the Creator; for we are taught that we must not think our own thoughts, but must lay our own wills aside, and come to be moulded and fashioned by the priest. It is &quot;holy time,&quot; and we are to give ourselves to be wholly and entirely fashioned and formed by another. That place is a holy place, and when we enter, our eye rests on the &quot;holy of holies; &quot;he within it is a &quot;divine.'' The &quot;divines &quot;of the thirteenth century, the &quot;divines &quot;of the fifteenth century, and the &quot;divines&quot; of the nineteenth century, are no less &quot;divines.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <parentid>10418836</parentid>
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        <username>Ineuw</username>
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      <text bytes="3428" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ineuw&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''It is the Pulpit.''|135}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;What I say to-day is taken for what it is worth, or perhaps for less than it is worth, because of the prejudice against me; but when he who educates the people speaks, '&quot;he speaks as one having authority,&quot; and is not to be questioned. He claims, and has his claim allowed, to be specially ordained and specially anointed from God. He stands mid-way between Deity and man, and therefore his word has power.

Aye, not only in middle age does the man come, leaving everything behind him; but, in old age, &quot;leaning on the top of his staff,&quot; he finds himself gathered in the place of worship, and though his ear may be dull and heavy, he leans far forward to catch the last words of duty — of duty to God and duty to man. Duty is the professed object of the pulpit, and if it does not teach that, what in Heaven's name does it teach? This anointed man of God speaks of moral duty to God and man. He teaches man from the cradle to the coffin; and when that aged form is gathered within its winding-sheet, it is the pulpit that says, &quot;Dust to dust and ashes to ashes.&quot;

It is the pulpit, then, which has the entire ear of the community, one seventh part of the time. If you say there are exceptions, very well, that proves the rule. If there is one family who do not go to church, it is no matter, its teachings are engendered by those who do go; hence I would say, not only does the pulpit have the ear of the community one-seventh part of the time of childhood, but it has it under circumstances for forming and moulding and fashioning the young mind, as no other educating influence can have it. The pulpit has it, not only under these circumstances; it has it on occasions of marriage, when two hearts are welded into one; on occasions of sickness and death, when all the world beside is shut out, when the mind is most susceptible of impressions from the pulpit, or any other source.

I say, then, that woman is not the author of this sentiment against her fallen sister, and I roll back the assertion on its source. Having the public ear one-seventh part of the time, if the men of the pulpit do not educate the public mind, who does educate it? Millions of dollars are paid for this education, and if they do not educate the public mind in its morals, what, I ask, are we paying our money for? If woman is cast out of society, and man is placed in a position where he is respected, then I charge upon the pulpit that it has been recreant to its duty. If the pulpit should speak out fully and everywhere, upon this subject, would not woman obey it? Are not women under the special leading and direction of their clergymen? You may tell me, that it is woman who forms the mind of the child; but I charge it back again, that it is the minister who forms the mind of the woman. It is he who makes the mother what she is; therefore her teaching of the child is only conveying the instructions of the pulpit at second hand. If public sentiment is wrong on this (and I have the testimony of those who have spoken this morning, that it is), the pulpit is responsible for it, and has the power of changing it. The clergy claim the credit of establishing public schools. Granted. Listen to the pulpit in any matter of humanity, and they will claim the originating of it, because they are the teachers of the people. Now, if we give credit to the pulpit for establishing public schools, then&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:History of Woman Suffrage Volume 1.djvu/152</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3313308</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507922</id>
      <parentid>10418838</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:09:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ineuw</username>
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      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="3336" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ineuw&quot; /&gt;{{rh|136|''History of Woman Suffrage.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;I charge them with having a bad influence over those schools; and if the charge can be rolled off, I want it to be rolled off; but until it can be done, I hope it will remain there.

{{sc|Mr. Mahan:}} No class of persons had better be drawn into our discussions to be denounced, unless there is serious occasion for it. I name the pulpit with solemn awe, and unless there is necessity for it, charges had better not be made against it. Now, I say that no practice and no usage in the Church can be found, by which a criminal man, in reference to the crimes referred to, may be kept in the Church and a criminal woman cast out. There is no such custom in any of the churches of God. After twenty years' acquaintance with the Church, I affirm that the practice does not exist. Now, in regard to the origin of public sentiment, can a pulpit be found, will the lady who has just sat down, name a pulpit in the wide world, where the principle is advocated, that a criminal woman should be excluded, and the man upheld? Whatever faults may be in it, that fault is not there.

{{sc|Mrs. Rose:}} Not in theory, but in practice.

{{sc|Mr. Mahan}}: Neither in theory nor in practice. Where a wrong state of society exists, the pulpit may be in fault for not reprobating it.

{{sc|Abby K. Foster:}} I do not wish to mention names, or I could doso. I could give many cases where ministers have been charged with such crimes, and where the evidence of guilt was almost insurmountable, and yet they were not disciplined. They were afraid it would injure the Church. I remember one minister who was brought up for trial, and meantime they suspended him from office, and paid him only half his salary, but retained him as a church member; when, if it had been the case of a woman, and had the slightest shade of suspicion been cast upon her, they would not have waited even for trial and judgment. They would have cast her out of the church at once.

{{sc|William Lloyd Garrison}} said: I have but a few words to submit to the meeting at the present time. In regard to the position of the Church and clergy, on the subject of purity, I think it is sufficient to remind the people here, that whatever may be the external form observed by the Church toward its members, pertaining to licentiousness, one thing is noticeable, and that is, that the marriage relation is abolished among three and a half millions of people; and the abolition of marriage on that frightful scale, is in the main sanctioned and sustained by the American Church and clergy. And if this does not involve them in all that is impure, and licentious, and demoralizing, I know not what can do so.

As it respects the objection to our adopting the Declaration of Independence as put forth at Seneca Falls, on the ground that it is a parody, and that, being a parody, it will only excite the mirthfulness of those who hear or read it in that form; I would simply remark, that I very much doubt, whether, among candid and serious men, there would be any such mirthfulness excited. At the time that document was published, I read it, but I had forgotten it till this morning, and on listening to it, my mind was deeply impressed with its pertinacity and its power. Ht seemed to me, the argumentum ad hominum, to this nation. It was&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:History of Woman Suffrage Volume 1.djvu/153</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3313309</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507924</id>
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      <text bytes="3458" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ineuw&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''Intelligent Wickedness.''|137}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;measuring the people of this country by their own standard. It was taking their own words and applying their own principles to women, as they have been applied to men. At the same time, I liked the suggestion that we had better present an original paper to the country; and on conferring with the Committee after the adjournment, they agreed that it would be better to have such a paper; and that paper will undoubtedly be prepared, although we are not now ready to lay it before the Convention.

It was this morning objected to the Declaration of sentiments, that it implied that man was the only transgressor, that he had been guilty of injustice and usurpation, and the suggestion was also made, that woman should not be criminated, in this only, but regarded rather as one who had erred through ignorance; and our eloquent friend, Mrs. Rose, who stood on this platform and pleaded with such marked ability, as she always does plead in any cause she undertakes to speak upon, told us her creed. She told us she did not blame anybody, really, and did not hold any man to be criminal, or any individual to be responsible for public sentiment, as regards the difference of criminality of man and woman.

For my own part, I am not prepared to respect that philosophy. I believe in sin, therefore in a sinner; in theft, therefore in a thief; in slavery, therefore in a slaveholder; in wrong, therefore in a wrong-doer; and unless the men of this nation are made by woman to see that they have been guilty of usurpation, and cruel usurpation, I believe very little progress will. be made. To say all this has been done without thinking, without calculation, without design, by mere accident, by a want of light; can anybody believe this who is familiar with all the facts in the case? Certainly, for one, I hope ever to lean to the charitable side, and will try to do so. I, too, believe things are done through misconception and misapprehension, which are injurious, yes, which are immoral and unchristian; but only to a limited extent. There is such a thing as intelligent wickedness, a design on the part of those who have the light to quench it, and to do the wrong to gratify their own propensities, and to further their own interests. So, then, I believe, that as man has monopolized for generations all the rights which belong to woman, it has not been accidental, not through ignorance on his part; but I believe that man has done this through calculation, actuated by a spirit of pride, a desire for domination which has made him degrade woman in her own eyes, and thereby tend to make her a mere vassal.

It seems to me, therefore, that we are to deal with the consciences of men. It is idle to say that the guilt is common, that the women are as deeply involved in this matter as the men. Never can it be said that the victims are as much to be blamed as the victimizer; that the slaves are to be as much blamed as the slaveholders and slave-drivers; that the women who have no rights, are to be as much blamed as the men who have played the part of robbers and tyrants. We must deal with conscience. The men of this nation, and the men of all nations, have no just respect for woman. They have tyrannized over her deliberately, they have not sinned through ignorance, but theirs is not the knowledge that saves. Who can say truly, that in all things he acts up to the light he enjoys, that he does&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/620</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3314980</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506958</id>
      <parentid>11816102</parentid>
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      <text bytes="3547" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|602|''OUR MONTHLY GOSSIP.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and I suppose she had learned to find some places on the map. How she taught arithmetic must remain a mystery, for she certainly knew nothing of it. Yet I am not sure that her sweet manner, the soft inflections of her gentle voice, and the perfect purity of her English were not of better value to her pupils than anything a normal-school graduate could have taught them. 

Milly taught for two or three years, and finally married a handsome, light-colored scamp, who made a business of fascination, and who had no other. Last winter I saw her again, after four years. Her husband had deserted her, and she had gone back to her mother with her child. The little girl in no respect resembles either her loving mother or her handsome ne'er-do-weel father, but has &quot;reverted&quot; to the strongly characteristic ugliness of her half-Indian grandmother. Perhaps it is just as well. I asked Milly why she did not go back to teaching, and she lifted her pathetic eyes—more pathetic now for the worn face in which they are framed—and said, with the soft lingering cadence of old, &quot;I don't guess I know enough. I've forgotten all I used to know, and sometimes I almost think I never did know anything.&quot; Poor little Milly! {{float right|{{asc|L. S. H.}}|offset=2em}}


If you care to have the views of a practical engineer on the subject of &quot;The Keely Motor Secret,&quot; I take pleasure in giving them to you, as follows: 

I have seen Mr. Keely's motor in operation, and I am obliged to say as an engineer that in my judgment there is nothing particularly new in the entire subject. It is a reproduction of force by well-known means. 

The shrouding of this Keely motor business in words and sentences void of rational meaning in order to surround the simplest facts with an air of mystery has been during the entire life of the undertaking one of the most amusing features of the scheme. 

Boscovich's hypothesis of the constitution of matter, which may almost be considered the foundation of analytical mechanics, contains the very essence of the so-called Keely motor. 

This motor is clearly nothing more nor less than the generation of an elastic condition of air, gas, or vapor produced by causing the molecules of the gas acted upon to vibrate violently in a containing vessel, and from thence it is allowed to escape in this strained condition in order to produce a development of power in any way that may be thought desirable. 

The production of steam is a similar development of power,—viz.: 

1. The vibration of water by means of a form of motion known as heat causes it to assume an elastic condition of vapor, and 

2. The vibration of air, gas, or vapor by means of a form of motion known as sound causes it to assume an elastic condition. 

There is not the slightest difference, scientifically speaking, in the two actions. Similar causes produce similar results. 

The etheric vapor or ether, which is so much spoken of as a great discovery by Mr. Keely, was known and acknowledged before he was born. Unquestionably it pervades all space and all substances, and without its presence in space and matter the transmission of heat, light, sound, and electricity cannot be accounted for. 

The old law of action and reaction being equal, contrary, and simultaneous is shown in the actual movement of Mr. Keely's motor, and were the law untrue, his machine, as I saw it, would remain perfectly stationary; neither does he produce something out of nothing, as stated by some of those interested with him, for&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/622</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3314983</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506959</id>
      <parentid>11816112</parentid>
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      <text bytes="3322" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|604|''BOOK-TALK.''|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;believe that I am not alone in this, but that there are many who are doing the same work according to their strength and opportunities better or worse than I, but always with the same aim,—because of this I have said my say to-day. We are not all of us money-makers, Mr. Waters. Some of us still &quot;have no time to get rich,&quot; as Agassiz said. Some of us still believe that there is something higher in life than the pork-market. 

My own audience is as small as is their stature. The readers of ''Lippincott's'' probably never heard of me but once, so I may be pardoned if I use a ''nom de plume'' below. But, as a last word, let me say again, think better of us, Mr. Waters, think better of us! There are more precious things in the universe than gold and fame. {{float right|{{asc|J. P. T.}}|offset=2em}}


{{rule|8em}}

{{c|{{larger|BOOK-TALK.}}}}

{{rule|4em}}

{{di|L}}AST month some harmless heresies were printed in this department on the subject of plagiarism. But the ink had hardly dried on the Reviewer's manuscript ere the Providence which is known to hate heretics sent a swift and cruel retribution,—the messengers chosen to convey the divine wrath being, of all people in the world, the Messrs. Harper Brothers, who have republished in their Franklin Square Series [[Author:Walter Besant|Walter Besant]]'s &quot;The Holy Rose.&quot; It will be remembered that the Reviewer showed a genial tolerance towards the actions of Charles Reade, Thomas Hardy, and others in rescuing some of the flotsam and jetsam of literature and claiming them as their own, urging that, so far at least as he was concerned, these novelists had simply given him a certain amount of pleasure which might never have been his had he been left unaided to explore the literary ocean. But when a light little ephemeral skiff seeks to claim salvage in one of the Great Easterns of literature, sailing proudly and calmly on to the haven of immortality, the effect is ridiculous and even painful. Every well-educated man is acquainted with Dickens's &quot;Tale of Two Cities.&quot; To take the plot of that story, altering it in unessential details, but emphasizing its resemblance in essentials by preserving the ''locale'' and the period, is an offence that cannot be condoned; but, unfortunately, the innocent reader suffers more than the guilty author. It is no defence to urge that the ''donnée'' was not original with Dickens, that the central idea—a man's profiting by an extraordinary resemblance to a condemned prisoner in whom he was interested to substitute himself in the prisoner's place—had been used in this or that story, poem, or drama before the &quot;Tale of Two Cities.&quot; There is no such resemblance between the &quot;Tale of Two Cities&quot; and any literary work that preceded it as there is between &quot;The Holy Rose&quot; and &quot;A Tale of Two Cities.&quot; Moreover, when a great genius has preempted a story, even if at one time it were common property, it is just as well for succeeding mediocrities to respect his claim. We want no more &quot;Hamlets,&quot; no more &quot;Romeo and Juliets,&quot; since Shakespeare. 


Of course the line must be drawn somewhere. It would not do to say that a great genius must be left in the undisturbed possession of those stock situations which are subject to infinite diversity of treatment. Shakespeare has used,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Ballantyne--The Pirate City.djvu/9</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="730" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|PREFACE.}}}}

{{sc|In}} this book I have attempted to present a true picture of life and events in the Pirate City of Algiers, as exhibited about the first quarter of the present century.

Without claiming to be absolutely correct in every trivial detail, I may perhaps venture to hope that, having spent a winter in Algiers, and made a careful examination of the most interesting and authentic records obtainable, error in fact and colouring has been avoided.

My best thanks are due to Colonel Playfair, Consul-General at Algiers, and to several other friends, for their kindness in furnishing me with the books and some of the material out of which my tale has been constructed.
{{right|{{asc|R. M. BALLANTYNE.}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:History of the life and death, of the great warrior Robert Bruce.pdf/8</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1390" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{c|8}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|ery|misery}}; and at last having received intelligence that his queen, with the wives and sisters of his followers, had arrived at Aberdeen, with the determination to share their perils, he ventured from his stronghold, and, meeting them in that city, conducted them in safety into the heart of Breadalbane. They then slowly retreated to the head of Loch Tay; but Bruce now found himself beset with danger, as this part of the Highlands into which he had been compelled to retreat was under the sway of his mortal enemy, the Lord of Lorn, who had married the aunt of the murdered Comyn. This chief accordingly assembled his friends and dependants, and in a body of a thousand strong, attacked Bruce, while retreating in a narrow valley. They swarmed round the little still phalanx like hornets, and several deadly encounters took place. At one moment Bruce himself had a narrow escape. Three strong Highlanders threw themselves in his way, resolved to become masters of his person. One seized his bridle-reins, and attacked him in front; another grasped his steel boot, and thrusting his arm between the stirrup and the foot, endeavoured to unhorse him. Bruce with one blow felled the foremost to the ground, and clapping his legs close to the flanks of his horse, spurred him, and dragged his other opponent off his feet. In the mean time, his third assailant sprung up behind&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:History of the life and death, of the great warrior Robert Bruce.pdf/9</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1336" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jenjam1&quot; /&gt;{{c|9}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;him, and, grappling him round the middle, attempted to stab him with his dirk. Bruce, however, shook the mountaineer from his hold, and as he fell cleft him with his battle-axe from the skull to the chin: he then despatched his companion, whose hands were pinioned by his leg and stirrup to the horse, and, disengaging himself from the dead body, rejoined his men.

The king and his small subsistence; resolved
to effect a passage into the north of Ireland, cross-
ing over from Argyleshire. In this undertaking
he encountered dreadful hardships and dangers.
Many of his party were cut off, and the rest so
dispirited that they all forsook him, except Sir
Gilbert Hay, and a few of their vassals and de-
pendants.

In the midst of these distressing cireumstances
Robert's natural fortitude and ardour remained
unshaken. He encouraged his few faithful fol-
lowers with prospects of future success; and, to
beguile the heaviness of their gloom, he related
the adventures of brave princes and warriors who
had triumphed over similar reverses. When this
small remnant reached the borders of Lochlo-
mond, their progress was arrested from the want
of means of conveyance to the opposite shore.
An old crazy boat was at last espied by Douglas,
and, what between swimming and the aid thus
thrown in their way, the whole party got across&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians Volume 1.djvu/256</title>
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{{table missing}}
Name from Ancient Authors. 

Name from the Monuments. 

Events. 

Ascended the Throne. 

Nepherites 

Nephreus of Diodorus 

Achoris 

Acoris 

Psammoutis 

Nepherites 

Mouthis 

Nefaorot 

Hakóri 

Pse maut 

not met with on the monuments

Death of Cyrus the Younger, 401 

{{asc|B. C.}}

408 

402 

389 

388 

388 


Few monuments of this period occur in Egypt. The arts, which had long been on the decline, received a severe blow from the Persian invasion; and many of the finest buildings were mutilated or destroyed. Numerous artificers were sent to Persia, and, with the encouragement required for the very existence of art, Egypt had lost the skill for which she was once so conspicuous. Of Nepherites the phonetic name once occurs amidst the ruins of Thebes; and if some additions were made by his two successors to the temples&lt;ref&gt;The name of Acoris occurs in the temple of Medeenet Haboo.&lt;/ref&gt; there and in Lower Egypt&lt;ref&gt;During his reign many stones were taken from the quarries of the Troici lapidis Mons, opposite Memphis, probably for the erection of buildings in that city.&lt;/ref&gt;, the style of the sculpture, like the scale of their monuments, was degraded, and unworthy of a Pharaonic era. Egypt, however, free from a foreign yoke, enjoyed that tranquillity which had been so long denied, and Nepherites was even enabled to join in active hostilities against the enemies&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The king's English (IA kingsenglish00fowlrich).pdf/38</title>
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      <text bytes="2221" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Neo-Jay&quot; /&gt;{{rh|24|VOCABULARY|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;that what we are often rude enough to call their vulgarisms are in fact good old English. ''I gesse'' is a favourite expression of Chaucer's, and the sense he sometimes gives it is very finely distinguished from the regular Yankee use. But though it is good old English, it is not good new English. If we use the phrase—parenthetically, that is, like Chaucer and the Yankees—, we have it not from Chaucer, but from the Yankees, and with their, not his, exact shade of meaning. It must be recognized that they and we, in parting some hundreds of years ago, started on slightly divergent roads in language long before we did so in politics. In the details of divergence, they have sometimes had the better of us. ''Fall'' is better on the merits than ''autumn'', in every way: it is short, Saxon (like the other three season names), picturesque; it reveals its derivation to every one who uses it, not to the scholar only, like ''autumn''; and we once had as good a right to it as the Americans; but we have chosen to let the right lapse, and to use the word now is no better than larceny.

The other side of this is that we are entitled to protest when any one assumes that because a word of less desirable character is current American, it is therefore to be current English. There are certain American verbs that remind Englishmen of the barbaric taste illustrated by such town names as Memphis and those mentioned in the last section. A very firm stand ought to be made against ''placate'', ''transpire''&lt;ref&gt;Even in the legitimate sense (see p. {{TOC link|22|Chapter 1|8}}), originally a happy metaphor for mysterious leaking out, but now vulgarized and 'dead'.&lt;/ref&gt;, and ''antagonize'', all of which have English patrons.

There is a real danger of our literature's being americanized, and that not merely in details of vocabulary—which are all that we are here directly concerned with—but in its general tone. Mr. Rudyard Kipling is a very great writer, and a patriotic; his influence is probably the strongest that there is at present in the land; but he and his school are americanizing us. His style exhibits a sort of remorseless and scientific&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule|12em|align=left}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{x-larger|ACCOUNT}}

OF THE

{{xx-larger|TRIAL}}

OF

{{larger|CAPTAIN ''JOHN PORTEOUS''}}

{{rule}}


[[File:Account of the trial of Captain John Porteous - title.png|center|175px]]


{{rule}}

Printed in the Year M. DCC. XXXVI.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Account of the trial of Captain John Porteous.pdf/2</title>
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{{center|''A Brief Account of the TRIAL''&lt;br /&gt;
''of Capt. JOHN PORTEOUS.''}}

{{dropinitial|O}}N Thursday the 17th day of June 1736, JOHN PORTEOUS late Captain Lieutenant of the City Guard of Edinburgh, received a Copy of his Indictment, in which he is charged with the Murdering, or being Att and Part of the Murder of the following Persons, viz. Charles Husband Servant to Paul Husband Confectioner in the Abbay of Holy rood house, Archibald Balantyne Son to John Balantyne younger Dyster in Dalkeith, John Anderson Son to George Anderson in Craighead Drover, Alexander M'Neal Son to Edward M'Neal Indweller in Mortonhall, Margaret Gordon Servant to William Ogilvy Taylor, Henry Graham Taylor in Canongate; and for grievously maiming and wounding the following Persons, to the great Danger of their Lives, viz. Margaret Arthur Resident in the Canongate, Jean Peat Servant to James M'Doual Merchant in Edinburgh, David Wallace Journeyman Wright in Edinburgh, James Philip Servant to Lawder, Esq; Residenter in the Canongate, David Kidd Taylor in Edinburgh, Patrick Spalding Apprentice to David Mitchel Jeweller in Edinburgh, James Lyle and Alexander Wallace both Servants to Tames Wright Staymaker in Edinburgh, John Miller&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 28.djvu/516</title>
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      <text bytes="26353" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sc|Range of late Pleistocene Mammilia on the Continent.}}}}

{{c|''Table of Measurements of Limb-bones of Reindeer.''}}
{| {{ts|bc|mc|ac|lh95|fs090}}
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; {{ts|ba}} | {{gap|10em}}
| colspan=&quot;12&quot; {{ts|bt|bb|brd|ac}} | FRANCE.
| colspan=&quot;6&quot; {{ts|bt|bb|brd|ac}} | BELGIUM.
| colspan=&quot;4&quot; {{ts|bt|bb|brd}} | {{gap|10em}}
| colspan=&quot;4&quot; {{ts|bt|bb|br|ac}} | PLEISTOCENE&lt;br&gt;MAMMALIA.
|-
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} height=120px | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Seine; Somme;}}&lt;br&gt;{{nowrap|River-deposits}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Grotte de la}}&lt;br&gt;{{nowrap|Combe Granal.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Grotte de Puy}}&lt;br&gt;{{nowrap|de l'Aze.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Grotte du}}&lt;br&gt;{{nowrap|Moustier.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Grotte des}}&lt;br&gt;{{nowrap|Eyzies.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Station de}}&lt;br&gt;{{nowrap|Laugerie Haute.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Station de}}&lt;br&gt;{{nowrap|Laugerie Basse.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Aurignac.&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Provence.&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Nice; Mentone.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Mars; Hérault.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|brd|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Lunel Viel.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Caves of}}&lt;br&gt;Schmerling&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Trou de Magrite.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Trou de Sureau.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Trou de Naulette.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Trou de Chaleux.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|brd|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Trou de Nutons.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Suabia.&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Switzerland.&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Prussia.&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|brd|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Bavaria:&lt;br&gt;Gailenreuth&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Spain.&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Gibralter.&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:25px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;{{nowrap|Italy: Val di}}&lt;br&gt;{{nowrap|Chiana, Rome.}}&lt;/div&gt;
| {{ts|br|bt|bb|transform: rotate(270deg)|max-width:2em}} | &lt;div style=&quot;height:15px;margin:0 auto;position:relative;left:-40px&quot;&gt;Sicily.&lt;/div&gt;
|-
| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|Homo palæolithicus}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|Arctomys marmotta}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|Castor fiber}}
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|-
| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|Lepus timidus}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} cuniculus}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} diluvianus}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|Lagomys pusillus}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|Mus lemmus}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|Hystrix dorsata}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|Felis leo (var. spelæa)}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} pardus}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} lynx}}}}
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| {{ts|br}} | ......
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| {{ts|br}} | ......
| {{ts|br}} | ......
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} caffer}}}}
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| {{ts|br}} | ......
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} catus}}}}
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| {{ts|br}} | ......
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} pardina}}}}
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| {{ts|br}} |
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} serval}}}}
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| {{ts|br}} |
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Gulo borealis}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5|it}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Hyæna crocuta (var. spelæa)}}}}
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|-
| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} striata}}}}
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| {{ts|br}} |
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Mustela martes}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} putorius}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} erminea}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Lutra vulgaris}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Ursus arctos}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} ferox}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Canis lupus}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} vulpes}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} lagopus}}}}
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|-
| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Elephas primigenius}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} antiquus}}}}
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|-
| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} africanus}}}}
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|-
| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Equus caballus}}}}
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|-
| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|Rhinoceros tichorhinus}}}}
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|-
| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} hemitœchus}}}}
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| {{ts|al|bl|br|pt.5}} | {{dotted cell|{{dotted cell|{{bar|2}} megarhinus}}}}
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|-

|}
bison 
Ovibos moschatus 

Aiitilope saiga &quot;f* 

capreolus 
megaceros 

tarandus . . . 

dama 
Hippopotamus amphi- 1 
bius (var. major) ... J 
Pentlandi 

t Anfilope saiga has been found&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>48hgrafur0is0zmybe4papon3bsmarp</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 28.djvu/536</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3469290</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506900</id>
      <parentid>10924749</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:01:15Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Mike s</username>
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      <text bytes="3305" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|442|{{asc|PROCEEDINGS OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.}}|[June 5,}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the sea between Tunis and these islands, of over two hundred fathoms, does not at all invalidate the conclusion that there was actually such an extent of land, since that is a region in which at the present time land is being elevated and depressed irregularly by the exertion of those forces which find vent in Vesuvius and Etna. The great depth, however, of no less than 1400 fathoms, which intervenes between Candia and the mainland of Tripoli, offers a difficulty to the view that the land has been sunk to that depth since ''Hippopotamus Pentlandi'' lived in that island, and it cannot be quoted in favour of the continuity of land in that direction rather than towards Europe. The interval of a depth of sea of not more than 500 fathoms between it and Greece seems to me to imply that the island has been an appanage of Europe; and this conclusion is considerably strengthened by the recent discovery of ''Hippopotamus Pentlandi'' at Megalopolis, by Dr. Rolleston. I have therefore, in the Map, adopted the 500 fathom line as roughly indicating the ancient sea-margin.

The absence of the peculiar fauna of the caves of Malta in those of Sicily implies that the two areas were insulated from each other during the time that the pigmy Elephants and giant Dormouse were living in the former, and the African Elephant in the latter; for if this had not been the case the two faunas would have been likely to be mingled in regions which are now so nearly alike in climatal conditions. It is very possible that they may belong to two different stages of the Pleistocene; but this point cannot be decided until the Pleistocene faunas of Greece, Africa, and Asia Minor have been carefully compared and classified. The ''Elephas antiquus'' of Sicily points to a connexion by land with Italy, just as the ''Elephas africanus'' does to a connexion with Africa.

The striped Hyæna of the South of France and the Hippopotamus are Pliocene animals which survived into the Pleistocene age, and do not necessarily imply a direct continuity with Africa at the latter age; and the Lion and the Panther are as likely to have been derived from Asia as from Africa, since they now live on both those continents. The Chamois and the Ibex are most probably of North-Asiatic extraction, since they enjoy a climate that is not offered by the North-African continent. Of the rest of the animals it can only be said that they were unknown in Europe before the beginning of the Pleistocene age. In the Map (p. 436) I have represented the geography of the Mediterranean as implied by these animals, and corroborated in a striking degree by the evidence of the soundings. The barrier of land along which the African animals passed, on the one hand, into Spain, and on the other into Italy, is represented by portions of the sea-bottom which still stand far above the bottom of the Tyrrhenian and Ionian basins; and the depth is far less between the Morea and Candia than between the latter and Africa. The effect of a mass of land stretching, with but a slight break at the Mediterranean area, from the range of the Atlas to the extreme north of Europe, must necessarily have tended to produce extremes of climate similar to those which we now witness in masses&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 28.djvu/538</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3469291</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507043</id>
      <parentid>10924745</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T19:04:26Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Mike s</username>
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      <text bytes="2966" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|444|{{asc|PROCEEDINGS OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.}}|[June 5,}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;typical of the European Pliocene&lt;ref&gt;Palæont. Mem. vol. ii. pp. 189, 190.&lt;/ref&gt;. The animals identified by him in the museums of Italy are as follows:—
{{fs90/s}}
{{Multicol|align=center}}
{{block center|Felis.&lt;br&gt;
Hyæna.&lt;br&gt;
Machærodus cultridens.&lt;br&gt;
Mastodon arvernensis.&lt;br&gt;
M. Borsoni.&lt;br&gt;
Elephas antiquus.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{block center|Elephas meridionalis.&lt;br&gt;
Rhinoceros etruscus.&lt;br&gt;
R. megarhinus.&lt;br&gt;
R. hemitœchus.&lt;br&gt;
Hippopotamus major.}}
{{Multicol-end}}
{{fs90/e}}
All these animals, with the exception of ''Rhinoceros hemitœchus,'' have been discovered in the Pseudo-pliocene of Issoire, while the Megarhine Rhinoceros and ''Mastodon arvernensis'' are the only two which have been obtained from the marine sands of Montpellier. The Pliocene animals, therefore, inhabiting Northern Italy are more closely allied to those of Auvergne than to those of Montpellier.

If these three localities be taken as typical of the Pliocene strata, we shall find that several of the species range as far north as Britain, and occur in deposits which, from the evidence of the mollusca, have been assigned to that age. ''Mastodon arvernensis, Elephas meridionalis,'' and ''Ursus arvernensis,'' have been obtained from the old land-surface which underlies the sand and shingle of the Norfolk Crag, in company with many forms of Deer and Antelopes which have not yet been identified, while the ''Hipparion'' is found in the marine crags of Suffolk.

The animals which especially characterize the Pliocene strata of Europe are ''Machærodus cultridens, Mastodon arvernensis,'' and ''M. Borsoni,'' besides the genus ''Tapir''.

If this Pliocene fauna be compared with that of the Preglacial Forest-bed, it will be seen that the difference between them is very great. The Pliocene Mastodon Tapir, the majority of the Cervidæ, and the Antelopes are replaced by forms such as the Roe and the Red Deer, unknown up to that time. Nevertheless many of the Pliocene animals were able to hold their ground against the Pleistocene invaders, although, subsequently, as I have already shown, they disappeared one by one, being ultimately beaten in the struggle for existence by the new comers. The progress of this struggle has been used in the preceding pages as a means of classification.
{{dhr}}
{{c|20. {{sc|Conclusion.}}}}

The following are the salient points of the Pleistocene age offered by the study of the land Mammalia in the area north of the Alps, and Pyrenees.

{{c|''The Pleistocene Period.''

A. The latest stage.}}
{{fs90/s}}
{{Multicol|align=center}}
{{block center|Palæolithic Man.&lt;br&gt;
B. tinhorinus, abundant.&lt;br&gt;
Elephas primigenius, abundant.&lt;br&gt;
Reindeer, abundant.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{block center|Stag, comparatively rare.&lt;br&gt;
{{hi|Northern forms of life in full possession of area north of Alps and Pyrenees.}}}}
{{Multicol-end}}
{{fs90/e}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 28.djvu/540</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3469292</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507079</id>
      <parentid>10924741</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T19:27:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Mike s</username>
        <id>915588</id>
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      <text bytes="2838" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|446|{{asc|PROCEEDINGS OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.}}|[June 5,}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;sidered, therefore, that it was unsafe to generalize from any one series of remains, as, unless the whole fauna was taken into consideration, it was probable that erroneous conclusions would be arrived at.

Mr. {{sc|Flower}} considered that both on geological and palæontological grounds the ossiferous caves and the river-deposits were separable, and ought to be separated, and that no satisfactory results would be obtained by placing in the same category the Mammalian remains of a hundred and fifty rivers and a great number of caves of widely different ages and characters.

Mr. {{sc|Evans}} observed that in generalizations of this kind not only 
the whole of the palæontological evidence should be taken into account, but the stratigraphical also. With regard to the author's middle division of the mammalia, he thought that eventually this would have to be modified. If it were to be maintained there would be a great difficulty in accounting for the presence of the high beds at Shacklewell and Highbury, as these, though in a valley confessedly excavated by the river, and regarded as of more recent age than the lower beds, would yet be at a far higher level. Though accepting the probable existence of man in preglacial times, he pointed out that up to the present time the beds in Britain in which his works had been found were all postglacial.

Mr. {{sc|Boyd Dawkins}}, in reply, stated that, in forming his conclusions, he had not left out of view the evidence afforded by the classes of remains other than those of mammalia; but they threw no light on the classification. With regard to the middle of his divisions of the Pleistocene mammalia, he relied to a great extent on the presence of ''Rhinoceros megarhinus'', and of a large number of Stags, to say nothing of the absence of the Reindeer. He did not attach so much importance to the question of the level, as in some cases (for example the Forest-bed of Norfolk) it was not a test of age. He gave his reasons for not regarding the Mammoth as an exclusively arctic animal. His remarks with regard to M. Lartet's classification referred rather to the expanded views of his followers than to those of M. Lartet himself. He acknowledged his obligations to MM. Gaudry, Fraas, Rütimeyer, and Nilsson for various facts which they had been kind enough to communicate to him.
{{dhr}}
{{rule|4em}}
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{sc|June}} 19, 1872.}}

Richard Anderson, Esq., F.C.S., Uddingstone, near Glasgow; Lieut. Henry Allen Gun, R.E., South Kensington; Sir Victor Brooke, Bart., Colebrooke, Lisnaskea, Fermanagh, Ireland; Edmund James Smith, Esq., 16 Whitehall Place, S.W., and Peter Pickup, Esq., Townley, Burnley, Lancashire, were elected Fellows of the Society.

The following communications were read:—
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 28.djvu/539</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3469293</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507064</id>
      <parentid>10924744</parentid>
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        <username>Mike s</username>
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      <text bytes="3237" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1872.]|{{asc|DAWKINS—CLASSIFICATION OF PLEISTOCENE STRATA.}}|445}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|B. The middle stage.}}

{{fs90/s}}
{{Multicol|align=center}}
{{block center|Palæolithic man.&lt;br&gt;
''Machærochis latidens''.&lt;br&gt;
Stag, abundant.&lt;br&gt;
Northern forms of life present, but not in force.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{block center|''Rhinoceros megarhinus,'' still living.&lt;br&gt;
''R. tichorhinus,'' present.}}
{{Multicol-end}}
{{fs90/e}}

{{c|C. The early stage.}}
{{fs90/s}}
The following animals are peculiar to this stage:—

{{Multicol|align=center}}
{{block center|''Trogontherium Cuvieri''.&lt;br&gt;
''Cervus verticornis''.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{block center|''C. Sedgwickii''.&lt;br&gt;
''C. carnutorum''.}}
{{Multicol-end}}

The following make their appearance:—The Beaver, Musk-shrew, Cave-bear, 
Roe, Stag, Irish Elk, Urus and Bison, Wild Boar, Horse (?), Mammoth, Wolf, 
and Fox.

The Pliocene ''Ursus arvernensis, Cervus Polignacus, Rhinoceros etruscus,'' and ''Elephas meridionalis'' still living.
{{fs90/e}}
{{c|''The Pliocene''.}}
{{fs90/s}}
{{Multicol|align=center}}
{{block center|''Mastodon arvernensis''.&lt;br&gt;
''M. Borsoni''.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{block center|''Hipparion gracile''.&lt;br&gt;
No living species of Cervidæ.}}
{{Multicol-end}}
{{fs90/e}}
The three subdivisions of the Pleistocene do not apply to the region south of the Alps and Pyrenees, because the northern group of animals did not pass into Spain and Italy. In these two latter countries we find that assemblage of animals living throughout the Pleistocene age, which in France and Britain lived only in the early stage.
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{sc|Discussion.}}}}

Mr. {{sc|Prestwich}} was hardly prepared to accept the proposed division of the Pleistocene mammalia into three groups—at all events so far as Britain was concerned. Neither could he draw that distinction between the beds at Erith and Grays and those higher up the Thames, which found favour with the author. The barrier offered by the river itself might to some extent account for the absence of Reindeer; and though there was a difference in the fauna in the two cases, it seemed hardly enough to mark any great distinction in time. As for the Hippopotamus, which occurred over the whole of Northern Europe, associated with the Musk-ox and large boulders, he could not see how the conclusion was to be escaped of its having been able to withstand greater cold than its present representative. Though the winters might have been colder, there was evidence in favour of the summers having been warmer; and the flora seems to have been much like that of the present day. The probable migrations of the different animal groups had already been pointed out by M. Lartet, though Mr. Dawkins had carried his investigation of the subject further. Mr. Prestwich called attention to the fact of the Mammoth having been found in Italy.

Mr. {{sc|Charlesworth}} regretted that the author had not included within his province any of the marine Crag-deposits, some of which had been regarded as Pleistocene. In these beds the fish had been regarded by M. Agassiz as tropical in character, while M. Deshayes considered the molluscan remains arctic. A similar discrepancy had been observed in other deposits of the same series; and he con-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 28.djvu/537</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3469294</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506964</id>
      <parentid>10924747</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:19:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Mike s</username>
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      <text bytes="3128" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1872.]|{{asc|DAWKINS—CLASSIFICATION OF PLEISTOCENE STRATA.}}|443}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of land similarly situated, such as Northern Asia and North America. And these climatal extremes have been deduced, as we have already seen, from the analysis of the Mammalia.
{{dhr}}
{{c|19. {{sc|The Pliocene Mammalia.}}}}
The relation of the Pleistocene to the Pliocene fauna must now be examined; and this inquiry is of very great difficulty, because the latter has not yet been satisfactorily defined, although Prof. Gervais and Dr. Falconer have given the more important species of Auvergne, Montpellier, and the Val d'Arno. The following list is taken from Prof. Gervais's great work 'Zoologie et Paléontologie Françaises,' p. 349, the term Pseudo-pliocene merely implying that the fauna differs from that of the marine deposit of Montpellier, which he takes as his standard.
{{c|''Pseudo-pliocene of Issoire.''}}
{{fs90/s}}
{{Multicol|align=center}}
{{block center|Hystrix refossa.&lt;br&gt;
Castor issiodorensis.&lt;br&gt;
Arctomys antiqua.&lt;br&gt;
Arvicola robustus.&lt;br&gt;
Lepus Lacosti.&lt;br&gt;
Mastodon arvernensis.&lt;br&gt;
Tapirus arvernensis.&lt;br&gt;
Rhinoceros elatus?&lt;br&gt;
Bos elatus.&lt;br&gt;
Cervus polycladus.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{block center|Cervus ardens.&lt;br&gt;
C. cladocerus.&lt;br&gt;
C. issiodorensis.&lt;br&gt;
C. Perrieri.&lt;br&gt;
C. æstuariorum.&lt;br&gt;
C. pardinensis.&lt;br&gt;
C. arvernensis.&lt;br&gt;
C. causanus.&lt;br&gt;
Sua arvernensis.&lt;br&gt;
Ursus arvernensis.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{block center|Canis borbonidus.&lt;br&gt;
Felis pardinensis.&lt;br&gt;
F. arvernensis.&lt;br&gt;
F. brevirostris.&lt;br&gt;
F. issiodorensis.&lt;br&gt;
Machærodus cultridens.&lt;br&gt;
Hyajna arvernensis.&lt;br&gt;
H. Perrieri.&lt;br&gt;
Lutra Bravardi.}}
{{Multicol-end}}
{{fs90/e}}
To these animals Dr. Falconer&lt;ref&gt;Palæont. Mem. vol. ii. p. 49.&lt;/ref&gt; adds ''Hippopotamus major, Elephas antiquus,'' and ''Rhinoceros megarhinus,'' and he identifies ''Rhinoceros elatus'' with his new species ''Rhinoceros etruscus''. Prof. Gaudry agrees with me in the belief that ''Hyæna Perrieri'' is identical with ''H. striata'' or the striped species.

Professor Gervais also identifies the ''Equus robustus'' of M. Pomel, from the same locality, with the common Horse, ''Equus fossilis''.

The fauna of Montpellier is certainly very different from that of Issoire; but since it is neither Miocene nor Pleistocene, it must belong to one of the intermediate stages of the Pliocene. It includes
{{fs90/s}}
{{Multicol|align=center}}
{{block center|Semnopithecus monspessulanus.&lt;br&gt;
Macacus priscus.&lt;br&gt;
Chalicomys sigmodus.&lt;br&gt;
Lagomys loxodus.&lt;br&gt;
Mastodon brevirostris.&lt;br&gt;
Rhinoceros megarhinus.&lt;br&gt;
Tapirus minor.&lt;br&gt;
Antilope Cordieri.&lt;br&gt;
A. hastata.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{block center|Cervus Cuvieri.&lt;br&gt;
C. australis.&lt;br&gt;
Sus provincialis.&lt;br&gt;
Hyænodon insignis.&lt;br&gt;
Hyæna {{bar|2}}?&lt;br&gt;
Machærodus.&lt;br&gt;
Felis Christolii.&lt;br&gt;
Lutra affinis.}}
{{Multicol-end}}
{{fs90/e}}
The ''Mastodon brevirostris'' of this list is considered by Dr. Falconer to be identical with ''M. arvernensis'' of MM. Croiset and Jobert. The fauna of the Val d'Arno differs from that of Montpellier and of Auvergne, and yet is considered by Dr. Falconer to be eminently&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 28.djvu/535</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3469296</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506890</id>
      <parentid>10924752</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:56:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Mike s</username>
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      <text bytes="3203" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1872.]|{{asc|DAWKINS—CLASSIFICATION OF PLEISTOCENE STRATA.}}|441}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and those which were living in the same area in the Pliocene age. The migration of the first two groups into Europe at the close of the Pliocene age throws a very great light on the ancient geography. Had not the animals which lived in Europe during the Pliocene age been insulated by some physical barrier from those which invaded Europe from Asia, the latter would occur in our Pliocene strata as well as the former, and we might have had the mammoth and the mastodon associated here as well as in North America. Such a barrier is offered by the northern extension of the Caspian along the low-lying valley of the river Obi; and that the Caspian has extended further north than now in comparatively modern times has been proved by Dr. Pallas. It is therefore very probable that this was the barrier which divided the Pliocene mammalia of Europe from those animals which were living at the time in Asia, and which subsequently passed into Europe. The animals of Northern and Central Asia could not pass westwards before this barrier was removed by the elevation of the sea-bottom between the Caspian sea and the southern portion of the Urals. When this took place the Musk-shrew, Lemming, Brown and Grizzly Bears, Mammoth, Woolly Rhinoceros, Musk-sheep, Reindeer, Stag, and Roe passed over into Europe&lt;ref&gt;This is very nearly the same view as that held by Dr. Brandt, Imp. Acad. St. Petersb., 'Zoogeographische und Paläontographische Beitrage,' April 4, 1867. See also Lartet, 'Comptes Rendus,' tome lxvi. p. 409.&lt;/ref&gt;, those of them which were fitted for a temperate or moderately warm climate, such as the Stag, Roe, Brown and Grizzly Bears, passing down to the extreme southwest, while the rest did not go further to the south than the Alps and Pyrenees. Then there must have been a continuous mass of land extending from Northern Asia to the margin of the Atlantic, which has been proved by Mr. Godwin -Austen and others to have passed from Scandinavia to the west of the present coast-line of Ireland, of the south of England, and of France. [See Map, p. 436.]
{{dhr}}
{{c|18. {{sc|The Southern Extension of Europe.}}}}

The same argument may be based on the African mammalia. The African Elephant could not have found its way northwards to Spain and Sicily, or the Serval to Spain, or the ''Felis caffer'' to Britain without an extension of the African mainland, so as to allow of the migration; and the same may be said perhaps of the Spotted Hyæna, although this animal, so widely spread through Central and Southern Europe, may have arrived by way of Asia Minor, as well as by a direct line, passing through Sicily and Gibraltar. Nevertheless, as Dr. Falconer has remarked, the area of the Mediterranean must have been very much smaller than it is now during the time that Malta, Sicily, and Candia were inhabited by the Pleistocene mammalia. The presence of ''Hippopotamus Pentlandi'' in these three islands proves that they were connected during the life-time of the animal; and this mass of land would afford a passage northwards to the African mammalia. The objection which is offered by the depth of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  | title = The Pirate City
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{{TOC row 1-dot-1|III.|[[A Study of Ben Jonson/Discoveries|DISCOVERIES]]|127}}
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[[Author:Algernon Charles Swinburne|ALGERNON CHARLES SWINBURNE]]
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{{sc|That}} chance is the ruler of the world I should be sorry to believe and reluctant to affirm; but it would be difficult for any competent and careful student to maintain that chance is not the ruler of the world of letters. [[Author:Thomas Gray (1716-1771)|Gray's]] odes are still, I suppose, familiar to thousands who know nothing of [[Author:John Donne|Donne's]] ''Anniversaries''; and [[Author:Francis Bacon|Bacon's]] Essays are conventionally if not actually familiar to thousands who know nothing of Ben Jonson's ''Discoveries''. And yet it is certain that in fervour of inspiration, in depth and force and glow of thought and emotion and expression, Donne's verses are as far above Gray's as Jonson's notes or observations on men and morals, on principles and on facts, are superior to Bacon's in truth of insight, in breadth of view, in vigour of reflection and in concision of eloquence. The dry curt style of the statesman, docked and trimmed into sentences that are&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Suggest nominations below. When successful, the works can be added to a monthly data table (e.g. [[Module:Monthly Challenge/data/{{CURRENTYEAR}}-{{CURRENTMONTH}}]], or a future month) and they will be included in the relevant months' challenges.

== 2021 nominations ==
* Add nominations at the end of this section via {{edit|Wikisource:Community_collaboration/Monthly_Challenge/Nominations|this link|section=2}}
* For each nomination, please provide an author, title, publication date, link to the index and the reason why the work should be featured.
** If you cannot create an index (and you are ''strongly'' urged to do so before nominating), please leave a full citation. Remember, Wikisource only allows works in the [[H:PD|Public Domain in the USA]].
* Please create a ''separate'' section for each work nominated. This allows easier discussion and archiving of each nomination. 
* Re-nominations of previously stalled works is allowed if you think they will get renewed interest. There is a list [[../Not completed|here]].

=== Dio's Roman History (series) ===

[[Index:Dio's Roman History, tr. Cary - Volume 1.djvu]] These volumes have been on here for ages as well.
*'''Oppose''' (temporarily) I'd like to figure out how we expect to handle parallel texts before we add any more of them. The last dual Greek/English text fizzled and ''St. Augustine's Soliloquies'' is a current parallel text (Old English/Latin). We can just proofread the English, certainly, but that really feels like a mistreatment of the work as published to me.
: If promoting anyway, we'll need to choose 2 from this, ''USTS'' and ''Goethe'', I think). [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 09:36, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

=== ShakespeareFan00's Adventures list ===
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] compiled a [[User:ShakespeareFan00/Adventures List|list]] of important adventure novels that need to be worked through. I'm adding it here to formally nominate them to be run one at a time. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:22, 29 November 2021 (UTC)

:{{support}} dripping these in over time, but we should only have one or two &quot;active&quot; (i.e. being proofread) at a time, IMO. Obviously no limit on number pending validation. Related: can we think of any new-PD-entrants in this genre for PD day? [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 18:15, 3 December 2021 (UTC)
::Short update: We've made good progress in the ''Tarzan'' series. As far as I can see, after ''Tarzan the Untamed'', only ''Tarzan the Terrible'' remains to be proofread of those of the ''Tarzan'' books currently in the public domain. I've gone ahead and started what will hopefully become a new series of proofread works, by adding ''Anne of Avonlea'' by {{al|Lucy Maud Montgomery}} for April.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 07:16, 13 March 2022 (UTC)

== 2022 Nominations ==
=== [[Index:Calculus Made Easy.pdf]] ===

Calculus Made Easy by [[Author:Silvanus Phillips Thompson|Silvanus Phillips Thompson]]

=== [[w:Progress and Poverty|Progress and Poverty]]===
check the copyright and upload it to Wikimedia Commons

[https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.65469/mode/2up ''Progress And Poverty'']
* DLI scans tend to be very poor: If the Modern Library edition is much better than the contemporary with publication 19th century editions (e.g. [[https://archive.org/details/progresspovertyi00georiala/]]) or the 25th Anniversary edition ([[https://archive.org/details/progresspovertyi04geor]]) or the 1929 50th anniversary edition as published by the Schalkenbach foundation [[https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/006549599]], you can find the Modern Library 1938 edition also on Hathi [[https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001324457]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 03:18, 27 June 2022 (UTC)

=== [[w:The Fable of the Bees|The Fable of the Bees]]===
Can someone check the copyright and upload it to Wikimedia Commons

[https://archive.org/details/MandevilleTheFableOfTheBees/mode/2up Mandeville '' The Fable Of The Bees'']
: This is not the page for requesting copyright information or asking for upload help.  This page is for nominations of works to include in the Monthly Challenge.

: In any event, the Penguin Books paperback edition of this translation should not be the first choice for inclusion. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 21:18, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
:[[User:2001:4450:8156:4900:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676|2001:4450:8156:4900:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676]], [[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]]: See [[Author:Bernard Mandeville|his author page]]. There is a 1924 annotated edition {{ext scan link|1=https://books.google.com/books?id=aAPXAAAAMAAJ|2=https://books.google.com/books?id=4cwPAAAAQAAJ}} and the original edition {{ext scan link|http://exhibits.usu.edu/exhibits/show/regardingbees/item/17920}} (called ''The Grumbling Hive: or, Knaves Turn’d Honest''). 02:39, 13 May 2022 (UTC)

=== [[Index:The story girl.pdf]] ===
Another book by [[Author:Lucy Maud Montgomery|Lucy Maud Montgomery]] need to be nominated
:{{support}} adding this for June. In May, we still have Rilla of Ingleside to work on.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 04:58, 11 May 2022 (UTC)
:: Thank you for your amazing work on these books. I'm going to run Lucy Maud Montgomery as a long-term series so that when one work is done another one is added. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:35, 11 May 2022 (UTC)

=== non-English works ===
Suggestions for future months to increase diversity:
* [[Index:Iliad Buckley.djvu]] - needs less than 200 pages done to complete it. (ancient '''Greek''' literature translation)
* [[Index:Hans of Iceland (1891).djvu]] - Victor Hugo's first novel ('''French''' literature)
* [[Index:Henryk Sienkiewicz - Quo Vadis (1897 Curtin translation).djvu]] - one of the best-known '''Polish''' novels
* [[Index:The Ballads of Marko Kraljević.djvu]] - a collection of '''Croatian''' folk poetry about the legendary hero 
* [[Index:A history of Hungarian literature.djvu]] - by a '''Hungarian''' author
* [[Index:History of botany (Sachs; Garnsey).djvu]] - by a '''German''' botanist
* [[Index:Nihongi by Aston.djvu]] - translation of an important chronicle of early '''Japanese''' history
* [[Index:Tacitus and Other Roman Studies.djvu]] - by a '''French''' classicist
* [[Index:Comprehensive Volapük Grammar.djvu]] - only 60 pages on this artificial language

I encourage one or two of these to be included each month (or similar selections) to ensure that not all our works are by US/UK authors, or are all US/UK literature. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:40, 12 March 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|EncycloPetey}} {{support}} Diversity as regards countries of origin. But note that we can also achieve this in part by including works written in English by authors from, for example, New Zealand, Australia, South Africa, Canada. (We already have a Canadian work next month.)
:From your list, my personal pick for next month would be ''Quo Vadis''.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 18:21, 12 March 2022 (UTC)
:: Indeed, and we can even consider Welsh, Irish, First Nations and and African-American authors as diversity, even if the books are from the US or the UK. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 18:31, 12 March 2022 (UTC)
:::Three suggestions:
:::1. There might be especial interest in ''The Triology'' works as they deal with Ukrainian-Polish history, e.g. {{IA|withfireandswor00curtgoog}}.
:::2. For South Africa we might think about the works of [[Author:Olive Emily Albertina Schreiner|Olive Schreiner]] e.g. ''The Story of an African Farm'', ''Woman and Labour'', ''Dreams'' etc.
:::3. We had the works of Rumi last year but dropped it due to it not being out of copyright then. {{ssl|The Mesnevī (Volume 2).pdf}}
:::[[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:12, 14 March 2022 (UTC)
::::Very interesting proposals, thank you! I was not aware of Sienkiewicz's ''Trilogy''. So let's put in ''Quo Vadis'' for April, which is as far as I know better known to English-speaking readers, and let's keep the ''Trilogy'' in mind.
::::This subsection is fast becoming a very useful source of information, which we can keep using for quite some months to come. Thank you all!--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 06:16, 14 March 2022 (UTC)

=== Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire ===
* [[Index:Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 1 (1897).djvu]] - we have only volume I of this seminal work.  It would make another good long-term work.  Note that there are multiple possible editions, but we have none of them. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 16:42, 12 March 2022 (UTC)
*:{{reply to|EncycloPetey}} I believe this is an important work. Sure, we can definitely try the first volume; there are not many pages left to proofread. (The Appendix. Hmm, not really sure how I would format these braces...) I'll add the first volume for April. After that, I guess we just have to see how the work progresses. --[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 18:52, 12 March 2022 (UTC)

=== John Locke - Essay ===
And one of the most important philosophical works, which is not yet scan-backed: ''[[An Essay Concerning Human Understanding]]'' {{IA|essayconcerning00lock}}.  I'm not sure whether we have the complete work or not; it is very long.  But the edition I've pointed to is a single volume and has very simple formatting. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 18:57, 12 March 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|EncycloPetey}} Undecided on this. Page 38 of the IA scan doesn't look like easy formatting to me. Also I was not able to determine how our version is related to the contents of the IA scan. 

:The IA scan contains ''An Essay Concerning Human Understanding''+''Essay of the Conduct of Understanding''. Looks like our current version without scan is a full version of the first Essay, and that the page of the IA scan I mentioned is really an exception.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 19:14, 12 March 2022 (UTC)
::{{reply to|EncycloPetey}} I uploaded the djvu file from the IA source you linked to. It's the first index page I created; any comments or suggestions are welcome. For instance:
::*How to handle the fact that the [[Index:An Essay Concerning Human Understanding - Locke - 1853.djvu|new index page]] links to our old, non-scan-backed version?
::*How best to indicate that the djvu contains two separate works (also ''Essay of the Conduct of Understanding'')? --[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 12:33, 13 March 2022 (UTC)
::: For the first question, we usually add {{tl|migrate to}} on the old copy if we plan to replace the old copy with the new one.  But this is a work that might have more then one edition, so I would have the title in the Index point to a new title, like &quot;An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1853)&quot;.  We can then turn the old copy into a redirect once the new copy is complete.
::: For the second question, we handle it just like any other volume that has more than one work: list it in the contents.  We have many volumes here that are collections of short stories, collections of poems, or that contain anthologies by more then one author.  There is no need to do anything unusual, but just link as we always do. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 19:13, 13 March 2022 (UTC)
::::Note that there is also the 1695 3rd {{IA|b30323873}} and 1700 4th {{IA|essayconcernin00lockuoft}} 4th on IA as well. The 5th edition (1706) is available from the ONB {{ext scan link|http://data.onb.ac.at/rep/106038C9}}. If we want the first 1690 edition, it is in EEBO and I can see about getting a scan of that... [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 20:38, 13 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::I looked at the 3rd edition earlier today and considered it as an alternative. But it contains more difficult formatting (sidenotes) and long s. I agree that the 1st edition could be valuable to have, also the 3rd. But if our aim is to get one version proofread completely, then the version mentioned by EncycloPetey is perhaps really the best to work with.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 21:03, 13 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::If you want a modern orthography edition, an option might be the version in the 1823 complete works which appears to be the standard collection of Locke until the recent Clarendon editions? {{IA|workslock01lock}} {{IA|works02lock}} {{IA|works03lock}}. It's quite a long work and if we do want to proof additional works picking a complete works set might be a good idea and avoid the reproofing the work later when doing so. Mentioning it both to think carefully about which version we want and also to collect them together for setting up the versions page. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 22:15, 13 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::There are really many options, and I'm still undecided. I looked at the IA scan of vol.1 of the 1823, and it contains torn pages, see [https://archive.org/details/workslock01lock/page/n73/mode/2up].
:::::::Project Gutenberg appears to have used the 1690 version, but with simplified layout (?)--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 06:57, 14 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::The torn page is some errata on the TOC or addition added later on very weak paper: (you can see a little more in that HathiTrust version {{ext scan link|https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id{{=}}nyp.33433070235761&amp;view{{=}}1up&amp;seq{{=}}76&amp;skin{{=}}2021}}) so it doesn't affect the main text. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 20:19, 14 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::The 1823 complete works edition would be good to have. I can work on uploading volumes from IA some time this week.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 06:22, 15 March 2022 (UTC)
::::::::::Update: I have uploaded 9 of 10 volumes. Couldn't find vol 9 on IA.-- [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 08:21, 19 March 2022 (UTC)
:::::::::::Added vol 1 of 1823 edition for April ..[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 18:01, 30 March 2022 (UTC)

===The Fortunes of Perkin Warbeck===
Once The Last Man is completed, the next volume for Shelley should be [[Index:The Fortunes of Perkin Warbeck - 1830 - Volume 1.djvu|The Fortunes of Perkin Warbeck]] [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 00:47, 19 March 2022 (UTC)

===Ancient Classics for the English Reader===
I’d like to nominate this series of historical biographies published by ''William Blackwood &amp; Sons''. There are twelve books in the series, and seven of them are already proofread (some are even validated). The others listed below:
* {{scan|Aristotle (Grant)|Aristotle (Grant).djvu|Aristotle}} by [[Author:Alexander Grant|Alexander Grant]], 1898
* {{scan|The Commentaries of Caesar|The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu}} by [[Author:Anthony Trollope|Anthony Trollope]], 1870
* {{scan|Herodotus (Swayne)|Herodotus (Swayne).djvu|Herodotus}} by [[Author:George Carless Swayne|George Carless Swayne]], 1900
* {{scan|Hesiod, and Theognis|Hesiod, and Theognis.djvu}} by [[Author:James Davies|James Davies]], 1873
* {{scan|The Odyssey (Collins)|The Odyssey (Collins).djvu|The Odyssey}} by [[Author:William Lucas Collins|William Lucas Collins]], 1870

It would be good to have these remaining 5 books completed too. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 12:59, 27 April 2022 (UTC)

:{{support}} in general. Unsure if we should start in May or June.[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:47, 27 April 2022 (UTC)
::{{ping|Tylopous}} If May is not already completely full, it would be good if one of these are included. I suggest Caesar or Aristotle. Otherwise, I'm fine with waiting for June. [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 04:41, 28 April 2022 (UTC)
:::{{reply to|Ciridae}} I added ''The Commentaries of Caesar'' for May. The works in this series apparently tend to be quite short.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 18:18, 28 April 2022 (UTC)
::::Good choice! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:55, 29 April 2022 (UTC)

===Modern Library 100 Best Nonfiction===
The [[w:en:Modern Library 100 Best Nonfiction]] list might be a good source for selections.  It is a compilation by ''Modern Library'' of the 100 best nonfiction works of the 20th century.  Some will not be eligible for inclusion because they are still under copyright, but the list would provide additional variety to our selections, in which works of fiction tend to dominate. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 23:08, 30 April 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|EncycloPetey}} Thank you. Yes, it's good to have a pool of nonfiction works to choose from. Other ideas I once had for nonfiction were: (1) A series of works under the heading &quot;Investigative Journalism&quot; (2) A chronological series of biographies of U.S. Presidents.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 06:06, 1 May 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|EncycloPetey|Tylopous}} I've also found this [http://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/%7Eimmer/booksall website] very helpful when selecting books. It aggregates some of the lists and then separates them by year. If you look closely, you can see that May's MC draws heavily on this list. In any case, I think that the Modern Library 100 Best Nonfiction is definitely something that we should target. As always, I hope that scan-backing these &quot;important&quot; books will help more users discover this site. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 01:38, 2 May 2022 (UTC)

===Main Street===
I keep finding great works of American literature that are not scan-backed.  When ''[[The Jungle]]'' by Upton Sinclair is complete, we might follow it with [[:Index:Main Street (1920).djvu|Main Street]] (1920) by [[Author:Sinclair Lewis|Sinclair Lewis]].  I've set up an Index page for the 1920 first edition. --[[User:EncycloPetey|EncycloPetey]] ([[User talk:EncycloPetey|talk]]) 04:29, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

===Life on the Mississippi===
The current version of [[Life on the Mississippi]] by [[Author:Mark Twain|Mark Twain]] is poorly formatted and missing the illustrations. A scan is available here [[https://archive.org/details/LifeOnTheMississippi1883MarkTwain]] for the 1883 edition. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 19:50, 5 June 2022 (UTC)

:There's [[:File:1883. Life on the Mississippi.djvu]] on Commons. Seems to be a different edition with other illustrations. Could we also use that one?--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:17, 13 June 2022 (UTC)

:: I created the index at [[Index:Life on the Mississippi (IA lifeonmississipptwai).pdf]]. There's a bit of a history behind the illustrations that I included on the talk page. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 18:36, 13 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Author:José Protasio Rizal Mercado y Alonso Realonda|Jose Rizal]]===

Famous author from the Philippines. Either of his two novels in translation would be good candidates: ''The Social Contract'' {{ssl|The_Social_Cancer.djvu}} or  ''The Reign of Greed'' [[https://archive.org/details/reignofgreedcomp0000riza]]. [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 15:41, 13 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{support}} very good proposal in my opinion.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 16:05, 13 June 2022 (UTC)
:{{support}} [[User:Ciridae|Ciridae]] ([[User talk:Ciridae|talk]]) 05:19, 14 June 2022 (UTC)
: {{support}} Let's run them both. Index page for [[Index:The reign of greed (1912).pdf|The Reign of Greed]] now exists. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 13:44, 14 June 2022 (UTC)

=== [[Index:A color notation (Munsell).djvu]] &amp; [[Index:Atlas of the Munsell color system.djvu]] ===

These together represent the basis of a color notation system that's still widely used in some applications. Alongside transcription of the book text, A semi-expert  will be needed to convert the color charts over to SVG with appropriate tones, based on the information in the work. Munsell's ''Book of Color'' was published in 1929 or so , so we have to wait a few years for that to become available. It would of course be nice if someone could come up with some semi-automated conversions for the color shades/tones (to some form of standardised sRGB or related). ( Seem to recall seeing some Python code, which could presumably be converted to Lua as needed?) 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:34, 22 June 2022 (UTC)

: If there is interest there is also a document apparently produced by the NBS(NIST) which gave CIE values for some of the Munusell color shades. [[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:35, 22 June 2022 (UTC)
::{{reply to|ShakespeareFan00}} I think it really depends on whether we have an expert on svg creation + color notation + programming. I see that on the [[Index talk:Atlas of the Munsell color system.djvu|index talk]] of the color atlas there is a useful link to a page with some python script. (The page says the script is from Wikipedia and it links to this article [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SRGB#Specification_of_the_transformation] on Wikipedia.)--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:25, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

=== [[Index:The discouerie of witchcraft (1584) (IA b30337367).djvu]]=== 

This is a first edition of an early work skeptical about 'extrordinary' claims.  The suggestion is that this is a Monthly Challange for September/October, so that the work is ready in time for Halloween. 

The second edition is in Early English Books Online, but I wasn't sure if it was possible to generate a DJVu for that, given technical and copyright reasons. 07:40, 22 June 2022 (UTC)

I've also uploaded a 1665 third(?) edition ([[Index:The discovery of Witchcraft (1665).djvu]]) and an 1899 version with a commentary [[Index:The discoverie of witchcraft (Nicholson, 1886 ).djvu]]). 
[[User:ShakespeareFan00|ShakespeareFan00]] ([[User talk:ShakespeareFan00|talk]]) 07:40, 22 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|ShakespeareFan00}} Support this in general. But the old editions, especially the 1584 one, are very long + in blackletter. From my experience with [[Index:Diuers voyages touching the discouerie of America - Hakluyt - 1582.djvu]], I can say that it can be very hard work transcribing such pages, and ''Diuers Voyages'' was only about 120 pages.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous|talk]]) 05:30, 23 June 2022 (UTC)

=== [[Index:Susan and the Mermaid.pdf]] ===
[[File:Susan and the Mermaid - Title (corrected).jpg|right|300px]]
I would like to nominate this short story which only needs to be validated. It has some beautiful illustrations and should be a fun one to work on. [[User:Kaldari|Kaldari]] ([[User talk:Kaldari|talk]]) 22:10, 29 June 2022 (UTC)
===Dewey Decimal Classification system===
[[Author:Melville Louis Kossuth Dewey|Melvil Due]]’s namesake “Dewey Decimal” system was started in [https://archive.org/details/classificationan00dewerich an 1876 pamphlet]: some formatting required, but definitely a valuable addition.

== Staging for future months ==

''This is the staging area for the next challenge. Works are added to this list based on nominations, current long-term series or filling in missing topics. This list is not &quot;official&quot;, it's just designed to make it easier to set up the data table for the next challenge more easily. Nominate works above. Remove works from this list if the nomination fails.''

=== January 2022 ===

* Works:

* Shorts:

* Series to be continued:
** ''First Folio''
** ''Orley Farm''
** ''HG Wells''
** ''Philippines''
** ''US Treaty Series''
** ''Shirley''
** ''Sherlock Holmes''
** ''Middlemarch''
* Series to be continued, but may be stalling:
* Series to be discontinued
* New series:

== Long-Term Series ==
This space is reserved for nominations of a long-term series consisting of multiple volumes of an author's work usually referred to with titles such as &quot;The Complete Works of X&quot; or an encyclopedic work. Such nominations require serious consideration because they will require many years of work. Therefore, the edition proposed should be a definitive edition that does not constitute mere reprints and would make a substantial contribution to Wikisource. 

=== Long-Term Nominations ===

=== Current Long-Term Series ===

* Shakespeare's First Folio
* ''Orley Farm''
* The Works of H.G. Wells (Atlantic Edition)
* The Works of Thomas Carlyle (Centenary Edition)
* The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (ed. Blair and Robertson)


[[Category:Monthly Challenge|Nominations]]
[[Category:Bots/Archival]]</text>
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      <text bytes="1296" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|130|'' ''|''A Study of Ben Jonson''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;regularly snapped off or snipped down at the close of each deliverance, is as alien and as far from the fresh and vigorous spontaneity of the poet's as is the trimming and hedging morality of the essay on 'simulation and dissimulation' from the spirit and instinct of the man who 'of all things loved to be called honest.' But indeed, from the ethical point of view which looks merely or mainly to character, the comparison is little less than an insult to the Laureate; and from the purely intelligent or æsthetic point of view I should be disposed to say, or at least inclined to think, that the comparison would be hardly less unduly complimentary to the Chancellor.

For at the very opening of these ''[[Explorata, or Discoveries]]'', we find ourselves in so high and so pure an atmosphere of feeling and of thought that we cannot but recognize and rejoice in the presence and the influence of one of the noblest, manliest, most honest and most helpful natures that ever dignified and glorified a powerful intelligence and an admirable genius. In the very first note, the condensed or concentrated quintessence of a Baconian essay on Fortune, we find these among other lofty and weighty words; 'Heaven prepares good men with crosses; but no ill can&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1469" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|131|''Discoveries  ''|''A Study of Ben Jonson''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;happen to a good man.' 'That which happens to any man, may to every man. But it is in his reason what he accounts it and will make it'

There is perhaps in the structure of this sentence something too much of the Latinist—too strong a flavour of the style of [[Author:Tacitus|Tacitus]] in its elaborate if not laborious terseness of expression. But the following could hardly be bettered.
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}No man is so foolish but may give another good counsel sometimes; and no man is so wise but may easily err, if he will take no other's counsel but his own. But very few men are wise by their own counsel, or learned by their own teaching. For he that was only taught by himself had a fool to his master.
{{fine block/e}}
{{dhr}}
The mind's ear may find or fancy a silvery ring of serene good sense in the note of that reflection; but the ring of what follows is pure gold.
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}
There is a necessity all men should love their country; he that professeth the contrary may be delighted with his words, but his heart is [not] there.
{{fine block/e}}
{{dhr}}
The magnificent expansion or paraphrase of this noble thought in the fourth scene of [[Author:Walter Savage Landor|Landor's]] magnificent tragedy of ''[[Count Julian]]'' should be familiar to all capable students of English poetry at its purest and proudest height of sublime contemplation. That probably or rather undoubtedly&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1355" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|132|'' ''|''A Study of Ben Jonson''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;unconscious echo of the sentiment of an older poet and patriot has in it the prolonged reverberation and repercussion of music which we hear in the echoes of thunder or a breaking sea.

Again, how happy in the bitterness of its truth is the next remark: 'Natures that are hardened to evil you shall sooner break than make straight: they are like poles that are crooked and dry: there is no attempting them.' And how grand is this:
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}
I cannot think nature is so spent and decayed that she can bring forth nothing worth her former years. She is always the same, like herself; and when she collects her strength,&lt;ref&gt;As in the production of [[Author:William Shakespeare|Shakespeare]]—if his good friend Ben had but known it.&lt;/ref&gt; is abler still. ''Men are decayed, and studies: she is not.
{{fine block/e}}
{{dhr}}
Jonson never wrote a finer verse than that; and very probably he never observed that it was a verse.

The next note is one of special interest to all students of the great writer who has so often been described as a blind worshipper and a servile disciple of classical antiquity.
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}
'I know nothing can conduce more to letters,' says the too obsequious observer of Tacitus and of [[Author:Marcus Tullius Cicero|Cicero]] in&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}
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{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the composition of his Roman tragedies, 'than to examine the writings of the ancients, and not to rest on their sole authority, or take all upon trust from them; provided the plagues of judging and pronouncing against them be away; such as are envy, bitterness, precipitation, impudence, and scurril scoffing. For, to all the observations of the ancients, we have our own experience; which if we will use and apply, we have better means to pronounce. It is true they opened the gates, and made the way, that went before us; but as guides, not commanders: ''{{lang|la|Non domini nostri sed duces fuere}}''. Truth lies open to all; it is no man's several. ''{{lang|la|Patet omnibus veritas: nondum est occupata. Multum ex illâ etiam futuris relictum est}}''.'&lt;ref&gt;The scandalously neglected text reads ''relicta''. Perhaps we should read 'Multa—relicta sunt.'&lt;/ref&gt;
{{fine block/e}}
{{dhr}}
Time and space would fail me to transcribe all that is worth transcription, to comment on everything that deserves commentary, in this treasure-house of art and wisdom, eloquence and good sense. But the following extract could be passed over by no eye but a mole's or a bat's.
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}
I do not desire to be equal with those that went before; but to have my reason examined with theirs, and so much faith to be given them, or me, as those shall evict [in modern English—if the text is not corrupt—'as the comparison or confrontation of theirs with mine shall elicit']. I am neither author nor fautor of any sect. I will have no man addict himself to me; but if I have&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}
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{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;anything right, defend it as Truth's, not mine, save as it conduceth to a common good. It profits not me to have any man fence or fight for me, to flourish, or take my side. Stand for Truth, and 'tis enough.
{{fine block/e}}
{{dhr}}
The haughty vindication of 'arts that respect the mind' as 'nobler than those that serve the body, though we less can be without them' (the latter), is at once amusingly and admirably Jonsonian. Admitting the ignoble fact that without such 'arts' as 'tillage, spinning, weaving, building, &amp;c.,' 'we could scarce sustain life a day,' a proposition which it certainly would seem difficult to dispute, he proceeds in the loftiest tone of professional philosophy: 'But these were the works of every hand; the other of the brain only, and those the most generous and exalted wits and spirits, that cannot rest or acquiesce. The mind of man is still fed with labour: ''{{lang|la|opere pascitur}}''.'

This conscientious and self-conscious pride of intellect finds even a nobler and more memorable expression in the admirable words which instruct or which remind us of the truth that 'it is as great a spite to be praised in the wrong place, and by the wrong person, as can be done to a noble nature.' A sentence worthy to be set beside the fittest motto for all loyal men—{{lang|la|'Æqua laus est a laudatis}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1266" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|135|''Discoveries''|''A Study of Ben Jonson''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{lang|la|laudari et ab improbis improbari}}.' Which it would be well that every man worthy to apply it should lay to heart, and act and bear himself accordingly.

It is to be wished that the dramatist and humourist had always or had usually borne in mind the following excellent definition or reflection of the aphoristic philosopher or student: 'A tedious person is one a man would leap a steeple from, gallop down any steep hill to avoid him; forsake his meat, sleep, nature itself, with all her benefits, to shun him.' What then shall we say of the courtiers in ''[[Cynthia's Revels]]'' and the vapourers in ''[[Bartholomew Fair]]''?

'The following is somewhat especially suggestive of a present political application; and would find its appropriate setting in a modern version of the ''[[Irish Masque]]''.
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}
He is a narrow-minded man that affects a triumph in any glorious study; but to triumph in a lie, and a lie themselves have forged, is frontless. Folly often goes beyond her bounds; but Impudence knows none.
{{fine block/e}}
{{dhr}}
From the forty-third to the forty-eighth entry inclusive these disconnected notes should be read as a short continuous essay on envy and calumny&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1327" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|136|''Discoveries''|''A Study of Ben Jonson''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;For weight, point, and vigour, it would hardly be possible to overpraise it.

In the admirable note on such 'foolish lovers' as 'wish the same to their friends as their enemies would,' merely that they might have occasion to display the constancy of their regard, there is a palpable and preposterous misprint, which reduces to nonsense a remarkably fine passage; 'They make a causeway to their courtesy by injury; as if it were not honester to do nothing than to seek a way to do good by a mischief.' For the obviously right word 'courtesy' the unspeakable editors read 'country'; which let him explain who can.

The two notes on injuries and benefits are observable for their wholesome admixture of common sense with magnanimity.
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}
Injuries do not extinguish courtesies: they only suffer them not to appear fair. For a man that doth me an injury after a courtesy takes not away that courtesy, but defaces it: as he that writes other verses upon my verses takes not away the first letters, but hides them.
{{fine block/e}}
{{dhr}}
Surely no sentence more high-minded and generous than that was ever written: nor one more sensible and dignified than this:—
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}
The doing of courtesies aright is the mixing of the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;respects for his own sake and for mine. He that doeth them merely for his own sake is like one that feeds his cattle to sell them: he hath his horse well drest for Smithfield.
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{{dhr}}
The following touch of mental autobiography is not less interesting than curious. Had [[Author:William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|Shakespeare]] but left us the like!
{{dhr}}
{{fine block/s}}
I myself could in my youth have repeated all that ever I had made, and so continued till I was past forty: since, it is much decayed in me. Yet I can repeat whole books that I have read, and poems of some selected friends, which I have liked to charge my memory with. It was wont to be faithful to me; but, shaken with age now, and sloth, which weakens the strongest abilities, it may perform somewhat, but cannot promise much. By exercise it is to be made better, and serviceable. Whatsoever I pawned with it while I was young, and a boy, it offers me readily, and without stops: but what I trust to it now, or have done of later years, it lays up more negligently, and oftentimes loses; so that I receive mine own (though frequently called for) as if it were new and borrowed. Nor do I always find presently from it what I seek: but while I am doing another thing, that I laboured for will come; and what I sought with trouble will offer itself when I am quiet. Now in some men [was Shakespeare, we must ask ourselves, one of these?] I have found it as happy as nature, who, whatsoever they read or pen, they can say without book presently; as if they did then write in their mind. And it is more a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:24:28Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Balajijagadesh</username>
        <id>316019</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1860" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|178|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.|}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;orders of the king, placed her on a chariot, and before the very eyes of the Great Being carried her off to the zenana. The Bodhisattva, however, had repressed his powerful anger by the power of his tranquillity, and was sewing his rags just as before without the slightest perturbation, as calm and serene as ever. To him the king spoke :

18. 'Threatening words of indignation and anger you uttered in a loud and strength-betraying voice, but now, on seeing that beauty ravished before your eyes, you keep quiet and are cast down because you have no power.

19. 'Why, show your wrath, either by the strength of your arm or by the splendid power you have accumulated as the result of your penance. He who, not knowing the compass of his own faculties, takes an engagement he cannot keep, such a one loses his splendour, you know.'

The Bodhisattva replied: 'Know that I did keep my engagement, Your Majesty. 

20. 'He who was ready in that case against me

To act and struggled—I did not release him. 

But kept him down, made him by force be quiet, 

So you must own that I made true my promise.' 

That excessive firmness of mind of the Bodhisattva, proved by his tranquillity, did not fail to inspire the king with respect for the virtues of the ascetic. And he began to reflect : 'This Brâhman must have hinted at something else, speaking thus, and I, not understanding his mind, committed a rash action.' This reflection arising within him, induced him to ask the Bodhisattva :

21. 'Who was that other who acted against you and was not released by you, however much he struggled, no more than rising dust is by a rain-cloud ? Whom did you quiet then?'

The Bodhisattva answered: 'Hearken, great prince.

22. 'He, whose forthcoming robs the insight and without whose appearance a man sees clearly, rose&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Origins of the Islamic State/Part 1/Chapter 11</title>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:01:41Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="373" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title = [[../../]], [[../|Part I]]
 | section = Chapter XI—Tabâlah and Jurash
 | author = Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī
 | translator = Philip Khuri Hitti 
 | previous = [[../Chapter 10|Chapter X]]
 | next = [[../Chapter 12|Chapter XII]]
 | year = 1916
 | notes = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu&quot; include=107 /&gt;

==Footnotes==
&lt;references /&gt;</text>
      <sha1>bsywqg3ee0a9z4f8ojrp7n2i07pmbwv</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Origins of the Islamic State/Part 1/Chapter 12</title>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:02:26Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Replaced content with &quot;{{header  | title = [[../../]], [[../|Part I]]  | section = Chapter XII—Tabûk, Ailah, Adhruḥ, Maḳna and al-Jarbâ’  | author = Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī  | translator = Philip Khuri Hitti   | previous = [[../Chapter 11|Chapter XI]]  | next = [[../Chapter 13|Chapter XIII]]  | year = 1916  | notes =  }} &lt;pages index=&quot;Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu&quot; from=108 to=110 /&gt;  ==Footnotes== &lt;references /&gt;&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="410" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title = [[../../]], [[../|Part I]]
 | section = Chapter XII—Tabûk, Ailah, Adhruḥ, Maḳna and al-Jarbâ’
 | author = Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī
 | translator = Philip Khuri Hitti 
 | previous = [[../Chapter 11|Chapter XI]]
 | next = [[../Chapter 13|Chapter XIII]]
 | year = 1916
 | notes = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu&quot; from=108 to=110 /&gt;

==Footnotes==
&lt;references /&gt;</text>
      <sha1>dsu8wffw65kedx9p1unws3q7qsbqezb</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Origins of the Islamic State/Part 1/Chapter 13</title>
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      <id>12506515</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:03:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Replaced content with &quot;{{header  | title = [[../../]], [[../|Part I]]  | section = Chapter XIII—Dûmat al-Jandal  | author = Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī  | translator = Philip Khuri Hitti   | previous = [[../Chapter 12|Chapter XII]]  | next = [[../Chapter 14|Chapter XIV]]  | year = 1916  | notes =  }} &lt;pages index=&quot;Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu&quot; from=111 to=113 /&gt;  ==Footnotes== &lt;references /&gt;&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="378" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title = [[../../]], [[../|Part I]]
 | section = Chapter XIII—Dûmat al-Jandal
 | author = Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī
 | translator = Philip Khuri Hitti 
 | previous = [[../Chapter 12|Chapter XII]]
 | next = [[../Chapter 14|Chapter XIV]]
 | year = 1916
 | notes = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu&quot; from=111 to=113 /&gt;

==Footnotes==
&lt;references /&gt;</text>
      <sha1>9ojsu0q87zjkbxwru5gq9c2v49fc7ag</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Origins of the Islamic State/Part 1/Chapter 14</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508029</id>
      <parentid>11321261</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:31:38Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Replaced content with &quot;{{header  | title = [[../../]], [[../|Part I]]  | section = Chapter XIV—The Capitulation of Najrân  | author = Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī  | translator = Philip Khuri Hitti   | previous = [[../Chapter 13|Chapter XIII]]  | next = [[../Chapter 15|Chapter XV]]  | year = 1916  | notes =  }} &lt;pages index=&quot;Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu&quot; from=114 to=121 /&gt;  ==Footnotes== &lt;references /&gt;&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="388" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title = [[../../]], [[../|Part I]]
 | section = Chapter XIV—The Capitulation of Najrân
 | author = Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī
 | translator = Philip Khuri Hitti 
 | previous = [[../Chapter 13|Chapter XIII]]
 | next = [[../Chapter 15|Chapter XV]]
 | year = 1916
 | notes = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu&quot; from=114 to=121 /&gt;

==Footnotes==
&lt;references /&gt;</text>
      <sha1>gwjxucwqncpmysa6vac6kr7v64d4xcu</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Wikisource:Scan Lab</title>
    <ns>4</ns>
    <id>3690592</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506977</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:21:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2001:4450:810D:1B00:B98F:6C56:CD04:3DB9</ip>
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      <text bytes="12039" xml:space="preserve">&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Wikisource:Scan Lab/styles.css&quot; /&gt;
{{process header
 | title    = Scan Lab
 | section  = 
 | previous = 
 | next     = 
 | shortcut = WS:LAB
 | notes    = A central resource for assistance with creation, downloading, uploading, processing and other operations on scans of texts.
}}
{{autoarchive resolved section
 | age            = 1
 | archive        = ((FULLPAGENAME))/Archives/((year))-((month:##))
 | level          = 3
 | show           = no
 | timecompare    = resolved
}}
&lt;div id=&quot;_ws_scanlab_intro&quot;&gt;
&lt;div id=&quot;_ws_scanlab_intro_instructions&quot;&gt;
{{instructions
 | noedit = yes
 | content =
If you need help with a scan, add your request in the relevant section below as a new sub-section. If you can, include all the details someone will need to work on the request without further questioning. You can use {{tlx|ping project|Scan Lab}} to send an immediate notification to all subscribed Scan Lab members. Once you have been answered, ping ''only'' that user when you reply with {{tlx|re|Their username}} (do not ping the whole project on every comment).

If your request has been completed, you should acknowledge that your issue is resolved and close the section with &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;{{section resolved|1=~~~~}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt;.
}}
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div id=&quot;_ws_scanlab_intro_archives&quot;&gt;
{{Archives
 | list = {{Special:PrefixIndex/Wikisource:Scan Lab/Archives/|stripprefix=1}}
}}
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;!-- end intro --&gt;
{{Desktop only|[[File:Buchbinder 1880.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Times have changed, but it still can be hard to put 600 pages in the right order!]]}}

== Participants ==
Add your name to [[Module:Mass notification/groups/Scan Lab]] to be notified via {{tlx|ping project|Scan Lab}}. Also add your name below with details of any particular tasks you can help with.

{| class=&quot;wikitable&quot;
|-
! Participant
! Can help with
! Instructions
|-
| {{ul2|Inductiveload}}
|
* General scan tasks: scraping/download, batch uploads, scan repair
* Splitting/combining scan images/photos from a scanner or camera into scan file (with ScanTailor)
|
* For batch uploads, please see [[User:Inductiveload/Requests/Batch uploads]] for the information I will need and in which format
* For batch downloads from Hathi Trust, please ''also'' see [[User:Inductiveload/Requests/Downloads from Hathi Trust]]
|-
| {{ul2|Xover}}
|
* General scan tasks: scraping/download, scan repair, manipulating DjVu files (but not PDF)
|
|-
| {{ul2|Mpaa}}
|
* General scan tasks: scraping/download, scan repair, manipulating DjVu files (but not PDF)
|
|}

== Requests for downloading scans ==
{{instructions
 | class = _ws_scanlab_instructions
 | noedit = yes
 | content =
If you would like scans that already exist online to be transferred to Wikisource, leave a message here. This includes batch transfers from the Internet or Hathi Trust for multi-volume works. Please include necessary bibliographic information so that scans can be uploaded to Commons with proper information and license templates. Author, country, and date of first publication. A suggested file name on Commons can also be helpful.
}}

=== Jane Austen Juvenilia Volume 2 and 3 ===
{{ping project|Scan Lab}} The scans of the manuscripts of Austen's Juvenelia are available on [https://janeausten.ac.uk/facsimile/blvolsecond/index.html here] and [https://janeausten.ac.uk/facsimile/blvolthird/index.html here]. They're both in the PD, but I have absolutely no clue as how to download them. The images are higher resolution than the ones on the BL website, but they're in the zoomify flash  format. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 02:58, 2 February 2022 (UTC)
*[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]]: I know ''Volume the Second'' is in the public domain; it’s already been transcribed [[Love and Freindship and other early works|here]]. Are we sure that ''Volume the Third'' is in the public domain? It could easily fall into a copyright trap, so I just want to make sure. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 22:59, 8 February 2022 (UTC)
**@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] The [https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/volume-the-third-austen-juvenilia British Library] has it listed as &quot;Public Domain in most countries other than the UK.&quot;  [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 23:07, 8 February 2022 (UTC)
**:So it looks like it was definitely published in 1951 (which would imply copyright expiry in 2001 in the UK as 50 years after publication), which makes the UK copyright claim weird. If true that would postdate the URAA date ... [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:06, 9 February 2022 (UTC)
**::That is volume 3 (Evelyn and Kitty the Bower). Volume 1 was published in 1933 (so it was in the PD on the URAA date). [[User:MarkLSteadman|MarkLSteadman]] ([[User talk:MarkLSteadman|talk]]) 00:19, 9 February 2022 (UTC)
===''Boke of S&lt;sup&gt;t.&lt;/sup&gt; Albans''===
{{ping project|Scan Lab}} This is a request for downloading and repair. A copy of [[Author:Juliana Berners|Juliana Berners]]’ ''Boke'' is available from [https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/PR-INC-00003-J-00004-00001-03636/7 here]; however, that copy is missing four pages (two leaves), which were reprinted in ''facsimile'' [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044086725199 here] (or [https://archive.org/details/cu31924031031184 here]). I would like a PDF or DJVU with the scan of the original with the four missing pages added, please. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 01:25, 31 May 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]], see [[c:File:Book of St Albans.djvu]]. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:32, 1 June 2022 (UTC)
===Dafydd ap Gwilym’s poems===
{{ping project|Scan Lab}} The ''Translations into English Verse from the Poems of Davyth ap Gwilym'', available from HathiTrust [https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011605474 here], please. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 19:49, 10 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]]: [[:File:Translations (1834).djvu]] [[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 22:01, 10 June 2022 (UTC)

===Lippincotts 45===
Can someone upload [https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=pst.000020206031&amp;view=1up&amp;seq=15&amp;skin=2021] to &quot;Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-45.djvu&quot;  . [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 15:54, 29 June 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] {{done}}: [[Index:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-45.djvu]]. Sorry it took so long (and sorry I missed the request on my talk page!) [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 21:05, 9 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]] Thank you! Don't worry about the time. Hope all is well :). [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 21:29, 9 July 2022 (UTC)

== Finding scans ==
{{instructions
 | class = _ws_scanlab_instructions
 | noedit = yes
 | content =
Requests for locating scans for ''existing'' works at Wikisource, or works you wish to add yourself but cannot find scans for. For general text requests, see [[Wikisource:Requested texts]].
}}

== Scan repair ==
{{instructions
 | class = _ws_scanlab_instructions
 | noedit = yes
 | content =
Request repair work on existing scans here.

When requesting page insertion, rearrangement or deletion, always include the page numbers (as marked on the pages) ''as well as'' the position of the page within the scan file. This makes it much easier for the repairing user to locate the defect in the file and fix it, as well as allowing a double-check against mistakes.

Please do not use this page to request repairs on works that you don’t really care about: the backlog at [[:Category:Index - File to fix]] is a known backlog. If you want to help with those, you can add {{tl|missing pages}} to those indexes if they do not already have it, along with details of the missing pages.
}}
===Index:Pastorals Epistles Odes (1748).djvu===
The original scan had pages 3 to 94 missing (why would you ....). I sourced and uploaded a complete version but the existing page transcriptions need moving. The required shift is Index page 34 needs to move to index page 136, 35 to 137, etc. Thanks, [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 01:18, 10 June 2022 (UTC)

::Done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:55, 10 June 2022 (UTC)
===[[Index:Arthur Rackham (Hudson).pdf]]===
{{ping project|Scan Lab}} Please add [[:File:HudsonTemp.pdf]] to the end of [[:File:Arthur Rackham (Hudson).pdf]], delete the first of those files, and move the latter to Wikimedia Commons. Thank you. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 19:01, 21 June 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu]]===
[[Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/88]] and [[Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/89]] both are duplicates of pages 68 and 69 respectively, when they should consist of pages 82 and 83. The correct pages are available from a scan at https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.9_08050_1_1. Requesting help with fixing the index file. Thanks in advance, [[User:I&amp;#39;m mender|I’m mender? :/]] ([[User talk:I&amp;#39;m mender|talk]]) 14:51, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:I'm mender|I'm mender]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:49, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] thank you for your help. [[User:I&amp;#39;m mender|I’m mender? :/]] ([[User talk:I&amp;#39;m mender|talk]]) 21:15, 2 July 2022 (UTC)

Requesting help again please; I missed another set of pages. [[Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/104]] and [[Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/105]] are duplicates of pages 96 and 97 when they should consist of pages 98 and 99. Apologies for not checking if there were more missing pages before.[[User:I&amp;#39;m mender|I’m mender? :/]] ([[User talk:I&amp;#39;m mender|talk]]) 11:40, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

:@[[User:I'm mender|I'm mender]] done. [[User:Mpaa|Mpaa]] ([[User talk:Mpaa|talk]]) 20:54, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

===[[Index:The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf]]===
Can someone regenerate this as a DJVU and after page 394, there are two pages of advertising that need to be swapped with 395 and 396 that are in the back of the book. [https://archive.org/details/theoryofleisurec00vebl_2/page/394/mode/2up IA Link]. Many thanks! [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:39, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
===[[Index:MU KPB 009 The Springtide of Life Poems of Childhood by Algernon Charles Swinburne.pdf]]===
{{ping project|Scan Lab}} In this scan, pages 118 and 119 are missing; they can be provided from [https://books.google.com/books?id=vSp776KAHiYC this] alternate Google Books scan. Thank you. [[User:TE(æ)A,ea.|TE(æ)A,ea.]] ([[User talk:TE(æ)A,ea.|talk]]) 14:01, 6 July 2022 (UTC)
:''Or'' I uploaded some from https://archive.org/details/springtideoflife00swin : [[:File:The Springtide of Life-1918-155-1.jpg]] and [[:File:The Springtide of Life-1918-155-2.jpg]] and they go right after page 155....--[[User:RaboKarbakian|RaboKarbakian]] ([[User talk:RaboKarbakian|talk]]) 14:05, 6 July 2022 (UTC)

== See also ==

* [[commons:Commons:Graphic Lab|Commons:Graphic Lab]] at Wikimedia Commons - they can help with general image problems
* [[Help:Image extraction|Image extraction]] - guidance for extracting images from scans
* [[Wikisource:Requested texts|Requested texts]] - general text requests. Many of these also need scans to be located.
* [[:Category:Index - File to fix]] - contains indexes that have various defects. Please ''do'' add templates like {{tl|missing pages}} if needed to indicate what the problems are, but please ''do not'' bring the files here unless you would like it fixed to allow work in the near future.

[[Category:WikiProjects]]</text>
      <sha1>anbv2d40miqyc7oczqu1sm41z5i4v52</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Blackwood's Magazine volume 001.djvu/239</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3695771</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507936</id>
      <parentid>11522771</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:31:18Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="4606" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1817.]|''Vegetative Power in the Seeds of Plants.''|239}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;as Cromek did&lt;ref&gt;We have inserted our correspondent's remarks as they came to hand, though we profess ourselves ignorant with regard to the ground of the charge that he makes against Cromek. We trust he can make good his assertion. It would be a curious instance pf literary fraud. {{float right|{{sc|Editor.}}|offset=2em}}&lt;/ref&gt;, with the help of his friend Allan Cunningham, having nothing but a few ancient chorusses or couplets, familiar among the peasantry, to bear them through; yet I certainly would like to see a saving hand stretched out to rescue these relics of broad and simple humour; and rather than they should perish, or give offence to modesty and good breeding, venture to use the pruning-knife a little. Are we to lose such productions as &quot;The Wyfe of Auchtermuchtie,&quot; because, forsooth, there may be two words in it that one would not choose to read aloud in a mixed company? 

Ritson has done a good deal for the preservation of our lyrical lore; Johnson has done more; and as both their works are wearing scarce, it would surely be a good speculation to republish them together, with such omissions or additions as a man of judgment might see meet. I look upon Johnson's Museum as the most valuable collection of that nature that ever was made in our country—not so much on account of the songs, (for many of them are now to be found in other collections) as for the great mine of original music which it contains. Many of these tunes, it is true, have been since modernised, and certainly are improved by the symphonies, graces, and accompaniements, that have been added; still the preservation of them in their simple and original state is a laudable and desirable object; and there is no doubt but an enlarged edition of that work, wherein elegance and utility might be conjoined, is a desideratum in the vocal and musical miscellanies of the day. 

Observing that you had set out on your miscellaneous career, with the resuscitation of some valuable old poetic lore, I have thrown these few cursory remarks together, in hopes they may be instrumental in bringing to light some more relics of the pastoral, romantic, and rustic poetry of former ages, which you will do well to preserve, and of which the collectors of songs and music may afterwards avail themselves to their own advantage, and the cause of song in general. If simplicity be the last refinement, and the highest excellence to which a poet can reach, then these lyrical effusions of our ancestors possess it in a very high degree—true, it is not always elegant simplicity, but it is better than pompous affectation. Every thing in the universe moves in a circle till the two extremes meet; thus the highest refinement returns again to where it set out—the walks of simple nature.

''May'' 27, 1817. {{float right|S.}}
&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{hi|{{smaller block|EXPERIMENT, BY MR LAUDER DICK, YOUNGER OF FOUNTAINHALL, RELATIVE TO THE PRESERVATION OF THE VEGETATIVE POWER IN THE SEEDS OF PLANTS.}}}}

{{gap|2em}}{{sm|MR EDITOR,}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{sc|The}} following is an {{SIC|extraet|extract}} of a letter from my friend, Mr Lauder Dick, dated Relugas, near Forres, 6th May 1817. It contains a short notice of an experiment, which, taken in connexion with some others of a similar nature, already familiar to the vegetable physiologist, may perhaps appear of considerable interest to some of your readers. I am, sir, your most obedient servant, {{float right|G.}}

{{rule|2em}}

&quot;A friend of mine possesses an estate in this county, a great part of which, lying along the Moray Frith, was, at some period not very well ascertained, but certainly not less than sixty years ago, covered with sand, which had been blown from the westward, and overwhelmed the cultivated fields, so that the agriculturist was forced to abandon them altogether. My friend, soon after his purchase of the estate, began the arduous but judicious operation of trenching down the sand, and bringing to the surface the original black mould. These operations of improvement were so productive, as to induce the very intelligent and enterprising proprietor to undertake, lately, a still more laborious task; viz. to trench down the super-incumbent sand, on a part of the property where it was no less than eight feet deep. 

Conceiving this to be a favourable opportunity for trying some experiments relative to the length of time which seeds preserve their power or vegetation, even when immersed in
&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1577" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER XII}}

☙ ''How the Lord Jesus was set at nought by Herod''}}

{{di|I|image=Dropcap illus letter I--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}} BLESS Thee, and give thanks to Thee, 
O Lord Jesus Christ, Eternal Wisdom 
of the Father; Thou Who art Truth 
itself, and the Infinite Power of God; 
for the foul insolence and bitter mockery, with 
which Thou wast mocked and derided by Herod 
and his soldiers. For indeed Herod had himself 
of a long- time been desirous to see Thee; and, 
moved by curiosity, was hoping to see some sign 
wrought by Thee. But when, to his questioning 
in many words, Thou answeredst nothing, and 
didst work no sign — the time not being fit for so 
doing, because it was Thy hour for suffering, not 
for working miracles — soon, being moved to anger, 
he ceased to pay Thee respect, and treating Thee 
as a madman, insolently set Thee at nought; and 
having mocked Thee, by clothing Thee in a white 
garment, sent Thee back to Pilate. 

I praise and magnify Thee, my glorious Jesus, 
for the fatigues Thou didst endure in being hurried 
about, as they led Thee, with shouts of derision, 
backwards and forwards, from place to place, 
through the streets and lanes of Jerusalem, from 
Judge to Judge; before each of whom they defamed and grievously maligned Thee; and of whom 
at length, after Thou hadst been long time examined and questioned, they demanded Thy punishment by crucifixion. 

O how brightly shone forth in Thee at this time 
the patience, which was unmoved when goaded 
by mockings such as Thine. Surely the thought&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <id>12507042</id>
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        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
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      <text bytes="1576" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER XII}}

☙ ''How the Lord Jesus was set at nought by Herod''}}

{{di|I|image=Dropcap illus letter I--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}} BLESS Thee, and give thanks to Thee, 
O Lord Jesus Christ, Eternal Wisdom 
of the Father; Thou Who art Truth 
itself, and the Infinite Power of God; 
for the foul insolence and bitter mockery, with 
which Thou wast mocked and derided by Herod 
and his soldiers. For indeed Herod had himself 
of a long time been desirous to see Thee; and, 
moved by curiosity, was hoping to see some sign 
wrought by Thee. But when, to his questioning 
in many words, Thou answeredst nothing, and 
didst work no sign — the time not being fit for so 
doing, because it was Thy hour for suffering, not 
for working miracles — soon, being moved to anger, 
he ceased to pay Thee respect, and treating Thee 
as a madman, insolently set Thee at nought; and 
having mocked Thee, by clothing Thee in a white 
garment, sent Thee back to Pilate. 

I praise and magnify Thee, my glorious Jesus, 
for the fatigues Thou didst endure in being hurried 
about, as they led Thee, with shouts of derision, 
backwards and forwards, from place to place, 
through the streets and lanes of Jerusalem, from 
Judge to Judge; before each of whom they defamed and grievously maligned Thee; and of whom 
at length, after Thou hadst been long time examined and questioned, they demanded Thy punishment by crucifixion. 

O how brightly shone forth in Thee at this time 
the patience, which was unmoved when goaded 
by mockings such as Thine. Surely the thought&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Prayersmeditatio01thom.djvu/116</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
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      <text bytes="1599" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;keep in remembrance the reproach which Thou 
didst endure for my sake, who am unworthy of 
the least of all Thy mercies. 


{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER XIII}} 

☙ ''Concerning the savage clamour of the Jews,—&lt;br&gt;Away with Him! Crucify Him!''}}

{{di|I|image=Dropcap illus letter I--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}} BLESS Thee, and give thanks to Thee, 
O Lord Jesus Christ, perpetual Joy of 
Saints, for the great and insolent uproar with which the Jews raged against 
Thee, crying out in their fury: — &quot;Away with 
Him! Away with Him! Crucify Him!&quot; Alas, how 
great was the savagery of those miserable Jews; 
how inhuman was the cruelty of the Priests and 
of the Pharisees, who felt no fear at putting Thee 
to death, who felt no compunction at shedding 
innocent blood! The heathen Judge is moved to 
some sort of pity; but the hearts of the Jews are 
hardened to yet more cruel malice. Pilate would 
discharge Thee, he seeks to release Thee, he declares that he finds no cause of death in Thee; 
but the Jews, forgetting all the good works Thou 
hadst wrought among them, will not listen to him, 
crying out again: — &quot;If thou release this man, thou 
art not Caesar's friend: for whosoever maketh himself a king, speaketh against Caesar&quot; 

Alas, with what utter falseness do they allege 
these things against Thee, Who never, either by 
word or deed, soughtest earthly honours; Who, 
when the people — whom, by working a miracle, 
Thou hadst fully satisfied with food — were anxious 
to make Thee a King, didst at once go forth alone 
to a mountain to pray, and to hide Thyself from them!&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <id>12507761</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
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      <text bytes="1607" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;keep in remembrance the reproach which Thou 
didst endure for my sake, who am unworthy of 
the least of all Thy mercies. 


{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER XIII}} 

☙ ''Concerning the savage clamour of the Jews,—&lt;br&gt;Away with Him! Crucify Him!''}}

{{di|I|image=Dropcap illus letter I--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}} BLESS Thee, and give thanks to Thee, 
O Lord Jesus Christ, perpetual Joy of 
Saints, for the great and insolent uproar with which the Jews raged against 
Thee, crying out in their fury: — &quot;Away with 
Him! Away with Him! Crucify Him!&quot; Alas, how 
great was the savagery of those miserable Jews; 
how inhuman was the cruelty of the Priests and 
of the Pharisees, who felt no fear at putting Thee 
to death, who felt no compunction at shedding 
innocent blood! The heathen Judge is moved to 
some sort of pity; but the hearts of the Jews are 
hardened to yet more cruel malice. Pilate would 
discharge Thee, he seeks to release Thee, he declares that he finds no cause of death in Thee; 
but the Jews, forgetting all the good works Thou 
hadst wrought among them, will not listen to him, 
crying out again: — &quot;If thou release this man, thou 
art not Caesar's friend: for whosoever maketh himself a king, speaketh against Caesar&quot; 

Alas, with what utter falseness do they allege 
these things against Thee, Who never, either by 
word or deed, soughtest earthly honours; Who, 
when the people — whom, by working a miracle, 
Thou hadst fully satisfied with food — were anxious 
to make Thee a King, didst at once go forth alone 
to a mountain to pray, and to hide Thyself from them!
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1688" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;Nor are these lies enough for them; they go on 
to add still worse, seeking at any cost to force the 
Judge to put to death Him Who is very God. 
&quot;We have a law,&quot; they say, &quot; and according to the 
law He ought to die, because He made Himself the 
Son of God.'&quot; When the Governor hears these 
words, he fears the more, and asks: — &quot; Whence 
art Thou?&quot; And then he asks, &quot; What is truth?&quot;
But there is no answer; for the Jews are instant 
in demanding sentence of death. At length, anxious for the favour of princes, and led astray from 
the path of justice by the impious wickedness of 
the Jews, the Governor yields to their iniquitous 
demand. 

What a sad and wicked a thing it was that the 
words of execration, &quot; Crucify Him! Crucify 
Him! spoken of the Blessed Jesus, should have 
resounded through the streets of Jerusalem. Who 
of those who love Him would not have mourned 
and wept, had he heard those accursed crucifixion 
cries repeated against his most loving Lord Jesus. 
What, then, must the most tenderly-loving Virgin 
Mother have felt, when those dreadful shouts, 
those death-dealing words fell upon her ears; 
when that cruel doom, that tumultuous demand 
from the lips of all the people for the death of her 
Son upon the cross filled the air! 

Weep with her, O faithful servant of Jesus, 
no matter of how little account thou mayest be, 
weep with her, and draw forth from the recesses 
of thy heart moans of sorrow and compassion. 
Try to think with what anguish the heart of the 
Mother of God must have been torn, when she 
heard her blessed Son claimed for the shameful 
death of the cross. He in Whose Ears ever resounds the Angelic Song, &quot;Holy! Holy!&quot; ringing&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Prayersmeditatio01thom.djvu/118</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507766</id>
      <parentid>11527376</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:34:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
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      <text bytes="1776" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;through the courts of Heaven, has now to hear the 
accursed tongues of Jews acclaiming Him with 
these words: &quot;''Away with Him! Away with Him! Crucify Him!''&quot; He Whom, but a short while since, 
on the Feast of Palms, the children had hailed with 
songs of praise, has now to hear — O awful change! 
— their parents madly demanding His crucifixion, 
and shouting: &quot;''Not this man but Barabbas.''&quot; 

O thou to whom the Passion of thy Lord is dear, 
lay seriously to heart the thought of this hour, 
shut close the ears of thy heart against profitless 
chatter about things of this world, and throw them 
open wide to hear this miserable outcry for the 
crucifixion of Jesus. Be sure, O faithful soul, that 
it will profit thee more to meditate on it, than to 
know all about the wonders of the stars. If Jesus 
be indeed dear to thee, thou wilt not quit this theme 
without a bitter sigh. 

When, therefore, the world is against thee; 
when it overwhelms thee with reproaches; be not 
overmuch disturbed by the spiteful words or threats 
of thy enemies, but call to mind the boundless 
patience of the Lord Jesus, and the accursed words, 
which He was content to hear for thy sake; and 
let idle talk pass thee unheeded. Should even thy 
good actions be distorted, and many set themselves 
up against thee, cavilling at thy words, bear all this 
meekly; for thou art not more innocent than 
Christ, Who was assailed with shouts of &quot;''Crucify Him! Crucify Him!''&quot; Be warned beforehand, 
and know that in the way, along which God 
would have thee walk, thou wilt have to endure 
much opposition; and that thou wilt not have 
praise of God, unless thou hast been exercised by 
many sufferings for His sake. For it was He Who 
said to the friends whom He loved: ''&quot;Blessed are''&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Prayersmeditatio01thom.djvu/119</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3697458</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507767</id>
      <parentid>12158094</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:34:35Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
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      <text bytes="1517" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;''ye when men shall hate you, and shall reproach you, for the Son of Man's sake.&quot;'' Follow, then, thy sinless Jesus, rejected indeed by evil men on earth, 
but chosen of God the Father, and crowned with 
glory and honour in Heaven. Let not evil words, 
which are things of a moment, get the better of 
thee, for whom is laid up by God an eternal weight 
of glory. 

Now, therefore, O most gracious Lord Jesus 
Christ, I invoke Thy boundless charity, and pray 
Thee to kindle in my heart the flame of great 
sorrow for Thy Sufferings, to make it aglow with 
such a fervent love of Thee, that it may be joy to 
me calmly to endure evil-speaking, and accusations, 
of whatever sort they be. Grant that I may not 
fear the threats and annoyances of men, but may 
strive with all my might to imitate Thee in bearing the reproach of the Cross. Arm me against 
the inordinate desires of the flesh; and grant that, 
by fitting correction, I may crucify its evil lusts; 
may wash away my past faults by abundant tears 
of contrition, and may never deliberately yield to 
any further assaults of the evil one. Finally, I pray 
that in every spiritual conflict, and in every trial 
that may be laid upon me. Thou wouldest succour 
and defend me from the snares of the enemy, by 
holding above me Thy life-giving Cross. Set up 
though It was to put Thee to shame, may It be to 
me an ever-present help; that so I may render to 
Thee with faithful lips the sacrifice of thanks and 
praise for victory won under its shadow!
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>Why &lt;sup&gt;? That just looks weird.</comment>
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{{documentation}}
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      <comment>/* Other Books */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="4233" xml:space="preserve">===Collections of Sermons===
#[[Ninety-nine Homilies of S. Thomas Aquinas Upon the Epistles and Gospels for Forty-nine Sundays of the Christian Year]]
#[[Hunolt Sermons/Volume 1]]
#[[Hunolt Sermons/Volume 12]]
#[[Sermons for all the Sundays in the year]]
#[[Coptic homilies in the dialect of Upper Egypt]]
#[[Sermons (Massillon)]]
#[[The Sermon on the Mount (Bossuet)]]
#[[Fifty spiritual homilies of St. Macarius the Egyptian]]
#[[Sermons from the Latins]]
#[[Ælfric's Lives of Saints]]
#[[The Sermons of the Curé of Ars]]

===Books of Meditations===
#[[Meditations For Every Day In The Year]]
#[[Meditations On The Mysteries Of Our Holy Faith/Volume 1]]
#[[A golden treatise of mental prayer]]
#[[Think Well On't]]
#[[The four last things]]
#[[The Art of Dying Well]]
#[[Preparation for Death]]

====Unfinished====
#[[The Way of Salvation]]: Meditations for Every Day of the Year
#[[The Passion And The Death Of Jesus Christ]]
#[[The incarnation, birth, and infancy of Jesus Christ]]
#[[The Book of the Craft of Dying]]

===Prayer Books===
#[[Prayers and meditations on the life of Christ]]
#[[The Catholic Prayer Book and Manual of Meditations]]
#[[The Catholic's pocket prayer-book]]
#[[The Little office of the Blessed Virgin Mary]]
#[[A little book of prayers from Old English sources]]

====Unfinished====
#[[The Daily Prayer-Book]]
#[[St. Vincent's Manual]]
#[[Key Of Heaven]]
#[[With God]]: A Book of Prayers and Reflections
#[[Preces Gertrudianae]]: Prayers of St. Gertrude and St. Mechtilde of the Order of St. Benedict
#[[Purgatorian Consoler]]: a manual of prayers containing a selection of devotional exercises, originally prepared for the use of the members of the Purgatorian Arch-Confraternity, enlarged and adapted to general use
#[[Prayer-book for Religious]]: a complete manual of prayers and devotions for the use of the members of all religious communities : a practical guide to the particular examen and to the methods of meditation
#[[The Path To Heaven]]: a complete collection of all the public and private devotions in general use
#[[My Prayer-Book]]: Happiness in Goodness Reflections, Counsels, Prayers, and Devotions
#[[The paradise of the Christian soul]]

===Catechism and Theology Books===
#[[A Complete Catechism of the Catholic Religion]]
#[[The Faith of Catholics]]
#[[Works of the Right Rev. Bishop Hay of Edinburgh]]

====Unfinished====
#[[The catechism of the Council of Trent]]
#[[Anecdotes and Examples Illustrating The Catholic Catechism]]
#[[A Manual Of Catholic Theology]]
#[[A manual of moral theology for English-speaking countries]]
#[[A Systematic Study Of The Catholic Religion]]
#[[Beautiful pearls of Catholic truth]]

===Other Books===
#[[Purgatory: illustrated by the lives and legends of the saints]]
#[[A Practical Commentary on Holy Scripture]]
#[[The Paradise/Volume 1]]
#[[The Paradise/Volume 2]]
#[[The Spiritual Combat]]
#[[The Book of the Saints of the Ethiopian church]]
#[[The Apocalypse of St. John]]
#[[Christ in art]]

====Unfinished====
#[[Goffine's Devout Instructions]]
#[[Life of Saint Catharine of Sienna]]
#[[Half-Hours With The Saints and Servants of God]]
#[[The Practice Of Christian And Religious Perfection]]
#[[Revelations of St. Bridget]]
#[[Interlinear_Greek_Translation:Bible|The Interlinear Greek Bible]]
#[[The young man's guide]]
#[[The Moral Concordances of Saint Anthony of Padua]]

{{smaller|(Help transcribing unfinished works would be much appreciated)}}

===Current Projects===

===Potential Future Projects===
#[https://bellarmineforum.org/bf_catechism/the-catechism-explained/catechism-explained-table-of-contents The Catechism Explained]
#[https://www.ecatholic2000.com/macevilly2/untitled-112.shtml An Exposition of the Gospels by the Most Rev. John Macevilly, D.D.]
#[http://www.catholicapologetics.info/scripture/newtestament/Lapide.htm The Great Biblical Commentary of Cornelius À Lapide]

My Favorite Charities: ''[https://christthekingpriory.com/current-appeal-1 Christ the King Priory], [https://www.franciscanworks.org/ Franciscan Works Liberian School], [http://phanxico.org/ Hội Bác Ái Phanxicô]'' and ''[https://www.famillekizito.org/ The Kizito Family]''.

{{x-smaller|Please pray for me. I lived my life very poorly.}}</text>
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        <id>1865114</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="1255" xml:space="preserve">Todo :

History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1897) T {{frac|1|7}}

Clark Ashton Smith
:The dark eidolon U
:Zothique (18 books) U

Emily Gerard
:Transylvanian Superstitions. U

Lady Chatterley's Lover U

The Golden Bough (transcribe abridged [[Index:The Golden Bough (1922).djvu|source]] to [[The_Golden_Bough|book page]], and first edition [[Index:Frazer (1890) The Golden Bough (IA goldenboughstudy01fraz).djvu|source]] to first edition book page ([[Author:James_George_Frazer|not created yet]]) T

[[The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891)|The picture of dorian gray (1891)]] T

Moby Dick ✓

Ivanhoe 1893 edition illustrated U

Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds/Volume 2 T

Weird Tales U

A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the most notorious Pyrates U

Boswell - Life of Johnson T

Baedeker guides U

Daemonologie - [[Author:James I|James I]]

Edmond Hoyle - U

Frederick Locker-Lampson - Patchwork

The Hive and the Honey-Bee - Langstroth 

Thomas Bulfinch

A Confirmation and Discovery of Witchcraft - John Stearne

 &lt;nowiki&gt;{{Separator|8|char=•}}&lt;/nowiki&gt;
 Collection of formatting templates [[Page:Ivanhoe_(1820_Volume_1).pdf/46|here]]
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      <text bytes="1300" xml:space="preserve">Todo :

History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1897) T {{frac|1|7}}

Clark Ashton Smith
:The dark eidolon U
:Zothique (18 books) U

Emily Gerard
:Transylvanian Superstitions. U

Lady Chatterley's Lover U

The Golden Bough (transcribe abridged [[Index:The Golden Bough (1922).djvu|source]] to [[The_Golden_Bough|book page]], and first edition [[Index:Frazer (1890) The Golden Bough (IA goldenboughstudy01fraz).djvu|source]] to first edition book page ([[Author:James_George_Frazer|not created yet]]) T

[[The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891)|The picture of dorian gray (1891)]] T

Moby Dick ✓

Ivanhoe 1893 edition illustrated U

Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds/Volume 2 T

Weird Tales U

A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the most notorious Pyrates U

Boswell - Life of Johnson T

Baedeker guides U

Daemonologie - [[Author:James I|James I]]

Edmond Hoyle - U

Frederick Locker-Lampson - Patchwork

The Hive and the Honey-Bee - Langstroth 

Thomas Bulfinch

A Confirmation and Discovery of Witchcraft - John Stearne

The Discovery of Witches - Matthew Hopkins


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      <comment>/* Calculus Made Easy */ suggestion</comment>
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      <text bytes="23008" xml:space="preserve">{{Welcome}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:32, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

== Excellent work! ==

Just a note of appreciation for your hard work on ''Soliloquies''. Thank you! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:53, 31 October 2021 (UTC)

:Thank you for your message! Just looking at some categories to add to the work now. Looking forward to the next monthly challenge. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 10:55, 31 October 2021 (UTC)
:: I second the sentiment and would like to add a thanks for ''Chaldean'' as well. Outstanding work! If there's a book that you would like to see in the monthly challenge, please do let us know. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:13, 31 October 2021 (UTC)
:::I'll think about it! What would be the best place to nominate a work? The nominations section in the November challenge?
:::On another note, thank you for trancluding the translation of the Soliloquies. I did not do it because I wasn't quite sure how to proceed; I found it unusual that two books are contained in one index. By the way, I think in Book 3 there should be two more pages to transclude, I think it should start at index page 233. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 16:43, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== USTS appreciation ==

Awesome work on the USTS so far! You're a beast, keep up the great work! [[User:Clay|Clay]] ([[User talk:Clay|talk]]) 16:18, 4 December 2021 (UTC)

:Thank you. I've left over a few of the most complicated pages for the end, though. I'll soon need to figure out some concept for those huge tables. Perhaps one can't really transcribe them exactly as they are with the templates we have. Let's see. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 16:31, 4 December 2021 (UTC)

== Thank you for the Hebrew help, and a question ==

Actually, you may have answered it already.

One reason for my work on this Thayer's Lexicon is noticing several copies of it on the web that have obvious errors. One was &quot;to stiffer sadly&quot; instead of &quot;to suffer sadly&quot;. Obvious scanno.

As I complete a series of pages here, I go back and compare against copies elsewhere, such as [https://www.blueletterbible.org/lexicon/g76/tr/tr/0-1/ BlueLetterBible]. This is *great* as it catches a lot of _my_ typos while I'm trying to catch _their_ typos. (The digital copy they have is from decades ago, when first digitized by Biblesoft (?))

If you'll look at that page you'll see their inline Hebrew quotes. Two of them contain a letter I ''think'' they are missing the pointing for. 
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָרִאשׁון}}
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָאַחֲרון}}
And you have now entered 
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָרִאשׁוֺן}}
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָאַחֲרוֺן}}
which *has* the pointing I thought it should, on the letter {{hebrew|וֺ}}

That other site has that one difference ''every'' time that letter occurs, in the first 75+ entries I've inspected so far! They also have a mass tragedy where every occurrence of the Koine diacritic grave accent has been converted to an acute accent, so unnoticed conversion errors there *have* happened.

I was going to ask at the Scriptorium if there was a Hebrew expert around. Do you feel confident enough to say that that letter *is* broken at BLB, and should have the pointing we see in our scans? 

BTW: [https://archive.org/details/greekenglishlexi00grim/page/10/mode/1up Internet Archive] has a better scan for some pages.

Your changes have given me great confidence I wasn't just seeing things! Thank you! [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 22:36, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|Shenme}} You're welcome. It was a very interesting task for me because I'm quite new to typing Hebrew. 
:Certainly, the way that I have learned it, and also by looking at Gesenius's dictionary (which I use to double-check spellings in doubtful cases), I think the vowel point for &quot;o&quot; should be on the letter waw in the places you mention, and this is also backed by the IA scan you link to, where the vowel dot can be seen clearly.
:Interestingly, when I looked at the entry Adam with the Hebrew text entered by me on another device (tablet), weirdly, this vowel dot appears too far left, nearly over the final nun instead of over waw. Perhaps BlueLetterBible avoid such weird display differences by omitting the dot altogether? Just a wild guess. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 07:01, 28 January 2022 (UTC)

::Thank you again! I was editing and suddenly thought &quot;where did this Hebrew come from?&quot; :-)
::I think it was that same character or another, where I saw the top dot positioned right, left, and middle, in different fonts. I don't 'expect' anything [https://github.com/silnrsi/font-gentium/issues/8 these days with fonts]. There are two other bugs in Microsoft fonts with Ancient Greek, and one bug is over 30 years old! I have to hope that Hebrew as a modern in-use language has no remaining bugs in fonts?
::Are you using an OS-supplied Hebrew keyboard? Looks difficult to learn on Windows. For Ancient Greek / Koine I ended up implementing an IME through Wikimedia tools that uses [[mw:User:Shenme/el-betacode|Beta code]] to do it all using Latin characters. But Ancient Greek has far fewer diacritics than Hebrew points / cantillation marks. Wow.
::Could you check [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:A_Greek_English_Lexicon_of_the_New_Testament.djvu/39&amp;curid=3873080&amp;diff=12107618&amp;oldid=12102531 a change] I made? Greek had the idea of a &quot;final s&quot;: ς vs. a normal s: σ , so I guess I wasn't too surprised to find out there is something called a &quot;final kaf&quot; vs. a &quot;kaf&quot;. Did I do the right one? [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 22:08, 30 January 2022 (UTC)
:::{{reply to|Shenme}} :-) You were right about the final kaf. There are also special final characters for nun, tsade, peh, and mem. I use the Keyman &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;https://keyman.com/&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; keyboard &quot;Ancient Hebrew (hbo-Hebr-IL)&quot;. I only installed this last week. There are also a few further hints on how to type Hebrew here: [[Index:Gesenius'_Hebrew_Grammar_(1910_Kautzsch-Cowley_edition).djvu]] (Though I have not looked into all the material recommended there.)
:::Over the last few days, I used &quot;Category:Pages_with_missing_Hebrew_characters&quot; and added Hebrew text to some of the pages listed there. There are pages where I'm out of my depth though, for instance [[Page:The_Dalston_Synagogue-an_historical_sketch.djvu/25]], where there are cantillation marks, and I don't know enough about them at the moment.
:::I plan to contribute also to further pages of your project, the Greek-English lexicon. Do you have any preference whether I should continue to use {{tl|lang-he}} or whether I should use {{tl|Hebrew}}? [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 08:29, 31 January 2022 (UTC)
::::The {{tl|Hebrew}} does end up appearing much more like the original scan, so being crazy for fidelity I'd prefer that. But using [[w:Wikipedia:AutoWikiBrowser|AWB]] makes simple changes from one to the other easy, so whichever is comfortable for you. (more readable for the editor is a good thing?)
::::I have not tried Hebrew input but a couple times, and to do it at all is amazing to me. The one work that intrigued me was actually Yiddish, which is a separate thing (additional and altered characters), and copy-n-paste was not going to work! :-) And the mention at Gesenius of ordering for entering diacritics? For the Greek IME (has only 9 diacritics) I was determined not to have order matter, so the IME has ~1200 rules. Make it easy for the editor!
::::I have seen more than a few mentions of Gesenius' Grammar, here and elsewhere. Looks 'dense' and I'm not surprised that &quot;which font?&quot; is a discussion topic there also.
::::And I too looked at the missing Greek category and was surprised even easy stuff remained. But then, after switching between 4+ languages here, something like [[el:%CE%A3%CE%B5%CE%BB%CE%AF%CE%B4%CE%B1:The_New_Testament_in_the_original_Greek_(1894).djvu/285|this]] is relaxing. :-) 
::::Thank you again, and when I do my third review (comparing against an external text copy) I'll see if I (who, me?) can spot anything else different from scan. [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 21:45, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

== No wrap poetry ==

Hello,

I noticed when you proofread the poem Dawn on p. 68 of On a Grey Thread, you used nowrap. Is this something I should correct on each of the poems that look similar in this work, e.g. Chant of Spring on p. 67, or the Hole in My Curtain on p. 38, or was there something specific about this poem that led you to use nowrap?

Thanks,
[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:24, 4 March 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|TeysaKarlov}} Hi, my rationale for doing this was as follows: {{tl|ppoem}} has automatically a hanging indent of 4em for each line. (There's an example for this on the template's page.) I interpreted the indented parts of the poem ''Dawn'' as simply resulting from lines that were &quot;too long&quot;, so a certain hanging indent was applied. But I also noticed that the end parts were carefully chosen to form some sort of meaningful phrase. So I used nowrap to make sure this &quot;meaningful bit&quot; gets moved to an indented new line whenever the horizontal space for the poem gets too short.
:I also looked at the other solution on some of the other pages you mention, using &lt;code&gt;:::&lt;/code&gt;. I think both approaches have advantages and drawbacks.
:My &quot;nowrap&quot; approach gives better results when the poem is displayed with very little horizontal space (in my opinion). But you can also argue that the &quot;&lt;code&gt;:::&lt;/code&gt;&quot; approach is a more faithful transcription of the original poem whenever the screen is broad enough.
:I don't think you should correct this. If anything, since there are fewer pages where nowrap is used, these should be changed.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 18:50, 5 March 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] Changes made, and thanks for the detailed response, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:05, 5 March 2022 (UTC)

== Page:Diuers voyages touching the discouerie of America - Hakluyt - 1582.djvu/126 ==

Hi there. I managed to fix the alignment problem with the brace elements against the entry for 'Roses' (which has also fixed the problem with the heading 'Grayne and pulses' not centering  properly). I put Ditto spaces above and below the 'Roses' line and - hey presto! I don't understand why this works, or why this section had a problem but the same arrangement under 'Gummes' didn't. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 10:22, 29 March 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|Chrisguise}} Thanks a lot! I also didn't understand the behavior of the braces on this page. Most of the braces were aligned properly in the page namespace, but on the transcluded page, they were still misaligned. All of this seems to have been fixed now by your edit, so thank you again.
:I also saw your edits on [[Page:Diuers voyages touching the discouerie of America - Hakluyt - 1582.djvu/120|this page]]. I still don't know how the brace structure of this page together with the one before was intended originally, and I'm undecided on how to proofread this preceding page. If you have an idea, feel free to go ahead with it. -- [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 18:35, 29 March 2022 (UTC)
::I've managed to get to something quite close on pages 119 and 120, by using a Table plus &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; and &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; to control the transclusion. Page 119 is almost right (the partial brace is only a straight line!). Page 120 is correct. When transcluded into Chapter 10, all of the text appears correctly but I can't get the brace to increase in length to encompass all of the left-hand text.
::Useful Help at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:Template#Noinclude,_includeonly,_and_onlyinclude [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 22:23, 29 March 2022 (UTC)
:::{{reply to|Chrisguise}} Thanks, we can now at least mark Diuers Voyages as proofread in the MC. In the last transcluded section there are still (at least in my browser) problems with the transclusion of braces.
:::The link to help on noinclude,... is very helpful for me. -- [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:36, 30 March 2022 (UTC)
::::No problem. I use Firefox as my browser and all the braces line up OK in that. I also tried Edge and that seems OK too. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 11:22, 30 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:First six books of the elements of Euclid 1847 Byrne.djvu]] ==

This 6 books should be nominated for month May challenge

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pTyAbi5z47Q

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3GY5blTTeSA

and if anyone have problem they can find explanation in they link below

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ewir8jyohyc&amp;list=PLrkQ3hzZrc4j9gT0z--_CiFzQLeVb32hQ
:Thank you for your message. Nevertheless, I agree with [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] that this work is a bit too technical for the Monthly Challenge. By the way, I'm working on uploading the audio files for ''The Science of Getting Rich''.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 19:55, 10 April 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks,
:but please see the link below and make your own judgment if it was too technical
: 
:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XLlThlqCFeg [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676|2001:4450:8145:7800:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676]] 23:25, 10 April 2022 (UTC)
::Hi, thanks for the link to the video. I am aware of the type of contents of the book. With &quot;technical&quot; I mean that the act of transcribing the work, with lots of images, complex alignment patterns, and mathematical formulae is technical in the wikisource proofreading sense. What you could try to do instead is initialize a project just for this book series or, more generally, for mathematical texts that interest you and others.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:40, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Memory: How to Develop, Train, and Use It]] ==

Also upload the audio from https://librivox.org/memory-how-to-develop-train-and-use-it-by-william-walker-atkinson/
:When I find the time, I may do this. I can't tell you when I will do this.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:41, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

:Also, if you have time
:https://librivox.org/anne-of-green-gables-dramatic-reading-by-lucy-maud-montgomery/
:https://librivox.org/anne-of-avonlea-dramatic-reading-by-l-m-montgomery/ [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:8D5F:3CC5:5F18:EA61|2001:4450:8145:7800:8D5F:3CC5:5F18:EA61]] 23:58, 14 April 2022 (UTC)
::There are possibly some problems with the uploaded files for ''The Science of Getting Rich'' on Commons. Someone thinks they should be deleted there. Until it's clear what the problem was, I will probably not upload further audio files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:56, 15 April 2022 (UTC)
:::Is it resolved? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:48E2:BE42:A67A:1358|2001:4450:8145:7800:48E2:BE42:A67A:1358]] 01:47, 28 April 2022 (UTC)
::::Yes, at least the files didn't need to be removed the last time I looked. I still remember your requests for uploads, and perhaps I can do something in May. But this week and perhaps also the next (few), I am quite busy.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:27, 28 April 2022 (UTC)
:::::Still busy? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676|2001:4450:8156:4900:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676]] 20:51, 11 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::It starts getting a little less busy :). The process of uploading the files requires very repetitive work and takes (at least me) longer than one might guess. I may start by uploading one of the Librivox works, say, Memory &amp; How to Use It, this weekend.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:11, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{done}} The Files &quot;File:Memoryhowtouseit_xy_atkinson.ogg&quot; with xy between 01 and 20 have been uploaded to the Commons. Let's hope no one want them to be deleted this time :)--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:28, 14 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::::Thanks [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:4DC7:F202:45F0:CC62|2001:4450:8156:4900:4DC7:F202:45F0:CC62]] 09:39, 16 May 2022 (UTC)
===  [[w:As a Man Thinketh|As a Man Thinketh]] ===
Can someone check the copyright and upload it to Wikimedia Commons
[https://archive.org/details/as-a-man-thinketh_202105/mode/2up As a Man Thinketh]
[https://archive.org/details/asamanthinketh_af_librivox/ As a Man Thinketh] audiobook {{unsigned|2001:4450:8156:4900:c433:be3f:47c3:e8f2}}

:It's pretty straightforward that the book is in the public domain in the US. Published 1913. I'll upload the book, it may take me longer to do the same for the audio files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 15:32, 4 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} I uploaded the book and added it to the MC of June.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 15:57, 4 June 2022 (UTC)
:::{{done}} needs to be Validated [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:6039:E432:95E5:854D|2001:4450:8156:4900:6039:E432:95E5:854D]] 02:38, 5 June 2022 (UTC)

Finished in less than a week. The only thing left is the audio files.
:Perhaps this weekend I'll upload them.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:46, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

:The files &quot;As a Man Thinketh n - Allen - Librivox.ogg&quot; with n between 1 and 7 have been uploaded to the Commons.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:10, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
::Note: 
::If have the time to split the first audio (As a Man Thinketh 1 - Allen - Librivox.ogg) into &quot;FOREWORD&quot; as number 0 and re-upload the part &quot;THOUGHT AND CHARACTER&quot; again as number 1
::Thanks [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:25CB:D587:CEF5:F48A|2001:4450:8156:4900:25CB:D587:CEF5:F48A]] 20:33, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:::That's not where my competences lie. For instance, I don't have any specific program for manipulating sound files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 07:31, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

=== From passion to peace ===
Another book by [[Author:James Allen (1864-1912)|James Allen]] to be uploaded

[https://archive.org/details/frompassiontope00alle/page/8/mode/2up From Passion to Peace]
:{{done}} See [[Index:From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:02, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

::{{done}} only the title left [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:B1C2:855E:5FB7:8883|2001:4450:8156:4900:B1C2:855E:5FB7:8883]] 00:14, 20 June 2022 (UTC)

== It Works ==
Please, check the copyright and upload it to Wikimedia Commons
[https://archive.org/details/RHJarrett/mode/2up It Works]

Again thanks
:Hi, while it definitely looks like this is in the public domain because it's on the Internet Archive, I haven't been able to verify this in any other way. The original publication date is not clear to me. Perhaps the [[Wikisource:Scan_Lab|Scan Lab]] is a better place for requesting this upload.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 17:44, 5 June 2022 (UTC)

:Me too, I can't verify the copyright [[Special:Contributions/115.84.245.233|115.84.245.233]] 04:48, 6 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[w:en:Calculus Made Easy|Calculus Made Easy]] ==
Please, upload it to Wikimedia Commons 

Calculus Made Easy by [[Author:Silvanus Phillips Thompson|Silvanus Phillips Thompson]]

* http://djm.cc/library/Calculus_Made_Easy_Thompson.pdf
* https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kuOxDh3egN0

:I may do this, but I can't guarantee it. The Scan Lab is perhaps a better place to make such requests.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:19, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

:what is the Scan Lab? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:91B9:FD32:219D:CEEB|2001:4450:810D:1B00:91B9:FD32:219D:CEEB]] 12:28, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
::See here: [[Wikisource:Scan_Lab]]. A request there will reach more people who may be able to help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:30, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:::How about Monthly Challenge? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0|2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0]] 21:18, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
::::It's a bit less involved formatting-wise than the illustrated Euclid, so I think we can at least try. The work will definitely require a dedicated contributor who knows something about math typesetting.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:31, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::Don't worry about the math type-setting I think I can do it [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0|2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0]] 09:36, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No result! [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:A451:1A98:E032:CAAE|2001:4450:810D:1B00:A451:1A98:E032:CAAE]] 21:01, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::I'm not sure what you mean, but please keep in mind that everyone here contributes voluntarily, in their free time.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:47, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::You are Right 
:::::Sorry
:::::[[Wikisource:Scan Lab]] [[Special:Contributions/115.84.245.233|115.84.245.233]] 07:57, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::it seem that no one like Calculus
:::::&lt;br&gt; [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:9D56:3294:B177:3205|2001:4450:810D:1B00:9D56:3294:B177:3205]] 23:11, 22 July 2022 (UTC)
:Hello. Only now I have noticed this discussion by chance (I do not follow Scan Lab regularly as many requests need more difficult handling with the files than just uploads which I cannot do.) I can upload the pdf file for you. However, I had a quick look at the provided link and I am not sure about the date of publication of that particular edition (the preface is dated 1914, but despite that it looks like a later edition). For that reason I suggest that I will upload the [[https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=njp.32101073304360&amp;view=1up&amp;seq=11&amp;skin=2021|1914 edition from HathiTrust]]. It will be just pdf, although djvu is more convenient for transcription, but I am not able to convert the format. I also suggest to create an account which would make the communication easier (your contributions have been made from different IP addresses and so I cannot contact you at your own talk page or ping you). --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:30, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>9tkitpahc1th6pl41eoew9gi8ru0tnm</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507175</id>
      <parentid>12507084</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:23:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Calculus Made Easy */ uploaded</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="23159" xml:space="preserve">{{Welcome}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:32, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

== Excellent work! ==

Just a note of appreciation for your hard work on ''Soliloquies''. Thank you! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:53, 31 October 2021 (UTC)

:Thank you for your message! Just looking at some categories to add to the work now. Looking forward to the next monthly challenge. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 10:55, 31 October 2021 (UTC)
:: I second the sentiment and would like to add a thanks for ''Chaldean'' as well. Outstanding work! If there's a book that you would like to see in the monthly challenge, please do let us know. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:13, 31 October 2021 (UTC)
:::I'll think about it! What would be the best place to nominate a work? The nominations section in the November challenge?
:::On another note, thank you for trancluding the translation of the Soliloquies. I did not do it because I wasn't quite sure how to proceed; I found it unusual that two books are contained in one index. By the way, I think in Book 3 there should be two more pages to transclude, I think it should start at index page 233. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 16:43, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== USTS appreciation ==

Awesome work on the USTS so far! You're a beast, keep up the great work! [[User:Clay|Clay]] ([[User talk:Clay|talk]]) 16:18, 4 December 2021 (UTC)

:Thank you. I've left over a few of the most complicated pages for the end, though. I'll soon need to figure out some concept for those huge tables. Perhaps one can't really transcribe them exactly as they are with the templates we have. Let's see. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 16:31, 4 December 2021 (UTC)

== Thank you for the Hebrew help, and a question ==

Actually, you may have answered it already.

One reason for my work on this Thayer's Lexicon is noticing several copies of it on the web that have obvious errors. One was &quot;to stiffer sadly&quot; instead of &quot;to suffer sadly&quot;. Obvious scanno.

As I complete a series of pages here, I go back and compare against copies elsewhere, such as [https://www.blueletterbible.org/lexicon/g76/tr/tr/0-1/ BlueLetterBible]. This is *great* as it catches a lot of _my_ typos while I'm trying to catch _their_ typos. (The digital copy they have is from decades ago, when first digitized by Biblesoft (?))

If you'll look at that page you'll see their inline Hebrew quotes. Two of them contain a letter I ''think'' they are missing the pointing for. 
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָרִאשׁון}}
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָאַחֲרון}}
And you have now entered 
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָרִאשׁוֺן}}
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָאַחֲרוֺן}}
which *has* the pointing I thought it should, on the letter {{hebrew|וֺ}}

That other site has that one difference ''every'' time that letter occurs, in the first 75+ entries I've inspected so far! They also have a mass tragedy where every occurrence of the Koine diacritic grave accent has been converted to an acute accent, so unnoticed conversion errors there *have* happened.

I was going to ask at the Scriptorium if there was a Hebrew expert around. Do you feel confident enough to say that that letter *is* broken at BLB, and should have the pointing we see in our scans? 

BTW: [https://archive.org/details/greekenglishlexi00grim/page/10/mode/1up Internet Archive] has a better scan for some pages.

Your changes have given me great confidence I wasn't just seeing things! Thank you! [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 22:36, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|Shenme}} You're welcome. It was a very interesting task for me because I'm quite new to typing Hebrew. 
:Certainly, the way that I have learned it, and also by looking at Gesenius's dictionary (which I use to double-check spellings in doubtful cases), I think the vowel point for &quot;o&quot; should be on the letter waw in the places you mention, and this is also backed by the IA scan you link to, where the vowel dot can be seen clearly.
:Interestingly, when I looked at the entry Adam with the Hebrew text entered by me on another device (tablet), weirdly, this vowel dot appears too far left, nearly over the final nun instead of over waw. Perhaps BlueLetterBible avoid such weird display differences by omitting the dot altogether? Just a wild guess. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 07:01, 28 January 2022 (UTC)

::Thank you again! I was editing and suddenly thought &quot;where did this Hebrew come from?&quot; :-)
::I think it was that same character or another, where I saw the top dot positioned right, left, and middle, in different fonts. I don't 'expect' anything [https://github.com/silnrsi/font-gentium/issues/8 these days with fonts]. There are two other bugs in Microsoft fonts with Ancient Greek, and one bug is over 30 years old! I have to hope that Hebrew as a modern in-use language has no remaining bugs in fonts?
::Are you using an OS-supplied Hebrew keyboard? Looks difficult to learn on Windows. For Ancient Greek / Koine I ended up implementing an IME through Wikimedia tools that uses [[mw:User:Shenme/el-betacode|Beta code]] to do it all using Latin characters. But Ancient Greek has far fewer diacritics than Hebrew points / cantillation marks. Wow.
::Could you check [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:A_Greek_English_Lexicon_of_the_New_Testament.djvu/39&amp;curid=3873080&amp;diff=12107618&amp;oldid=12102531 a change] I made? Greek had the idea of a &quot;final s&quot;: ς vs. a normal s: σ , so I guess I wasn't too surprised to find out there is something called a &quot;final kaf&quot; vs. a &quot;kaf&quot;. Did I do the right one? [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 22:08, 30 January 2022 (UTC)
:::{{reply to|Shenme}} :-) You were right about the final kaf. There are also special final characters for nun, tsade, peh, and mem. I use the Keyman &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;https://keyman.com/&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; keyboard &quot;Ancient Hebrew (hbo-Hebr-IL)&quot;. I only installed this last week. There are also a few further hints on how to type Hebrew here: [[Index:Gesenius'_Hebrew_Grammar_(1910_Kautzsch-Cowley_edition).djvu]] (Though I have not looked into all the material recommended there.)
:::Over the last few days, I used &quot;Category:Pages_with_missing_Hebrew_characters&quot; and added Hebrew text to some of the pages listed there. There are pages where I'm out of my depth though, for instance [[Page:The_Dalston_Synagogue-an_historical_sketch.djvu/25]], where there are cantillation marks, and I don't know enough about them at the moment.
:::I plan to contribute also to further pages of your project, the Greek-English lexicon. Do you have any preference whether I should continue to use {{tl|lang-he}} or whether I should use {{tl|Hebrew}}? [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 08:29, 31 January 2022 (UTC)
::::The {{tl|Hebrew}} does end up appearing much more like the original scan, so being crazy for fidelity I'd prefer that. But using [[w:Wikipedia:AutoWikiBrowser|AWB]] makes simple changes from one to the other easy, so whichever is comfortable for you. (more readable for the editor is a good thing?)
::::I have not tried Hebrew input but a couple times, and to do it at all is amazing to me. The one work that intrigued me was actually Yiddish, which is a separate thing (additional and altered characters), and copy-n-paste was not going to work! :-) And the mention at Gesenius of ordering for entering diacritics? For the Greek IME (has only 9 diacritics) I was determined not to have order matter, so the IME has ~1200 rules. Make it easy for the editor!
::::I have seen more than a few mentions of Gesenius' Grammar, here and elsewhere. Looks 'dense' and I'm not surprised that &quot;which font?&quot; is a discussion topic there also.
::::And I too looked at the missing Greek category and was surprised even easy stuff remained. But then, after switching between 4+ languages here, something like [[el:%CE%A3%CE%B5%CE%BB%CE%AF%CE%B4%CE%B1:The_New_Testament_in_the_original_Greek_(1894).djvu/285|this]] is relaxing. :-) 
::::Thank you again, and when I do my third review (comparing against an external text copy) I'll see if I (who, me?) can spot anything else different from scan. [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 21:45, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

== No wrap poetry ==

Hello,

I noticed when you proofread the poem Dawn on p. 68 of On a Grey Thread, you used nowrap. Is this something I should correct on each of the poems that look similar in this work, e.g. Chant of Spring on p. 67, or the Hole in My Curtain on p. 38, or was there something specific about this poem that led you to use nowrap?

Thanks,
[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:24, 4 March 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|TeysaKarlov}} Hi, my rationale for doing this was as follows: {{tl|ppoem}} has automatically a hanging indent of 4em for each line. (There's an example for this on the template's page.) I interpreted the indented parts of the poem ''Dawn'' as simply resulting from lines that were &quot;too long&quot;, so a certain hanging indent was applied. But I also noticed that the end parts were carefully chosen to form some sort of meaningful phrase. So I used nowrap to make sure this &quot;meaningful bit&quot; gets moved to an indented new line whenever the horizontal space for the poem gets too short.
:I also looked at the other solution on some of the other pages you mention, using &lt;code&gt;:::&lt;/code&gt;. I think both approaches have advantages and drawbacks.
:My &quot;nowrap&quot; approach gives better results when the poem is displayed with very little horizontal space (in my opinion). But you can also argue that the &quot;&lt;code&gt;:::&lt;/code&gt;&quot; approach is a more faithful transcription of the original poem whenever the screen is broad enough.
:I don't think you should correct this. If anything, since there are fewer pages where nowrap is used, these should be changed.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 18:50, 5 March 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] Changes made, and thanks for the detailed response, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:05, 5 March 2022 (UTC)

== Page:Diuers voyages touching the discouerie of America - Hakluyt - 1582.djvu/126 ==

Hi there. I managed to fix the alignment problem with the brace elements against the entry for 'Roses' (which has also fixed the problem with the heading 'Grayne and pulses' not centering  properly). I put Ditto spaces above and below the 'Roses' line and - hey presto! I don't understand why this works, or why this section had a problem but the same arrangement under 'Gummes' didn't. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 10:22, 29 March 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|Chrisguise}} Thanks a lot! I also didn't understand the behavior of the braces on this page. Most of the braces were aligned properly in the page namespace, but on the transcluded page, they were still misaligned. All of this seems to have been fixed now by your edit, so thank you again.
:I also saw your edits on [[Page:Diuers voyages touching the discouerie of America - Hakluyt - 1582.djvu/120|this page]]. I still don't know how the brace structure of this page together with the one before was intended originally, and I'm undecided on how to proofread this preceding page. If you have an idea, feel free to go ahead with it. -- [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 18:35, 29 March 2022 (UTC)
::I've managed to get to something quite close on pages 119 and 120, by using a Table plus &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; and &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; to control the transclusion. Page 119 is almost right (the partial brace is only a straight line!). Page 120 is correct. When transcluded into Chapter 10, all of the text appears correctly but I can't get the brace to increase in length to encompass all of the left-hand text.
::Useful Help at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:Template#Noinclude,_includeonly,_and_onlyinclude [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 22:23, 29 March 2022 (UTC)
:::{{reply to|Chrisguise}} Thanks, we can now at least mark Diuers Voyages as proofread in the MC. In the last transcluded section there are still (at least in my browser) problems with the transclusion of braces.
:::The link to help on noinclude,... is very helpful for me. -- [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:36, 30 March 2022 (UTC)
::::No problem. I use Firefox as my browser and all the braces line up OK in that. I also tried Edge and that seems OK too. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 11:22, 30 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:First six books of the elements of Euclid 1847 Byrne.djvu]] ==

This 6 books should be nominated for month May challenge

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pTyAbi5z47Q

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3GY5blTTeSA

and if anyone have problem they can find explanation in they link below

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ewir8jyohyc&amp;list=PLrkQ3hzZrc4j9gT0z--_CiFzQLeVb32hQ
:Thank you for your message. Nevertheless, I agree with [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] that this work is a bit too technical for the Monthly Challenge. By the way, I'm working on uploading the audio files for ''The Science of Getting Rich''.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 19:55, 10 April 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks,
:but please see the link below and make your own judgment if it was too technical
: 
:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XLlThlqCFeg [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676|2001:4450:8145:7800:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676]] 23:25, 10 April 2022 (UTC)
::Hi, thanks for the link to the video. I am aware of the type of contents of the book. With &quot;technical&quot; I mean that the act of transcribing the work, with lots of images, complex alignment patterns, and mathematical formulae is technical in the wikisource proofreading sense. What you could try to do instead is initialize a project just for this book series or, more generally, for mathematical texts that interest you and others.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:40, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Memory: How to Develop, Train, and Use It]] ==

Also upload the audio from https://librivox.org/memory-how-to-develop-train-and-use-it-by-william-walker-atkinson/
:When I find the time, I may do this. I can't tell you when I will do this.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:41, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

:Also, if you have time
:https://librivox.org/anne-of-green-gables-dramatic-reading-by-lucy-maud-montgomery/
:https://librivox.org/anne-of-avonlea-dramatic-reading-by-l-m-montgomery/ [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:8D5F:3CC5:5F18:EA61|2001:4450:8145:7800:8D5F:3CC5:5F18:EA61]] 23:58, 14 April 2022 (UTC)
::There are possibly some problems with the uploaded files for ''The Science of Getting Rich'' on Commons. Someone thinks they should be deleted there. Until it's clear what the problem was, I will probably not upload further audio files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:56, 15 April 2022 (UTC)
:::Is it resolved? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:48E2:BE42:A67A:1358|2001:4450:8145:7800:48E2:BE42:A67A:1358]] 01:47, 28 April 2022 (UTC)
::::Yes, at least the files didn't need to be removed the last time I looked. I still remember your requests for uploads, and perhaps I can do something in May. But this week and perhaps also the next (few), I am quite busy.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:27, 28 April 2022 (UTC)
:::::Still busy? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676|2001:4450:8156:4900:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676]] 20:51, 11 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::It starts getting a little less busy :). The process of uploading the files requires very repetitive work and takes (at least me) longer than one might guess. I may start by uploading one of the Librivox works, say, Memory &amp; How to Use It, this weekend.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:11, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{done}} The Files &quot;File:Memoryhowtouseit_xy_atkinson.ogg&quot; with xy between 01 and 20 have been uploaded to the Commons. Let's hope no one want them to be deleted this time :)--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:28, 14 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::::Thanks [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:4DC7:F202:45F0:CC62|2001:4450:8156:4900:4DC7:F202:45F0:CC62]] 09:39, 16 May 2022 (UTC)
===  [[w:As a Man Thinketh|As a Man Thinketh]] ===
Can someone check the copyright and upload it to Wikimedia Commons
[https://archive.org/details/as-a-man-thinketh_202105/mode/2up As a Man Thinketh]
[https://archive.org/details/asamanthinketh_af_librivox/ As a Man Thinketh] audiobook {{unsigned|2001:4450:8156:4900:c433:be3f:47c3:e8f2}}

:It's pretty straightforward that the book is in the public domain in the US. Published 1913. I'll upload the book, it may take me longer to do the same for the audio files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 15:32, 4 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} I uploaded the book and added it to the MC of June.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 15:57, 4 June 2022 (UTC)
:::{{done}} needs to be Validated [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:6039:E432:95E5:854D|2001:4450:8156:4900:6039:E432:95E5:854D]] 02:38, 5 June 2022 (UTC)

Finished in less than a week. The only thing left is the audio files.
:Perhaps this weekend I'll upload them.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:46, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

:The files &quot;As a Man Thinketh n - Allen - Librivox.ogg&quot; with n between 1 and 7 have been uploaded to the Commons.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:10, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
::Note: 
::If have the time to split the first audio (As a Man Thinketh 1 - Allen - Librivox.ogg) into &quot;FOREWORD&quot; as number 0 and re-upload the part &quot;THOUGHT AND CHARACTER&quot; again as number 1
::Thanks [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:25CB:D587:CEF5:F48A|2001:4450:8156:4900:25CB:D587:CEF5:F48A]] 20:33, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:::That's not where my competences lie. For instance, I don't have any specific program for manipulating sound files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 07:31, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

=== From passion to peace ===
Another book by [[Author:James Allen (1864-1912)|James Allen]] to be uploaded

[https://archive.org/details/frompassiontope00alle/page/8/mode/2up From Passion to Peace]
:{{done}} See [[Index:From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:02, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

::{{done}} only the title left [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:B1C2:855E:5FB7:8883|2001:4450:8156:4900:B1C2:855E:5FB7:8883]] 00:14, 20 June 2022 (UTC)

== It Works ==
Please, check the copyright and upload it to Wikimedia Commons
[https://archive.org/details/RHJarrett/mode/2up It Works]

Again thanks
:Hi, while it definitely looks like this is in the public domain because it's on the Internet Archive, I haven't been able to verify this in any other way. The original publication date is not clear to me. Perhaps the [[Wikisource:Scan_Lab|Scan Lab]] is a better place for requesting this upload.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 17:44, 5 June 2022 (UTC)

:Me too, I can't verify the copyright [[Special:Contributions/115.84.245.233|115.84.245.233]] 04:48, 6 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[w:en:Calculus Made Easy|Calculus Made Easy]] ==
Please, upload it to Wikimedia Commons 

Calculus Made Easy by [[Author:Silvanus Phillips Thompson|Silvanus Phillips Thompson]]

* http://djm.cc/library/Calculus_Made_Easy_Thompson.pdf
* https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kuOxDh3egN0

:I may do this, but I can't guarantee it. The Scan Lab is perhaps a better place to make such requests.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:19, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

:what is the Scan Lab? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:91B9:FD32:219D:CEEB|2001:4450:810D:1B00:91B9:FD32:219D:CEEB]] 12:28, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
::See here: [[Wikisource:Scan_Lab]]. A request there will reach more people who may be able to help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:30, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:::How about Monthly Challenge? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0|2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0]] 21:18, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
::::It's a bit less involved formatting-wise than the illustrated Euclid, so I think we can at least try. The work will definitely require a dedicated contributor who knows something about math typesetting.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:31, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::Don't worry about the math type-setting I think I can do it [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0|2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0]] 09:36, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No result! [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:A451:1A98:E032:CAAE|2001:4450:810D:1B00:A451:1A98:E032:CAAE]] 21:01, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::I'm not sure what you mean, but please keep in mind that everyone here contributes voluntarily, in their free time.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:47, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::You are Right 
:::::Sorry
:::::[[Wikisource:Scan Lab]] [[Special:Contributions/115.84.245.233|115.84.245.233]] 07:57, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::it seem that no one like Calculus
:::::&lt;br&gt; [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:9D56:3294:B177:3205|2001:4450:810D:1B00:9D56:3294:B177:3205]] 23:11, 22 July 2022 (UTC)
:Hello. Only now I have noticed this discussion by chance (I do not follow Scan Lab regularly as many requests need more difficult handling with the files than just uploads which I cannot do.) I can upload the pdf file for you. However, I had a quick look at the provided link and I am not sure about the date of publication of that particular edition (the preface is dated 1914, but despite that it looks like a later edition). For that reason I suggest that I will upload the [[https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=njp.32101073304360&amp;view=1up&amp;seq=11&amp;skin=2021|1914 edition from HathiTrust]]. It will be just pdf, although djvu is more convenient for transcription, but I am not able to convert the format. I also suggest to create an account which would make the communication easier (your contributions have been made from different IP addresses and so I cannot contact you at your own talk page or ping you). --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:30, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::Uploaded, see [[:File:Calculus Made Easy.pdf]] --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:23, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>gqtvukpbsnnnjgcgfg9fxktvp8wu9c0</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507198</id>
      <parentid>12507175</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:31:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Calculus Made Easy */ better link</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="23159" xml:space="preserve">{{Welcome}} --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 11:32, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

== Excellent work! ==

Just a note of appreciation for your hard work on ''Soliloquies''. Thank you! [[User:Inductiveload|Inductiveload]]—&lt;span style=&quot;font-size:smaller&quot;&gt;[[User talk:Inductiveload|talk]]/[[Special:Contributions/Inductiveload|contribs]]&lt;/span&gt; 10:53, 31 October 2021 (UTC)

:Thank you for your message! Just looking at some categories to add to the work now. Looking forward to the next monthly challenge. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 10:55, 31 October 2021 (UTC)
:: I second the sentiment and would like to add a thanks for ''Chaldean'' as well. Outstanding work! If there's a book that you would like to see in the monthly challenge, please do let us know. [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] ([[User talk:Languageseeker|talk]]) 12:13, 31 October 2021 (UTC)
:::I'll think about it! What would be the best place to nominate a work? The nominations section in the November challenge?
:::On another note, thank you for trancluding the translation of the Soliloquies. I did not do it because I wasn't quite sure how to proceed; I found it unusual that two books are contained in one index. By the way, I think in Book 3 there should be two more pages to transclude, I think it should start at index page 233. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 16:43, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

== USTS appreciation ==

Awesome work on the USTS so far! You're a beast, keep up the great work! [[User:Clay|Clay]] ([[User talk:Clay|talk]]) 16:18, 4 December 2021 (UTC)

:Thank you. I've left over a few of the most complicated pages for the end, though. I'll soon need to figure out some concept for those huge tables. Perhaps one can't really transcribe them exactly as they are with the templates we have. Let's see. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 16:31, 4 December 2021 (UTC)

== Thank you for the Hebrew help, and a question ==

Actually, you may have answered it already.

One reason for my work on this Thayer's Lexicon is noticing several copies of it on the web that have obvious errors. One was &quot;to stiffer sadly&quot; instead of &quot;to suffer sadly&quot;. Obvious scanno.

As I complete a series of pages here, I go back and compare against copies elsewhere, such as [https://www.blueletterbible.org/lexicon/g76/tr/tr/0-1/ BlueLetterBible]. This is *great* as it catches a lot of _my_ typos while I'm trying to catch _their_ typos. (The digital copy they have is from decades ago, when first digitized by Biblesoft (?))

If you'll look at that page you'll see their inline Hebrew quotes. Two of them contain a letter I ''think'' they are missing the pointing for. 
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָרִאשׁון}}
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָאַחֲרון}}
And you have now entered 
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָרִאשׁוֺן}}
::{{hebrew|אָדָם הָאַחֲרוֺן}}
which *has* the pointing I thought it should, on the letter {{hebrew|וֺ}}

That other site has that one difference ''every'' time that letter occurs, in the first 75+ entries I've inspected so far! They also have a mass tragedy where every occurrence of the Koine diacritic grave accent has been converted to an acute accent, so unnoticed conversion errors there *have* happened.

I was going to ask at the Scriptorium if there was a Hebrew expert around. Do you feel confident enough to say that that letter *is* broken at BLB, and should have the pointing we see in our scans? 

BTW: [https://archive.org/details/greekenglishlexi00grim/page/10/mode/1up Internet Archive] has a better scan for some pages.

Your changes have given me great confidence I wasn't just seeing things! Thank you! [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 22:36, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|Shenme}} You're welcome. It was a very interesting task for me because I'm quite new to typing Hebrew. 
:Certainly, the way that I have learned it, and also by looking at Gesenius's dictionary (which I use to double-check spellings in doubtful cases), I think the vowel point for &quot;o&quot; should be on the letter waw in the places you mention, and this is also backed by the IA scan you link to, where the vowel dot can be seen clearly.
:Interestingly, when I looked at the entry Adam with the Hebrew text entered by me on another device (tablet), weirdly, this vowel dot appears too far left, nearly over the final nun instead of over waw. Perhaps BlueLetterBible avoid such weird display differences by omitting the dot altogether? Just a wild guess. [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 07:01, 28 January 2022 (UTC)

::Thank you again! I was editing and suddenly thought &quot;where did this Hebrew come from?&quot; :-)
::I think it was that same character or another, where I saw the top dot positioned right, left, and middle, in different fonts. I don't 'expect' anything [https://github.com/silnrsi/font-gentium/issues/8 these days with fonts]. There are two other bugs in Microsoft fonts with Ancient Greek, and one bug is over 30 years old! I have to hope that Hebrew as a modern in-use language has no remaining bugs in fonts?
::Are you using an OS-supplied Hebrew keyboard? Looks difficult to learn on Windows. For Ancient Greek / Koine I ended up implementing an IME through Wikimedia tools that uses [[mw:User:Shenme/el-betacode|Beta code]] to do it all using Latin characters. But Ancient Greek has far fewer diacritics than Hebrew points / cantillation marks. Wow.
::Could you check [https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:A_Greek_English_Lexicon_of_the_New_Testament.djvu/39&amp;curid=3873080&amp;diff=12107618&amp;oldid=12102531 a change] I made? Greek had the idea of a &quot;final s&quot;: ς vs. a normal s: σ , so I guess I wasn't too surprised to find out there is something called a &quot;final kaf&quot; vs. a &quot;kaf&quot;. Did I do the right one? [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 22:08, 30 January 2022 (UTC)
:::{{reply to|Shenme}} :-) You were right about the final kaf. There are also special final characters for nun, tsade, peh, and mem. I use the Keyman &lt;code&gt;&lt;nowiki&gt;https://keyman.com/&lt;/nowiki&gt;&lt;/code&gt; keyboard &quot;Ancient Hebrew (hbo-Hebr-IL)&quot;. I only installed this last week. There are also a few further hints on how to type Hebrew here: [[Index:Gesenius'_Hebrew_Grammar_(1910_Kautzsch-Cowley_edition).djvu]] (Though I have not looked into all the material recommended there.)
:::Over the last few days, I used &quot;Category:Pages_with_missing_Hebrew_characters&quot; and added Hebrew text to some of the pages listed there. There are pages where I'm out of my depth though, for instance [[Page:The_Dalston_Synagogue-an_historical_sketch.djvu/25]], where there are cantillation marks, and I don't know enough about them at the moment.
:::I plan to contribute also to further pages of your project, the Greek-English lexicon. Do you have any preference whether I should continue to use {{tl|lang-he}} or whether I should use {{tl|Hebrew}}? [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 08:29, 31 January 2022 (UTC)
::::The {{tl|Hebrew}} does end up appearing much more like the original scan, so being crazy for fidelity I'd prefer that. But using [[w:Wikipedia:AutoWikiBrowser|AWB]] makes simple changes from one to the other easy, so whichever is comfortable for you. (more readable for the editor is a good thing?)
::::I have not tried Hebrew input but a couple times, and to do it at all is amazing to me. The one work that intrigued me was actually Yiddish, which is a separate thing (additional and altered characters), and copy-n-paste was not going to work! :-) And the mention at Gesenius of ordering for entering diacritics? For the Greek IME (has only 9 diacritics) I was determined not to have order matter, so the IME has ~1200 rules. Make it easy for the editor!
::::I have seen more than a few mentions of Gesenius' Grammar, here and elsewhere. Looks 'dense' and I'm not surprised that &quot;which font?&quot; is a discussion topic there also.
::::And I too looked at the missing Greek category and was surprised even easy stuff remained. But then, after switching between 4+ languages here, something like [[el:%CE%A3%CE%B5%CE%BB%CE%AF%CE%B4%CE%B1:The_New_Testament_in_the_original_Greek_(1894).djvu/285|this]] is relaxing. :-) 
::::Thank you again, and when I do my third review (comparing against an external text copy) I'll see if I (who, me?) can spot anything else different from scan. [[User:Shenme|Shenme]] ([[User talk:Shenme|talk]]) 21:45, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

== No wrap poetry ==

Hello,

I noticed when you proofread the poem Dawn on p. 68 of On a Grey Thread, you used nowrap. Is this something I should correct on each of the poems that look similar in this work, e.g. Chant of Spring on p. 67, or the Hole in My Curtain on p. 38, or was there something specific about this poem that led you to use nowrap?

Thanks,
[[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:24, 4 March 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|TeysaKarlov}} Hi, my rationale for doing this was as follows: {{tl|ppoem}} has automatically a hanging indent of 4em for each line. (There's an example for this on the template's page.) I interpreted the indented parts of the poem ''Dawn'' as simply resulting from lines that were &quot;too long&quot;, so a certain hanging indent was applied. But I also noticed that the end parts were carefully chosen to form some sort of meaningful phrase. So I used nowrap to make sure this &quot;meaningful bit&quot; gets moved to an indented new line whenever the horizontal space for the poem gets too short.
:I also looked at the other solution on some of the other pages you mention, using &lt;code&gt;:::&lt;/code&gt;. I think both approaches have advantages and drawbacks.
:My &quot;nowrap&quot; approach gives better results when the poem is displayed with very little horizontal space (in my opinion). But you can also argue that the &quot;&lt;code&gt;:::&lt;/code&gt;&quot; approach is a more faithful transcription of the original poem whenever the screen is broad enough.
:I don't think you should correct this. If anything, since there are fewer pages where nowrap is used, these should be changed.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 18:50, 5 March 2022 (UTC)
::@[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] Changes made, and thanks for the detailed response, [[User:TeysaKarlov|TeysaKarlov]] ([[User talk:TeysaKarlov|talk]]) 20:05, 5 March 2022 (UTC)

== Page:Diuers voyages touching the discouerie of America - Hakluyt - 1582.djvu/126 ==

Hi there. I managed to fix the alignment problem with the brace elements against the entry for 'Roses' (which has also fixed the problem with the heading 'Grayne and pulses' not centering  properly). I put Ditto spaces above and below the 'Roses' line and - hey presto! I don't understand why this works, or why this section had a problem but the same arrangement under 'Gummes' didn't. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 10:22, 29 March 2022 (UTC)

:{{reply to|Chrisguise}} Thanks a lot! I also didn't understand the behavior of the braces on this page. Most of the braces were aligned properly in the page namespace, but on the transcluded page, they were still misaligned. All of this seems to have been fixed now by your edit, so thank you again.
:I also saw your edits on [[Page:Diuers voyages touching the discouerie of America - Hakluyt - 1582.djvu/120|this page]]. I still don't know how the brace structure of this page together with the one before was intended originally, and I'm undecided on how to proofread this preceding page. If you have an idea, feel free to go ahead with it. -- [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 18:35, 29 March 2022 (UTC)
::I've managed to get to something quite close on pages 119 and 120, by using a Table plus &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; and &lt;nowiki&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;&lt;/nowiki&gt; to control the transclusion. Page 119 is almost right (the partial brace is only a straight line!). Page 120 is correct. When transcluded into Chapter 10, all of the text appears correctly but I can't get the brace to increase in length to encompass all of the left-hand text.
::Useful Help at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:Template#Noinclude,_includeonly,_and_onlyinclude [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 22:23, 29 March 2022 (UTC)
:::{{reply to|Chrisguise}} Thanks, we can now at least mark Diuers Voyages as proofread in the MC. In the last transcluded section there are still (at least in my browser) problems with the transclusion of braces.
:::The link to help on noinclude,... is very helpful for me. -- [[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:36, 30 March 2022 (UTC)
::::No problem. I use Firefox as my browser and all the braces line up OK in that. I also tried Edge and that seems OK too. [[User:Chrisguise|Chrisguise]] ([[User talk:Chrisguise|talk]]) 11:22, 30 March 2022 (UTC)

== [[Index:First six books of the elements of Euclid 1847 Byrne.djvu]] ==

This 6 books should be nominated for month May challenge

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pTyAbi5z47Q

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3GY5blTTeSA

and if anyone have problem they can find explanation in they link below

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ewir8jyohyc&amp;list=PLrkQ3hzZrc4j9gT0z--_CiFzQLeVb32hQ
:Thank you for your message. Nevertheless, I agree with [[User:Languageseeker|Languageseeker]] that this work is a bit too technical for the Monthly Challenge. By the way, I'm working on uploading the audio files for ''The Science of Getting Rich''.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 19:55, 10 April 2022 (UTC)

:Thanks,
:but please see the link below and make your own judgment if it was too technical
: 
:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XLlThlqCFeg [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676|2001:4450:8145:7800:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676]] 23:25, 10 April 2022 (UTC)
::Hi, thanks for the link to the video. I am aware of the type of contents of the book. With &quot;technical&quot; I mean that the act of transcribing the work, with lots of images, complex alignment patterns, and mathematical formulae is technical in the wikisource proofreading sense. What you could try to do instead is initialize a project just for this book series or, more generally, for mathematical texts that interest you and others.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:40, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

== [[Memory: How to Develop, Train, and Use It]] ==

Also upload the audio from https://librivox.org/memory-how-to-develop-train-and-use-it-by-william-walker-atkinson/
:When I find the time, I may do this. I can't tell you when I will do this.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:41, 11 April 2022 (UTC)

:Also, if you have time
:https://librivox.org/anne-of-green-gables-dramatic-reading-by-lucy-maud-montgomery/
:https://librivox.org/anne-of-avonlea-dramatic-reading-by-l-m-montgomery/ [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:8D5F:3CC5:5F18:EA61|2001:4450:8145:7800:8D5F:3CC5:5F18:EA61]] 23:58, 14 April 2022 (UTC)
::There are possibly some problems with the uploaded files for ''The Science of Getting Rich'' on Commons. Someone thinks they should be deleted there. Until it's clear what the problem was, I will probably not upload further audio files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:56, 15 April 2022 (UTC)
:::Is it resolved? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8145:7800:48E2:BE42:A67A:1358|2001:4450:8145:7800:48E2:BE42:A67A:1358]] 01:47, 28 April 2022 (UTC)
::::Yes, at least the files didn't need to be removed the last time I looked. I still remember your requests for uploads, and perhaps I can do something in May. But this week and perhaps also the next (few), I am quite busy.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:27, 28 April 2022 (UTC)
:::::Still busy? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676|2001:4450:8156:4900:18B0:C5AB:4E1F:F676]] 20:51, 11 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::It starts getting a little less busy :). The process of uploading the files requires very repetitive work and takes (at least me) longer than one might guess. I may start by uploading one of the Librivox works, say, Memory &amp; How to Use It, this weekend.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 05:11, 12 May 2022 (UTC)
:::::::{{done}} The Files &quot;File:Memoryhowtouseit_xy_atkinson.ogg&quot; with xy between 01 and 20 have been uploaded to the Commons. Let's hope no one want them to be deleted this time :)--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:28, 14 May 2022 (UTC)
::::::::Thanks [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:4DC7:F202:45F0:CC62|2001:4450:8156:4900:4DC7:F202:45F0:CC62]] 09:39, 16 May 2022 (UTC)
===  [[w:As a Man Thinketh|As a Man Thinketh]] ===
Can someone check the copyright and upload it to Wikimedia Commons
[https://archive.org/details/as-a-man-thinketh_202105/mode/2up As a Man Thinketh]
[https://archive.org/details/asamanthinketh_af_librivox/ As a Man Thinketh] audiobook {{unsigned|2001:4450:8156:4900:c433:be3f:47c3:e8f2}}

:It's pretty straightforward that the book is in the public domain in the US. Published 1913. I'll upload the book, it may take me longer to do the same for the audio files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 15:32, 4 June 2022 (UTC)

:{{done}} I uploaded the book and added it to the MC of June.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 15:57, 4 June 2022 (UTC)
:::{{done}} needs to be Validated [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:6039:E432:95E5:854D|2001:4450:8156:4900:6039:E432:95E5:854D]] 02:38, 5 June 2022 (UTC)

Finished in less than a week. The only thing left is the audio files.
:Perhaps this weekend I'll upload them.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:46, 8 June 2022 (UTC)

:The files &quot;As a Man Thinketh n - Allen - Librivox.ogg&quot; with n between 1 and 7 have been uploaded to the Commons.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 06:10, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
::Note: 
::If have the time to split the first audio (As a Man Thinketh 1 - Allen - Librivox.ogg) into &quot;FOREWORD&quot; as number 0 and re-upload the part &quot;THOUGHT AND CHARACTER&quot; again as number 1
::Thanks [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:25CB:D587:CEF5:F48A|2001:4450:8156:4900:25CB:D587:CEF5:F48A]] 20:33, 11 June 2022 (UTC)
:::That's not where my competences lie. For instance, I don't have any specific program for manipulating sound files.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 07:31, 12 June 2022 (UTC)

=== From passion to peace ===
Another book by [[Author:James Allen (1864-1912)|James Allen]] to be uploaded

[https://archive.org/details/frompassiontope00alle/page/8/mode/2up From Passion to Peace]
:{{done}} See [[Index:From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu]].--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:02, 18 June 2022 (UTC)

::{{done}} only the title left [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:8156:4900:B1C2:855E:5FB7:8883|2001:4450:8156:4900:B1C2:855E:5FB7:8883]] 00:14, 20 June 2022 (UTC)

== It Works ==
Please, check the copyright and upload it to Wikimedia Commons
[https://archive.org/details/RHJarrett/mode/2up It Works]

Again thanks
:Hi, while it definitely looks like this is in the public domain because it's on the Internet Archive, I haven't been able to verify this in any other way. The original publication date is not clear to me. Perhaps the [[Wikisource:Scan_Lab|Scan Lab]] is a better place for requesting this upload.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 17:44, 5 June 2022 (UTC)

:Me too, I can't verify the copyright [[Special:Contributions/115.84.245.233|115.84.245.233]] 04:48, 6 June 2022 (UTC)

== [[w:en:Calculus Made Easy|Calculus Made Easy]] ==
Please, upload it to Wikimedia Commons 

Calculus Made Easy by [[Author:Silvanus Phillips Thompson|Silvanus Phillips Thompson]]

* http://djm.cc/library/Calculus_Made_Easy_Thompson.pdf
* https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kuOxDh3egN0

:I may do this, but I can't guarantee it. The Scan Lab is perhaps a better place to make such requests.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:19, 17 July 2022 (UTC)

:what is the Scan Lab? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:91B9:FD32:219D:CEEB|2001:4450:810D:1B00:91B9:FD32:219D:CEEB]] 12:28, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
::See here: [[Wikisource:Scan_Lab]]. A request there will reach more people who may be able to help.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 12:30, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
:::How about Monthly Challenge? [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0|2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0]] 21:18, 17 July 2022 (UTC)
::::It's a bit less involved formatting-wise than the illustrated Euclid, so I think we can at least try. The work will definitely require a dedicated contributor who knows something about math typesetting.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:31, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::Don't worry about the math type-setting I think I can do it [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0|2001:4450:810D:1B00:B925:992B:FA48:FAC0]] 09:36, 18 July 2022 (UTC)
:::No result! [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:A451:1A98:E032:CAAE|2001:4450:810D:1B00:A451:1A98:E032:CAAE]] 21:01, 20 July 2022 (UTC)
::::I'm not sure what you mean, but please keep in mind that everyone here contributes voluntarily, in their free time.--[[User:Tylopous|Tylopous]] ([[User talk:Tylopous#top|talk]]) 04:47, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::You are Right 
:::::Sorry
:::::[[Wikisource:Scan Lab]] [[Special:Contributions/115.84.245.233|115.84.245.233]] 07:57, 21 July 2022 (UTC)
:::::it seem that no one like Calculus
:::::&lt;br&gt; [[Special:Contributions/2001:4450:810D:1B00:9D56:3294:B177:3205|2001:4450:810D:1B00:9D56:3294:B177:3205]] 23:11, 22 July 2022 (UTC)
:Hello. Only now I have noticed this discussion by chance (I do not follow Scan Lab regularly as many requests need more difficult handling with the files than just uploads which I cannot do.) I can upload the pdf file for you. However, I had a quick look at the provided link and I am not sure about the date of publication of that particular edition (the preface is dated 1914, but despite that it looks like a later edition). For that reason I suggest that I will upload the [[https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=njp.32101073304360&amp;view=1up&amp;seq=11&amp;skin=2021|1914 edition from HathiTrust]]. It will be just pdf, although djvu is more convenient for transcription, but I am not able to convert the format. I also suggest to create an account which would make the communication easier (your contributions have been made from different IP addresses and so I cannot contact you at your own talk page or ping you). --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:30, 24 July 2022 (UTC)
::Uploaded, see [[Index:Calculus Made Easy.pdf]] --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 20:23, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
      <sha1>gx4vmt76ozshuz4tylld6xk3q4r3e03</sha1>
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{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 1/|21|Publisher's Preface|5}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 1/|25|Introduction|9}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 1/|30|The Many-Sided Voltaire|14}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 1/|31|Incidents in His Life|15}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 1/|48|Oliver Goldsmith on Voltaire|32}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 1/|55|His Life Purpose|39}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 1/|60|Victor Hugo's Oration|44}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1 linked|The Works of Voltaire|subpages=Volume 1/|79|Candide; or, The Optimist|59}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;[[The Works of Voltaire/Part II|Part II]]|{{TOC link|233|Part II|209}}}}
{{TOC row l|3|Poetical Dissertations:}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;[[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 1/On Equality of Conditions|On Equality of Conditions]]|{{TOC link|313|On Equality of Conditions|283}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;[[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 1/On Liberty|On Liberty]]|{{TOC link|318|On Liberty|289}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;[[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 1/On the Nature of Man|On the Nature of Man]]|{{TOC link|324|On the Nature of Man|295}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;[[The Works of Voltaire/Volume 1/On Moderation in All Things|On Moderation in All Things]]|{{TOC link|331|On Moderation in All Things|302}}}}

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    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 31.djvu/76</title>
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      <text bytes="3276" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|30|{{asc|J. PRESTWICH ON THE QUATERNARY PHENOMENA}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Neale subsequently sent to the Society other bones, and amongst them the tooth of an elephant.

About twelve years ago, in making the deep dry moat (60 to 70 feet deep) on the south side of the Verne Fort, numerous large fissures, some open at bottom but closed at top, and some entirely filled with debris, were met with, traversing the Portland stone in a direction nearly north and south; and in the open ones, amongst a talus of broken fragments of rock, there were found&lt;ref&gt;Damon, ''op. cit.'' p. 130.&lt;/ref&gt; numerous bones belonging to wild boar (a very large species), ox (a large species), deer, horse, wolf, sheep, and several small animals. In addition to these there were in the collection, when I visited it, a skull and bones of red deer, a metacarpal bone of ''Cervus megaceros'' (?), skull of ''Bos longifrons'', and skull of dog. All the bones are rather light, white, and do not adhere to the tongue. There is reason to believe that they are all of comparatively recent date, and have fallen into the crevices while they were open to the surface. Mr. Damon also notices the occurrence of gravel with teeth and bones of the mammoth at Radipole, and of a drift with land and marine shells in the cliff, 10 to 12 feet above high watermark, at the mouth of the Preston valley&lt;ref&gt;This latter I could not find. It may have been removed by the wear of the cliff. Mr. Osmond Fisher, however, informs me that elephant-remains have been found at low water on the shore at Preston.&lt;/ref&gt;.

This, I believe, embraces all the information we have on the superficial deposits of this district. I had visited Portland in 1863, when, in consequence of some extensive quarrying which had been temporarily carried on to the west side of the Bill, some remarkable sections of the raised beach, varying considerably from the better-known portions on the east side, had then been recently laid open. A visit I made last autumn of a few weeks to Weymouth has enabled me to examine it more in detail, and to notice other phenomena connected with the Quaternary deposits, which I think of sufficient interest to lay before the Society.

The general features of the district are well known. The bold chalk escarpment, 500 to 600 feet in height, of the Isle of Purbeck, ranges to the coast at Lulworth, passes westward, four miles north of Weymouth, to near the sea at Abbotsbury, where it turns inland and northward. A lower undulating triangular tract of Jurassic strata stretches from the base of the last half of this line southward to Portland (see Map, Pl. I.). At a short distance from its southern extremity stands Weymouth. None of this tract rises higher than from 250 to 300 feet, while near Weymouth the hills are generally not more than from 50 to 100 feet in height, and the narrow neck of land connecting Portland with the mainland would be on the sea-level, were it not for the Chesil beach, which rests on it and rises 40 feet above that level. At the end of the narrow neck of land the Isle of Portland rises abruptly to the height of 500 feet at the Verne, from which point it forms a gradual incline to the Bill, a distance of four miles, where the cliff ends with a height of 25 feet.
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    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 31.djvu/77</title>
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      <text bytes="3100" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|IN THE ISLE OF PORTLAND AND AROUND WEYMOUTH.}}|31}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;We thus have the elevated range of the chalk on the one side, 
and on the other the high and nearly precipitous cliffs of Portland, 
with an intervening area at a lower level, presenting almost every- 
where a bare denuded surface of Jurassic strata.
{{dhr}}
{{c|''Portland Mammaliferous Drift'' (''f'' on Map and Sections, PI. I.).}}

The Isle of Portland also exhibits a singularly bare and denuded surface, with the exception of one small spot on the top of the island, which was discovered in the progress of quarrying (it has now been nearly removed) in the eastern part of the Admiralty quarries. I was obligingly conducted to the section by Capt. Clifton, Governor of the convict prison, in whose collection I had seen some specimens from it which were new to me, and to whom I am indebted for many particulars of the deposit, which he had noted before its removal. It was from this spot, we may presume, that Mr. Neale obtained his specimens. The ground is here about 400 feet above the sea-level, and a few hundred yards south of the Verne, where the summit-level is reached at a height of 500 feet. The Portland stone is extensively quarried; and over it is a capping of from 10 to 15 feet of unfossiliferous Lower Purbeck. The mammalian drift occupied an irregular trough in the Purbeck and upper part of the Portland beds.

Capt. Clifton informs me that, when first discovered, the deposit occupied a depression in these rocks, with a surface level with theirs. It was from 10 to 20 feet thick, with a width of from 50 to 60 yards, and extended N.E. and S.W. for a distance of from 200 to 300 yards. I found the remaining part of it in patches between, and spread over, the large waterworn blocks and surface of the upper Portland rock. The deposit consisted of a red clay or loam, passing into a coarse loess, in places full of angular local ''débris'' of the Portland and Purbeck beds, together with a considerable number of small blocks (some a quarter of a ton in weight) of the hard sandstone or sarsen-stone&lt;ref&gt;Much worn and stained reddish brown, and sometimes blackened by oxide of manganese.&lt;/ref&gt; of the Lower Tertiaries. At a few places this was underlain by a singular layer of pebbles, waterworn and perfectly rounded, and in a matrix of sand and red loam mixed with a large proportion of peroxide of manganese, whilst they were occasionally cemented together in a thin layer of calcareous spar. The pebbles so encased presented a perfectly clean and bright surface, as though they had been artificially polished. In this deposit I found:—

1. Small round flint pebbles ~) 
Origin. 
2. Rolled and subangular fragments of ironstone grit I j, ,,. 
3. Small subangular fragments of very hard sandstone j &amp;' 
4. Imperfectly rounded blocks of ditto J 
5. Small angular fragments of flint Chalk. 
6. Well-rolled rounded pebbles of chert ] TT n , 
7. Subangular fragments of chert ) U ^ er G ™™™&lt;*- 
8. Subangular fragments of black flint Portland. 
9. Quartz pebbles Old Gravel?
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      <text bytes="2893" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH|338|THE ZOOLOGIST.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;primary is the longest in the wing. In 'Our Summer Migrants' (p. 98), I see Mr. Harting says that in ''A. palustris'' the tarsi when dry are of a yellowish brown, while those of ''A. strepera'' become hairbrown. In Mr. Saunders' skin the tarsi are, as Mr. Harling describes, yellowish; whereas in ray mounted specimen the legs are now as dark as those of a Chiffchaff, the reason for this being the darkcoloured iron wires which are visible through the thin membranes. When my bird was fresh, the legs, as stated above, were pale fleshcolour, slightly tinged with primrose.
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{{sc|Martens in Suffolk.}}—The following communication from {{al|John Henry Gurney|Mr. J.H. Gurney}}, published in the 'Transactions of the Norfolk and Norwich Naturalists' Society' (vol. ii. pp. 223–4)&lt;ref&gt;See: [https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/page/48836959 'Martens, &amp;c., in Suffolk, in 1811'] (Wikisource-ed.)&lt;/ref&gt;, may be of interest to your readers, as it shows that less than seventy years ago Marten-cats were found in considerable numbers in the county of Suffolk. The large number of Rats destroyed is also worthy of note; it is evident they received from the gamekeepers the attention they deserve, whereas now their natural enemies are assiduously destroyed, but the Rats, secure in the quiet of the covert, increase to an enormous extent, and many an empty nest is the result. Mr. Gurney says:—&quot;I have a cutting from a newspaper of the year 1811, by which it appears that at the Suffolk Gamekeepers' Annual Meeting, held at Bury on December 9th of that year, a prize was given to one Sharnton as the most successful gamekeeper. He had the looking over (with two underkeepers) of 4000 acres, but in what parishes the manor lay is not stated; evidently, however, it was in Suffolk. Sharnton gave in an account of vermin destroyed by him and his assistants in twelve months, which I think may be worthy of a place in the records of our Naturalists' Society, as bearing on the existence of the Marten in Suffolk, sixty -five years ago. His account is as follows:—Foxes, 22; Martens (spelled 'Martins'), 43; Polecats, 31; Stoats, 416; Crows and Magpies, 120; Hawks of all kinds, 167; Field Rats, 310; Brown Owls, 13; Wild Cats, 7.&quot;—{{sc|{{al|Thomas Southwell|T. Southwell}}}} (Norwich).

{{sc|Reported Occurence of the Wild Cat in the Isle of Wight}}.—A veritable Wild Cat, probably the last of the race, was shot some months since near St. Helen's, in which neighbourhood there are still extensive woods, chiefly on the Nunwell Estate. Though occasionally seen by the gamekeepers, it had managed to evade them for years. It came into Mr. Careless's possession the day it was killed. It proved to be a male, three feet in length and nine pounds fourteen ounces in weight. It stands&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/366</title>
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{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;parts, the skin of the bill and legs—and here we have a never-absent sign of a bird which has been for any length of time deprived of its freedom; and if none of these could be pointed out in the captured specimen, 1 should then, in spite of one having been known to have strayed from an aviary somewhere at hand, feel as much entitled to my assumption that this bird, which showed no traces of its captivity, must be another, and ''not'' the escaped one, as an objector would be justified in claiming it as the missing bird. I see that Mr. Dresser, after mentioning two examples of the Purple Gallinule which had been obtained in the North of England, adds that these were probably escapes, and his decision justly carries great weight; but Mr. Gray, who was fortunate enough to handle, in the flesh, one which had been shot in Argyleshire, could find on the bird no signs that it had ever been subjected to confinement. Bearing in mind that these birds are migratory, and that the mouth of the Rhone or the coast of Portugal is at no great distance from this country for a bird when fairly on wing, ''Porphyrio veterum'' might justly object to be refused a place among the list of our chance visitors, which includes many other birds even less likely than this to wander to our coasts.—{{sc|[[Author:Murray Alexander Mathew|Murray A. Mathew]]}} (Bishop's Lydeard, Taunton).

{{sc|The Migration of Birds}}.—I have read the remarks of Mr. Cordeaux in 'The Zoologist' for May (p. 205), on the subject of migration, and am almost tempted to reply. I cannot afford the time, however, even if you would grant me the space. I will only observe that there are apparently three classes of thinkers. First, those who believe in &quot;an intuitive instinct which almost seems like a sixth sense,&quot; of which number Mr. Cordeaux is one. Secondly, those who vote avine migration—and with it, I suppose, all migration—to be a mystery. Thirdly, persons, of whom I am one, not able to understand &quot;the sixth sense,&quot; not finding any great mystery, but regarding avine migration as part of the general law of flux and reflux which is apparent in so many organisms, &amp;c., in the orb in which we dwell, and which is one of the conditions of the Universe. I may remark, however, that I do not go the full length attributed to me by Mr. Cordeaux, for to deny any instinct to animals would no doubt be &quot;absurd.&quot; I only say these few words for fear silence might be thought discourteous towards a gentleman who has worked at this subject for &quot;more than twenty years,&quot; in fact, almost as long as I have.—{{sc|[[Author:George Dawson Rowley|George Dawson Rowley]]}} (Chichester House, Brighton).

{{sc|Cuckoo's Egg in a Blackbird's Nest}}.—Whilst looking for Reed Warblers' nests on the Thames this summer I found a Cuckoo's egg in a Blackbird's nest, which was built in willows overhanging the river. A fewyards further on I found another egg in a Heed Warbler's nest, agreeing with the first in colour, &amp;c., and evidently laid by the same bird. Although this is not the first instance that has been known of a Cuckoo placing its&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3135" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH|340|THE ZOOLOGIST.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;parts, the skin of the bill and legs—and here we have a never-absent sign of a bird which has been for any length of time deprived of its freedom; and if none of these could be pointed out in the captured specimen, 1 should then, in spite of one having been known to have strayed from an aviary somewhere at hand, feel as much entitled to my assumption that this bird, which showed no traces of its captivity, must be another, and ''not'' the escaped one, as an objector would be justified in claiming it as the missing bird. I see that Mr. Dresser, after mentioning two examples of the Purple Gallinule which had been obtained in the North of England, adds that these were probably escapes, and his decision justly carries great weight; but Mr. Gray, who was fortunate enough to handle, in the flesh, one which had been shot in Argyleshire, could find on the bird no signs that it had ever been subjected to confinement. Bearing in mind that these birds are migratory, and that the mouth of the Rhone or the coast of Portugal is at no great distance from this country for a bird when fairly on wing, ''Porphyrio veterum'' might justly object to be refused a place among the list of our chance visitors, which includes many other birds even less likely than this to wander to our coasts.—{{sc|[[Author:Murray Alexander Mathew|Murray A. Mathew]]}} (Bishop's Lydeard, Taunton).

{{sc|The Migration of Birds}}.—I have read the remarks of Mr. Cordeaux in 'The Zoologist' for May (p. 205), on the subject of migration, and am almost tempted to reply. I cannot afford the time, however, even if you would grant me the space. I will only observe that there are apparently three classes of thinkers. First, those who believe in &quot;an intuitive instinct which almost seems like a sixth sense,&quot; of which number Mr. Cordeaux is one. Secondly, those who vote avine migration—and with it, I suppose, all migration—to be a mystery. Thirdly, persons, of whom I am one, not able to understand &quot;the sixth sense,&quot; not finding any great mystery, but regarding avine migration as part of the general law of flux and reflux which is apparent in so many organisms, &amp;c., in the orb in which we dwell, and which is one of the conditions of the Universe. I may remark, however, that I do not go the full length attributed to me by Mr. Cordeaux, for to deny any instinct to animals would no doubt be &quot;absurd.&quot; I only say these few words for fear silence might be thought discourteous towards a gentleman who has worked at this subject for &quot;more than twenty years,&quot; in fact, almost as long as I have.—{{sc|[[Author:George Dawson Rowley|George Dawson Rowley]]}} (Chichester House, Brighton).

{{sc|Cuckoo's Egg in a Blackbird's Nest}}.—Whilst looking for Reed Warblers' nests on the Thames this summer I found a Cuckoo's egg in a Blackbird's nest, which was built in willows overhanging the river. A fewyards further on I found another egg in a Heed Warbler's nest, agreeing with the first in colour, &amp;c., and evidently laid by the same bird. Although this is not the first instance that has been known of a Cuckoo placing its&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/368</title>
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{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;before it became the custom to import American wild fowl, and the same argument would apply even more strongly to the Collared Duck of Donovan. If English naturalists have not admitted it, however, the French have done so for them In Degland and Gerbe's 'Ornithologie Européenne,' it is included (No. 495), and readers are informed that it has been observed several times in Great Britain. Stories lose nothing in crossing the channel! Its habitat is thus given in Coues' 'Birds of the North- West' (p. 574):—&quot;''Hab''. The whole of North America, breeding far north, wintering in the United States and beyond. South to Guatemala. Cuba. Jamaica.&quot;—{{sc|[[Author:John Henry Gurney Jr.|J.H. Gurney, Jun.]]}} (Northrepps Cottage, Norwich).

{{sc|Pochards Breeding in the Regent's Park}}.—For the last two months I have noticed a pair of Pochards on the ornamental water in the Regent's Park; and feeling certain that they had nested there, I went to look for them on June 28th, and found they had hatched out five young ones. The latter swim and dive like the old ones.—{{sc|G. Atkins}} (21, Park Village East).

[We also have had an eye on these Pochards, and observed the young for the first time on Saturday, June 23rd. They were then swimming with their mother and seemed to be not more than a day or two old. The male parent did not appear, and it is therefore not quite Certain yet whether the young are pure-bred Pochards or hybrids.—{{sc|Ed}}.]

{{sc|Tawny Pipit in Sussex}}.—I am able to add another unrecorded Tawny Pipit from Sussex, which is also an immature bird, in the plumage described by Mr. Bond (p. 299). This example was shot at Ditchling Bostel, on the 29th September, 1876, as I was informed by Mr. Pratt, of Brighton, from whom I obtained it. There is a great superficial resemblance between the Tawny and Richard's Pipits. The Tawny might well pass for a small example of ''Anthus Richardi''. Both have long tarsi, and pretty much the same coloured plumage. I was struck by the resemblance when examining Mr. Vingoe's Penzance specimen last summer, which, if I remember rightly, was also a bird of the year.—{{sc|[[Author:Murray Alexander Mathew|Murray A. Mathew]]}} (Bishop's Lydeard).

{{sc|Unusual Site for a Kestrel's Nest}}.—A Kestrel laid this summer in a hen-roost in a long sheep-trough, and hatched four young ones. Whilst sitting (in May) a day's sheep-shearing was carried on, from 6 a.m. till 8 p. M., but did not disturb the bird, although quite close to her. The young ones are now seventeen days old. I can see them every day from a stage in the barn, and it is most amusing to me to observe their domestic arrangements. At first the young were treated with the brains of young Plovers, but now they get moles, mice, and young birds. The lady rules the roast, and when both the old birds come together with food, she manages to convince her mate that a mole is better than a young blackbird.—{{sc|Frederick Stratton}} (St. Joan-a-Gore, Devizes).
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      <text bytes="3031" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH|342|THE ZOOLOGIST.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;before it became the custom to import American wild fowl, and the same argument would apply even more strongly to the Collared Duck of Donovan. If English naturalists have not admitted it, however, the French have done so for them In Degland and Gerbe's 'Ornithologie Européenne,' it is included (No. 495), and readers are informed that it has been observed several times in Great Britain. Stories lose nothing in crossing the channel! Its habitat is thus given in Coues' 'Birds of the North- West' (p. 574):—&quot;''Hab''. The whole of North America, breeding far north, wintering in the United States and beyond. South to Guatemala. Cuba. Jamaica.&quot;—{{sc|[[Author:John Henry Gurney Jr.|J.H. Gurney, Jun.]]}} (Northrepps Cottage, Norwich).

{{sc|Pochards Breeding in the Regent's Park}}.—For the last two months I have noticed a pair of Pochards on the ornamental water in the Regent's Park; and feeling certain that they had nested there, I went to look for them on June 28th, and found they had hatched out five young ones. The latter swim and dive like the old ones.—{{sc|G. Atkins}} (21, Park Village East).

[We also have had an eye on these Pochards, and observed the young for the first time on Saturday, June 23rd. They were then swimming with their mother and seemed to be not more than a day or two old. The male parent did not appear, and it is therefore not quite Certain yet whether the young are pure-bred Pochards or hybrids.—{{sc|Ed}}.]

{{sc|Tawny Pipit in Sussex}}.—I am able to add another unrecorded Tawny Pipit from Sussex, which is also an immature bird, in the plumage described by Mr. Bond (p. 299). This example was shot at Ditchling Bostel, on the 29th September, 1876, as I was informed by Mr. Pratt, of Brighton, from whom I obtained it. There is a great superficial resemblance between the Tawny and Richard's Pipits. The Tawny might well pass for a small example of ''Anthus Richardi''. Both have long tarsi, and pretty much the same coloured plumage. I was struck by the resemblance when examining Mr. Vingoe's Penzance specimen last summer, which, if I remember rightly, was also a bird of the year.—{{sc|[[Author:Murray Alexander Mathew|Murray A. Mathew]]}} (Bishop's Lydeard).

{{sc|Unusual Site for a Kestrel's Nest}}.—A Kestrel laid this summer in a hen-roost in a long sheep-trough, and hatched four young ones. Whilst sitting (in May) a day's sheep-shearing was carried on, from 6 a.m. till 8 p. M., but did not disturb the bird, although quite close to her. The young ones are now seventeen days old. I can see them every day from a stage in the barn, and it is most amusing to me to observe their domestic arrangements. At first the young were treated with the brains of young Plovers, but now they get moles, mice, and young birds. The lady rules the roast, and when both the old birds come together with food, she manages to convince her mate that a mole is better than a young blackbird.—{{sc|Frederick Stratton}} (St. Joan-a-Gore, Devizes).
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    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/370</title>
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      <text bytes="2873" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH|344|THE ZOOLOGIST.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;carrier pigeon circled round to an altitude of about half a mile, and then sailed away towards London. By this time the train, which carried the European mails, and was timed not to stop between Dover and Cannonstreet, had got up to full speed, and was proceeding at the rate of sixty miles an hour towards London. The odds at starting seemed against the bird, and the railway officials predicted that the little messenger would be beaten in the race. The pigeon, however, as soon as it ascertained its bearings, took the nearest homeward route in a direction midway between Maidstone and Sittingbourne, the distance, &quot;as the crow flies,&quot; between Dover and London being 70 miles, and by rail 76½ miles. When the Continental mail express came into Cannon-street Station, the bird had been home 20 minutes, having beaten Her Majesty's Royal Mail by a time allowance representing 18 miles.—''From 'The Times,' July'' 14''th.''

{{sc|Rare British Fishes off Babbicombe}}.—One of the rarest of British fishes—the Black-fish, ''Centrolophus pompilus''—was taken this morning (June 15th) off Babbicombe, by Mr. Gaskin, of that place. It is curious that the seine inclosed at the same time another fish of great rarity, the Short Sun-fish, ''Orthagoriscus mola''. Both were submitted to me for identification.—{{sc|P.H. Gosse}} (Sandhurst, Torquay).

[The Black-fish is figured in Couch's 'Fishes of the British Islands' (vol. ii. p. 123, pi. xc), and all the specimens mentioned by that author seem to have been met with in Cornwall. He states, however, on the authority of Mr. Joshua Alder, that an example has been taken at Cullercoats. The Short Sun-fish will also be found figured in the same work (vol. iv. p. 877, pi. ccxlv.). This strange-looking fish is generally spoken of as rare, but on the south and west coasts can scarcely be considered so, for hardly a year passes without the capture of a few being reported. They are generally taken during the warmer months of the year.—{{sc|Ed}}.]
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''June'' 1, 1877.—Prof. {{sc|Allmann}}, F.R.S., President, in the chair.

The first zoological paper read was by Mr. Robert M'Lachlan, ''viz''., &quot;On the Nymph Stage of the ''Embidæ,'' with Notes on the Habits of the Family. &amp;c.&quot; The author stated that in 1837 Prof. Westwood (in Trans. Linn. Soc.) instituted the characters of ''Embia,'' a genus of insects allied to the white ant. Lately, therefore forty years after, Mr. Michael discovered some orchids partially destroyed by an insect found to belong to the ''Embidæ;'' and the nymph stage obtained fills a gap in its history. Mr. M'Lachlan, in allusion to the insect's habits, states that M. Lucas and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/372</title>
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      <text bytes="3038" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH|346|THE ZOOLOGIST.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Mr. P. Herbert Carpenter, B.A., orally demonstrated from diagrams the gist of a well-illustrated memoir by him, &quot;On the Genus ''Actinometra'' (Müll), with a Morphological Account of a new Species from the Phihppine Islands.&quot; In his MS. the author shows the impossibility of adhering to Miiller's classification of the ''Comatulæ,'' according to the number of the ambulacra which radiate' from the peristone, and the necessity of extending the limits of Müller's genus ''Actinometra,'' so as to include all those forms of ''Alecto,'' in which the mouth is eccentric, and which have no place in the genus ''Antedon'' as defined by Mr. Norman. Another feature of many ''Actinometræ'' is the complete closure of the ambulacral grooves on more or fewer of the posterior or aboral arms, and the entire absence from such arms of a ventral ciliated epithelium, and of the so-called ambulacral nerve beneath it. The rosette of ''Actinometra'' presents a more embryonic condition than that of ''Antedon,'' the primitive basals undergoing a less complete metamorphosis; but it is closely anchylosed to fine prismatic pieces, which result from more or less complete ossification round the connective tissue-fibres of the synostosis between the centro-dorsal piece and radial pentagon. These pieces, traces of which also occur in ''Antedon Eschrichtii'' are closely similar to the fine basals of ''Solanocrinus costatus'' of the Wurtemburg Jurakalk, except in the fact that they do not as in ''Solanocrinus'' appear on the exterior of the calyx.

In the absence of the author, the Secretary shortly referred to a &quot;Description of Genera and Species of Australian Phytophagous Beetles,&quot; by Dr. Joseph S. Baly. In this communication fourteen species, in all, of the genera ''Triocephala, Rhombostromus, Bucharis, Polyachus'' and ''Ditiopidus'' are treated of.

The title only of Mr. R. Bowdler Sharpe's third part of his &quot;Contributions to the Ornithology of New Guinea&quot; was announced, the author himself not being present.

This was followed by Dr. W.C. M'Intosh's paper, &quot;On the ''Annelida'' obtained during the Cruise of H.M.S. 'Valorous' to Davis Strait in 1875.&quot;

The specimens were collected by Dr. Gwyn Jeffreys, though barely in such good condition as those received from the 'Porcupine' and 'Osprey' Expeditions. Since the days of Fabricius, the Annelids of the Greenlandic Seas have received unusual attention in comparison with those of other parts, Œrsted, Malmgren, Otto Zorell, Luthen and others having added considerably to the number known. Though, by an unfortunate circumstance, the dredging received a check, and limited the species of marine ''Polychata'' to about sixty-eight, yet of this comparatively small number thirteen are new to the Greenlandic area, and in addition nine are new to ecience. As far as at present can be judged by the Annelids, Dr. Jeffreys' opinion, that the Greenlandic Invertebrates are more European than American, is substantiated. Dr. M'Intosh describes in detail the various&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/374</title>
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      <text bytes="2479" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH|348|THE ZOOLOGIST.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The botanical contributions read in full or abstract at this meeting were as follows:— &quot;Fungi of the Counties of Dublin and Wicklow,&quot; by Mr. Greenwood Pim; &quot;Notes on the Peculiarities and Distribution of the ''Rubiaceæ'' of Tropical Africa,&quot; by Mr. P. Hiern; &quot;Note on the Automatic Movement of the Leaves of the Blimbing of India, ''Anerrhoa Blimbi'' (L.),&quot; by Mr. R.I. Lynch; and a highly interesting memoir, by Dr. D. Cunningham, &quot;On ''Mycoidea parasitica,'' a new genus of ''Algæ,'' and the part it plays in the formation of certain Lichens.&quot;

With a few parting remarks from the Chairman, the session closed. —
{{sc|James Murie,}} ''Secretary.''
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''July'' 4, 1877.— Professor {{sc|J.O. Westwood,}} M.A., F.L.S., President, in the chair.

The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.

Donations to the Library were announced and thanks voted to the donors.

Mr. J. W. Douglas exhibited a living specimen of ''Cerambyx Heros'' bred from a log of wood imported from Bosnia; also a young larva of the same species from the same source.

Prof. Westwood exhibited a number of cases constructed by the larva of some species of ''Phryganea'' inhabiting Southern Europe. They were composed of small semi-transparent quartz-like particles, and had been described by Svvainson in 1840 as a shell belonging to the genus ''Thelidomus,'' div. ''Turbineæ.''

Prof. Westwood also exhibited a specimen of a plant-bug (''Capsidæ'') which had been sent to him by Mr. Alexander Wallace, together with the leaf of an orchis (''Cattleya Aclande''), from Bahia. The leaf was covered all over with blisters caused by the attacks of the insect.

Mr. Jenner Weir exhibited a female specimen of ''Cicada montana,'' taken in his presence in the New Forest by Mr. Henry Auld, who stated that he was attracted to the spot where the insect was concealed by hearing it stridulate.

Mr. J.W. Douglas suggested that possibly the specimen caught did not give rise to the sound heard, but that it was produced by a male concealed near.

Mr. Weir remarked that he had searched for the stridulating organ in the specimen exhibited, and had found traces, although developed but slightly in comparison with those of the male.

Mr. S. Stevens exhibited two living specimens of ''Tillus unifasciatus,'' taken near Norwood. They fly rapidly in the sunshine, and settle on oak-palings.
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    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/376</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2296" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH|350|THE ZOOLOGIST.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{dhr|3}}
{{c|{{x-larger|NOTICES OF NEW BOOKS.}}}}
{{dhr}}
{{rule|5em}}
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{{hi|''The Birds of South Africa''. By {{sc|[[Author:Edgar Leopold Layard|E.L. Layard]],}} F.Z.S., &amp;c. A New Edition, thoroughly revised and augmented by {{sc|{{al|Richard Bowdler Sharpe|R.B. Sharpe}},}} F.L.S., F.Z.S. Royal 8vo. Parts I.— IV.{{gap|1em}}London: Quaritch. 1877.}}

{{sc|The}} best way of reviewing a new edition is obviously to compare it with the original. In the present case, however, this would scarcely be fair, for a glance only is needed to show that the editor has nearly doubled the size of the work by extending the boundaries of the region treated of, from the twenty-eighth parallel of latitude (the limit originally fixed by the author) to the Zambesi on the east coast, and the Quanza on the west coast of Africa. It should be remembered also that when Mr. Layard wrote his book, in 1867, he did so under great disadvantages. Far removed from European libraries and collections, he was prevented from making many references and comparisons that were most desirable, and in many cases he had to rely upon naturalists at home for the identification of the rarer and more obscure species. In view of these difficulties, the wonder is that his shortcomings have proved to be so few. It may be truly said that, with the exception perhaps of Jerdon's 'Birds of India,' no work has done more for the Ornithology of a country than this of Mr. Layard's, and no greater proof of its utility can be found than the large increase in the number of workers who have commenced original researches in Ornithology since it appeared.

In preparing this new edition, it is evident that Mr. Sharpe has bestowed upon it considerable time and trouble. Not content with revising the text so as to bring it lo a level with the knowledge of the present day, he has carefully gone through all the works bearing on the subject published prior to the first edition, and has reproduced the excellent notes by Mr. Ayres on the birds of Natal which Mr. Layard for want of space was compelled to omit.

Especial pains seem to have been taken with the geographical distribution, the range of the various birds being carefully traced throughout the different districts of South Africa.
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/13</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="3826" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH||CONTENTS.|vii}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|{{sc|[[Author:John Henry Gurney Jr.|Gurney, J.H., Jun.]]}}, F.Z.S.&lt;br /&gt;Varieties of the Sky Lark, Woodcocks frequenting the sea-shore, 181; Cuckoo in reddish brown plumage in spring, 230; On the claim of the Pine Grosbeak to be regarded as a British bird, 242; Birds impaled by the wind on weather vanes, 259; Kite at Northrepps, 260; Singular variety of the Hedgesparrow, 298: The Collared Duck, 341; Hooded Crow in Norfolk in August, 443; Purple Gallinule at Hickling Broad, 447; Partridge coming in collision with a train, 448}}

{{hi|{{sc|Hadfield,}} Capt. {{sc|Henry}}&lt;br /&gt;Ornithological notes from the Isle of Wight, 23; Rooks attacking acorns, 105; Winter visitants to the Isle of Wight, 181: Reported occurrence of the Wild Cat in the Isle of Wight, 338; Pied Flycatcher and other birds in the Isle of Wight, 440; Crested Lark in the Isle of Wight, 450}}

{{hi|{{sc|Harding, Isaac}}&lt;br /&gt;Ring Ouzel nesting near Malvern, 387; Pied Flycatcher nesting near Malvern, 389}}

{{hi|{{sc|Hargitt, Edward}}&lt;br /&gt;Marten-cat in Scotland, 392}}

{{hi|{{sc|Harper, R.P.}}&lt;br /&gt;King Duck in Orkney, 183}}

{{hi|{{sc|[[Author:James Edmund Fotheringham Harting|Harting, J.E.]]}}, F.L.S., F.Z.S.&lt;br /&gt;Editor's Address, 1; On the occurrence for the first time in England of the American Redbreasted Thrush, 14; Rabbits breeding above ground, 18; Rooks attacking acorns, 21; Tree Sparrow nesting in Middlesex, 24; On the geographical distribution of the Fallow Deer past and present (translated from the German of L.H. Jeittcles), 81 [see {{sc|Ullmann}}]; Hybrid between the English Hare and the Scotch Hare, 101; Passenger Pigeon in Yorkshire, 180; On the former nesting of the Spoonbill in the county of Sussex, 423; Hobby in Ireland, 471; On the occurrence in England of Dutrochet's Land Leech, 515}}

{{hi|{{sc|Howarth, E.}}&lt;br /&gt;Bewick's Swan and Canada Goose near Shciheld, 446; Curious death of a Swallow, 447}}

{{hi|{{sc|Hutchinson, J.H.}}&lt;br /&gt;Osprey near Bridlington, 389}}

{{hi|{{sc|Kerr, W.J.}}&lt;br /&gt;Ornithological notes from St. Andrews, N.B., during the autumn and winter of 1876, 159}}

{{hi|{{sc|Kerry, F.}}&lt;br /&gt;Ornithological notes from Essex, 52; Rough-legged Buzzard and Peregrine Falcons at Harwich, 258; Little Gulls and Kittiwakes in Essex, 259; Spoonbills in Suffolk in June, 343; Spoonbills and Canada Geese in Suffolk, 625}}

{{hi|{{sc|Leach, Harry R.}}&lt;br /&gt;Scarcity of the Corn Crake, 497}}

{{hi|{{sc|Lee, Harry}}&lt;br /&gt;Pied Flycatcher in Epping Forest, 447}}

{{hi|{{sc|Lees, G.J. Dumville}}&lt;br /&gt;Crossbill nesting near Bournemouth, 254}}

{{hi|{{sc|Lilford, Lord}}&lt;br /&gt;Purple Gallinule in Northamptonshire, 252}}

{{hi|{{sc|Lister, Arthur, F.L.S.}}&lt;br /&gt;Red-necked Grebe in Essex, 230; Migration of the Ring Ouzel, 442}}

{{hi|{{sc|Mahoney, James A.}}&lt;br /&gt;The Natural History of Donegal, 290}}

{{hi|{{sc|[[Author:John Clavell Mansel-Pleydell|Mansell-Pleydell, J.C.]], F.L.S.}}&lt;br /&gt;Ornithological notes from Dorsetshire, 884}}

{{hi|[[Author:Murray Alexander Mathew|{{sc|Mathew}}, Rev. {{sc|Murray A.}}]], M.A.&lt;br /&gt;Fox Shark off Teignmouth, 26; Ornithological notes from the West of England, 104, 177; Purple Gallinule in Somersetshire, 178, 252, 339; Marsh Warbler near Taunton, 333; Tawny Pipit in Sussex, 342; Scarcity of the Corn Crake in the West of England, 387; Bartram's Sandpiper in Somersetshire, 889; Black Rat in Somersetshire, 440; Wood Sandpiper at Barnstaple, 448; Simfish in the Bristol Channel, 451; Early arrival of Wild Geese, 498}}

{{hi|{{sc|Mennell, Henry Tuke, F.L.S.}}&lt;br /&gt;A Barn Owl in the City, 297}}

{{hi|{{sc|Mitchell, F. S.}}&lt;br /&gt;Singular nest of the Blackbird, 108; A spring tour in Norway, with notes on the birds observed there, 193}}

{{hi|{{sc|Moor, Charles}}&lt;br /&gt;Golden Eagle, Rough-legged Buzzard, &amp;c., near Woodbridge, 25}}
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{{center|THE GHAUTS, BENARES}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1616" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{rh||( 164 )}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|{{larger block|III. ''La Lettre de'' Charles Drelincourt, ''a M. Porree, {{ls}}ur la Methode, pretendue Nouvelle, de tailler la pierre: Avec trois autres a'' Mon{{ls}}ieur Vallot, ''Premier Medicin de {{ls}}a Maje{{ls}}te. A'' Leide, 1674. ''in'' 12°.}}}}

{{dropinitial|T}}{{sc|hese}} Letters were written by the learned Author, upon the Occa{{ls}}ion of a New Lithotomi{{ls}}t in France, pretending to cut all Sorts and Sexes of Mankind, of the Stone in the Bladder, how big {{ls}}oever, without any considerable Medical Preparatives; which, as to ''Men'', he would perform by introducing into the ''Anus'', {{ls}}ome Fingers of his right Hand, well oyled, and thereby finding the Stone immediately, and thru{{ls}}ting it into the neck of the Bladder, where it is to be held fa{{ls}}t by an A{{ls}}{{ls}}i{{ls}}tant; and thereupon having withdrawn his right-hand-fingers, he would place his Patient in a due po{{ls}}ture, and then oyl {{ls}}ome Fingers of his left Hand, and {{ls}}lide them into the {{ls}}ame place, turning the Neck of the Bladder, together with the Stone, towards the {{ls}}mall left ''Trochanter'', till with his right Hand he could draw the Skin of the ''perineum'' towards the right ''femur'', where 'tis to he held with his left Thumb, and then with a fit {{ls}}ingle In{{ls}}trument he would make a Semi-lunar Inci{{ls}}ion, and {{ls}}o without any other My{{ls}}tery, as he {{ls}}peaks, draw out the Stone, and then apply healing Medicines.

As to ''Women'', he would perform the Operation ''{{lang|la|adigendo digitos in {{ls}}inum pudoris}}'', &amp;c.
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      <text bytes="1623" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{rh||( 164 )}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hi|{{larger block|III. ''La Lettre de'' Charles Drelincourt, ''a M. Porree, {{ls}}ur la Methode, pretendue Nouvelle, de tailler la pierre: Avec trois autres a'' Mon{{ls}}ieur Vallot, ''Premier Medicin de {{ls}}a Maje{{ls}}te. A'' Leide, 1674. ''in'' 12°.}}}}

{{dropinitial|T}}{{sp|{{uc|hese}}}} Letters were written by the learned Author, upon the Occa{{ls}}ion of a New Lithotomi{{ls}}t in France, pretending to cut all Sorts and Sexes of Mankind, of the Stone in the Bladder, how big {{ls}}oever, without any considerable Medical Preparatives; which, as to ''Men'', he would perform by introducing into the ''Anus'', {{ls}}ome Fingers of his right Hand, well oyled, and thereby finding the Stone immediately, and thru{{ls}}ting it into the neck of the Bladder, where it is to be held fa{{ls}}t by an A{{ls}}{{ls}}i{{ls}}tant; and thereupon having withdrawn his right-hand-fingers, he would place his Patient in a due po{{ls}}ture, and then oyl {{ls}}ome Fingers of his left Hand, and {{ls}}lide them into the {{ls}}ame place, turning the Neck of the Bladder, together with the Stone, towards the {{ls}}mall left ''Trochanter'', till with his right Hand he could draw the Skin of the ''perineum'' towards the right ''femur'', where 'tis to he held with his left Thumb, and then with a fit {{ls}}ingle In{{ls}}trument he would make a Semi-lunar Inci{{ls}}ion, and {{ls}}o without any other My{{ls}}tery, as he {{ls}}peaks, draw out the Stone, and then apply healing Medicines.

As to ''Women'', he would perform the Operation ''{{lang|la|adigendo digitos in {{ls}}inum pudoris}}'', &amp;c.
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  <page>
    <title>Author:Murray Alexander Mathew</title>
    <ns>102</ns>
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      <comment>Zool 1877</comment>
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      <text bytes="6562" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Murray Alexander
 | lastname     = Mathew
 | last_initial = Ma
 | birthyear    = &lt;!--data now imported from wikidata, please consider deleting once matched--&gt;
 | deathyear    = &lt;!--data now imported from wikidata, please consider deleting once matched--&gt;
 | description  = English parson and naturalist
}}

==Works==
* {{cite book 
| last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew
| date = 1867
| title = &quot;The Everlasting Love.&quot; Sermons preached in the parish church of St. John, Weston-super-Mare
| location = Taunton
| publisher = F. Clarke
}} {{ext scan link|1=https://books.google.nl/books?id=ddtoAAAAcAAJ}}
* {{cite book | last1 = d'Urban | first1 = William Stewart Mitchell | author1-link = :s:en:Author:William Stewart Mitchell d'Urban 
| last2= Mathew | first2 = Murray Alexander |author2-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew
| date = 1892
| title = The Birds of Devon
| location = London
| publisher = R.H. Porter
}} {{ext scan link|https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/51976}}
* {{cite journal
| last = Mathew M.A., F.L.S.| first = the Rev. Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew
| date = 1893
| title = A Revised List of the Birds of Somerset
| journal = Proceedings of the Somersetshire Archaeological &amp; Natural History Society
| volume = 39
| pp = 102–139
}}&lt;ref&gt;Mathew 1893 online available via [https://sanhs.org/proceedings-volume-39-1893/ this page] of the SANHS.&lt;/ref&gt;

=== Contributions to ''[[The Zoologist]]'' ===
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 1/Occasional Notes#26|Occurrence of the Fox Shark off Teignmouth]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)|3rd series, vol 1]]
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 1|issue 1, January]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 26
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 3/Occasional Notes#104|Notes from the West of England]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 3|issue 3, March]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 104
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Occasional Notes#177|Ornithological Notes from the West of England]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4|issue 4, April]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 177–178
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Occasional Notes#178|Purple Gallinule in Somersetshire]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = issue 4, April—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 178
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 6/Occasional Notes#252|The Somersetshire Purple Gallinule]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 6|issue 6, June]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 252–253
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8/On the Occurrence of the Marsh Warbler near Taunton|On the Occurrence of the Marsh Warbler near Taunton]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8|issue 8, August]]
| pp = 333–338
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8/Occasional Notes#339|Purple Gallinule in Somersetshire]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = issue 8, August—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 339–340
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 10/Occasional Notes#448|Wood Sandpiper at Barnstaple]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 10|issue 10, October]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 448
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1897
| title = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 673/Icterine Warbler at Lyme Regis, Mathew|Icterine Warbler at Lyme Regis]] 
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)|4th series, vol 1]]
| issue = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 673|issue 673, July]]—section 'Notes and Queries'
| pp = 332–333
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1897
| title = Garden Lists of Birds
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 4
| volume = 1
| issue = issue 675, September
| pp = 417–423
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1898
| title = Melodious Warblers in South-east Devon
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = 4th series, vol 2
| issue = issue 684, June—section 'Notes and Queries'
| pp = 265–266
}}

== About M.A. Mathew ==
* {{cite journal 
| author = C.T.
| date = 1908
| title = Obituary, Rev. Murray A. Mathew, M.A., F.L.S.
| journal = Proceedings of the Somersetshire Archaeological &amp; Natural History Society
| volume = 54
| pp = 164
}}&lt;ref&gt;Obituary online available via [https://sanhs.org/proceedings-volume-54-1908/ this page] of the SANHS.&lt;/ref&gt;


{{rule|5em|align=left}}
{{smallrefs}}


{{PD/US|1908}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:English authors]]
[[Category:Theologians as authors]]
[[Category:Naturalists as authors]]</text>
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      <comment>Zool 1877, p342</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="6926" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Murray Alexander
 | lastname     = Mathew
 | last_initial = Ma
 | birthyear    = &lt;!--data now imported from wikidata, please consider deleting once matched--&gt;
 | deathyear    = &lt;!--data now imported from wikidata, please consider deleting once matched--&gt;
 | description  = English parson and naturalist
}}

==Works==
* {{cite book 
| last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew
| date = 1867
| title = &quot;The Everlasting Love.&quot; Sermons preached in the parish church of St. John, Weston-super-Mare
| location = Taunton
| publisher = F. Clarke
}} {{ext scan link|1=https://books.google.nl/books?id=ddtoAAAAcAAJ}}
* {{cite book | last1 = d'Urban | first1 = William Stewart Mitchell | author1-link = :s:en:Author:William Stewart Mitchell d'Urban 
| last2= Mathew | first2 = Murray Alexander |author2-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew
| date = 1892
| title = The Birds of Devon
| location = London
| publisher = R.H. Porter
}} {{ext scan link|https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/51976}}
* {{cite journal
| last = Mathew M.A., F.L.S.| first = the Rev. Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew
| date = 1893
| title = A Revised List of the Birds of Somerset
| journal = Proceedings of the Somersetshire Archaeological &amp; Natural History Society
| volume = 39
| pp = 102–139
}}&lt;ref&gt;Mathew 1893 online available via [https://sanhs.org/proceedings-volume-39-1893/ this page] of the SANHS.&lt;/ref&gt;

=== Contributions to ''[[The Zoologist]]'' ===
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 1/Occasional Notes#26|Occurrence of the Fox Shark off Teignmouth]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)|3rd series, vol 1]]
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 1|issue 1, January]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 26
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 3/Occasional Notes#104|Notes from the West of England]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 3|issue 3, March]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 104
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Occasional Notes#177|Ornithological Notes from the West of England]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4|issue 4, April]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 177–178
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Occasional Notes#178|Purple Gallinule in Somersetshire]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = issue 4, April—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 178
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 6/Occasional Notes#252|The Somersetshire Purple Gallinule]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 6|issue 6, June]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 252–253
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8/On the Occurrence of the Marsh Warbler near Taunton|On the Occurrence of the Marsh Warbler near Taunton]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8|issue 8, August]]
| pp = 333–338
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8/Occasional Notes#339|Purple Gallinule in Somersetshire]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = issue 8, August—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 339–340
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8/Occasional Notes#342|Tawny Pipit in Sussex]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = issue 8, August—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 342
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 10/Occasional Notes#448|Wood Sandpiper at Barnstaple]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 10|issue 10, October]]—section 'Occasional Notes'
| pp = 448
}}

* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1897
| title = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 673/Icterine Warbler at Lyme Regis, Mathew|Icterine Warbler at Lyme Regis]] 
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)|4th series, vol 1]]
| issue = [[The Zoologist/4th series, vol 1 (1897)/Issue 673|issue 673, July]]—section 'Notes and Queries'
| pp = 332–333
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1897
| title = Garden Lists of Birds
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 4
| volume = 1
| issue = issue 675, September
| pp = 417–423
}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mathew | first = Murray A. | author-link = :s:en:Author:Murray Alexander Mathew | author-mask = 2
| date = 1898
| title = Melodious Warblers in South-east Devon
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = 4th series, vol 2
| issue = issue 684, June—section 'Notes and Queries'
| pp = 265–266
}}

== About M.A. Mathew ==
* {{cite journal 
| author = C.T.
| date = 1908
| title = Obituary, Rev. Murray A. Mathew, M.A., F.L.S.
| journal = Proceedings of the Somersetshire Archaeological &amp; Natural History Society
| volume = 54
| pp = 164
}}&lt;ref&gt;Obituary online available via [https://sanhs.org/proceedings-volume-54-1908/ this page] of the SANHS.&lt;/ref&gt;


{{rule|5em|align=left}}
{{smallrefs}}


{{PD/US|1908}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:English authors]]
[[Category:Theologians as authors]]
[[Category:Naturalists as authors]]</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/365</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3847276</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507111</id>
      <parentid>12504762</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Dick Bos</username>
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      <text bytes="3180" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH||OCCASIONAL NOTES.|339}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;high on the legs—namely, about fourteen inches—and is a very formidable looking animal, with powerful jaws. The distribution of colours is very similar to those of the Inverness specimen described in 'The Zoologist' (2nd ser. p. 4791), but this cat is darker, and seemingly more aged. How it could have escaped for so many years is wonderful.—{{sc|Henry Hadfield}} (Ventnor, Isle of Wight).

[We are extremely sceptical in regard to the alleged existence of Wild Cats in the South of England at the present day, and, notwithstanding the colour and large size of many of the animals killed, we cannot help regarding them as of hearth-rug ancestry. We should like to know what our readers in the New Forest have to say on the subject.—{{sc|Ed.}}]

{{sc|Purple Gallinule in Somersetshire.}}—On visiting the British Museum, a few days since, I carefully looked at the different species of ''Porphyrio'' in the National Collection, the result being that I satisfied myself tliat my Irish example is not the small ''Porphyrio Martiniquii,'' but the South European ''P. veterum.'' I have read Mr. Smith's remarks on the specimen of this ''Porphyrio'' obtained in Somersetshire, and as he objects to regard it as a straggler to this country, he is bound to bear the ''onus probandi,'' and to bring forward something more than a mere surmise that it is only a bird that has escaped from confinement. Unless, as I have already remarked, there is something altogether exceptional in the bird which is met with at large, it is, in the absence of proof to the contrary, fairly entitled to be ranked as a voluntary straggler to this country. The facilities of importation which exist at the present time, which are rendering this country what Pericles claimed Athens to be, the emporium of the whole world, and that, so far as concerns living specimens of foreign animals as well as the ordinary spoils of merchandize, must not be stretched too far to account for every unusual bird found wild in our woods and fields. To do this is greatly to destroy the romance of British Ornithology. The attitude of the ornithologist in this country should be one of general expectation. From the situation of this island, it offers a natural resting-place to birds which may have lost their reckoning in their migrations both from the Old and the New World. To pronounce, then, of any new-comer to the British list that &quot; it is only an escape&quot; is to cast a damper upon this expectant feeling, and to abandon the peculiar fortune with which the position of this country has enriched its naturalists. It is for this reason, chiefly, that I decline to retire from my defence of the Somersetshire Purple Gallinule, and to ask Mr. Smith to furnish proofs that the specimen in question escaped from an aviary. Does he know of any one who, residing not far from the locality of its capture, happened about that time to lose so rare a bird? Even if he did, I might enquire for certain marks of confinement which all birds, however handsomely treated in the aviary, are almost sure to exhibit; dull, soiled, or abraded plumage; less brilliancy in the coloration of the softer&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{fine block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;egg in a Blackbird's nest (see Yarrell's 'British Birds'), I think it is of sufficiently rare occurrence to be recorded. The notice of a Cuckoo's egg in a Swallow's nest in 'The Zoologist' for June (p. 260) is very interesting, and although it is the first time the egg has been found in the nest of this species, yet as in 'The Zoologist' for 1869 (p. 1866) a description was given of a young Cuckoo falling out of a Swallow's nest, it is to be presumed that the egg must have been previously laid there. If any of your readers know of an instance of a Cuckoo's egg being found in the nest of the Twite, Goldfinch, or Lesser Redpoll, I shall esteem it a favour if he will send me the particulars.—{{sc|[[Author:Edward Bidwell|Edward Bidwell]]}} (7, Ormond Terrace, Richmond).

[In the account referred to ('Zoologist,' 1869, p. 1866), no evidence is adduced to prove that the young Cuckoo was ever in the Swallow's nest. The statement to that effect is purely inferential. It is just as probable that the bird may have been hatched in the neighbouring nest of a Water Wagtail, and on perching on a chimney top in one of its early flights may have overbalanced itself and tumbled down.—{{sc|Ed.}}]

{{sc|Cuckoo evicting Young Hedgesparrows.}}—A Hedgesparrow hatched in May four young ones in a thick bush of ''Arbor Vitæ'' by my drawing-room window. One afternoon I saw a Cuckoo fly down right into the middle of the bush, and a great scuffle ensued. I ran up and found the nest empty, and all four young birds on the ground. I replaced them in the nest, and thought I had frightened away my Hedgesparrows' enemy for good. However, three days after I looked at my nest on returning from London, and found the four young birds on the ground. They were stiff, and I thought dying, but I replaced them as before. Under their mother's warm feathers three of them recovered; one died. A day or two after I found on my return from London all the birds again on the ground quite dead. They had evidently been out of their nest some hours. I have not a doubt that on each of the last two occasions the Cuckoo was the culprit, but she (if it was a she) never laid an egg, and the only just verdict I can think of is &quot;malice prepense.&quot;—{{sc|J.H. Buxton}} (Nuusbury, Hoddesdon).

{{sc|The Collared Duck,}} ''Fuligula collaris'' (Donovan).—When at Liverpool, in April, 1876, I was informed by Mr. T.J. Moore that he had recently met with three ducks of the above species in St. John's Market. This is a capital market for rarities. On a former visit I found a Nyroca, or White-eyed Pochard, there among a row of Tufted Ducks. In the present case there was no doubt of the Collared Ducks having been imported from America; but the species was met with in Leadenhall Market, London, so long ago as January, 1801, by Donovan (who seems to have been the first describer of it), and why it was excluded from the British list by Yarrell I do not know. The American Wigeon, which was also obtained in Leadenhall Market, was admitted on the ground that it was found here&lt;noinclude&gt;{{fine block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3090" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH||OCCASIONAL NOTES.|341}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;egg in a Blackbird's nest (see Yarrell's 'British Birds'), I think it is of sufficiently rare occurrence to be recorded. The notice of a Cuckoo's egg in a Swallow's nest in 'The Zoologist' for June (p. 260) is very interesting, and although it is the first time the egg has been found in the nest of this species, yet as in 'The Zoologist' for 1869 (p. 1866) a description was given of a young Cuckoo falling out of a Swallow's nest, it is to be presumed that the egg must have been previously laid there. If any of your readers know of an instance of a Cuckoo's egg being found in the nest of the Twite, Goldfinch, or Lesser Redpoll, I shall esteem it a favour if he will send me the particulars.—{{sc|[[Author:Edward Bidwell|Edward Bidwell]]}} (7, Ormond Terrace, Richmond).

[In the account referred to ('Zoologist,' 1869, p. 1866), no evidence is adduced to prove that the young Cuckoo was ever in the Swallow's nest. The statement to that effect is purely inferential. It is just as probable that the bird may have been hatched in the neighbouring nest of a Water Wagtail, and on perching on a chimney top in one of its early flights may have overbalanced itself and tumbled down.—{{sc|Ed.}}]

{{sc|Cuckoo evicting Young Hedgesparrows.}}—A Hedgesparrow hatched in May four young ones in a thick bush of ''Arbor Vitæ'' by my drawing-room window. One afternoon I saw a Cuckoo fly down right into the middle of the bush, and a great scuffle ensued. I ran up and found the nest empty, and all four young birds on the ground. I replaced them in the nest, and thought I had frightened away my Hedgesparrows' enemy for good. However, three days after I looked at my nest on returning from London, and found the four young birds on the ground. They were stiff, and I thought dying, but I replaced them as before. Under their mother's warm feathers three of them recovered; one died. A day or two after I found on my return from London all the birds again on the ground quite dead. They had evidently been out of their nest some hours. I have not a doubt that on each of the last two occasions the Cuckoo was the culprit, but she (if it was a she) never laid an egg, and the only just verdict I can think of is &quot;malice prepense.&quot;—{{sc|J.H. Buxton}} (Nuusbury, Hoddesdon).

{{sc|The Collared Duck,}} ''Fuligula collaris'' (Donovan).—When at Liverpool, in April, 1876, I was informed by Mr. T.J. Moore that he had recently met with three ducks of the above species in St. John's Market. This is a capital market for rarities. On a former visit I found a Nyroca, or White-eyed Pochard, there among a row of Tufted Ducks. In the present case there was no doubt of the Collared Ducks having been imported from America; but the species was met with in Leadenhall Market, London, so long ago as January, 1801, by Donovan (who seems to have been the first describer of it), and why it was excluded from the British list by Yarrell I do not know. The American Wigeon, which was also obtained in Leadenhall Market, was admitted on the ground that it was found here&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/369</title>
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      <text bytes="3028" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH||OCCASIONAL NOTES.|343}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{sc|Pied Flycatcher and other Birds in the Isle of Wight.}}—On the 30th April, when at Sea View, I was asked to identify a strange bird shot in the neighbourhood on the 28th. It proved to be a male Pied Flycatcher, in perfect plumage. This species is of rare occurrence here. Yarrell refers to a specimen shot in the island, and I believe one was killed near Freshwater a few years since. I was shown a Thick-kneed Plover, shot in the island on March 12th, 1876. Mr. Careless has had the following birds brought to him in the flesh, all killed in the island:—Crossbill (in January), Black-throated Diver (during the winter), Velvet Scoter, Great Black-backed Gull, Fulmar Petrel, Crested Lark, Short-eared Owl, Sheldrake, Lesser Spotted Woodpecker (a rare visitant), also a Hooded Crow—seldom met with in the island.—{{sc|[[Author:Henry Hadfield|Henry Hadfield]]}} (Ventnor, Isle of Wight).

[We should like to know something more about the Crested Lark. When, where, and by whom shot, and by whom identified? We have seen many a Sky Lark with a good crest fondly regarded by its owner as a veritable Crested Lark.—{{sc|Ed.}}]

{{sc|Singular Variety of the House Martin.}}—I have lately obtained from a birdstuffer at Worthing, in this county, a very beautiful variety of the House Martin, the whole of the quills of the wings and the bastard wings being of a pure white, while the rest of the plumage is of the usual colour. It is a bird of the year, and was shot near Worthing in the autumn of last year.—{{sc|[[Author:William Borrer (1814-1898)|William Borrer]]}} (Cowfold, Sussex).

{{sc|Spoonbills in Suffolk in June.}}—During the early part of June a flock of nine Spoonbills frequented the marshes adjoining the coast near Aldborough, and to the credit of the resident gunners,—who, I am glad to say, respect the Wild Fowl Protection Act,—they were allowed to remain unmolested. It is to be hoped that continued protection may beget sufficient confidence in these beautiful birds to induce them again to take up their quarters, as of old, in this country during the breeding season.—{{sc|F. Kerry}} (Harwich).

{{sc|Spoonbill near Ely.}}—A spoonbill has been seen in the neighbourhood of Ely for some days, but has now (July 9th) departed. I am glad to say it escaped the snare of the fowler.—{{sc|H.M. Upcher}} (Feltwell).

{{sc|Wings against Steam.}}—On July 13th there was a race from Dover to London between the continental mail express train and a carrier pigeon conveying a document of an urgent nature from the French police. The pigeon, which was bred by Messrs. Hartley and Sons, of Woolwich, and &quot;homed&quot; when a few weeks old to a building in Cannon-street, City, was of the best breed of homing pigeons, known as &quot;Belgian voyageurs.&quot; The bird was tossed through the railway carriage window by a French official as the train moved from the Admiralty Pier, the wind being west and the atmosphere hazy, but with the sun shining. For upwards of a minute the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="4858" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|90|''Monthly List of New Publications.''|[April.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|MONTHLY LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.}}


LONDON.}}

{{c|{{sm|ANTIQUITIES.}}}}

{{sc|The}} unedited Antiquities of Attica; comprising the Architectural Remains of Eleusis, Rhamnus, Sunium, and Thoricus; by the Dilettanti Society; imperial folio, with 84 engravings. £10, 10s. 

{{c|{{sm|BIOGRAPHY.}}}}

Memoirs of the Life and Doctrines of the late John Hunter, Esq. founder of the Hunterian Museum at the Royal College of Surgeons, Glasgow; by J. Adams, M.D. 12s. 6d. 

Lives of the British Admirals; by J. Campbell. Vol. VII. and VIII. 8vo, £1, 4s.; royal 8vo, £1, 10s. 

Historical Anecdotes of some of the Howard Family, 8vo. 7s. 

Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the late Dr Lettsom, &amp;c.; by T. J. Pettigrew, F.L.S. 3 vols 8vo. £1, 16s. 

Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Rev. Claudius Buchanan, D. D. late Vice-Provost of the College of Fort William in Bengal; by the Rev. [[Author:Hugh Pearson|Hugh Pearson]] of St John's College, Oxford, 2 vols 8vo. £1. 1s. 

Life and Studies of Benjamin West, Esq.; by [[Author:John Gait|John Gait]], 8vo. 7s. 

{{c|{{sm|BOTANY.}}}}

Pomona Britannica: by [[Author:George Brookshaw|George Brookshaw]], Part X. royal 4to. £1, 1s. 

{{c|{{sm|DRAMA.}}}}

Manuel, a Tragedy; by the Author of Bertram. 4s. 6d. 

Laou-Seng-Urh, or an Heir in his Old Age; a Chinese Drama, translated from the original Chinese by [[Author:J. F. Davis|J. F. Davis]], Esq. of Canton; to which is prefixed, a brief View of the Chinese Drama, and of their Theatrical Exhibitions. 5s. 6d. 

Frightened to Death; a Musical Farce, in Two Acts; by [[Author:W. C. Oulton|W. C. Oulton]]. 2s. 

[[The Theatrical Inquisitor and Monthly Mirror]], No 55. 

Wat Tyler, a Dramatic Poem, 8vo. 3s. 6d. 

{{c|{{sm|EDUCATION.}}}}

Fairy Tales, or Stories of Fable and Fiction; selected by [[Author:Benjamin Tabart|Benj. Tabart]] from the works of Goose, Bunch, Oberon, Mab, &amp;c. &amp;c. 4s. 6d. 

The Elegant Girl, or Virtuous Principles the true Source of Elegant Manners; illustrated by 12 large, beautiful, and impressive coloured prints. 16s. 

Moral Culture attempted, in a series of Lectures to Sunday Schools in Birmingham; by [[Author:James Luckcock|James Luckcock]]. 4s. 

Robinson Crusoe, written by himself; a new edition, revised and corrected for the advancement of Nautical Education; illustrated by technical and geographical annotation, and embellished with maps and engravings; by the Hydrographer of the Naval Chronicle. £2, 2s. and £1, 1s. 

French and English Dialogues; written for the use of the Countess of Sefton's Children; by Miss Dickenson. 2s. 6d. 

The First Step to the French Tongue, designed as an easy Introduction to, and consisting entirely of, the Verbs, with practical Exercises; by A. Picquot. 1s. 6d. 

Latin Exercises; by J. Whittaker, 12mo. 3s. 

Dictionary of French Homonymes; by T. Harmond, 12mo. 3s. 

The French Scholar's First Book; by M. le Breton, 12mo. 2s. 

A Dictionary of Nouns, or Alvearium of Definitions; by Ralph Sharp. 2s. 6d. 

Fifth Annual Report of the National Society for the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church throughout England and Wales. 5s. 

Virgil, with English Notes at the end, including many from the Delphini and other editions. 7s. 6d. 

A Second Edition of Valpy's Edition of Virgil, without Notes. 4s. bound. 

Epitome Sacræ Historian, with English Notes. 2s. bound. 

Stephen's Greek Thesaurus, No II. 

The Art of Talking with the Fingers, for the use of the Deaf and Dumb. 1s. 

An Introduction to the Method of Increments, &amp;c.; by [[Author:Peter Nicholson|Peter Nicholson]], 8vo. 8s. 

The Book of Versions, or Guide to French Translation and Construction; by J. Cherpilloud, 12mo. 3s. 6d. bound. 

A Modern French Grammar; by [[Author:Charles Peter Whitaker|Charles Peter Whitaker]], 18mo. 6s. 6d. 

Elementary Fortification; by Lieut-Col. Pasley, 3 vols 8vo. £3. 

Education in Public Schools; containing Four Tracts for and against—from the Edinburgh Review—the Classical Journal—the Pamphleteer—and also, Dr Vincent's celebrated Tract. 5s. 12mo. 

{{c|{{sm|FINE ARTS.}}}}

Composition in Outline from Hesiod's Theogeny, Weeks and Days, and the Days; engraved by J. Blake, from designs by John Flaxman, R.A. printed to correspond with the Outlines from Homer, &amp;c. 

The Costume of the Netherlands, Part I. containing 10 coloured engravings, with letter-press descriptions in English and French. 15s. 

Day-light; a recent Discovery in the Art of Painting, with Hints on the Philosophy of the Fine Arts; by H. Richter. 4s. 

{{c|{{sm|HISTORY.}}}}

A History of Muhammedanism; comprising the Life of the Arabian Prophet, and succinct accounts of the empires founded by the Muhammudan arms, &amp;c.; by [[Author:Charles Mills|Chas. Mills]], Esq. 8vo. 12s. 
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    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/373</title>
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      <text bytes="3239" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH||PROCEEDINGS OF SCIENTIFIC SOCIETIES.|347}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;species and genera obtained, and gives good drawings of the anatomy of some of the new and most remarkable forms. He also adds a useful note concerning the best method of preserving these soft and delicate creatures.

The abstract of a &quot;Monograph of the Gymnozoidal Discostomatous Flagellata, with a new Scheme of Classification of the ''Protozoa'',&quot; by Mr. W. Saville-Kent, was read by the Secretary. In this communication the writer places on record the results of his extended investigations among that remarkable &quot;collar-bearing&quot; group of the flagellate ''Infusoria'' first introduced to scientific notice by the late Prof. H. J. Clark of Pennsylvania, in 1868. By Mr. Kent's researches, the group is now made to embrace no less than eight well-marked genera and about forty species, in place of the two genera and four species first introduced by Prof. Clark. The majority of the members of this group are sedentary in their habits, being attached in a sessile manner by a pedicle to aquatic objects. Compound colonies are frequently produced, rivalling in luxuriance, &amp;c,, colony stalks of ''Epistylis,'' &amp;c., among higher ciliate ''Infusoria.'' Some are characterized by inhabiting transparent Coricæ, after the manner of ''Vaginicola,'' and others rove freely through the water. All are of such minute size as to require a magnifying power of at least 500 diameters for their investigation, and possibly to this circumstance they may so long have escaped the attention of observers. The chief significance that attaches to the collar-bearing group in question is the circumstance, first recognized by Prof. J. Clark, that similar animalcules constitute the fundamental basis and the essential living units of all known Sponges. This identity of structure, confirmed by the investigations of Mr. Carter, has been followed up in Mr. Kent's memoir, and is held by him to be subversive of Prof. Haeckel's theory as to the coelenterate nature of Sponges. Mr. Kent further submits a proposition for a new classification of the subkingdom ''Protozoa,'' which he divides into four leading natural groups of equal value, the distinctive features of which are afforded by the characters of the oral or interruptive area. These Protozoan groups are termed by him, (1) ''Olostomata,'' (2) ''Polystomata,'' (3) ''Discostomata,'' and (4) ''Monostomata.''

Another paper, which may be considered as appertaining to a zoological moot subject, was read by Prof. Charlton Bastian, ''viz.,'' &quot;On the Conditions favouring Fermentation and the Appearances of ''Bacteria''.&quot; In this the author puts his matter in a fourfold aspect:—1. He makes known in detail certain experimental conditions which he has found to be highly favourable to the occurrence of fermentation in boiled fluids.{{gap|1em}}2. He records fresh instances of the occurrence of fermentation in boiled acid fluids, which according to M. Pasteur invariably remain barren.{{gap|1em}}3. He brings forward certain crucial evidence upon the disputed interpretation of the fertility of boiled neutral or faintly alkaline fluids.{{gap|1em}}4. He adduces further instances of fermentation of fluids heated to 230° Fahr. and upwards.
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    <title>Page:The Zoologist, 3rd series, vol 1 (1877).djvu/375</title>
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      <text bytes="2873" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;{{RH||PROCEEDINGS OF SCIENTIFIC SOCIETIES.|349}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Mr. J.P. Mansell Weale read notes &quot;On Variations in Rhopalocerous forms inhabiting South Africa.&quot; The author, after stating that he had travelled over most of the eastern districts of the Cape Colony, alluded to the distribution of plants as affecting that of insects, and noticed the apparent encroachments of the subtropical flora and insect fauna along the south-eastern seaboard, the absence of any great barriers and the general uniformity tending to produce close variations. He exhibited and remarked on a large series of ''Papilio merope,'' male and female, some reared by him, and all collected in one small wooded gully, isolated in an open grass country. He also exhibited male and female ''Nymphales xiphares'' (''Thyestes''), the male of which is wanting in the National Collection, remarking on the apparent imitation by the female of ''Amauris Echeria.'' He next exhibited and remarked on a series of imagines of ''Aeræa Esetria,'' some of the forms of which are separated by some entomologists, and stated that all the forms had been reared from larvae collected on a single plant. He next exhibited a series of ''Innonia Pelasgis'' and ''Archesia,'' showing a very close gradation linking the two forms, and showed that some of the latter approached ''I. Amestris'', although the alliance was not so evident as in ''I. Pelasgis.'' He objected to the use of the name &quot;species&quot; as too freely used among plants and insects, and suggested that it merely implied a provisionally uncertain distinction of apparently important differences. In illustration of this, he exhibited specimens of ''Callosune Evarne'' and ''Keiskamma,'' two forms hitherto held distinct, but of which the ova, larvæ and pupæ exhibited no differences, although in two broods in successive years the forms appeared separately. He also remarked on artificially produced changes in the pupæ.

Prof. Westwood stated that he had just received collections of Coleoptera and Lepidoptera from South Africa, collected by Mr. Gates.

The Secretary read a letter from Mr. W.G. Gibson, of Dumfries, stating that ''Colias Edusa'' had made its appearance in that district during the month of June, and suggesting that its occurrence might be accounted for by the large importation of foreign clover.

Prof. Westwood stated that Mr. Alexander Wallace had informed him that both ''Colias Edusa'' and ''Hyale'' were very common about Colchester in June.

Prof. Westwood brought under the Society's notice the recent accounts of the appearance of the Colorado beetle in Ontario and near Cologne.

Mr. May handed in a copy of the Memorandum issued by the Canadian Minister of Agriculture in relation to this insect.

Part II. of the 'Transactions' for 1877 was on the table.—{{sc|R. Meldola,}}
''Hon. Sec.''
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 | title      = Theft Act 1968
 | author     = | override_author  = by [[Portal:Parliament of the United Kingdom|the Parliament of the United Kingdom]]
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = 
 | year       = 1968 |noyear=yes
 | portal     = Acts of the Parliament of the United Kingdom
 | notes      = '''Date of Commencement: 1 January 1969'''  (s. 35)&lt;br&gt;For corresponding provisions in Hong Kong law, see most provisions of the Theft Ordinance (Cap. 210). Some provisions are consolidated in ss. 26 and 36 the Post Office Ordinance (Cap. 98) and s. 16A of the Summary Offences Ordinance (Cap. 228).
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Salutes each other with each others forme.
For speculation turnes not to it selfe,
Till it hath trauail'd, and is married there
Where it may see it selfe: this is not strange at all.

''Vlis.''
I doe not straine it at the position,
It is familiar; but at the Authors drift,
Who in his circumstance, expresly proues
That no may is the Lord of any thing,
(Though in and of him there is much consisting,)
Till he communicate his parts to others:
Nor doth he of himselfe know them for ought,
Till he behold them formed in th'applause,
Where they are extended: who like an arch reuerb'rate
The voyce againe; or like a gate of steele,
Fronting the Sunne, receiues and renders backe
His figure, and his heate. I was much rapt in this,
And apprehended here immediately:
The vnknowne ''Aiax'';
Heauens what a man is there? a very Horse,
That has he knowes not what. Nature, what things there are.
Most abiect in regard, and deare in vse.
What things againe most deere in the esteeme,
And poore in worth: now shall we see tomorrow,
An act that very chance doth throw vpon him?
''Aiax'' renown'd? O heauens, what some men doe,
While some men leaue to doe!
How some men creepe in skittish fortunes hall,
Whiles others play the Ideots in her eyes:
How one man eates into anothers pride,
While pride is feasting in his wantonnesse
To see these Grecian Lords; why, euen already,
They clap the lubber ''Aiax'' on the shoulder,
As if his foote were on braue ''Hectors'' brest,
And great ''Troy'' shrinking.

''Achil.''
I doe beleeue it:
For they past by me, as mysers doe by beggars,
Neither gaue to me good word, nor looke:
What are my deedes forgot?

''Vlis.''
Time hath (my Lord) a wallet at his backe,
Wherein he puts almes for obliuion:
A great siz'd monster of ingratitudes:
Those scraps are good deedes past,
Which are deuour'd as fast as they are made,
{{anchor|Tennysonianap87}}Forgot as soone as done: perseuerance. deere my Lord,
Keepes honor bright, to haue done, is to hang
Quite out of fashion, like a rustie male,
In monumentall mockrie: take the instant way,
For honour trauels in a straight so narrow,
Where one but goes a breast, keepe then the path:
For emulation hath a thousand Sonnes,
That one by one pursue; if you giue way,
Or hedge aside from the direct forth right;
Like to an entred Tyde, they all rush by,
And leaue you hindmost:
Or like a gallant Horse falne in first ranke,
Lye there for pauement to the abiect, neere
Ore-run and trampled on: then what they doe in present,
Though lesse then yours in past, must ore-top yours:
For time is like a fashionable Hoste,
That slightly shakes his parting Guest by th'hand;
And with his armes out-stretcht as he would flye,
Graspes in the commer: the welcome euer smiles,
And farewels goes out fighing: O let not vertue seeke
Remuneration for the thing it was: for beautie, wit,
High birth, vigor of bone, desert in seruice,
Loue, friendship, charity, are subiects all
To enuious and calumniating time:
One touch of nature makes the whole world kin:
That all with one consent praise new borne gaudes,
Though they are made and moulded of things past,
And goe to dust, that is a little guilt,
More laud then guilt oredusted.
The present eye praises the {{reconstruct|present}} obiect:
Then maruell not thou great and compleat man,
That all the Greekes begin to worship ''Aiax'';
Since things in motion begin to catch the eye,
Then what not stirs: the cry went out on thee,
And still it might, and yet it may againe,
If thou would'st not entombe thy selfe aliue,
And case thy reputation in thy Tent;
Whose glorious deedes, but in these fields of late,
Made emulous missions 'mongst the gods themselues,
And draue great ''Mars'' to faction.

''Achil.''
Of this my priuacie,
I haue strong reasons.

''Vlis.''
But'gainst your priuacie
The reasons are more potent and heroycall:
'Tis knowne ''Achilles'', that you are in loue
With one of ''Priams'' daughters.

''Achil.''
Ha? knowne?

''Vlis.''
Is that a wonder?
The prouidence that's in a watchfull State,
Knowes almost euery graine of Plutoes gold;
Findes bottome in th'vncomprehensiue deepes;
Keepes place with thought; and almost like the gods,
Doe thoughts vnuaile in their dumbe cradles:
There is a mysterie (with whom relation
Durst neuer meddle) in the soule of State;
Which hath an operation more diuine,
Then breath or pen can giue expressure to:
All the commerse that you haue had with Troy,
As perfectly is ours, as yours, my Lord.
And better would it fit ''Achilles'' much,
To throw downe ''Hector'' then ''Polixena''.
But it must grieue yong ''Pirhus'' now at home,
When fame shall in her Iland sound her trumpe;
And all the Greekish Girles shall tripping sing,
Great ''Hectors'' sister did ''Achilles'' winne;
But our great ''Aiax'' brauely beate downe him.
Farewell my Lord: I as your louer speake;
The foole slides ore the Ice that you should breake.

''Patr.''
To this effect ''Achilles'' haue I mou'd you;
A woman impudent and mannish growne,
Is not more loth'd, then an effeminate man,
In time of action: I stand condemn'd for this;
They thinke my little stomacke to the warre,
And your great loue to me, restraines you thus:
Sweete, rouse your selfe; and the weake wanton ''Cupid''
Shall from your necke vnloose his amorous fould,
And like a dew drop from the Lyons mane,
Be shooke to ayrie ayre.

''Achil.''
Shall ''Aiax'' fight with ''Hector''?

''Patr.''
I, and perhaps receiue much honor by him.

''Achil.''
I see my reputation is at stake,
My fame is shrowdly gored.

''Patr.''
O then beware:
Those wounds heale ill, that men doe giue themselues:
Omission to doe what is necessary,
Seales a commission to a blanke of danger,
And danger like an ague subtly taints
Euen then when we sit idely in the sunne.

''Achil.''
Goe call ''Thersites'' hither sweet ''Patroclus'',
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}} {{continues|Ile}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Kidnapped (Stevenson)</title>
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      <comment>moved from [[Wikidata:Q444144]] ([[Wikipedia:Kidnapped]] etc.; replaced with [[Kidnapped]]; unmerging [[Wikidata:Q108867387]] ([[pl:Porwany za młodu]])) to [[Wikidata:Q2349094]] ([[Wikipedia:Kidnapped (novel)]] etc.; replacing [[Kidnapped (Stevenson, 1895)]])</comment>
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      <text bytes="1022" xml:space="preserve">{{similar|Kidnapped}}
{{versions
 | title      = Kidnapped
 | author     = Robert Louis Stevenson
 | portal     = 
 | notes      = '''Kidnapped''' was originally issued serially in ''Young Folks'', vol. xxviii. pp. 273-275, 289-291, 305-307, 321-323, 337-339, 353-355, 369-371, 385-387, 401-403; vol. xxix. pp. 1-3, 17-19, 33-35, 49-51, 68 (May 1 to July 13, 1886). It first appeared in book form in the same year. 
}}

*''[[Kidnapped (Stevenson, 1887)|Kidnapped, being Memoirs of the Adventures of David Balfour in the Year 1751]]'' (1887), illustrated by [[Author:William Brassey Hole|William Brassey Hole]] {{ssl|Kidnapped being memoirs of the adventures of David Balfour in the year 1751 (1886).pdf}}
*''[[Kidnapped (Stevenson, 1895)|Kidnapped, being memoirs of the adventures of David Balfour in the year 1751]]'' (1895) (unsourced edition), a reprint of the 1887 edition using different plates.

==Film adaptations==
*''[[Kidnapped (1917 film)|Kidnapped]]'' (1917), directed by [[Author:Alan Crosland|Alan Crosland]]</text>
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    <title>Page:PracticalCommentaryOnHolyScripture.djvu/494</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="3317" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;everything  which  Jesus  did  and  taught  is  related  in  Holy  Scripture. 
St.John  writes  thus  at  the  end  of  his  Gospel  (21,  15):  ‘‘There  are  also 
many  other  things  which  Jesus  did,  which  if  they  were  written  every 
one,  the  world  itself,  I think,  would  not  be  able  to  contain  the  books 
that  should  be  written!”  Christian  revelation  is,  therefore,  only  partly 
contained  in  Holy  Scripture. 

In  His  ''Discourse  with  Nicodemus''  our  Lord  has  revealed  to  us  the 
chief  truths  of  the  Christian  religion. 

1.  ''The  Holy  Trinity.'' The  words  of  our  Lord  imply  that  there 
are  three  Persons  in  God: God  the  Father,  who  gave  His  only-begotten 
Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  whom  man  must  be  born  again. 

2. ''The  Incarnation.''  The  only-begotten  Son  of  God,  who  came 
into  the  world,  is  also  the  Son  of  Man,  the  divine  and  human  natures 
being  in  Him  united  in  one  Person. 

3.  ''The  Sufferings  of  Christ.'' “As  Moses  lifted  up  the  serpent  in 
the  desert,  so  must  the  Son  of  Man  be  lifted  up.”  Jesus  therefore 
knew  definitely  from  the  beginning  that  He  would  die  on  the  Cross; 
and  His  bitter  Passion  and  Death  were  ever  before  Him!  To  offer 
Himself  on  the  Cross  was  the  object  of  His  Incarnation! 

4.  ''The  Object  of  His  Passion  and  Death''  is  also  clearly  stated  in 
the  words:  “that  the  world  may  be  saved  by  Him”,  and  “that  whosoever 
believeth  in  Him  may  not  perish,  but  may  have  life  everlasting”.  He 
willed  to  suffer  and  die  in  order  to  save  man  from  eternal  loss,  and 
obtain  happiness  for  him.  He  died  for  all  men,  and  is  therefore  the 
Redeemer  of  the  whole  world. 

5.  ''The  infinite  Love  of  God.''  Why  was  it  the  will  of  the  Son  of 
God  to  redeem  us? What  was  the  motive  of  His  Incarnation  and  Death? 
It  was,  in  a word,  His  infinite  and  divine  love  for  man.  “God  so  loved 
the  world  as  to  give  His  only-begotten  Son!”  What!  God,  the  Most 
Holy,  loved  the  world,  laden  with  sin  and  a curse! He  loved  the  men 
who  had  offended  Him  and  turned  against  Him  millions  of  times.  And 
He  loved  them  so  much  as  to  give  for  them  all  that  was  greatest  and 
dearest,  even  His  only-begotten  Son,  to  suffer  for  them  humility,  poverty, 
persecution,  and  even  a miserable  death  upon  the  Cross! O,  unfathomable 
and  inconceivable  love  of  God! 

6.  ''The  necessity  of  Baptism.''  Only  he  who  is  born  again  of  water 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  has  any  part  in  the  kingdom  of  God.  By 
Baptism  man  becomes  a member  of  God’s  kingdom  upon  earth,  i.  e. 
the  Church  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  an  heir  of  God’s  kingdom  in  heaven. 
Thus  Baptism  is  absolutely  necessary  to  salvation. 

7.  ''Original  sin.''  The  words  of  our  Lord  testify  to  the  existence 
of  original  sin.  They  suppose  that  by  our  natural  birth  we  have  not 
that  spiritual  divine  life  in  our  soul  which  was  given  to  our  first  parents 
in  Paradise,  and  consequently  that  we  have  lost  the  principle  of  that&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/235</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506554</id>
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        <id>316019</id>
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      <text bytes="1882" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|199|XXII. THE STORY OF THE HOLY SWANS.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;99. 'Mayst thou, then, rule thy land with righteousness, and may the Lord of the Celestials have thee in his guard! But though thy presence purifies those who rest on thee, yet must I leave thee now. The sorrow of my fellow-swans draws me to them, so to speak.'

The king and all those present approved of the words spoken by the Bodhisattva. Then he dismissed both excellent swans in the most honourable and kind terms.

The Bodhisattva mounted upward to the sky, which, adorned by the serene beauty of autumn, was as dark-blue as a spotless sword-blade, and followed by Sumukha, his commander-in-chief, as by his reflected image, joined his tribe of swans. And those, by the very sight of him, were filled with the utmost gladness.

100. And after some time that swan, a passionate lover as he was of compassion for his neighbour, came back to the king with his swans, and discoursed to him on the Law of Righteousness. And the king with respectfully bowed head in return honoured him.

In this way, then, the virtuous, even when in distress, behave in such manner as cannot be imitated by the impious; how much less are the latter able to follow up the conduct of the virtuous, when favoured by fortune! [This story is also to be adduced, when praising pious language: 'In this manner a pious language conduces to the good of both &lt;ref&gt;Viz. the speaker and the listener.&lt;/ref&gt;.' Likewise, when treating of pious friends : In this manner they who possess a pious friend will be successful even in dangerous circumstances.' Also to exemplify the fact of the presbyter Ananda having been a companion (to the Lord) still in previous births : 'So this presbyter sharing the vicissitudes of the Bodhisattva, cherished affection and veneration (for the Lord) for a long, long time.']
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*[[A Treatise on Painting/The Life of Leonardo da Vinci|The Life of Leonardo da Vinci]]
*[[A Treatise on Painting/Catalogue of the Works of Leonardo da Vinci|Catalogue of the Works of Leonardo da Vinci]]
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[[Category:Monthly Challenge (May 2022)]]
[[Category:Monthly Challenge (June 2022)]]
[[Category:Monthly Challenge (July 2022)]]</text>
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[[Category:Monthly Challenge (June 2022)]]
[[Category:Monthly Challenge (July 2022)]]</text>
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 | title      = A Treatise on Painting
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      <id>12507917</id>
      <parentid>12290556</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:03:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Imzadi1979</username>
        <id>138696</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>fix</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2474" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Imzadi1979&quot; /&gt;{{right|311}}
{{center|- 4 -}}
{|
|-
|{{center|&lt;u&gt;STATE &amp; ROUTE&lt;/u&gt;}}
|{{center|&lt;u&gt;DESCRIPTION&lt;/u&gt;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
MISSOURI&lt;br/&gt;
:US Route 60&lt;br/&gt;
:Relocation&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning at interchange of present US 60 and US 65 Southeast of Galloway, thence in an east direction along present US 60 a distance of approximately 8 miles to west edge of Rogersville, thence on new location south of Rogersville and eastward to intersection with present US 60 about 2 miles east of Rogersville.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
:US Route 60 B.&amp;nbsp;R.&lt;br/&gt;
:Recognition of a Business Route
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning on present US 60 about 1 mile west of Rogersville, thence over former US 60 through Rogersville to a point about 2 miles east of Rogersville at junction of former US 60 and new location of US 60.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
:US Route 166&lt;br/&gt;
:Removal of Portion&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning at the interchange of US 166 and I-44 just east of the Missouri-Oklahoma state line thence easterly over I-44 south of Joplin, via Fidelity Comer, Sarcoxie, Mt. Vernon, Chesapeake and Republic to intersection with US 60 east of Republic, thence northeasterly over US 60 to junction with US 65 in southeast Springfield, thence north over US 65 to junction with US 66 in northeast edge of Springfield.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
ARKANSAS&lt;br/&gt;
:US Route 65&lt;br/&gt;
:Relocation&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning at junction of present US 65 and new facility constructed as I-40 north of Mayflower, thence southerly over I-40 to interchange with I-40, I-30 and US 167 in North Little Rock, thence south with US 167 via Little Rock to interchange of US 167 and US 65 south of Little Rock, thence in a southeasterly direction to present US 65 south of Hensley.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
:US Route 79&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning at junction of present US 79 and US 167 north of Fordyce, thence west and southwest on new facility to intersection of present US 79 west of Fordyce at Beech Grove.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
:US Route 167&lt;br/&gt;
:Relocation&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
{{center|(Little Rock Section)}}&lt;br/&gt;
Beginning on present US 167 at interchange with Roosevelt Road in Little Rock, thence south on new facility to interchange with I-30, thence continue southerly on new facility to interchange with US 65, thence southwesterly to junction with present US 167 south of East End.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
|}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ap21i59rq15qbvcxfqvsbw2oqdqs912</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:AASHO USRN 1965-10-02.pdf/5</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3942206</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507939</id>
      <parentid>12290565</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:34:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Imzadi1979</username>
        <id>138696</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>fix</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2897" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Imzadi1979&quot; /&gt;{{right|312}}
{{center|- 5 -}}
{|
|-
|{{center|&lt;u&gt;STATE &amp; ROUTE&lt;/u&gt;}}
|{{center|&lt;u&gt;DESCRIPTION&lt;/u&gt;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
&lt;noinclude&gt;ARKANSAS (cont'd.)&lt;br/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;
:US Route 167&lt;br/&gt;
:Relocation&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
{{center|(Fordyce Section)}}
Beginning at junction of present US 167 and US 79 north of Fordyce, thence westerly and southwesterly on new location to junction with present US 167 at Beech Grove.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
GEORGIA&lt;br/&gt;
:US Routes 23-441&lt;br/&gt;
:Relocation
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning at junction with present US Routes 23-441 and State Route 15 in Tallulah Falls, thence over SR 15 in a northerly direction passing east of Tiger via Clayton to junction with, present US 23-441 south of Mountain City.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
INDIANA&lt;br/&gt;
:US Route 6 B.&amp;nbsp;R.&lt;br/&gt;
:Recognition of a Business Route&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning at the junction of present US Route 6, I-80 and State Route 141 in Hammond, thence south over SR 141 to junction with former US 6 in Munster, thence easterly over former US 6 to junction with present US 6 and State Route 51.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
CALIFORNIA&lt;br/&gt;
:US Route 60&lt;br/&gt;
:Elimination of portion of Route&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning at the junction of present US Route 60 and US 101 in Los Angeles, thence easterly over present US 60 via {{SIC|Pamona|Pomona}}, Ontario, Riverside, Beaumont, Banning, Indio to junction with US 95 2 miles east of Blythe.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
SOUTH CAROLINA&lt;br/&gt;
:US Route 521 {{SIC|B.&amp;nbsp;P.|B.&amp;nbssp;R.}}&lt;br/&gt;
:Recognition of a Business Route&lt;br/&gt;
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning on present US 521 at the junction with proposed US 521 By-pass north and slightly west of Lancaster, thence run in a southeasterly direction through Lancaster on present US 521 to junction with proposed US 521 By-pass south of Lancaster.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
:US Route 521 B.&amp;nbsp;P.&lt;br/&gt;
:Recognition of a By-pass Route&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}}
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning at the junction of present US 521 and a new high type facility north and slightly west of Lancaster, thence in a southeasterly and southerly direction on new location to junction with present US 521 south of Lancaster.
|-
|{{ts|vtp|pr2|w40}}|
MONTANA&lt;br/&gt;
:US Route Ext.&lt;br/&gt;
:(Resubmission with Modification)&lt;br/&gt;
::{{u|APPROVED}} with commitment that the route will be systematically improved to adequate standards as rapidly as possible.
|{{ts|vtp}}|
Beginning in West Yellowstone at the junction of US Routes 20-191 and State Route 287, thence westerly to junction with US Routes 20-191 and SR 287 west of West Yellowstone, thence northerly over SR287 via Ennis, Harrison, Townsend and East Helena to junction with I-15 in Helena, thence northerly with SR-287 and I-15 to Wolf Creek, thence continue northerly on SR-287 via Augusta to junction with US 89 at Choteau.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
|}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>f25530cxtk2i9greyrcl773bhc5t2tx</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Angel of Lonesome Hill</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>3946222</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506675</id>
      <parentid>12476600</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:55:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Mpaa</username>
        <id>257091</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>transcluded</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="550" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = The Angel of Lonesome Hill
 | author     = Frederick Landis
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = 
 | year       = 1910
 | notes      = 
}}


&lt;pages index=&quot;The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu&quot; from=2 to=2 /&gt;


{{page break|label=}}


&lt;pages index=&quot;The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu&quot; from=3 to=3 /&gt;


{{page break|label=}}


&lt;pages index=&quot;The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu&quot; from=4 to=4 /&gt;


{{page break|label=}}


&lt;pages index=&quot;The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu&quot; from=5 to=44 /&gt;</text>
      <sha1>jrj4bckv4xu2gq4a9xyq66m9u4yzhzh</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>MediaWiki:Gadget-transclusion-check.js</title>
    <ns>8</ns>
    <id>3959874</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508165</id>
      <parentid>12370013</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T09:50:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Move the common click handling into a named function, and hijack the old checker tool link in the indicators area while we migrate.</comment>
      <model>javascript</model>
      <format>text/javascript</format>
      <text bytes="4888" xml:space="preserve">// ==================================================================
// Scan an Index page's childen for transclusion status
//
// Add a tool to the sidebar on Index pages. When activated, each page in the
// page list is checked for transclusion.
//
// Pages that are transcluded have a CSS class added.
// Pages that are manually tagged as not transcluded ditto.
//
// The accompanying CSS then contains simple logic styling pages based on these
// classes and whether or not they are expected to be transcluded or not.
// ==================================================================

/* eslint-disable one-var, vars-on-top */
// Make sure the necessary modules are loaded
mw.loader.using(['mediawiki.util', 'mediawiki.api'], function () {

	// Only active on Index:-namespace pages.
	if (mw.config.get('wgCanonicalNamespace' ) !== 'Index') {
		return;
	}
    // Only active when in view mode.
    if (mw.config.get('wgAction') !== 'view') {
        return;
    }

	// Wait for the page to be parsed (new-style $(document).ready())
	$(function () { 
		// Add portlet to let the user invoke the check.
    	var checkPortlet = mw.util.addPortletLink(
    		'p-tb', '#', 'Check transclusion', 'ca-checktransclude',
			'Check the transclusion status of each page in this index (shift-click to clear).'
		); 
		$(checkPortlet).on('click', handleClick);
	
		// Also add a check link to the transclusion status
		$('&lt;span id=&quot;ws-transclusion-check-inline&quot;&gt;check&lt;/span&gt;')
			.on('click', handleClick)
			.appendTo(&quot;#index-field-transclusion &gt; td&quot;);
	
		// And hijack the old link while we migrate to the new tool
		$(&quot;#mw-indicator-transclusion_checker&quot;).on('click', handleClick);
	}); // END: $(document).ready()
}); // END: mw.loader.using()

// Common handling of a user click on any one of the several points of
// invocation, toggle styling, and run the check if relevant.
function handleClick (e) {
	e.preventDefault();
	$('.transcluded').removeClass('transcluded');
	$('.exempt').removeClass('exempt');
	if (e.shiftKey) {
		// Remove transclusion indicator styling
		$('.prp-index-pagelist').removeClass('transclusion-check');
		$('.prp-index-pagelist').removeClass(['transcluded', 'exempt']);
	} else {
		$('.prp-index-pagelist').addClass('transclusion-check');
		checkTransclusion();
	}
}

// Grab all pages listed in the pagelist, divide them into batches matching the
// API limit, and request transclusion status and applied categories from the
// API. Uses a factory function for the API query because the API can return
// partial results that require a nested continue request.
//
// TODO: The API limit may change so we really should have some way to determine
// it dynamically. Or, I suppose, set it as a global(ish) constant up top some
// suitable place if it can't be made dynamic.
function checkTransclusion() {
	var batchSize = 50; // API action=query limit.

	var allPages = $('.prp-index-pagelist-page').map(function() {
		return $(this).attr('title')
			.replace(/ \(page does not exist\)$/, '');
	}).toArray();

	for (var i = 0; i &lt; allPages.length; i += batchSize) {
		var batch = allPages.slice(i, i + batchSize).join('|');
		var query = makeQuery(batch);
		var api = new mw.Api();
		api.get(query).done(createCallback(batch));
	}
}

//
// Create a callback to handle API responses.
//
// The use of a factory function is because API requests that need to be
// continued will have to trigger a new request from the callback; in other
// words we have multiple call sites where this function is needed.
//
// The .bind() is because mw.Api() tramples all over the argument list when it
// calls the callback. To get the necessary parameter to the call site inside
// the callback we have to .bind() a dummy &quot;this&quot; and the &quot;batch&quot; parameter.
function createCallback(batch) {
	return function(batch, data) {
		if (data.hasOwnProperty('continue')) {
			var query = makeQuery(batch, data);
			var api = new mw.Api();
			api.get(query).done(createCallback(batch));
		}
		for (var k in data.query.pages) { // ES6 for…of would be nice…
			var page = data.query.pages[k];
	
			if (page.hasOwnProperty('transcludedin')) {
				$('[title=&quot;' + page.title + '&quot;]').addClass('transcluded');
				$('[title=&quot;' + page.title + &quot; (page does not exist)&quot; + '&quot;]')
					.addClass('transcluded');
			}
			if (page.hasOwnProperty('categories')) {
				$('[title=&quot;' + page.title + '&quot;]').addClass('exempt');
			}
		}
	}.bind(this, batch);
}

//
// Construct a parameter object (associative array) for mw.api().
//
function makeQuery (batch, data) {
	var query = {
		action: 'query',
		titles: batch,
		prop: 'categories|transcludedin',
		tiprop: 'title',
		tinamespace: &quot;0&quot;,
		clcategories: &quot;Category:Not transcluded&quot;,
		format: 'json',
		formatversion: 2
	};
	if (typeof data !== 'undefined' &amp;&amp; data.hasOwnProperty('continue')) {
		$.extend(query, data.continue);
	}
	return query;
}</text>
      <sha1>eq13v1rimc2hayyic2t278r0wub9c5h</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508237</id>
      <parentid>12508165</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:43:45Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Do I really need to set this on the &lt;a&gt; itself to get reliable triggers?</comment>
      <model>javascript</model>
      <format>text/javascript</format>
      <text bytes="4926" xml:space="preserve">// ==================================================================
// Scan an Index page's childen for transclusion status
//
// Add a tool to the sidebar on Index pages. When activated, each page in the
// page list is checked for transclusion.
//
// Pages that are transcluded have a CSS class added.
// Pages that are manually tagged as not transcluded ditto.
//
// The accompanying CSS then contains simple logic styling pages based on these
// classes and whether or not they are expected to be transcluded or not.
// ==================================================================

/* eslint-disable one-var, vars-on-top */
// Make sure the necessary modules are loaded
mw.loader.using(['mediawiki.util', 'mediawiki.api'], function () {

	// Only active on Index:-namespace pages.
	if (mw.config.get('wgCanonicalNamespace' ) !== 'Index') {
		return;
	}
    // Only active when in view mode.
    if (mw.config.get('wgAction') !== 'view') {
        return;
    }

	// Wait for the page to be parsed (new-style $(document).ready())
	$(function () { 
		// Add portlet to let the user invoke the check.
    	var checkPortlet = mw.util.addPortletLink(
    		'p-tb', '#', 'Check transclusion', 'ca-checktransclude',
			'Check the transclusion status of each page in this index (shift-click to clear).'
		); 
		$(checkPortlet).on('click', handleClick);
	
		// Also add a check link to the transclusion status
		$('&lt;span id=&quot;ws-transclusion-check-inline&quot;&gt;check&lt;/span&gt;')
			.on('click', handleClick)
			.appendTo(&quot;#index-field-transclusion &gt; td&quot;);
	
		// And hijack the old link while we migrate to the new tool
		$(&quot;#mw-indicator-transclusion_checker, #mw-indicator-transclusion_checker a&quot;).on('click', handleClick);
	}); // END: $(document).ready()
}); // END: mw.loader.using()

// Common handling of a user click on any one of the several points of
// invocation, toggle styling, and run the check if relevant.
function handleClick (e) {
	e.preventDefault();
	$('.transcluded').removeClass('transcluded');
	$('.exempt').removeClass('exempt');
	if (e.shiftKey) {
		// Remove transclusion indicator styling
		$('.prp-index-pagelist').removeClass('transclusion-check');
		$('.prp-index-pagelist').removeClass(['transcluded', 'exempt']);
	} else {
		$('.prp-index-pagelist').addClass('transclusion-check');
		checkTransclusion();
	}
}

// Grab all pages listed in the pagelist, divide them into batches matching the
// API limit, and request transclusion status and applied categories from the
// API. Uses a factory function for the API query because the API can return
// partial results that require a nested continue request.
//
// TODO: The API limit may change so we really should have some way to determine
// it dynamically. Or, I suppose, set it as a global(ish) constant up top some
// suitable place if it can't be made dynamic.
function checkTransclusion() {
	var batchSize = 50; // API action=query limit.

	var allPages = $('.prp-index-pagelist-page').map(function() {
		return $(this).attr('title')
			.replace(/ \(page does not exist\)$/, '');
	}).toArray();

	for (var i = 0; i &lt; allPages.length; i += batchSize) {
		var batch = allPages.slice(i, i + batchSize).join('|');
		var query = makeQuery(batch);
		var api = new mw.Api();
		api.get(query).done(createCallback(batch));
	}
}

//
// Create a callback to handle API responses.
//
// The use of a factory function is because API requests that need to be
// continued will have to trigger a new request from the callback; in other
// words we have multiple call sites where this function is needed.
//
// The .bind() is because mw.Api() tramples all over the argument list when it
// calls the callback. To get the necessary parameter to the call site inside
// the callback we have to .bind() a dummy &quot;this&quot; and the &quot;batch&quot; parameter.
function createCallback(batch) {
	return function(batch, data) {
		if (data.hasOwnProperty('continue')) {
			var query = makeQuery(batch, data);
			var api = new mw.Api();
			api.get(query).done(createCallback(batch));
		}
		for (var k in data.query.pages) { // ES6 for…of would be nice…
			var page = data.query.pages[k];
	
			if (page.hasOwnProperty('transcludedin')) {
				$('[title=&quot;' + page.title + '&quot;]').addClass('transcluded');
				$('[title=&quot;' + page.title + &quot; (page does not exist)&quot; + '&quot;]')
					.addClass('transcluded');
			}
			if (page.hasOwnProperty('categories')) {
				$('[title=&quot;' + page.title + '&quot;]').addClass('exempt');
			}
		}
	}.bind(this, batch);
}

//
// Construct a parameter object (associative array) for mw.api().
//
function makeQuery (batch, data) {
	var query = {
		action: 'query',
		titles: batch,
		prop: 'categories|transcludedin',
		tiprop: 'title',
		tinamespace: &quot;0&quot;,
		clcategories: &quot;Category:Not transcluded&quot;,
		format: 'json',
		formatversion: 2
	};
	if (typeof data !== 'undefined' &amp;&amp; data.hasOwnProperty('continue')) {
		$.extend(query, data.continue);
	}
	return query;
}</text>
      <sha1>mvdb92j0wqqc30sj89e3o1qn0ua4u2f</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>MediaWiki:Gadget-transclusion-check</title>
    <ns>8</ns>
    <id>3959898</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508269</id>
      <parentid>12333943</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:04:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>tweak description</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="154" xml:space="preserve">''Transclusion checker'': Check the transclusion status of the pages associated with the current Index. ([[Help:Gadget-transclusion-check|documentation]])</text>
      <sha1>7fe8iuydhaj3zufllbi0pxf2xr7s5p1</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508271</id>
      <parentid>12508269</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:11:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>tag as default</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="172" xml:space="preserve">{{Gadget info|D}} ''Transclusion checker'': Check the transclusion status of the pages associated with the current Index. ([[Help:Gadget-transclusion-check|documentation]])</text>
      <sha1>s2lija97dfjlg3pd3xz1n9vnk3idx6e</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/367</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3960875</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506819</id>
      <parentid>12336273</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:02:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1865" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;and  God  can  find  no  instrument  of  punishment  against 
you.  You  cart  find  no  real  gratification  in  sin,  and by
seeking  for  it  there,  you  only  increase  your  misery. 

{{c|{{larger|SATURDAY.}}

'''Christ's  Discourse  with  Nicodemus. }}

I.  Nicodemus  being  a  man  of  high  character,  among 
his  fellow  citizens,  and  afraid  of  the  censures  of  the 
world,  came  during  the  night,  for  instructions  to  Christ. 
He  came  in  this  private  manner,  &quot;for  fear  of  the  Jews,&quot; 
for  his  mind  probably  revolted  at  the  idea  of  appearing 
among  the  unlettered  and  poor  disciples  of  the  Man-God.  How  many  thousands  have  lost  their  immortal 
souls  by  indulging  this  feeling!  How  many  at  this  moment indulge  it!  Do  not  imitate  their  example,  but 
say  with  St  Paul,  &quot;  I  am  not  ashamed  of  the  Gospel.&quot; 
(Rom.  i.  16.)  Confess  God  both  confidently,  and  openly, 
for  Christ  says:  &quot;Whosoever  shall  be  ashamed  of  Me,  and 
of  My  words,  of  him  shall  the  Son  of  man  be  ashamed, 
when  He  shall  come  in  His  majesty.&quot;    (Luke  ix.  26.) 

II.  As  an  affectionate  master,  Christ  accommodated 
Himself  to  the  weakness  of  His  disciple,  and  instructed 
him  in  many  important  points.  He  informed  him  of  the 
necessity  of  baptism;  of  the  causes  of  His  coming  into 
the  world;  of  His  passion,  that  was  to  ensue;  and  of  the 
necessity  of  faith  for  salvation.  Give  God  thanks  for  this 
information,  which  is  equally  communicated  to  you,  and 
ponder  in  a  particular  manner,  the  benefit  of  spiritual  regeneration. &quot;You  must  be  born  again.&quot;  (John  iii.  7.) 
Consider,  also,  the  greatness  of  God's  love  for  the  world, 
&quot;  For  God  so  loved  the  world,  as  to  give  His  only  begotten&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>tv13i0duvw94zq0r8euz3buohhqktgw</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/436</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961066</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507499</id>
      <parentid>12336542</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:57:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1859" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;her  arm.&quot;  (Prov.  xxi.  17.)  Spiritual  activity  is  a  certain 
mark  that  the  soul  is  cured  of  its  diseases.  Examine 
your  conscience,  and  judge  it  by  this  rule. 

{{c|{{larger|SATURDAY. }}

'''Cure  of  the  Ruler's  Son. }}

I.  &quot;  There  came  to  Him  a  certain  ruler,  whose  son  was 
sick  at  Capharnaum  and  prayed  Him  to  come  down  and 
heal  his  son,  for  he  was  at  the  point  of  death.&quot;  (John  iv. 
46.)  Remark  how  advantageous  corporal  infirmities  are 
for  they  force  us  to  have  recourse  to  God.  Unless  his 
son  had  been  afflicted  with  sickness,  perhaps  the  ruler 
had  never  been  brought  to  Christ.  It  is  related  of  Manasses,  &quot;  that  after  he  was  in  distress  he  prayed  to  the 
Lord  his  God,  and  Manasses  knew  that  the  Lord  was 
God.&quot;  (2  Par.  xxxiii.  12,  13.)  Do  not  fail,  therefore,  to 
consider  corporal  infirmities  as  blessings  of  God  and  incitements to  virtue.  &quot;  Their  infirmities,&quot;  says  the  Psalmist, &quot;were  multiplied,  afterward  they  made  haste.&quot;  (Ps. 
xv.  4.) 

II.  In  answer  Christ  reprehends  those,  who  wish  to  see 
miracles  from  motives  of  curiosity,  or  incredulity.  He 
refused  besides  to  go  to  the  house  of  the  ruler,  because 
we  ought  not  to  prescribe  to  God  the  means  or  manner 
of  assisting  us.  He  nevertheless  cures  this  young  man, 
although  absent,  the  more  to  manifest  His  power  and 
strengthen  our  faith  in  it.  He  is  the  Divine  Being, 
&quot;who  commands  the  saving  of  Jacob.&quot;  (Ps.  xliii.  5.) 
Learn  hence  not  to  wish  for  miracles,  visions,  or  extraordinary favors  of  God,  but  to  commit  yourself  entirely 
to  His  Divine  providence.  Beseech  Him,  if  you  be  not 
worthy  to  receive  Him  under  your  roof  by  Holy  Com-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>8edsjg6w6vmozcurx9rbipqjel6cy9p</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/449</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961080</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507719</id>
      <parentid>12336560</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T01:48:47Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1865" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;,&quot;  writes  St.  Basil,  &quot;  is  a  robber  of  our  spiritual 
riches,  a  flattering  enemy  of  our  souls,  and  the  bane  of 
virtue.&quot;  Examine  yourself,  on  the  subject  of  this  vice, 
and  beware  lest  it  may  be  said  of  you  with  truth,  &quot;  You 
have  received  your  reward.&quot;    (Matt,  vi.  5.) 

II.  &quot;  Go  show  thyself  to  the  priest,  and  offer  the  gift, 
which  Moses  commanded  for  a  testimony  to  them.&quot; 
(Matt.  viii.  4.)  The  law  of  Moses  reserved  to  the  priests, 
both  the  judgment  of  the  leprosy  itself  in  case  of  doubt, 
and  its  cure.  Remark,  how  observant  Christ  was  of  the 
law,  and  how  He  honored  and  respected  the  priests,  however malicious  they  might  be  toward  Him.  He  has 
granted  much  greater  prerogatives  to  the  priests  of  the 
new  law,  who  have  the  power  of  healing  every  kind  of 
spiritual  leprosy.  Therefore,  as  often  as  you  feel  yourself infected  with  this  spiritual  disorder,  &quot;go  and  show 
yourself  to  the  priests.&quot; 

III.  According  to  the  ancient  law,  the  leper  had  to 
make  an  offering.  He  was  commanded,  after  having  cut 
off  his  hair  and  washed  his  clothes  and  himself,  to  offer 
in  sacrifice,  a  lamb  without  spot.  Let  your  offering  be  a 
sacrifice  of  praise;  as  often  as  you  return  from  the  sacrament of  penance,  &quot;offer  to  God  a  sacrifice  of  praise.&quot; 
(Ps.  xlix.  14.)  You  can  offer  the  spotless  Lamb  of  God, 
by  hearing  Mass. 

{{c|{{larger|WEDNESDAY. }}

'''Cure  of  the  Ten  Lepers.— I. }}

I.  As  Christ  was  passing  through  Samaria  he  entered 
town,  where  &quot;  there  met  Him  ten  lepers,  who  stood  afar 
off,  and  they  lifted  up  their  voice  saying,  Jesus,  Master, 
have  mercy  on  us.&quot;    (Luke  xvii.  12.)    Their  prayer  was&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>cvgm1b81xhjjvu9m1rctbf4obxee2bz</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/450</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961081</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506927</id>
      <parentid>12336561</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:07:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2007" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;accompanied  with  three  conditions,  which  are  requisite 
to  every  good  prayer.  1.  They  were  humble,  for  &quot;they 
stood  afar  off.&quot;  2.  They  prayed  with  unanimity  and 
fervor,  &quot;  they  lifted  up  their  voice.&quot;  Earnest  and  fervent 
prayer  is  pleasing  to  God;  hence  holy  David  says: 
&quot;when  I  cried  to  Him,  He  heard  me.&quot;  (Ps.  xxi.  18.)  3. 
They  did  not  pray  that  he  would  restore  them  to  health, 
but  that  &quot;He  would  have  mercy  on  them,&quot;  thus  with 
resignation  leaving  the  whole  affair  in  the  hands  of  God. 
Imitate  them  in  your  prayers. 

IT.  &quot;  When  He  saw  them,  He  said,  Go  show  yourselves 
to  the  priests.&quot;  Christ  might  have  cured  them  in  an 
instant,  but  He  wished  to  try  their  obedience  and  to  impress on  His  followers  a  respect  for  the  priesthood,  and 
the  observances  of  the  law.  He  wished  moreover  to 
teach  us,  that- we  ought  to  repair  to  the  priests  and  unfold ourselves  to  them,  as  often  as  we  are  struck  with  the 
leprosy  of  sin.  Do  not  dare  to  pass  a  night  in  this  state 
of  spiritual  leprosy,  for  what  would  be  the  consequence, 
if  during  that  night,  God  called  your  soul  to  appear 
before  Him?  Your  leprosy  would  attach  to  you  for  all 
eternity. 

III.  &quot;It  came  to  pass,  as  they  went,  they  were  made 
clean.&quot;  Ponder  their  prompt  obedience,  and  its  fruit. 
So  it  often  happens  to  those  who  are  laboring  under 
some  temptation;  while  they  are  going  to  manifest  themselves to  their  ghostly  Father,  they  are  freed  and  the 
enemy  has  fled.  So  also,  many,  who  are  preparing  for 
confession,  are  justified  beforehand  by  Almighty  God, 
who  gives  them  perfect  contrition.  &quot;I  said,&quot;  cries  out 
the  prophet,  &quot;  I  will  confess  against  myself  my  injustice 
to  the  Lord,  and  Thou  hast  forgiven  the  wickedness  of 
my  sin.&quot;    (Ps.  xxxi.  5.) 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>misgaeaghhpa71x3kn9os2i956p275q</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506929</id>
      <parentid>12506927</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:07:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2007" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;accompanied  with  three  conditions,  which  are  requisite 
to  every  good  prayer.  1.  They  were  humble,  for  &quot;they 
stood  afar  off.&quot;  2.  They  prayed  with  unanimity  and 
fervor,  &quot;  they  lifted  up  their  voice.&quot;  Earnest  and  fervent 
prayer  is  pleasing  to  God;  hence  holy  David  says: 
&quot;when  I  cried  to  Him,  He  heard  me.&quot;  (Ps.  xxi.  18.)  3. 
They  did  not  pray  that  he  would  restore  them  to  health, 
but  that  &quot;He  would  have  mercy  on  them,&quot;  thus  with 
resignation  leaving  the  whole  affair  in  the  hands  of  God. 
Imitate  them  in  your  prayers. 

II.  &quot;  When  He  saw  them,  He  said,  Go  show  yourselves 
to  the  priests.&quot;  Christ  might  have  cured  them  in  an 
instant,  but  He  wished  to  try  their  obedience  and  to  impress on  His  followers  a  respect  for  the  priesthood,  and 
the  observances  of  the  law.  He  wished  moreover  to 
teach  us,  that- we  ought  to  repair  to  the  priests  and  unfold ourselves  to  them,  as  often  as  we  are  struck  with  the 
leprosy  of  sin.  Do  not  dare  to  pass  a  night  in  this  state 
of  spiritual  leprosy,  for  what  would  be  the  consequence, 
if  during  that  night,  God  called  your  soul  to  appear 
before  Him?  Your  leprosy  would  attach  to  you  for  all 
eternity. 

III.  &quot;It  came  to  pass,  as  they  went,  they  were  made 
clean.&quot;  Ponder  their  prompt  obedience,  and  its  fruit. 
So  it  often  happens  to  those  who  are  laboring  under 
some  temptation;  while  they  are  going  to  manifest  themselves to  their  ghostly  Father,  they  are  freed  and  the 
enemy  has  fled.  So  also,  many,  who  are  preparing  for 
confession,  are  justified  beforehand  by  Almighty  God, 
who  gives  them  perfect  contrition.  &quot;I  said,&quot;  cries  out 
the  prophet,  &quot;  I  will  confess  against  myself  my  injustice 
to  the  Lord,  and  Thou  hast  forgiven  the  wickedness  of 
my  sin.&quot;    (Ps.  xxxi.  5.) 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ln5wm2qf1pgarwlq5bdz7gnq0omuqcw</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/452</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961083</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507446</id>
      <parentid>12336563</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:20:29Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1882" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;III.  This  stranger,  by  being  grateful  for  his  corpora! 
health,  received  a  still  greater  favor,  the  cure  of  his 
soul.  He  was  converted  to  the  gospel,  which  Christ 
preached;  hence  Christ  says,  &quot;Arise,  go  thy  way,  for 
thy  faith  has  made  thee  whole.&quot;  The  other  nine,  as  St. 
Augustine  fears,  were  probably  lost.  &quot;  For  the  hope 
of  the  unthankful  shall  melt  away  as  the  winter's  ice, 
and  shall  run  off  as  unprofitable  water.&quot;  (Wis.  xiv.  29.) 
Take  care  then  to  be  always  grateful  to  God,  for  the 
benefits  which  you  receive. 

{{c|{{larger|FRIDAY. }}

'''Cure  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  Man. - I.}}

I.  Whilst  Christ  was  passing  through  Galilee,  &quot;  they 
bring  to  Him  one  that  was  deaf  and  dumb,  and  they 
besought  Him  lay  His  hand  on  him.&quot;  (Mark  vii.  32.) 
Ponder  how  meritorious  an  action  it  is,  to  bring  others 
to  Jesus  Christ,  and  endeavor  by  every  means  consistent with  your  state  and  calling,  to  bring  to  Him  those, 
who  are  spiritually  deaf  and  dumb.  What  is  spiritual 
deafness?  He  is  spiritually  deaf,  who  will  not  listen  to 
the  truths  of  faith,  nor  to  the  voice  of  God  when  He  calls 
him  to  virtue  and  perfection.  Examine  whether  you  be 
not  in  some  respect  spiritually  deaf,  and  do  not  shut 
your  ears  to  the  voice  of  God;  fear  lest  the  terrible  words 
be  addressed  to  you,  &quot;  then  shall  they  call  upon  Me,  and 
I  will  not  hear.&quot;    (Prov.  i.  28.) 

II.  What  is  spiritual  dumbness?  He  is  spiritually 
dumb,  who  does  not  correct  his  brother,  when  by  doing 
so,  he  can  prevent  him  from  sinning.  He  also  is  spiritually dumb,  who  does  not  preach  the  Word  of  God, 
when  it  is  his  duty,  or  make  open  profession  of  his  faith,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>1mqcjsnx1gw03e9srt3u5q804h6pq3k</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/453</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961084</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507447</id>
      <parentid>12336564</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:21:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1837" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;when  the  honor  of  God,  his  own  or  neighbor's  good 
requires  it.  Lastly,  he  labors  under  this  spiritual  complaint, whose  tongue  is  not  employed  in  the  praises  of 
God,  in  the  exercises  of  devotion  and  pious  conversations. &quot;Wo  is  me,&quot;  says  the  prophet,  &quot;  because  I  held 
my  peace.&quot;  (Is.  vi.  6.)  And,  &quot;  you  that  are  mindful  of 
the  Lord  hold  not  your  peace.&quot;    (Is.  lxii.  6.) 

III.  Christ  did  not  reject  this  poor  distressed  man,  but 
took  him  aside  and  cured  him.  You  also  must  retire 
from  the  noise  and  bustle  of  the  world  if  you  wish  to  be 
cured.  You  must  prepare  yourself  by  prayer  and 
spiritual  exercises.  Observe  how  He  cured  this  man, 
not  by  His  word  or  command,  as  He  cured  others,  but 
&quot;He  put  His  fingers  in  his  ears,  and  spitting  He  touched 
his  tongue.&quot;  (Mark  vii.  33.)  Christ  performs  His  cures 
in  very  different  manners,  and  exercises  His  followers  in 
a  very  different  way.  Submit  yourself  to  His  holy  guidance and  Divine  pleasure  in  all  things,  and  by  this  means 
you  will  be  cured  of  all  your  infirmities. 

{{c|{{larger|SATURDAY}}

'''Cure  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  Man.— II. }}

I.  After  Christ  had  pronounced  the  words,  &quot;  Be 
opened,  immediately  his  ears  were  opened,  and  the 
string  of  his  tongue  was  loosed,  and  he  spoke  right.&quot; 
(Mark  vii.  34.)  It  is  a  sign  that  our  ears  are  opened, 
when  we  do  not  contradict,  nor  resist  Divine  inspirations, 
but  with  all  humility  obey  them.  &quot;The  Lord  hath 
opened  my  ear,&quot;  says  the  prophet,  &quot;and  I  do  not  resist.&quot; 
(Is.  l.  5.)  Examine  whether  the  ears  of  your  heart  be 
open  to  the  voice  of  heavenly  wisdom,  or  rather  whether&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>33nnndcb6q3ynkmx09pni5cnxvfb6n5</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/457</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961088</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507477</id>
      <parentid>12336568</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:40:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1830" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;him.&quot;  (John  ix.  2.)  Learn  from  this,  that  sicknesses  and 
calamities  are  not  always  sent  as  punishments  of  sin,  but 
to  give  us  opportunities  of  increasing  the  glory  of  God, 
by  our  virtuous  submission.  Such  was  the  case  with 
holy  Job,  Tobias  and  others,  in  which  cases,  &quot;  I  must 
work  the  works  of  Him  that  sent  me,&quot;  observes  Jesus 
Christ,  &quot;  whilst  it  is  day,&quot;  that  is,  whilst  the  day  of  this 
mortal  life  lasts.  With  much  more  reason  ought  you  to 
perform  the  same  works,  whilst  you  live,  before  &quot;you 
go,  and  return  no  more,  to  a  land  that  is  dark  and  covered 
with  the  mist  of  death.&quot;    (Job  x.  21.) 

III.  &quot;  Christ  spat  on  the  ground,  and  made  clay  of  the 
spittle  and  spread  the  clay  upon  his  eyes.&quot;  He  applied 
a  remedy  suited  by  its  nature  rather  to  injure  than  to 
cure,  in  order  to  show  His  power.  If  you  wish  to  be  relieved from  the  spiritual  blindness  of  your  soul,  frequently think  of  the  base  materials  of  which  you  are 
formed.  Remember,  man,  that  &quot;  dust  thou  art,  and  into 
dust  thou  shalt  return.&quot;    (Gen.  iii.  19.) 


{{c|{{larger|TUESDAY. }}

'''The  Man  Born  Blind.— II. }}

I.  This  poor  man  was  grateful  for  the  favor  which 
he  had  received  from  Christ.  He  published  loudly  to 
the  world,  &quot;  That  man,  who  is  called  Jesus,  made  clay 
and  anointed  my  eyes.&quot;  (John  ix.  11.)  He  resolutely 
and  constantly  professed  Christ  to  be  a  prophet,  even 
before  the  Pharisees,  without  fearing  the  dangerous  consequences of  their  anger.  He  patiently  bore  all  the  insults and  contumelious  language  of  these  hypocrites. 
&quot;Thou  art  wholly  born  in  sins,&quot;  they  say,  &quot;  and  dost&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>5ty5mkhdc4g4mu3pztm6albco9olg3d</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/458</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961089</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507493</id>
      <parentid>12336569</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:55:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1815" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;thou  teach  us?&quot;  Such  are  the  resolution  and  patience 
of  a  soul,  which  is  enlightened  by  the  grace  of  God. 
Examine  how  you  may  imitate  this  man. 

II.  That  man  was  immediately  driven  out  of  the  synagogue, for  speaking  so  well  of  Christ.  Learn  to  suffer 
willingly  in  a  good  cause,  for  &quot;  all  who  will  live  piously 
in  Christ  Jesus,  shall  suffer  persecution.&quot;  (2  Tim.  iii. 
12.)  Christ  did  not  abandon  this  man,  whom  the  Pharisees had  rejected,  but  went  to  see  him  and  revealed  His 
divinity  to  him,  &quot;  and  the  man,  falling  down,  adored 
Him.&quot;  (John  ix.  38.)  Often  excite  yourself  to  similar 
acts  of  faith,  and  adore  your  God,  in  an  humble  posture. 

III.  Christ  reproved  the  pride  of  the  Pharisees,  who. 
were  nevertheless  wise  and  quick-sighted  in  their  own 
opinions.  &quot;  For  judgment,&quot;  He  says,  &quot;I  am  come  into 
this  world,  that  they  who  see  not  may  see,  and  they  who 
see  may  become  blind.&quot;  (John  ix.  39.)  The  poor  and 
simple  are  to  become  acquainted  with  the  truth,  but  the 
proud  and  the  wise  ones  of  this  world  will  be  struck 
blind  at  the  greatness  of  Christ's  splendor.  Hence  the 
author  of  the  Proverbs  advises  us,  &quot;  Be  not  wise  in  thine 
own  conceits&quot;  (Pro.  iii.  7),  lest  becoming  blind,  thou  run 
headlong  into  perdition. 

{{c|{{larger|WEDNESDAY. }}

'''The  Blind  Man  of  Jericho. }}

I.  &quot;  It  came  to  pass,  that  when  Jesus  drew  nigh  to 
Jericho,  a  certain  blind  man,  sat  by  the  way-side  begging.&quot; (Luke  xviii.  35.)  This  blind  man  is  a  perfect 
type  of  every  sinner.  For  in  the  first  place,  a  sinner 
sits  in  darkness  and  finds  rest  and  satisfaction  in  his&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>f9q5l1ot8i4n6bm8ynoil33hk7h0tot</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/464</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961096</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507495</id>
      <parentid>12336576</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:56:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2106" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;in  the  most  merciful  manner  invites  all  mankind  to  become  His  friends,  and  inasmuch  as  depends  on  Him 
wishes  to  be  our  universal  friend.  He  endeavored  to 
bring  even  Judas  back  to  a  sense  of  his  duty,  whilst  he 
was  practising  treason  against  Him.  &quot;  Friend,&quot;  he  asked 
him,  &quot;  whereunto  art  thou  come?&quot;  (Matt.  xxvi.  50.) 
Ponder  the  greatness  of  the  honor  whicli  he  does  us. 
&quot;We  are  not  worthy  to  be  servants,&quot;  writes  St. 
Gregory,  &quot;  and  we  are  styled  friends.&quot;  What  an  honor 
is  it  for  miserable  wretches  formed  of  the  dust  of  the 
earth  to  be  the  friends  of  the  ruler  of  the  universe! 

II.  This  friend  of  yours  will  visit  you  to-day  in  the 
Eucharist,  to  instruct  you  with  His  divine  wisdom,  to 
enrich  you  with  His  treasures,  to  defend  you  by  His 
power,  and  to  inflame  you  with  His  love.  Among  friends 
all  things  are  in  common.  It  is  recorded  of  the  friendship which  existed  between  David  and  Jonathan:  &quot;The 
soul  of  Jonathan  was  knit  with  the  soul  of  David.&quot;  (1 
Kings,  xviii.  1.)  The  friendship  of  Christ,  however,  in 
our  regard,  proceeds  much  farther.  He  gives  Himself 
to  us  for  our  meat  and  drink.  Under  these  appearances 
He  enters  into  your  breast,  in  order,  as  St.  Cyril  remarks, 
that  &quot;  He  may  be  joined  in  flesh  and  blood  with  you.&quot;
(Cant.  iv.) 

III.  The  best  preparation  to  receive  your  Saviour  is  to 
return  love  for  love.  This  your  loving  friend  requires 
from  every  one,  and  He  has  instituted  this  banquet  for 
such  only  as  return  love  for  love.  &quot;  Eat,  O  friends,&quot;  he 
says,  &quot;and  drink  and  be  inebriated,  my  beloved.&quot;  (Cant. 
v.  1.)  In  the  gospel  of  to-day  He  condemns  to  perpetual 
darkness  the  man  who  presented  himself  without  the 
&quot;nuptial  garment&quot;  of  charity.  Love,  therefore,  this 
kind  friend  of  yours,  and  do  whatever  he  inspires  you 
to  do,  remembering  His  expression,  recorded  in  the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>8vldn615zz4gl6ceuuguiif3k0d1dsh</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507497</id>
      <parentid>12507495</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:56:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2105" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;in  the  most  merciful  manner  invites  all  mankind  to  become  His  friends,  and  inasmuch  as  depends  on  Him 
wishes  to  be  our  universal  friend.  He  endeavored  to 
bring  even  Judas  back  to  a  sense  of  his  duty,  whilst  he 
was  practising  treason  against  Him.  &quot;  Friend,&quot;  he  asked 
him,  &quot;  whereunto  art  thou  come?&quot;  (Matt.  xxvi.  50.) 
Ponder  the  greatness  of  the  honor  which  he  does  us. 
&quot;We  are  not  worthy  to  be  servants,&quot;  writes  St. 
Gregory,  &quot;  and  we  are  styled  friends.&quot;  What  an  honor 
is  it  for  miserable  wretches  formed  of  the  dust  of  the 
earth  to  be  the  friends  of  the  ruler  of  the  universe! 

II.  This  friend  of  yours  will  visit  you  to-day  in  the 
Eucharist,  to  instruct  you  with  His  divine  wisdom,  to 
enrich  you  with  His  treasures,  to  defend  you  by  His 
power,  and  to  inflame  you  with  His  love.  Among  friends 
all  things  are  in  common.  It  is  recorded  of  the  friendship which  existed  between  David  and  Jonathan:  &quot;The 
soul  of  Jonathan  was  knit  with  the  soul  of  David.&quot;  (1 
Kings,  xviii.  1.)  The  friendship  of  Christ,  however,  in 
our  regard,  proceeds  much  farther.  He  gives  Himself 
to  us  for  our  meat  and  drink.  Under  these  appearances 
He  enters  into  your  breast,  in  order,  as  St.  Cyril  remarks, 
that  &quot;  He  may  be  joined  in  flesh  and  blood  with  you.&quot;
(Cant.  iv.) 

III.  The  best  preparation  to  receive  your  Saviour  is  to 
return  love  for  love.  This  your  loving  friend  requires 
from  every  one,  and  He  has  instituted  this  banquet  for 
such  only  as  return  love  for  love.  &quot;  Eat,  O  friends,&quot;  he 
says,  &quot;and  drink  and  be  inebriated,  my  beloved.&quot;  (Cant. 
v.  1.)  In  the  gospel  of  to-day  He  condemns  to  perpetual 
darkness  the  man  who  presented  himself  without  the 
&quot;nuptial  garment&quot;  of  charity.  Love,  therefore,  this 
kind  friend  of  yours,  and  do  whatever  he  inspires  you 
to  do,  remembering  His  expression,  recorded  in  the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>p5d5th5hri7mf8dh9r9c2y8jtu1bp3e</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Meditations For Every Day In The Year.djvu/467</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3961099</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507500</id>
      <parentid>12336579</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:58:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1832" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;miracle  by  taking  only  three  of  His  disciples  with  Him 
and  by  driving  the  musicians  and  the  multitude  out  of  the 
house.  Learn  to  sequester  yourself  from  the  noise  and 
rabble  of  worldly  thoughts  if  you  desire  to  live  for 
Christ.  &quot;Wisdom,  says  the  sea,  is  not  in  me.&quot;  (Job 
xxviii.  14.)  By  the  sea,  says  St.  Gregory,  interpreting 
this  passage,  &quot;  is  meant  the  world.&quot; 

III.  &quot;  Christ,  taking  her  by  the  hand,  cried  out,  saying: 
Maid,  arise.&quot;  (Luke  viii.  54.)  Thus  He  raises  up  sinners 
from  their  sins,  holds  them  by  the  hand,  and  directs 
them  to  good  works.  &quot;  And  He  bade  them  to  give  her 
to  eat,&quot;  to  show  you  that  those  who  rise  from  a  state  of 
sin  must  receive  the  spiritual  food  of  the  Eucharist,  to 
prevent  them  from  relapsing.  Take  care,  then,  that  you 
receive  this  food  often,  and  in  a  proper  manner,  that  you 
may  live  forever. 

{{c|{{larger|WEDNESDAY}}

'''Raising  of  the  Widow's  Son. — I. }}

I.  &quot;Jesus  went  into  a  city  called  Naim,  and  behold  a 
dead  man  was  carried  out,  the  only  son  of  his  mother.&quot;
(Luke  vii.  11.)  This  was  a  young  man  in  the  flower  of 
youth;  learn  hence,  that  no  age  is  secure  against  the 
shafts  of  death.  Imagine  that  this  young  man  addresses 
you  in  the  language  Of  Ecclesiasticus:  &quot;Remember  my 
judgment,  for  thine  also  shall  be  so;  yesterday  for  me, 
and  to-day  for  thee.&quot;  (Ecclus.  xxxviii.  22.)  Examine 
what  would  become  of  you,  were  you  to  die  this  very 
day.  This  young  man  died  to  God  in  a  spiritual  sense 
sooner,  than  others  who  are  older;  for,  as  St.  Jerome  says, 
&quot;Youth  has  many  conflicts  of  the  body  to  undergo.&quot; 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/58</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3969731</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507134</id>
      <parentid>12504127</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T19:57:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>David Nind</username>
        <id>1530872</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Changed straight apostrophe to a curly one</comment>
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      <text bytes="3834" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Jen8000&quot; /&gt;{{c|60}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''Victoria Mine''.—The claim of the old Victoria Gold-mining Company was next in succession to the northward from the Westland. It was on this claim that Fred Westfield is said to have found auriferous quartz at about the same time as Kelly found it on the Golden Treasure. From the time of its discovery the shoot of stone was energetically worked. The original company drove three adit levels on it, which proved the shoot to be about 200 ft. long and up to 6 ft. in width. The first crushing from it was, like all the others from the locality, put through the Westland Company’s battery. This was in 1872; and mining and crushing were carried on regularly till 1879, during which period 2,027 tons were treated for a return of 1,279 oz. gold, an average of 12·6 dwt. per ton. A further 342 oz. gold were recovered in 1880, but, as the tonnage crushed for that year is not definitely known, this has not been taken into consideration in arriving at the average values. The stone above No. 3 adit having been by this time exhausted, the mine was practically abandoned, and little was done on it till 1894, when Messrs. Knight and party, who held the claim on tribute from that year till 1896, reopened the old levels, and also drove an adit at a higher level than the Victoria No. 1, in which they located a block of stone. This party, during the time it worked the ground, mined 925 tons of quartz, which was crushed for a yield of 473 oz. gold, an average of 10·22 dwt. per ton. From the termination of this tribute the claim lay idle again till 1903, when Mr. P. N. Kingswell, who had acquired it a year or so previously, extended the No. 4 Inglewood adit (originally driven by the Phoenix Gold-mining Company) into the Victoria ground. This adit was only 40 ft. below the old No. 3 Victoria adit, but it enabled a further quantity of stone to be mined from the Victoria shoot between 1903 and 1907. What the exact amount of this stone was is, however, not now ascertainable, the figures being lumped in the returns with those dealing with the Phoenix and Inglewood shoots, which were both operated on by Mr. Kingswell during those years, but the developments are said not to have been satisfactory. In 1908 the claim, together with that held by the other companies mentioned, came into the hands of a Reefton syndicate, which disposed of it to the Wellington Mines Syndicate, which merged in the following year into the New Murray Creek Gold-mining Company. This latter company thereafter pursued a vigorous policy of development, pushing the No. 5 Inglewood adit (otherwise known as the Battery level), the first portion of which was driven conjointly by the Inglewood and Phoenix Companies, into the Victoria shoot, and sinking a three-compartment main working-shaft. This shaft, which was sunk to a depth of 540 ft., had its collar on the same level as the portal of No. 4 Inglewood adit. At the depth of 220 ft. it was connected with the battery level, and two further levels, Nos. 6 and 7, were opened from it at 400 ft. and 540 ft. respectively from the shaft-collar. Between Nos. 4 and 5 levels the shoot was broken up by faulting, but on Nos. 6 and 7 levels being extended to the Victoria ground the shoot was picked up in both of them and was found to be about 200 ft. longer than it appeared to be in the surface adits. On these lower levels it was about 400 ft. in length. The company started crushing operations in 1914, and continued them till about the end of 1919, during which time 30,631 tons of quartz were treated for a yield of 19,072 oz. 8 dwt. gold, an average of 12·45 dwt. per ton. The value of the gold was £75,850 16s. 4d. As neither the Inglewood nor Phoenix shoots had been picked up on Nos. 6 or 7 levels, the whole of this quartz came from the Victoria shoot, and the bulk of it from&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/60</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3969740</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507138</id>
      <parentid>12504134</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:00:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>David Nind</username>
        <id>1530872</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Changed straight apostrophe to a curly one</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3876" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Jen8000&quot; /&gt;{{c|62}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;removing the battery to a new site there where water-power could be used for driving the mill in place of steam-power. In view, however, of the costliness of the proposed adit, which would have had to be about 3,300 ft. in length, and of the further cost of sinking the shaft and developing the shoot on lower levels, combined with the fact that under No. 7 level two winzes had shown the shoot to be again broken up by faulting, the application was not entertained. The company then went into liquidation and the mine and plant were disposed of to a small syndicate, which in turn sold it to a new company, which, the writer understands, intends making an effort to succeed where its predecessors failed. During the time the property was held by the syndicate referred to, a tribute party of four men, led by G. Kremmer, opened out on some stone left by the former company under No. 4 adit, and crushed 161 tons for 111 oz. 6 dwt. 4 gr. gold, valued at £425 2s. 8d. Including this crushing, the quartz which it is definitely known came from the Victoria shoot since the start of operations amounted to 33,744 tons, which yielded 20,935 oz. 14 dwt. 4gr. gold, valued at £83,284, but the only dividend paid was the small distribution of £600 in 1880.

''Phoenix Mine''.—The old Phoenix Claim was next to the Victoria in a northerly direction, and gold-bearing reef was found in it very shortly after the discovery of reef in the latter. The first stone from it was crushed at the Westland Company’s battery in 1874, and during that and the following year some good returns were got. The block of ore in the claim was only about 120 ft. in length, with an average width of 3 ft. In exploiting it four adits were driven, the lowest known as the Inglewood No. 4, being driven conjointly by the Phoenix and Inglewood Companies. The last-mentioned level was about 400 ft. below the reef outcrop, and the company mined all the stone down to it. No detailed account of the crushings is available, but it is known that up till March, 1886, the company sent to the battery 2,190 tons of quartz, which yielded 2,918 oz. gold, valued at £11,272 11s. 10d., out of which £4,533 6s. was paid in dividends. This would serve to show that the stone averaged over 26 dwt. gold per ton. Very little, if any, quartz appears to have been mined from the claim for some years after 1886, but in 1887 the company joined with the Inglewood Company in driving No. 5 adit, which in the following year had reached the Inglewood shoot. The adit was not, however, carried far enough to reach the Phoenix shoot, and in 1889 the Phoenix Company merged with the other, thereby losing its identity. The Inglewood Company continued to stope the quartz from its own shoot, but for some inexplicable reason seems to have made no effort to locate the Phoenix shoot on that level, and when it had exhausted the stone from the Inglewood shoot did little work. In 1901 Mr. P. N. Kingswell purchased the Victoria, Phoenix, and Inglewood Claims, and extended No. 5 adit to the Phoenix shoot, which he subsequently stoped up to No. 4 {{SIC|audit|adit}}. He also sank a winze on the shoot for about 80 ft. below No. 5 adit, at which depth stone pinched out. The quartz showing the winze was then taken out up to No. 5 level. What tonnage was won from the shoot on this occasion there is now no means of telling definitely. During the six or seven years that he held the properties the records show that Mr. Kingswell mined and crushed 6,184 tons for a yield of 4,815 oz. gold, but it is known that some small portion of this tonnage came from the Victoria shoot on Nos. 2 and 4 adits; the figures relating to output from the different parts of the property having been lumped together, the respective quotas cannot now be determined. It is certain, however, that as far down as the Phoenix shoot was mined&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/61</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3969743</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507152</id>
      <parentid>12352633</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:10:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>David Nind</username>
        <id>1530872</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="3826" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;David Nind&quot; /&gt;{{c|63}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;it carried very good values. In common with the other two shoots referred to, the Phoenix in 1908 became the property of the local syndicate, from whom it passed first to the Wellington Mines and then to the Murray Creek Gold-mines. The latter company, when driving No. 6 level from its shaft, carried the working well out towards the lode-line in the endeavour to pick up the Phoenix shoot, but failed to find reef. A track that was supposed to represent the downward continuation of the shoot was met with and driven on for a considerable distance, but no solid stone was found along it. When No. 7 level was opened up it was extended in the most direct line towards the Victoria shoot, no attempt being made to locate either the Inglewood or Phoenix shoots by means of it. Evidently the former was looked upon as too poor to be worth the expense the deviation of the drive would entail, and the experience on No. 6 must have led the management to the conclusion that the other shoot had disappeared for good.

''Inglewood Mine''.—The Inglewood shoot, the most northerly on Kelly’s lode series, was, like the Victoria, discovered in 1870, and the Inglewood Gold-mining Company was formed to work it. The first stone was crushed from it in 1872. The original company drove two adits on it, which proved the shoot to be about 200 ft. in length, with an average width of from 3 ft. to 4 ft., and the available records serve to show that it mined and treated 1,005 tons of quartz for a yield of 561 oz. gold, equal to 11·15 dwt. per ton. In 1879 the company absorbed the North Star Claim, which adjoined it to the north-east, and became the Inglewood and North Star Company. This company put in a third adit, known as the No. 3 Inglewood and North Star adit, and carried on operations till 1885, during which time, with the help of the Phoenix Company, it drove No. 4 Inglewood adit. Within this period 1,591 tons of stone were crushed for a return of 821 oz. gold, an average of 10·3 dwt. per ton. In the last year mentioned another reconstruction evidently took place, and the company became known as the Inglewood Extended, which name it retained till the conclusion of its operations about 1896. In 1887–88 this company, with the help again of the Phoenix Company, drove the No. 5 (battery level) in to its shoot of stone, and in the following year absorbed the latter company. What amount of quartz the company mined during these years cannot now be definitely ascertained, but a statistical record of all quartz crushed and gold won from Reefton mines, published by the Inangahua County Council, shows that up to March, 1887, the Inglewood Extended Company crushed 4,233 tons for a yield of 2,886 oz. gold, valued at £16,058, and paid in dividends £1,500. During the years 1888–96, in which latter year the company practically ceased operations, a further 5,120 tons were crushed for a yield of 2,867 oz. gold, and, as there is no reason to believe that the Phoenix shoot was operated on during the period, this output may also be credited to the Inglewood shoot. This would mean that during the working-life of the mine 11,949 tons of quartz were crushed from this shoot for a return of 7,135 oz. gold, an average of 11·86 dwt. per ton, and dividends to the amount of £2,700 were paid.

The shoot was worked down to a total depth of about 500 ft. below the outcrop. It was picked up in No. 5 adit, where it was much the same length as in the upper levels, but evidently in this lower part of the mine the values were such as to leave but the barest margin of profit. Referring to the stoping above No. 5 adit, Warden Bird&lt;ref&gt;Mines Reps., 1889, C.–2, p. 115.&lt;/ref&gt; mentions that the work was being done on day labour, but, owing to the expense incurred, did not pay; but when&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <contributor>
        <username>David Nind</username>
        <id>1530872</id>
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      <text bytes="3763" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;David Nind&quot; /&gt;{{c|64}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the company let a contract for mining and raising the stone a small profit was shown. The tributers were paid £1 per cubic yard for stone delivered to the paddock, finding all tools, explosives, &amp;c., themselves.

The stone was going underfoot on No. 5 adit, but the company did not consider it worth while to follow it down. A party of tributers was allowed to do so. This party sank a winze about 50 ft., where the stone became very broken and eventually pinched out. A short level was then projected from the foot of the winze, and the stone was stoped out up to the adit. The last crushing from the mine, 250 tons, which yielded 70 oz. gold, evidently came from this part, and if that is so the values were unpayable.

It may be mentioned that in the Inglewood Claim a second vein of about the same length and width occurred parallel to the Inglewood Block and about 6 ft. to 8 ft. in the hanging-wall from it, and contained within a diabase dyke that forms the hanging-wall of the Phoenix and Inglewood shoots. This parallel shoot was traced down to No. 5 adit, but probably cut out below that level in the same way as the other shoot. As far as the writer can learn, both shoots carried similar values.

From a geological viewpoint Dr. Henderson considered (Bull. No. 18, p. 146) it probable that the Phoenix, Inglewood, and North Star shoots originally formed part of the Victoria shoot, and represented fragments displaced from the latter by faulting, an occurrence that could be explained by an east-north-east-striking normal fault, with an angle of dip less than that of the pitch of the shoot cutting off its upper part. There can be no doubt that the three first-mentioned shoots have been faulted, and it is quite likely that the movement was of the nature indicated by Dr. Henderson. It is also highly probable that the vertical pitch of the Phoenix and Inglewood shoots is to be accounted for by twisting or warping of the country due to this faulting.

''North Star Mine''.—Little is known of this mine beyond the fact that for a short time in the “seventies” a shoot of stone was worked in it on the same line as, and north of, the Inglewood shoot. This was the most northerly stone found on Kelly’s line; but what the length of the shoot was or how far it was followed down are not recorded. It is known, however, that the stone cut out when sunk on, and the depth at which it disappeared must have been very shallow. A small crushing of 215 tons was put through in 1875 for 114 oz. gold, and in 1877 there was a crushing of 100 tons for 76 oz., showing that the stone was not of high grade. In 1879 the company was absorbed by the Inglewood Company, and, except that the No. 4 Inglewood adit was driven through the North Star ground, no further work was ever done on the claim.

Summarizing regarding the various ore-shoots along Kelly’s lode-series, it may be said that the Band of Hope end offers no promise of yielding any satisfactory results to future investigation. There is a strong shoot of stone in the claim of that name, but it has been followed down for 400 ft. below the outcrop without any payable values being revealed. The advance of modern metallurgical knowledge may make it possible for the antimonial ores of the Golden Treasure section to be treated now profitably, but, unfortunately, the data regarding the quantities of this ore available is painfully meagre. It seems evident that there is in the claim a fairly large amount of this ore carrying gold values, but any attempt to estimate the quantity would be merely guessing. It is known that on No. 3 level of the mine the lode was not picked up, but H. A. Gordon’s remark, previously quoted, that no prospecting was done to find it, owing to lack&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/63</title>
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      <text bytes="3621" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;KAynsley&quot; /&gt;{{c|65}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of funds, seems to be borne out by such plans as are in existence. In all possibility further work on this level would have shown the antimony lode to live down to it. In view, however, of the uncertainty of the position it cannot well be said that an attempt to reopen the mine in order to better determine its possibilities would be justifiable.

In the Murray Creek Mines area, comprising the Victoria, Phoenix, and Inglewood shoots, it is known that on the first-mentioned shoot gold-bearing ore is going underfoot on the bottom level of the mine, which fact, combined with slight possibilities of getting quartz in other parts of the property, is an ever-present temptation to mining-men to try their luck again, in an effort to work it profitably. Despite the fact that a previous company took over £70,000 worth of gold out of the mine, and put besides a good deal of fresh capital into working it, only to find itself unable to meet expenses and compelled to end up in liquidation, a new company has, the writer understands, been floated to give the property another trial. The promise of success for the new venture cannot be said to be bright. There is a certain amount of stone left above the fault between Nos. 4 and 5 levels, on which prospecting is now in progress, but this stone is small, irregular, and in very limited quantity. The previous company knew of its existence, but went to little trouble to mine it. A connection was made on the shoot between Nos. 4 and 5 levels, and a small portion of the stone was stoped out, but the results could not have been satisfactory, for the company soon ceased work there, and nothing more was done in that part of the mine till Kremmer’s tribute party in 1925 drove an intermediate south on the shoot, 50 ft. below No. 4 adit. From this working and the leading stope over it the party took out 161 tons of stone, which yielded 111 oz. 6 dwt. 4 gr. gold. The run of solid stone was only about 60 ft. in length. The present company has advanced another intermediate in the same direction at 120 ft. below No. 4 adit. For the first 60 ft. to 70 ft. there was no stone underfoot, but a little was showing in the back, and it was plain that faulting had taken place.

As to the stone going underfoot on No. 7 level, there is no sufficient reason for thinking otherwise than that this will live down to another level, and possibly much deeper; but the two winzes sunk to 49 ft. and 97 ft. respectively from the level show that it will be much broken, a series of step-faults that came in just above the level evidently continuing down as far as the winzes went. The gold contents in the shoot may also be of much the same tenor as those recovered from above No. 7 level during the past two years or more that the reef was worked—namely, from 9 dwt. to 10 dwt. per ton. The point is, however, as to whether, in view of the fact that the Murray Creek Mines could not mine and treat the stone from above No. 7 level at a profit, it is possible to deal any more successfully with quartz from below that level. In the writer’s opinion the chance of doing so is remote.

{{c|AJAX GROUP.—WALSHE’S LODE-SERIES.}}

This line, which outcrops about 20 chains westerly of Kelly’s line, has the same general strike. Along it were discovered the various shoots known as the Ajax, Golden Fleece, Royal, and Venus. The latter shoot is somewhat to the westward of the others, but was considered by Dr. Henderson to be genetically related to them. The lode-series is otherwise known as Shiel’s line, after Richard Shiel, one of the discoverers, but Dr. Henderson&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3621" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;David Nind&quot; /&gt;{{c|65}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of funds, seems to be borne out by such plans as are in existence. In all possibility further work on this level would have shown the antimony lode to live down to it. In view, however, of the uncertainty of the position it cannot well be said that an attempt to reopen the mine in order to better determine its possibilities would be justifiable.

In the Murray Creek Mines area, comprising the Victoria, Phoenix, and Inglewood shoots, it is known that on the first-mentioned shoot gold-bearing ore is going underfoot on the bottom level of the mine, which fact, combined with slight possibilities of getting quartz in other parts of the property, is an ever-present temptation to mining-men to try their luck again, in an effort to work it profitably. Despite the fact that a previous company took over £70,000 worth of gold out of the mine, and put besides a good deal of fresh capital into working it, only to find itself unable to meet expenses and compelled to end up in liquidation, a new company has, the writer understands, been floated to give the property another trial. The promise of success for the new venture cannot be said to be bright. There is a certain amount of stone left above the fault between Nos. 4 and 5 levels, on which prospecting is now in progress, but this stone is small, irregular, and in very limited quantity. The previous company knew of its existence, but went to little trouble to mine it. A connection was made on the shoot between Nos. 4 and 5 levels, and a small portion of the stone was stoped out, but the results could not have been satisfactory, for the company soon ceased work there, and nothing more was done in that part of the mine till Kremmer’s tribute party in 1925 drove an intermediate south on the shoot, 50 ft. below No. 4 adit. From this working and the leading stope over it the party took out 161 tons of stone, which yielded 111 oz. 6 dwt. 4 gr. gold. The run of solid stone was only about 60 ft. in length. The present company has advanced another intermediate in the same direction at 120 ft. below No. 4 adit. For the first 60 ft. to 70 ft. there was no stone underfoot, but a little was showing in the back, and it was plain that faulting had taken place.

As to the stone going underfoot on No. 7 level, there is no sufficient reason for thinking otherwise than that this will live down to another level, and possibly much deeper; but the two winzes sunk to 49 ft. and 97 ft. respectively from the level show that it will be much broken, a series of step-faults that came in just above the level evidently continuing down as far as the winzes went. The gold contents in the shoot may also be of much the same tenor as those recovered from above No. 7 level during the past two years or more that the reef was worked—namely, from 9 dwt. to 10 dwt. per ton. The point is, however, as to whether, in view of the fact that the Murray Creek Mines could not mine and treat the stone from above No. 7 level at a profit, it is possible to deal any more successfully with quartz from below that level. In the writer’s opinion the chance of doing so is remote.

{{c|AJAX GROUP.—WALSHE’S LODE-SERIES.}}

This line, which outcrops about 20 chains westerly of Kelly’s line, has the same general strike. Along it were discovered the various shoots known as the Ajax, Golden Fleece, Royal, and Venus. The latter shoot is somewhat to the westward of the others, but was considered by Dr. Henderson to be genetically related to them. The lode-series is otherwise known as Shiel’s line, after Richard Shiel, one of the discoverers, but Dr. Henderson&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/64</title>
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      <text bytes="3830" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;David Nind&quot; /&gt;{{c|66}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;has named it after George Walshe, who was Shiel’s mate, and is credited with being the actual discoverer of the Ajax shoot, the first to be located.

''Ajax Mine''.—The finding of the outcrop of the Ajax shoot was made in November, 1870, at an elevation of something over 2,000 ft. above sea-level, in very rugged country which, in those days when Inangahua County was practically roadless, presented tremendous difficulties to the miners in bringing in equipment. A steam-driven fifteen-stamp battery was placed on the claim in the following year. It is said that the boiler and other heavy parts had all to be brought in barges up the Buller and Inangahua Rivers to the Landing, whence they were drawn by horses up the bed of the latter river to Black’s Point. From there they were taken up the steep hillside to the mine by means of blocks and tackle; and none save those who are familiar with the locality can realize what immense toil, hardship, and expense all this entailed. The company started crushing in 1872, in which year 2,603 tons of quartz were treated for 3,444 oz. gold, equal to nearly 26½ dwt. per ton. The claim was vigorously prospected by means of adits, and by sinking a vertical shaft from which several levels were projected, but the best of the stone was soon found to make, on its pitch, into the adjoining Golden Fleece Company’s ground, and this led, in 1876, to the two companies merging under the title of the Golden Fleece Extended. Prior to this amalgamation the Ajax Company had treated 6,890 tons of quartz from its mine for a yield of 6,441 oz. gold, valued at £24,958 17s. 6d., out of which it paid for all its plant and distributed £2,504 in dividends. It is said of the company that it was the only one in the Reefton district that made no call whatever on its shareholders, the money for the early working of the mine and for its equipment having been borrowed, and paid back out of profits.

''Golden Fleece Mine''.—The Golden Fleece shoot was found by Patrick Hunt very shortly after the discovery of the Ajax shoot. Up to the time of the amalgamation with the Ajax Company in 1876, the company that had been formed to work it did not do much good, although it raised a fair tonnage of quartz, but after the merger the Golden Fleece Extended Company operated with great success for a number of years. Between 1876 and 1884 it crushed 24,877 tons of stone for a yield of 31,871 oz. gold, valued at £121,542 12s. 9d., out of which £55,000 was paid in dividends. In the latter year a re-formation of the company seems to have taken place, the name being altered to the Golden Fleece United; but after this the company did no good. By this time the Ajax shaft, from which all work was carried on, had been sunk to a depth of 742ft., and six levels were opened from it. Of the two shoots of stone then known to occur in the joint claims, the southern, or Ajax, shoot was mined down to the bottom level, but the northern or Golden Fleece shoot, which was the richer and larger, cut out between Nos. 4 and 5 levels, and was not subsequently found. For four years following 1886 the mine was practically abandoned. In that year, or early in 1887, a large slip came down which did great damage to the winding plant, nearly all the working-parts of the machinery being broken. By the end of the latter year the plant had been largely renewed or repaired, but evidently no resumption of underground operations took place till about 1891, when a few men were put on to pick up the old No. 5 level. In 1892 some parties of tributers retimbered No. 1 level, and generally reconditioned the shaft, and stoped out some quartz left by the old company in the upper levels. By this time the Golden Fleece United Company had evidently ceased to exist, the claims having passed into the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 35.djvu/12</title>
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      <text bytes="2185" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|{{blackletter|List}}}}

{{x-smaller|OF THE}}

{{larger|OFFICERS}}

{{x-smaller|OF THE}}

{{x-larger|GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON.}}
{{dhr}}
{{Custom rule|w|40|w|40}}
{{sm|Elected February 21, 1879.}}
{{Custom rule|w|40|w|40}}
{{dhr}}
{{blackletter|President.}}

{{sm|[[Author:Henry Clifton Sorby|H. Clifton Sorby,]] LL.D., F.R.S.}}

{{blackletter|Vice-Presidents.}}}}
{{Multicol|line=1px solid black}}
{{sm|[[Author:Peter Martin Duncan|Prof. P. Martin Duncan]], M.B., F.R.S.&lt;br&gt;
[[Author:Philip de Malpas Grey Egerton|Sir P. de M. Grey-Egerton]], Bart., M.P., F.R.S.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{smaller|[[Author:Joseph Prestwich|Prof. J. Prestwich]], M.A., F.R.S.&lt;br&gt;
[[Author:Andrew Crombie Ramsay|Prof. A. C. Ramsay]], LL.D., F.R.S.}}
{{Multicol-end}}

{{c|{{blackletter|Secretaries.}}}}
{{Multicol|line=1px solid black}}
{{smaller|[[Author:Thomas George Bonney|Prof. T. G. Bonney]], M.A., F.R.S.}}
{{Multicol-break}}
{{smaller|[[Author:John Wesley Judd|Prof. J. W. Judd]], F.R.S.}}
{{Multicol-end}}

{{c|{{blackletter|Foreign Secretary.}}}}
{{c|{{smaller|[[Author:Warington Wilkinson Smyth|Warington W. Smyth]], M.A., F.R.S.}}}}

{{c|{{blackletter|Treasurer.}}}}
{{c|{{smaller|[[Author:John Gwyn Jeffreys|J. Gwyn Jeffreys]], LL.D., F.R.S.}}}}

&lt;g@™&lt;gDIL&gt; 

H. Bauerman, Esq. 

Prof. T. G. Bonney, M.A., F.R.S. 

Prof. P. Martin Duncan, M.B., F.R.S. 

SirP.deM.Grey-Egerton,Bart.,M.P.,F.R.S. 

J. Clark Hawkshaw, Esq., M.A. 

Henry Hicks, M.D. 

W. H. Hudleston, Esq., M.A. 
Prof. T. M c Kenny Hughes, M.A. 
J. W. Hulke, Esq., F.R.S. 
J. Gwyn Jeffreys, LL.D., F.R.S. 
Prof. T. Rupert Jones, F.R.S. 
Prof. J. W. Judd, F.R.S. 

Prof. N. S. Maskelyne, M.A., F.R.S. 

J. Morris, Esq., M.A. 

R. W. Mylne, Esq., F.R.S. 

J. A. Phillips, Esq. 

Prof. J. Prestwich, M.A., F.R.S. 

Prof. A. C. Ramsay, LL.D., F.R.S. 

Prof. H. G. Seeley, F.R.S. 

Warington W. Smyth, Esq., M.A., F.R.S. 

[H. Clifton Sorby, LL.D., F.R.S. 

Admiral T. A. B. Spratt, C.B., F.R.S. 

Rev. T. Wiltshire, M.A., F.L.S. 

Wteis&amp;iinU&amp;uvttmj, Eifcrarian, ant&lt; Curator. 

W. S. Dallas, Esq., F.L.S. 

Clerk. 

Mr. W. W. Leighton. 

Urbrari) anti 0LvuSmttt gfegfctantt. 

Mr. W. Rupert Jones. Mr. James Dallas.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/70</title>
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      <text bytes="1076" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|62|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and the world will look differently and a great deal pleasanter to-morrow.&quot;

Candace was glad to follow this counsel. She ''was'' tired, and she felt shy of Mr. Gray and the girls, and would rather put off meeting them again, she thought, till the morning. Ten hours of unbroken sleep rested her thoroughly, but she woke with a feeling of puzzled surprise at her surroundings, and for a few moments could not gather up her thoughts or quite recollect where she was. Then it all came back to her, and she was again conscious of the uncomfortable sensations of the night before.

She lay a little while thinking about it, and half wishing that she need not get up at all but just burrow under the blanket and hide herself, like a mouse or rabbit in his downy hole, till everybody had forgotten her blunders, and till she herself could forget them. But she said to herself bravely: &quot;I won't be foolish. Cousin Kate is just lovely; she's promised to help me, and I'm sure she will. I will try not to mind the others; but, oh&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/71</title>
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      <text bytes="1049" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|63|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;dear! I wish I were not so afraid of the girls.&quot;

She jumped out of bed resolutely and began to dress, taking her time about it, and stealing many glances out of the open window; for she knew it must be early, and as yet there were no sounds of life about the house. After her hair was curled, she stood for some time at the door of the closet, debating what dress she should put on.

The choice was limited. There were only a brown plaided gingham, a blue calico, and a thick white cambric to choose from. The latter seemed to her almost too nice to be worn in the morning. It was the first white dress she had ever been allowed to have, and Aunt Myra had said a good deal about the difficulty of getting it done up; so it seemed to Candace rather a sacred garment, which should be reserved for special state occasions.

After hesitating awhile she put on the brown gingham. It had a little ruffle basted round the neck. Candace tried the effect of a large blue bow, and then of a muslin one,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1049" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|64|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;very broad, with worked ends; but neither pleased her exactly. She recollected that Georgie and Gertrude had worn simple little ruches the night before, with no bows; and at last she wisely decided to fasten her ruffle with the little bar of silver which was her sole possession by way of ornament, for her mother's few trinkets had all been sold during her father's long illness. This pin had been a present from the worldly-minded Mrs. Buell, who so often furnished a text to Aunt Myra's homilies. She had one day heard Cannie say, when asked by one of the Buell daughters if she had any jewelry, &quot;Are napkin-rings jewelry? I've got a napkin-ring.&quot; Mrs. Buell had laughed at the droll little speech, and repeated it as a good joke; but the next time she went to Hartford she bought the silver pin for Cannie, who was delighted, and held it as her choicest possession.

Her dressing finished, Candace went softly downstairs. She paused at the staircase window to look out. Cousin Kate's storm&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/73</title>
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      <text bytes="1061" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|65|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;had not come after all. The day was brilliantly fair. Long fingers of sunshine were feeling their way through the tree-branches, seeking out shady corners and giving caressing touches to all growing things. A book lay on the window-bench. It was &quot;A York and a Lancaster Rose,&quot; which little Marian had been reading the night before. It looked interesting, and, seeing by a glance at the tall clock in the hall below that it was but a little after seven, Candace settled herself for a long, comfortable reading before breakfast.

Mrs. Gray was the first of the family to appear. She swept rapidly downstairs in her pretty morning wrapper of pale pink, with a small muslin cap trimmed with ribbons of the same shade on her glossy black hair, and paused to give Cannie a rapid little kiss; but she looked preoccupied, and paid no further attention to her, beyond a kind word or two, till breakfast was over, the orders for the day given, half a dozen notes answered, and half a dozen persons seen on business.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1104" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|66|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The girls seemed equally busy. Each had her own special little task to do. Georgie looked over the book-tables and writing-tables; sorted, tidied, put away the old newspapers; made sure that there was ink in the inkstands and pens and paper in plenty. After this was done, she set to work to water the plant boxes and stands in the hall and on the piazza. Gertrude fell upon a large box of freshly cut flowers, and began to arrange them in various bowls and vases. Little Marian had three cages of birds to attend to, which, as she was very particular about their baths and behavior, took a long time. Candace alone had nothing to do, and sat by, feeling idle and left out among the rest.

&quot;I think I shall put you in charge of the piazza boxes,&quot; said Mrs. Gray, noticing her forlorn look as she came back from her interview with the fishmonger. &quot;See, Cannie, the watering-pot is kept ''here'', and the faucet of cold water is just there in the pantry. Would you like to take them as a little bit of daily regular work? They must be sprinkled every&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/75</title>
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      <text bytes="927" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|67|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;morning; and if the earth is dry they must be thoroughly watered, and all the seed-pods and yellow leaves and dead flowers must be picked off. Do you feel as if you could do it?&quot;

&quot;Oh, I should like to,&quot; said Cannie, brightening.

&quot;Very well. Georgie has plenty to attend to without them, I imagine. She will be glad to be helped. Georgie, Cannie has agreed to take the care of all the outside flower-boxes in future. You needn't have them on your mind any more.&quot;

&quot;That's nice,&quot; said Georgie, good-naturedly. &quot;Then I will look after the plants on your balcony, mamma. Elizabeth doesn't half see to them.&quot;

&quot;Oh, mightn't I do those too?&quot; urged Cannie. &quot;I wish you would let me.&quot;

&quot;Well, you can if you like. They are all watered for to-day, though. You needn't begin till to-morrow.&quot;

&quot;That is just as well,&quot; said Mrs. Gray; &quot;for now that I am through with the orders and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/76</title>
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      <text bytes="1056" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|68|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the tradesmen, I want Cannie to come up to the morning-room for a consultation. Georgie, you may come too. It's about your hair, Cannie. Those thick curls are very pretty, but they look a trifle old-fashioned, and I should think must be rather hot, like a little warm shawl always on your shoulders all summer long.&quot; She stroked the curls with her soft hand, as she spoke. &quot;Should you dislike to have them knotted up, Cannie? You are quite old enough, I think.&quot;

&quot;No, I shouldn't dislike it, but I don't know how to do my hair in any other way. I have always worn it like this.&quot;

&quot;We'll teach you,&quot; cried Georgie and Gertrude, who had joined them while her mother was speaking. &quot;Let us have a 'Council of Three' in the morning-room, and see what is most becoming to her.&quot;

So upstairs they went, and the girls pounced on Cannie, and put a towel over her shoulders, and brushed out her curls, and tried this way and that, while Mrs. Gray sat by and laughed. She would not interfere,—though Cannie at&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/77</title>
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      <text bytes="1033" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|69|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;times resisted, and declared that they were pulling her hair and hurting her dreadfully,—for she was anxious that the cousins should grow intimate and familiar with each other. In fact, Cannie's shyness was quite shaken out of her for the moment; and before the experiments were ended, and it was decided that a little bang on the forehead, and what Marian called a &quot;curly knot&quot; behind, suited her best, she felt almost at home with Georgie and Gertrude.

&quot;There,&quot; said Georgie, sticking in a last hair-pin, &quot;come and see yourself; and if you don't confess that you are improved, you're a very ungrateful young person, and that is all I have to say.&quot;

Candace scarcely knew her own face when she was led up to the looking-glass. The light rings of hair lay very prettily on the forehead, the &quot;curly knot&quot; showed the shape of the small head; it all looked easy and natural, and as if it was meant to be so. She smiled involuntarily. The girl in the glass smiled back.

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/83</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      <text bytes="1061" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|73|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;return, you will please let me just settle about a few little necessary things for you, just as I should for Georgie and Gertrude, and say no more about it. Ah! there is the old Mill; you will like to see that. Stop a moment, John.&quot;

The coupé stopped accordingly by a small open square, planted with grass and a few trees, and intersected with paths. There was a music-stand in the centre, a statue on a pedestal; and close by them, rising from the greensward, appeared a small, curious structure of stone. It was a roofless circular tower, supported on round arches, which made a series of openings about its base. Cannie had never heard of the Stone Mill before, and she listened eagerly while Mrs. Gray explained that it had stood there since the earliest days of the Colony; that no one knew exactly how old it was, who built it, or for what purpose it was built; and that antiquarians were at variance upon these points, and had made all sorts of guesses about its origin. Some insisted that it was&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/84</title>
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      <text bytes="1168" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|74|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;erected by the Norsemen, who were the first to discover the New England shores, long before the days of Columbus; others supposed it to be a fragment of an ancient church. Others again—and Mrs. Gray supposed that these last were probably nearest the truth—insisted that it was just what it seemed to be, a mill for grinding corn; and pointed out the fact that mills of very much the same shape still exist in old country neighborhoods in England. She also told Cannie that the mill used to be thickly overhung with ivies and Virginia creepers, and that it had never been so pretty and picturesque since the town authorities, under a mistaken apprehension that the roots of the vines were injuring the masonry, had torn them all away and left the ruin bare and unornamented, as she now saw it.

&quot;Did you never read [[Author:Henry Wadsworth Longfellow|Longfellow's]] '[[Poems That Every Child Should Know/The Skeleton in Armour|Skeleton in Armor]]'?&quot; she asked; and when Cannie said no, she repeated part of the poem, and promised to find the rest for Cannie to read when they got home. Then they drove on; and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/85</title>
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      <text bytes="1112" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|75|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Cannie's head was so full of &quot;Lief the son of Arnulf,&quot; the &quot;fearful guest,&quot; and the maiden whose heart under her loosened vest fluttered like doves &quot;in their nest frighted,&quot; that she could hardly bring herself back to real life, even when Cousin Kate stopped at a famous dress-furnisher's in the Casino Block, and caused her to be measured for two dresses. One was of white woollen stuff, like those which Georgie and Gertrude had worn the night before; the other, a darker one, of cream-and-brown foulard, which Mrs. Gray explained would be nice for church and for driving and for cool days, of which there were always plenty in the Newport summer. She also bought a little brown parasol for Cannie, and a tightly fitting brown jacket to match the foulard; and altogether it was a most exciting and adventurous morning. Cannie, as she took off her hat at home and fluffed the newly constructed &quot;bang&quot; into shape with gentle finger-touches, asked herself if it could be really only a day and a half since she said good-by to Aunt Myra in North Tolland; and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/65</title>
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      <text bytes="1785" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;KAynsley&quot; /&gt;{{c|67}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;hands of Mr. F. Hamilton. For some years following a party of tributers who had taken the whole mine over worked certain parts of it, but mainly directed their attention to the working-out of a large block of the Ajax shoot the company had left as unpayable over No. 5 level. This block the party stoped up for 120 ft. above the level. It was only about 18 in. wide, and averaged from 6 dwt. to 8 dwt. gold per ton; but the men were satisfied with the return, although they paid a 10-per-cent. royalty on the gross yield in addition to the working-expenses of crushing and 6d. per ton for the use of the battery. During the time the tributers worked the mine they appear to have crushed 1,426 tons of quartz, for a return of 1,271 oz. gold.

{{FI
 | file = missing
 | caption = Fig. 7.—Plan and Section of Golden FLeece Mine, Reefton.
}}

In 1895 the property was purchased by the Consolidated Goldfields of New Zealand, together with the Royal Mint, Venus, and Royal claims. At the same time this company also took over the ownership of the Inangahua Low-level Tunnel, which had originally been started with a view to cutting the whole of the country in which Anderson’s, Walshe’s, and Kelly’s lode-series occurred. The new owners began vigorously to prospect and exploit the claims from a number of points. Connection was made by rises and winzes between No. 4 level of the Royal and No. 6 level of the Golden Fleece, and the stoping of such stone as was left in the Royal shoot was pushed on with. Simultaneously a winze was started from No. 6 level on the Royal shoot, which was subsequently connected with No. 9 level. The driving of the Low-level Tunnel towards the Golden Fleece ground was also resumed, and this long adit, which later became No. 10 level of the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/86</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507419</id>
      <parentid>12356786</parentid>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      <text bytes="1088" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|76|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;if in fact it were really herself, little Candace Arden, to whom these wonderful things belonged, or was it some one else? Perhaps it was all a dream, and she should presently wake up. &quot;If it be I, as I believe it be,&quot; was the tenor of her thought, as of the old woman in the nursery rhyme; only Cannie had no little dog at hand to help her to a realization of her own identity.

Into Candace's bare little cradle in the hill country had been dropped one precious endowment. From both her father and her mother she inherited the love of reading. If old tales were true, and the gift-conferring fairies really came to stand round a baby's bed, each with a present in her hand, I think out of all that they could bestow I should choose for any child in whom I was interested, these two things,—a quick sense of humor and a love for books. There is nothing so lasting or so satisfying. Riches may take wing, beauty fade, grace vanish into fat, a sweet voice become harsh, rheumatism may cripple the fingers which played or painted so&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/87</title>
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        <username>Maile66</username>
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      <text bytes="1086" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|77|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;deftly,—with each and all of these delightful things time may play sad tricks; but to life's end the power to see the droll side of events is an unfailing cheer, and so long as eyes and ears last, books furnish a world of interest and escape whose doors stand always open. Winds may blow and skies may rain, fortune may prove unkind, days may be lonely and evenings dull; but for the true lover of reading there is always at hand this great company of companions and friends,—the wisest, the gentlest, the best,—never too tired or too busy to talk with him, ready at all moments to give their thought, their teaching, to help, instruct, and entertain. They never disappoint, they have no moods or tempers, they are always at home,—in all of which respects they differ from the rest of our acquaintance. If the man who invented sleep is to be blessed, thrice blessed be the man who invented printing!

There were not many books in the old yellow farm-house at North Tolland; but all that there were Cannie had read over and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/66</title>
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      <text bytes="3739" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;David Nind&quot; /&gt;{{c|68}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;mine, was extended to a point directly under the old No. 6 level, and a vertical shaft was raised through from one level to the other, a distance of 460 ft. This shaft was completed in 1900. During the progress of raising it, chambers were cut for Nos. 7, 8, and 9 levels, and drives were rapidly put out from these, stoping being started in this lower part of the mines in November of the same year. In the following year, 1901, the shaft was sunk from No. 10 to No. 11 level, and each succeeding year a further level was opened till No. 14 was reached. In all these levels the Ajax and Royal shoots were worked, but as the stone was not wide it was soon beaten out from level to level. No. 14 level, 1,673 ft. below the collar of the Ajax shaft, did not open out at all well, comparatively little stone being met with; but it was driven to the northern end of the Ajax shoot, from which point an incline shaft was sunk, and No. 15 level, the lowest in the mine, opened from it. This level did not show much more quartz than No. 14; and in August, 1907, the company decided to let the whole mine on tribute to a party consisting of Nicholas Lawn, John Oats, and others. This party then worked the mine till 1910, stoping out both shoots of stone from Nos. 14 and 15 levels, and mining a small tonnage from other parts of the workings. In all they crushed 7,856 tons for a yield of 6,543 oz. 6 dwt. gold. For the entire period during which the Consolidated Goldfields Company operated the mine it crushed approximately 92,287 tons of quartz for a return of 46,425 oz. 6 dwt. gold, valued at £183,079 17s. 7d.; but the amount paid in dividends is not available. At the same time the company operated the mine it also worked the Energetic - Wealth of Nations Mine, and during the period paid £178,214 14s. 6d. in dividends. A goodly part of this may have come from the Golden Fleece property, but what the proportion was there is now no means of telling.

For the whole period the group of mines comprising the Ajax, Royal, and Golden Fleece were worked the stone crushed amounted, as closely as can now be determined, to 134,477 tons, which yielded 89,639 oz. 15 dwt. 19 gr. gold, valued at £369,215 1s. 6d., out of which, apart from any dividends that the Consolidated Company may have paid, the sum of £57,785 15s. 5d. was distributed to shareholders. Of this amount the Ajax Company paid £2,504, the Royal £231 15s. 5d., and the Golden Fleece Extended Company £55,000.

Gold-bearing quartz was still going underfoot on No. 15 level when work ceased, but the cost of sinking the shaft further in order to work it was considered too great to permit of following it down{{SIC||.}}

''Royal Mine''.—This mine adjoined the Ajax on the south. A very large amount of work was done on it, including the driving of four adits; but the results were unsatisfactory. The shoot was located on each of the levels, but it was broken, narrow, and poor. All the stone in sight above the No. 4 adit was stoped out prior to 1895, either by the company or tributers, and the Consolidated Goldfields Company subsequently removed what little there was in the Royal ground from that level down. Very little definite information is available as to crushings or yields, and the figures relating to them cannot be segregated from those dealing with the Golden Fleece. It may be mentioned that the Royal Claim was first held by a company known as the Victory, formed in 1878, to which the Result and Royal Companies succeeded.

''Venus Mine''.—As previously stated, the shoot of ore in this mine lay somewhat to the west of those in the other claims referred to on Walshe’s line, but a study of the position convinced Dr. Henderson that it was&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/67</title>
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      <text bytes="3766" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;David Nind&quot; /&gt;{{c|69}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;related to them. Auriferous stone seems to have been first found in it as early as 1875, and a small crushing of 12 tons was evidently taken out shortly after that date, which yielded 10 oz. gold. The ground was only worked intermittently, however, for a good many years, such bodies of stone as were found being of no great extent. In 1885 a new company, the Venus Extended, was formed to work the claim, and met with a fair measure of success. The old company had driven an adit, No. 1, into the hill for 800 ft. without finding any reef of value. This adit the new company extended for 22 ft., when a shoot of stone 20in. wide was struck, showing gold freely. This shoot was subsequently stoped from No. 1 adit to the surface, and was traced down to Nos. 2 and 3 adits, the values being maintained throughout; but whereas it was about 350 ft. in length on the two upper adits, it shortened considerably on No. 3. Below No. 3 adit a winze was sunk for 115 ft. It was expected that the shoot would be struck in this at 25 ft. down, but the winze was carried down to 70 ft. without meeting stone. A crosscut was then run out to the east, which met the stone at 28 ft. A winze was then sunk on the stone for 40 ft., after which the first winze was continued to 115 ft., and connection made between the two workings. Below this point the shoot was not seen again. Another adit was started, to come in below the winzes, but no stone was got in it. It seems certain that this shoot was cut off by faulting; but even if it had lived down to No. 4 adit it is somewhat doubtful if the latter was carried in far enough to reach it. About the time the last of the stone in the shoot was being exhausted, another block, about 100 ft. long, was located in No. 1 adit. This was traced down to No. 2 adit, where it was apparently about 150 ft. south and somewhat to the west of the older workings. In the absence of plans it is difficult to tell precisely, but the reports of the Inspectors of Mines seem to indicate that this stone was also got on No. 3 level, but it was evidently irregular and of low grade. About the end of 1894 or early in 1895 the mine ceased operations, and in 1896 it passed into the hands of the Consolidated Goldfields Company, since which time nothing has been done by way of further prospecting it.

During the time the mine worked, 10,871 tons of quartz were crushed, for a yield of 7,043 oz. gold, valued at £27,404 16s. 2d., and dividends amounting to £3,300 were paid.

Dealing generally with this lode series, it may be said that some of the old-time miners who still remain in the district have a firm belief that the stone worked in the Venus Mine would have been found to live at a greater depth than it was traced, but Dr. Henderson’s opinion is that the stone probably formed the original cap of the Royal shoot, from which it was carried by faulting to the position in which it was found. This theory may be, and in all likelihood, is correct, but its reliability as accounting for the disappearance of the shoot in the lower levels can be only definitely proved by further prospecting. This much is known, that when the Inangahua Low-level Tunnel was being driven it entered badly crushed country some 10 chains before the lode country of the Venus was to be expected, and continued for 20 chains through similar material, thus showing that a powerful fault-movement had occurred there, and, as the Geologist says, it will well be that this crushed country represents the fracture-filling of the fault that displaced the Venus lode. Dr. Henderson further points out that the chaotic occurrence of the outcrops in this portion of the Murray Creek area may also be taken as evidence of faulting, the exact nature of which cannot&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Downey•Quartz·Reefs·West·Coast•1928.pdf/68</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507276</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>David Nind</username>
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      <text bytes="3989" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;David Nind&quot; /&gt;{{c|70}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;be defined. Be this as it may, it can be said that there was little in the history of the mine to lead to the belief that the property is one in any case for the further prospecting of which any considerable expense would be justified. It would have been a good thing if, when the Low-level Tunnel was open, some lateral prospecting had been done from it to determine the point. An amalgamation of the Venus and Low-level Companies had been arranged with this end in view, but when the privileges held by them passed to the Consolidated Goldfields that company was intent only on pushing the tunnel in to the Golden Fleece shoot, and did not trouble about any other work, and it is questionable if the great cost of reopening the tunnel now for the purpose would be warranted.

As far as the Royal section of the line is concerned there is no reason whatever for thinking that any further development on it would yield any better results than were obtained, and the Ajax shoot was worked out down to 1,800 ft. The chance of locating the lost portion of the Golden Fleece shoot may perhaps justify some prospecting effort. Considering that the two adjoining shoots, the Ajax and Royal, lived down to 1,800 ft., and were still going underfoot, there seems no good reason for thinking otherwise than that the Golden Fleece shoot would also live down in a similar manner, and, as the shoot was longer and richer than the others, some far better effort to locate it was justified than was apparently made in the past. It is on record that the Golden Fleece Extended Company brought a diamond drill from Australia for the purpose of using it in the search for the downward continuation of the shoot, but there is no record available as to what work was done with it in this direction. Local tradition has it that the crown of the drill was lost in the first hole and could not be recovered, and the assumption is that no further use was made of the plant. Any drill-hole that was put in would be {{SIC|betweeen|between}} the surface at the Ajax shaft and No. 6 level, and was in all likelihood started from No. 4 or No.5 level. In any case, such literature as there is dealing with the history of the mine at the time leads the writer to the conclusion that the hole was directed westerly from the old workings, in which case it may well have been advanced to any distance without finding the reef sought for. Referring to the cutting-off of the shoot, H. A. Gordon, Inspecting Engineer of Mines, mentions that “at the north side of the shaft a dislocation took place which caused a considerable throw in the lode, and it has not been picked up again on the north side of the dislocation or fault. Very good stone was got up to the fault, and there are indications that this lode will be again found to the northward of the fault and to the westward of the ground worked.” In view of this statement, the theory that the lost part of the shoot lay to the westward was probably the generally accepted explanation of the position at the time, consequently any work that was done by the way of searching for the lost reef would have been carried out in that direction. In a study of the mine made at a later date, however, Dr. Henderson came to the conclusion that the greater probability was that the lost portion of the shoot might be expected to lie to the eastward of the old workings. He points out that in the upper levels more than 1,000 ft. of lode-channel was ore-bearing, but the length below No. 6 level was reduced to about 700 ft., from which fact it was probable that three rather ill-defined ore-shoots were worked in the upper levels, the most northern of which was cut off by a fault of which the angle of dip was slightly steeper than the pitch of the shoots. A fault of this nature would have a northerly dip and an east-north-east strike, and the fact that each of the three bottom levels in the mine turned eastward following a pronounced fissure leaves little doubt&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>456jox16cng3q1x2li7kauyf51m7xzz</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507279</id>
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      <text bytes="3990" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;David Nind&quot; /&gt;{{c|70}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;be defined. Be this as it may, it can be said that there was little in the history of the mine to lead to the belief that the property is one in any case for the further prospecting of which any considerable expense would be justified. It would have been a good thing if, when the Low-level Tunnel was open, some lateral prospecting had been done from it to determine the point. An amalgamation of the Venus and Low-level Companies had been arranged with this end in view, but when the privileges held by them passed to the Consolidated Goldfields that company was intent only on pushing the tunnel in to the Golden Fleece shoot, and did not trouble about any other work, and it is questionable if the great cost of reopening the tunnel now for the purpose would be warranted.

As far as the Royal section of the line is concerned there is no reason whatever for thinking that any further development on it would yield any better results than were obtained, and the Ajax shoot was worked out down to 1,800 ft. The chance of locating the lost portion of the Golden Fleece shoot may perhaps justify some prospecting effort. Considering that the two adjoining shoots, the Ajax and Royal, lived down to 1,800 ft., and were still going underfoot, there seems no good reason for thinking otherwise than that the Golden Fleece shoot would also live down in a similar manner, and, as the shoot was longer and richer than the others, some far better effort to locate it was justified than was apparently made in the past. It is on record that the Golden Fleece Extended Company brought a diamond drill from Australia for the purpose of using it in the search for the downward continuation of the shoot, but there is no record available as to what work was done with it in this direction. Local tradition has it that the crown of the drill was lost in the first hole and could not be recovered, and the assumption is that no further use was made of the plant. Any drill-hole that was put in would be {{SIC|betweeen|between}} the surface at the Ajax shaft and No. 6 level, and was in all likelihood started from No. 4 or No. 5 level. In any case, such literature as there is dealing with the history of the mine at the time leads the writer to the conclusion that the hole was directed westerly from the old workings, in which case it may well have been advanced to any distance without finding the reef sought for. Referring to the cutting-off of the shoot, H. A. Gordon, Inspecting Engineer of Mines, mentions that “at the north side of the shaft a dislocation took place which caused a considerable throw in the lode, and it has not been picked up again on the north side of the dislocation or fault. Very good stone was got up to the fault, and there are indications that this lode will be again found to the northward of the fault and to the westward of the ground worked.” In view of this statement, the theory that the lost part of the shoot lay to the westward was probably the generally accepted explanation of the position at the time, consequently any work that was done by the way of searching for the lost reef would have been carried out in that direction. In a study of the mine made at a later date, however, Dr. Henderson came to the conclusion that the greater probability was that the lost portion of the shoot might be expected to lie to the eastward of the old workings. He points out that in the upper levels more than 1,000 ft. of lode-channel was ore-bearing, but the length below No. 6 level was reduced to about 700 ft., from which fact it was probable that three rather ill-defined ore-shoots were worked in the upper levels, the most northern of which was cut off by a fault of which the angle of dip was slightly steeper than the pitch of the shoots. A fault of this nature would have a northerly dip and an east-north-east strike, and the fact that each of the three bottom levels in the mine turned eastward following a pronounced fissure leaves little doubt&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/91</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3972334</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507393</id>
      <parentid>12357180</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:58:18Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
        <id>219883</id>
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      <text bytes="1052" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|81|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Then suppose you and Candace take a walk on the Cliffs. I have to take Marian to the dentist; but Cannie has not seen the sea yet, except at a distance, and you both ought to have a good exercise in the fresh air, for I am almost sure it will rain by to-morrow. You might take her to the beach, Gertrude, and come home by Marine Avenue.&quot;

&quot;Very well, mamma; I will, certainly,&quot; said Gertrude. But there was a lack of heartiness in her tone. Like most very young girls she had a strong sense of the observant eyes of Mrs. Grundy, and she did not at all approve of the brown gingham. &quot;I wonder why mamma can't wait till she has made Cannie look like other people,&quot; she was saying to herself.

There was no help for it, however. None of Mrs. Gray's children ever thought of disputing her arrangements for a moment; so the two girls set forth, Cannie in the despised gingham, and Gertrude in a closely fitting suit of blue serge, with a large hat of the same blue, which stood out like a frame round&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/92</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      <text bytes="1057" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|82|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the delicate oval of her face, and set off the feathery light hair to perfection.

Their way for a little distance was down a sort of country lane, which was the short cut to the Cliffs. It ended in a smooth greensward at the top of a wall of broken rocks; and, standing on the edge, Cannie called out, &quot;Oh!&quot; with a sense of sudden surprise and freedom.

Before her was a bay of the softest blue, with here and there a line of white surf, where long rollers were sweeping in toward the distant beach. Opposite, stretched a point of land rising into a low hill, which shone in the yellow afternoon sun; and from its end the unbroken sea stretched away into a lovely distance, whose color was like that of an opal, and which had no boundary but a mysterious dim line of faintly tinted sky. Sails shone against the moving water; gulls were dipping and diving; a flock of wild-ducks with glossy black heads swam a little away out from the shore. Beyond the point which made the other arm of the little bay&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/93</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3972336</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507395</id>
      <parentid>12357182</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:59:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      <text bytes="948" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|83|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;rose an island, ramparted by rocks, over which the surf could be seen to break with an occasional toss of spray. There was a delicious smell of soft salty freshness, and something besides,—a kind of perfume which Candace could not understand or name.

&quot;Oh, what is it; what can it be?&quot; she said.

&quot;What?&quot;

&quot;The smell. It is like flowers. Oh, there it is again!&quot;

&quot;Mamma makes believe that it is the Spice Islands,&quot; answered Gertrude, indifferently, &quot;or else Madeira. You know there is nothing between us and the coast of Africa except islands.&quot;

&quot;Really and truly? How wonderful!&quot;

&quot;Well, I don't see how it is so very wonderful. It just happens so. I suppose there are plenty of sea-side places where they can say the same thing.&quot;

&quot;Perhaps,—but I never saw any sea-coast but this. It is all new to me.&quot;

&quot;I suppose so,&quot; responded Gertrude, with a little yawn. She looked to right and to&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/94</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507396</id>
      <parentid>12357184</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:00:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      <text bytes="1067" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|84|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;left, fearing that some acquaintance might be coming to see her in company with this rather shabby little companion. &quot;Would you like to walk up the Cliffs a little way, or shall we go down to the beach?&quot; she asked.

&quot;Oh, let us just go as far as that point,&quot; said Candace, indicating where, to the right, past a turnstile, a smooth gravel path wound its way between the beautifully kept borders of grass. The path ran on the very edge of the Cliff, and the outer turf dipped at a steep incline to where the sharp rock ran down perpendicularly, but to the very verge it was as fine and as perfectly cut as anywhere else. Candace wondered who held the gardeners and kept them safe while they shaved the grass so smoothly in this dangerous spot, but she did not like to ask. Gertrude's indifferent manner drove her in upon herself and made her shy.

A hundred feet and more below them the sea was washing into innumerable rocky fissures with a hollow booming sound. The cliff-line was broken into all sorts of bold&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/95</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3972338</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507399</id>
      <parentid>12357185</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:01:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      <comment>/* Validated */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1073" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|85|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;forms,—buttresses and parapets and sharp inclines, with here and there a shallow cave or a bit of shingly beach. Every moment the color of the water seemed to change, and the soft duns and purples of the horizon line to grow more intense. Candace had no eyes but for the sea. She scarcely noticed the handsome houses on her right hand, each standing in its wide lawn, with shrubberies and beds of dazzling flowers. Gertrude, on the contrary, scarcely looked at the sea. It was an old story to her; and she was much more interested in trying to make out people she knew at the windows of the houses they passed, or on their piazzas, and in speculating about the carriages which could be seen moving on the distant road.

&quot;How good it is of the people who own the places to let everybody go through them!&quot; exclaimed Candace, when it was explained to her that the Cliff walk was a public one.

&quot;Oh, they can't help themselves. There is a right of way all round the Island, and nobody would be allowed to close it. Some&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/96</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3972339</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507401</id>
      <parentid>12357188</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:02:08Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      <comment>/* Validated */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1009" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|86|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;owners grumble and don't like it a bit; but mamma says it is one of the best things in Newport, and that it would be a great injury to the place to have it taken away. The Cliff walk is very celebrated, you know. Lots of people have written things about it.&quot;

&quot;Oh, I should think they would. It is the most beautiful place I ever saw.&quot;

&quot;You haven't seen many places, have you?&quot; observed Gertrude, rather impolitely.

&quot;Oh no, I never saw anything but North Tolland till I came to Newport.&quot;

&quot;Then you can't judge.&quot;

They had now turned, and were walking eastward toward the beach. Its line of breaking surf could be distinctly seen now. Carriages and people on horseback were driving or riding along the sands, and groups of black dots were discernible, which were other people on foot.

&quot;There is Pulpit Rock,&quot; said Gertrude, stopping where a shelving path slanted down toward a great square mass of stone, which was surrounded on three sides by water.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/97</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507404</id>
      <parentid>12357190</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:03:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Validated */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1031" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|87|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Would you like to go down and sit on top for a little while? I am rather tired.&quot;

&quot;Oh, I should like to so much.&quot;

Down they scrambled accordingly, and in another moment were on top of the big rock. It was almost as good as being at sea; for when they turned their backs to the shore nothing could be seen but water and sails and flying birds, and nothing heard but the incessant plash and dash of the waves below.

&quot;Oh, how perfectly splendid!&quot; cried Cannie. &quot;I should think you would come here every day, Gertrude.&quot;

&quot;Yes, that's what people always say when they first come,&quot; said the experienced Gertrude. &quot;But I assure you we don't come every day, and we don't want to. Why, sometimes last summer I didn't see the Cliffs for weeks and weeks together. It's nice enough now when there are not many people here; but after the season begins and the crowd, it isn't nice at all. You see all sorts of people that you don't know, and—and—well—it isn't pleasant.&quot;

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Little Country Girl - Coolidge (1887).djvu/98</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3972341</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507408</id>
      <parentid>12357192</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:04:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Maile66</username>
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      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Validated */</comment>
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      <text bytes="997" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|88|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;I can't think what you mean,&quot; declared Cannie, opening her eyes with amazement. &quot;I'd just as soon there were twenty people on this rock, if I needn't look at them and they didn't talk to me. The sea would be just the same.&quot;

&quot;You'll feel differently when you've been in Newport awhile. It's not at all the fashion to walk on the Cliffs now except on Sunday, and not at this end of them even then. A great many people won't bathe, either,—they say it has grown so common. Why, it used to be the thing to walk down here,—all the nicest people did it; and now you never see anybody below Narragansett Avenue except ladies'-maids and butlers, and people who are boarding at the hotels and don't know any better.&quot;

&quot;How funny it seems!&quot; remarked Candace, half to herself, with her eyes on the distance, which was rapidly closing in with mist.

&quot;What is funny?&quot;

&quot;Oh, I was—I was only thinking how funny it is that there should be a fashion&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1034" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Maile66&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|89|A WALK ON THE CLIFFS.| A LITTLE COUNTRY GIRL.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;about coming down to such a beautiful place as this.&quot;

&quot;I don't see how it is funny.&quot;

&quot;Yes,&quot; persisted Candace, who, for all her shyness, had ideas and opinions of her own; &quot;because the Cliffs are so old and have always been here, and I suppose some of the people who make it the fashion not to walk upon them have only just come to Newport.&quot;

&quot;I really think you are the queerest girl I ever saw,&quot; said Gertrude.

A long silence ensued. Each of the two girls was thinking her own thoughts. The thickening on the horizon meanwhile was increasing. Thin films of vapor began to blow across the sky. The wind stirred and grew chill; the surf on the beach broke with a low roar which had a menacing sound. Suddenly a wall of mist rose and rolled rapidly inland, blotting out all the blue and the smile of sky and sea.

&quot;Gracious! here's the fog,&quot; cried Gertrude, &quot;and I do believe it's going to rain. We must hurry home. I rather think mamma's storm is coming, after all.&quot;

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/73</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3975114</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507837</id>
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      <text bytes="4004" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float right|{{larger|'''67'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}{{rh|1867.|''Members' Indemnity Act''.|Cap. 3.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{clsh|l=2|class=cap|Cap. III.}}
&lt;div class=&quot;longtitle&quot;&gt;An Act relating to the Indemnity to Members and the Salaries of the Speakers, of both Houses of Parliament.&lt;/div&gt;
{{right|[''Assented to'' 21''st December'', 1867.]}}

{{anchor|preamble}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Preamble.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Preamble.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{initial|H|er}} Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows:

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Allowance to members of either House for attendance at any session.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Allowance to members of either House for attendance at any session.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-1&quot;&gt;1.&lt;/span&gt; In each session of Parliament, there shall be allowed to each member of the Senate and of the House of Commons attending at such session, six dollars for each day's attendance, if the session do not extend beyond thirty days; and if the session extends beyond thirty days, then there shall be payable to each member of the Senate and of the House of Commons attending at such a session, a sessional allowance of six hundred dollars and no more.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Deductions for non-attendance.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Deductions for non-attendance.&lt;br/&gt;What shall be reckoned as days of attendance.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-2&quot;&gt;2.&lt;/span&gt; A deduction at the rate of five dollars per day shall be made, from the said sessional allowance, for every day on which the member does not attend a sitting of the House of which he is a member, or of some committee thereof, provided the House sits on such day; but &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|What shall be reckoned as days of attendance.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;each day during the session, after the first on which the member attends as aforesaid, on which there has been no sitting of such House, in consequence of its having adjourned over such day, or on which the member was in the place where the session was held, but was prevented by sickness from attending any such sitting as aforesaid, shall be reckoned as a day of attendance at such session, for the purposes of this Act; and a member shall, for the purposes aforesaid, be held to be at the place where the session is held, whenever he is within ten miles of such place.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Allowance for less than 31 days' attendance.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Allowance for less than 31 days' attendance.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-3&quot;&gt;3.&lt;/span&gt; A member shall not be entitled to the said sessional allowance for less than thirty-one days' attendance reckoned as aforesaid, but his allowance for any less number of days shall be six dollars for each day's attendance.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|How the indemnity shall be payable.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}How the indemnity shall be payable.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-4&quot;&gt;4.&lt;/span&gt; The said compensation may be paid from time to time as the member becomes entitled to it, to the extend of four dollars for each day's attendance as aforesaid, but the remainder shall be retained by the clerk of the proper House, until the close of the session, when the final payment shall be made.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Case of a member for part of a session provided for.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Case of a member for part of a session provided for.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-5&quot;&gt;5.&lt;/span&gt; If any person is, from any cause a member of either House for a part only of any session, then provided he is a member for upwards of thirty days during such session, he shall be entitled to the sessional allowance herein before mentioned, subject to the deduction aforesaid for non-attendance as a member, and also to a deduction of five dollars for each day of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}
{{sidenotes begin}}
{{rh|5*||such}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/74</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3975118</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507834</id>
      <parentid>12433507</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:49:42Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="3969" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float left|{{larger|'''68'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}{{rh|Cap. 3.|''Members' Indemnity Act''.|31 {{sc|Vict}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;such session before he was elected or after he ceased to be a member; but if he is a member for only thirty days or less, then he shall be entitled only to six dollars for each day's attendance at such session, whatever be the length thereof.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Allowance for mileage.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Allowance for mileage.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-6&quot;&gt;6.&lt;/span&gt; There shall be also allowed to each member of the Senate and of the House of Commons ten cents for each mile of the distance between the place of residence of such member and the place at which the session is held, reckoning such distance going and coming, according to the nearest mail route, which distance shall be determined and certified by the Speaker of the Senate or House of Commons (as the case may be).

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Final payment at the close of Session.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Final payment at the close of Session.&lt;br/&gt;Declaration to be made.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-7&quot;&gt;7.&lt;/span&gt; The sum due to each Member at the close of any Session shall be calculated and paid to him by the Clerk of the House of which he is a Member, on his making and signing, before the Clerk or Accountant or Assistant Accountant of the House, or a Justice of the Peace, a solemn &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Declaration to be made.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;declaration to be kept by the Clerk, stating the number of days' attendance and the number of miles of distance according to the nearest mail route as determined and certified by the Speaker, for which such Member is entitled to the said allowance, and the amount of such allowance after deducting the number of days (if any) which are to be deducted under any preceding section of this Act; and such declaration may be in the [[#h-1|form A]] hereunto annexed, and shall have the same effect as an affidavit in the same form.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Grant for paying the allowance.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Grant for paying the allowance.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-8&quot;&gt;8.&lt;/span&gt; There is hereby granted to Her Majesty out of any unappropriated moneys forming part of the consolidated Revenue Fund of Canada an annual sum, sufficient to enable Her Majesty to advance to the Clerk of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Commons respectively, such sums as are required to pay the estimated amount of the sessional allowance hereinbefore mentioned.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Clerks to account for monies received by them.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Clerks to account for monies received by them.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-9&quot;&gt;9.&lt;/span&gt; The Clerk of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Commons shall respectively account for all monies received by them under this Act, in the same manner as for monies advanced to them for the contingent expenses of the said Senate and House of Commons, and they may, respectively, apply any surplus thereof to the payment of such contingent expenses, and may supply any deficiency of such estimated amount out of any monies in their hands respectively applicable to the payment of such contingent expenses.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Special provision for the present session as to allowance.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Special provision for the present session as to allowance.&lt;br/&gt;As to residue of session after adjournment.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-10&quot;&gt;10.&lt;/span&gt; Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained, for the present session of Parliament and up to the day of any adjournment for thirty days or upwards, (if such there should be) there shall be allowed to each member of the Senate and of the House of Commons attending at such session, six dollars for each day's attendance for the period of such session prior to&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}
{{rh|||such}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/75</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3975132</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507833</id>
      <parentid>12471495</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:47:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="3520" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float right|{{larger|'''69'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}{{rh|1867.|''Members' Indemnity Act''.|Cap. 3.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;such adjournment; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|As to residue of session after adjournment.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and if the residue of the session, after any such adjournment, shall extend to thirty days or upwards, there shall be payable to each member of the Senate and of the House of Commons attending at such residue of this session, the sessional allowance of six hundred dollars and no more, as if such residue were a session; but if such residue do not extend to thirty days, then there shall be allowed to each Member attending the residue of the session, six dollars for each day's attendance subsequent to such adjournment; provided that any allowance under this section shall be subject to the deductions, and be payable in the manner hereinbefore provided with respect to the ordinary sessions of Parliament.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Mileage allowed for both portions of Session.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Mileage allowed for both portions of Session.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-11&quot;&gt;11.&lt;/span&gt; There shall be allowed in respect of travel to and from the present Session of Parliament, as well prior to any adjournment for thirty days or upwards (if such there should be) as for the residue of the Session after any such adjournment, to each Member of the Senate and of the House of Commons ten cents for each mile of the distance between the place of residence of such Member and the place at which such Session is held, reckoning such distance going and coming according to the nearest mail route, which distance shall be determined and certified by the Speaker of the Senate or House of Commons (as the case may be) and such allowance shall be payable in the manner hereinbefore provided.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Salaries of Speakers.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Salaries of Speakers.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-12&quot;&gt;12.&lt;/span&gt; The following salaries shall be payable to the Officers hereinafter mentioned, respectively:

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Senate.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Senate.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;To the Speaker of the Senate the sum of three thousand two hundred dollars per annum.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Commons.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Commons.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;To the Speaker of the House of Commons the sum of three thousand two hundred dollars per annum.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Short Title.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Short Title.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-13&quot;&gt;13.&lt;/span&gt; This Act may be cited as the &quot;The Members' Indemnity Act.&quot;

{{rule|5em}}

{{clsh|l=2|class=schedule|id=h-1|Schedule Form A.}}

I, A. B., One of the members of the Senate (''or'' House of Commons,) solemnly declare, that I reside at {{em|5}} in {{em|5}} which is distant by the nearest mail route {{em|10}} miles, as determined by the Speaker of this House, from {{em|5}} where the session of Parliament of Canada, which began on the {{em|7}} day of {{em|7}} one thousand eight hundred and {{em|5}} was held—

That the first day during the said session on which I was present, at {{em|5}} where the said session was held, was the {{em|5}} day of {{em|5}} one thousand eight hundred and {{em|5}}.

That on the said day and on each day of the said session, after the said day on which there was a sitting of the said House, I attended such sitting, or a sitting of some Committee&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rh|||thereof,*}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/77</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3975551</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507831</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:44:17Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="4511" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float right|{{larger|'''71'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}{{rh|1867.|''Supplies'', 1867–8.|Cap. 4.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|1867, to 31st March, 1868.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Public Service of the Dominion not otherwise provided for, from the first day of July in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven, to the thirty-first day of March in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Governor in Council may from time to time issue Debentures, Stock, &amp;c., pay off or redeem liabilities of the Dominion then outstanding.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Governor in Council may from time to time issue Debentures, Stock, &amp;c., pay off or redeem liabilities of the Dominion then outstanding.&lt;br/&gt;Proviso: Public debt not to be increased.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-2&quot;&gt;2.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may from time to time, as the interests of the public service require, authorize the redemption or purchase by or on account of the Dominion, of any debt or liability of the late Province of Canada, or of the Province of Nova Scotia or of New Brunswick, existing at the Union,—and whether the same be in stock, debentures, notes of a Province in circulation, indebtedness to Saving Banks, or of any other description whatever:—and may for that purpose or for the purpose of covering any debt of the Dominion on open Account, from time to time, issue New Stock, Debentures, Notes or other security to an amount not exceeding the debt or liability as aforesaid so to be redeemed, purchased, or covered; and the stock, debentures, notes or securities, to be issued for any of such purposes shall bear such rate of interest not exceeding six per centum per annum, and be made payable in sterling money or currency, and at such times and places, and may be in such form, as may be directed by the Governor in Council, and the principal and interest thereof shall be a charge upon and payable out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Proviso: Public debt not to be increased.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;but the amount of any Stock, Debentures, Notes or Securities to be so issued under the authority of the Governor in Council, shall never at any one time exceed the amount of the debts or liabilities to be redeemed, purchased or covered at such time, to the intent that the public debt of Canada shall not be increased under the provisions of this section.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Governor in Council may authorize the raising of money on the Credit of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, to the amount of $5,000,000, and by what means.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Governor in Council may authorize the raising of money on the Credit of the Consolidated Revenue Fund, to the amount of $5,000,000, and by what means.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-3&quot;&gt;3.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may authorize the raising of a sum of money not exceeding five million dollars, upon the credit of the Consolidated Revenue Fund of Canada, and to be a charge upon the same, but subject to the several payments by the [[Statutes of Canada/1867-68/Volume 1/Imperial Acts/Chapter 3|British North America Act, 1867]], charged on the Consolidated Revenue Fund of Canada, and as a subsequent charge next after those specified in sections [[Statutes of Canada/1867-68/Volume 1/Imperial Acts/Chapter 3#s-103|one hundred and three]], [[Statutes of Canada/1867-68/Volume 1/Imperial Acts/Chapter 3#s-104|one hundred and four]] and [[Statutes of Canada/1867-68/Volume 1/Imperial Acts/Chapter 3#s-105|one hundred and five]] of that Act, and after any loan raised for the construction of the Intercolonial Railway under the provisions of the [[Statutes of Canada/1867-68/Volume 1/Imperial Acts/Chapter 16|Canada Railway Loan Act 1867]], and the charges constituted in respect of such loan by any Act of the Parliament in Canada, (and in addition to the Public Debt of Canada as constituted by the [[Statutes of Canada/1867-68/Volume 1/Imperial Acts/Chapter 3#s-111|one hundred and eleventh section of the British North America Act, 1867]];) and the Governor in Council may authorize the raising of such sum by any of the methods following or partly by one and partly by another or others of such methods, that is to say: by the issue, or issue and sale of Stock, or of Debentures or of Exchequer Bills, or Exchequer Bonds or by the granting of Terminable Annuities; any of which said securities&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|shall}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/79</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3975565</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507830</id>
      <parentid>12505954</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:42:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="3744" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float right|{{larger|'''73'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}{{rh|1867.|''Supplies'', 1867–8.|Cap. 4, 5.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|For what purposes only such stock, &amp;c., may be issued and sold.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}For what purposes only such stock, &amp;c., may be issued and sold.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-8&quot;&gt;8.&lt;/span&gt; The said Stock, Terminable Annuities and Exchequer Bills or Exchequer Bonds, may be issued, granted and sold for the purposes of this Act, to the extent hereby authorized and subject to the provisions herein made, and not for any other purpose or to any greater extent without the further authority of Parliament.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Accounts to be laid before Parliament.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Accounts to be laid before Parliament.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-9&quot;&gt;9.&lt;/span&gt; A detailed account of the moneys expended under the authority of this Act, shall be laid before the House of Commons during the first fifteen days of the session of Parliament next after such expenditure.&lt;section end=&quot;Chapter 4&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Chapter 5&quot; /&gt;{{clsh|l=2|class=cap|Cap. V.}}

&lt;div class=&quot;longtitle&quot;&gt;An Act respecting the collection and management of the Revenue, the Auditing of Public Accounts, and the liability of Public Accountants.&lt;/div&gt;

{{right|[''Assented to'' 21''st December'', 1867.}}

{{anchor|preamble}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Preamble.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Preamble.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{initial|H|er}} Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows:

{{clsh|class=part|id=h-1|l=2|Preliminary—Interpretation.}}

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Interpretation.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Interpretation.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-1&quot;&gt;1.&lt;/span&gt;{{anchor|s-1-1}} In this Act, the words &quot;Public Revenue&quot; or &quot;Revenue,&quot; mean and include and apply to all Revenue of the Dominion of Canada, and all branches thereof, and all public moneys, whether arising from duties of Customs or other duties,—or from the Post Office,—or from Tolls for the use of any Canal, Railway, or other public work,—or from penalties or forfeitures,—or from any rents or dues,—or any other source whatsoever,—whether such moneys belong to the Dominion or are collected by officers of the Dominion for or on account of or in trust for any Province forming part of the Dominion, or for the Imperial Government, or for any other party:

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Who shall be subject to this Act.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Who shall be subject to this Act.&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor+|s-1-2|2.}} And any officer, functionary or person whose duty it is or has been to receive any moneys forming part of the Revenue, or who is or has been entrusted with the custody or expenditure of any such moneys, whether before or after the Union of the Provinces now forming the Dominion of Canada,—although he may not be or have been regularly employed in collecting, managing or accounting for the same,—shall be subject to the provisions of this Act, so far as regards the accounting for and paying over such moneys, whatever be the office or employment by virtue of which he receives or has received, or is or was entrusted with the same.

{{clsh|class=part|id=h-2|l=2|Collection and Management of the Revenue.}}

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Governor to determine what}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Governor to determine what officers are necessary, &amp;c.&lt;br/&gt;Proviso as to salaries.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-2&quot;&gt;2.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may from time to time determine what officers or persons it is necessary to employ&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|in}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/72</title>
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      <text bytes="3493" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float left|{{larger|'''66'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}{{rh|Cap. 1, 2.|''Interpretation Act.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
been printed and distributed by him since the then last Session,—and the Departments, Administrative Bodies, Officers and persons to whom the same have been distributed, the number of copies delivered to each, and under what authority, and the numbers of copies of the Acts of each Session then remaining in his hands,—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|And as to expense incurred by him.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and containing also a detailed account of the expenses by him actually incurred in carrying this Act into effect, to the end that provision may be made for defraying the same, after such account has been duly audited and allowed.&lt;section end=&quot;s-14&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-15&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Obligations of parties obtaining private Acts.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Obligations of parties obtaining private Acts.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-15}}&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot;&gt;15.&lt;/span&gt; The party obtaining an Act of a private or personal character shall furnish, at his own cost, one hundred and fifty printed copies of such Act to the Government of Canada.&lt;section end=&quot;s-15&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;distribution&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;short title&quot; /&gt;{{clsh|class=part|l=2|id=h-4|Short title.}}
&lt;section begin=&quot;s-16&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Short title.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Short title.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-16}}&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot;&gt;16.&lt;/span&gt; This Act may be cited as “The Interpretation Act.”&lt;section end=&quot;s-16&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;short title&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;Chapter 1&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;Chapter 2&quot; /&gt;{{clsh|l=2|class=cap|Cap. II.}}

&lt;div class=&quot;longtitle&quot;&gt;An Act respecting the Office of Speaker of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada.&lt;/div&gt;

{{right|[''Assented to'' 21''st December'', 1867.]}}

&lt;section begin=&quot;preamble&quot; /&gt;{{anchor|preamble}}&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Preamble.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Preamble.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{initial|H|er}} Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows:&lt;section end=&quot;preamble&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;speaker&quot; /&gt;{{clsh|l=2|class=part|id=h-1|Office of Speaker of the House of Commons of Canada.}}

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-1&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Speaker leaving the Chair may call upon a member to act as Speaker during his absence.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Speaker leaving the Chair may call upon a member to act as Speaker during his absence.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-1&quot;&gt;1.&lt;/span&gt; Whenever the Speaker of the House of Commons, from illness or other cause, finds it necessary to leave the chair during any part of the sittings of the said House, on any day, he may call upon any member thereof to take the Chair and to act as Speaker during the remainder of such day, unless the Speaker himself resume the Chair before the close of the sittings for that day; and the member so called upon shall take the Chair and act as Speaker accordingly; and every Act passed and every order made and thing done by the said House of Commons, while such member is acting as Speaker, as aforesaid, shall be as valid and effectual to all intents and purposes, as if done while the Speaker himself was presiding in the Chair.&lt;section end=&quot;s-1&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;speaker&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;Chapter 2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:right;font-size:120%;letter-spacing:0.15em;text-transform:uppercase;&quot;&gt;Cap.&lt;/div&gt;
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507852</id>
      <parentid>12507839</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:11:37Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="3492" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float left|{{larger|'''66'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}{{rh|Cap. 1, 2.|''Interpretation Act.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;been printed and distributed by him since the then last Session,—and the Departments, Administrative Bodies, Officers and persons to whom the same have been distributed, the number of copies delivered to each, and under what authority, and the numbers of copies of the Acts of each Session then remaining in his hands,—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|And as to expense incurred by him.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and containing also a detailed account of the expenses by him actually incurred in carrying this Act into effect, to the end that provision may be made for defraying the same, after such account has been duly audited and allowed.&lt;section end=&quot;s-14&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-15&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Obligations of parties obtaining private Acts.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Obligations of parties obtaining private Acts.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-15}}&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot;&gt;15.&lt;/span&gt; The party obtaining an Act of a private or personal character shall furnish, at his own cost, one hundred and fifty printed copies of such Act to the Government of Canada.&lt;section end=&quot;s-15&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;distribution&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;short title&quot; /&gt;{{clsh|class=part|l=2|id=h-4|Short title.}}
&lt;section begin=&quot;s-16&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Short title.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Short title.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-16}}&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot;&gt;16.&lt;/span&gt; This Act may be cited as “The Interpretation Act.”&lt;section end=&quot;s-16&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;short title&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;Chapter 1&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;Chapter 2&quot; /&gt;{{clsh|l=2|class=cap|Cap. II.}}

&lt;div class=&quot;longtitle&quot;&gt;An Act respecting the Office of Speaker of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada.&lt;/div&gt;

{{right|[''Assented to'' 21''st December'', 1867.]}}

&lt;section begin=&quot;preamble&quot; /&gt;{{anchor|preamble}}&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Preamble.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Preamble.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{initial|H|er}} Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows:&lt;section end=&quot;preamble&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;speaker&quot; /&gt;{{clsh|l=2|class=part|id=h-1|Office of Speaker of the House of Commons of Canada.}}

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-1&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Speaker leaving the Chair may call upon a member to act as Speaker during his absence.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Speaker leaving the Chair may call upon a member to act as Speaker during his absence.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-1&quot;&gt;1.&lt;/span&gt; Whenever the Speaker of the House of Commons, from illness or other cause, finds it necessary to leave the chair during any part of the sittings of the said House, on any day, he may call upon any member thereof to take the Chair and to act as Speaker during the remainder of such day, unless the Speaker himself resume the Chair before the close of the sittings for that day; and the member so called upon shall take the Chair and act as Speaker accordingly; and every Act passed and every order made and thing done by the said House of Commons, while such member is acting as Speaker, as aforesaid, shall be as valid and effectual to all intents and purposes, as if done while the Speaker himself was presiding in the Chair.&lt;section end=&quot;s-1&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;speaker&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;Chapter 2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:right;font-size:120%;letter-spacing:0.15em;text-transform:uppercase;&quot;&gt;Cap.&lt;/div&gt;
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/71</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3976210</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507840</id>
      <parentid>12490027</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:53:47Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="4039" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float right|{{larger|'''65'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}{{rh|1867.|''Interpretation Act.''|Cap. 1.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;time be directed by any joint Resolution of the said Houses, or in default of such Resolution, in such numbers as shall be directed by order of the Governor General in Council and to such Public Departments, Administrative Bodies and Officers, throughout Canada, as may be specified in any order to be for that purpose made from time to time by the Governor General in Council; 

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|As to Bills assented to during and before the end of the session.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}As to Bills assented to during and before the end of the session.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;Provided that when any Bill receives the Royal assent during and before the termination of any Session of Parliament, Her Majesty’s Printer shall, on intimation to that effect from the Secretary of State of Canada, cause distribution to be made of such number of copies thereof, to the same parties, and in like manner as is hereinbefore provided, in regard to the Acts of any Session.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|List to be furnished of persons to receive copies.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}List to be furnished of persons to receive copies.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-11&quot;&gt;11.&lt;/span&gt; The Secretary of State of Canada shall, within fifteen days after the close of each Session of Parliament, transmit to Her Majesty’s Printer a list of all the Public Departments, Administrative Bodies and Officers to whom such copies are to be transmitted as aforesaid, and shall also, from time to time, as occasion requires, furnish him with copies of all orders in Council made under the provisions of this Act.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|If any copies remain, &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}If any copies remain, &amp;c.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-12&quot;&gt;12.&lt;/span&gt; If after the distribution of the said printed Acts any copies remain in the hands of Her Majesty’s Printer, he may deliver any number thereof to any person by order of the Governor General, on notice thereof by the Secretary of State of Canada,—or to the Members of the Senate or of the House of Commons, on the order of the Speaker of the said Houses respectively.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|How Statutes shall be printed and bound.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}How Statutes shall be printed and bound.&lt;br /&gt;Classification of Statutes.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-13&quot;&gt;13.&lt;/span&gt; The Statutes shall be printed in Royal Octavo Form, on fine paper, in Small Pica Type, thirty-two ems by fifty-five ems, including marginal notes in Minion, such notes referring to the year and chapter of previous Statutes, whenever the text amends, repeals or changes the enactments of former years; and shall be half-bound in Cloth with backs of White Sheep skin and lettered, with the exception of a certain number to be named by the Standing Committee on Printing which shall be bound in half-calf and gilt-lettered, and they shall be &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Classification of Statutes.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;arranged for distribution in such manner either by the binding of the Public General Acts, and Acts of a local or private character in separate volumes, or by binding them together in the same volumes with separate indexes or otherwise as the Governor in Council may deem expedient.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Report by Printer as to number of copies distributed.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Report by Printer as to number of copies distributed.&lt;br/&gt;And as to expense incurred by him.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-14&quot;&gt;14.&lt;/span&gt; Her Majesty’s Printer shall, before the opening of each Report by Session of Parliament, make a Report in triplicate to the Governor General, (to be by him laid before each House of Parliament within fifteen days after the opening of such Session), shewing the number of copies of the Acts of each Session which have&lt;noinclude&gt;{{sidenotes end}}{{sidenotes begin}}{{rh|5||been}}{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/70</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3976211</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507841</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:55:10Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="4580" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float left|{{larger|'''64'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}{{rh|Cap. 1.|''Interpretation Act.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|All Acts to be deemed Public Acts, as regards pleading.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}All Acts to be deemed Public Acts, as regards pleading.&lt;br/&gt;Proof of Acts.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirty-eighthly}}''Thirty-eighthly.'' Every Act shall, unless by express provision it is declared to be a Private Act, be deemed to be a Public Act, and shall be judicially noticed by all Judges, Justices of the Peace and others without being specially pleaded;—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Proof of Acts.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;And all copies of Acts, public or private, printed by the Queen’s Printer, shall be evidence of such Acts and of their contents, and every copy purporting to be printed by the Queen’s Printer shall be deemed to be so printed, unless the contrary be shewn;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Preamble to be a part of Act.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Preamble to be a part of Act.&lt;br/&gt;All Acts remedial, and to be construed as such.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirty-ninthly}}''Thirty-ninthly.'' The Preamble of every such Act as aforesaid shall be deemed a part thereof intended to assist in explaining the purport of the Act;—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|All Acts remedial, and to be construed as such.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;And every Act and every provision or enactment thereof, shall be deemed remedial, whether its immediate purport be to direct the doing of any thing which Parliament deems to be for the public good or to prevent or punish the doing of any thing which it deems contrary to the public good,—and shall accordingly receive such fair, large and liberal construction and interpretation as will best ensure the attainment of the object of the Act and of such provision or enactment according to their true intent, meaning and spirit.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Applicable Rules of construction not excluded.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Applicable Rules of construction not excluded.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-fortiethly}}''Fortiethly.'' Nothing in this Section shall exclude the application to any Act, of any Rule of Construction applicable thereto, and not inconsistent with this Section.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Provisions herein to apply to this Act.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Provisions herein to apply to this Act.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-forty-firstly}}''Forty-firstly.'' The provisions of this Act shall apply to the construction thereof, and to the words and expressions used therein.&lt;section end=&quot;s-7&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-8&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Acts to be done by more than two.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Acts to be done by more than two.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-8&quot;&gt;8.&lt;/span&gt; When any act or thing is required to be done by more than two persons, a majority of them may do it.&lt;section end=&quot;s-8&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;interpretation&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;distribution&quot; /&gt;{{clsh|l=2|class=part|id=h-3|Distribution of the Printed Statutes.}}
&lt;section begin=&quot;s-9&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Certified copy of every Act to be furnished to Queen’s Printer.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Certified copy of every Act to be furnished to Queen’s Printer.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-9&quot;&gt;9.&lt;/span&gt; The Clerk of the Senate shall furnish Her Majesty’s Printer with a certified copy of every Act of the Parliament, of Canada so soon as the same has received Royal Assent, or if the Bill has been reserved, so soon as the Royal Assent thereto has been proclaimed in Canada.&lt;section end=&quot;s-9&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-10&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Printer to distribute printed copies of Acts.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Printer to distribute printed copies of Acts.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-10&quot;&gt;10.&lt;/span&gt; Her Majesty’s Printer shall, immediately after the close of each Session of Parliament, or so soon after as may be practicable, deliver or transmit by Post, or otherwise, in the most economical mode, the proper number of printed copies of the Acts of Parliament, in the English language or French language, or both languages, (to be printed by him at the public expense,) to the parties hereinafter mentioned, that is to say:

&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Who shall receive such copies.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Who shall receive such copies.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;To the Members of the two Houses of Parliament respectively, such numbers of copies each, as may from time to&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|time}}{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/69</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3976293</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507844</id>
      <parentid>12490032</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:56:59Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="4583" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float right|{{larger|'''63'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}{{rh|1867.|''Interpretation Act.''|Cap. 1.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Power to make by-laws, what included by.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Power to make by-laws, what included by.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirty-secondly}}''Thirty-secondly.'' Where power to make by-laws, regulations rules or orders is conferred, it shall include the power to alter or revoke the same and make others.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Acts not to affect the Crown, unless specially declared to do so.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Acts not to affect the Crown, unless specially declared to do so.&lt;br/&gt;As to Acts of private nature.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirty-thirdly}}''Thirty-thirdly.'' No provision or enactment in any Act, shall affect in any manner or way whatsoever, the rights of Her Majesty, Her Heirs or Successors, unless it is expressly stated therein that Her Majesty shall be bound thereby; nor if such &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|As to Acts of private nature.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Act be of the nature of a private Act, shall it affect the rights of any person or of any body politic, corporate or collegiate, such only excepted as are therein mentioned or referred to.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Power always reserved to Parliament to repeal or amend any Act.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Power always reserved to Parliament to repeal or amend any Act.&lt;br/&gt;As to Bank Charters.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirty-fourthly}}''Thirty-fourthly.'' Every Act shall be so construed as to reserve to Parliament the power of repealing or amending it, and of revoking, restricting or modifying any power, privilege or advantage thereby vested in or granted to any person on party, whenever such repeal, amendment, revocation, restriction or modification is deemed by Parliament to be required for the public good; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|As to Bank Charters.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;And unless it is otherwise expressly provided in any Act passed for chartering any Bank, it shall be in the discretion of the Parliament at any time thereafter to make such provisions and impose such restrictions with respect to the amount and description of notes which may be issued by such Bank, as to Parliament appears expedient.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Effect of repeal of Act on persons acting under it.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Effect of repeal of Act on persons acting under it.&lt;br/&gt;Not to effect certain proceedings.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirty-fifthly}}''Thirty-fifthly.'' Where any Act is repealed wholly or in part and other provisions substituted, all officers, persons, bodies politic or corporate acting under the old law shall continue to act as if appointed under the new law, until others are appointed in their stead; and all proceedings taken under the old law shall be taken up and continued under the new law when not inconsistent therewith; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Not to effect certain proceedings.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and all penalties and forfeitures may be recovered and all proceedings had in relation to matters which have happened before the repeal in the same manner as if the law were still in force, pursuing the new provisions as far as they can be adapted to the old law.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|As to acts, &amp;c., done before repeal.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}As to acts, &amp;c., done before repeal.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirty-sixthly}}''Thirty-sixthly.'' The repeal of an Act at any time shall not affect any act done or any right or right of action existing, accruing, accrued or established or any proceedings commenced in a civil cause, before the time when such repeal shall take effect; but the proceedings in such case shall be conformable when necessary to the repealing Act.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Offences committed and penalties incurred not affected by repeal.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Offences committed and penalties incurred not affected by repeal.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirty-seventhly}}''Thirty-seventhly.'' No offence committed and no penalty or forfeiture incurred and no proceeding pending under any Act at any time repealed shall be affected by the repeal, except that the proceedings shall be conformable when necessary to the repealing Act, and that where any penalty, forfeiture or punishment shall have been mitigated by any of the provisions of the repealing Act, such provisions shall be extended and applied to any judgment to be pronounced after such repeal.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|''Thirty-eighthly.''}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/67</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3976303</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507847</id>
      <parentid>12490034</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:58:50Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="4391" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float right|{{larger|'''61'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}{{rh|1867.|''Interpretation Act.''|Cap. 1.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Contravention of Acts.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Contravention of Acts.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-twentiethly}}''Twentiethly.'' Any wilful contravention of any Act, which is not made any offence of some other kind, shall be a misdemeanor, and punishable accordingly;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Punishment for contravention.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Punishment for contravention.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-twenty-firstly}}''Twenty-firstly.'' Whenever any wilful contravention of any Act is made an offence of any particular kind or name, the person guilty of such contravention shall, on conviction thereof, be punishable in the manner in which such offence is by law punishable;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Recovery of penalties when no other mode is prescribed.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Recovery of penalties when no other mode is prescribed.&lt;br/&gt;Appropriation.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-twenty-secondly}}''Twenty-secondly.'' Whenever any pecuniary penalty or any forfeiture is imposed for any contravention of any Act,—then, if no other mode be prescribed for the recovery thereof, such penalty or forfeiture shall be recoverable with costs by civil action or proceeding at the suit of the Crown only, or of any private party suing as well for the Crown as for himself,—in any form allowed in such case by the law of that Province where it is brought,—before any Court having jurisdiction to the amount of the penalty in cases of simple contract,—upon the evidence of any one credible witness other than the Plaintiff or party interested; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Appropriation.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;And if no other provision be made for the appropriation of such penalty or forfeiture, one half thereof shall belong to the Crown, and the other half shall belong to the private plaintiff, if any there be, and if there be none, the whole shall belong to the Crown;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Crown’s share when not otherwise appropriated to form part of {{abbr|Con. Rev. Fund.|Consolidated Revenue Fund}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Crown’s share when not otherwise appropriated to form part of {{abbr|Con. Rev. Fund.|Consolidated Revenue Fund}}&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-twenty-thirdly}}''Twenty-thirdly.'' Any duty, penalty or sum of money, or the proceeds of any forfeiture, which is by any Act given to the Crown, shall, if no other provision be made respecting it, form part of the Consolidated Revenue Fund of Canada and be accounted for and otherwise dealt with accordingly;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Paying and accounting for moneys appropriated by statute.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Paying and accounting for moneys appropriated by statute.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-twenty-fourthly}}''Twenty-fourthly.'' If any sum of the public money be, by any Act appropriated for any purpose or directed to be paid by the Governor General,—then, if no other provision be made respecting it, such sum shall be payable under Warrant of the Governor General directed to the Receiver General, out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund of Canada; And all persons entrusted with the expenditure of any such sum or any part thereof shall account for the same in such manner and form, with such vouchers, at such periods and to such Officer, as the Governor General may direct;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|“Magistrate” “Two Justices.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Magistrate” “Two Justices.”&lt;br/&gt;Power to do anything to  include all necessary powers for doing it.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-twenty-fifthly}}''Twenty-fifthly.'' The word “Magistrate” shall mean a Justice of the Peace;—the words “two Justices,” shall mean two or more Justices of the Peace, assembled or acting together;—And if any thing is directed to be done by or before a Magistrate or a Justice of the Peace, or other Public Functionary or Officer, it shall be done by or before one whose jurisdiction or powers extend to the place where such thing is to be done;—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Power to do anything to }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;And whenever power is given to any person, officer or functionary to do or to enforce the doing of any act or thing, all such&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|powers}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/66</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="4251" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float left|{{larger|'''60'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}{{rh|Cap. 1.|''Interpretation Act.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the context can apply according to the law of that part of Canada to which such context extends;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Writing,” “written.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Writing,” “written.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-twelfthly}}''Twelfthly.'' The words “writing,” “written,” or any term of like import, shall include words printed, painted, engraved, lithographed, or otherwise traced or copied;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Now” or “next.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Now” or “next.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-thirteenthly}}''Thirteenthly.'' The word “now” or “next,” shall be construed as having reference to the time when the Act was presented for the Royal Assent;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Month.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Month.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-fourteenthly}}''Fourteenthly.'' The word “month” shall mean a calendar month;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Holiday.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Holiday.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-fifteenthly}}''Fifteenthly.'' The word “holiday” shall include Sundays, New Year’s Day, the Epiphany, the Annunciation, Good-Friday, the Ascension, ''Corpus Christi'', St. Peter and St Paul’s Day, all Saints Day, Conception Day, Easter Monday, Ash Wednesday, Christmas Day, the Birth day of the reigning Sovereign, and any day appointed by Proclamation for a General Fast or Thanksgiving;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Oath.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Oath.”&lt;br /&gt;“Sworn.”&lt;br /&gt;“Affirmed.”&lt;br/&gt;Perjury.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-sixteenthly}}''Sixteenthly.'' The word “oath” shall be construed as meaning a solemn affirmation whenever the context applies to any person and case by whom and in which a solemn affirmation may be made instead of an oath, &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Sworn.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and in like cases the word “sworn” shall include the word “affirmed”;—And in every case where an oath or &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Affirmed.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;affirmation is directed to be made before any person or officer, such person or officer shall have full power and authority to administer the same and to certify its having been made;—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Perjury.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;And the wilful making of any false statement in any such oath or affirmation, shall be wilful and corrupt perjury,—and the wilful making of any false statement in any declaration required by any Act, shall be a misdemeanor punishable as wilful and corrupt perjury;

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Sureties.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Sureties.”&lt;br /&gt;“Security.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-seventeenthly}}''Seventeenthly.'' The word “sureties” shall mean sufficient sureties, and the word &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Security.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;“security” shall mean sufficient security, and where those words are used, one person shall be sufficient therefor unless otherwise expressly required.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Superior Courts.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Superior Courts.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-eighteenthly}}''Eighteenthly.'' The words “Superior Courts” shall denote in the Province of Ontario, the Court of Queens Bench, the Court of Common Pleas and the Court of Chancery in the said Province; in the Province of Quebec the said words shall denote the Court of Queens Bench and the Superior court in and for the said Province; and in the Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick the said words shall denote the Supreme Court in and for each of the said Provinces respectively.

&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Registrar,” “Register.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Registrar,” “Register.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-7-nineteenthly}}''Nineteenthly.'' The words “Registrar” or “Register” in any Act, applying to the whole Dominion, shall mean and include indifferently Registrars and Registers in the several Provinces constituting the Dominion, and their Deputies, respectively;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|''Twentiethly.''}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/64</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3976469</id>
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      <text bytes="4512" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float left|{{larger|'''58'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}{{rh|Cap. 1.|''Interpretation Act.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s-4&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Date of Royal assent to be endorsed on every Act.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Date of Royal assent to be endorsed on every Act.&lt;br/&gt;Effect of such endorsement.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-4&quot;&gt;4.&lt;/span&gt; The Clerk of the Senate shall endorse on every Act of the Parliament of Canada, immediately after the title of such Act, the day, month and year when the same was by the Governor General assented to in Her Majesty’s name, or reserved by him for the signification of Her Majesty’s pleasure thereon,—and in the latter case, the Clerk of the Senate shall also endorse thereon the day, month and year when the Governor General has signified either by speech or message to the Senate and House of Commons, or by Proclamation, that the same was laid before Her Majesty in Council, and that Her Majesty was pleased to assent to the same;—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Effect of such endorsement.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;And such indorsement shall be taken to be a part of such Act, and the date of such Assent or Signification, as the case may be, shall be the date of the commencement of the Act, if no later commencement be therein provided.&lt;section end=&quot;s-4&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-5&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Every Act may be amended during session in which it passes.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Every Act may be amended during session in which it passes.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-5&quot;&gt;5.&lt;/span&gt; Any Act of the Parliament of Canada may be amended, altered or repealed by any Act to be passed in the same Session thereof.&lt;section end=&quot;s-5&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-6&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}How enactments shall be construed.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|How enactments shall be construed.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-6&quot;&gt;6.&lt;/span&gt; In construing this or any Act of the Parliament of Canada, unless it is otherwise provided, or there be some thing in the context or other provisions thereof indicating a different meaning or calling for a different construction:

&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}To apply to the whole Dominion.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|To apply to the whole Dominion.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-6-1}}1. The enactments in any Act apply to the whole Dominion of Canada;

&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Application of expressions in present tense.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Application of expressions in present tense.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-6-2}}2. The Law is to be considered as always speaking, and whenever any matter or thing is expressed in the present tense, the same is to be applied to the circumstances as they arise, so that effect may be given to each Act and every part thereof according to its spirit, true intent and meaning;

&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Shall” and “may.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Shall” and “may.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-6-3}}3. The word “shall” is to be construed as imperative, and the word “may” as permissive;

&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Herein.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Herein.”}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-6-4}}4. Whenever the word “herein” is used in any section of an Act, it is to be understood to relate to the whole Act and not to that section only;&lt;section end=&quot;s-6&quot; /&gt;

&lt;section begin=&quot;s-7&quot; /&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Interpretation of certain words.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Interpretation of certain words.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-7&quot;&gt;7.&lt;/span&gt; Subject to the limitations aforesaid,—in every Act of the Parliament of Canada, to which this section applies:—

&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Her Majesty,” &amp;c.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Her Majesty,” &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-7-first}}''First.'' The words “Her Majesty,” “the Queen,” or “the Crown,” shall mean—Her Majesty, Her Heirs and Successors, Sovereigns of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland;

&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}“Governor,” &amp;c.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|“Governor,” &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{anchor|s-7-secondly}}''Secondly.'' The words “Governor,” “Governor of Canada,” “Governor General,” or “Governor in Chief,” shall mean—the Governor General for the time being of Canada, or other the Chief Executive Officer or Administrator for the time being&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|carrying}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/88]]
* [[Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/214]]
* [[Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/215]]
* [[Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/222]]
* [[Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/230]]
* [[Page:A History of Wood-Engraving.djvu/226]]
* [[Page:A Treatise on Medical Astrology.djvu/54]]
* [[Page:A Treatise on Medical Astrology.djvu/56]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/105]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/66]]
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* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/371]]
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* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/104]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/110]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/94]]
* [[Page:Ballantyne--The Pirate City.djvu/9]]
* [[Page:Blackwood's Magazine volume 001.djvu/228]]
* [[Page:Bohemian legends and other poems.djvu/106]]
* [[Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 01.djvu/111]]
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* [[Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 03.djvu/132]]
* [[Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 06.djvu/228]]
* [[Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 06.djvu/459]]
* [[Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 06.djvu/460]]
* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/15]]
* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/23]]
* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/31]]
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* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/55]]
* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/63]]
* [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 16.djvu/279]]
* [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 18.djvu/30]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 12.djvu/637]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 14.djvu/456]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 22.djvu/771]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 23.djvu/71]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 9.djvu/230]]
* [[Page:Evan's (sic) sketch of all religions abridged.pdf/5]]
* [[Page:Guide through Carlsbad and its environs.djvu/11]]
* [[Page:Gurney - Things Mother Used to Make.djvu/62]]
* [[Page:Harvard Law Review Volume 2.djvu/28]]
* [[Page:LA2-NSRW-4-0367.jpg]]
* [[Page:LA2-NSRW-5-0120.jpg]]
* [[Page:Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (1892).djvu/209]]
* [[Page:Life Histories of North American Diving Birds.djvu/146]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-07.pdf/13]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-34.djvu/212]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-34.djvu/630]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/335]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/620]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/622]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/774]]
* [[Page:Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians Volume 1.djvu/256]]
* [[Page:Manual of The Mother Church.djvu/162]]
* [[Page:Manual of The Mother Church.djvu/246]]
* [[Page:Manual of The Mother Church.djvu/248]]
* [[Page:Mind (Old Series) Volume 11.djvu/205]]
* [[Page:Mind (Old Series) Volume 11.djvu/237]]
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* [[Page:Miscellaneous Writings.djvu/426]]
* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/109]]
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* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/13]]
* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/29]]
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* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/61]]
* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/77]]
* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/93]]
* [[Page:News from France.djvu/12]]
* [[Page:Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders.djvu/374]]
* [[Page:Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders.djvu/396]]
* [[Page:Notes on the State of Virginia (1802).djvu/284]]
* [[Page:Notes on the State of Virginia (1802).djvu/290]]
* [[Page:On Inscribed Sling-bullets.pdf/11]]
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* [[Page:Plutarch's Lives (Clough, v.1, 1865).djvu/450]]
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* [[Page:Pollyanna Grows Up.djvu/10]]
* [[Page:Public Opinion (Lippmann).djvu/154]]
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* [[Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 33.djvu/112]]
* [[Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 33.djvu/114]]
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* [[Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 33.djvu/156]]
* [[Page:Rural Hours.djvu/479]]
* [[Page:Special message of the governor of Iowa to the seventeenth General assembly, communicating report of pardons and remissions (IA specialmessageof00iowa).pdf/1]]
* [[Page:Stray feathers. Journal of ornithology for India and its dependencies (IA strayfeathersjou11873hume).pdf/12]]
* [[Page:Stray feathers. Journal of ornithology for India and its dependencies (IA strayfeathersjou11873hume).pdf/13]]
* [[Page:Sunset volume 32.pdf/18]]
* [[Page:Tales of the Sun.djvu/306]]
* [[Page:Tales of the Sun.djvu/310]]
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* [[Page:The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe Volume 3.djvu/131]]
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* [[Page:The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe Volume 3.djvu/470]]
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* [[Page:The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe Volume 3.djvu/588]]
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* [[Page:The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe Volume 3.djvu/609]]
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* [[Page:The Geologist, volume 5.djvu/10]]
* [[Page:The Geologist, volume 5.djvu/54]]
* [[Page:The Geologist, volume 5.djvu/58]]
* [[Page:The Geologist, volume 5.djvu/76]]
* [[Page:The Granite Monthly Volume 5.djvu/15]]
* [[Page:The Granite Monthly Volume 9.djvu/82]]
* [[Page:The Hero in History.djvu/125]]
* [[Page:The Illustrated Key to the Tarot.djvu/173]]
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* [[Page:The Indian Journal of Medical Research, Volume 9.djvu/9]]
* [[Page:The North Star (1904).djvu/29]]
* [[Page:The Reformed Librarie-Keeper.djvu/10]]
* [[Page:The Republic by Plato.djvu/12]]
* [[Page:The Republic by Plato.djvu/33]]
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* [[Page:The Sokols.djvu/1]]
* [[Page:The Sokols.djvu/3]]
* [[Page:The songs that Quinte sang.djvu/31]]
* [[Page:The Spirit of Japanese Poetry (Noguchi).djvu/78]]
* [[Page:The Spirit of Japanese Poetry (Noguchi).djvu/88]]
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* [[Page:Warsoftherajasbe034936mbp.pdf/59]]
* [[Page:Zionism 9204 Peace Conference 1920.pdf/15]]
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* [[Page:Zionism 9204 Peace Conference 1920.pdf/18]]
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* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/828&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/828]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/830&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/830]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/84&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/84]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/845&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/845]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/846&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/846]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/853&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/853]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/854&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/854]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/867&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/867]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/87&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/87]]
* [[Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/88&amp;action=edit|Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/88]]
* [[Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/214&amp;action=edit|Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/214]]
* [[Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/215&amp;action=edit|Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/215]]
* [[Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/222&amp;action=edit|Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/222]]
* [[Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/230&amp;action=edit|Page:A book of folk-lore (1913).djvu/230]]
* [[Page:A History of Wood-Engraving.djvu/226&amp;action=edit|Page:A History of Wood-Engraving.djvu/226]]
* [[Page:A Treatise on Medical Astrology.djvu/54&amp;action=edit|Page:A Treatise on Medical Astrology.djvu/54]]
* [[Page:A Treatise on Medical Astrology.djvu/56&amp;action=edit|Page:A Treatise on Medical Astrology.djvu/56]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/105&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/105]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/66&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/66]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/72&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 11.djvu/72]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/371&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/371]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/382&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/382]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/392&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/392]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/410&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 2.djvu/410]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/150&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/150]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/241&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/241]]
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* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 4.djvu/70&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 4.djvu/70]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 4.djvu/82&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 4.djvu/82]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/104&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/104]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/110&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/110]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/94&amp;action=edit|Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 8.djvu/94]]
* [[Page:Ballantyne--The Pirate City.djvu/9&amp;action=edit|Page:Ballantyne--The Pirate City.djvu/9]]
* [[Page:Blackwood's Magazine volume 001.djvu/228&amp;action=edit|Page:Blackwood's Magazine volume 001.djvu/228]]
* [[Page:Bohemian legends and other poems.djvu/106&amp;action=edit|Page:Bohemian legends and other poems.djvu/106]]
* [[Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 01.djvu/111&amp;action=edit|Page:Collier's New Encyclopedia v. 01.djvu/111]]
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* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/31&amp;action=edit|Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/31]]
* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/47&amp;action=edit|Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/47]]
* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/55&amp;action=edit|Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/55]]
* [[Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/63&amp;action=edit|Page:Commentaries of Ishodad of Merv, volume 1.djvu/63]]
* [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 16.djvu/279&amp;action=edit|Page:EB1911 - Volume 16.djvu/279]]
* [[Page:EB1911 - Volume 18.djvu/30&amp;action=edit|Page:EB1911 - Volume 18.djvu/30]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 12.djvu/637&amp;action=edit|Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 12.djvu/637]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 14.djvu/456&amp;action=edit|Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 14.djvu/456]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 22.djvu/771&amp;action=edit|Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 22.djvu/771]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 23.djvu/71&amp;action=edit|Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 23.djvu/71]]
* [[Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 9.djvu/230&amp;action=edit|Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 9.djvu/230]]
* [[Page:Evan's (sic) sketch of all religions abridged.pdf/5&amp;action=edit|Page:Evan's (sic) sketch of all religions abridged.pdf/5]]
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* [[Page:Gurney - Things Mother Used to Make.djvu/62&amp;action=edit|Page:Gurney - Things Mother Used to Make.djvu/62]]
* [[Page:Harvard Law Review Volume 2.djvu/28&amp;action=edit|Page:Harvard Law Review Volume 2.djvu/28]]
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* [[Page:Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (1892).djvu/209&amp;action=edit|Page:Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (1892).djvu/209]]
* [[Page:Life Histories of North American Diving Birds.djvu/146&amp;action=edit|Page:Life Histories of North American Diving Birds.djvu/146]]
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* [[Page:Manual of The Mother Church.djvu/162&amp;action=edit|Page:Manual of The Mother Church.djvu/162]]
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* [[Page:Mind (Old Series) Volume 11.djvu/205&amp;action=edit|Page:Mind (Old Series) Volume 11.djvu/205]]
* [[Page:Mind (Old Series) Volume 11.djvu/237&amp;action=edit|Page:Mind (Old Series) Volume 11.djvu/237]]
* [[Page:Miscellaneous Writings.djvu/169&amp;action=edit|Page:Miscellaneous Writings.djvu/169]]
* [[Page:Miscellaneous Writings.djvu/426&amp;action=edit|Page:Miscellaneous Writings.djvu/426]]
* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/109&amp;action=edit|Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/109]]
* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/125&amp;action=edit|Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/125]]
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* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/61&amp;action=edit|Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/61]]
* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/77&amp;action=edit|Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/77]]
* [[Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/93&amp;action=edit|Page:Nestorius and his place in the history of Christian doctrine.djvu/93]]
* [[Page:News from France.djvu/12&amp;action=edit|Page:News from France.djvu/12]]
* [[Page:Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders.djvu/374&amp;action=edit|Page:Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders.djvu/374]]
* [[Page:Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders.djvu/396&amp;action=edit|Page:Notes on the folk-lore of the northern counties of England and the borders.djvu/396]]
* [[Page:Notes on the State of Virginia (1802).djvu/284&amp;action=edit|Page:Notes on the State of Virginia (1802).djvu/284]]
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* [[Page:Plutarch's Lives (Clough, v.1, 1865).djvu/450&amp;action=edit|Page:Plutarch's Lives (Clough, v.1, 1865).djvu/450]]
* [[Page:Poems by Ingelow, Jean.djvu/5&amp;action=edit|Page:Poems by Ingelow, Jean.djvu/5]]
* [[Page:Poet Lore, volume 26, 1915.djvu/141&amp;action=edit|Page:Poet Lore, volume 26, 1915.djvu/141]]
* [[Page:Poet Lore, volume 4, 1892.djvu/9&amp;action=edit|Page:Poet Lore, volume 4, 1892.djvu/9]]
* [[Page:Pollyanna Grows Up.djvu/10&amp;action=edit|Page:Pollyanna Grows Up.djvu/10]]
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* [[Page:Rural Hours.djvu/479&amp;action=edit|Page:Rural Hours.djvu/479]]
* [[Page:Special message of the governor of Iowa to the seventeenth General assembly, communicating report of pardons and remissions (IA specialmessageof00iowa).pdf/1&amp;action=edit|Page:Special message of the governor of Iowa to the seventeenth General assembly, communicating report of pardons and remissions (IA specialmessageof00iowa).pdf/1]]
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* [[Page:The Geologist, volume 5.djvu/10&amp;action=edit|Page:The Geologist, volume 5.djvu/10]]
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* [[Page:The Geologist, volume 5.djvu/76&amp;action=edit|Page:The Geologist, volume 5.djvu/76]]
* [[Page:The Granite Monthly Volume 5.djvu/15&amp;action=edit|Page:The Granite Monthly Volume 5.djvu/15]]
* [[Page:The Granite Monthly Volume 9.djvu/82&amp;action=edit|Page:The Granite Monthly Volume 9.djvu/82]]
* [[Page:The Hero in History.djvu/125&amp;action=edit|Page:The Hero in History.djvu/125]]
* [[Page:The Illustrated Key to the Tarot.djvu/173&amp;action=edit|Page:The Illustrated Key to the Tarot.djvu/173]]
* [[Page:The Illustrated Key to the Tarot.djvu/36&amp;action=edit|Page:The Illustrated Key to the Tarot.djvu/36]]
* [[Page:The Indian Journal of Medical Research, Volume 9.djvu/9&amp;action=edit|Page:The Indian Journal of Medical Research, Volume 9.djvu/9]]
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* [[Page:The Republic by Plato.djvu/12&amp;action=edit|Page:The Republic by Plato.djvu/12]]
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* [[Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957&amp;action=edit|Strom Thurmond filibuster on the Civil Rights Act of 1957]]</text>
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* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/241]]
* [[Page:Archaeological Journal, Volume 3.djvu/250]]
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* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/620]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/622]]
* [[Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-40.djvu/774]]
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    <title>Author:Edward Bidwell</title>
    <ns>102</ns>
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      <comment>Zool 1877</comment>
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      <text bytes="2473" xml:space="preserve">{{author
 | firstname    = Edward
 | lastname     = Bidwell
 | last_initial = Bi
 | birthyear    = 1866&lt;!--data now imported from wikidata, please consider deleting once matched--&gt;
 | deathyear    = 1941&lt;!--data now imported from wikidata, please consider deleting once matched--&gt;
 | description  = English ornithologist
}}

== Works ==
* {{cite journal
| last = Bidwell | first = Edward | author-link = :s:en:Author:Edward Bidwell
| date = 1896
| title = List of Western Palæarctic Species in the Nest of which the Cuckoo's Egg has been found
| journal = Bulletin of the British Ornithologists' Club
| volume = 5
| pp = xxxii–xxxv
}} {{ext scan link|https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/page/32475442}} (see also: [https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/page/32475439 information] about an exhibition of Cuckoos' eggs etc. by Bidwell)

=== Contributions to ''[[The Zoologist]]'' ===
* {{cite journal
| last = Bidwell | first = Edward | author-link = :s:en:Author:Edward Bidwell
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Occasional Notes#176|Tengmalm's Owl in Essex]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| volume = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)|3rd series, vol 1]]
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4|issue 4]], April—Occasional Notes
| pp = 176–177
}}
* {{cite journal
| last = Bidwell | first = Edward | author-link = :s:en:Author:Edward Bidwell | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Observations on Egg-blowing, Bidwell|Observations on Egg-blowing]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4|issue 4]], April
| pp = 164–167
}}
* {{cite journal
| last = Bidwell | first = Edward | author-link = :s:en:Author:Edward Bidwell | author-mask = 2
| date = 1877
| title = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8/Occasional Notes#340|Cuckoo's Egg in a Blackbird's Nest]]
| journal = The Zoologist
| series = 3
| volume = 1
| issue = [[The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 8|issue 8]], August—Occasional Notes
| pp = 340–341
}}

== About Edward Bidwell ==
* {{cite journal
| title = Obituary - Edward Bidwell
| date = 1930
| journal = [[British Birds]]
| volume = 23
| issue = 9
| pp = 247
}} {{ext scan link|https://britishbirds.co.uk/content/obituary-edward-bidwell}}


{{PD/US|1930}}
{{authority control}}

[[Category:English authors]]
[[Category:Ornithologists as authors]]</text>
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      <text bytes="3240" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh|2|{{asc|A. W. HOWITT ON THE PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY AND}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;different system which promised to be not entirely barren of results. Being required to visit constantly the gold-fields in all parts of North Gippsland east of the Mitchell River, I believed that by varying the route from place to place as much as possible, and by making use of those routes as lines of investigation, I might in course of time cover the whole district with, as it were, a network of traverses on which illustrative sections might be constructed. 

This I have done so far as was possible to me; and wherever I found points of interest requiring further illustration, I have worked out those special localities with more detail. A long-continued series of aneroid readings has furnished me with the means of working out the sections with some degree of certainty. Finally, on the data thus obtained, I have constructed three main sections approximately across the general strike of the older sedimentary strata, and three other sections approximately at right angles to the former. 

Where feature-surveys were available I have used them; but where, as unfortunately was too often the case, there were none, I have made such traverses with the compass, estimating the distance by the watch or by pacing, as would furnish me with fairly reliable data. 

The knowledge which I have gained of the geology of the district has therefore resulted from actual inspection in the field; and it will be for geologists to say whether my interpretation of facts and the inferences which I have drawn therefrom are well grounded or not. 

In these notes I propose to summarize the general results at which I have arrived. The details are partly contained in the 'Reports of Progress of the Geological Survey of Victoria,' and partly in papers which are now in process of completion&lt;ref&gt;The papers now in hand are &quot;On the Devonian Rocks of North Gippsland&quot; and &quot;Section 1 of the Geological Structure of North Gippsland.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;. 

The sketch sections given in this paper do not pretend to represent the exact features of any one locality; but I have endeavoured to portray in them, in a condensed form, that which I have observed in the field, and at the same time to do so in accordance with the results shown by the sections I have referred to. 

The encouraging assistance of friends has not been wanting. I am under great obligations to Professor M'Coy, of Melbourne University, for examining the collections of fossils which I have made and for indicating their geological age; to Mr. C. H. P. Ulrich, F.G.S., of the Industrial and Technological Museum, Melbourne, who has most kindly aided me by examining collections of rocks in comparison with those of the Technological Museum in Melbourne; and to Mr. E. Brough Smyth, P.G.S., the Secretary for Mines, &amp;c, under whose direction the Geological Survey of this Colony has been resumed, for every assistance which a long-standing friendship and a warm interest in the geological examination of the Colony could suggest. It was in consequence of a suggestion made by my friend Mr. B. Brough Smyth some years ago that I determined to attempt systematically the geological examination of North Gippsland.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3031" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mike s&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|GEOLOGY OF NORTH GIPPSLAND, VICTORIA.}}|3}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;If these notes are thought worthy of any consideration by geologists, I shall feel that I am amply rewarded for any labour I may have undergone, and that the many days of wanderings and solitary encampment by night among the rugged mountains and precipitous denies of the Australian Alps have not been in vain. 
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{sc|General Consideration of the District.}}}}

The district to be considered may be described as being all that part of North Gippsland lying eastward of the Macallister River, and also that part of the Omeo country between the Great Dividing Range and a line drawn from Mount Gibbs to Mount Hotham. 

It is approximately 130 miles in length by 80 miles in width, or about 10,400 square miles in area. 

It is divided into two unequal portions by the Great Dividing Range. This mountain-chain has a general trend to N. 60° E. and S. 60° W., and conforms to the outline of the coast. It is not, however, continuous in this course throughout; from Forest Hill to Mount Phipps it follows this direction, as also from Mount Hotham to Mount Howitt; but the intermediate portion lies at right angles. From Mount Phipps the general direction of the Dividing Range is continued by a line of mountains, such as Mount Birregun, Castle Hill, and Mount Wellington, through which the rivers have cut their course southward. From Mount Hotham the line of direction is similarly continued north-easterly by the Bogong Mountains and Mount Gibbs to Mount Kosciusko, which is on the Dividing Range, and the highest known mountain in Australia&lt;ref&gt;The heights of these mountains above the sea-level, as determined by the Geodetic Survey of Victoria, are as follows:—Mount Hotham 6100 feet, Mount Howitt 5715 feet, Castle Hill 4860 feet, Mount Wellington 5363 feet, Mount Kosciusko 7256 feet, and Mount Bogong (the highest mountain in Victoria) 6508 feet.&lt;/ref&gt;. On this line also the Mitta Mitta and the Limestone Rivers have cut a passage through the highlands and flow to the north&lt;ref&gt;The Limestone River, also called the Indi, is one of the sources of the river Murray.&lt;/ref&gt;. 

The Great Dividing Range, with the two extensions just noted, may be said to define the north and south limits of an extensive plateau, averaging a hundred miles in length with a width of twenty-five miles. The drainage of the north-eastern moiety falls into the river Murray, and that of the south-western moiety into the rivers flowing into the Gippsland lakes. 

The transverse part of the Great Dividing Range, which thus separates the two halves of what may be called the Omeo plateau, extends from Mount Phipps to Mount Hotham. It is comparatively low in elevation; it falls suddenly into the Dargo River to the west, but has a gentle slope on the east towards Omeo. 

The average elevation of the Omeo plateau is probably not less than 3000 feet above the sea-level; the highest point rises to 6508 feet in Mount Bogong; and the lowest level is found in the Omeo&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/295</title>
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      <text bytes="2338" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|INDEX}}&lt;ref&gt;This index is not intended to be exhaustive.&lt;/ref&gt;}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Alderman, basis of his political success, 226, 228, 240, 243, 248, 267; his influence on morals of the American boy, 251, 255, 256; on standard of life, 257; his power, 232, 233, 235, 246, 260; his social duties, 234, 236, 243, 250.
* Art and the workingman, 219, 225.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* &quot;Boss,&quot; the, ignorant man's dependence on, 260, 266.
* Business college, the, 197.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Charity, administration of, 14, 22; neighborly relations in, 29, 230; organized, 25; standards in, 15, 27, 32, 38, 49, 58; scientific ''vs.'' human relations in, 64.
* Child labor, premature work, 41, 188; first laws concerning, 167, 170.
* City, responsibilities of, 266.
* Civil service law, its enforcement, 231, 233.
* Commercial and industrial life, social position of, compared, 193.
* Commercialism and education, 190-199, 216; morals captured by, 264; polytechnic schools taken by, 202.
* Coöperation, 153, 158.
* Cooper, Peter, 202.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Dayton, Ohio, factory at, 216.
* Death and burials among simple people, 238.
* Domestic service, problem of, in France, England, and America, 135; industrial difficulty of, 106 ; moral issues of, 106.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Education, attempts at industrial, 201; commercialism in, 196, 201; in commercialism, 216; in technical schools, 201; lack of adaptation in, 199, 208, 212; of industrial workers, 180, 193, 199, 219; offset to overspecialization, 211; public school and, 190, 192; relation of, to the child, 180, 185, 193; relation of, to the immigrant, 181-186; university extension lectures and settlements, 199; workingmen's lecture courses, 214.
* Educators, mistakes of, 212; new demands on, 178, 192, 201, 211.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Family claim, the, 4, 74, 78; daughter's college education, 82; employer's ''vs.'' domestic's, 123, 124; on the daughter, 82; on the son, ''ibid.''
* Family life, misconception of, 116.
* Filial relations, clash of moral codes, 94.
* Funerals, attitude of simple people toward, 238.}}


{{plainlist/s|hanging-indent=1em}}
* Household employee, the, 108, 109; character of, 112; domestic ''vs.''&lt;noinclude&gt;{{plainlist/e}}
{{c|{{smallrefs}}}}
{{c|279}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/80</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3994534</id>
    <revision>
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{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}
{{rh|Cap. 5.|''Collection of the Revenue, &amp;c.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|officers are necessary, &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;in collecting, managing or accounting for the Revenue, and in carrying into effect the laws thereunto relating, or for preventing any contravention of such laws, and may assign their names of office, and such salaries or pay for their labour and responsibility in the execution of the duties of their respective offices and employments, as to the said Governor in Council seems reasonable and necessary, and may appoint the times and manner in which the same shall be paid; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Proviso as to salaries.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Proviso as to salaries.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;But no such officer so appointed shall receive a higher annual salary than is allowed in his case by any Act of the Parliament of Canada, respecting the Civil Service generally, then in force, nor shall any such salary be paid until voted by Parliament.

{{outside L|No fees allowed.}}&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-3&quot;&gt;3.&lt;/span&gt; The salary or pay allowed to any such officer or person as aforesaid shall be in lieu of all fees, allowances or emoluments of any kind whatsoever, except actual and authorized disbursements, shares of seizures, forfeitures and penalties; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Officers to give their whole time.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Officers to give their whole time.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;And no such officer or person, receiving a salary at or exceeding the rate of one thousand dollars per annum, shall exercise any other calling, profession, trade or employment whatsoever, with a view to derive profit therefrom, directly or indirectly, or shall hold any other office of profit whatsoever, &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Exception.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Exception.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;except in either case, with the express permission of the Governor General in Council.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Exemption from certain services.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Exemption from certain services.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-4&quot;&gt;4.&lt;/span&gt; No officer or person regularly employed in the collection or management of the Revenue, or in accounting for the same, shall, while he remains such officer or so employed, be compelled to serve in any other public office or in any municipal or local office, or on any jury or inquest, or in the militia.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Oath of office.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Oath of office.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-5&quot;&gt;5.&lt;/span&gt; Every person appointed to any office or employment relative to the collection or management of the Revenue, or in accounting for the same, shall, at his admission to such office or employment, take the following oath, before such officer as the Governor may appoint to receive the same, that is to say:

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Form.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Form.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;“I, A. B., do swear to be true and faithful in the execution, to the best of my knowledge and power, of the trust committed to my charge, by my appointment as {{em|5}}, and that I will not require, take or receive any fee, perquisite, gratuity or reward, or emolument whether pecuniary or of any other sort or description whatever, either directly or indirectly, for any service, act, duty, matter or thing done or performed or to be done or performed in the execution or discharge of any of the duties of my said office or employment, on any account whatever, other than my salary, or what shall be allowed me by law, or by order of the Governor of this Dominion in Council.—So help me God.”

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Governor in Council to divide Canada}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Governor in Council to divide Canada into Ports, districts, &amp;c., for Revenue purposes and make regulations.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-6-1}}&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-6&quot;&gt;6.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may, from time to time, make all such divisions of the Dominion into ports, revenue&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|districts}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}
{{rh|Cap. 5.|''Collection of the Revenue, &amp;c.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|officers are necessary, &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;in collecting, managing or accounting for the Revenue, and in carrying into effect the laws thereunto relating, or for preventing any contravention of such laws, and may assign their names of office, and such salaries or pay for their labour and responsibility in the execution of the duties of their respective offices and employments, as to the said Governor in Council seems reasonable and necessary, and may appoint the times and manner in which the same shall be paid; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Proviso as to salaries.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;But no such officer so appointed shall receive a higher annual salary than is allowed in his case by any Act of the Parliament of Canada, respecting the Civil Service generally, then in force, nor shall any such salary be paid until voted by Parliament.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|No fees allowed.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}No fees allowed.&lt;br/&gt;Officers to give their whole time.&lt;br/&gt;Exception.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-3&quot;&gt;3.&lt;/span&gt; The salary or pay allowed to any such officer or person as aforesaid shall be in lieu of all fees, allowances or emoluments of any kind whatsoever, except actual and authorized disbursements, shares of seizures, forfeitures and penalties; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Officers to give their whole time.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;And no such officer or person, receiving a salary at or exceeding the rate of one thousand dollars per annum, shall exercise any other calling, profession, trade or employment whatsoever, with a view to derive profit therefrom, directly or indirectly, or shall hold any other office of profit whatsoever, &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Exception.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;except in either case, with the express permission of the Governor General in Council.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Exemption from certain services.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Exemption from certain services.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-4&quot;&gt;4.&lt;/span&gt; No officer or person regularly employed in the collection or management of the Revenue, or in accounting for the same, shall, while he remains such officer or so employed, be compelled to serve in any other public office or in any municipal or local office, or on any jury or inquest, or in the militia.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Oath of office.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Oath of office.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-5&quot;&gt;5.&lt;/span&gt; Every person appointed to any office or employment relative to the collection or management of the Revenue, or in accounting for the same, shall, at his admission to such office or employment, take the following oath, before such officer as the Governor may appoint to receive the same, that is to say:

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Form.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Form.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;“I, A. B., do swear to be true and faithful in the execution, to the best of my knowledge and power, of the trust committed to my charge, by my appointment as {{em|5}}, and that I will not require, take or receive any fee, perquisite, gratuity or reward, or emolument whether pecuniary or of any other sort or description whatever, either directly or indirectly, for any service, act, duty, matter or thing done or performed or to be done or performed in the execution or discharge of any of the duties of my said office or employment, on any account whatever, other than my salary, or what shall be allowed me by law, or by order of the Governor of this Dominion in Council.—So help me God.”

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Governor in Council to divide Canada}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Governor in Council to divide Canada into Ports, districts, &amp;c., for Revenue purposes and make regulations.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-6-1}}&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-6&quot;&gt;6.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may, from time to time, make all such divisions of the Dominion into ports, revenue&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|districts}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/81</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}
{{rh|1867|''Colection of the Revenue, &amp;c.|Cap. 5.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|into Ports, districts, &amp;c., for Revenue purposes and make regulations.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;districts or otherwise, as may be required with regard to the collection or management of the Revenue,—and may assign the officers or persons by whom any duty or service relative to any such purpose shall be performed within or for any such district or division, and the place or places within the same, where such duty or service shall be performed,—and may make all such regulations concerning such officers and persons, and the conduct and management of the business to them entrusted, as are consistent with the law, and as he deems expedient for carrying it into effect, in the manner best adapted to promote the public good; And any general regulation or order made by the Governor in Council for any purpose whatever for which an order or regulation may be so made under the provisions of this Act, shall apply to each particular case within the intent and meaning of such general regulation or order, as fully and effectually as if the same had been made with reference to such particular case, and the officers, functionaries or parties concerned had been specially named therein:

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Proof of Regulations.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Proof of Regulations.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span id=&quot;s-6-2&quot;&gt;2.&lt;/span&gt; A printed copy of any regulation or order of the Governor in Council, printed by the Queen's Printer, or a written copy thereof attested by the signature of the Clerk of the Queen’s Privy Council for Canada, shall be evidence of such regulation or order; And any order in writing, signed by the Secretary of State for Canada, and purporting to be written by command of the Governor, shall be received in evidence as the order of the Governor.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Officers employed to be deemed the proper officers.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Officers employed to be deemed the proper officers.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor|s-7-1}}&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-7&quot;&gt;7.&lt;/span&gt; Every person employed on any duty or service relating to the collection or management of the Revenue, by the orders or with the concurrence of the Governor in Council, shall be deemed to be the proper officer for that duty or service; And every act, matter or thing required by any law in force to be done or performed by, to, or with any particular officer nominated for that purpose in such law, being done or performed by, to, or with any person appointed or authorized by the Governor in Council to act for or in behalf of such particular officer, shall be deemed to be done or performed by, to or with such particular officer:

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|As to place at which any duty is to be performed.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}As to place at which any duty is to be performed.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span id=&quot;s-7-2&quot;&gt;2.&lt;/span&gt; And every act, matter or thing required by any law at any time in force, to be done or performed at any particular place within any port, or within any other such district or division of the Dominion as aforesaid, being done or performed at any place within such port, district or division, appointed by the Governor in Council, for such purpose, shall be deemed to be done or performed at the particular place so required by law.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Officers of one service may be}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Officers of one service may be employed in another.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-8&quot;&gt;8.&lt;/span&gt; Any officer or person employed in the collection, management or accounting for any branch of the Revenue, may be&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|employed}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/82</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3995860</id>
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{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}
{{rh|Cap. 5.|''Colection of the Revenue, &amp;c.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|employed in another.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;employed in the collection, management or accounting for any other branch thereof, whenever it is deemed advantageous for the public service so to employ him.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Hours of office, &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Hours of office, &amp;c.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-9&quot;&gt;9.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may, from time to time, appoint the hours of general attendance of the officers and persons employed in the collection and management of the Revenue, at their proper offices and places of employment,—and may also appoint the times during such hours, or the seasons of year, at which any particular portions of the duties of such officers or other persons shall be performed by them respectively; And a notice of the hours of general attendance so appointed shall be kept constantly posted up in some conspicuous place in such offices and places of employment.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Holidays.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Holidays.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-10&quot;&gt;10.&lt;/span&gt; No day shall be kept as a public holiday by the officers and persons employed in the collection and management of the Revenue, except Christmas day, New Year’s day and Good Friday in every year,—any day appointed by Proclamation of the Governor for the purpose of a general fast, or of a general thanksgiving,—such days as are appointed for the celebration of the birth-day of Her Majesty and Her Royal Successors,—and such other days as may be from time to time appointed as holidays by the Governor in Council.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Accounts for statistical purposes.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Accounts for statistical purposes.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-11&quot;&gt;11.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may direct any officer or person employed in collecting, managing or accounting for any branch of the Revenue, to keep any Books or accounts which he deems it advisable to direct to be kept for the purpose of obtaining any statistical information concerning the trade or commerce of the Dominion, the public works thereof, or other matters of public interest, and may authorize and allow any necessary expense incurred for such purpose.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Paying over public money.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Paying over public money.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-12&quot;&gt;12.&lt;/span&gt; All public moneys, from whatever source of revenue derived,—shall be paid to the credit of the Receiver General through such officers, banks or parties, and in such manner, as the Governor in Council may from time to time direct and appoint.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Time and mode of so paying.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Time and mode of so paying.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-13&quot;&gt;13.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may, from time to time, appoint the times and mode in which any officer or person employed in the collection, management of or the accounting for any part of the revenue shall account for and pay over the public moneys which come into his hands,—and may determine the times, manner and form in which, and the officer by whom, any Licenses on which any duty is payable, are to be issued;—Provided that such accounts and payments shall be rendered and made by such officers and persons respectively at least once in every three months.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|1=&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot;&gt;14.&lt;/span&gt;}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/83</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>3995867</id>
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{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}
{{rh|1867.|''Collection of the Revenue, &amp;c.''|Cap. 5.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Payment into Banks.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Payment into Banks.&lt;br/&gt;Cash-books.&lt;br/&gt;Proviso. Where there is no Bank.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-14&quot;&gt;14.&lt;/span&gt; Every Officer of the Customs or of Inland Revenue or Excise or otherwise employed in the Collection of the Revenue, receiving money for the Crown, shall deposit the same in his name of office, from time to time, in such Bank as the Governor in Council may appoint,—and no money so deposited shall be paid out again, except for the purpose of being placed to the credit of the Receiver General, on the written order or check of the officer so depositing, or his successor, to whom the Bank shall grant a certificate in duplicate of its being so credited; And every such Officer shall keep his Cash-book written up daily; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Cash-books.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and all the books, accounts and papers of such officer shall at all times during office hours be open to the inspection and examination of any officer or person whom the Minister of Finance may authorize to inspect or examine the same; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Proviso. Where there is no Bank.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Provided, that where such money is received at a place where there is no Bank into which it can conveniently be paid, the Governor in Council may direct it to be paid over in such manner as he may deem expedient.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|How public money shall be paid out.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}How public money shall be paid out.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-15&quot;&gt;15.&lt;/span&gt; The expenditure of moneys out of the Public Chest shall always be made by check on some Bank, upon the warrant of the Governor in Council, such check being signed by the Receiver General and countersigned by the Minister of Finance or their respective deputies thereunto duly authorized.

{{clsh|l=2|class=part|id=h-3|Board of Audit, and its Powers and Duties.}}

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Appointment of Board, &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Appointment of Board, &amp;c.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-16&quot;&gt;16.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor may, by Letters Patent under the Great Seal of Canada, constitute and appoint, during pleasure, a Board of Audit, whose duty it shall be, under the direction and supervision of the Minister of Finance, from time to time to report on any Accounts laid before the said Board, as hereinafter provided.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Of whom to consist.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Of whom to consist.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-17&quot;&gt;17.&lt;/span&gt; The said Board shall consist of the Deputy Inspector General, the Deputy Postmaster General, the Commissioner of Customs, the Commissioner of Inland Revenue, the Deputy Receiver General, the Deputy of the Minister of Public Works, the Deputy of the Minister of Militia, the Deputy of the Minister of Marine and Fisheries, and an Auditor to be appointed by the Governor who shall be the Chairman of the Board.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Duties of Commissioners of Customs and Inland Revenue.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Duties of Commissioners of Customs and Inland Revenue.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-18&quot;&gt;18.&lt;/span&gt; It shall be the duty of the Commissioner of Customs, as a member of the Board of Audit, to examine and check the Returns of the Officers of Customs, and their accounts of expenses of collection and contingencies; and it shall be the duty of the Commissioner of Inland Revenue, as a member of the Board, to examine and check the Returns of the officers of Inland Revenue and Excise, and their accounts of expenses of collection and management.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|1=&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot;&gt;19.&lt;/span&gt;}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>A Treatise on Painting/Chapter 30</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>3998624</id>
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      <text bytes="434" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = Of the Measures of the human Body, and the bending of Members
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 29/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 31/]]
 | notes      = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=120 fromsection=&quot;Chapter 30&quot; to=123 tosection=&quot;Chapter 30&quot; exclude=121 /&gt;
{{smallrefs}}
{{default layout|Layout 2}}</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Module:Monthly Challenge/data/2022-07</title>
    <ns>828</ns>
    <id>3998973</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507755</id>
      <parentid>12505589</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:28:26Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Languageseeker</username>
        <id>2969373</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="32316" xml:space="preserve">return {
    year = 2022,
    month = 07,
    target = 2000,
    works = {
    	        -- new this month
        [0] = {
        	[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma02hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Marble Faun (Volume 2)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The last man (Second Edition 1826 Volume 3).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1826,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;The Last Man (Volume 3)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Women Writers&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            }, 
        	[&quot;Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1884,
                title = &quot;Grimm's Household Tales (Volume 2)&quot;,
                author = {&quot;Jacob Grimm&quot;, &quot;Wilhelm Grimm&quot;},
                subject = &quot;Fairy Tales&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;Germany&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },

        	[&quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 2 (1897).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1897,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Volume 2&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edward Gibbon&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Roman History&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1892,
                cover = 639,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of Silver Blaze&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1893,
                cover = 597,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of the Reigate Squire&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1893,
                cover = 554,
                title = &quot;The Final Problem&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-45.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1890,
                cover = 166,
                title = &quot;The Sign of the Four&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                title = &quot;Book of Etiquette (Volume 2)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Lillian Eichler&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Society&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[ 'From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1910,
                title = 'From Passion to Peace',
                author = 'James Allen',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Requested Texts'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'validated'
                }
            },
        	[ 'Uncle Tom\'s cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1852,
                title = 'Uncle Tom\'s Cabin',
                author = 'Harriet Beecher Stowe',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Slavery in the USA', 'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1666,
                author = 'John Milton',
                title = 'Paradise Lost',
                flag = 'England',
                subject = {'Seventeenth Century', 'Poetry'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'Clarissa (1748 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1748,
                author = 'Samuel Richardson',
                title = 'Clarissa (Volume 1)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = { 'Eighteenth Century', 'Novels' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'The Wanderer (1814 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1814,
                author = 'Fanny Burney',
                title = 'The Wanderer (Volume 1)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'proofread'
                }
            },
            [ 'The Wanderer (1814 Volume 2).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1814,
                author = 'Fanny Burney',
                title = 'The Wanderer (Volume 2)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'not proofread'
                }
            },

            [ 'A Passage to India.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1924,
                author = ' E. M. Forster',
                title = 'A Passage to India',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Novels'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 13,
                year = 1907,
                author = { 'Sæmundr Sigfússon', 'Snorri Sturluson', 'Benjamin Thorpe' },
                title = 'The Elder and Younger Eddas',
                flag = 'Iceland',
                subject = {'Poetry'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			['The_World\'s_Most_Famous_Court_Trial_-_1925.djvu'] = {
                year = 1925,
                title = 'The World\'s Most Famous Court Trial',
                subject = { 'Law', 'Science' },
                flag = 'USA',
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[ 'Works of Thomas Carlyle - Volume 06.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1896,
                flag = 'Scotland',
                author = 'Thomas Carlyle',
                title = 'Cromwell\'s Letters and Speeches',
                subject = 'History',
                cover = 11,
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
            },
			[ 'The common reader.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1925,
                title = 'The Common Reader',
                author = 'Virginia Woolf',
                flag = 'USA',
                cover = 9,
                subject = { 'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'proofread'
                }
                },
			[ 'The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1923,
                title = 'The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1)',
                author = 'E.K. Chambers',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 11,
                subject = { 'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Formatting' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
				[ 'Tess of the D\'Urbervilles (1891 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1891,
                title = 'Tess of the d\'Urbervilles',
                author = 'Thomas Hardy',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 11,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [ 'This Side of Paradise - Fitzgerald - 1920.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1920,
                title = 'This Side of Paradise',
                author = 'Francis Scott Fitzgerald',
                flag = 'USA',
                cover = 9,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [ 'The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = 'The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Volume 1)',
                author = 'Henrik Ibsen',
                flag = 'Norway',
                cover = 7,
                subject = { 'Plays', 'Formatting' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
				[ 'The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1837,
                title = ' 	The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club (First Edition)',
                author = 'Charles Dickens',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 15,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy', 'Images'  },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [&quot;Tarzan the Untamed.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1920,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;Tarzan the Untamed&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edgar Rice Burroughs&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Adventure&quot;, &quot;Requested Texts&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            }
		},
		[1] = {
        	[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 1,
                year = 2022,
                author = &quot;Supreme Court of the United States&quot;,
                title = &quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Supreme Court&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 15,
                year = 1924,
                author = &quot;H. G. Wells&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Works of H.G. Wells (Volume 6)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Science Fiction&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 62).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 297,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[ 'The New Negro.pdf' ] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1925,
                author = 'Alain Locke',
                title = 'The New Negro',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Transclusion'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;, ---needs transclusion check and images
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1962,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471&quot;,
                author = &quot;United States Department of Justice&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[&quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.) 1839.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1839,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.)&quot;,
                author = &quot;George Bradshaw&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[ 'CAB Accident Report, American Airlines Flight 383.pdf' ] = {
                cover = 1,
                year = 1966,
                author = 'Civil Aeronautics Board',
                title = ' 	Aviation Accident Report: American Airlines Flight 383',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Transclusion'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1903,
                flag = &quot;Philippines&quot;,
                page = &quot;Portal:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803&quot;,
                author = &quot;Emma Helen Blair&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 5)&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Western Colonialism&quot;,
                cover = 5,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The octopus - a story of California (IA theoctopusstory00norrrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1901,
                author = &quot;Frank Norris&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Octopus&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		[&quot;Social Control (1901).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1901,
                author = &quot;Edward Alsworth Ross&quot;,
                title = &quot;Social Control&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
            [&quot;Man and superman; a comedy and a philosophy (IA mansupermancomed00shawrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1903,
                author = &quot;Bernard Shaw&quot;,
                title = &quot;Man and Superman&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;New Epoch for Faith.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1903,
                author = &quot;George Angier Gordon&quot;,
                title = &quot;The New Epoch for Faith&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1902,
                author = &quot;Jane Addams&quot;,
                title = &quot;Democracy and Social Ethics&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		 [&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma01hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Marble Faun (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The last of the Mohicans (1826 Volume 1).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1826,
                author = &quot;James Fenimore Cooper&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Last of the Mohicans (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;How the other half lives.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1890,
                author = &quot;Jacob Riis&quot;,
                title = &quot;How the Other Half Lives&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1896,
                author = &quot;Sarah Orne Jewett&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Country of Pointed Firs&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The Education of Henry Adams (1907).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1907,
                author = &quot;Henry Brooks Adams&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Education of Henry Adams&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The house without a key, by Earl Derr Biggins (1925).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1925,
                author = &quot;Earl Derr Biggers&quot;,
                title = &quot;The House Without a Key&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Following darkness (IA followingdarknes00reid).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1912,
                author = &quot;Forrest Reid&quot;,
                title = &quot;Following Darkness&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;LGBT&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		[&quot;The American Language.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1919,
                author = &quot;Henry Louis Mencken&quot;,
                title = &quot;The American Language&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Linguistics&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1902,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;Portage Paths&quot;,
                author = &quot;Archer Butler Hulbert&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;American History&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
			[&quot;Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) from 1926.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1926,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;1926 SAT&quot;,
                author = &quot;College Entrance Examination Board&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;American History&quot;},
                short = True,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;tofix&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Spirit of French Music.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;The Spirit of French Music&quot;,
                author = &quot;Pierre Lasserre&quot;,
                flag = &quot;France&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Music&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Iliad Buckley.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1860,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;The Iliad of Homer&quot;,
                author = &quot;Homer&quot;,
                flag = &quot;Greece&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Translation&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Clotel (1853).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1853,
                cover = 2,
                title = &quot;Clotel, Or, the President's Daughter&quot;,
                author = &quot;William Wells Brown&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;First African-American Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe - Snowden - 1921.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe&quot;,
                author = &quot;Ethel Snowden&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Travelogue&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            }
        },
         [2] = {
        	 [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 63).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1922,
                cover = 103,
                title = &quot;The Problem of Thor Bridge (Part 1)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Eliot - The Mill on the Floss, vol. I, 1860.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Mill on the Floss (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        [&quot;Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1901,
                cover = 15,
                title = &quot;Japan: Its History, Arts and Literature (Volume 3)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Francis Brinkley&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Japanese History&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. IV, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1876,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;Daniel Deronda (Volume 4)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. III, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1876,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;Daniel Deronda (Volume 3)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1870,
                title = &quot;The Commentaries of Caesar&quot;,
                author = &quot;Anthony Trollope&quot;,
                subject = {'Roman History'},
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	  [&quot;The Blithedale Romance.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1852,
                title = &quot;The Blithedale Romance&quot;,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                subject = {'Novels', 'Requested Texts'},
                cover = 13,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Rilla of Ingleside (1921).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                title = &quot;Rilla of Ingleside&quot;,
                author = &quot;Lucy Maud Montgomery&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Adventure&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;Canada&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;A history of Hungarian literature.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = &quot;A History of Hungarian Literature&quot;,
                author = &quot;Frigyes Riedl&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Hungarian Literature&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;Hungary&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1802,
                title = &quot;A Treatise on Painting&quot;,
                author = &quot;Leonardo da Vinci&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                cover = 13,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;
                }
            },
        	 [&quot;The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1874,
                title = &quot;The Gilded Age&quot;,
                author = &quot;Mark Twain&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Jungle (1906).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = &quot;The Jungle&quot;,
                author = &quot;Upton Sinclair&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
             [&quot;The World and the Individual, First Series (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;The World and the Individual&quot;,
                author = &quot;Josiah Royce&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 4,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900; selections illustrating the editor's critical review of American poetry in the nineteenth century (IA anamericananthol00stedrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edmund Clarence Stedman&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 15,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The School and Society.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;The School and Society&quot;,
                author = &quot;John Dewey&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Conrad - Lord Jim, 1900.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;Lord Jim&quot;,
                author = &quot;Joseph Conrad&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class&quot;,
                author = &quot;Thorstein Veblen&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;, &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
              [&quot;Jaspar Tristram (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;Jaspar Tristram&quot;,
                author = &quot;A. W. Clarke&quot;,
                subject = &quot;LGBT&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Ragged Dick, or, Street life in New York with the boot-blacks (IA raggeddickorstre1868alge).pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1868,
                title = &quot;Ragged Dick&quot;,
                author = &quot;Horatio Alger&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 11,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Carnegie - Wealth - 1889.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1889,
                title = &quot;Wealth&quot;,
                author = &quot;Andrew Carnegie&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                short = true,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;North American Review 1889-12 Vol 149 Iss 397.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1889,
                title = &quot;The Best Fields for Philanthropy&quot;,
                author = &quot;Andrew Carnegie&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 42,
                short = true,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1896,
                title = &quot;Nihongi&quot;,
                author = &quot;William George Aston&quot;,
                subject = &quot;History&quot;,
                cover = 12,
                flag = &quot;Japan&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
             [&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1851,
                title = &quot;Moby-Dick&quot;,
                author = &quot;Herman Melville&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [ 'Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1836,
                author = 'Mary Griffith',
                title = 'Camperdown, or, News from our neighbourhood',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Future Fiction'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [ 'The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1904,
                author = 'Ida Tarbell',
                title = 'The History of the Standard Oil Company (Volume 2)',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Requested Texts'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            }
        }
	}
}</text>
      <sha1>jdhproi44lk930vpukdx6p0k2ah3uxa</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507770</id>
      <parentid>12507755</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:36:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Languageseeker</username>
        <id>2969373</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>A Treatise on Painting is transcluded</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="32357" xml:space="preserve">return {
    year = 2022,
    month = 07,
    target = 2000,
    works = {
    	        -- new this month
        [0] = {
        	[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma02hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Marble Faun (Volume 2)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The last man (Second Edition 1826 Volume 3).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1826,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;The Last Man (Volume 3)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Women Writers&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            }, 
        	[&quot;Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1884,
                title = &quot;Grimm's Household Tales (Volume 2)&quot;,
                author = {&quot;Jacob Grimm&quot;, &quot;Wilhelm Grimm&quot;},
                subject = &quot;Fairy Tales&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;Germany&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },

        	[&quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 2 (1897).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1897,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Volume 2&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edward Gibbon&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Roman History&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1892,
                cover = 639,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of Silver Blaze&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1893,
                cover = 597,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of the Reigate Squire&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1893,
                cover = 554,
                title = &quot;The Final Problem&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-45.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1890,
                cover = 166,
                title = &quot;The Sign of the Four&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                title = &quot;Book of Etiquette (Volume 2)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Lillian Eichler&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Society&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[ 'From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1910,
                title = 'From Passion to Peace',
                author = 'James Allen',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Requested Texts'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'validated'
                }
            },
        	[ 'Uncle Tom\'s cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1852,
                title = 'Uncle Tom\'s Cabin',
                author = 'Harriet Beecher Stowe',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Slavery in the USA', 'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1666,
                author = 'John Milton',
                title = 'Paradise Lost',
                flag = 'England',
                subject = {'Seventeenth Century', 'Poetry'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'Clarissa (1748 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1748,
                author = 'Samuel Richardson',
                title = 'Clarissa (Volume 1)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = { 'Eighteenth Century', 'Novels' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'The Wanderer (1814 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1814,
                author = 'Fanny Burney',
                title = 'The Wanderer (Volume 1)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'proofread'
                }
            },
            [ 'The Wanderer (1814 Volume 2).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1814,
                author = 'Fanny Burney',
                title = 'The Wanderer (Volume 2)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'not proofread'
                }
            },

            [ 'A Passage to India.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1924,
                author = ' E. M. Forster',
                title = 'A Passage to India',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Novels'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 13,
                year = 1907,
                author = { 'Sæmundr Sigfússon', 'Snorri Sturluson', 'Benjamin Thorpe' },
                title = 'The Elder and Younger Eddas',
                flag = 'Iceland',
                subject = {'Poetry'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			['The_World\'s_Most_Famous_Court_Trial_-_1925.djvu'] = {
                year = 1925,
                title = 'The World\'s Most Famous Court Trial',
                subject = { 'Law', 'Science' },
                flag = 'USA',
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[ 'Works of Thomas Carlyle - Volume 06.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1896,
                flag = 'Scotland',
                author = 'Thomas Carlyle',
                title = 'Cromwell\'s Letters and Speeches',
                subject = 'History',
                cover = 11,
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
            },
			[ 'The common reader.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1925,
                title = 'The Common Reader',
                author = 'Virginia Woolf',
                flag = 'USA',
                cover = 9,
                subject = { 'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'proofread'
                }
                },
			[ 'The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1923,
                title = 'The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1)',
                author = 'E.K. Chambers',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 11,
                subject = { 'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Formatting' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
				[ 'Tess of the D\'Urbervilles (1891 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1891,
                title = 'Tess of the d\'Urbervilles',
                author = 'Thomas Hardy',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 11,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [ 'This Side of Paradise - Fitzgerald - 1920.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1920,
                title = 'This Side of Paradise',
                author = 'Francis Scott Fitzgerald',
                flag = 'USA',
                cover = 9,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [ 'The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = 'The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Volume 1)',
                author = 'Henrik Ibsen',
                flag = 'Norway',
                cover = 7,
                subject = { 'Plays', 'Formatting' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
				[ 'The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1837,
                title = ' 	The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club (First Edition)',
                author = 'Charles Dickens',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 15,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy', 'Images'  },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [&quot;Tarzan the Untamed.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1920,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;Tarzan the Untamed&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edgar Rice Burroughs&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Adventure&quot;, &quot;Requested Texts&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            }
		},
		[1] = {
        	[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 1,
                year = 2022,
                author = &quot;Supreme Court of the United States&quot;,
                title = &quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Supreme Court&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 15,
                year = 1924,
                author = &quot;H. G. Wells&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Works of H.G. Wells (Volume 6)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Science Fiction&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 62).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 297,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[ 'The New Negro.pdf' ] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1925,
                author = 'Alain Locke',
                title = 'The New Negro',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Transclusion'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;, ---needs transclusion check and images
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1962,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471&quot;,
                author = &quot;United States Department of Justice&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[&quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.) 1839.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1839,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.)&quot;,
                author = &quot;George Bradshaw&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[ 'CAB Accident Report, American Airlines Flight 383.pdf' ] = {
                cover = 1,
                year = 1966,
                author = 'Civil Aeronautics Board',
                title = ' 	Aviation Accident Report: American Airlines Flight 383',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Transclusion'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1903,
                flag = &quot;Philippines&quot;,
                page = &quot;Portal:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803&quot;,
                author = &quot;Emma Helen Blair&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 5)&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Western Colonialism&quot;,
                cover = 5,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The octopus - a story of California (IA theoctopusstory00norrrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1901,
                author = &quot;Frank Norris&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Octopus&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		[&quot;Social Control (1901).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1901,
                author = &quot;Edward Alsworth Ross&quot;,
                title = &quot;Social Control&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
            [&quot;Man and superman; a comedy and a philosophy (IA mansupermancomed00shawrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1903,
                author = &quot;Bernard Shaw&quot;,
                title = &quot;Man and Superman&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;New Epoch for Faith.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1903,
                author = &quot;George Angier Gordon&quot;,
                title = &quot;The New Epoch for Faith&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1902,
                author = &quot;Jane Addams&quot;,
                title = &quot;Democracy and Social Ethics&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		 [&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma01hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Marble Faun (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The last of the Mohicans (1826 Volume 1).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1826,
                author = &quot;James Fenimore Cooper&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Last of the Mohicans (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;How the other half lives.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1890,
                author = &quot;Jacob Riis&quot;,
                title = &quot;How the Other Half Lives&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1896,
                author = &quot;Sarah Orne Jewett&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Country of Pointed Firs&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The Education of Henry Adams (1907).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1907,
                author = &quot;Henry Brooks Adams&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Education of Henry Adams&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The house without a key, by Earl Derr Biggins (1925).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1925,
                author = &quot;Earl Derr Biggers&quot;,
                title = &quot;The House Without a Key&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Following darkness (IA followingdarknes00reid).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1912,
                author = &quot;Forrest Reid&quot;,
                title = &quot;Following Darkness&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;LGBT&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		[&quot;The American Language.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1919,
                author = &quot;Henry Louis Mencken&quot;,
                title = &quot;The American Language&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Linguistics&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1902,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;Portage Paths&quot;,
                author = &quot;Archer Butler Hulbert&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;American History&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
			[&quot;Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) from 1926.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1926,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;1926 SAT&quot;,
                author = &quot;College Entrance Examination Board&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;American History&quot;},
                short = True,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;tofix&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Spirit of French Music.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;The Spirit of French Music&quot;,
                author = &quot;Pierre Lasserre&quot;,
                flag = &quot;France&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Music&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Iliad Buckley.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1860,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;The Iliad of Homer&quot;,
                author = &quot;Homer&quot;,
                flag = &quot;Greece&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Translation&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Clotel (1853).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1853,
                cover = 2,
                title = &quot;Clotel, Or, the President's Daughter&quot;,
                author = &quot;William Wells Brown&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;First African-American Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe - Snowden - 1921.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe&quot;,
                author = &quot;Ethel Snowden&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Travelogue&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            }
        },
         [2] = {
        	 [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 63).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1922,
                cover = 103,
                title = &quot;The Problem of Thor Bridge (Part 1)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Eliot - The Mill on the Floss, vol. I, 1860.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Mill on the Floss (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        [&quot;Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1901,
                cover = 15,
                title = &quot;Japan: Its History, Arts and Literature (Volume 3)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Francis Brinkley&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Japanese History&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. IV, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1876,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;Daniel Deronda (Volume 4)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. III, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1876,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;Daniel Deronda (Volume 3)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1870,
                title = &quot;The Commentaries of Caesar&quot;,
                author = &quot;Anthony Trollope&quot;,
                subject = {'Roman History'},
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	  [&quot;The Blithedale Romance.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1852,
                title = &quot;The Blithedale Romance&quot;,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                subject = {'Novels', 'Requested Texts'},
                cover = 13,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Rilla of Ingleside (1921).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                title = &quot;Rilla of Ingleside&quot;,
                author = &quot;Lucy Maud Montgomery&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Adventure&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;Canada&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;A history of Hungarian literature.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = &quot;A History of Hungarian Literature&quot;,
                author = &quot;Frigyes Riedl&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Hungarian Literature&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;Hungary&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1802,
                title = &quot;A Treatise on Painting&quot;,
                author = &quot;Leonardo da Vinci&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                cover = 13,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	 [&quot;The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1874,
                title = &quot;The Gilded Age&quot;,
                author = &quot;Mark Twain&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Jungle (1906).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = &quot;The Jungle&quot;,
                author = &quot;Upton Sinclair&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
             [&quot;The World and the Individual, First Series (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;The World and the Individual&quot;,
                author = &quot;Josiah Royce&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 4,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900; selections illustrating the editor's critical review of American poetry in the nineteenth century (IA anamericananthol00stedrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edmund Clarence Stedman&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 15,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The School and Society.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;The School and Society&quot;,
                author = &quot;John Dewey&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Conrad - Lord Jim, 1900.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;Lord Jim&quot;,
                author = &quot;Joseph Conrad&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class&quot;,
                author = &quot;Thorstein Veblen&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;, &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
              [&quot;Jaspar Tristram (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;Jaspar Tristram&quot;,
                author = &quot;A. W. Clarke&quot;,
                subject = &quot;LGBT&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Ragged Dick, or, Street life in New York with the boot-blacks (IA raggeddickorstre1868alge).pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1868,
                title = &quot;Ragged Dick&quot;,
                author = &quot;Horatio Alger&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 11,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Carnegie - Wealth - 1889.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1889,
                title = &quot;Wealth&quot;,
                author = &quot;Andrew Carnegie&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                short = true,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;North American Review 1889-12 Vol 149 Iss 397.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1889,
                title = &quot;The Best Fields for Philanthropy&quot;,
                author = &quot;Andrew Carnegie&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 42,
                short = true,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1896,
                title = &quot;Nihongi&quot;,
                author = &quot;William George Aston&quot;,
                subject = &quot;History&quot;,
                cover = 12,
                flag = &quot;Japan&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
             [&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1851,
                title = &quot;Moby-Dick&quot;,
                author = &quot;Herman Melville&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [ 'Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1836,
                author = 'Mary Griffith',
                title = 'Camperdown, or, News from our neighbourhood',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Future Fiction'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [ 'The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1904,
                author = 'Ida Tarbell',
                title = 'The History of the Standard Oil Company (Volume 2)',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Requested Texts'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            }
        }
	}
}</text>
      <sha1>97os3ga4vd00d3okohpk6ygge0dqg54</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508207</id>
      <parentid>12507770</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:24:54Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Democracy and Social Ethics proofread</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="32398" xml:space="preserve">return {
    year = 2022,
    month = 07,
    target = 2000,
    works = {
    	        -- new this month
        [0] = {
        	[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma02hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Marble Faun (Volume 2)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The last man (Second Edition 1826 Volume 3).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1826,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;The Last Man (Volume 3)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Women Writers&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            }, 
        	[&quot;Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1884,
                title = &quot;Grimm's Household Tales (Volume 2)&quot;,
                author = {&quot;Jacob Grimm&quot;, &quot;Wilhelm Grimm&quot;},
                subject = &quot;Fairy Tales&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;Germany&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },

        	[&quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 2 (1897).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1897,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Volume 2&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edward Gibbon&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Roman History&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1892,
                cover = 639,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of Silver Blaze&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1893,
                cover = 597,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of the Reigate Squire&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1893,
                cover = 554,
                title = &quot;The Final Problem&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-45.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1890,
                cover = 166,
                title = &quot;The Sign of the Four&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                title = &quot;Book of Etiquette (Volume 2)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Lillian Eichler&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Society&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[ 'From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1910,
                title = 'From Passion to Peace',
                author = 'James Allen',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Requested Texts'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'validated'
                }
            },
        	[ 'Uncle Tom\'s cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1852,
                title = 'Uncle Tom\'s Cabin',
                author = 'Harriet Beecher Stowe',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Slavery in the USA', 'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1666,
                author = 'John Milton',
                title = 'Paradise Lost',
                flag = 'England',
                subject = {'Seventeenth Century', 'Poetry'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'Clarissa (1748 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1748,
                author = 'Samuel Richardson',
                title = 'Clarissa (Volume 1)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = { 'Eighteenth Century', 'Novels' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'The Wanderer (1814 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1814,
                author = 'Fanny Burney',
                title = 'The Wanderer (Volume 1)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'proofread'
                }
            },
            [ 'The Wanderer (1814 Volume 2).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1814,
                author = 'Fanny Burney',
                title = 'The Wanderer (Volume 2)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'not proofread'
                }
            },

            [ 'A Passage to India.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1924,
                author = ' E. M. Forster',
                title = 'A Passage to India',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Novels'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 13,
                year = 1907,
                author = { 'Sæmundr Sigfússon', 'Snorri Sturluson', 'Benjamin Thorpe' },
                title = 'The Elder and Younger Eddas',
                flag = 'Iceland',
                subject = {'Poetry'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			['The_World\'s_Most_Famous_Court_Trial_-_1925.djvu'] = {
                year = 1925,
                title = 'The World\'s Most Famous Court Trial',
                subject = { 'Law', 'Science' },
                flag = 'USA',
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[ 'Works of Thomas Carlyle - Volume 06.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1896,
                flag = 'Scotland',
                author = 'Thomas Carlyle',
                title = 'Cromwell\'s Letters and Speeches',
                subject = 'History',
                cover = 11,
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
            },
			[ 'The common reader.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1925,
                title = 'The Common Reader',
                author = 'Virginia Woolf',
                flag = 'USA',
                cover = 9,
                subject = { 'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'proofread'
                }
                },
			[ 'The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1923,
                title = 'The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1)',
                author = 'E.K. Chambers',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 11,
                subject = { 'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Formatting' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
				[ 'Tess of the D\'Urbervilles (1891 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1891,
                title = 'Tess of the d\'Urbervilles',
                author = 'Thomas Hardy',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 11,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [ 'This Side of Paradise - Fitzgerald - 1920.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1920,
                title = 'This Side of Paradise',
                author = 'Francis Scott Fitzgerald',
                flag = 'USA',
                cover = 9,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [ 'The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = 'The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Volume 1)',
                author = 'Henrik Ibsen',
                flag = 'Norway',
                cover = 7,
                subject = { 'Plays', 'Formatting' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
				[ 'The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1837,
                title = ' 	The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club (First Edition)',
                author = 'Charles Dickens',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 15,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy', 'Images'  },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [&quot;Tarzan the Untamed.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1920,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;Tarzan the Untamed&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edgar Rice Burroughs&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Adventure&quot;, &quot;Requested Texts&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            }
		},
		[1] = {
        	[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 1,
                year = 2022,
                author = &quot;Supreme Court of the United States&quot;,
                title = &quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Supreme Court&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 15,
                year = 1924,
                author = &quot;H. G. Wells&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Works of H.G. Wells (Volume 6)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Science Fiction&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 62).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 297,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[ 'The New Negro.pdf' ] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1925,
                author = 'Alain Locke',
                title = 'The New Negro',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Transclusion'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;, ---needs transclusion check and images
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1962,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471&quot;,
                author = &quot;United States Department of Justice&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[&quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.) 1839.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1839,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.)&quot;,
                author = &quot;George Bradshaw&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[ 'CAB Accident Report, American Airlines Flight 383.pdf' ] = {
                cover = 1,
                year = 1966,
                author = 'Civil Aeronautics Board',
                title = ' 	Aviation Accident Report: American Airlines Flight 383',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Transclusion'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1903,
                flag = &quot;Philippines&quot;,
                page = &quot;Portal:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803&quot;,
                author = &quot;Emma Helen Blair&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 5)&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Western Colonialism&quot;,
                cover = 5,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The octopus - a story of California (IA theoctopusstory00norrrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1901,
                author = &quot;Frank Norris&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Octopus&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		[&quot;Social Control (1901).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1901,
                author = &quot;Edward Alsworth Ross&quot;,
                title = &quot;Social Control&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
            [&quot;Man and superman; a comedy and a philosophy (IA mansupermancomed00shawrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1903,
                author = &quot;Bernard Shaw&quot;,
                title = &quot;Man and Superman&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;New Epoch for Faith.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1903,
                author = &quot;George Angier Gordon&quot;,
                title = &quot;The New Epoch for Faith&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1902,
                author = &quot;Jane Addams&quot;,
                title = &quot;Democracy and Social Ethics&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		 [&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma01hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Marble Faun (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The last of the Mohicans (1826 Volume 1).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1826,
                author = &quot;James Fenimore Cooper&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Last of the Mohicans (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;How the other half lives.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1890,
                author = &quot;Jacob Riis&quot;,
                title = &quot;How the Other Half Lives&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1896,
                author = &quot;Sarah Orne Jewett&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Country of Pointed Firs&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The Education of Henry Adams (1907).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1907,
                author = &quot;Henry Brooks Adams&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Education of Henry Adams&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The house without a key, by Earl Derr Biggins (1925).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1925,
                author = &quot;Earl Derr Biggers&quot;,
                title = &quot;The House Without a Key&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Following darkness (IA followingdarknes00reid).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1912,
                author = &quot;Forrest Reid&quot;,
                title = &quot;Following Darkness&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;LGBT&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		[&quot;The American Language.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1919,
                author = &quot;Henry Louis Mencken&quot;,
                title = &quot;The American Language&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Linguistics&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1902,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;Portage Paths&quot;,
                author = &quot;Archer Butler Hulbert&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;American History&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
			[&quot;Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) from 1926.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1926,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;1926 SAT&quot;,
                author = &quot;College Entrance Examination Board&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;American History&quot;},
                short = True,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;tofix&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Spirit of French Music.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;The Spirit of French Music&quot;,
                author = &quot;Pierre Lasserre&quot;,
                flag = &quot;France&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Music&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Iliad Buckley.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1860,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;The Iliad of Homer&quot;,
                author = &quot;Homer&quot;,
                flag = &quot;Greece&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Translation&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Clotel (1853).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1853,
                cover = 2,
                title = &quot;Clotel, Or, the President's Daughter&quot;,
                author = &quot;William Wells Brown&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;First African-American Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe - Snowden - 1921.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe&quot;,
                author = &quot;Ethel Snowden&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Travelogue&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            }
        },
         [2] = {
        	 [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 63).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1922,
                cover = 103,
                title = &quot;The Problem of Thor Bridge (Part 1)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Eliot - The Mill on the Floss, vol. I, 1860.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Mill on the Floss (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        [&quot;Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1901,
                cover = 15,
                title = &quot;Japan: Its History, Arts and Literature (Volume 3)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Francis Brinkley&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Japanese History&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. IV, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1876,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;Daniel Deronda (Volume 4)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. III, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1876,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;Daniel Deronda (Volume 3)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1870,
                title = &quot;The Commentaries of Caesar&quot;,
                author = &quot;Anthony Trollope&quot;,
                subject = {'Roman History'},
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	  [&quot;The Blithedale Romance.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1852,
                title = &quot;The Blithedale Romance&quot;,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                subject = {'Novels', 'Requested Texts'},
                cover = 13,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Rilla of Ingleside (1921).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                title = &quot;Rilla of Ingleside&quot;,
                author = &quot;Lucy Maud Montgomery&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Adventure&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;Canada&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;A history of Hungarian literature.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = &quot;A History of Hungarian Literature&quot;,
                author = &quot;Frigyes Riedl&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Hungarian Literature&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;Hungary&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1802,
                title = &quot;A Treatise on Painting&quot;,
                author = &quot;Leonardo da Vinci&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                cover = 13,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	 [&quot;The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1874,
                title = &quot;The Gilded Age&quot;,
                author = &quot;Mark Twain&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Jungle (1906).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = &quot;The Jungle&quot;,
                author = &quot;Upton Sinclair&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
             [&quot;The World and the Individual, First Series (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;The World and the Individual&quot;,
                author = &quot;Josiah Royce&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 4,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900; selections illustrating the editor's critical review of American poetry in the nineteenth century (IA anamericananthol00stedrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edmund Clarence Stedman&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 15,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The School and Society.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;The School and Society&quot;,
                author = &quot;John Dewey&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Conrad - Lord Jim, 1900.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;Lord Jim&quot;,
                author = &quot;Joseph Conrad&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class&quot;,
                author = &quot;Thorstein Veblen&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;, &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
              [&quot;Jaspar Tristram (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;Jaspar Tristram&quot;,
                author = &quot;A. W. Clarke&quot;,
                subject = &quot;LGBT&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Ragged Dick, or, Street life in New York with the boot-blacks (IA raggeddickorstre1868alge).pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1868,
                title = &quot;Ragged Dick&quot;,
                author = &quot;Horatio Alger&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 11,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Carnegie - Wealth - 1889.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1889,
                title = &quot;Wealth&quot;,
                author = &quot;Andrew Carnegie&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                short = true,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;North American Review 1889-12 Vol 149 Iss 397.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1889,
                title = &quot;The Best Fields for Philanthropy&quot;,
                author = &quot;Andrew Carnegie&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 42,
                short = true,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1896,
                title = &quot;Nihongi&quot;,
                author = &quot;William George Aston&quot;,
                subject = &quot;History&quot;,
                cover = 12,
                flag = &quot;Japan&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
             [&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1851,
                title = &quot;Moby-Dick&quot;,
                author = &quot;Herman Melville&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [ 'Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1836,
                author = 'Mary Griffith',
                title = 'Camperdown, or, News from our neighbourhood',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Future Fiction'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [ 'The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1904,
                author = 'Ida Tarbell',
                title = 'The History of the Standard Oil Company (Volume 2)',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Requested Texts'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            }
        }
	}
}</text>
      <sha1>2k2zrq398b86zderb1unc0xxjbuv0hs</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508239</id>
      <parentid>12508207</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:44:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>A Treatise on Painting is validated</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="32398" xml:space="preserve">return {
    year = 2022,
    month = 07,
    target = 2000,
    works = {
    	        -- new this month
        [0] = {
        	[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma02hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Marble Faun (Volume 2)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The last man (Second Edition 1826 Volume 3).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1826,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;The Last Man (Volume 3)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Women Writers&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            }, 
        	[&quot;Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1884,
                title = &quot;Grimm's Household Tales (Volume 2)&quot;,
                author = {&quot;Jacob Grimm&quot;, &quot;Wilhelm Grimm&quot;},
                subject = &quot;Fairy Tales&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;Germany&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },

        	[&quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 2 (1897).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1897,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Volume 2&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edward Gibbon&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Roman History&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1892,
                cover = 639,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of Silver Blaze&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1893,
                cover = 597,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of the Reigate Squire&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1893,
                cover = 554,
                title = &quot;The Final Problem&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-45.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1890,
                cover = 166,
                title = &quot;The Sign of the Four&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                title = &quot;Book of Etiquette (Volume 2)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Lillian Eichler&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Society&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[ 'From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1910,
                title = 'From Passion to Peace',
                author = 'James Allen',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Requested Texts'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'validated'
                }
            },
        	[ 'Uncle Tom\'s cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1852,
                title = 'Uncle Tom\'s Cabin',
                author = 'Harriet Beecher Stowe',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Slavery in the USA', 'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1666,
                author = 'John Milton',
                title = 'Paradise Lost',
                flag = 'England',
                subject = {'Seventeenth Century', 'Poetry'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'Clarissa (1748 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1748,
                author = 'Samuel Richardson',
                title = 'Clarissa (Volume 1)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = { 'Eighteenth Century', 'Novels' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'The Wanderer (1814 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1814,
                author = 'Fanny Burney',
                title = 'The Wanderer (Volume 1)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'proofread'
                }
            },
            [ 'The Wanderer (1814 Volume 2).pdf' ] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1814,
                author = 'Fanny Burney',
                title = 'The Wanderer (Volume 2)',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Novels', 'Women Writers'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'not proofread'
                }
            },

            [ 'A Passage to India.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1924,
                author = ' E. M. Forster',
                title = 'A Passage to India',
                flag = 'UK',
                subject = {'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Novels'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			[ 'The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 13,
                year = 1907,
                author = { 'Sæmundr Sigfússon', 'Snorri Sturluson', 'Benjamin Thorpe' },
                title = 'The Elder and Younger Eddas',
                flag = 'Iceland',
                subject = {'Poetry'},
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread'
                }
            },
			['The_World\'s_Most_Famous_Court_Trial_-_1925.djvu'] = {
                year = 1925,
                title = 'The World\'s Most Famous Court Trial',
                subject = { 'Law', 'Science' },
                flag = 'USA',
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[ 'Works of Thomas Carlyle - Volume 06.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1896,
                flag = 'Scotland',
                author = 'Thomas Carlyle',
                title = 'Cromwell\'s Letters and Speeches',
                subject = 'History',
                cover = 11,
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
            },
			[ 'The common reader.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1925,
                title = 'The Common Reader',
                author = 'Virginia Woolf',
                flag = 'USA',
                cover = 9,
                subject = { 'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                    final = 'proofread'
                }
                },
			[ 'The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1923,
                title = 'The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1)',
                author = 'E.K. Chambers',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 11,
                subject = { 'Celebrating the Public Domain', 'Formatting' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
				[ 'Tess of the D\'Urbervilles (1891 Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1891,
                title = 'Tess of the d\'Urbervilles',
                author = 'Thomas Hardy',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 11,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [ 'This Side of Paradise - Fitzgerald - 1920.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1920,
                title = 'This Side of Paradise',
                author = 'Francis Scott Fitzgerald',
                flag = 'USA',
                cover = 9,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [ 'The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf' ] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = 'The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Volume 1)',
                author = 'Henrik Ibsen',
                flag = 'Norway',
                cover = 7,
                subject = { 'Plays', 'Formatting' },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
				[ 'The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club.djvu' ] = {
                year = 1837,
                title = ' 	The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club (First Edition)',
                author = 'Charles Dickens',
                flag = 'UK',
                cover = 15,
                subject = { 'Novels', 'Easy', 'Images'  },
                status = {
                    initial = 'not proofread',
                }
                },
                [&quot;Tarzan the Untamed.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1920,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;Tarzan the Untamed&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edgar Rice Burroughs&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Adventure&quot;, &quot;Requested Texts&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            }
		},
		[1] = {
        	[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 1,
                year = 2022,
                author = &quot;Supreme Court of the United States&quot;,
                title = &quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Supreme Court&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 15,
                year = 1924,
                author = &quot;H. G. Wells&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Works of H.G. Wells (Volume 6)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Science Fiction&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 62).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 297,
                title = &quot;The Adventure of the Mazarin Stone&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[ 'The New Negro.pdf' ] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1925,
                author = 'Alain Locke',
                title = 'The New Negro',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Transclusion'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;, ---needs transclusion check and images
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1962,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471&quot;,
                author = &quot;United States Department of Justice&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[&quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.) 1839.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1839,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.)&quot;,
                author = &quot;George Bradshaw&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
			[ 'CAB Accident Report, American Airlines Flight 383.pdf' ] = {
                cover = 1,
                year = 1966,
                author = 'Civil Aeronautics Board',
                title = ' 	Aviation Accident Report: American Airlines Flight 383',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Transclusion'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1903,
                flag = &quot;Philippines&quot;,
                page = &quot;Portal:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803&quot;,
                author = &quot;Emma Helen Blair&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 5)&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Western Colonialism&quot;,
                cover = 5,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The octopus - a story of California (IA theoctopusstory00norrrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1901,
                author = &quot;Frank Norris&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Octopus&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		[&quot;Social Control (1901).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1901,
                author = &quot;Edward Alsworth Ross&quot;,
                title = &quot;Social Control&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
            [&quot;Man and superman; a comedy and a philosophy (IA mansupermancomed00shawrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1903,
                author = &quot;Bernard Shaw&quot;,
                title = &quot;Man and Superman&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;New Epoch for Faith.pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1903,
                author = &quot;George Angier Gordon&quot;,
                title = &quot;The New Epoch for Faith&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1902,
                author = &quot;Jane Addams&quot;,
                title = &quot;Democracy and Social Ethics&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Sociology&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		 [&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma01hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Marble Faun (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The last of the Mohicans (1826 Volume 1).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1826,
                author = &quot;James Fenimore Cooper&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Last of the Mohicans (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;How the other half lives.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1890,
                author = &quot;Jacob Riis&quot;,
                title = &quot;How the Other Half Lives&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1896,
                author = &quot;Sarah Orne Jewett&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Country of Pointed Firs&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The Education of Henry Adams (1907).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1907,
                author = &quot;Henry Brooks Adams&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Education of Henry Adams&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;The house without a key, by Earl Derr Biggins (1925).djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1925,
                author = &quot;Earl Derr Biggers&quot;,
                title = &quot;The House Without a Key&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Following darkness (IA followingdarknes00reid).pdf&quot;] = {
                cover = 5,
                year = 1912,
                author = &quot;Forrest Reid&quot;,
                title = &quot;Following Darkness&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;LGBT&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
    		[&quot;The American Language.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 9,
                year = 1919,
                author = &quot;Henry Louis Mencken&quot;,
                title = &quot;The American Language&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Linguistics&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        	[&quot;Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1902,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;Portage Paths&quot;,
                author = &quot;Archer Butler Hulbert&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;American History&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;, 
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
			[&quot;Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) from 1926.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1926,
                cover = 1,
                title = &quot;1926 SAT&quot;,
                author = &quot;College Entrance Examination Board&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;American History&quot;},
                short = True,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;tofix&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Spirit of French Music.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 7,
                title = &quot;The Spirit of French Music&quot;,
                author = &quot;Pierre Lasserre&quot;,
                flag = &quot;France&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Music&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Iliad Buckley.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1860,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;The Iliad of Homer&quot;,
                author = &quot;Homer&quot;,
                flag = &quot;Greece&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Translation&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Clotel (1853).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1853,
                cover = 2,
                title = &quot;Clotel, Or, the President's Daughter&quot;,
                author = &quot;William Wells Brown&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;First African-American Novel&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe - Snowden - 1921.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                cover = 9,
                title = &quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe&quot;,
                author = &quot;Ethel Snowden&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Travelogue&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            }
        },
         [2] = {
        	 [&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 63).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1922,
                cover = 103,
                title = &quot;The Problem of Thor Bridge (Part 1)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Arthur Conan Doyle&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Sherlock Holmes&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                short = true,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Eliot - The Mill on the Floss, vol. I, 1860.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1860,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;The Mill on the Floss (Volume 1)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
        	},
        [&quot;Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1901,
                cover = 15,
                title = &quot;Japan: Its History, Arts and Literature (Volume 3)&quot;,
                author = &quot;Francis Brinkley&quot;,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Japanese History&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. IV, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1876,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;Daniel Deronda (Volume 4)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. III, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
                cover = 7,
                year = 1876,
                author = &quot;George Eliot&quot;,
                title = &quot;Daniel Deronda (Volume 3)&quot;,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                subject = {&quot;Novels&quot;},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1870,
                title = &quot;The Commentaries of Caesar&quot;,
                author = &quot;Anthony Trollope&quot;,
                subject = {'Roman History'},
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	  [&quot;The Blithedale Romance.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1852,
                title = &quot;The Blithedale Romance&quot;,
                author = &quot;Nathaniel Hawthorne&quot;,
                subject = {'Novels', 'Requested Texts'},
                cover = 13,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;Rilla of Ingleside (1921).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1921,
                title = &quot;Rilla of Ingleside&quot;,
                author = &quot;Lucy Maud Montgomery&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Adventure&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;Canada&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;A history of Hungarian literature.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = &quot;A History of Hungarian Literature&quot;,
                author = &quot;Frigyes Riedl&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Hungarian Literature&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;Hungary&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
        	[&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1802,
                title = &quot;A Treatise on Painting&quot;,
                author = &quot;Leonardo da Vinci&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Transclusion&quot;,
                cover = 13,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;tofix&quot;,
                    final = &quot;validated&quot;
                }
            },
        	 [&quot;The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1874,
                title = &quot;The Gilded Age&quot;,
                author = &quot;Mark Twain&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Jungle (1906).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1906,
                title = &quot;The Jungle&quot;,
                author = &quot;Upton Sinclair&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
             [&quot;The World and the Individual, First Series (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;The World and the Individual&quot;,
                author = &quot;Josiah Royce&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 4,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900; selections illustrating the editor's critical review of American poetry in the nineteenth century (IA anamericananthol00stedrich).pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900&quot;,
                author = &quot;Edmund Clarence Stedman&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 15,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The School and Society.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;The School and Society&quot;,
                author = &quot;John Dewey&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;,
                    final = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Conrad - Lord Jim, 1900.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1900,
                title = &quot;Lord Jim&quot;,
                author = &quot;Joseph Conrad&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class&quot;,
                author = &quot;Thorstein Veblen&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;, &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 7,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
              [&quot;Jaspar Tristram (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1899,
                title = &quot;Jaspar Tristram&quot;,
                author = &quot;A. W. Clarke&quot;,
                subject = &quot;LGBT&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;UK&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Ragged Dick, or, Street life in New York with the boot-blacks (IA raggeddickorstre1868alge).pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1868,
                title = &quot;Ragged Dick&quot;,
                author = &quot;Horatio Alger&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 11,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Carnegie - Wealth - 1889.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1889,
                title = &quot;Wealth&quot;,
                author = &quot;Andrew Carnegie&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 1,
                short = true,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;North American Review 1889-12 Vol 149 Iss 397.pdf&quot;] = {
                year = 1889,
                title = &quot;The Best Fields for Philanthropy&quot;,
                author = &quot;Andrew Carnegie&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Economics&quot;,
                cover = 42,
                short = true,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1896,
                title = &quot;Nihongi&quot;,
                author = &quot;William George Aston&quot;,
                subject = &quot;History&quot;,
                cover = 12,
                flag = &quot;Japan&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
             [&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
                year = 1851,
                title = &quot;Moby-Dick&quot;,
                author = &quot;Herman Melville&quot;,
                subject = &quot;Acclaimed Books&quot;,
                cover = 9,
                flag = &quot;USA&quot;,
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;not proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [ 'Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1836,
                author = 'Mary Griffith',
                title = 'Camperdown, or, News from our neighbourhood',
                flag = 'USA',
                subject = {'Future Fiction'},
                status = {
                    initial = &quot;proofread&quot;
                }
            },
            [ 'The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu' ] = {
                cover = 11,
                year = 1904,
                author = 'Ida Tarbell',
                title = 'The History of the Standard Oil Company (Volume 2)',
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		[&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 447,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 258,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 155,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 682,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 251,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 297,
			q4 = 109,
		},
		[&quot;Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 316,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 285,
			q4 = 11,
		},
		[&quot;The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 468,
			q0 = 36,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 404,
			q4 = 27,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>2grg9heebyrayxdxm89yo9qmeo0pgsp</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506544</id>
      <parentid>12506308</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:18:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="10513" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	total = {
		count = 29829,
		q0 = 1161,
		q1 = 3863,
		q2 = 108,
		q3 = 7838,
		q4 = 2774,
	},
	indexes = {
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			count = 298,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 6,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The last man (Second Edition 1826 Volume 3).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 366,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 74,
			q4 = 278,
		},
		[&quot;Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 644,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 27,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 389,
			q4 = 53,
		},
		[&quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 2 (1897).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 602,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 5,
			q2 = 8,
			q3 = 5,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 678,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 643,
			q2 = 16,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 16,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 648,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 54,
			q4 = 18,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 719,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 12,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 57,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 300,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 6,
			q2 = 6,
			q3 = 63,
			q4 = 5,
		},
		[&quot;From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 72,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 61,
		},
		[&quot;Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 324,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 233,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 43,
			q4 = 30,
		},
		[&quot;Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 364,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 8,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 14,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;Clarissa (1748 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 344,
			q0 = 21,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 1,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The Wanderer (1814 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 482,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 300,
			q4 = 165,
		},
		[&quot;The Wanderer (1814 Volume 2).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 472,
			q0 = 7,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;A Passage to India.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 328,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 15,
			q4 = 16,
		},
		[&quot;The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 384,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 3,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 189,
			q4 = 102,
		},
		[&quot;The World's Most Famous Court Trial - 1925.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 344,
			q0 = 1,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 247,
			q4 = 91,
		},
		[&quot;Works of Thomas Carlyle - Volume 06.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 454,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 4,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 131,
			q4 = 15,
		},
		[&quot;The common reader.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 346,
			q0 = 23,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 150,
			q4 = 173,
		},
		[&quot;The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 444,
			q0 = 14,
			q1 = 231,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 181,
			q4 = 15,
		},
		[&quot;Tess of the D'Urbervilles (1891 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 288,
			q0 = 23,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 33,
			q4 = 16,
		},
		[&quot;This Side of Paradise - Fitzgerald - 1920.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 330,
			q0 = 21,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 42,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 520,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 175,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 310,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 726,
			q0 = 60,
			q1 = 574,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 37,
			q4 = 49,
		},
		[&quot;Tarzan the Untamed.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 464,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 7,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 170,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 213,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 140,
			q4 = 7,
		},
		[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 29,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 4,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 62).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 602,
			q0 = 3,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 1,
			q4 = 11,
		},
		[&quot;The New Negro.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 516,
			q0 = 38,
			q1 = 34,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 277,
			q4 = 165,
		},
		[&quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 69,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 68,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.) 1839.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 24,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 11,
			q4 = 13,
		},
		[&quot;CAB Accident Report, American Airlines Flight 383.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 33,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 33,
		},
		[&quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 328,
			q0 = 90,
			q1 = 7,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 44,
			q4 = 29,
		},
		[&quot;The octopus - a story of California (IA theoctopusstory00norrrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 672,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Social Control (1901).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 492,
			q0 = 3,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 8,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;Man and superman; a comedy and a philosophy (IA mansupermancomed00shawrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 314,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;New Epoch for Faith.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 444,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 5,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 304,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 254,
			q4 = 5,
		},
		[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma01hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 314,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 16,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 273,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;The last of the Mohicans (1826 Volume 1).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 308,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 19,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;How the other half lives.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 332,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 42,
			q3 = 45,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 234,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 211,
			q4 = 9,
		},
		[&quot;The Education of Henry Adams (1907).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 366,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 89,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The house without a key, by Earl Derr Biggins (1925).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 328,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 10,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 28,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;Following darkness (IA followingdarknes00reid).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 340,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 3,
		},
		[&quot;The American Language.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 396,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 136,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 180,
			q4 = 19,
		},
		[&quot;Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 204,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 187,
		},
		[&quot;Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) from 1926.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 22,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;The Spirit of French Music.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 236,
			q0 = 9,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 25,
			q4 = 3,
		},
		[&quot;Iliad Buckley.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 480,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 412,
			q4 = 57,
		},
		[&quot;Clotel (1853).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 269,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 14,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 29,
			q4 = 5,
		},
		[&quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe - Snowden - 1921.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 306,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 9,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 63).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 576,
			q0 = 3,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 15,
			q4 = 4,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - The Mill on the Floss, vol. I, 1860.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 380,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 5,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 292,
			q0 = 25,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 222,
			q4 = 12,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. IV, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 382,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 304,
			q4 = 62,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. III, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 410,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 384,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 196,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 17,
			q4 = 168,
		},
		[&quot;The Blithedale Romance.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 304,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 275,
			q4 = 13,
		},
		[&quot;Rilla of Ingleside (1921).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 390,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 27,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;A history of Hungarian literature.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 312,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 197,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 32,
			q4 = 71,
		},
		[&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 386,
			q0 = 40,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 343,
		},
		[&quot;The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 628,
			q0 = 30,
			q1 = 39,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 236,
			q4 = 127,
		},
		[&quot;The Jungle (1906).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 434,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 62,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;The World and the Individual, First Series (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 615,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 519,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 59,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900; selections illustrating the editor's critical review of American poetry in the nineteenth century (IA anamericananthol00stedrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 966,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 6,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;The School and Society.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 146,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 98,
			q4 = 21,
		},
		[&quot;Conrad - Lord Jim, 1900.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 466,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 8,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 12,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 422,
			q0 = 14,
			q1 = 3,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 272,
			q4 = 35,
		},
		[&quot;Jaspar Tristram (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 366,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 18,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;Ragged Dick, or, Street life in New York with the boot-blacks (IA raggeddickorstre1868alge).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 318,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 4,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;Carnegie - Wealth - 1889.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 127,
			q0 = 2,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 13,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;North American Review 1889-12 Vol 149 Iss 397.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 127,
			q0 = 2,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 8,
			q4 = 9,
		},
		[&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 447,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 258,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 155,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 682,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 251,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 297,
			q4 = 109,
		},
		[&quot;Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 316,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 285,
			q4 = 11,
		},
		[&quot;The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 468,
			q0 = 36,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 404,
			q4 = 27,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>35wddwyaayfa2m40ularzjdc1kijsbw</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506773</id>
      <parentid>12506544</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:17:36Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="10513" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	total = {
		count = 29829,
		q0 = 1161,
		q1 = 3853,
		q2 = 108,
		q3 = 7840,
		q4 = 2782,
	},
	indexes = {
		[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma02hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 298,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 6,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The last man (Second Edition 1826 Volume 3).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 366,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 74,
			q4 = 278,
		},
		[&quot;Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 644,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 27,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 389,
			q4 = 53,
		},
		[&quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 2 (1897).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 602,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 5,
			q2 = 8,
			q3 = 5,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 678,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 643,
			q2 = 16,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 16,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 648,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 54,
			q4 = 18,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 719,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 12,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 57,
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      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
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Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
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      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
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Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
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			q3 = 181,
			q4 = 15,
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		[&quot;The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 175,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 310,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club.djvu&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 60,
			q1 = 574,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 37,
			q4 = 49,
		},
		[&quot;Tarzan the Untamed.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 464,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 7,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 170,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 213,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 140,
			q4 = 7,
		},
		[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 29,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 4,
			q4 = 14,
		},
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			q1 = 0,
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			q3 = 1,
			q4 = 11,
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			q0 = 38,
			q1 = 34,
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			q3 = 277,
			q4 = 165,
		},
		[&quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963).djvu&quot;] = {
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			q3 = 11,
			q4 = 13,
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		[&quot;CAB Accident Report, American Airlines Flight 383.pdf&quot;] = {
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			q3 = 44,
			q4 = 29,
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		[&quot;The octopus - a story of California (IA theoctopusstory00norrrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 672,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 0,
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		[&quot;Social Control (1901).djvu&quot;] = {
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		[&quot;Man and superman; a comedy and a philosophy (IA mansupermancomed00shawrich).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 15,
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		},
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			count = 444,
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		[&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
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    <revision>
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      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
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Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
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return {
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		[&quot;Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q3 = 14,
			q4 = 2,
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		[&quot;Clarissa (1748 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 21,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 1,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The Wanderer (1814 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 300,
			q4 = 165,
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		[&quot;The Wanderer (1814 Volume 2).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q3 = 189,
			q4 = 102,
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			q3 = 247,
			q4 = 91,
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			q1 = 0,
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			q3 = 150,
			q4 = 173,
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		[&quot;The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q1 = 231,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 181,
			q4 = 15,
		},
		[&quot;Tess of the D'Urbervilles (1891 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 33,
			q4 = 16,
		},
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			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 42,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 175,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 310,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club.djvu&quot;] = {
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			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 37,
			q4 = 49,
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		[&quot;Tarzan the Untamed.djvu&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 7,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 170,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 213,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 140,
			q4 = 7,
		},
		[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 29,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 4,
			q4 = 14,
		},
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			count = 602,
			q0 = 3,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 1,
			q4 = 11,
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		[&quot;The New Negro.pdf&quot;] = {
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			q1 = 34,
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			q3 = 277,
			q4 = 165,
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		[&quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963).djvu&quot;] = {
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			q4 = 13,
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		[&quot;CAB Accident Report, American Airlines Flight 383.pdf&quot;] = {
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			q2 = 0,
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			q4 = 33,
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			q1 = 7,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 44,
			q4 = 29,
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			count = 672,
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			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
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		[&quot;Social Control (1901).djvu&quot;] = {
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			q3 = 8,
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		[&quot;Man and superman; a comedy and a philosophy (IA mansupermancomed00shawrich).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
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		},
		[&quot;New Epoch for Faith.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 444,
			q0 = 15,
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			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 5,
			q4 = 1,
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		[&quot;Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 304,
			q0 = 13,
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			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 255,
			q4 = 5,
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		[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma01hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 314,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 16,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 273,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;The last of the Mohicans (1826 Volume 1).djvu&quot;] = {
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			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 19,
			q4 = 6,
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			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 42,
			q3 = 45,
			q4 = 0,
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		[&quot;The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 234,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 211,
			q4 = 9,
		},
		[&quot;The Education of Henry Adams (1907).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 366,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 89,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The house without a key, by Earl Derr Biggins (1925).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 328,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 10,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 28,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;Following darkness (IA followingdarknes00reid).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 340,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 3,
		},
		[&quot;The American Language.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 396,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 136,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 180,
			q4 = 19,
		},
		[&quot;Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 204,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 187,
		},
		[&quot;Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) from 1926.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 22,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;The Spirit of French Music.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 236,
			q0 = 9,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 58,
			q4 = 3,
		},
		[&quot;Iliad Buckley.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 480,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 412,
			q4 = 57,
		},
		[&quot;Clotel (1853).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 269,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 14,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 29,
			q4 = 5,
		},
		[&quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe - Snowden - 1921.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 306,
			q0 = 13,
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Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
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		[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
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			q4 = 13,
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			q4 = 343,
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		[&quot;The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 30,
			q1 = 39,
			q2 = 1,
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			q4 = 130,
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			q2 = 0,
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		[&quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900; selections illustrating the editor's critical review of American poetry in the nineteenth century (IA anamericananthol00stedrich).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 6,
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		},
		[&quot;The School and Society.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 146,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 90,
			q4 = 29,
		},
		[&quot;Conrad - Lord Jim, 1900.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 466,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 8,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 12,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 422,
			q0 = 14,
			q1 = 3,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 272,
			q4 = 35,
		},
		[&quot;Jaspar Tristram (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 366,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 18,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;Ragged Dick, or, Street life in New York with the boot-blacks (IA raggeddickorstre1868alge).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 318,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 4,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;Carnegie - Wealth - 1889.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 127,
			q0 = 2,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 13,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;North American Review 1889-12 Vol 149 Iss 397.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 127,
			q0 = 2,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 8,
			q4 = 9,
		},
		[&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 447,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 236,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 177,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 682,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 251,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 297,
			q4 = 109,
		},
		[&quot;Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 316,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 285,
			q4 = 11,
		},
		[&quot;The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 468,
			q0 = 36,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 404,
			q4 = 27,
		},
	},
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      <sha1>dta1joteuqp71zrbiui6bnoa8eu6tn6</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507753</id>
      <parentid>12507617</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:19:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="10513" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	total = {
		count = 29829,
		q0 = 1161,
		q1 = 3829,
		q2 = 117,
		q3 = 7905,
		q4 = 2785,
	},
	indexes = {
		[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma02hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 298,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 6,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The last man (Second Edition 1826 Volume 3).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 366,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 74,
			q4 = 278,
		},
		[&quot;Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 644,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 27,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 391,
			q4 = 53,
		},
		[&quot;Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 2 (1897).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 602,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 5,
			q2 = 8,
			q3 = 5,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 4).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 678,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 643,
			q2 = 16,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 16,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 5).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 648,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 54,
			q4 = 18,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 719,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 10,
			q3 = 61,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 300,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 6,
			q2 = 6,
			q3 = 63,
			q4 = 5,
		},
		[&quot;From Passion to Peace - Allen - 1910.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 72,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 61,
		},
		[&quot;Uncle Tom's cabin, or, Life among the lowly (1852 Volume 1 Original).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 324,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 233,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 43,
			q4 = 30,
		},
		[&quot;Paradise lost - a poem in ten books (IA paradiselostpoem00milt 0).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 364,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 8,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 14,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;Clarissa (1748 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 344,
			q0 = 21,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 1,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The Wanderer (1814 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 482,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 300,
			q4 = 165,
		},
		[&quot;The Wanderer (1814 Volume 2).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 472,
			q0 = 7,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;A Passage to India.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 328,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 15,
			q4 = 16,
		},
		[&quot;The Elder Edda and the Younger Edda - tr. Thorpe - 1907.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 384,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 3,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 189,
			q4 = 102,
		},
		[&quot;The World's Most Famous Court Trial - 1925.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 344,
			q0 = 1,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 247,
			q4 = 91,
		},
		[&quot;Works of Thomas Carlyle - Volume 06.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 454,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 4,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 131,
			q4 = 15,
		},
		[&quot;The common reader.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 346,
			q0 = 23,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 150,
			q4 = 173,
		},
		[&quot;The Elizabethan stage (Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 444,
			q0 = 14,
			q1 = 231,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 181,
			q4 = 15,
		},
		[&quot;Tess of the D'Urbervilles (1891 Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 288,
			q0 = 23,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 33,
			q4 = 16,
		},
		[&quot;This Side of Paradise - Fitzgerald - 1920.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 330,
			q0 = 21,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 42,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 520,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 175,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 310,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 726,
			q0 = 60,
			q1 = 574,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 37,
			q4 = 49,
		},
		[&quot;Tarzan the Untamed.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 464,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 7,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 170,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 213,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 140,
			q4 = 7,
		},
		[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 29,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 4,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 62).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 602,
			q0 = 3,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 1,
			q4 = 11,
		},
		[&quot;The New Negro.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 516,
			q0 = 38,
			q1 = 34,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 277,
			q4 = 165,
		},
		[&quot;Brief for the United States, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471 (1963).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 69,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 68,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Bradshaw's Railway Timetables (No3.) 1839.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 24,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 11,
			q4 = 13,
		},
		[&quot;CAB Accident Report, American Airlines Flight 383.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 33,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 33,
		},
		[&quot;The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 328,
			q0 = 90,
			q1 = 7,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 44,
			q4 = 29,
		},
		[&quot;The octopus - a story of California (IA theoctopusstory00norrrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 672,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Social Control (1901).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 492,
			q0 = 3,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 8,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;Man and superman; a comedy and a philosophy (IA mansupermancomed00shawrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 314,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;New Epoch for Faith.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 444,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 5,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 304,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 255,
			q4 = 5,
		},
		[&quot;The marble faun; or, The romance of Monte Beni (IA marblefaunorroma01hawtrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 314,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 16,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 273,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;The last of the Mohicans (1826 Volume 1).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 308,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 19,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;How the other half lives.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 332,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 42,
			q3 = 45,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 234,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 211,
			q4 = 9,
		},
		[&quot;The Education of Henry Adams (1907).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 366,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 89,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The house without a key, by Earl Derr Biggins (1925).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 328,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 10,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 28,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;Following darkness (IA followingdarknes00reid).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 340,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 3,
		},
		[&quot;The American Language.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 396,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 136,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 180,
			q4 = 19,
		},
		[&quot;Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 204,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 187,
		},
		[&quot;Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) from 1926.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 22,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;The Spirit of French Music.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 236,
			q0 = 9,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 58,
			q4 = 3,
		},
		[&quot;Iliad Buckley.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 480,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 412,
			q4 = 57,
		},
		[&quot;Clotel (1853).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 269,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 14,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 29,
			q4 = 5,
		},
		[&quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe - Snowden - 1921.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 306,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 9,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 63).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 576,
			q0 = 3,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 15,
			q4 = 4,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - The Mill on the Floss, vol. I, 1860.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 380,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 5,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 292,
			q0 = 25,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 228,
			q4 = 12,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. IV, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 382,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 304,
			q4 = 62,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. III, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 410,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 384,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 196,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 17,
			q4 = 168,
		},
		[&quot;The Blithedale Romance.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 304,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 275,
			q4 = 13,
		},
		[&quot;Rilla of Ingleside (1921).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 390,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 27,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;A history of Hungarian literature.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 312,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 197,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 32,
			q4 = 71,
		},
		[&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 386,
			q0 = 40,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 343,
		},
		[&quot;The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 628,
			q0 = 30,
			q1 = 39,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 243,
			q4 = 130,
		},
		[&quot;The Jungle (1906).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 434,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 62,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;The World and the Individual, First Series (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 615,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 519,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 59,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900; selections illustrating the editor's critical review of American poetry in the nineteenth century (IA anamericananthol00stedrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 966,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 6,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;The School and Society.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 146,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 90,
			q4 = 29,
		},
		[&quot;Conrad - Lord Jim, 1900.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 466,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 8,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 12,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 422,
			q0 = 14,
			q1 = 3,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 272,
			q4 = 35,
		},
		[&quot;Jaspar Tristram (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 366,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 18,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;Ragged Dick, or, Street life in New York with the boot-blacks (IA raggeddickorstre1868alge).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 318,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 4,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;Carnegie - Wealth - 1889.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 127,
			q0 = 2,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 13,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;North American Review 1889-12 Vol 149 Iss 397.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 127,
			q0 = 2,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 8,
			q4 = 9,
		},
		[&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 447,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 236,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 177,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 682,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 251,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 297,
			q4 = 109,
		},
		[&quot;Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 316,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 285,
			q4 = 11,
		},
		[&quot;The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 468,
			q0 = 36,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 404,
			q4 = 27,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>f5mym03vgakz960x2wz79qo3cfpbiu4</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507855</id>
      <parentid>12507753</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:18:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="10637" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	total = {
		count = 30835,
		q0 = 1161,
		q1 = 3829,
		q2 = 117,
		q3 = 7905,
		q4 = 2785,
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      <id>12508009</id>
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      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
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Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
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return {
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      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
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Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
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			q0 = 14,
			q1 = 231,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 181,
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			q4 = 16,
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		[&quot;The collected works of Henrik Ibsen (Heinemann Volume 1).pdf&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 175,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 310,
			q4 = 14,
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			q0 = 60,
			q1 = 574,
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			q3 = 37,
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		[&quot;Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.pdf&quot;] = {
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			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
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			q4 = 7,
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		[&quot;The Works of H G Wells Volume 6.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
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      <comment>Updating current statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
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Automatically generated data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
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		},
		[&quot;How the other half lives.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 332,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 42,
			q3 = 45,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Country of Pointed Firs - Jewett - 1896.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 234,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 211,
			q4 = 9,
		},
		[&quot;The Education of Henry Adams (1907).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 476,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 366,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 89,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The house without a key, by Earl Derr Biggins (1925).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 328,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 10,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 28,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;Following darkness (IA followingdarknes00reid).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 340,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 3,
		},
		[&quot;The American Language.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 396,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 136,
			q2 = 3,
			q3 = 180,
			q4 = 19,
		},
		[&quot;Historic highways of America (Volume 7).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 204,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 187,
		},
		[&quot;Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) from 1926.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 22,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;The Spirit of French Music.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 236,
			q0 = 9,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 58,
			q4 = 3,
		},
		[&quot;Iliad Buckley.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 480,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 412,
			q4 = 57,
		},
		[&quot;Clotel (1853).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 269,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 14,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 29,
			q4 = 5,
		},
		[&quot;A Political Pilgrim in Europe - Snowden - 1921.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 306,
			q0 = 13,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 9,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 63).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 576,
			q0 = 3,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 15,
			q4 = 4,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - The Mill on the Floss, vol. I, 1860.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 380,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 5,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 3,
			q4 = 1,
		},
		[&quot;Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 292,
			q0 = 25,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 228,
			q4 = 12,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. IV, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 382,
			q0 = 16,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 304,
			q4 = 62,
		},
		[&quot;Eliot - Daniel Deronda, vol. III, 1876.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 410,
			q0 = 17,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 384,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Commentaries of Caesar.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 196,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 17,
			q4 = 168,
		},
		[&quot;The Blithedale Romance.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 304,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 275,
			q4 = 13,
		},
		[&quot;Rilla of Ingleside (1921).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 390,
			q0 = 10,
			q1 = 27,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;A history of Hungarian literature.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 312,
			q0 = 12,
			q1 = 197,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 32,
			q4 = 71,
		},
		[&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 386,
			q0 = 40,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 2,
			q4 = 343,
		},
		[&quot;The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 628,
			q0 = 30,
			q1 = 39,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 243,
			q4 = 130,
		},
		[&quot;The Jungle (1906).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 434,
			q0 = 15,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 62,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;The World and the Individual, First Series (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 615,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 519,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 59,
			q4 = 8,
		},
		[&quot;An American anthology, 1787-1900; selections illustrating the editor's critical review of American poetry in the nineteenth century (IA anamericananthol00stedrich).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 966,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 2,
			q2 = 2,
			q3 = 6,
			q4 = 2,
		},
		[&quot;The School and Society.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 146,
			q0 = 27,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 90,
			q4 = 29,
		},
		[&quot;Conrad - Lord Jim, 1900.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 466,
			q0 = 8,
			q1 = 8,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 12,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;The Theory of the Leisure Class.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 422,
			q0 = 14,
			q1 = 3,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 272,
			q4 = 35,
		},
		[&quot;Jaspar Tristram (1899).djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 366,
			q0 = 0,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 18,
			q4 = 6,
		},
		[&quot;Ragged Dick, or, Street life in New York with the boot-blacks (IA raggeddickorstre1868alge).pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 318,
			q0 = 11,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 4,
			q3 = 0,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;Carnegie - Wealth - 1889.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 127,
			q0 = 2,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 13,
			q4 = 0,
		},
		[&quot;North American Review 1889-12 Vol 149 Iss 397.pdf&quot;] = {
			count = 127,
			q0 = 2,
			q1 = 1,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 8,
			q4 = 9,
		},
		[&quot;Nihongi by Aston.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 447,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 236,
			q2 = 1,
			q3 = 177,
			q4 = 14,
		},
		[&quot;Moby-Dick (1851) US edition.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 682,
			q0 = 19,
			q1 = 251,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 297,
			q4 = 109,
		},
		[&quot;Camperdown - Griffith - 1836.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 316,
			q0 = 18,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 285,
			q4 = 11,
		},
		[&quot;The History of the Standard Oil Company Vol 2.djvu&quot;] = {
			count = 468,
			q0 = 36,
			q1 = 0,
			q2 = 0,
			q3 = 404,
			q4 = 27,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>oypqx9c279lmew27m5t8wut2ggr6shf</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Module:Monthly Challenge daily stats/data/2022-07</title>
    <ns>828</ns>
    <id>4001684</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506309</id>
      <parentid>12506178</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:18:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2712" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3863,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7824,
			q4 = 2770,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>53hhkbira2hg49z4hqr8qkjv22izgqp</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506545</id>
      <parentid>12506309</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:18:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2712" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3863,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7838,
			q4 = 2774,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>sguqnn2x1nhi7pu6nz1f7lrsln2hqqy</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506774</id>
      <parentid>12506545</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T16:17:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2712" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3853,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7840,
			q4 = 2782,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>5tuci6wg6211kpw8hq5b9id4l1qlujh</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506957</id>
      <parentid>12506774</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:18:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2712" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3852,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7842,
			q4 = 2782,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>aqdiqoph9cg8aoxo1n9gnlbqfdrlkkq</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507160</id>
      <parentid>12506957</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:18:15Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2712" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3846,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7849,
			q4 = 2782,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>fbpk1hffubg74s54u27lrhvspesn2xu</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507441</id>
      <parentid>12507160</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:18:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2712" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3846,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7883,
			q4 = 2782,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>3i3lu7x5p84ymt635wmwgki49amlkwe</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507619</id>
      <parentid>12507441</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:18:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2815" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7899,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
		[25] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7899,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>l8mzvyibwyrutk9jjaydfvl2os5p266</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507754</id>
      <parentid>12507619</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:19:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2815" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7899,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
		[25] = {
			count = 29829,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7905,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>p61cubymbxlfwaqkq8fhkx1kko0kspn</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507856</id>
      <parentid>12507754</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:19:04Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2815" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7899,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
		[25] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7905,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>el60nb3tc1x0lwd7yit25edw8uqwh9e</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508011</id>
      <parentid>12507856</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:19:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2815" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7899,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
		[25] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7911,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
	},
}</text>
      <sha1>jdu66gqa0lilq6u3qd2y8b7jh1gk8uu</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508100</id>
      <parentid>12508011</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:19:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2815" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7899,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
		[25] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3831,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7935,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
	},
}</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508201</id>
      <parentid>12508100</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:18:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>InductiveBot</username>
        <id>204982</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <comment>Updating current daily statistics for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="2815" xml:space="preserve">--[=[
Automatically generated daily data for indexes in [[Wikisource:Community collaboration/Monthly Challenge/July 2022]]
]=]
return {
	days = {
		[0] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1039,
			q1 = 4094,
			q2 = 99,
			q3 = 6765,
			q4 = 1617,
		},
		[1] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1062,
			q1 = 4062,
			q2 = 104,
			q3 = 6807,
			q4 = 1642,
		},
		[2] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4052,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 6816,
			q4 = 1744,
		},
		[3] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4046,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 6906,
			q4 = 1770,
		},
		[4] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 4008,
			q2 = 106,
			q3 = 7009,
			q4 = 1795,
		},
		[5] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3999,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7050,
			q4 = 1852,
		},
		[6] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1151,
			q1 = 3997,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7078,
			q4 = 1883,
		},
		[7] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4011,
			q2 = 98,
			q3 = 7125,
			q4 = 1910,
		},
		[8] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1152,
			q1 = 4006,
			q2 = 107,
			q3 = 7066,
			q4 = 2024,
		},
		[9] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3963,
			q2 = 112,
			q3 = 7026,
			q4 = 2193,
		},
		[10] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3931,
			q2 = 113,
			q3 = 7028,
			q4 = 2257,
		},
		[11] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1153,
			q1 = 3929,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7122,
			q4 = 2271,
		},
		[12] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3896,
			q2 = 120,
			q3 = 7214,
			q4 = 2297,
		},
		[13] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3891,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7295,
			q4 = 2332,
		},
		[14] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 110,
			q3 = 7334,
			q4 = 2386,
		},
		[15] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3883,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7358,
			q4 = 2445,
		},
		[16] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3894,
			q2 = 111,
			q3 = 7393,
			q4 = 2496,
		},
		[17] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1156,
			q1 = 3942,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7424,
			q4 = 2560,
		},
		[18] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1159,
			q1 = 3933,
			q2 = 119,
			q3 = 7480,
			q4 = 2598,
		},
		[19] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3920,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7575,
			q4 = 2610,
		},
		[20] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3913,
			q2 = 123,
			q3 = 7603,
			q4 = 2630,
		},
		[21] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3870,
			q2 = 129,
			q3 = 7669,
			q4 = 2681,
		},
		[22] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3871,
			q2 = 144,
			q3 = 7764,
			q4 = 2697,
		},
		[23] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3860,
			q2 = 108,
			q3 = 7831,
			q4 = 2735,
		},
		[24] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3829,
			q2 = 117,
			q3 = 7899,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
		[25] = {
			count = 30835,
			q0 = 1161,
			q1 = 3830,
			q2 = 109,
			q3 = 7946,
			q4 = 2785,
		},
	},
}</text>
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  <page>
    <title>A Treatise on Painting/Chapter 67</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4003070</id>
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      <id>12507397</id>
      <parentid>12435712</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:00:58Z</timestamp>
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        <id>2855804</id>
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      <text bytes="399" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = Of Walking, ''Plate VII.''
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 66/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 68/]]
 | notes      = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=144 fromsection=&quot;Chapter 67&quot; to=148 tosection=&quot;Chapter 67&quot; exclude=146 /&gt;
{{smallrefs}}
{{default layout|Layout 2}}</text>
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      <text bytes="399" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = Of Walking, ''Plate VII.''
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 66/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 68/]]
 | notes      = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=144 fromsection=&quot;Chapter 67&quot; to=147 tosection=&quot;Chapter 67&quot; exclude=146 /&gt;
{{smallrefs}}
{{default layout|Layout 2}}</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/10</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4003159</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507811</id>
      <parentid>12453257</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:26:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2748" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CONTENTS.}}}}

{{rule|6em}}

{{TOC begin|width=100%}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#14|Acts of Faith, Hope, Charity, and Contrition]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/25|14]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#17|Angelus]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/28|17]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Asperges|Asperges]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/52|40]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Communion#127|Anima Christi]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/137|126]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Communion#127|Ave Verum]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/137|126]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#183|Ave Maris Stella]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/193|182]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Communion#129|Before and After Communion]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/140|129]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#106|Benediction of Blessed Sacrament]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/117|106]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#137|Blessed Sacrament, Visit to]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/148|137]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Doctrine#5|Commandments, The Ten of the Church]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/16|5]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#12|Confiteor]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/23|12]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Confession|Confession]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/123|112]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#124|Communion]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/135|124]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Doctrine#7|Corporal Works of Mercy]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/18|7]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#10|Creed, The Apostles']]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/21|10]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Communion#128|Crucifix, Indulgenced, Prayer before]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/139|128]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Doctrine#9|Daily Meditation]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/20|9]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#25|Daily Exercises]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/36|25]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Days of Obligation|Days of Obligation and Devotion]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/13|2]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Doctrine#8|Deadly Sins]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/19|8]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#145|Death, Prayers for Happy]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/155|144]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#21|De Profundis]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/31|20]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[The Daily Prayer-Book/Prayers#25|Divine Praises]]|[[Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/35|24]]}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/28</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4003166</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507820</id>
      <parentid>12435902</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:32:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
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      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="946" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|THE ANGELUS. }}

V. The Angel of the Lord announced unto 
Mary. 

R. And she conceived of the Holy Ghost 

''Hail Mary. 

V. Behold the handmaid of the Lord. 

R. Be it done unto me according to Thy 
Word. 

''Hail Mary. 

V. And the Word was made flesh. 

R. And dwelt among us. 

''Hail Mary. 

N. Pray for us, O holy Mother of God. 

R. That we may be made worthy of the 
promises of Christ. 

{{c|''Let us pray. }}

Pour forth, we beseech Thee, O Lord, Thy 
grace into our hearts, that we, to whom the 
Incarnation of Christ Thy Son was made known 
by the message of an Angel, may, by His 
Passion and Cross, be brought to the glory of 
His Resurrection, through the same Christ our 
Lord. Amen. {{float right|[100 days. }}

{{smaller|The Angelus is said kneeling, except on Sundays, 
beginning with First Vespers, that is, Saturday evening; and in Paschal time (from Holy Saturday to 
Trinity Sunday), when it is said standing.}}
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/36</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4003180</id>
    <revision>
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      <parentid>12435934</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:35:41Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="845" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|DAILY EXERCISES. }}}}

{{rule|6em}}

''Morning Prayers.'' — Never omit to say 
at least a few prayers every morning. 
Morning prayer is the food of the soul on 
which its strength for the day depends. 

''Holy Mass.'' — “ To begin well and to end 
better, two things,” St. Philip Neri said, “are 
needed — to be devout to the most holy 
Mother of God and to hear Mass daily 
when there is no lawful hindrance.” 

''Daily Duties. — Fac quod facis'', “ Do what 
Thou doest” — that is, do each duty at its 
proper time, as if it were the only one you 
had to do, and the last — ''quasi unum et quasi ultimum. 

In beginning any work, sign yourself 
and say, “Oh, my God, I offer Thee this 
work.” 

Before Meals, sign yourself and say, 
''Benedictus benedicat'' — “May the Blessed 
bless it.” 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/37</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4003181</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507825</id>
      <parentid>12443028</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:36:38Z</timestamp>
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        <id>2943726</id>
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      <text bytes="1083" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;''After Meals,'' say, ''Benedictus benedicatur'' — “ May the Blessed be blessed.&quot; 

''For a longer Grace see page 12. ''

Use the following ejaculations as occasion 
requires: — 

''In temptation'' — Lord save me, or I perish; 
Isai. xxxviii. 14; Jesu, Mary, Joseph. 

''At going forth'' — Incline unto my aid, 
O God: O Lord, make haste to help me; 
Ps. lxxx. 2. 

''On custody of sight'' — Turn away mine 
eyes, lest they behold vanity; Ps. cxviii. 7. 

''In conversation'' — Set, O Lord, a guard 
to my mouth, and a watch about my lips; 
Ps. cxl. 3. 

''After falling into any light fault'' — 
Humbly renew your purpose and begin 
again. Depression after a fault comes 
from wounded pride, and is often more 
sinful than the fault itself. 

''After a graver sin'' — Make an Act of Contrition, and go to confession as soon as possible. 

''To prevent relapses'' — Avoid the dangerous 
occasion. Fuge cito, fuge procul, fuge 
semper; hoc fac et vives — “ Fly quickly, fly 
far, fly always. Do this, and thou shalt 
live.&quot; — {{sc|St. Philip Neri.}} 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/43</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4003280</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507845</id>
      <parentid>12436259</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:57:41Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="906" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{|
|Jesus, strength of Martyrs,
|-
|Jesus, light of Confessors, 
|-
|Jesus, purity of Virgins, 
|-
|Jesus, Crown of all Saints, 
|-
|Be merciful unto us, 
|-
|Spare us, O Jesus, 
|-
|Be merciful unto us, 
|-
|Graciously hear us, O Jesus. 
|-
|From all evil, ||rowspan=22|{{brace3|550px|r}}||rowspan=22|{{Rotate|90|''Jesus, deliver us.''}}
|-
|From all sin. 
|-
|From Thy wrath, 
|-
|From the snares of the devil, 
|-
|From the spirit of uncleanness, 
|-
|From everlasting death, 
|-
|From the neglect of thy Inspirations, 
|-
|Through the mystery of thy holy Incarnation, 
|-
|Through thy Nativity, 
|-
|Through thine Infancy, 
|-
|Through thy most divine life, 
|-
|Through thy labours, 
|-
|Through thine agony and passion, 
|-
|Through thy Cross and dereliction, 
|-
|Through thy faintness and weariness, 
|-
|Through thy death and burial, 
|-
|Through thy resurrection, 
|-
|Through thine ascension,
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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 | notes      = 
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    <title>Page:Elementary Lessons In The Swatow Dialect with a Vocabulary referring to Dr. Douglas’ Dictionary of the Amoy Vernacular.djvu/4</title>
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      <comment>[[author:Herbert Allen Giles|Mr. Giles]]’ “[[Handbook of the Swatow Dialect]],”</comment>
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      <text bytes="1565" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: center;&quot;&gt;PREFACE.&lt;/div&gt;

These very elementary lessons are reprinted for private use from [[author:Herbert Allen Giles|Mr. Giles]]’ “[[Handbook of the Swatow Dialect]],” with very little change other than the substitution of an exact system of spelling and marking the tones. In a few cases a word or a phrase has been changed where this seemed necessary, but no attempt has been made at an independent revision of the whole. In the Vocabulary numerals have been inserted referring to the pages of Dr. Carstairs Douglas’ ”Dictionary of the Amoy Vernacular,” in the hope of inducing beginners to accustom themselves from the first to make use of its stores of information. It will be found that over six-tenths of the words of the Swatow dialect remain unaltered in spelling and tone-mark as written in the Amoy Dictionary; while many of the remainder are easily recognised under more or less altered forms. It is to be understood, therefore, that a reference to a certain page of Dr. Douglas’ Dictionary does not necessarily imply that the word will be found there unchanged. In two or three cases out of ten it will be found in a form more or less modified, and the beginner must at first trust to the meaning as a guide to the particular word required. After a time certain laws of change will show themselves, a knowledge of which will make it easy to find without assistance the Amoy analogue of almost any Swatow word. 

Dr. Douglas’ Dictionary is so extraordinarily full and accurate,—far surpassing in these respects&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>[[Author:Carstairs Douglas|Dr. Carstairs Douglas]]’ ”[[Chinese-English Dictionary of the Vernacular Or Spoken Language of Amoy|Dictionary of the Amoy Vernacular]],”</comment>
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These very elementary lessons are reprinted for private use from [[author:Herbert Allen Giles|Mr. Giles]]’ “[[Handbook of the Swatow Dialect]],” with very little change other than the substitution of an exact system of spelling and marking the tones. In a few cases a word or a phrase has been changed where this seemed necessary, but no attempt has been made at an independent revision of the whole. In the Vocabulary numerals have been inserted referring to the pages of [[Author:Carstairs Douglas|Dr. Carstairs Douglas]]’ ”[[Chinese-English Dictionary of the Vernacular Or Spoken Language of Amoy|Dictionary of the Amoy Vernacular]],” in the hope of inducing beginners to accustom themselves from the first to make use of its stores of information. It will be found that over six-tenths of the words of the Swatow dialect remain unaltered in spelling and tone-mark as written in the Amoy Dictionary; while many of the remainder are easily recognised under more or less altered forms. It is to be understood, therefore, that a reference to a certain page of Dr. Douglas’ Dictionary does not necessarily imply that the word will be found there unchanged. In two or three cases out of ten it will be found in a form more or less modified, and the beginner must at first trust to the meaning as a guide to the particular word required. After a time certain laws of change will show themselves, a knowledge of which will make it easy to find without assistance the Amoy analogue of almost any Swatow word. 

Dr. Douglas’ Dictionary is so extraordinarily full and accurate,—far surpassing in these respects&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/84</title>
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{{sidenotes begin|side=left}}
{{rh|Cap. 5.|''Collection of the Revenue, &amp;c.''|31 {{sc|Vict}}.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Of certain other Deputy Heads of Departments.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Of certain other Deputy Heads of Departments.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-19&quot;&gt;19.&lt;/span&gt; The Deputy Postmaster General, the Deputy of the Minister of Public Works, the Deputy of the Minister of Militia, and the Deputy of the Minister of Marine and Fisheries, shall respectively audit the details of the accounts of their several departments in the first instance, and be responsible for the correctness of such Audit.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Of Deputy Receiver General.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Of Deputy Receiver General.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-20&quot;&gt;20.&lt;/span&gt; The Deputy Receiver General shall keep the account with the Financial Agents of the Dominion in England, and with the Bank or Banks receiving or paying public moneys, and shall audit the accounts of moneys paid for interest on Canadian Stock, Debentures or other Canadian Securities.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Of Deputy Inspector General.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Of Deputy Inspector General.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-21&quot;&gt;21.&lt;/span&gt; It shall be the duty of the Deputy Inspector General, to prepare all Money Warrants on the certificate of the Auditor,—to countersign all Canadian Debentures, Receiver General’s Cheques and Receipts,—to keep a Debenture Book, which shall contain a record and description of all Debentures outstanding or to be issued, shewing the date of issue, period of redemption, when cancelled, and payment of interest, and also a Register of Provincial Notes or Notes of the Dominion issued or cancelled,—and an Interest Account;—to classify all appropriations of Public Moneys and keep posted up a Book to be called The Appropriation Book, containing an account, under separate and distinct heads, of every such appropriation, whether permanent or temporary, entering under each head the amounts drawn on account of such appropriation with the dates and names of the parties to whom Warrants are issued,—to examine and audit the accounts current of the Officers of Customs and Inland Revenue or Excise,—and to keep the Public Accounts of the Dominion.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Duties of Auditor as to accounts.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Duties of Auditor as to accounts.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-22&quot;&gt;22.&lt;/span&gt;{{anchor|s-22-1}} It shall be the duty of the Auditor to examine, check and audit all other Accounts of the Receipt and Expenditure of Public Monies, whether appertaining to the Dominion of Canada, or received or expended by the Dominion on account of or in trust for any other party or parties; and all Receipts and Expenditure which by the foregoing sections are required to be primarily audited by other Members of the Board of Audit shall nevertheless be submitted to the Auditor for final audit, and
Review:—

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Register of Bank Notes, &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Register of Bank Notes, &amp;c.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor+|s-22-2|2.}} He shall also keep a Register of Bank Notes issued and securities held under the provisions of the Free Banking Act of the late Province of Canada; and all Returns and Statements required from Savings Banks, Chartered or other Banks, and all other Institutions required by law to make financial Statements or Returns, shall be transmitted to him.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside L|Case of difference of opinion of Auditor and}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Case of difference of opinion of Auditor and any other member.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-23&quot;&gt;23.&lt;/span&gt; In case of any difference of opinion between the Auditor and any other Member of the Board on any point connected with the Accounts of the Department in charge of such&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|other}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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 | title      = [[../]]
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 | notes      = 
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      <text bytes="1521" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|309|XXXI. THE STORY OF SUTASOMA.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;'Well said! well said !' and nodding his head and waving his fingers said to the Bodhisattva : 'Go on, go on.'

Then the Bodhisattva uttered the second gâthâ. 

72. 'From virtuous persons thou shouldst never keep remote, 

But follow those; to worship them thyself devote. 

Their fragrance-spreading virtues uncompelled must 

Attain him who stands near them, as does flower-dust.' 

The son of Sudâsa spoke:

73. 'You employed your wealth in the right manner, indeed ; rightly you did not mind trouble, that you did your utmost, О virtuous one, to reward well-said sentences !

'Go on, go on.' 

The Bodhisattva spoke :

74. 'The cars of kings, with jewels shining and with gold,

With their possessors lose their beauty, growing old. 

But not to pious conduct has old age access.

So strong a love of virtues pious men possess&lt;ref&gt;Cp. Dhammapada, verse 151.&lt;/ref&gt;.' 

(The other replied): This is as a shower of ambrosia, to be sure. O how great a satisfaction you give me! Go on, go on.'

The Bodhisattva spoke: 

75. 'How distant Earth from Heaven is, the East

How far from Sunset, and both Ocean's shores 

From one another. Greater distance keeps

Of virtue sever'd and of wrong the lores.' 

Then the son of Sudâsa, who in consequence of his gladness and surprise was filled with affection and reverence for the Bodhisattva, said to him:

76. 'Lovely are the gâthâs I heard from you. The elegance of their words is still surpassed by the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A fable for critics - or, better ... A glance at a few of our literary progenies ... (IA fableforcritics00loweiala).pdf/19</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4009041</id>
    <revision>
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      <parentid>12478674</parentid>
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      <text bytes="1364" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|11|A FABLE FOR THE CRITICS.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{ppoem|start=follow|end=follow|But a boy he could never be rightly defined;
Like the Irish Good Folk, though in length scarce a span,
From the womb he came gravely, a little old man;
While other boys' trowsers demanded the toil
Of the motherly fingers on all kinds of soil,
Red, yellow, brown, black, clayey, gravelly, loamy,
He sat in the corner and read [[Wikipedia:Ethan Allen Andrews|Viri Romӕ]].
He never was known to unbend or to revel once
In base, marbles, hockey, or kick up the devil once;
He was just one of those who excite the benevolence
Of your old prigs who sound the soul's depths with a ledger,
And are on the lookout for some young men to &quot;edger-
-cate,&quot; as they call it, who won't be too costly,
And who'll afterward take to the ministry mostly;
Who always wear spectacles, always look bilious,
Always keep on good terms with each ''mater-familias''
Throughout the whole parish, and manage to rear
Ten boys like themselves, on four hundred a year;
Who, fulfilling in turn the same fearful conditions,
Either preach through their noses, or go upon missions.

:In this way our hero got safely to College,
Where he bolted alike both his commons and knowledge;
A reading-machine, always wound up and going,
He mastered whatever was not worth the knowing,
Appeared in a gown, and a vest of black satin,}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/190</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2887" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;The Eloquent Peasant&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|138|chapter|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;With a heavy heart I accompanied my friend. We started about four o’clock— Legrand, Jupiter, the dog, and myself. Jupiter had with him the scythe and spades—the whole of which he insisted upon carrying—more through fear, it seemed to me, of trusting either of the implements within reach of his master, than from any excess of industry or complaisance. His demeanour was dogged in the extreme, and “dat deuced bug” were the sole words which escaped his lips during the journey. For my own part, I had charge of a couple of dark lanterns, while Legrand contented himself with the ''scarabæus'', which he carried attached to the end of a bit of whipcord; twirling it to and fro, with the air of a conjurer, as he went. When I observed this last, plain evidence of my friend’s aberration of mind, I could scarcely refrain from tears. I thought it best, however, to humour his fancy, at least for the present, or until I could adopt some more energetic measures with a chance of success. In the meantime, I endeavoured, but all in vain, to sound him in regard to the object of the expedition. Having succeeded in inducing me to accompany him, he seemed unwilling to hold conversation upon any topic of minor importance, and to all my questions vouchsafed no other reply than “we shall see!”

We crossed the creek at the head of the island by means of a skiff, and, ascending the high grounds on the shore of the mainland, proceeded in a north-westerly direction, through a tract of country excessively wild and desolate, where no trace of a human footstep was to be seen. Legrand led the way with decision; pausing only for an instant, here and there, to consult what appeared to be certain landmarks of his own contrivance upon a former occasion.

In this manner we journeyed for about two hours, and the sun was just setting when we entered a region infinitely more dreary than any yet seen. It was a species of tableland, near the summit of an almost inaccessible hill, densely wooded from base to pinnacle, and interspersed with huge crags that appeared to lie loosely upon the soil, and in many cases were prevented from precipitating themselves into the valleys below merely by the support of the trees against which they reclined. Deep ravines, in various directions, gave an air of still sterner solemnity to the scene.

The natural platform to which we had clambered was thickly overgrown with brambles, through which we soon discovered that it would have been impossible to force our way but for the scythe; and Jupiter, by direction of his master, proceeded to clear for us a path to the foot of an enormously tall tulip-tree, which stood, with some eight or ten oaks, upon the level, and far surpassed them all, and all other trees which I had then ever seen,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|138}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/8</title>
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      <text bytes="2241" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger|INDEX.}}}}

{{dhr}}{{rule|3em}}{{dhr}}

{{block center/s|width=600px}}
{{right|{{smaller|''Page''}}}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Connecticut River|Connecticut River,]]|13|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Lochleven Castle,|Lochleven Castle,]]|17|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Evening at Home|Evening at Home,]]|19|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/The Mohegan Church|The Mohegan Church,]]|21|4=4}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Radiant Clouds at Sunset|Radiant Clouds at Sunset,]]|23|4=4}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Solitude|Solitude,]]|24|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Barzillai, the Gileadite|Barzillai, the Gileadite,]] |26|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Appeal for Missions|Appeal for Missions,]] |28|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Death of an Infant|Death of an Infant,]] |30|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/King John|King John,]] |31|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Unchanged of the Tomb|Unchanged of the Tomb,]] |33|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Twilight|Twilight,]] |35|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Montpelier|Montpelier,]]|37|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Norman Knights and Monks of Ely|Norman Knights and Monks of Ely,]]| 39|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/The Last Supper|The Last Supper,]]|42|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Return to Connecticut|Return to Connecticut,]]| 45|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/&quot;Whither Shall I Flee from Thy Presence?&quot;|&quot;Whither Shall I Flee from Thy Presence?&quot;]]| 47|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/The Sabbath Bell|The Sabbath Bell,]]| 49|4=4}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Cottage Scene,|Cottage Scene,]]| 51|4=4}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Boy's Last Bequest|Boy's Last Bequest,]]| 53|4=4}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems Sigourney 1834/Greece|Greece,]]| 54|4=4}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>A Treatise on Painting/Chapter 223</title>
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 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = What Surface will shew most perfectly its true Colour
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 222/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 224/]]
 | notes      = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=263 fromsection=&quot;Chapter 223&quot; to=263 tosection=&quot;Chapter 223&quot; /&gt;
{{smallrefs}}
{{default layout|Layout 2}}</text>
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{{header
 | title    = The Complete Adventures of Sherlock Holmes in The Strand Magazine (UK)
 | author   = Arthur Conan Doyle
 | section  = 
 | previous = 
 | next     = 
 | year = 1892
 | commonscat= 
 | notes    = 
 | portal = Mystery
}}

==Contents==
{{AuxTOC|
* (The) Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (1891 - 1893)
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/A Scandal in Bohemia|I. A Scandal in Bohemia]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Red-Headed League|II.The Red-Headed League]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/A Case of Identity|III. A Case of Identity]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Boscombe Valley Mystery|IV. The Boscombe Valley Mystery]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Five Orange Pips|V. The Five Orange Pips]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Man with the Twisted Lip|VI. The Man with the Twisted Lip]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle|VII. The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/Issue 14/The Adventure of the Speckled Band|VIII. The Adventure of the Speckled Band)]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/Issue 15/The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb|IX. The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor|X. The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet|XI. The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Copper Beeches|XII. The Adventure of the Copper Beeches]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 4/The Adventure of Silver Blaze|XIII. The Adventure of Silver Blaze]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Cardboard Box|XIV. The Adventure of the Cardboard Box]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Yellow Face|XV. The Adventure of the Yellow Face]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk|XVI. The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Gloria Scott|XVII. The Adventure of the Gloria Scott]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Musgrave Ritual|XVIII. The Adventure of the Musgrave Ritual]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Reigate Squire|XIX. The Adventure of the Reigate Squire]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Crooked Man|XX. The Adventure of the Crooked Man]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Resident Patient|XXI. The Adventure of the Resident Patient]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Greek Interpreter|XXII. The Adventure of the Greek Interpreter]]
}}
** [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)|The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)]]
** [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)|The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 2)]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Final Problem|The Final Problem]]</text>
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{{header
 | title    = The Complete Adventures of Sherlock Holmes in The Strand Magazine (UK)
 | author   = Arthur Conan Doyle
 | section  = 
 | previous = 
 | next     = 
 | year = 1892
 | commonscat= 
 | notes    = 
 | portal = Mystery
}}

==Contents==
{{AuxTOC|
* (The) Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (1891 - 1893)
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/A Scandal in Bohemia|I. A Scandal in Bohemia]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Red-Headed League|II.The Red-Headed League]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/A Case of Identity|III. A Case of Identity]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Boscombe Valley Mystery|IV. The Boscombe Valley Mystery]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Five Orange Pips|V. The Five Orange Pips]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Man with the Twisted Lip|VI. The Man with the Twisted Lip]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle|VII. The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/Issue 14/The Adventure of the Speckled Band|VIII. The Adventure of the Speckled Band)]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/Issue 15/The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb|IX. The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor|X. The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet|XI. The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Copper Beeches|XII. The Adventure of the Copper Beeches]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 4/The Adventure of Silver Blaze|XIII. The Adventure of Silver Blaze]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Cardboard Box|XIV. The Adventure of the Cardboard Box]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Yellow Face|XV. The Adventure of the Yellow Face]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk|XVI. The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Gloria Scott|XVII. The Adventure of the Gloria Scott]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Musgrave Ritual|XVIII. The Adventure of the Musgrave Ritual]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Reigate Squire|XIX. The Adventure of the Reigate Squire]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Crooked Man|XX. The Adventure of the Crooked Man]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Resident Patient|XXI. The Adventure of the Resident Patient]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Greek Interpreter|XXII. The Adventure of the Greek Interpreter]]
** [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)|XXIII. The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)]]
** [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)|XIII. The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 2)]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Final Problem|XIV. The Final Problem]]

}}</text>
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{{header
 | title    = The Complete Adventures of Sherlock Holmes in The Strand Magazine (UK)
 | author   = Arthur Conan Doyle
 | section  = 
 | previous = 
 | next     = 
 | year = 1892
 | commonscat= 
 | notes    = 
 | portal = Mystery
}}

==Contents==
{{AuxTOC|
* (The) Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (1891 - 1893)
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/A Scandal in Bohemia|I. A Scandal in Bohemia]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Red-Headed League|II.The Red-Headed League]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/A Case of Identity|III. A Case of Identity]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Boscombe Valley Mystery|IV. The Boscombe Valley Mystery]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Five Orange Pips|V. The Five Orange Pips]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 2/The Man with the Twisted Lip|VI. The Man with the Twisted Lip]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle|VII. The Adventure of the Blue Carbuncle]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/Issue 14/The Adventure of the Speckled Band|VIII. The Adventure of the Speckled Band)]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/Issue 15/The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb|IX. The Adventure of the Engineer's Thumb]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor|X. The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet|XI. The Adventure of the Beryl Coronet]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 3/The Adventure of the Copper Beeches|XII. The Adventure of the Copper Beeches]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 4/The Adventure of Silver Blaze|XIII. The Adventure of Silver Blaze]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Cardboard Box|XIV. The Adventure of the Cardboard Box]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Yellow Face|XV. The Adventure of the Yellow Face]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk|XVI. The Adventure of the Stockbroker's Clerk]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Gloria Scott|XVII. The Adventure of the Gloria Scott]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Musgrave Ritual|XVIII. The Adventure of the Musgrave Ritual]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 5/The Adventure of the Reigate Squire|XIX. The Adventure of the Reigate Squire]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Crooked Man|XX. The Adventure of the Crooked Man]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Resident Patient|XXI. The Adventure of the Resident Patient]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Greek Interpreter|XXII. The Adventure of the Greek Interpreter]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)|XXIII. The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 1)|XIII. The Adventure of the Naval Treaty (Part 2)]]
**[[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Final Problem|XIV. The Adventure of the Final Problem]]

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 | notes      = 
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{{c|{{larger|'''THE MOHEGAN CHURCH.'''}}}} 

{{center block|width=400px|{{smaller|
A remnant of the once-powerful tribe of Mohegan Indians, have their residence in the vicinity of the city of Norwich, Conn., and on the ruins of an ancient fort in their territory, a small church has been erected,— principally through the influence of the benevolence of females.}}}}
 

{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Amid}} those hills, with verdure spread, 
The red-browed hunter's arrow sped, 
And on those waters, sheen and blue, 
He freely launch'd his light canoe, 
While through the forests glanced like light 
The flying wild-deer's antler bright. 
—Ask ye for hamlet's people bound, 
With cone-roofed cabins circled round? 
For chieftain grave,—for warrior proud, 
In nature's majesty unbowed? 
You've seen the fleeting shadow fly, 
The foam upon the billows die, 
The floating vapour leave no trace, 
''Such was their path—that fated race''. 

    Say ye that kings, with lofty port, 
Here held their stern and simple court? 
That here, with gestures rudely bold, 
Stern orators the throng controlled?
—Methinks, even now, on tempest wings, 
The thunder of their war-shout rings, 
Methinks springs up, with dazzling spire, 
The redness of their council fire. 
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/23</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4011729</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508226</id>
      <parentid>12488204</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:39:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1486" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|left=22|center=THE MOHEGAN CHURCH.}}
{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
No!—no!—in darkness rest the throng, 
Despair hath checked the tide of song, 
    Dust dimmed their glory's ray, 
But can these staunch their bleeding wrong? 
Or quell remembrance, fierce and strong? 
    Recording angel,—say! 
I marked where once a fortress frowned, 
High o'er the blood-cemented ground, 
And many a deed that savage tower 
Might tell to chill the midnight hour. 
But now, its ruins strongly bear 
Fruits that the gentlest hand might share; 
For there a hallowed dome imparts 
The lore of Heaven to listening hearts, 
And forms, like those which lingering staid, 
''Latest'' 'neath Calvary's awful shade, 
And ''earliest'' pierced the gathered gloom 
To watch a Saviour's lowly tomb, 
Such forms have soothed the Indian's ire, 
And bade for him that dome aspire. 

    Now, where tradition, ghostly pale, 
With ancient horrors loads the vale, 
And shuddering weaves in crimson loom 
Ambush, and snare, and torture-doom, 
There shall the peaceful prayer arise, 
And tuneful hymns invoke the skies. 
—Crush'd race!—so long condemned to moan, 
Scorn'd—rifled—spiritless—and lone, 
From pagan rites, from sorrow's maze, 
Turn to these temple-gates with praise; 
Yes, turn and bless the usurping band 
That rent away your fathers' land; 
Forgive the wrong—suppress the blame, 
And view with Faith's fraternal claim, 
Your God—your hope—your heaven the same.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4011732</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508227</id>
      <parentid>12488212</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:39:45Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{c|{{larger|'''RADIANT CLOUDS AT SUNSET.'''}}}}

 
{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Bright}} Clouds! ye are gathering one by one 
Ye are sweeping in pomp round the dying sun, 
With crimson banner, and golden pall 
Like a host to their chieftain's funeral; 
Perchance ye tread to that hallowed spot 
With a muffled dirge, though we hear it not. 

But methinks ye tower with a lordlier crest 
And a gorgeous flush as he sinks to rest, 
Not thus in the day of his pride and wrath 
Did ye dare to press on his glorious path, 
At his noontide glance ye have quaked with fear 
And hasted to hide in your misty sphere. 

Do you say ''he is dead?''—You exult in vain, 
With your rainbow robe and your swelling train, 
He shall rise again with his strong, bright ray, 
He shall reign in power when you fade away, 
When ye darkly cower in your vapoury hall, 
Tintless, and naked, and noteless all. 

The Soul!—The Soul!—with its eye of fire, 
Thus, thus shall it soar when its foes expire, 
It shall spread its wings o'er the ills that pained, 
The evils that shadowed, the sins that stained, 
It shall dwell where no rushing cloud hath sway, 
And the pageants of earth shall have melted away.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4011734</id>
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      <id>12508229</id>
      <parentid>12488216</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:41:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{c|{{larger|'''SOLITUDE.'''}}}} 


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Deep}} Solitude I sought.—There was a dell 
Where woven shades shut out the eye of day, 
While towering near, the rugged mountains made 
Dark back-ground 'gainst the sky. 

                                                       Thither I went, 
And bade my spirit taste that lonely fount 
For which it long had thirsted 'mid the strife 
And fever of the world.—I thought to be 
There without witness.—But the violet's eye 
Looked up to greet me, the fresh wild-rose smiled, 
And the young pendent vine-flower kissed my cheek. 
There were glad voices, too.—The garrulous brook, 
Untiring, to the patient pebbles told 
Its history.—Up came the singing breeze 
And the broad leaves of the cool poplar spake 
Responsive, every one.—Even busy life 
Woke in that dell.—The dexterous spider threw 
From spray to spray the silver-tissued snare. 
The thrifty ant, whose curving pincers pierced 
The rifled grain, toiled toward her citadel. 
To her sweet hive went forth the loaded bee, 
While from her wind-rocked nest, the mother-bird 
Sang to her nurslings.— 

                                     Yet I strangely thought 
To be ''alone'' and ''silent'' in thy realm, 
Spirit of life and love!—It might not be!— 
There is ''no solitude'' in thy domains,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4011735</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508232</id>
      <parentid>12488218</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:41:36Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Save what man makes, when in his selfish breast 
He locks his joys, and shuts out others' grief. 
Thou hast not left thyself in this wide world 
Without a witness. Even the desert place 
Speaketh thy name. The simple flowers and streams 
Are social and benevolent, and he 
Who holdeth converse in their language pure, 
Roaming among them at the cool of day, 
Shall find, like him who Eden's garden drest, 
His Maker there, to teach his listening heart.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/27</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4011739</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508234</id>
      <parentid>12488225</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:42:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{c|{{larger|'''BARZILLAI THE GILEADITE.'''}} 

{{smaller|Let me be buried by the grave of my father and of my mother.}}&lt;br&gt;{{gap|20em}}{{smaller|2 {{sc|Samuel}}, XIX. 37.}}}} 


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
    {{sc|Son}} of Jesse!—let me go, 
        Why should princely honours stay me?— 
    Where the streams of Gilead flow, 
    Where the light first met mine eye, 
    Thither would I turn and die:— 
    Where my parent's ashes lie, 
        King of Israel!—bid them lay me. 

        Bury me near my sire revered, 
    Whose feet in righteous paths so firmly trod, 
        Who early taught my soul&lt;ref&gt;not sole, see errata&lt;/ref&gt; with awe
        To heed the Prophets and the Law, 
        And to my infant heart appeared 
            Majestic as a God:— 
    Oh! when his sacred dust 
    The cerements of the tomb shall burst, 
        Might I be worthy at his feet to rise, 
            To yonder blissful skies, 
        Where angel-hosts resplendent shine, 
Jehovah!—Lord of Hosts, the glory shall be thine. 

        Cold age upon my breast 
    Hath shed a frost like death, 
        The wine-cup hath no zest, 
    The rose no fragrant breath,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/28</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4011740</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508235</id>
      <parentid>12488230</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:42:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
        Music from my ear hath fled, 
        Yet still a sweet tone lingereth there, 
    The blessing that my mother shed 
        Upon my evening prayer. 
            Dim is my wasted eye 
            To all that beauty brings, 
    The brow of grace,—the form of symmetry 
            Are half-forgotten things;— 
    Yet one bright hue is vivid still, 
A mother's holy smile that soothed my sharpest ill. 

    Memory, with traitor-tread 
        Methinks, doth steal away 
    Treasures that the mind had laid 
        Up for a wintry day:— 
    Images of sacred power, 
    Cherished deep in passion's hour, 
        Faintly now my bosom stir, 
    Good and evil like a dream 
    Half obscured and shadowy seem, 
Yet with a changeless love my soul remembereth her, 
        ''Yea,—it remembereth her'', 
    Close by her blessed side, make ye my sepulchre.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4011741</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508236</id>
      <parentid>12488232</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:43:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{c|{{larger|'''APPEAL FOR MISSIONS.'''}}}} 


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Stewards}} of God! his richest gifts who hold, 
    Sublime dispensers to your brother's need, 
Can Charity within those breasts grow cold, 
    Where Faith and Hope have sown their holy seed?
Hoard ye the stores of Heaven?—Ah, then beware 
Lest its pure manna turn to bitterness and care. 

Stewards of God!—replete with living bread, 
    Shall any famish in your rosy path?
Have ye a garment which ye will not spread 
    Around those naked souls in Winter's wrath? 
Ye see them sink amid Destruction's blast, 
Unmoved ye hear their cry!—''What will ye plead at last?'' 

Ye have that cup of wine which Jesus blest 
    At his last supper with the chosen train; 
Ye have a book divine, whose high behest 
    'Go, teach all nations,' sends its thrilling strain 
Into your secret chamber. Can it be 
That selfishness enslaves the souls ''by Christ made free?'' 

Do ye ''indeed'' on Time's tempestuous shore 
    Wear the meek armour of the Crucified? 
Yet stretch no hand, no supplication pour, 
    To save the fainting souls for whom he died? 
God of all power!—what but thy Spirit's flame 
Can ope the eyes of those who ''dream'' they love thy name?

Where is your heathen brother?—From his grave 
    Near thy own gates, or 'neath a foreign sky,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508238</id>
      <parentid>12488236</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:44:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
      </contributor>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
From the thronged depths of Ocean's moaning wave, 
    His answering blood reproachfully doth cry. 
Blood of the soul!—Can all earth's fountains make 
Thy dark stain disappear?—''Stewards of God awake!'' 
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12508240</id>
      <parentid>12490285</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:44:33Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{c|{{larger|'''DEATH OF AN INFANT.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Death}} found strange beauty on that polished brow 
And dashed it out.— 
                                There was a tint of rose 
On cheek and lip.—He touched the veins with ice, 
And the rose faded.— 
                                  Forth from those blue eyes 
There spake a wishful tenderness, a doubt 
Whether to grieve or sleep, which innocence 
Alone may wear.—With ruthless haste he bound 
The silken fringes of those curtaining lids 
Forever.— 
                 There had been a murmuring sound, 
With which the babe would claim its mother's ear, 
Charming her even to tears.—The Spoiler set 
His seal of silence.— 
                                   But there beamed a smile 
So fixed, so holy, from that cherub brow, 
Death gazed—and left it there.— 
                                                     ''He dared not steal'' 
''The signet-ring of Heaven''.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/32</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4012194</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508241</id>
      <parentid>12490294</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:45:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{c|{{larger|'''KING JOHN.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|There}} stands on Runimede a king, whose name we need not tell, 
For the blood of high Plantagenet within his veins doth swell, 
And yet a sceptred hand he lifts, to shade his haggard brow, 
As if constrained to do a deed his pride would disallow. 

He pauses still.—His faint eye rests upon those barons bold, 
Whose hands are grappling to their swords with fierce and sudden hold, 
That pause is broke.—He bows him down before those steel-girt men, 
And glorious Magna Charta glows beneath his trembling pen. 

His false lip to a smile is wreathed, as their exulting shout, 
Upon the gentle summer air, thro' the broad oaks peals out, 
Yet lingers long his cowering glance on Thames' translucent tide, 
As if some deep and bitter thought he from the throng would hide. 

I know what visiteth his soul, when midnight's heavy hand, 
Doth crush the emmet cares of day and wave reflection's wand, 
Forth stalks his broken-hearted sire, wrapt in the grave-robe drear, 
And close around the ingrate's heart doth cling the ice of fear. 
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
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      <parentid>12490291</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:45:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;

I know what sounds are in his ear, when wrathful tempests roll, 
When God doth bid his lightnings search, his thunders try the soul, 
Above the blast young Arthur's shriek doth make the murderer quake, 
As if again his guiltless blood from Rouen's prison spake. 

But tho' no red volcano burst to whelm the men of crime, 
No vengeful earthquake fiercely yawn to gorge them ere their time, 
Tho' Earth for her most guilty sons the festive board doth set, 
The wine-cup and the opiate draught,—''yet ne'er can Heaven forget''. 
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12508244</id>
      <parentid>12490292</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:46:10Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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{{c|{{larger|'''THE UNCHANGED OF THE TOMB.'''}}}} 


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|They}} have prest the valve of the vaulted tomb, 
    And the tremulous sun-beam falls 
Like a stranger's foot on that cheerless gloom, 
    And the dead in their silent halls. 

Hark! to the knell of a funeral train, 
    As on with a measured tread, 
They shuddering plunge to the dark domain 
    Of the unsaluting dead. 

They have brought an innocent infant here 
    To the charge of its kindred race, 
But no arm is stretched from their coffins drear 
    To fold it in fond embrace. 

It hath come from a mother's tender breast, 
    She did foster it night and day, 
What a fearful change to such cherished guest 
    Is this grim and cold array. 

Her heart for a double woe doth weep, 
    As it heaves with a stifled moan, 
For her first-born lies in his dreamless sleep 
    'Neath yon dark-browed arch of stone. 

He fell when the wintry tempest wrecked 
    The wealth of the verdant plain;— 
And lo! ere the spring hath its ravage decked, 
    As a mourner she cometh again.
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;

He was smitten down in his beauty's pride, 
    In the dawn of his manhood's day, 
But strong in the faith of Him who died, 
    Was the soul as it soared away. 

She passeth on with a ghostly glide 
    Through the chilled and mouldering space, 
She is drooping low at her idol's side 
    With her wild eyes on his face. 

But the pestilent damps of that dread abode, 
    Have breathed on a stainless cheek, 
And it seemed that the warmth of the living blood 
    Through his ruby lips might speak. 

And his glossy locks to a fearful length 
    Have grown in that bed of clay, 
In a clustering mesh they have wreathed their strength, 
    Who will part those curls away? 

Ah! list to the mother's frantic tone, 
    &quot;Rise! Rise, my son!&quot; she cries, 
And the mocking cave with a hollow groan 
    &quot;My Son!—My Son!&quot;—replies. 

They have led her away in her deep despair, 
    She hath wept till her eye is dim, 
Your dear one is risen!—he is not there!— 
    Say, what is the tomb to him?

Look to the flight of the spirit's wing 
    Through the glorious fields of air, 
Look to the world where the angels sing, 
    And see that ye meet him there.
&lt;/poem&gt;
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{{c|{{larger|'''TWILIGHT.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt; 
{{sc|I would}} ye had not glared on me so soon, 
Officious lamps!—that gild the parlour scene 
With such oppressive brightness.—''They were here'' 
Whose garments like the tissue of our dreams 
Steal o'er the eye, and win it from the world. 
They smiled on me so sweetly, and their hands 
Clasped mine, and their calm presence wooed away 
The throb of grief so tenderly,—I would 
That twilight to the purple peep of dawn 
Had kindly lingered.— 
                                    She, who nearest hung, 
Pressing my head to her meek, matron breast, 
Was one who lulled me to my cradle sleep, 
With such blest melodies as memory pours 
Fresh from her echo-harp, when the fond heart 
Asks for its buried joys.—Slow years have sown 
Rank rooted herbage o'er her lowly couch 
Since she arose to chant that endless song 
Which hath no dissonance.— 
                                               Another form 
Sat at her feet, whose brow was bright with bloom 
When the cold grave shut o'er it.—It hath left 
Its image every where, upon my books, 
My bower of musing, and my page of thought, 
And the lone altar of the secret soul.— 
Would that those lips had spoken!—yet I hear 
Always their ring-dove murmuring, when I tread 
Our wonted shady haunts.—
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
                                                 Say, is there aught 
Like the tried friendship of the ''sacred dead?'' 
It cannot hide its face, it changeth not, 
Grieves not, suspects not, may not fleet away, 
For as a seal upon the melted heart 
Tis set forever.—Sure 'tis weak to mourn 
Though thorns are at the bosom, or the blasts 
Of this bleak world beat harshly, if there come 
Such angel-visitants at even-tide, 
Or midnight's holy hush, to cleanse away 
The stains which day hath gathered, and with touch 
Pure and ethereal to sublimate 
The erring spirit.
&lt;/poem&gt;
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 | notes      = 
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{|&lt;/noinclude&gt;|-
| Father
| pẽ; 363a
|-
| Fear (see Afraid)
| 
|-
| Feed,to (animals ete.) 
| chhī; 73b
|-
| Festival 
| tsoih 587a
|-
| Fetch, to 
| khie̍h--lâi; 547b 289b
|-
| Few 
| chié; 52a,
|-
| Fight, to 
| sie-phah; 438b 389a
|-
| Fine, to 
| hua̍t; 146b
|-
| Fingers 
| chhiú-tsóiⁿ; 85b 580a
|-
| Finished 
| uân--liáu; 349a 307b
|-
| Fire 
| húe; 122b
|-
| {{ditto|Fire}} a gun, to
| phah-chhèng; 389a 71a
|-
| First, at
| khí-thâu; 267a 542b
|-
| {{ditto|First,}} the
| tõiⁿ-it; 524b 175b
|-
| Fish 
| hṳ̂; 126b
|-
| Flesh 
| ne̍k; 124b
|-
| Flies 
| hôu-sîn; 138b 435b
|-
| Flood-tide 
| nâm-lâu; 291a 295b
|-
| Floor 
| lâu-pang; 295b 359b
|-
| Flour 
| mīⁿ; 329a
|-
| Flowers 
| hue; 146b
|-
| Foot 
| kha; 256a,
|-
| {{ditto|Foot}} (measure)
| chhieh; 82b
|-
| Fork 
| chhe; 66a
|-
| Foreign 
| iêⁿ; 178a
|-
| Fox 
| suaⁿ-káu; 453a l98b
|-
| Fry, to 
| luah; —, chien; 47a
|-
| Fruit 
| kúeⁿ-chí 201b 37b
|-
| Full 
| múaⁿ; 333a,
|-
| colspan=2 class=&quot;vocab-header&quot;| G.
|-
| Gamble, to
| pua̍h; 382a, pua̍h-chîⁿ; 382a 39b&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
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 | next       = [[../Chapter 281/]]
 | notes      = 
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      <comment>Updating gadget usage statistics from [[Special:GadgetUsage]] ([[phab:T121049]])</comment>
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* [[Special:GadgetUsage]]
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{{c|{{fine|''Painting by'' W. RUSSELL FLINT, A.R.W.S., ''and Drawings by'' C. E. BROCK}}}}

{{sc|People}} have tried a holiday in bed before now, and found it a failure, but that was because they were ignorant of the rules. They went to bed with the open intention of staying there, say, three days, and found to their surprise that each morning they wanted to get up. This was a novel experience to them; they flung about restlessly, and probably shortened their holiday. The proper thing is to take your holiday in bed with a vague intention of getting up in another quarter of an hour. The real pleasure of lying in bed after you are awake is largely due to the feeling that you ought to get up. To take another quarter of an hour then becomes a luxury. You are, in short, in the position of the man who dined on larks. Had he seen the hundreds that were ready for him, all set out on one monster dish, they would have alarmed him; but getting them two at a time, he went on eating till all the larks were gone. His feeling of uncertainty as to whether these might not be his last two larks is your feeling that, perhaps, you will have to get up in a quarter of an hour. Deceive yourself in this way, and your holiday in bed will pass only too quickly.
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      <text bytes="1148" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rh||A HOLIDAY IN BED|3}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;She must simply see that you are “not yourself.” Women have an idea that unless men are “not themselves” they will not take to bed, and as a consequence your wife is tenderly thoughtful of you. Every little while she will ask you if you are feeling any better now, and you can reply, with the old regard for truth, that you are “much about it.” You may even (for your own pleasure) talk of getting up now, when she will earnestly urge you to stay in bed until you teel easier. You consent; indeed, you are ready to do anything to please her.

The ideal holiday in bed does not require the presence of a ministering angel in the room all day. You frequently prefer to be alone, and point out to her that you cannot have her trifling with her health for your sake, and so she must go out for a walk. She is reluctant, but finally goes, protesting that you are the most unselfish of men, and only too good for her. This leaves a pleasant aroma
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{{right|{{fine|And wonder how long it will be till dinner-time}}}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2177" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rh|4|PRINCESS MARY’S GIFT BOOK}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{img float
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|cap={{fine|You are in the middle of a chapter—}}}} behind it, for even when lying in bed, we like to feel that we are uncommonly fine fellows. After she has gone you get up cautiously, and, walking stealthily to the wardrobe, produce from the pocket of your greateoat a good novel. A holiday in bed must be arranged for beforehand. With a gleam in your eye you slip back to bed, double your pillow to make it higher, and begin to read. You have only got to the fourth page, when you make a horrible discovery—namely, that the book is not cut. An experienced holiday-maker would have had it cut the night before, but this is your first real holiday, or perhaps you have been thoughtless. In any case you have now matter to think of. You are torn in two different ways. There is your coat on the floor with a knife in it, but you cannot reach the coat without getting up again. Ought you to get the knife or to give up reading? Perhaps it takes a quarter of an hour to decide this question, and you decide it by discovering a third course. Being a sort of an invalid, you have certain privileges which would be denied you if you were merely sitting in a chair in the agonies of neuralgia. One of the glorious privileges of a holiday in bed is that you are entitled to cut books with your fingers. So you cut the novel in this way, and read on.

Those who have never tried it may fancy that there is a lack of incident in a holiday in bed. There could not be a more monstrous mistake. You are in the middle of a chapter, when suddenly you hear a step upon the stairs. Your loving ears tell you that the ministering angel has returned, and is hastening to you. Now, what happens? The book disappears beneath the pillow, and when she enters the room softly you are lying there with your eyes shut. This is not merely incident; it is drama.

What happens next depends on circumstances. She says, in a low voice:

“Are you feeling any easier now, John?”

No answer.

“Oh, I believe he is sleeping.”

Then she steals from the room, and you begin to read again.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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François demurred, but being coaxed and delivered gently upon the floor, he performed very satisfactorily, with his &quot;right hand hind leg&quot; in the air. All were affected—even Laura—but hers was an affection of the stomach. The country-bred girl had not suspected that the little whining ten-ounce black and tan reptile, clad in a red embroidered pigmy blanket and reposing in Mrs. Oreillé's lap all through the visit was the individual whose sufferings had been stirring the dormant generosities of her nature. She said:

{{img float 
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&quot;Poor little creature! You might have lost him!&quot; 

''Mrs. O''.—&quot;O pray don't mention it, Miss Hawkins—it gives me such a turn!&quot;

''Laura''—&quot;And Hildebrand and Percy—are they—are they like this one?&quot;

''Mrs. G''.—&quot;No, Hilly has considerable Skye blood in him, I believe.&quot; 

''Mrs. H''.—&quot;Percy's the same, only he is two months and ten days older and has his ears cropped.—His father, Martin Farquhar Tupper, was sickly, and died young, but he was&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1667" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rh||A HOLIDAY IN BED|5}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{img float
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|cap={{fine|—Suddenly you hear a step}}}} During a holiday in bed one never thinks, of course, of analysing his actions. If you had done so in this instance, you would have seen that you pretended sleep because you had got to an exciting passage. You love your wife, but, wife or no wife, you must see how the passage ends.

Possibly the little scene plays differently, as thus:

“John, are you feeling any easier now?”

No answer.

“Are you asleep?”

No answer.

“What a pity! I don’t want to waken him, and yet the fowl will be spoilt.”

“Is that you back, Marion?”

“Yes, dear; I thought you were asleep.”

“No, only thinking.”

“You think too much, dear. I have cooked a chicken for you.”

“I have no appetite.”

“I’m so sorry, but I can give it to the children.”

“Oh, as it’s cooked, you may as well bring it up.”
{{img float
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|align=right
|cap={{fine|You are lying there with your eyes shut}}}} In that case the reason of your change of action is obvious. But why do you not let your wife know that you have been reading? This is another matter that you never reason about. Perhaps it is because of your craving for sympathy, and you fear that if you were seen enjoying a novel the sympathy would go. Or perhaps it is that a holiday in bed is never perfect without a secret. Monotony must be guarded against, and so long as you keep the book to yourself your holiday in bed is a healthy excitement. A stolen book (as we may call it) is like stolen fruit,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{fine|“But try to take it, John, for my sake”}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sm|7}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1622" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rh|8|PRINCESS MARY’S GIFT BOOK}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;“Poor dear,” she says, “your appetite has completely gone,” and then she rushes to the kitchen to cook the sole with her own hands. In half an hour she steals into your room with it, and then you (who have been wondering why she is so long) start up protesting:

“I hope, Marion, this is nothing for me.”

“Only the least bit of a sole, dear.”

“But I told you I could eat nothing.”

“Well, this is nothing, it is so small.”

You look again, and see with relief that it is a large sole.

“I would much rather that you took it away.”

“But, dear{{bar|2}}”

“I tell you I have no appetite.”

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|file=Princess Marys Gift Book-022.jpg
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|cap={{fine|The chances are that he won’t understand your case}}}} strength if you eat so little? You have had nothing all day.”

You glance at her face to see if she is in earnest, for you can remember three breakfasts, four luncheons and two dinners; but evidently she is not jesting. Then you yield.

“Oh, well, to keep my health up I may just put a fork into it.”

“Do, dear; it will do you good, though you have no caring for it.”

Take a holiday in bed, if only to discover what an angel your wife is.

There is one thing to guard against. Never call it a holiday. Continue not to feel sure what is wrong with you, and to talk vaguely of getting up presently. Your wife will suggest calling in the doctor, but pooh-pooh him. Be firm on that point. The chances are that he won’t understand your case.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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 | title      = A Mysterious Bridegroom
 | author     = Mrs. Oliphant
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = 
 | year       = 1895
 | edition    = yes
 | notes      = Extracted from ''The Pall Mall Magazine'' magazine,  1895 March, pp. 351–368.   Accompanying illustrations may be omitted.
}} {{DEFAULTSORT: Mysterious Bridegroom}}

{{dhr}}
{{center|{{xx-larger|''A'' &lt;br/&gt;MYSTERIOUS BRIDEGROOM}}}}


{{c|I.}}
{{di|J|5.25em}}OHN ROTHBURY was a young man who had succeeded to his fortune quite unexpectedly, after the very homeliest training as a child, and no thought that he was born to be anything but a peasant gardener, growing fruit and flowers for the market; or, perhaps, if luck should favour him, a painter, living in a cottage like Millet, as poor at least, if not as great as that master. But John was so far from any knowledge of what was going on in the world that it is to be feared he had not even heard of Millet, but only imagined vaguely a wondering beatific existence all given up to art, and conscious of nothing else, nothing finer or more desirable in the world. But he was a youth of very conscientious mind, and when he discovered that he was the heir of a large fortune he put himself with great docility into the hands of his guardians and men of business, and, suffered himself to be trained in the most correct way according to all the necessities of what one of them called his “station,” though John was aware that he had in reality no station, but only wealth and a blank record like that of one who had no ancestors, nobody who had gone before him in the path of life. His father, who had made all the money, had been unknown to John, and he had no relatives nor any fixed place in the world. He had, indeed, a house in London, but that did not count as a home. His mother, after having so long accustomed herself to the barest elements of life, did not feel capable of any other manner of living, and remained in the cottage in the south of France, which she had chosen for her dwelling before her son was born. And thus John was virtually alone in the world. He was a most docile ward in the hands of his governors, so long as he was under age, and even beyond that time so long as his education lasted. He went to Oxford dutifully, having been prepared with care for that crowning point of training, and though he never distinguished himself in the faintest degree, got through very well in the crowd. But after this he took the reins in his own hands, and pursued the way that pleased his childish thought. He had no special duty to his country, no “place” to keep up, or territorial influence to exercise; so he gave himself up to what was in reality the only thing he loved in the world, which was Art. I doubt whether he would ever have become a Millet, even had he been left to pursue that career, as he originally intended; but he did attain to painting pictures which, if they were not great, were at least very sincere and natural, and possessed a quiet character and originality not to be despised. His life was innocently Bohemian, very free and untroubled, full of wanderings in beautiful places, and brotherhood with queer people, but with very little of the wildness of the society which is generally distinguished by that name; or, at least, of the supposed wildness which is conventionally attributed to it. John was ''bourgeois'' in the cleanness of his life and manners; he did not like noise, and hated drinking; he was, in fact, born respectable, though he disliked any ties upon his personal freedom. This is in reality, I think, the true artist temperament, though the world is pleased to call it unconventional, meaning unruly and disorderly—whereas order is the breath of its nostrils. John was very particular about all his simple surroundings: he pulled down curtains and thrust ugly ornaments out of the way with a freedom which somehow no French ''aubergiste'', and scarcely even any English village innkeeper, took amiss. Perhaps this arose from the fact that John was more liberal than artist-guests usually are, keeping no very strict eye upon the little sundries of a bill as most of them do, and allowing himself to be discreetly fleeced for the benefit of the company in general; and partly that he knew exactly how to deal with the Frenchmen, at least of that class, as one to the manner born. 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''&quot;His life was ... full of wanderings in beautiful places&quot;''}}}} 

Thus he spent his life in his own way, and it was a very enjoyable life. Few people suspected that he had a house in Belgravia to which he might retire at any moment, or a great deal of money upon which he could draw as he pleased. Still less was it generally known that he had been brought up as a French peasant. What his comrades knew of him was that he was a very good fellow, who might be safely asked for a small loan in time of need, or who would even offer that kindness where he saw it was much wanted, and who never troubled any one about paying back. To account for this he always said that he had had some money left him, and that, as he had neither wife nor child, he wanted it much less than many others did. He sold a picture now and then, at which he always had the air of being astonished as well as pleased, protesting that it was all luck, and that the others, which remained on the painters' hands, were really much better than his, which sometimes, no doubt, was the case. He said freely that he was a lucky fellow, and people generally took him at his word. He was certainly one who was content, and loved his art and his freedom, and his long days' sketchings out of doors, and the humours of the little artist community which is wont to gather together at all sorts of out-of-the-way places, very gregarious and friendly, and admiring the beauty of the world as nobody else does. John loved to sit among them, and hear them adoring the light as it came upon their bit of landscape, or upon the curves of a figure—and the landscape or the figure upon which the light came—and the distances and the foregrounds, and the human grace and outline, and all the beautiful things which these (sometimes rough) fellows admired and lingered over with an exquisite pleasure. He too admired and adored, and fell into despair over his own attempted renderings of these lovely things. And yet there was always a grace in his roughest studies, which was not lost even in the most elaborate of his pictures, the grace of a real sense of beauty and a real sympathy with life. 

This life went on for many years, till John had entered upon the thirties, the full maturity of manhood. And then a thing happened to him, the strangest thing in life, yet the most common thing, and occurring every day. He fell in love—all at once, without any warning, in that perfectly unprepared and unintentional way which often happens among the most unlikely of men. It was not that he wanted a wife, which is the motive with some men. Most certainly he did not want a wife whose advent would disturb all his plans and force him back into the trammels of society. This, I suppose, was why, when his love came to the boiling pitch, he presented himself to the parents of his Edith solely as he was, or as appearances showed him, as an artist doing tolerably well in his profession, and able to keep his wife more or less comfortably. These parents were the vicar of a little parish in the Isle of Wight and his wife—good, honest people, who were naturally poor, and whose daughter, one of several, had shown some taste for drawing, and had been sent to such schools of art as they could hear of, or get at, to cultivate this faculty. Poor Edith was not a genius, as these good people had fondly hoped at first, but she had found a little market for her modest drawings—better, perhaps, than if she had had more power or pretension; and they were satisfied that they had done what was the best for her. It was necessary that their girls should learn to do something for themselves, they sadly acknowledged, “in case anything should happen to me,” the Vicar said. It was certain that this “anything” must happen sooner or later, for the Vicar was an old man; and the girls took their work very cheerfully, as it is happily now the fashion for girls to do, not bemoaning themselves, as in a previous generation. Margaret, the eldest, was a governess; as for little Dorothy, it was not as yet decided what she should be trained to be. 

There was great commotion at the Vicarage when John, with a somewhat heavy foot (which he retained from his peasant days, nothing ever obliterating the ''sabot'' from the habits of the human step), came up the gravel walk to the old parson's study into which the evening sun was streaming level with blinding force. The house was a pretty house, covered with a great flowering myrtle, which was the pride of the parish, and showed its round pink buds at the window of the odd little den, full of mouldy books, kept wholesome by the constant fumigation of the Vicar's pipe, which was the old gentleman's refuge from all the cares of the world. He came out of it, when John made his exit into the garden, where Edith, very nervous, was waiting for him, with his grey hair all rubbed up and standing on end round his head, and calling for “Mary, Mary,” in a voice which went over all the house. This perturbed tone, with which she was very well acquainted, unearthed Mrs. Austen from the spare bedroom, in which, as in the only unoccupied place, she was cutting out under-garments for the sewing-class. 

“I am coming, I am coming, Edward,” she cried, as she put down her big scissors, and rubbed her forefinger and thumb which were almost blistered by the use of those implements. She hurried after him to the drawing-room, where he had already seated himself in the species of confessional to which he resorted when he went thus specially into this apartment in the working portion of the day. He was the Vicar, and he had a high sense of his own sacerdotal dignity; nevertheless there were moments in which the peace of his mind depended upon a free and full confession into his wife's private and particular ear. 

“Mary,” he said, with tremendous seriousness, “I have just had a very strange visitor, Mr. Rothbury the artist. And what do you think he wants?—our Edith for his wife!” 

“Well, my dear,” said Mrs. Austen with composure, “I cannot say I am very much surprised.” 

“Surprised! Edith, whom we thought we had done so well for, training her for her water-colours.” 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“John made his exit to where Edith, very nervous, was waiting for him.”''}}}} 

“Ah, Edward, that is all very true,” said Mrs. Austen; “and I wish we had the money in our pockets that she has cost for that. But so far as she is concerned I am sure it will be much happier that her husband should do the water-colours and she look after the house.” 

“Do you really think so?” he asked. “I thought you would be disappointed, after all the trouble we have taken.” 

“Oh, disappointed!” she said—thus brushing that folly aside. “And did he tell you what his means were? and does it seem to you that he has enough to keep her comfortably? and can he make any provision in case of—anything happening?” This paraphrase of the more dreadful words, death and misfortune, was the expression always used between the Vicar and his wife. 

The Vicar rubbed up his stubby grey locks still more. “He did say something about five hundred a year; but I was so much taken by surprise, and so uncertain how you would take it{{bar|2}}” 

“Five hundred a year!” his wife repeated, “and we've never had more than three hundred and fifty.” She put up her hand to her eyes, and a sob came into her voice. “That's a very good income for a young couple—oh, a very good income—to begin upon. I suppose he expects to make more as he goes on. And, Edward, it is very important to know whether he has anything to settle. Did he say he had anything to settle? He might die, though God forbid it, and leave Edith with perhaps—others to provide for. You must inquire into that, my dear.” 

“Mary,” said the Vicar, “Edith has nothing. How can I ask him questions about his most intimate concerns, when we have nothing to give on our side?” 

“What nonsense!” cried the troubled woman; “haven't we Edith to give—a girl that any man might be proud of. And she will have to give up her profession; and there probably will be—others to take into consideration. If he has no money to settle, you must make him insure his life.” 

“My dear Mary!” said the Vicar in despair. “How am I to speak to a stranger like Mr. Rothbury about his most intimate concerns?” 

“Oh, Edward, don't be so ridiculous!” Mrs. Austen cried; and then she added with composure that she supposed she must do it herself. “Though it always comes so much better from a man,” she said. But this the Vicar deprecated as quite a mistake on her part. 

“He will not mind it from you,” said this disingenuous clergyman. “He will think that you don't know much of business, and that if you're over anxious it's very excusable in a mother; whereas me he would expect to speak like a man of the world.” 

Poor Vicar! if that was his opinion it was one which was not shared by any of his family. But John, on being talked to, proved himself most happily ready to do anything that was required. He was ready to settle upon Edith a house he had in London, which brought in a very decent rent, he said; or he would insure his life, or do anything Mrs. Austen pleased. He was, indeed, so entirely at his ease about this that his very compliance raised doubt in the anxious mother's mind. He talked quite calmly of insuring his life for thousands! 

“And where is the money to come from to pay the premiums?” she said with a troubled countenance, being well aware what a business it was to scrape together enough to pay the Vicar's premiums once a year. But she had to be satisfied for the moment with these assurances, and Edith was as happy as the day was long. 

Edith was so happy that she did not mind at all whether John had five hundred pounds or farthings a year. “He wants us just to go on as he has been doing, travelling a great deal and sketching everywhere, and enjoying all the most beautiful places in the world. Oh, mother! think of going to Italy, and perhaps Spain, and all the places that one has dreamt of, but never hoped to see!” cried Edith, in her delight. 

But Mrs. Austen shook her head. “Do you mean that, you are, to have no house—no home of your own to settle down in?” she said in dismay. 

“Not till we get old and want to settle down. Not now, when we are both young and free; we are to work together, and draw together, and never to have a dull hour,” Edith said, radiant with smiles. 

Poor thing! poor young unthinking girl! But how was her mother to convince her that this was not the most desirable life in the world? Mrs. Austen did not think it at all desirable. What she wished for was a house,—it might be quite a small house to begin with—decently furnished, with a little plate for the table, which no doubt the friends of the young couple would give them as wedding presents, if properly directed thereto. Had not Mrs. Cramer given Alice Scott a dozen of spoons only the other day? and Edith was a much greater favourite with that lady than ever Alice had been. A little house with a Brussels carpet in the little drawing-room, and those art carpets, which only cost thirty-five shillings each, in the bedrooms; and, perhaps, some nice second-hand furniture, which is so much more the fashion nowadays than anything new. Mrs. Austen having succeeded so well in the matter of the life insurance, resolved to put forth to John the importance of having a house ready for Edith, and giving up this sort of vagabond scheme of wandering, without delay. He received the representation—made by her with great nervousness—with the same easy good-humour which he had shown before. 

“There is the house in London,” he said: “whenever we like we can come home to that.” 

“But you said it was let, and that the rent{{bar|2}}” 

“To be sure,” he said, “it is let; but that stops at the end of the season, or whenever we please.” 

“But—but—Mr. Rothbury, the rent was to be the provision for Edith; the settlement{{bar|2}}” 

“Oh, was it?” he said lightly; “well, we must put something in its place.” 

“But—it was a great part of your income, I understood. I am afraid you are not a very good man of business. A house to live in is of great importance; but something to live upon is more important still.” 

“That will be all right, Mrs. Austen. The lawyers will look after that. Edith and I will do very well. I assure you you need not fear.” 

“That is all very well,” she said, with a troubled countenance; “but the Vicar will insist on guarantees. You can't live on the rent of your house, and occupy your house, and settle it on Edith—all these three things together. The Vicar, I am afraid, dear Mr. Rothbury, will expect something very much more definite.” 

“Well,” said John, “I can insure my life for a few thousands more. You like the idea of insuring one's life!” 

“When you have plenty of money to pay the premiums. Do you know what a few thousands insured cost a year? And where are you to get the money?” Mrs. Austen asked, almost in a tragic tone. 

But John Rothbury only laughed, and assured her that he and Edith would do very well: which was the most unsatisfactory answer to a business discussion that could be in the world. 


{{c|II.}} 
{{sc|It}} was on that same evening—when Mrs. Austen was still in this puzzled and troubled state, which naturally she had communicated to the Vicar, in whom there was no light on the subject—that George Gregory came in to tea. He was one of the artist band with whom Edith—who had met them all sketching one time or another, and who had the modern young woman's confidence in ''camaraderie'', and conviction that all the elderly nonsense about the impossibility of friendship between men and women was contemptible indeed—had formed {{SIC|acquantance}}, and to whom the Vicar, with a clerical impulse of hospitality and his usual imprudence, had given a general invitation. All the family, except Mrs. Austen herself, were of opinion that it did not matter how many people you asked to tea. If it had been to dinner, indeed, or even to supper—but a cup of tea and a piece of cake or bread and butter, of what consequence could that be in a house where so much of those simple dainties was consumed every day? Mrs. Austen, in this as in many details, ran counter to the general mind of the Vicarage. She knew how soon an extra spoonful of tea in the pot and an extra loaf cut down for bread and butter mounted up; and all those painter young men ate bread and butter as if they thought it cost nothing. But this was one of the points on which Mrs. Austen was overborne by the family and compelled to submit. 

It was, as has been said, on the very evening when there had arisen that discussion between Edith's mother and John as to the house. George Gregory was one of the artist brotherhood whom no one liked very much, but he was one who was most assiduous in his devotion to the household gods of tea and bread and butter in the Vicarage. He had been absent for a little time, and had not heard, or pretended he had not heard, “about John,”—which was the manner in which the family described Edith's engagement. And he said, “Rothbury!—oh, he's a queer fellow!” when some one mentioned somewhat familiarly his name. 

“How is he a queer fellow?” said Mrs. Austen, pricking up her ears 

“Well, in every way, I think,” said the malevolent one. “He has always plenty of money, but no one knows where it comes from. As for his making three hundred a year, or one hundred a year, by selling his pictures, I don't believe a word of it. He can't paint a little bit. He copies Millet—French Millet, you know, like all those Paris fellows. I am not sure that I think such a lot of Millet as some do—but his imitators! And yet the fellow has always plenty of money, and flings it about like a lord.” Mr. Gregory was aware of more than one loan which never would be repaid to John, but which burned the borrower's pockets, so to speak, all the same. 

Mrs. Austen grew pale. Edith was fortunately not present, and therefore could not be affected by this report; but it struck the Vicar absolutely dumb for the moment, and he sat gaping at the speaker, who was exhilarated by the sensation he had made. 

“If he has plenty of money,” said Mrs. Austen, “I daresay it is from his property if it is not from his art. I happen to know that he has houses in the best quarter of London.” 

“Oh, that house in Belgravia!” the artist said; “everybody knows of that. It's part of the mystery. It is not let, Mrs. Austen, any more than I am. When he goes to town he goes there, and it's a palace. It's there he hangs all his pictures, I suppose, that he pretends to sell. He should have quite a gallery!” Gregory said, with a laugh. “And there's another queer thing about him which very few people know.” 

The Vicar had been making signals of distress, betraying the part he took in the matter, to his wife for some moments. He said now, “This is very serious, Mary; this is very serious,” shaking his great head. 

“I don't know,” said Mrs. Austen, “that it matters very much to us how queer Mr. Rothbury may be; but, for the sake of the story, what is the other queer things that people don't know?” 

“Well, you may see it in him,” said the unfaithful brother. “Don't you notice the clumsy way he walks, as if he were wearing wooden shoes? Well, so he did once: he was brought up in a little French place, like a little clodhopper. Just a little peasant he was, hanging about the railway to carry a bag, and so forth. I knew a fellow once that saw him at it—just a little Jacques Bonhomme, don't you know.” 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“'This is very serious, Mary.'”''}}}} 

The Vicar's eyes grew larger and larger; his grey locks began to erect themselves on his head. 

“Mary,” he said, “Mary, it is well that we have heard this.” 

She gave her shoulders a shrug and wrench in her impatience. 

“If Mr. Rothbury has raised himself to his present position by his own exertions, it is the greatest credit to him, I am sure,” she said. 

“Ah, yes, if he has done that!” said the other, with a laugh. “But that's a mystery, like all the rest.” 

“I think we have discussed our neighbours quite long enough,” said Mrs. Austen, for Edith had just come in and taken her place at the table; and she changed the subject so determinedly that even that evil tongue could find no more opportunity of speech. 

Gregory went away, however, chuckling to himself with a sense that he had “dished,” as he said, John Rothbury, a fellow who was so well off as to lend money to men a great deal better than himself, confound him! and who did sell his daubs too, taking the bread out of other fellows' mouths. 

After their uncomfortable visitor was gone, the Vicar tried every means he could think of to get his wife's private ear. He was very much troubled, the poor old gentleman! He accepted this new-comer's word against John, whom he was much better acquainted with, with that faith of the ignorant which is so unaccountable and exasperating. 

“It must be put a stop to—it must be put a stop to,” he said to himself. 

For her part, Mrs. Austen was troubled too. She did not know how to reconcile these strangely differing details. A peasant boy in France—well, if he had raised himself by his own exertions! And then that house in town which had already troubled her mind, which was let, and was to be settled on Edith, and yet was a home that would be open to them; and was a palace, this man said, with all his unsold pictures hanging in it. These things were enough to make Mrs. Austen very uncomfortable, though she did not give in as her husband did. They were all heightened, too, to her, by John's extreme easy-mindedness, by his almost laughing suggestion of one way after another of supplying the necessary settlement, and even by the lavish character of his presents, and his readiness to produce money for anything that was wanted—parish charities, choir excursions, or whatever Edith might chance to be interested in. 

When her husband finally secured her attention, after many efforts, she was in a very perturbed state. 

“My dear, I am afraid Mr. Rothbury is not the man we thought,” he said, shaking his old head, when he had at last beguiled her into his study, from which there was no escape. 

“How dreadfully untidy you are, Edward! and what a quantity of books you have out of the shelves! You can't be reading all these at once,” she said. 

“My dear Mary, I was speaking to you of Mr. Rothbury.” 

“Oh yes, I know! But to bring me into a place smelling of dust like this, and of tobacco; I don't really know which is worst,” she cried, with many sniffs of disgust. 

“Mary, don't turn me off like this. If this young man was really an uneducated boy, carrying parcels from the railway, and then suddenly has a great command of money and a house in town{{bar|2}}” 

“We knew he had a house in town,” said Mrs. Austen reproachfully, as if that was an argument. 

“Well, yes, so we did,” her husband replied; “he made no secret of that,” accepting the statement, too, on his side, as if there was logic in it. 

“And if he was only a peasant boy,” cried Mrs. Austen, suddenly thinking of another thing, which really was an argument, “how comes he, Edward, I ask you, to be an Oxford man?—for that he is, as you know.” 

“There is certainly a great deal in that,” said the Vicar, staggered. “A Brasenose man. It is not very great for scholarship, but still it is a good college.” 

“Which is a great deal more than that young man Gregory ever was—who never has a good word for any one,” cried his wife triumphantly; and then she turned tail to the question of the books, and put some of them, which the Vicar particularly wanted, back into the shelves without remorse or pity, so that Mr. Austen was very glad finally to get her out of his den, and to take what comfort he could from his pipe and his thoughts alone. 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“Putting the books back into the shelves without remorse.” ''}}}}

But the Vicars wife was not at all at her ease. She took an opportunity next day to question John about his early life. 

“How well you speak French!” she said. “I heard you reading something out loud to Edith, and it was so different from the common English pronunciation. You must have a turn for languages.” This was her subtle way of opening the subject. 

“No credit to me,” he said. “French was my first language. I used to know it better than English.” 

“Dear me!” she said innocently; “was that because you had a French nurse, or were your parents living abroad?” 

“My mother lived abroad, and she does so now. I am going to take Edith to see her,” he said, with a queer look; “but it must be later in the year, for at present it would be too hot.” 

Mrs. Austen pondered for a little, and then she said, “You must have led a very chequered life. Brought up in France, and then going to Oxford, and then an artist,—I can't follow you, I that have always lived in one place. It makes my head go round.” 

“Well,” he said, “it is quite true. I have had an odd life.” And his face, which had been so gay, grew grave, and he gave a little sigh, but said not another word. 

What was poor Mrs. Austen to do? They had made all the inquiries they could about him, as prudent parents must. And they had got, as even the Vicar allowed, “every satisfaction.” But there was a mystery, notwithstanding the assurance of those very respectable lawyers in London, who had certified to Mr. Rothbury's respectability, and that his circumstances were as he had stated them. But that was a phrase which would bear many meanings. Mrs. Austen had read a novel not very long before in which the lover and young husband, the most kind, the most chivalric of men, was discovered to make his income by burgling,—if there is such a word,—which means that he was a burglar of consummate cleverness, and had kept himself entirely from suspicion. Who could tell that John might not be something of that sort? Or there might be an establishment of coiners, as in Lord Lytton's “Night and Morning,” in that Belgravian house? A peasant boy carrying travellers' bags at a railway station, and then a thriving artist selling pictures at the rate of five hundred pounds a year, and possessing house property in Belgravia. “But then he is an Oxford man,” Mrs. Austen said to herself. That was the only gleam of comfort; but how by any possibility it could fit in between the other chapters she could not imagine. Oh, if he would only tell her his story simply, whatever it was! She was not a woman to be frightened by humble birth. The Austens had always been people in a good position, and she flattered herself her own family was at least as good: but still the Vicar's wife was a woman of the century, and if he had raised himself by his own exertions{{bar|2}} But the house in Belgravia, which was a palace, and full of beautiful things,—perhaps, who could tell, unholy gear, got he dared not say how! To think that Edith, her Edith, might be taken home to that, and afterwards make some dreadful discovery and break her heart! Mrs. Austen took a walk round and round the garden, hiding in all the sheltered nooks, and keeping out of the eye and the repeated calls of her family for a long time, going over and over this terrible question. How could she now solve it? John was quite frank up to a certain point, but there he stopped; and how could she cross-question him as to these very intimate concerns with which, perhaps, she had nothing to do? And yet she had a right to know all about him before she gave him Edith. Poor Mrs. Austen did not know what to do. 

And I confess it was very ridiculous of John to make any mystery about it. There was nothing in his birth or in his life which he had any reason to be ashamed of. His father and mother had not “got on.” They had parted, and he had been brought up on his mother's small income till he was sixteen; and then his father had died, and he had suddenly been made aware, never having given any previous thought to it, that he was the heir to a large fortune. This was the simple truth. If it was a mystery, yet it was not a mystery which had anything disgraceful in it. His mother might be blamed, but for folly and want of understanding only, not for anything shameful. Why he should have hesitated to tell the Austens all this, who could say? It was highly absurd on his part. He had thought of giving Edith a surprise in the Lord of Burleigh way, taking her to his house, which he had made very handsome, a beautiful place, indeed a show house, and after showing her all its beauties and gloating over her admiration, saying to her, “All of this is thine and mine.” It was a foolish idea, but he had cherished it. As for the parents, the settlements, when they were produced, would very well satisfy them. And he was delighted with the good faith which took him, as he thought, for granted, and on his own estimate. 

“But we must not let it go on,” said the Vicar: “an errand boy—of no family; we cannot let it go on.” 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“Mr. Austin took a walk round and round the garden.”''}}}}

“Oh, family!” cried Mrs. Austen; “who is of any family nowadays? As long as a man has enough, and is presentable and well behaved, I don't think anything of his family, if that were all.” 

“There was a great financial man, a stockbroker or something of the kind, of the name of Rothbury,” said the Vicar reflectively. 

“If John had been connected with a man like that he would not have been brought up in a French village,” said Mrs. Austen, with most reasonable decision and firmness, cutting her husband short; and he recognised the justice of what she said: yet, notwithstanding, it was a little comfort to him that there was a great financial man whose name was Rothbury. It afforded some kind of vague guarantee that things might come right. And then there was the extraordinary yet unmistakable certainty that John Rothbury was a Brasenose man. Such a jumble of facts was beyond any one's power to reconcile and arrange, and whilst they were pausing and wondering the days ran on, and the wedding drew near. It was to be a wedding without fuss, for the Austens were far from rich; and Mrs. Austen, though it was a little against her Church principles, was yet deeply grateful in her heart that the afternoon marriages, which were now the fashion, made anything like a wedding-breakfast impossible. But this did make it possible to ask, so to speak, the whole island to Edith's marriage. Though she sent out the invitations with an anxious heart, she yet did send them out; and everybody accepted. It would have been the most delightful anticipation to Mrs. Austen, with nothing but triumph in it, had it not been for that drop of bitterness, dropped into the heart of all that was sweet. And throughout the whole, need I say, the Vicar kept up that continual cry, “Are you going to let things go on, Mary? How can we let things go on? He ought to be brought to book. He ought to be made to explain everything. Surely you are not going to let everything go on?” 

“Bring him to book yourself,” she said at last, turning to bay. Even the wife of a clergyman loses patience sometimes. “Make him explain: you are the proper person!” 

Then the Vicar was cowed, and retired to his study, saying no more. 

Must he be brought to book? Must he be made to explain? She went over all the arguments, for and against, over and over. A French peasant boy—an English Oxford man—a thriving artist making five hundred a year—a man who never sold his daubs at all, but hung them in a gallery all to themselves in a house in Belgravia. But how could a French peasant boy have a house in Belgravia? or a burglar or coiner be an Oxford man? Indeed, Mrs. Austen soon gave up the burglaring and coining as inconceivable, as things only to be imagined in a novel, not for common life. And all the time she was going about Edith's simple trousseau, making the “things” at home, putting her own fine needlework into them to make up for the lace and embroideries of the shop. 

“What is the matter with mother? Is it only because Edith is going away?” the other children said. 

Perhaps the only one who had an inkling as to what was meant by the shaking of the Vicar's head and the anxiety on Mrs. Austen's brow was John; and I am sorry to say that he did not behave as he should have done in the matter. He took the parents very lightly. He was disposed to laugh at their uneasiness. So long as it was all right with Edith he did not care. It was Edith he was in love with, and not her parents, as is the way of young men; and when he was questioned he had a way of turning the inquiries off. One day Mrs. Austen asked him, “Where did you say your house was, in town?” suddenly, with an elaborate air of impromptu which betrayed her. 

“I don't think I ever said where it was,” he replied. 

“You said it was let; and then you said if you got tired of wandering you could take Edith home there.” 

“Yes,” said John, with a laugh; “I could send off the tenant, don't you know? Nothing could be more easy; you have to give them notice, and the thing is done.” 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“Then she turned sternly upon the lawyer.”''}}}} 

“The thing is not done in a moment,” said Mrs. Austen, shaking her head; and then added, “and you relied upon the rent for a part of your income.” 

“Oh, the income is all right,” said John lightly; and then he was carried off by Edith, who came just then into the room equipped for a walk. The Vicar was present, but he never said a word. 

“How can I question the man about his most private affairs?” he asked. “But, Mary, you should really enter into it more fully; you should bring him to book.” 

Should she put a stop to it all,—deprive Edith of the comfort of five hundred pounds a year, a serene and peaceful happiness which her mother had never attained, all on the chance that John, who was an Oxford man and, besides, wore truth and honesty written on his face, was a burglar or a coiner, or got his money in some other illegitimate way,—and break the girl's heart into the bargain? The Vicar went on shaking his head as if he would have shaken it off. The poor woman was so exasperated at last that she rushed at him in a fury and caught that large head by its grey locks in her two hands. 

“Oh, for goodness' sake, stop shaking your head! or else do something yourself!” she cried. “Don't you preach to us every day that we ought to have faith?” 

“In God,” said the Vicar, trying to shake—as a dog barks internally when prevented from utterance—notwithstanding the firm grip of his wife's hands. 

“And in man too,” Mrs. Austen cried, letting him go, like a momentarily arrested pendulum, in a still stronger oscillation from side to side. 

This is an episode in John Rothbury's history in which I cannot justify his action. But it may be said that, when the settlements were placed before the parents, there was such a scene in the Vicar's library as had never been seen before. There was nothing to settle, as the lawyer gravely remarked,—as if they did not know that!—on the lady's side. But on John's! Mrs. Austen read those wonderful papers over her husband's shoulder, and it was some time before either of them could quite understand through the phraseology of the law what wonderful thing it was that had happened. 

“Oh, Edward!” she cried at last, with a sort of shriek that ran through the house; and then she turned sternly upon the lawyer, who sat by as calm as a cabbage, and asked vehemently if it was all true. 

“Is what all true?” said that astonished man. 

“This!” cried the excited mother, striking the papers with her hand. “Has he got all these things? Is he as rich as that? Do you mean to tell me{{bar|2}}?” 

But here the Vicar took his part, as became him, as the head and sovereign authority in the house. 

“Compose yourself,” he said, laying his hand quite affectionately upon hers, which was quivering. “Have not I always said, my dear, that John Rothbury was a man we could fully confide in, from every point of view?” 

Meanwhile Edith, who had never known any of these tremors, was trying on her wedding-gown; and John—much amused by the thought of the revelation which was bursting upon the elder people, and also of what the dignified Mr. Simmon, one of the distinguished firm, of Douglas &amp; Simmon, would think of the Vicar's study, with its smell of smoke—was waiting for his last good-night till that process was over. 

And the wedding next day was the prettiest wedding that had been seen in the island for many a day. And everybody was there; and it somehow crept out among the crowd that Edith Austen was making the finest match, and that her husband was no mere landscape-painter, as everybody had supposed, but a man with—Heaven only knew how many thousands a year. No wonder her mother beamed! But Edith, it was said (though no one believed it), was the sole individual who did not know. 

{{right|[[author:Margaret Oliphant Oliphant|{{sc|M. O. W. Oliphant}}]].|2em}}

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      <text bytes="40389" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = A Mysterious Bridegroom
 | author     = Mrs. Oliphant
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = 
 | year       = 1895
 | edition    = yes
 | notes      = Extracted from ''The Pall Mall Magazine'' magazine,  1895 March, pp. 351–368.   Accompanying illustrations may be omitted.
}} {{DEFAULTSORT: Mysterious Bridegroom}}
{{scans available|{{IA|AMysteriousBridegroom}}}}
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{{center|{{xx-larger|''A'' &lt;br/&gt;MYSTERIOUS BRIDEGROOM}}}}


{{c|I.}}
{{di|J|5.25em}}OHN ROTHBURY was a young man who had succeeded to his fortune quite unexpectedly, after the very homeliest training as a child, and no thought that he was born to be anything but a peasant gardener, growing fruit and flowers for the market; or, perhaps, if luck should favour him, a painter, living in a cottage like Millet, as poor at least, if not as great as that master. But John was so far from any knowledge of what was going on in the world that it is to be feared he had not even heard of Millet, but only imagined vaguely a wondering beatific existence all given up to art, and conscious of nothing else, nothing finer or more desirable in the world. But he was a youth of very conscientious mind, and when he discovered that he was the heir of a large fortune he put himself with great docility into the hands of his guardians and men of business, and, suffered himself to be trained in the most correct way according to all the necessities of what one of them called his “station,” though John was aware that he had in reality no station, but only wealth and a blank record like that of one who had no ancestors, nobody who had gone before him in the path of life. His father, who had made all the money, had been unknown to John, and he had no relatives nor any fixed place in the world. He had, indeed, a house in London, but that did not count as a home. His mother, after having so long accustomed herself to the barest elements of life, did not feel capable of any other manner of living, and remained in the cottage in the south of France, which she had chosen for her dwelling before her son was born. And thus John was virtually alone in the world. He was a most docile ward in the hands of his governors, so long as he was under age, and even beyond that time so long as his education lasted. He went to Oxford dutifully, having been prepared with care for that crowning point of training, and though he never distinguished himself in the faintest degree, got through very well in the crowd. But after this he took the reins in his own hands, and pursued the way that pleased his childish thought. He had no special duty to his country, no “place” to keep up, or territorial influence to exercise; so he gave himself up to what was in reality the only thing he loved in the world, which was Art. I doubt whether he would ever have become a Millet, even had he been left to pursue that career, as he originally intended; but he did attain to painting pictures which, if they were not great, were at least very sincere and natural, and possessed a quiet character and originality not to be despised. His life was innocently Bohemian, very free and untroubled, full of wanderings in beautiful places, and brotherhood with queer people, but with very little of the wildness of the society which is generally distinguished by that name; or, at least, of the supposed wildness which is conventionally attributed to it. John was ''bourgeois'' in the cleanness of his life and manners; he did not like noise, and hated drinking; he was, in fact, born respectable, though he disliked any ties upon his personal freedom. This is in reality, I think, the true artist temperament, though the world is pleased to call it unconventional, meaning unruly and disorderly—whereas order is the breath of its nostrils. John was very particular about all his simple surroundings: he pulled down curtains and thrust ugly ornaments out of the way with a freedom which somehow no French ''aubergiste'', and scarcely even any English village innkeeper, took amiss. Perhaps this arose from the fact that John was more liberal than artist-guests usually are, keeping no very strict eye upon the little sundries of a bill as most of them do, and allowing himself to be discreetly fleeced for the benefit of the company in general; and partly that he knew exactly how to deal with the Frenchmen, at least of that class, as one to the manner born. 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''&quot;His life was ... full of wanderings in beautiful places&quot;''}}}} 

Thus he spent his life in his own way, and it was a very enjoyable life. Few people suspected that he had a house in Belgravia to which he might retire at any moment, or a great deal of money upon which he could draw as he pleased. Still less was it generally known that he had been brought up as a French peasant. What his comrades knew of him was that he was a very good fellow, who might be safely asked for a small loan in time of need, or who would even offer that kindness where he saw it was much wanted, and who never troubled any one about paying back. To account for this he always said that he had had some money left him, and that, as he had neither wife nor child, he wanted it much less than many others did. He sold a picture now and then, at which he always had the air of being astonished as well as pleased, protesting that it was all luck, and that the others, which remained on the painters' hands, were really much better than his, which sometimes, no doubt, was the case. He said freely that he was a lucky fellow, and people generally took him at his word. He was certainly one who was content, and loved his art and his freedom, and his long days' sketchings out of doors, and the humours of the little artist community which is wont to gather together at all sorts of out-of-the-way places, very gregarious and friendly, and admiring the beauty of the world as nobody else does. John loved to sit among them, and hear them adoring the light as it came upon their bit of landscape, or upon the curves of a figure—and the landscape or the figure upon which the light came—and the distances and the foregrounds, and the human grace and outline, and all the beautiful things which these (sometimes rough) fellows admired and lingered over with an exquisite pleasure. He too admired and adored, and fell into despair over his own attempted renderings of these lovely things. And yet there was always a grace in his roughest studies, which was not lost even in the most elaborate of his pictures, the grace of a real sense of beauty and a real sympathy with life. 

This life went on for many years, till John had entered upon the thirties, the full maturity of manhood. And then a thing happened to him, the strangest thing in life, yet the most common thing, and occurring every day. He fell in love—all at once, without any warning, in that perfectly unprepared and unintentional way which often happens among the most unlikely of men. It was not that he wanted a wife, which is the motive with some men. Most certainly he did not want a wife whose advent would disturb all his plans and force him back into the trammels of society. This, I suppose, was why, when his love came to the boiling pitch, he presented himself to the parents of his Edith solely as he was, or as appearances showed him, as an artist doing tolerably well in his profession, and able to keep his wife more or less comfortably. These parents were the vicar of a little parish in the Isle of Wight and his wife—good, honest people, who were naturally poor, and whose daughter, one of several, had shown some taste for drawing, and had been sent to such schools of art as they could hear of, or get at, to cultivate this faculty. Poor Edith was not a genius, as these good people had fondly hoped at first, but she had found a little market for her modest drawings—better, perhaps, than if she had had more power or pretension; and they were satisfied that they had done what was the best for her. It was necessary that their girls should learn to do something for themselves, they sadly acknowledged, “in case anything should happen to me,” the Vicar said. It was certain that this “anything” must happen sooner or later, for the Vicar was an old man; and the girls took their work very cheerfully, as it is happily now the fashion for girls to do, not bemoaning themselves, as in a previous generation. Margaret, the eldest, was a governess; as for little Dorothy, it was not as yet decided what she should be trained to be. 

There was great commotion at the Vicarage when John, with a somewhat heavy foot (which he retained from his peasant days, nothing ever obliterating the ''sabot'' from the habits of the human step), came up the gravel walk to the old parson's study into which the evening sun was streaming level with blinding force. The house was a pretty house, covered with a great flowering myrtle, which was the pride of the parish, and showed its round pink buds at the window of the odd little den, full of mouldy books, kept wholesome by the constant fumigation of the Vicar's pipe, which was the old gentleman's refuge from all the cares of the world. He came out of it, when John made his exit into the garden, where Edith, very nervous, was waiting for him, with his grey hair all rubbed up and standing on end round his head, and calling for “Mary, Mary,” in a voice which went over all the house. This perturbed tone, with which she was very well acquainted, unearthed Mrs. Austen from the spare bedroom, in which, as in the only unoccupied place, she was cutting out under-garments for the sewing-class. 

“I am coming, I am coming, Edward,” she cried, as she put down her big scissors, and rubbed her forefinger and thumb which were almost blistered by the use of those implements. She hurried after him to the drawing-room, where he had already seated himself in the species of confessional to which he resorted when he went thus specially into this apartment in the working portion of the day. He was the Vicar, and he had a high sense of his own sacerdotal dignity; nevertheless there were moments in which the peace of his mind depended upon a free and full confession into his wife's private and particular ear. 

“Mary,” he said, with tremendous seriousness, “I have just had a very strange visitor, Mr. Rothbury the artist. And what do you think he wants?—our Edith for his wife!” 

“Well, my dear,” said Mrs. Austen with composure, “I cannot say I am very much surprised.” 

“Surprised! Edith, whom we thought we had done so well for, training her for her water-colours.” 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“John made his exit to where Edith, very nervous, was waiting for him.”''}}}} 

“Ah, Edward, that is all very true,” said Mrs. Austen; “and I wish we had the money in our pockets that she has cost for that. But so far as she is concerned I am sure it will be much happier that her husband should do the water-colours and she look after the house.” 

“Do you really think so?” he asked. “I thought you would be disappointed, after all the trouble we have taken.” 

“Oh, disappointed!” she said—thus brushing that folly aside. “And did he tell you what his means were? and does it seem to you that he has enough to keep her comfortably? and can he make any provision in case of—anything happening?” This paraphrase of the more dreadful words, death and misfortune, was the expression always used between the Vicar and his wife. 

The Vicar rubbed up his stubby grey locks still more. “He did say something about five hundred a year; but I was so much taken by surprise, and so uncertain how you would take it{{bar|2}}” 

“Five hundred a year!” his wife repeated, “and we've never had more than three hundred and fifty.” She put up her hand to her eyes, and a sob came into her voice. “That's a very good income for a young couple—oh, a very good income—to begin upon. I suppose he expects to make more as he goes on. And, Edward, it is very important to know whether he has anything to settle. Did he say he had anything to settle? He might die, though God forbid it, and leave Edith with perhaps—others to provide for. You must inquire into that, my dear.” 

“Mary,” said the Vicar, “Edith has nothing. How can I ask him questions about his most intimate concerns, when we have nothing to give on our side?” 

“What nonsense!” cried the troubled woman; “haven't we Edith to give—a girl that any man might be proud of. And she will have to give up her profession; and there probably will be—others to take into consideration. If he has no money to settle, you must make him insure his life.” 

“My dear Mary!” said the Vicar in despair. “How am I to speak to a stranger like Mr. Rothbury about his most intimate concerns?” 

“Oh, Edward, don't be so ridiculous!” Mrs. Austen cried; and then she added with composure that she supposed she must do it herself. “Though it always comes so much better from a man,” she said. But this the Vicar deprecated as quite a mistake on her part. 

“He will not mind it from you,” said this disingenuous clergyman. “He will think that you don't know much of business, and that if you're over anxious it's very excusable in a mother; whereas me he would expect to speak like a man of the world.” 

Poor Vicar! if that was his opinion it was one which was not shared by any of his family. But John, on being talked to, proved himself most happily ready to do anything that was required. He was ready to settle upon Edith a house he had in London, which brought in a very decent rent, he said; or he would insure his life, or do anything Mrs. Austen pleased. He was, indeed, so entirely at his ease about this that his very compliance raised doubt in the anxious mother's mind. He talked quite calmly of insuring his life for thousands! 

“And where is the money to come from to pay the premiums?” she said with a troubled countenance, being well aware what a business it was to scrape together enough to pay the Vicar's premiums once a year. But she had to be satisfied for the moment with these assurances, and Edith was as happy as the day was long. 

Edith was so happy that she did not mind at all whether John had five hundred pounds or farthings a year. “He wants us just to go on as he has been doing, travelling a great deal and sketching everywhere, and enjoying all the most beautiful places in the world. Oh, mother! think of going to Italy, and perhaps Spain, and all the places that one has dreamt of, but never hoped to see!” cried Edith, in her delight. 

But Mrs. Austen shook her head. “Do you mean that, you are, to have no house—no home of your own to settle down in?” she said in dismay. 

“Not till we get old and want to settle down. Not now, when we are both young and free; we are to work together, and draw together, and never to have a dull hour,” Edith said, radiant with smiles. 

Poor thing! poor young unthinking girl! But how was her mother to convince her that this was not the most desirable life in the world? Mrs. Austen did not think it at all desirable. What she wished for was a house,—it might be quite a small house to begin with—decently furnished, with a little plate for the table, which no doubt the friends of the young couple would give them as wedding presents, if properly directed thereto. Had not Mrs. Cramer given Alice Scott a dozen of spoons only the other day? and Edith was a much greater favourite with that lady than ever Alice had been. A little house with a Brussels carpet in the little drawing-room, and those art carpets, which only cost thirty-five shillings each, in the bedrooms; and, perhaps, some nice second-hand furniture, which is so much more the fashion nowadays than anything new. Mrs. Austen having succeeded so well in the matter of the life insurance, resolved to put forth to John the importance of having a house ready for Edith, and giving up this sort of vagabond scheme of wandering, without delay. He received the representation—made by her with great nervousness—with the same easy good-humour which he had shown before. 

“There is the house in London,” he said: “whenever we like we can come home to that.” 

“But you said it was let, and that the rent{{bar|2}}” 

“To be sure,” he said, “it is let; but that stops at the end of the season, or whenever we please.” 

“But—but—Mr. Rothbury, the rent was to be the provision for Edith; the settlement{{bar|2}}” 

“Oh, was it?” he said lightly; “well, we must put something in its place.” 

“But—it was a great part of your income, I understood. I am afraid you are not a very good man of business. A house to live in is of great importance; but something to live upon is more important still.” 

“That will be all right, Mrs. Austen. The lawyers will look after that. Edith and I will do very well. I assure you you need not fear.” 

“That is all very well,” she said, with a troubled countenance; “but the Vicar will insist on guarantees. You can't live on the rent of your house, and occupy your house, and settle it on Edith—all these three things together. The Vicar, I am afraid, dear Mr. Rothbury, will expect something very much more definite.” 

“Well,” said John, “I can insure my life for a few thousands more. You like the idea of insuring one's life!” 

“When you have plenty of money to pay the premiums. Do you know what a few thousands insured cost a year? And where are you to get the money?” Mrs. Austen asked, almost in a tragic tone. 

But John Rothbury only laughed, and assured her that he and Edith would do very well: which was the most unsatisfactory answer to a business discussion that could be in the world. 


{{c|II.}} 
{{sc|It}} was on that same evening—when Mrs. Austen was still in this puzzled and troubled state, which naturally she had communicated to the Vicar, in whom there was no light on the subject—that George Gregory came in to tea. He was one of the artist band with whom Edith—who had met them all sketching one time or another, and who had the modern young woman's confidence in ''camaraderie'', and conviction that all the elderly nonsense about the impossibility of friendship between men and women was contemptible indeed—had formed {{SIC|acquantance}}, and to whom the Vicar, with a clerical impulse of hospitality and his usual imprudence, had given a general invitation. All the family, except Mrs. Austen herself, were of opinion that it did not matter how many people you asked to tea. If it had been to dinner, indeed, or even to supper—but a cup of tea and a piece of cake or bread and butter, of what consequence could that be in a house where so much of those simple dainties was consumed every day? Mrs. Austen, in this as in many details, ran counter to the general mind of the Vicarage. She knew how soon an extra spoonful of tea in the pot and an extra loaf cut down for bread and butter mounted up; and all those painter young men ate bread and butter as if they thought it cost nothing. But this was one of the points on which Mrs. Austen was overborne by the family and compelled to submit. 

It was, as has been said, on the very evening when there had arisen that discussion between Edith's mother and John as to the house. George Gregory was one of the artist brotherhood whom no one liked very much, but he was one who was most assiduous in his devotion to the household gods of tea and bread and butter in the Vicarage. He had been absent for a little time, and had not heard, or pretended he had not heard, “about John,”—which was the manner in which the family described Edith's engagement. And he said, “Rothbury!—oh, he's a queer fellow!” when some one mentioned somewhat familiarly his name. 

“How is he a queer fellow?” said Mrs. Austen, pricking up her ears 

“Well, in every way, I think,” said the malevolent one. “He has always plenty of money, but no one knows where it comes from. As for his making three hundred a year, or one hundred a year, by selling his pictures, I don't believe a word of it. He can't paint a little bit. He copies Millet—French Millet, you know, like all those Paris fellows. I am not sure that I think such a lot of Millet as some do—but his imitators! And yet the fellow has always plenty of money, and flings it about like a lord.” Mr. Gregory was aware of more than one loan which never would be repaid to John, but which burned the borrower's pockets, so to speak, all the same. 

Mrs. Austen grew pale. Edith was fortunately not present, and therefore could not be affected by this report; but it struck the Vicar absolutely dumb for the moment, and he sat gaping at the speaker, who was exhilarated by the sensation he had made. 

“If he has plenty of money,” said Mrs. Austen, “I daresay it is from his property if it is not from his art. I happen to know that he has houses in the best quarter of London.” 

“Oh, that house in Belgravia!” the artist said; “everybody knows of that. It's part of the mystery. It is not let, Mrs. Austen, any more than I am. When he goes to town he goes there, and it's a palace. It's there he hangs all his pictures, I suppose, that he pretends to sell. He should have quite a gallery!” Gregory said, with a laugh. “And there's another queer thing about him which very few people know.” 

The Vicar had been making signals of distress, betraying the part he took in the matter, to his wife for some moments. He said now, “This is very serious, Mary; this is very serious,” shaking his great head. 

“I don't know,” said Mrs. Austen, “that it matters very much to us how queer Mr. Rothbury may be; but, for the sake of the story, what is the other queer things that people don't know?” 

“Well, you may see it in him,” said the unfaithful brother. “Don't you notice the clumsy way he walks, as if he were wearing wooden shoes? Well, so he did once: he was brought up in a little French place, like a little clodhopper. Just a little peasant he was, hanging about the railway to carry a bag, and so forth. I knew a fellow once that saw him at it—just a little Jacques Bonhomme, don't you know.” 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“'This is very serious, Mary.'”''}}}} 

The Vicar's eyes grew larger and larger; his grey locks began to erect themselves on his head. 

“Mary,” he said, “Mary, it is well that we have heard this.” 

She gave her shoulders a shrug and wrench in her impatience. 

“If Mr. Rothbury has raised himself to his present position by his own exertions, it is the greatest credit to him, I am sure,” she said. 

“Ah, yes, if he has done that!” said the other, with a laugh. “But that's a mystery, like all the rest.” 

“I think we have discussed our neighbours quite long enough,” said Mrs. Austen, for Edith had just come in and taken her place at the table; and she changed the subject so determinedly that even that evil tongue could find no more opportunity of speech. 

Gregory went away, however, chuckling to himself with a sense that he had “dished,” as he said, John Rothbury, a fellow who was so well off as to lend money to men a great deal better than himself, confound him! and who did sell his daubs too, taking the bread out of other fellows' mouths. 

After their uncomfortable visitor was gone, the Vicar tried every means he could think of to get his wife's private ear. He was very much troubled, the poor old gentleman! He accepted this new-comer's word against John, whom he was much better acquainted with, with that faith of the ignorant which is so unaccountable and exasperating. 

“It must be put a stop to—it must be put a stop to,” he said to himself. 

For her part, Mrs. Austen was troubled too. She did not know how to reconcile these strangely differing details. A peasant boy in France—well, if he had raised himself by his own exertions! And then that house in town which had already troubled her mind, which was let, and was to be settled on Edith, and yet was a home that would be open to them; and was a palace, this man said, with all his unsold pictures hanging in it. These things were enough to make Mrs. Austen very uncomfortable, though she did not give in as her husband did. They were all heightened, too, to her, by John's extreme easy-mindedness, by his almost laughing suggestion of one way after another of supplying the necessary settlement, and even by the lavish character of his presents, and his readiness to produce money for anything that was wanted—parish charities, choir excursions, or whatever Edith might chance to be interested in. 

When her husband finally secured her attention, after many efforts, she was in a very perturbed state. 

“My dear, I am afraid Mr. Rothbury is not the man we thought,” he said, shaking his old head, when he had at last beguiled her into his study, from which there was no escape. 

“How dreadfully untidy you are, Edward! and what a quantity of books you have out of the shelves! You can't be reading all these at once,” she said. 

“My dear Mary, I was speaking to you of Mr. Rothbury.” 

“Oh yes, I know! But to bring me into a place smelling of dust like this, and of tobacco; I don't really know which is worst,” she cried, with many sniffs of disgust. 

“Mary, don't turn me off like this. If this young man was really an uneducated boy, carrying parcels from the railway, and then suddenly has a great command of money and a house in town{{bar|2}}” 

“We knew he had a house in town,” said Mrs. Austen reproachfully, as if that was an argument. 

“Well, yes, so we did,” her husband replied; “he made no secret of that,” accepting the statement, too, on his side, as if there was logic in it. 

“And if he was only a peasant boy,” cried Mrs. Austen, suddenly thinking of another thing, which really was an argument, “how comes he, Edward, I ask you, to be an Oxford man?—for that he is, as you know.” 

“There is certainly a great deal in that,” said the Vicar, staggered. “A Brasenose man. It is not very great for scholarship, but still it is a good college.” 

“Which is a great deal more than that young man Gregory ever was—who never has a good word for any one,” cried his wife triumphantly; and then she turned tail to the question of the books, and put some of them, which the Vicar particularly wanted, back into the shelves without remorse or pity, so that Mr. Austen was very glad finally to get her out of his den, and to take what comfort he could from his pipe and his thoughts alone. 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“Putting the books back into the shelves without remorse.” ''}}}}

But the Vicars wife was not at all at her ease. She took an opportunity next day to question John about his early life. 

“How well you speak French!” she said. “I heard you reading something out loud to Edith, and it was so different from the common English pronunciation. You must have a turn for languages.” This was her subtle way of opening the subject. 

“No credit to me,” he said. “French was my first language. I used to know it better than English.” 

“Dear me!” she said innocently; “was that because you had a French nurse, or were your parents living abroad?” 

“My mother lived abroad, and she does so now. I am going to take Edith to see her,” he said, with a queer look; “but it must be later in the year, for at present it would be too hot.” 

Mrs. Austen pondered for a little, and then she said, “You must have led a very chequered life. Brought up in France, and then going to Oxford, and then an artist,—I can't follow you, I that have always lived in one place. It makes my head go round.” 

“Well,” he said, “it is quite true. I have had an odd life.” And his face, which had been so gay, grew grave, and he gave a little sigh, but said not another word. 

What was poor Mrs. Austen to do? They had made all the inquiries they could about him, as prudent parents must. And they had got, as even the Vicar allowed, “every satisfaction.” But there was a mystery, notwithstanding the assurance of those very respectable lawyers in London, who had certified to Mr. Rothbury's respectability, and that his circumstances were as he had stated them. But that was a phrase which would bear many meanings. Mrs. Austen had read a novel not very long before in which the lover and young husband, the most kind, the most chivalric of men, was discovered to make his income by burgling,—if there is such a word,—which means that he was a burglar of consummate cleverness, and had kept himself entirely from suspicion. Who could tell that John might not be something of that sort? Or there might be an establishment of coiners, as in Lord Lytton's “Night and Morning,” in that Belgravian house? A peasant boy carrying travellers' bags at a railway station, and then a thriving artist selling pictures at the rate of five hundred pounds a year, and possessing house property in Belgravia. “But then he is an Oxford man,” Mrs. Austen said to herself. That was the only gleam of comfort; but how by any possibility it could fit in between the other chapters she could not imagine. Oh, if he would only tell her his story simply, whatever it was! She was not a woman to be frightened by humble birth. The Austens had always been people in a good position, and she flattered herself her own family was at least as good: but still the Vicar's wife was a woman of the century, and if he had raised himself by his own exertions{{bar|2}} But the house in Belgravia, which was a palace, and full of beautiful things,—perhaps, who could tell, unholy gear, got he dared not say how! To think that Edith, her Edith, might be taken home to that, and afterwards make some dreadful discovery and break her heart! Mrs. Austen took a walk round and round the garden, hiding in all the sheltered nooks, and keeping out of the eye and the repeated calls of her family for a long time, going over and over this terrible question. How could she now solve it? John was quite frank up to a certain point, but there he stopped; and how could she cross-question him as to these very intimate concerns with which, perhaps, she had nothing to do? And yet she had a right to know all about him before she gave him Edith. Poor Mrs. Austen did not know what to do. 

And I confess it was very ridiculous of John to make any mystery about it. There was nothing in his birth or in his life which he had any reason to be ashamed of. His father and mother had not “got on.” They had parted, and he had been brought up on his mother's small income till he was sixteen; and then his father had died, and he had suddenly been made aware, never having given any previous thought to it, that he was the heir to a large fortune. This was the simple truth. If it was a mystery, yet it was not a mystery which had anything disgraceful in it. His mother might be blamed, but for folly and want of understanding only, not for anything shameful. Why he should have hesitated to tell the Austens all this, who could say? It was highly absurd on his part. He had thought of giving Edith a surprise in the Lord of Burleigh way, taking her to his house, which he had made very handsome, a beautiful place, indeed a show house, and after showing her all its beauties and gloating over her admiration, saying to her, “All of this is thine and mine.” It was a foolish idea, but he had cherished it. As for the parents, the settlements, when they were produced, would very well satisfy them. And he was delighted with the good faith which took him, as he thought, for granted, and on his own estimate. 

“But we must not let it go on,” said the Vicar: “an errand boy—of no family; we cannot let it go on.” 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“Mr. Austin took a walk round and round the garden.”''}}}}

“Oh, family!” cried Mrs. Austen; “who is of any family nowadays? As long as a man has enough, and is presentable and well behaved, I don't think anything of his family, if that were all.” 

“There was a great financial man, a stockbroker or something of the kind, of the name of Rothbury,” said the Vicar reflectively. 

“If John had been connected with a man like that he would not have been brought up in a French village,” said Mrs. Austen, with most reasonable decision and firmness, cutting her husband short; and he recognised the justice of what she said: yet, notwithstanding, it was a little comfort to him that there was a great financial man whose name was Rothbury. It afforded some kind of vague guarantee that things might come right. And then there was the extraordinary yet unmistakable certainty that John Rothbury was a Brasenose man. Such a jumble of facts was beyond any one's power to reconcile and arrange, and whilst they were pausing and wondering the days ran on, and the wedding drew near. It was to be a wedding without fuss, for the Austens were far from rich; and Mrs. Austen, though it was a little against her Church principles, was yet deeply grateful in her heart that the afternoon marriages, which were now the fashion, made anything like a wedding-breakfast impossible. But this did make it possible to ask, so to speak, the whole island to Edith's marriage. Though she sent out the invitations with an anxious heart, she yet did send them out; and everybody accepted. It would have been the most delightful anticipation to Mrs. Austen, with nothing but triumph in it, had it not been for that drop of bitterness, dropped into the heart of all that was sweet. And throughout the whole, need I say, the Vicar kept up that continual cry, “Are you going to let things go on, Mary? How can we let things go on? He ought to be brought to book. He ought to be made to explain everything. Surely you are not going to let everything go on?” 

“Bring him to book yourself,” she said at last, turning to bay. Even the wife of a clergyman loses patience sometimes. “Make him explain: you are the proper person!” 

Then the Vicar was cowed, and retired to his study, saying no more. 

Must he be brought to book? Must he be made to explain? She went over all the arguments, for and against, over and over. A French peasant boy—an English Oxford man—a thriving artist making five hundred a year—a man who never sold his daubs at all, but hung them in a gallery all to themselves in a house in Belgravia. But how could a French peasant boy have a house in Belgravia? or a burglar or coiner be an Oxford man? Indeed, Mrs. Austen soon gave up the burglaring and coining as inconceivable, as things only to be imagined in a novel, not for common life. And all the time she was going about Edith's simple trousseau, making the “things” at home, putting her own fine needlework into them to make up for the lace and embroideries of the shop. 

“What is the matter with mother? Is it only because Edith is going away?” the other children said. 

Perhaps the only one who had an inkling as to what was meant by the shaking of the Vicar's head and the anxiety on Mrs. Austen's brow was John; and I am sorry to say that he did not behave as he should have done in the matter. He took the parents very lightly. He was disposed to laugh at their uneasiness. So long as it was all right with Edith he did not care. It was Edith he was in love with, and not her parents, as is the way of young men; and when he was questioned he had a way of turning the inquiries off. One day Mrs. Austen asked him, “Where did you say your house was, in town?” suddenly, with an elaborate air of impromptu which betrayed her. 

“I don't think I ever said where it was,” he replied. 

“You said it was let; and then you said if you got tired of wandering you could take Edith home there.” 

“Yes,” said John, with a laugh; “I could send off the tenant, don't you know? Nothing could be more easy; you have to give them notice, and the thing is done.” 

{{c|{{sm|Illustration: ''“Then she turned sternly upon the lawyer.”''}}}} 

“The thing is not done in a moment,” said Mrs. Austen, shaking her head; and then added, “and you relied upon the rent for a part of your income.” 

“Oh, the income is all right,” said John lightly; and then he was carried off by Edith, who came just then into the room equipped for a walk. The Vicar was present, but he never said a word. 

“How can I question the man about his most private affairs?” he asked. “But, Mary, you should really enter into it more fully; you should bring him to book.” 

Should she put a stop to it all,—deprive Edith of the comfort of five hundred pounds a year, a serene and peaceful happiness which her mother had never attained, all on the chance that John, who was an Oxford man and, besides, wore truth and honesty written on his face, was a burglar or a coiner, or got his money in some other illegitimate way,—and break the girl's heart into the bargain? The Vicar went on shaking his head as if he would have shaken it off. The poor woman was so exasperated at last that she rushed at him in a fury and caught that large head by its grey locks in her two hands. 

“Oh, for goodness' sake, stop shaking your head! or else do something yourself!” she cried. “Don't you preach to us every day that we ought to have faith?” 

“In God,” said the Vicar, trying to shake—as a dog barks internally when prevented from utterance—notwithstanding the firm grip of his wife's hands. 

“And in man too,” Mrs. Austen cried, letting him go, like a momentarily arrested pendulum, in a still stronger oscillation from side to side. 

This is an episode in John Rothbury's history in which I cannot justify his action. But it may be said that, when the settlements were placed before the parents, there was such a scene in the Vicar's library as had never been seen before. There was nothing to settle, as the lawyer gravely remarked,—as if they did not know that!—on the lady's side. But on John's! Mrs. Austen read those wonderful papers over her husband's shoulder, and it was some time before either of them could quite understand through the phraseology of the law what wonderful thing it was that had happened. 

“Oh, Edward!” she cried at last, with a sort of shriek that ran through the house; and then she turned sternly upon the lawyer, who sat by as calm as a cabbage, and asked vehemently if it was all true. 

“Is what all true?” said that astonished man. 

“This!” cried the excited mother, striking the papers with her hand. “Has he got all these things? Is he as rich as that? Do you mean to tell me{{bar|2}}?” 

But here the Vicar took his part, as became him, as the head and sovereign authority in the house. 

“Compose yourself,” he said, laying his hand quite affectionately upon hers, which was quivering. “Have not I always said, my dear, that John Rothbury was a man we could fully confide in, from every point of view?” 

Meanwhile Edith, who had never known any of these tremors, was trying on her wedding-gown; and John—much amused by the thought of the revelation which was bursting upon the elder people, and also of what the dignified Mr. Simmon, one of the distinguished firm, of Douglas &amp; Simmon, would think of the Vicar's study, with its smell of smoke—was waiting for his last good-night till that process was over. 

And the wedding next day was the prettiest wedding that had been seen in the island for many a day. And everybody was there; and it somehow crept out among the crowd that Edith Austen was making the finest match, and that her husband was no mere landscape-painter, as everybody had supposed, but a man with—Heaven only knew how many thousands a year. No wonder her mother beamed! But Edith, it was said (though no one believed it), was the sole individual who did not know. 

{{right|[[author:Margaret Oliphant Oliphant|{{sc|M. O. W. Oliphant}}]].|2em}}

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==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
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|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally,&quot; Council of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat [and] Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| 
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| 
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and converse&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt; with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can give you an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy the opportunity to converse and confer with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri made a pronouncement, saying: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contain some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>pwkyheyoy07lky9fedabys31253xcaa</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506302</id>
      <parentid>12506301</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:02:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 4 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="63617" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat [and] Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| 
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| 
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and converse&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt; with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can give you an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy the opportunity to converse and confer with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri made a pronouncement, saying: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contain some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>4myttk2w103rxqhs5qfcyekbzoj4k52</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506303</id>
      <parentid>12506302</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:03:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
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      <text bytes="63615" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| 
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| 
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and converse&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt; with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can give you an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy the opportunity to converse and confer with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri made a pronouncement, saying: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contain some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>79ncukv2x4ns0k11lo1cf63qci26k0x</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506304</id>
      <parentid>12506303</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:05:54Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
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      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="63666" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| 
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and converse&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt; with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can give you an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy the opportunity to converse and confer with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri made a pronouncement, saying: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contain some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>4lnevculo4wdoxbnjcfosggqvbc240j</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506305</id>
      <parentid>12506304</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:06:18Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 29 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="63702" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying:
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and converse&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt; with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can give you an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy the opportunity to converse and confer with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri made a pronouncement, saying: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contain some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>iq8wtbijabio4kyd2ymebdn4w4nsld8</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506306</id>
      <parentid>12506305</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:08:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 39 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="63703" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying:
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and converse&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt; with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can give you an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy the opportunity to converse and confer with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri made a pronouncement, saying: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>i181mzbbebrtk92mveizzkzco8yxpil</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506443</id>
      <parentid>12506306</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:36:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
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      <comment>/* 34 */</comment>
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      <text bytes="63713" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying:
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri made a pronouncement, saying: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>gymo7eabxuonl31l1d6zpt1wvxd4m36</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506447</id>
      <parentid>12506443</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:37:51Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 37 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="63695" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying:
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>d8eoql7rmecwu2jten9pr6estdq18sr</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506468</id>
      <parentid>12506447</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:47:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 29 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="63958" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as regular secretariat-general, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be temporary secretariat-general, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>me5o74bye9408yrl10f927gakytg2hc</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506625</id>
      <parentid>12506468</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:48:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 3 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="64017" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The king used the royal ''we'' here, although he used the pronoun ''I'' elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as regular secretariat-general, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be temporary secretariat-general, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>58td9clkytyh3c9izmuxglvqfdyy93d</sha1>
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==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;Chaophraya Mahithon (La-o Krairoek) (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title, which consists of a noble rank, Chaophraya, and a noble name, Mahithon. La-o was his given name. Krairoek was his family name.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as regular secretariat-general, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be temporary secretariat-general, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>pd4e3unqrle12hbo31itb8bonattw0l</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506669</id>
      <parentid>12506668</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:51:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 18 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="63860" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Asswmbly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as regular secretariat-general, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be temporary secretariat-general, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>t4prtq69acg4j6wnuvthd1ajlph1jlb</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506670</id>
      <parentid>12506669</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:52:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 4 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="63860" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as regular secretariat-general, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be temporary secretariat-general, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>69zibk2p0zsb2rbfs848ca8ujiefmcr</sha1>
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==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;&lt;ref name = &quot;siwisan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prichachon&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;&lt;ref name = &quot;songsuradet&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;&lt;ref name = &quot;rit-akkhane&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;&lt;ref name = &quot;pramuan&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;&lt;ref name = &quot;prasat&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;&lt;ref name = &quot;sinthu&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;&lt;ref name = &quot;phibun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;&lt;ref name = &quot;det&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;&lt;ref name = &quot;tua&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;&lt;ref name = &quot;prayun&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;&lt;ref name = &quot;naep&quot;&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.&lt;ref&gt;123&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>kggyl5t81sm0nrw4kk9q07c4nvci6i8</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508221</id>
      <parentid>12506676</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:33:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 3 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62687" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref name = &quot;thammasak&quot;/&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>06lf9g8nbkq2y18z4kty3l5mllk2jsk</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508223</id>
      <parentid>12508221</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:35:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 45 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62762" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;&gt;{{w|Pridi Banomyong|Pridi Phanomyong}} (1900–1983 CE). Luang Praditmanutham was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>fkc2hn628fj2jicuz9fpe7z2m19s4mv</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508230</id>
      <parentid>12508223</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:41:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 2 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62637" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;&lt;ref&gt;Sathan Sanitwong (1866–1940 CE). Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>e6tj2xnbs6amn2ntnbsv8q0rsvtlf21</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508231</id>
      <parentid>12508230</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:41:29Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 3 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62544" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena&lt;ref name = &quot;phahon&quot;&gt;{{w|Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena|Phot Phahonyothin}} (1887–1947 CE). Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>m5xl5y3q892tcub1fsz3p5nx3ambnal</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508233</id>
      <parentid>12508231</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:41:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 4 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62397" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the State Secretary&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}), here translated as &quot;{{w|secretary of state|state secretary}}&quot;, literally translates &quot;army commander&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to, and sometimes translated as, a modern-day {{w|Minister of State|state minister}}.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>1sxsv4fj2g4ngmio4p8zcoooap94v8t</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508293</id>
      <parentid>12508233</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:33:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
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      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62265" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the ''Senabodi''&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}; literally, &quot;army commander&quot;) is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to a modern-day cabinet minister.&lt;/ref&gt; for the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>ccpjqr6r22zdgs9gy9txssusfnhpdja</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508294</id>
      <parentid>12508293</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:33:58Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
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      <text bytes="62264" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the ''Senabodi''&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}; literally, &quot;army commander&quot;) is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to a modern-day cabinet minister.&lt;/ref&gt; of the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to only pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>gnjqg75veil6gyk5zq60xpwx6iv7keo</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508301</id>
      <parentid>12508294</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:38:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 6 */</comment>
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      <text bytes="62266" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the ''Senabodi''&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}; literally, &quot;army commander&quot;) is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to a modern-day cabinet minister.&lt;/ref&gt; of the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to merely pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For that reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>l4ombkorrmlaf3nz5u8vuzorc2njosb</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508302</id>
      <parentid>12508301</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:40:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 10 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62266" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the ''Senabodi''&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}; literally, &quot;army commander&quot;) is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to a modern-day cabinet minister.&lt;/ref&gt; of the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;ref name = &quot;pradit&quot;/&gt;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to merely pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For such reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>hsdyrx9qdyaii43uzbxbyja0zmsv348</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508310</id>
      <parentid>12508302</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:56:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 3 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62244" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the ''Senabodi''&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}; literally, &quot;army commander&quot;) is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to a modern-day cabinet minister.&lt;/ref&gt; of the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to merely pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For such reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; Secretary of State for the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>hr0j7ufmcanldzb6rf0l699vqg9vwpr</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508312</id>
      <parentid>12508310</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:56:49Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 18 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62237" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the ''Senabodi''&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}; literally, &quot;army commander&quot;) is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to a modern-day cabinet minister.&lt;/ref&gt; of the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to merely pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For such reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon,&lt;ref&gt;La-o Krairoek (1874–1956 CE). Chaophraya Mahithon was his noble title.&lt;/ref&gt; ''Senabodi'' of the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>7payjmc70dgxebihvebxhrqxn01eyvr</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508314</id>
      <parentid>12508312</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:57:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Venise12mai1834</username>
        <id>2963595</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* 18 */</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="62154" xml:space="preserve">{{User:Venise12mai1834/Sandbox}}

==a==

{{tt2
|[[File:Seal of the Parliament of Thailand (Outline).svg|center|100px]]

{{c|{{fs|120%|รายงานการประชุม}}&lt;br&gt;{{fs|140%|สภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}}}


{{c|ครั้งที่ ๑&lt;br&gt;(สมัยสามัญ)&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕}}


{{block left|ฉบับสำนักการพิมพ์&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑ ถึง ครั้งที่ ๕๙ (สมัยสามัญ) พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕}}
|
}}

==b==

{{tt2
|{{c|สารบัญ}}

&lt;u&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;/u&gt;

{{TOC line||เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรเชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเพื่อเปิดการประชุม|๑}}

{{TOC line||รายนามสมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรที่คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้ง|๑–๕}}

{{TOC line||สมาชิกสภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ทำคำปฏิญาณพร้อมกันว่า&lt;br&gt;จะซื่อสัตย์ และจะช่วยกันรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการ|๖–๗|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เจ้าพระยามหิธรได้อ่านพระกระแสรับสั่งเปิดประชุม|๗}}

{{TOC line||คณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารมอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๗}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๘–๙|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือกรองประธานสภาผู้แทนราษฎร|๑๐}}

{{TOC line||เลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร|๑๐–๑๑|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||เลือก{{SIC|กรรมการคณะราษฎร}}|๑๑–๑๒|col3-width=auto}}

{{TOC line||ตั้งอนุกรรมการให้ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ|๑๓–๑๔|col3-width=auto}}
|
}}

==c==

{{tt2
| {{c|{{fs|140%|รายงานการประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}&lt;br&gt;ครั้งที่ ๑/๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;วันอังคารที่ ๒๘ มิถุนายน พ.ศ. ๒๔๗๕&lt;br&gt;ณพระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม&lt;br&gt;เริ่มประชุมเวลา ๑๔ นาฬิกา}}

{{rule|7em}}
|
}}

===1===

{{tt3
| ก่อนเสนาบดีกระทรวง{{SIC|มุระธาธร}}เชิญกระแสพระบรมราชโองการมาอ่านเปิดการประชุม กรรมการคณะราษฎรอ่านรายนามบุคคลซึ่งคณะผู้รักษาพระนครได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร
| Before the ''Senabodi''&lt;ref&gt;''Senabodi'' (Thai: {{wikt|เสนาบดี}}; literally, &quot;army commander&quot;) is a traditional term referring to the head of a governmental ministry, roughly equivalent to a modern-day cabinet minister.&lt;/ref&gt; of the Murathathon Ministry&lt;ref&gt;A historical governmental ministry, established by {{w|Chulalongkorn}} in 2435 BE (1892/93 CE), in charge of the administrative work of the monarch ({{harvnb|Secretariat of the Cabinet|2018}}). The name ''Murathathon'' (Thai: มุรธาธร) is believed to mean &quot;supporter of the Head (of State)&quot;, from ''muratha'' (Thai: มุรธา; &quot;head)&quot; and ''thon'' (Thai: ธร; &quot;bearer, supporter&quot;) ({{harvnb|Sakworawit|2021}}). But it is also possible that the name is a corruption of ''mutthrathon'' (Thai: มุทราธร; &quot;bearer of the seals&quot;), from ''mutthra'' (Thai: มุทรา; &quot;seal&quot;) and ''thon'' (idem), because this ministry was also in charge of the seals of the State.&lt;/ref&gt; brought in and read out the royal command&lt;ref&gt;''Krasae phra boromma ratcha ongkan'' (Thai: กระแสพระบรมราชโองการ), here translated as &quot;royal command&quot;, literally translates &quot;words of the great sacred royal command&quot;. It is a traditional term referring to imperative words of a monarch.&lt;/ref&gt; opening the session, a Member of the People's Party&lt;ref&gt;The {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}}, a group of persons overthrowing the absolute monarchy of {{w|Prajadhipok}} on 24 June 1932 CE, an event known as the {{w|Siamese revolution of 1932|Siamese Revolution}}.&lt;/ref&gt; read out a list of the names of the persons whom the Council of Protectors of the Kingdom&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;&gt;A military junta established by the {{w|People's Party (Thailand)|People's Party}} after seizing political power from the absolute monarch {{w|Prajadhipok}} ({{harvnb|Sophonsiri|2021}}). The term ''phra nakhon'' (Thai: พระนคร; literally, &quot;sacred city&quot;), here translated as &quot;Kingdom&quot;, can, in fact, refer to the entire kingdom of Siam or just its capital city, Bangkok.&lt;/ref&gt; had appointed as Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===2===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐมนูธรรมได้อ่านรายนามคณะผู้รักษาพระนครฝ่ายทหารได้ตั้งให้เป็นผู้แทนราษฎร คือ
| Luang Praditmanutham read out a list of the names of those who had been appointed as Representatives by the Council of Military Protectors of the Kingdom,&lt;ref name = &quot;:0&quot;/&gt; namely—
}}

===3===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาวงศานุประพัทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.อ. เจ้าพระยาพิชัยญาติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยาเทพวิทุรพหุลศรุตาบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ท. พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามานวราชเสวี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาไชยยศสมบัติ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยามนธาตุราช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาอินทรวิชิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลตรี พระยาประเสริฐสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาศรยุทธเสนี
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาอุดมพงศ์เพ็ญสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.อ.ต. พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}ม.ส.ต. พระยาปรีดานฤเบศร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาวิชิตชลธี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิ์อัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจเอก พระยาบุเรศร์ผดุงกิจ
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอนุมานราชธน
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระประพิณพนยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาเอก พระเรี่ยมวิรัชชพากย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระสุธรรมวินิจฉัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตำรวจโท หลวงแสงนิติศาสตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์โท พระวุฒิศาสตร์เนติญาณ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงศุภชลาศัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงคหกรรมบดี
|{{gap|0.5em}}เสวกตรี หลวงนฤเบศร์มานิต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเรือเอก หลวงธำรงนาวาสวัสดิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงดำริอิศรานุวรรต
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงสุนทรเทพหัสดิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชาติวงศ์วราวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงบรรณกรโกวิท
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถสารประสิทธิ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอรรถกิตติกำจร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงชำนาญนิติเกษตร์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงโกวิทอภัยวงศ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงอภิรมย์โกษากร
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประจวบ บุนนาค
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หม่อมหลวงอุดม สนิทวงษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ทวี บุณยเกตุ
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท จรูญ สืบแสง
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์โท ชุณห์ ปิณฑานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิลาศ โอสถานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายดิเรก ชัยนาม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายวิเชียร สุวรรณทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายยล สมานนท์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซิม วีระไวทยะ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายหงวน ทองประเสริฐ
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมานิต วสุวัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายจรูญ ณบางช้าง
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายเนตร์ พูนวิวัฒน์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายมังกร สามเสน
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายซุ่นใช้ คูตระกูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายสวัสดิ์ โสตถิทัต
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายบรรจง ศรีจรูญ
}}
|
# ''MAE''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Ek'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Wongsanupraphat;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Thammasakmontri;
# ''MAE'' Chaophraya Phichaiyat;
# ''MATh''&lt;ref&gt;''Maha Ammat Tho'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Thepwithunphahunsarutabodi;
# ''MATh'' Phraya Manopakonnitithada;
# ''MAT''&lt;ref name = &quot;mat&quot;&gt;''Maha Ammat Tri'' (Thai: มหาอำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class grand counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Manawaratchasewi;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Chaiyotsombat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Nitisatphaisan;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Manathatrat;
# ''Naiphon Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphon Tri'' (Thai: นายพลตรี; &quot;third-class division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major general.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Inthrawichit;
# ''Naiphon Tri'' Phraya Prasoetsongkhram;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nprt&quot;&gt;''Naiphonruea Tri'' (Thai: นายพลเรือตรี; &quot;third-class naval division chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of rear admiral.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Prichanusat;
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Sorayutthaseni;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Udomphongphetsawat;
# ''MAT'' Phraya Wichairatchasumon;
# ''MST''&lt;ref name&gt;''Maha Sewok Tri'' (Thai: มหาเสวกตรี; &quot;third-class grand courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Pridanarueben;
# ''Naiphan Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;npe&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Ek'' (Thai: นายพันเอก; &quot;first-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Wichitchonlathi;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Naiphantamruat Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Ek'' (Thai: นายพันตำรวจเอก; &quot;first-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Buretphadungkit;
# ''Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;ame&quot;&gt;''Ammat Ek'' (Thai: อำมาตย์เอก; &quot;first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phraya Anumanratchathon;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho''&lt;ref name = &quot;npth&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Praphinphanayut;
# ''Nainawa Ek''&lt;ref&gt;''Nainawa Ek'' (Thai: นายนาวาเอก; &quot;first-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of captain.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Riamwiratchaphak;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phra Suthamwinitchai;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphantamruat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Naiphantamruat Tho'' (Thai: นายพันโท; &quot;second-class police battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of police officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of police lieutenant colonel.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Saengnitisat;
# ''Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Ammat Tho'' (Thai: อำมาตย์โท; &quot;second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Phra Wutthisatnetiyan;
# ''Nainawa Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;nnwt&quot;&gt;''Nainawa Tri'' (Thai: นายนาวาตรี; &quot;third-class naval chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of naval officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of lieutenant commander	.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Supphachalasai;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Naiphan Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;npt&quot;&gt;''Naiphan Tri'' (Thai: นายพันตรี; &quot;third-class battalion chief&quot;), an obsolete rank of n army officer, roughly equivalent to the modern-day rank of major.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Sinatyotharak;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Ammat Tri''&lt;ref name = &quot;amt&quot;&gt;''Ammat Tri'' (Thai: อำมาตย์ตรี; &quot;third-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Ammat Tri''Luang Khahakambodi;
# ''Sewok Tri''&lt;ref&gt;''Sewok Tri'' (Thai: เสวกตรี; &quot;third-class courtier&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Naruebetmanit;
# ''Nairuea Ek'' Luang Thamrongnawasawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek''&lt;ref name = &quot;rame&quot;&gt;''Rong Ammat Ek'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์เอก; &quot;deputy first-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Damri-itsaranuwat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Sunthonthep-hatsadin;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Dechatiwongwarawat;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Bannakonkowit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthasanprasit;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Atthakitkamchon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Chamnannitikaset;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Kowit-aphaiwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Aphiromkosakan;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prachuap Bunnak;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek Mom Luang''&lt;ref&gt;{{harvnb|Office of the Royal Society|2011}}: ''Mom Luang'' (Thai: หม่อมหลวง) is the royal title for a child of a ''Mom Ratchawong'' (Thai: หม่อมราชวงศ์). ''Mom Ratchawong'' is a child of a ''Mom Chao'' (Thai: หม่อมเจ้า). ''Mom Chao'' is a child of a prince and a woman holding the royal title of ''Mom Chao'' or a commoner woman.&lt;/ref&gt; Udom Sanitwong;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho''&lt;ref&gt;''Rong Ammat Tho'' (Thai: รองอำมาตย์โท; &quot;deputy second-class counsellor&quot;), an obsolete rank of civil officer.&lt;/ref&gt; Thawi Bunyaket;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Charun Suepsaeng;
# ''Rong Ammat Tho'' Chun Pinthanon;
# ''Nai''&lt;ref name = &quot;nai&quot;&gt;''Nai'' (Thai: นาย), a title for a male commoner.&lt;/ref&gt; Wilat Osathanon;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin;
# ''Nai'' Direk Chaiyanam;
# ''Nai'' Wichian Suwannathat;
# ''Nai'' Yon Samanon;
# ''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tulalak;
# ''Nai'' Sim Wirawaithaya;
# ''Nai'' Nguan Thongprasoet;
# ''Nai'' Manit Wasuwat;
# ''Nai'' Charun Na Bangchang;
# ''Nai'' Net Phunwiwat;
# ''Nai'' Mangkon Samsen;
# ''Nai'' Sunchai Khutrakun;
# ''Nai'' Sawat Sotthithat;
# ''Nai'' Banchong Sicharun.
}}

===4===

{{tt3
| แต่พระยาวิชิตชลธีได้บอกป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้ จะขอให้ที่ประชุมเลือกตั้งผู้อื่นแทนต่อไป พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลเสนอว่า เมื่อปรากฏว่า มีผู้ป่วย ไม่สามารถรับตำแหน่งได้แล้ว เห็นว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่เริ่มการเปลี่ยนแปลงวิธีปกครอง และได้ลงมือกระทำการอันเต็มไปด้วยความเสียสละ นับว่า เป็นผู้มีคุณแก่ราษฎรมาก ควรสภาผู้แทนราษฎรจะได้ไว้เป็นสมาชิกด้วยอีกผู้หนึ่ง
| However, Phraya Wichitchonlathi told [the meeting] that he was sick and unable to accept the post, asking the meeting to elect another person as his replacement. Phraya Pramuanwichaphun made a proposal, saying: &quot;When it appears that the person is sick and unable to accept the post, I think that Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena is one of the promoters of the change of the administrative regime and has undertaken the act with utmost sacrifice. He is considered to have done a great favour to the people. It is proper for the House of Representatives&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; to also have him as one of its Members.&quot;
}}

===5===

{{tt3
| พระยาปรีชานุสาสน์ พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ รับรอง
| Phraya Prichanusat and Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the proposal].
}}

===6===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาทัดทานว่า ไม่มีความปรารถนาในข้อนี้มาแต่ไร ๆ เลย หวังแต่เพียงจะถากถางให้เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้านเท่านั้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena objected, saying: &quot;I've totally never had this desire from the outset. All my wish is to merely pave the way for the benefit of the 12 million people.&quot;
}}

===7===

{{tt3
| พระยาประมวญวิชาพูลคัดค้านข้อทัดทานของพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาว่า พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาก็ได้กระทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรมามากแล้ว ขอได้โปรดรับตำแหน่งนี้เพื่อราษฎรต่อไปอีกสักครั้งด้วย
| Phraya Pramuanwichaphun opposed to the objection of Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, saying: &quot;You&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, he is here referred to by his noble title, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena.&lt;/ref&gt; have contributed a lot to the people. I kindly beg you to accept this one more post for the furtherance of the people.&quot;
}}

===8===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===9===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาจึ่งว่า ถ้ากระนั้น เพื่อประโยชน์ของราษฎร ๑๒ ล้าน จะยอมรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติรับเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันทั้งสิ้น
| Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then said: &quot;If so, for the benefit of the 12 million people, I shall accept it.&quot; The entire meeting unanimously resolved to admit him.
}}

===10===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงว่า สมาชิกทั้งหลายจำเป็นต้องมีความซื่อสัตย์สุจริตต่อราษฎรในข้อสำคัญหลายประการ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านสมาชิกได้พร้อมกันทำคำปฏิญาณกันเสียก่อน แล้วหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมนำปฏิญาณ และสมาชิกได้ปฏิญาณพร้อมทั่วกันว่า
| Luang Praditmanutham stated: &quot;All the Members need to be faithful and honest to the people in various matters of importance. For such reason, I beg you, [fellow] Members, to all together make an affirmation first.&quot; Then, Luang Praditmanutham took the lead in making the following affirmation, and the [other] Members uttered the affirmation in concert:
}}

===11===

{{tt3
| ข้าพเจ้า (ออกนามผู้ปฏิญาณ) ขอให้คำปฏิญาณว่า จะซื่อสัตย์ต่อคณะราษฎรและจะช่วยรักษาหลัก ๖ ประการของราษฎรไว้ให้มั่นคง
| &quot;I, (utter the name of the affirmer), do hereby affirm that I will be faithful to the People's Party and will help maintaining the Six Principles of the People['s Party] firmly.
}}

===12===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องรักษาความเป็นเอกราชทั้งหลาย เช่น เอกสารในการเมือง ในทางศาล ในทางเศรษฐกิจ ฯลฯ ของประเทศไว้ให้มั่นคง
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}We must firmly maintain the independence of the country in all matters, such as the independence in political matters, in judicial matters, in economic matters, etc.
}}

===13===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}จะรักษาความปลอดภัยในประเทศให้การประทุษร้ายต่อกันลดน้อยลงให้มาก
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}We shall maintain the safety of the country so that the infliction of injury towards each other would much be reduced.
}}

===14===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องบำรุงความสมบูรณ์ของราษฎรในทางเศรษฐกิจ โดยรัฐบาลใหม่จะพยายามหางานให้ราษฎรทำโดยเต็มความสามารถ จะร่างโครงการณ์เศรษฐกิจแห่งชาติ ไม่ปล่อยให้ราษฎร{{SIC|อดหยาก}}
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}We must promote the economic wellbeing of the people, for which the new government shall, to the best of its ability, try to provide work for the people, and shall draw up a national economic project, without leaving the people in starvation.
}}

===15===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีสิทธิเสมอภาคกัน
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}⁠We must enable the people to enjoy equal rights.
}}

===16===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้ราษฎรได้มีเสรีภาพ มีความเป็นอิสสระ เมื่อเสรีภาพนี้ไม่ขัดต่อหลัก ๔ ประการดั่งกล่าวแล้วข้างต้น
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}We must enable the people to enjoy liberty, to enjoy freedom, in so far as this liberty is not contrary to the above-said four principles.
}}

===17===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}จะต้องให้การศึกษาอย่างเต็มที่แก่ราษฎร
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}We must furnish the people with full education.&quot;
}}

===18===

{{tt3
| เสร็จแล้ว เจ้าพระยามหิธร เสนาบดีกระทรวงมุรธาธรได้เชิญพระกระแสรับสั่งของพระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวมาเปิดประชุมว่า
| After [the affirmation] was finished, Chaophraya Mahithon, ''Senabodi'' of the Murathathon Ministry, brought the edict of His Majesty the King in to open the session, which read:
}}

===19===

{{tt3
| &quot;{{reconstruct|วั}}นนี้ สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้ประชุมเป็นครั้งแรก นับว่า เป็นการสำคัญอันหนึ่งในประวัติการณ์ของประเทศอันเป็นที่รักของเรา ข้าพเจ้าเชื่อว่า ท่านทั้งหลายคงจะตั้งใจที่จะช่วยปรึกษาการงาน เพื่อนำความเจริญรุ่งเรืองมาสู่ประเทศสยามสืบไป และเพื่อรักษาความอิสสรภาพของไทยไว้ชั่วฟ้าและดิน ข้าพเจ้าขออำนวยพรแก่บรรดาผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้บริบูรณ์ด้วยกำลังกาย กำลังปัญญา เพื่อจะได้ช่วยกันทำการให้สำเร็จตามความประสงค์ของเราและของท่านซึ่งมีจุดมุ่งหมายอันเดียวกันทุกประการเทอญ{{reconstruct|&quot;}} ที่ประชุมน้อมรับพระกระแสนี้ใส่เกล้าฯ
| &quot;Today, the House of Representatives is able to meet for the first time. It is deemed to be an important event in the history of our beloved country. I believe that all of you will be determined to work together in the deliberative works, in order to bring about glorious prosperity to the country of Siam henceforth and to maintain independence of the Thais till heavens and earth perish. I hereby offer blessings to you all, Representatives of the People, wishing you to be brimful of physical power and intellectual vigour, so that you would be able to help each other in accomplishing the purposes of Ours&lt;ref&gt;The royal &quot;we&quot; was used here, although the pronoun &quot;I&quot; was used elsewhere.&lt;/ref&gt; and yours, which have the same aim in every respect. So be it!&quot; The meeting accepted these words with deep respect.&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;The meeting place humbly accepted these sacred words [and] wore [them] on [its] topknot.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===20===

{{tt3
| จบแล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรได้มีการประชุมกันต่อไป
| After [the opening ceremony] was over, the House of Representatives proceeded with its meeting.
}}

===21===

{{tt3
| ๑.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;มอบอำนาจให้สภาผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญและสภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นสำเร็จแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอมอบการงานปกครองแผ่นดินที่ได้ยึดไว้ให้แก่สภาต่อไปแต่บัดนี้
| 1.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Handing the power over to the House of Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena made a proposal, saying: &quot;Now, the Charter&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;&gt;See {{cite journal | language = en | title = [[Translation:Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era|Phra Ratchabanya Thammanun Kanpokkhrong Phaendin Sayam Chuakhrao Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha]] | trans-title = Act on Interim Charter for Public Administration of Siam, 2475 Buddhist Era | date = 1932-06-27 | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 49 | issue = 0A | pages = 166–179 }}&lt;/ref&gt; and the House of Representatives have been established successfully. I should like to hand over to the House from now on the work of public administration which I have seized.&quot;
}}
พระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินสยามชั่วคราว
พุทธศักราช ๒๔๗๕

===22===

{{tt3
| ๒.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;เลือกประธานผู้แทนราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินก็ได้สร้างขึ้นและประกาศใช้แล้ว สภาผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้ตั้งขึ้นแล้ว ผู้แทนราษฎรก็ได้เข้าประจำตำแหน่งแล้ว เป็นอันว่า สภานี้เป็นสภาอันทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในประเทศ มีอำนาจที่จะประชุมปรึกษาการใด ๆ กันได้แล้ว บัดนี้ จะได้เริ่มกระทำการปรึกษาหารือข้อสำคัญชั้นต้นตามธรรมนูญนั้น แต่ระเบียบการประชุมนี้ยังมิได้บัญญัติขึ้นไว้โดยฉะเพาะ และตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๗ ให้ใช้ระเบียบการประชุมตามที่บัญญัติไว้ในพระราชบัญญัติองคมนตรีไปพลางก่อนเพียงที่ไม่ขัดกัน ฉะนั้น การประชุมนี้จะได้ดำเนิรให้เป็นไปตามระเบียบนั้นเท่าที่จะเป็นไปได้
| 2.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the President of the [House of] Representatives&lt;/u&gt; Luang Praditmanutham said: &quot;Now, the Charter for Public Administration&lt;ref name = &quot;charter&quot;/&gt; has been created and promulgated, the House of Representatives has been established, and the Representatives have been assigned to posts. It could be regarded that this House is the wielder of the highest power of the country and is empowered to meet and discuss any matter forthwith. Now, we shall start deliberating the primary issues of importance according to that Charter. However, no specific rule has yet been set up for this meeting, and according to section 27 of the Charter, the rules of meeting&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | title = [[:File:ข้อบังคับองคมนตรี ๒๔๗๒.pdf|Khobangkhap Sapha Kammakan Ongkhamontri Phutthasakkarat Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Song]] | trans-title = Regulations of the Assembly of Privy Councillors, 2472 Buddhist Era | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 46 | issue = 0A | date = 1929-06-12 | pages = 27–49 }}&lt;/ref&gt; provided in the Privy Council Act&lt;ref&gt;See {{cite journal | language = th | url = http://www.ratchakitcha.soc.go.th/DATA/PDF/2470/A/205.PDF | title = Phra Ratchabanyat Ongkhamontri | trans-title = Privy Council Act | journal = Royal Thai Government Gazette | volume = 44 | issue = 0A | date = 1927-09-05 | pages = 205–216 }}&lt;/ref&gt; shall apply for the time being, in so far as they are not contrary to [the Charter]. Thus, this meeting will be conducted in accordance with those rules as much as possible.
}}

===23===

{{tt3
| การประชุมบั้นต้นนี้มีว่า จะต้องเลือกผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นประจำที่ประชุมตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๒ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งผู้เป็นประธานขึ้นณบัดนี้
| At this initial stage of the meeting, we have to select a President to take charge of the meeting according to section 22 of the Charter. Therefore, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the president at this instant.&quot;
}}

===24===

{{tt3
| ๓.{{gap|0.5em}}นายสงวน ตุลารักษ์ เสนอเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเพื่อรับเลือก อ้างเหตุว่า ท่านผู้นี้มีความรู้ความสามารถดี เคยเป็นเสนาบดีกระทรวงธรรมการอันเป็นตำแหน่งสำคัญมาแล้ว และเป็นผู้ใหญ่ เหมาะสำหรับจะรักษาระเบียบการประชุมให้ดำเนิรเรียบร้อยไปได้ด้วยดี ควรที่จะได้รับตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาผู้แทนราษฎร
| 3.{{gap|0.5em}}''Nai'' Sa-nguan Tularak nominated Chaophraya Thammasakmontri as a candidate, stating as a reason: &quot;This noble is so knowledgeable and capable, he once held the important post of State Secretary for the Ministry of Public Instruction, and he is a senior [amongst us]. He is suitable for [the duty of] maintaining order of [our] meetings and enabling [the meetings] to proceed in a good and smooth manner. He should be given the presidency of the meetings of the House of Representatives.&quot;
}}

===25===

{{tt3
| พระยามานวราชเสวีรับรอง
| Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [the nomintation].
}}

===26===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาปฏิเสธเด็ดขาดไม่ยอมรับตำแหน่งนี้ และรับรองว่า ควรได้แก่เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรี พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา ๆ ทัดทานว่า ปรารถนาจะได้โอกาสทำงานเพื่อชาติเพื่อราษฎรให้เต็มกำลังความสามารถ การเป็นผู้แทนราษฎรเพียงเท่านี้พอจะมีโอกาสทำประโยชน์แก่ราษฎรได้มากกว่าการเป็นประธาน ด้วยว่า การเป็นประธานไม่มีหน้าที่จะโต้เถียงแสดงเหตุผลในที่ประชุม
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena refused, [saying he would] absolutely not accept this post, and seconded [the previous proposal], saying [the President] should be Chaophraya Thammasakmontri. Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made an objection, saying: &quot;I desire an opportunity to work for the Nation and her people to the best of my strength and ability. Being a mere Representative furnishes me with more opportunities to contribute to the people than being President, since being President means having no duty to engage in debates or exchange of reasons amongst meetings.&quot;
}}

===27===

{{tt3
| ในที่สุด ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกัน ปราศจากเสียงค้าน พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้อัญเชิญเจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีขึ้นนั่งณบัลลังก์ผู้เป็นประธาน
| The meeting eventually resolved to select Chaophraya Thammasakmontri unanimously, without any challenge. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhaena invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend and assume the bench of the President.
}}

===28===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีแถลงว่า ขอบใจผู้แทนราษฎรทั่วไปเป็นอันมากที่ได้จงใจเลือกขึ้นเป็นประธานแห่งที่ประชุม ขอรับหน้าที่ประจำตำแหน่งประธานแห่งที่ประชุมสภาราษฎรต่อไป และโดยหน้าที่ของผู้เป็นประธาน จึ่งไม่ควรให้การประชุมวันนี้โอ้เอ้ล่าช้าต่อไป และการประชุมของที่ประชุมจำเป็นต้องมีเลขาธิการสำหรับจดรายงานและอื่น ๆ ข้าพเจ้าเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมทำหน้าที่นี้อยู่แล้วตั้งแต่เริ่มประชุม ถ้าท่านทั้งหลายไม่ขัดข้อง ข้าพเจ้าขอให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมมาเป็นเลขาธิการต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated:
}}

===29===

{{tt3
| พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาคัดค้านว่า ถ้าจะให้หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมเป็นเลขาธิการประจำแล้ว ขัดข้อง เพราะเห็นหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมยังมีงานอื่นที่จะต้องทำสำคัญกว่านี้ ถ้าจะเป็นเลขาธิการชั่วคราวแล้ว ไม่ขัดข้อง
| Phraya Siwisanwacha opposed, saying: &quot;If you want Luang Praditmanutham to serve as the secretariat-general regularly, I have an objection, as I see that Luang Praditmanutham still has to do other works which are more important than this. If he is to be the secretariat-general temporarily, I have no objection.&quot;
}}

===30===

{{tt3
| พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์รับรอง
| Phraya Wichairatchasumon seconded [the opposition].
}}

===31===

{{tt3
| ๔.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;การเลือกรองประธาน&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ระเบียบวาระต่อไปนี้เป็นระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกรองประธาน ท่านทั้งหลายเห็นควรแก่ใคร ขอได้เสนอความเห็นขึ้นมา พระยาศรีวิสารวาจาเสนอพระยาเทพวิทุรฯ พระยามนธาตุราชรับรอง
| 4.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Selecting the Vice President&lt;/u&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;The next point in the agenda is one in which we need to select a Vice President. [If] you all find it appropriate to [give the post] to anyone, please put forwards your opinion.&quot; Phraya Siwisanwacha nominated Phraya Thepwithun. Phraya Manathat-rat seconded [the nomination].
}}

===32===

{{tt3
| พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์เสนอหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม ๆ ขอถอนจากการเป็นผู้สมัคร์รับเลือก และขอเสนอพระยาอินทรวิชิต พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา พระยาวิชัยราชสุมนตร์ พระยามานวราชเสวี รับรอง เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า เราจะต้องทำการงานที่กะไว้สำหรับวันนี้ให้แล้วเสร็จไปโดยเร็ว ฉะนั้น ไม่ควรให้เสียเวลา ขอให้ที่ประชุมลงมติกันเสียทีเดียว ที่ประชุมลงมติเลือกพระยาอินทรวิชิตเป็นรองประธานเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันโดยปราศจากเสียงค้าน
| Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Luang Praditmanutham, who withdrew himself from the candidacy and nominated Phraya Inthrawichit. Phraya Siwisanwacha, Phraya Wichairatchasumon, and Phraya Manawaratchasewi seconded [this nomination]. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;We need to promptly finish the works scheduled for today. So, no time should be wasted. I beg the meeting to pass a resolution at once.&quot; The meeting unanimously resolved to select Phraya Inthrawichit as its Vice President, without any challenge present.
}}

===33===

{{tt3
| พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาได้นำพระยาอินทรวิชิตขึ้นนั่งบัลลังก์รอง{{SIC|ประธานผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| Phraya Inthrawichit, led by Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena, ascended and assumed the bench of the Vice President of [the House of] Representatives.
}}

===34===

{{tt3
| ๕.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;ประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ มาถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องเลือกประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ เพราะฉะนั้น ขอท่านทั้งหลายได้ปรึกษาหารือกันเลือกตั้งประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรกันณบัดนี้ พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนาเสนอพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า เป็นผู้มีองค์คุณควรแก่ตำแหน่งนี้ด้วยประการทั้งปวง พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์รับรอง พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาแถลงว่า รู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศอย่างใหญ่ยิ่ง แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักใจเป็นอันมากหากว่าจะรับตำแหน่งนี้ เพราะมิใช่ทำเล่น เป็นงานใหญ่โตที่จะต้องรับผิดชอบในความมั่งมียากจนของคนไทยตั้ง ๑๒ ล้าน การจะพอรับไหวหรือไม่นั้น จะขอปรึกษาและสอบถามพระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนากับหลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมดูสัก ๕ นาฑีก่อน จึ่งจะตอบให้ทราบได้ ผู้แทนราษฎรทั้งหลายให้ท่านทั้งสามได้มีโอกาสสอบถามและปรึกษากัน เสร็จแล้ว พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาตกลงรับ ที่ประชุมลงมติเป็นน้ำหนึ่งใจเดียวกันให้พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเป็นประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎร พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดากล่าวรับตำแหน่งว่า {{reconstruct|&quot;}}ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีและรู้สึกเป็นเกียรติยศ แต่ก็รู้สึกหนักอกเป็นอันมาก ตั้งแต่เกิดมา ไม่เคยคิดว่า จะได้รับตำแหน่งเช่นนี้ แต่มาคิดเห็นประโยชน์ของคน ๑๒ ล้าน ข้าพเจ้าก็ควรทำ และจะทำอย่างดีที่สุด&quot;
| 5.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;President of the People's Committee&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a prime minister before the term ''nayok ratthamontri'' (Thai: นายกรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to select the President of the People's Committee according to section 33 of the Charter. For such reason, I beg all of you to deliberate with each other and elect the President of the People's Committee at this instance.&quot; Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;He is of favourable characteristics&lt;ref&gt;He used the word ''ongkhun'' (Thai: องค์คุณ) which is chiefly found in religious contexts but obsolete elsewhere. ''Ongkhun'', meaning &quot;qualification&quot;, literally translates &quot;favourable elements&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; which [make him] deserve this post on all accounts.&quot; Phraya Nitisatphaisan seconded [the nomination]. Phraya Manopakonnitithada stated: &quot;Whilst I feel being honoured a very great deal, I do feel extremely anxious to accept this post, since it is not [a work to be] done for fun, but an enormous work in which I will have to be responsible for the prosperity or poverty of the Thai people as many as 12 million. As to whether or not I am able enough to handle it, I should like to confer and exchange questions with Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena and Luang Praditmanutham for about five minutes first before I can inform you of an answer.&quot; All the Representatives permitted the three to enjoy an opportunity to confer and exchange questions with each other. Once they finished [their talk], Phraya Manopakonnitithada agreed to accept [the post]. The meeting unanimously resolved to have Phraya Manopakonnitithada as the President of the People's Committee. Phraya Manopakonnithithada made an inaugural address as follows: &quot;Though I am delighted and feel honoured, I do feel greatly worried. Since I was born, I have never thought of receiving such a position. But when I take into account the benefit of 12 million people, I [feel] appropriate to do it and will do my best.&quot;
}}

===35===

{{tt3
| ๖.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;กรรมการคณะราษฎร&lt;/u&gt; เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระต่อไปที่สภาจะต้องตั้งคณะกรรมราษฎรอีก ๑๔ นาย โดยประธานคณะกรรมการราษฎรเป็นผู้เลือกเสนอ แล้วสอบถามพระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาว่า จะเลือกผู้ใดเป็นกรรมการบ้าง ให้เลือกเสนอณบัดนี้ พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดาเลือกบุคคลต่อไปนี้
| 6.{{gap|0.5em}}&lt;u&gt;Members of the People's Party&lt;/u&gt;&lt;ref name = &quot;typo&quot;&gt;A typographical error for &quot;Members of the People's Committee&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are coming to the next point in the agenda where the House needs to establish the People's Committee&lt;ref&gt;The term was used to refer to a governmental cabinet before the term ''khana ratthamontri'' (Thai: คณะรัฐมนตรี) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt; with 14 more Members.&lt;ref&gt;In the Thai text, these officers are classified by the male {{w|Classifier (linguistics)|classifier}} ''nai'' (Thai: นาย), implying that only males were allowed to become these officers.&lt;/ref&gt; The President of the People's Committee will select them and nominate them [to us].&quot; Then he asked Phraya Manopakonnitithada, saying: &quot;Whom will you select as the Members? Make the selection and nomination right away.&quot; Phraya Manopakonnitithada selected the following persons:
}}

===36===

{{tt2
| {{ordered list|list_style_type=thai
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพลเรือตรี พระยาปรีชาชลยุทธ
|{{gap|0.5em}}มหาอำมาตย์ตรี พระยาศรีวิสารวาจา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาทรงสุรเดช
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันเอก พระยาฤทธิอัคเณย์
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์เอก พระยาประมวญวิชาพูล
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันโท พระประศาสน์พิทยายุทธ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายพันตรี หลวงพิบูลสงคราม
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายนาวาตรี หลวงสินธุสงครามชัย
|{{gap|0.5em}}อำมาตย์ตรี หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก หลวงเดชสหกรณ์
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ตั้ว ลพานุกรม
|{{gap|0.5em}}รองอำมาตย์เอก ประยูร ภมรมนตรี
|{{gap|0.5em}}นายแนบ พหลโยธิน
}}
|
# ''Naiphonruea Tri'' Phraya Prichachonlayut;
# ''Maha Ammat Tri'' Phraya Siwisanwacha;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Songsuradet;
# ''Naiphan Ek'' Phraya Rit-akkhane;
# ''Ammat Ek'' Phraya Pramuanwichaphun;
# ''Naiphan Tho'' Phra Prasatphitthayayut;
# ''Naiphan Tri'' Luang Phibunsongkhram;
# ''Nainawa Tri'' Luang Sinthusongkhramchai;
# ''Ammat Tri'' Luang Praditmanutham;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Luang Detsahakon;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Tua Laphanukrom;
# ''Rong Ammat Ek'' Prayun Phamonmontri;
# ''Nai'' Naep Phahonyothin.
}}

===37===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีสอบถามสมาชิกผู้แทนราษฎร แล้วให้สมาชิกลงมติคะแนนเลือก มีสมาชิกลงคะแนนเลือกกรรมการชุดนี้มี {{illegible}} ๐ คะแนน เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีชี้ขาดว่า จำนวนนี้สูงเกินครึ่งแล้ว บัดนี้ เป็นอันสมบูรณ์ตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๒๓ เป็นอันว่า ผู้ถูกเลือกเหล่านั้นได้เป็นคณะกรรมการราษฎรตามธรรมนูญ มาตรา ๓๓ ต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri asked questions of Members of the House of Representatives and had [all] the Members cast their votes. There were Members casting {{illegible}} 0 votes in favour of this set of Committeemen. Chaophraya Thammasakmontri pronounced: &quot;This number [of votes] is already higher than half. Now, section 23 of the Charter is fulfilled and the persons so selected are deemed to henceforth form the People's Committee in accordance with section 33 of the Charter.&quot;
}}

===38===

{{tt3
| {{SIC|๙}}.{{gap|0.5em}}เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า บัดนี้ ถึงระเบียบวาระที่จะต้องตั้งอนุกรรมการร่างพระราชบัญญัติธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| 9.&lt;ref&gt;A typographical error for &quot;7&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;{{gap|0.5em}}Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;Now, we are at the point in the agenda where we need to establish a subcommittee to orderly and perfectly draft a new Act on Charter for Public Administration.&quot;&lt;ref name = &quot;charteract&quot;&gt;This is how a constitution was called before the term ''ratthathammanun'' (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ; literally, &quot;state charter&quot;) was coined.&lt;/ref&gt;
}}

===39===

{{tt3
| หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรมแถลงต่อไปว่า ธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินฉะบับนี้เป็นธรรมนูญชั่วคราว เพราะว่า เราได้สร้างขึ้นด้วยเวลาฉุกละหุก{{SIC|กระทันหัน}} อาจจะยังมีที่บกพร่องอยู่บ้างก็ได้ จึ่งควรที่จะได้มีผู้มีความรู้ความชำนาญในการนี้เป็นอนุกรรมการตรวจแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมเสียใหม่ให้เรียบร้อยบริบูรณ์
| Luang Praditmanutham continued to state as follows: &quot;The present Charter for Public Administration is a provisional charter because we created it in hours of haste and urgency. It probably contains some flaws. So, there should be someone with knowledge and expertise in relation to this matter to serve as a subcommittee to examine and revise it anew in an orderly and perfect manner.&quot;
}}

===40===

{{tt3
| เจ้าพระยาธรรมศักดิ์มนตรีกล่าวว่า ถ้ากระนั้น ขอให้ท่านเลือกผู้ควรเป็นอนุกรรมการขึ้นชุดหนึ่ง แล้วจะได้มอบให้ร่างธรรมนูญการปกครองแผ่นดินนี้แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมต่อไป
| Chaophraya Thammasakmontri said: &quot;If so, I beg you [all] to select those who should form the subcommittee,&lt;ref&gt;Literally, &quot;form a set of sub-committeepersons&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; and we shall then entrust them with [the task of] revising this Charter for Public Administration.&quot;
}}

===41===

{{tt3
| ที่ประชุมเลือก
| The meeting selected these seven men:
}}

===42===

{{tt2
| {{block center|พระยามโนปกรณ์นิติธาดา&lt;br&gt;พระยาเทพวิทุร&lt;br&gt;พระยามานวราชเสวี&lt;br&gt;พระยานิติศาสตร์ไพศาลย์&lt;br&gt;หลวงปรีดานฤเบศร์&lt;br&gt;หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;หลวงสินาดโยธารักษ์}}
| {{block center|Phraya Manopakonnitithada;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Thepwithun;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Manawaratchasewi;&lt;br&gt;Phraya Nitisatphaisan;&lt;br&gt;Luang Pridanaruebet;&lt;br&gt;Luang Praditmanutham;&lt;br&gt;Luang Sinatyotharak;}}
}}

===43===

{{tt3
| ๗ นายนี้ เป็นอนุกรรมการ
| as members of the subcommittee.
}}

===44===

{{tt3
| ปิดประชุมเวลา ๑๖.๐๐ นาฬิกา
| The meeting was dismissed at 16:00 hours.
}}

===45===

{{tt3
| {{block right|หลวงประดิษฐ์มนูธรรม&lt;br&gt;ธรรมศักดิ์{{gap}}ผู้จดรายงาน}}
| {{right|Recorded by: Luang Praditmanutham.&lt;br&gt;Thammasak.&lt;ref&gt;Referring to {{w|Chaophraya Thammasakmontri}}, President of the House of Representatives.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==d==

{{tt2
| {{c|พิมพ์ที่กองการพิมพ์ สำนักงานเลขาธิการสภาผู้แทนราษฎร}}
| {{c|Printed at the Printing Division, Secretariat of the House of Representatives.&lt;ref&gt;The &quot;Secretariat of the House of Representatives&quot; is the official name in English of the agency, although its Thai name literally translates as the &quot;Secretariat-General of the Assembly of People's Representatives&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt;}}
}}

==e==

{{reflist}}

==f==

&lt;!-- o --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Office of the Royal Society|year=2011|title=Photchananukrom Chabap Ratchabandittayasathan Phoso Song Phan Ha Roi Hasip Si|trans-title=Royal Institute Edition Dictionary, 2554 BE|url=https://dictionary.orst.go.th/|location=Bangkok|publisher=Office of the Royal Society|accessdate=2022-07-21|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- sa --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Anon|last=Sakworawit|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=MGR Online|publisher=Manager|title=Chak Krom Phra Alak Krasuang Murathathon Samnak Ratchalekhathikan Su Krom Ratchalekhanukan Nai Phra Ong|trans-title=From Department of the Royal Scribes, the Murathathon Ministry, the Royal Secretariat-General, to the Royal Secretariat to His Majesty|url=https://mgronline.com/daily/detail/9640000093143|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- se --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|author=Secretariat of the Cabinet|year=2018|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Secretariat of the Cabinet|publisher=Secretariat of the Cabinet|title=Prawat Khwampenma|trans-title=Origin and Background|url=https://www.soc.go.th/?page_id=159|ref=harv}}
&lt;!-- so --&gt;
* {{cite web|language=th|first=Santisuk|last=Sophonsiri|year=2021|accessdate=2022-07-21|location=Bangkok|website=Pridi Banomyong Institute|publisher=Pridi Banomyong Institute|title=Yisip Si Mithunayon Song Phan Si Roi Chetsip Ha: Amnat Sung Sut Khong Prathet Pen Khong Ratsadon Thang Lai|trans-title=24 June 2475: The Supreme Power in the Country Belongs to All the People|url=https://pridi.or.th/th/content/2021/06/744|ref=harv}}</text>
      <sha1>96moubglr0cetot9rza9tjzr3t24nl3</sha1>
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    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1173" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|317|{{fine|WASHINGTON FINDS HIMSELF FAMOUS.
}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;things were being repeated about the town. Whenever he heard of an instance of this kind, he would keep that particular remark in mind and analyze it at home in private. At first he could not see that the remark was anything better than a parrot might originate; but by and by he began to feel that perhaps he underrated his powers; and after that he used to analyze his good things with a deal of comfort, and find in them a brilliancy which would have been unapparent to him in earlier days—and then he would make a note of that good thing and say it again the first time he found himself in a new company. Presently he had saved up quite a repertoire of brilliancies; and after that he confined himself

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to repeating these and ceased to originate any more, lest he might injure his reputation by an unlucky effort. 

He was constantly having young ladies thrust upon his notice at receptions, or left upon his hands at parties, and in&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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        <id>1217106</id>
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      <text bytes="920" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;4&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|321|{{fine|ONE OF THE SENATOR'S FRIENDS.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;very fine man. I don't know any man in congress I'd sooner go to fur help in any Christian work. What did he say?&quot; 

&quot;Oh, he beat around a little. He said he should like to help the negro, his heart went out to the negro, and all that—plenty of them say that—but he was a little afraid of the

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Tennessee Land bill; if Senator Dilworthy wasn't in it, he should suspect there was a fraud on the government.&quot; 

&quot;He said that, did he?&quot;

&quot;Yes. And he said he felt he couldn't vote for it. He was shy.&quot;

&quot;Not shy, child, cautious. He's a very cautious man. I have been with him a great deal on conference committees. He wants reasons, good ones. Didn't you show him he was in error about the bill?&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = The best Place for looking at a Picture
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 356/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 358/]]
 | notes      = 
}}
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 | previous   = [[../Chapter 357/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 359/]]
 | notes      = 
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 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = Of Employment anxiously wished for by Painters
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 358/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 360/]]
 | notes      = 
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 | previous   = [[../Chapter 359/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 361/]]
 | notes      = 
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 | notes      = 
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 | notes      = 
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 | next       = [[../Chapter 365/]]
 | notes      = 
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 | previous   = [[../Chapter 364/]]
 | next       = 
 | notes      = 
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    <title>Portal:Acts of the Parliament of New Zealand</title>
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 | title     = Acts of the Parliament of New Zealand
 | class     = K
 | subclass1 = U
 | subclass2 = Q
 | reviewed  = yes
 | shortcut  =
 | notes     = These are the Acts of the '''Parliament of New Zealand'''.  Since its formation in 1853.
}}

{| width = &quot;100%&quot; align=&quot;center&quot; border = 1 border=&quot;1&quot; cellpadding=&quot;4&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; style=&quot;margin: 0.5em 1em 0.5em 0; background: #f9f9f9; border: 1px #aaa solid; border-collapse: collapse;&quot;
&lt;!-- |+ '''Select monarch''' --&gt;
|colspan = &quot;3&quot; bgcolor = &quot;#ccccff&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|'''Parliaments of New Zealand'''&lt;br/&gt;Select Parliament to navigate to list of Acts
|-
|bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Parliament'''
|bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Period'''
|bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Prime Minister(s)'''
|-
| 1st Parliament
| 1854 – 1855
| {{smaller|n/a}}
|-
| 2nd Parliament
| 1856 – 1860
| {{smaller|Henry Sewell&lt;br /&gt;Sir William Fox&lt;br /&gt;Sir Edward Stafford}}
|-
| 3rd Parliament
| 1861 – 1865
| {{smaller|Edward Stafford&lt;br /&gt;William Fox&lt;br /&gt;Alfred Domett&lt;br /&gt;Frederick Whitaker&lt;br /&gt;Frederick Weld&lt;br /&gt;Edward Stafford}}
|-
| 4th Parliament
| 1866 – 1870
| {{smaller|Edward Stafford&lt;br /&gt;William Fox}}
|-
| 5th Parliament
| 1871 – 1875
| {{smaller|William Fox&lt;br /&gt;Edward Stafford&lt;br /&gt;George Waterhouse&lt;br /&gt;William Fox&lt;br /&gt;Julius Vogel&lt;br /&gt;Daniel Pollen}}
|-
| 6th Parliament
| 1876 – 1879
| {{smaller|Julius Vogel&lt;br /&gt;Harry Atkinson&lt;br /&gt;George Grey}}
|-
| 7th Parliament
| 1879 – 1881
| {{smaller|John Hall}}
|-
| 8th Parliament
| 1882 – 1884
| {{smaller|John Hall&lt;br /&gt;Frederick Whitaker&lt;br /&gt;Harry Atkinson}}
|-
| 9th Parliament
| 1884 – 1887
| {{smaller|Robert Stout}}
|-
| 10th Parliament
| 1887 – 1890
| {{smaller|Harry Atkinson}}
|-
| 11th Parliament
| 1891 – 1893
| {{smaller|John Ballance&lt;br /&gt;Richard Seddon}}
|-
| 12th Parliament
| 1894 – 1896
| rowspan=&quot;4&quot; |{{smaller|Richard Seddon}}
|-
| 13th Parliament
| 1897 – 1899
|-
| 14th Parliament
| 1900 – 1902
|-
| 15th Parliament
| 1903 – 1905
|-
| 16th Parliament
| 1906 – 1908
| {{smaller|William Hall-Jones&lt;br /&gt; Joseph Ward}}
|-
| 17th Parliament
| 1909 – 1911
| {{smaller|Joseph Ward}}
|-
| 18th Parliament
| 1912 – 1914
| {{smaller|Joseph Ward&lt;br /&gt;Thomas Mackenzie&lt;br /&gt;William Massey}}
|-
| 19th Parliament
| 1915 – 1919
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{smaller|William Massey}}
|-
| 20th Parliament
| 1920 – 1922
|-
| 21st Parliament
| 1923 – 1925
| {{smaller|William Massey&lt;br /&gt;Gordon Coates}}
|-
| 22nd Parliament
| 1926 – 1928
| {{smaller|Gordon Coates}}
|-
| 23rd Parliament
| 1928 – 1931
| {{smaller|Gordon Coates&lt;br /&gt;Joseph Ward&lt;br /&gt;George Forbes}}
|-
| 24th Parliament
| 1932 – 1935
| {{smaller|George Forbes}}
|-
| 25th Parliament
| 1936 – 1938
| {{smaller|Michael Joseph Savage}}
|-
| 26th Parliament
| 1939 – 1943
| {{smaller|Michael Joseph Savage&lt;br /&gt;Peter Fraser}}
|-
| 27th Parliament
| 1944 – 1946
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{smaller|Peter Fraser}}
|-
| 28th Parliament
| 1947 – 1949
|-
| 29th Parliament
| 1950 – 1951
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{smaller|Sidney Holland}}
|-
| 30th Parliament
| 1951 – 1954
|-
| 31st Parliament
| 1955 – 1957
| {{smaller|Sidney Holland&lt;br /&gt;Keith Holyoake}}
|-
| 32nd Parliament
| 1958 – 1960
| {{smaller|Walter Nash}}
|-
| 33rd Parliament
| 1961 – 1963
| rowspan=&quot;3&quot; |{{smaller|Keith Holyoake}}
|-
| 34th Parliament
| 1964 – 1966
|-
| 35th Parliament
| 1967 – 1969
|-
| 36th Parliament
| 1970 – 1972
| {{smaller|Keith Holyoake&lt;br /&gt;Jack Marshall}}
|-
| 37th Parliament
| 1973 – 1975
| {{smaller|Norman Kirk&lt;br /&gt;Hugh Watt (acting)&lt;br /&gt;Bill Rowling}}
|-
| 38th Parliament
| 1976 – 1978
| rowspan=&quot;3&quot; |{{smaller|Robert Muldoon}}
|-
| 39th Parliament
| 1979 – 1981
|-
| 40th Parliament
| 1982 – 1984
|-
| 41st Parliament
| 1984 – 1987
| {{smaller|David Lange}}
|-
| 42nd Parliament
| 1987 – 1990
| {{smaller|David Lange&lt;br /&gt; Geoffrey Palmer&lt;br /&gt;Mike Moore}}
|-
| 43rd Parliament
| 1990 – 1993
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{smaller|Jim Bolger}}
|-
| 44th Parliament
| 1993 – 1996
|-
| 45th Parliament
| 1996 – 1999
| {{smaller|Jim Bolger&lt;br /&gt;Jenny Shipley}}
|-
| 46th Parliament
| 1999 – 2002
| rowspan=&quot;3&quot; |{{smaller|Helen Clark}}
|-
| 47th Parliament
| 2002 – 2005
|-
| 48th Parliament
| 2005 – 2008
|-
| 49th Parliament
| 2008 – 2011
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{smaller|John Key}}
|-
| 50th Parliament
| 2011 – 2014
|-
| 51st Parliament
| 2014 – 2017
| {{smaller|John Key&lt;br /&gt;Bill English}}
|-
| 52nd Parliament
| 2017 – 2020
| rowspan=&quot;2&quot; |{{smaller|Jacinda Ardern}}
|-
| [[/53rd Parliament|53rd Parliament]]
| 2020 – 2023
|}</text>
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    <title>Index:Bismarck and the foundation of the German empire (IA bismarckfoundati00head).pdf</title>
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|Translator=
|Editor=[[Author:Evelyn Abbott|Evelyn Abbott]]
|Illustrator=
|School=
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{{center|''Vowels.''}}

{|
|-
| a as in far, 
| in 鴉 a,
| 匣 âp.
|-
| e {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} they, 
| {{ditto|in}} 啞 é, 
| 掖 êk.
|-
| i {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} machine, 
| {{ditto|in}} 衣 i, 
| 邑 ip.
|-
| o {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} no, 
| {{ditto|in}} 烏 o, 
| 屋 ok.
|-
| ɵ {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} aw in fawn, 
| {{ditto|in}} 蠔 ɵ̂, 
| 桌 tɵ̂h.
|-
| u {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} oo {{ditto|in}} tool, 
| {{ditto|in}} 有 ŭ,
| 搵 ùn.
|-
| ʉ {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} French u, 
| {{ditto|in}} 餘 ʉ̂, 
| 恩 ʉn.
|-
| w {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} o in one 
| {{ditto|in}} 完 ŵn, 
| 萬 bw̄n.
|}

{{center|''Consonants.''}}
{|
|-
| b as in bar, 
| in 馬 bé, 
| 麥 bêh.
|-
| g {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} gay, 
| {{ditto|in}} 牙 gê, 
| 鵝 gɵ̂.
|-
| h {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} hot, 
| {{ditto|in}} 魚 hʉ̂, 
| 貪 tham.
|-
| j {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} jam, 
| {{ditto|in}} 字 jī, 
| 絨 jông.
|-
| k {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} kick, 
| {{ditto|in}} 膠 ka, 
| 角 kak.
|-
| l {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} lad, 
| {{ditto|in}} 路 lō, 
| 拉 la.
|-
| m {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} mat, 
| {{ditto|in}} 夜 mê, 
| 迷 mî.
|-
| n {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} not, 
| {{ditto|in}} 籃 nâ,
| 艱 kan.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
|}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Spiritual Reflections for Every Day in the Year - Vol 2.pdf/257</title>
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      <text bytes="1592" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;Let our inmost love be devoted to Him. Does He exercise authority over us? It must be for our good; let us be obedient unto it. Does His truth control our intellect, bid us exercise our powers for use, direct us in our various employments? If the Lord commands, let our affections say to all our subordinate powers, &quot;Whatsoever he commandeth you to do, do it&quot;


{{c|{{larger block|{{bl|July Twenty-fourth.}}}}}}

{{c|{{fine block|THE SEAT NEAR JESUS—A PREPARED SEAT FOR A PREPARED GUEST.}}}}

{{c|{{smaller block|''&quot;And Jesus answered and said, Ye know not what ye ask.&quot;''—[[Bible (King James)/Matthew#20:22|{{sc|Matt}}. xx. 22]]}}}}

{{di|T}}HIS passage has been laid hold of as a proof that the Lord Jesus Christ is not divine. To be divine, it is contended he should be omnipotent; and if omnipotent, though he might have refused the request, he yet had the power, if he chose, to grant it. This grievous error, it cannot be doubted, has orginated in the additional words interpolated by the translators:—&quot;To sit on my right hand, and on my left, is not mine to give, but ''it shall be given to them'' for whom it is prepared of my Father.&quot; The words, ''it shall be given to them,'' are not in the original, and the proper rendering of the text is as follows:—&quot;To sit on my right hand, and on my left, is not mine to give, but (or except) ''to them'' for whom it is prepared of my Father.&quot; Now, who can fail to observe the true meaning of the words, when thus faithfully rendered from the original? It is as though the Lord had said, &quot;Although I possess the power of omnipotence, I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu/181</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="2157" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Daytrivia&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|152|CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;first column are by far the simplest, and it is on them that he fastened his attention. By some means which he has failed adequately to explain&lt;ref&gt;Tychsen, pp. 22-6.&lt;/ref&gt;  he professes to be able to transliterate the cuneiform signs, and he has gratified the curiosity of the reader by presenting him with a table showing the values he has found for a great variety of signs, among which he admitted several that are defective. He saw that more than one sign may be used for the same sound; and he assigned four each to the letters ''l, r, s and x''. Conversely, he thought that the same sign might express the most diverse sounds.''E, n, t,'' are given as the different values of a single sign, No. 5 ({{x-larger|𐎿}}).''B,k,r'', and ''b, x, y,'' are assigned respectively to two others, Nos. 27 ({{x-larger|𐎹}}) and 31 ({{x-larger|𐎴}}); while two different values for the same sign are quite common. Like many of his successors, he recognised a profusion of vowels, and he has allotted nine different signs to his three forms α, ἄ, ᾶ, It is scarcely surprising that out of the nine, one turned out to be correct, No. 21 ({{x-larger|𐎠}}) ; and of the four signs he allotted to ''s'', one was correct, No. 38 ({{x-larger|𐏁}}). He was also successful in detecting the signs for ''d'' and ''u'': but as his system was based on no intelligible principle, these results were purely accidental, and could not afford a guide to future inquirers.&lt;ref&gt;See Appendix A, which shows the letters of the cuneiform alphabet arranged according to Niebuhr's list, and the values Tychsen has assigned to each. The numbers preceding the letters in the text refer to the numbers of the letters in Niebuhr's alphabet.&lt;/ref&gt; Having succeeded to his satisfaction in finding known equivalents for the unknown siins, and being thereby enabled to transliterate the cuneiform text, the next step was to 
endeavour to make some sense of it. This he sought to do by comparing the singular words that resulted from his system with those of languages he thought 
must be the most nearly allied, such as Zend,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu/564</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018036</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507556</id>
      <parentid>12504643</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:37:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
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      <text bytes="4859" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|569|''ADVENTURES OF SHERLOCK HOLMES.''|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;etc., etc. The good Steiler assured me in a postscript that he would himself look upon my compliance as a very great favour, since the lady absolutely refused to see a Swiss physician, and he could not but feel that he was incurring a great responsibility.

The appeal was one which could not be ignored. It was impossible to refuse the request of a fellow-countrywoman dying in a strange land. Yet I had my scruples about leaving Holmes. It was finally agreed, however, that he should retain the young Swiss messenger with him as guide and companion while I returned to Meiringen. My friend would stay some little time at the fall, he said, and would then walk slowly over the hill to Rosenlaui, where I was to rejoin him in the evening. As I turned away I saw Holmes with his back against a rock and his arms folded, gazing down at the rush of waters. It was the last that I was ever destined to see of him in this world.

When I was near the bottom of the descent I looked back. It was impossible, from that position, to see the fall, but I could see the curving path which winds over the shoulder of the hill and leads to it. Along this a man was, I remember, walking very rapidly. I could see his black figure clearly outlined against the green behind him. I noted him, and the energy with which he walked, but he passed from my mind again as I hurried on upon my errand.

It may have been a little over an hour before I reached Meiringen. Old Steiler was standing at the porch of his hotel.

&quot;Well,&quot; said I, as I came hurrying up, &quot;I trust that she is no worse?&quot;

A look of surprise passed over his face, and at the first quiver of his eyebrows my heart turned to lead in my breast.

&quot;You did not write this?&quot; I said, pulling the letter from my pocket. &quot;There is no sick Englishwoman in the hotel?&quot;

&quot;Certainly not,&quot; he cried. &quot;But it has the hotel mark upon it! Ha! it must have been written by that tall Englishman who came in after you had gone. He said{{longdash}}&quot;

But I waited for none of the landlord's explanations. In a tingle of fear I was already running down the village street, and making for the path which I had so lately descended. It had taken me an hour to come down. For all my efforts, two more had passed before I found myself at the fall of Reichenbach once more. There was Holmes's Alpine-stock still leaning against the rock by which I had left him. But there was no sign of him, and it was in vain that I shouted. My only answer was my own voice reverberating in a rolling echo from the cliffs around me.

It was the sight of that Alpine-stock which turned me cold and sick. He had not gone to Rosenlaui, then. He had remained on that three-foot path, with sheer wall on one side and sheer drop upon the other, until his enemy had overtaken him. The young Swiss had gone too. He had probably been in the pay of Moriarty, and had left the two men together. And then what had happened? Who was to tell us what had happened then?

I stood for a minute or two to collect myself, for I was dazed with the horror of the thing. Then I began to think of Holmes's own methods and to try to practise them in reading this tragedy. It was, alas! only too easy to do. During our conversation we had not gone to the end of the path, and the Alpine-stock marked the place where we had stood. The blackish soil is kept for ever soft by the incessant drift of spray, and a bird would leave its tread upon it. Two lines of footmarks were clearly marked along the farther end of the path, both leading away from me. There were none returning. A few yards from the end the soil was all ploughed up into a patch of mud, and the brambles and ferns which fringed the chasm were torn and bedraggled. I lay upon my face and peered over, with the spray spouting up all around me. It had darkened since I left, and now I could only see here and there the glistening of moisture upon the black walls, and far away down at the end of the shaft the gleam of the broken water. I shouted; but only that same half-human cry of the fall was borne back to my ears.

But it was destined that I should after all have a last word of greeting from my friend and comrade. I have said that his Alpine-stock had been left leaning against a rock which jutted on to the path. From the top of this boulder the gleam of something bright caught my eye, and, raising my hand, I found that it came from the silver cigarette-case which he used to carry. As I took it up a small square of paper, upon which it had lain, fluttered down on to the ground. Unfolding it I found that it consisted of three pages torn from his note-book and addressed to me. It was characteristic of the man that the direction was as precise, and the writing as firm and clear, as though it had been written in his study.

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (2).djvu/432</title>
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      <text bytes="2622" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|423}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;tað, ðætte hi óngiten ðætte oft bið swiðe idel &amp; unnyt ðara yfelena manna hreowsung, ðonne hi æfter ðæm ne tiliað nauðer ne god to dónne ne yfel to forlætanne. Swa bið eac swiðe oft synleas yfel geðoht ðæm godum, ðon''ne'' hi hit mid weorcum ne ðorhtioð. Swa wundorlice hit todælð &amp; gemetgað se godcunda wisdóm be hira ægðeres geearnungum, swa ðætte ða yflan betwix eallum hira yflum ðe hi fullice gefremmað hi fortruwiað, &amp; hi on ofermet(t)o ahebbað for ðæm lytlan góde ðe hi geðenceað, &amp; nó ne anginnað to wyrceanne. Ond eft, ða godan, ðonne hi beoð onstyrede mid ðæm yflum geðohtum ðe hi næfre nyllað ðurhtion, ðonne beoð hi geeaðmedde, &amp; fo[r]sioð hi selfe for ðæm lytlan yfele, &amp; ne forleosað nauht ðurh ðæt hira ryhtwisnesse, ac hi hi geiecað mid ðære eaðmodnesse. Hwæt, Balam cwæð, ða he geseah ða wicstowa ðara ryhtwisena Israhela: Geweorðe min lif swelce ðissa ryhtwisena, &amp; geweorðe min ende swelce hira. Ac eft, ða sio anbryrdnes hine alet, ða funde he swiðe yfel geðeaht &amp; searwa ymb hira lif: forðæm hine gehran sio gitsung, he forget ðone freondscipe wið Israhele. Hwæt, s''anctus'' Paulus cwæð ðæt he gesawe oðerne gewunan &amp; oðerne willan ón his limum, &amp; se wære feohtende wið ðæm willan his modes, &amp; hine gehæftne lædde ón synne gewunan. Sio, he cwæð, wære on his limum. Forðæm wæs s''anctus'' Paulus gecostod mid his modes untrumnesse ðæt he óngeate his synna, &amp; forðæm wære ðy strangra ón godum weorcum. Forhwy bið se synfulla onbryrd mid ðære hreowsunga, &amp; ne bið nó ðy ryhtwisra; oððe forhwy bið se ryhtwisa gecostod mid yfle geðohte, &amp; ne bið ðeah gewem(m)ed mid ðære scylde; buton forðyðe ðæm synfullan nauht ne helpað his godan geðohtas, forðæmðe he næfð gearone willan úntweogendne to ðæm weorce, ne eft ðæm ryhtwisan ne deriað his yflan geðohtas, forðæmðe he næfð gearone willan ðæt woh to fulfremmanne? Ongean ðæt sint to manienne ða ðe hira synna forlætað, &amp; hi ðeah ne betað ne ne hreowsiað, ðæt hi ne wenen, ðeah hi hira synna forlæten, ðæt hi God him forlæte, gif hi hi mid nanum ðingum ne betað ne ne hreowsiað. Swa se writere, gif he ne dilegað ðæt he ær wrat, ðeah he næfra ma nauht ne write, ðæt bið ðeah úndilegod ðæt he ær wrat. &amp; swa eac se ðe oðrum bismer cwið, oððe deð, ðeah he geswice, &amp; [hit] næfre eft ne do, ðeah hit bið gedon ðæt he dyde, &amp; unðingad, gif he hit ne bet. Ac he sceal ða ofermodlican word mid eaðmodlicum wordum gemet-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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 | title      = The Rector; and, The Doctor's Family
 | author     = Mrs. Oliphant
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = [[/The Rector/]]
 | year       = 1863
 | notes      = Edinburgh &amp; London: ''William Blackwood and Sons'', 1863. 
}} {{DEFAULTSORT: Rector; and, The Doctor's Family}}

{{dhr}}
{{center|
{{x-larger|{{bl|Chronicles of Carlingford}}}}


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{{xxxx-larger|THE RECTOR}} 


{{xs|AND}}


{{xxxx-larger|THE DOCTOR'S FAMILY}} 


{{dhr|4}}
{{xs|ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE}}
{{dhr|4}}


WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS &lt;br/&gt;{{sm|EDINBURGH AND LONDON 
&lt;br/&gt;MDCCCLXIII}} 
}}

{{dhr}}
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 | year       = 1863
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{{dhr|4}}
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{{dhr|4}}


{{sp|WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS}} &lt;br/&gt;{{sm|{{sp|EDINBURGH AND LONDON}} 
&lt;br/&gt;{{sp|MDCCCLXIII}}}} 
}}

{{dhr}}
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{{dhr|3}}
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 | author     = Mrs. Oliphant
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = [[/The Rector/]]
 | year       = 1863
 | notes      = Edinburgh &amp; London: ''William Blackwood and Sons'', 1863. Book 1 in the &quot;[[Author:Margaret Oliphant Oliphant#Chronicles of Carlingford|Chronicles of Carlingford]]&quot; series. 
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{{dhr|4}}


{{sp|WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS}} &lt;br/&gt;{{sm|{{sp|EDINBURGH AND LONDON}} 
&lt;br/&gt;{{sp|MDCCCLXIII}}}} 
}}

{{dhr}}
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{{dhr|3}}
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  <page>
    <title>Talk:The Rector; and, The Doctor's Family</title>
    <ns>1</ns>
    <id>4018238</id>
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      <text bytes="356" xml:space="preserve">{{textinfo
 | edition      =  Edinburgh &amp; London: ''William Blackwood and Sons'', 1863.
 | source       = https://archive.org/details/rectoranddoctors00olip &amp; {{gutenberg|29891}} &amp; {{gutenberg|29890}}
 | contributors = 
 | progress     = 
 | notes        = Thanks to Delphine Lettau and the Online Distributed Proofreading Canada Team
 | proofreaders = 
}}</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/335</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
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      <text bytes="1966" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|307|{{fine|SERIOUS SUBJECTS DISCUSSED.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''Mrs. O''.—&quot;Oh, no—hardly ever.&quot;

Mr. O'Riley kept his first rum-mill and protected his customers from the law in those days, and this turn of the conversation was rather uncomfortable to madame than otherwise.

''Hon. Mrs. Higgins''—&quot;Is François' health good now, Mrs.
Oreillé?&quot;

''Mrs. O''.—(''Thankful for the intervention'')—&quot;Not very.
A body couldn't expect it. He was always delicate—especially
his lungs—and this odious climate tells on him strong, now,
after Parry, which is so mild.&quot;

''Mrs. H''.—&quot;I should think so. Husband says Percy'll die
if he don't have a change; and so I'm going to swap round a
little and see what can be done. I saw a lady from Florida
last week, and she recommended Key West. I told her
Percy couldn't abide winds, as he was threatened with a pulmonary affection, and then she said try St. Augustine. It's
an awful distance—ten or twelve hundred mile, they say—but then in a case of this kind a body can't stand back for
trouble, you know.&quot;

''Mrs. O''.—&quot;No, of course that's so. If François don't get
better soon we've got to look out for some other place, or else
Europe. We've thought some of the Hot Springs, but I
don't know. It's a great responsibility and a body wants to
go cautious. Is Hildebrand about again, Mrs. Gashly?&quot;

''Mrs. G''.—&quot;Yes, but that's about all. It was indigestion,
you know, and it looks as if it was chronic. And you know
I do dread dyspepsia. We've all been worried a good deal
about him. The doctor recommended baked apple and spoiled
meat, and I think it done him good. It's about the only
thing that will stay on his stomach now-a-days. We have
Dr. Shovel now. Who's your doctor, Mrs. Higgins?&quot;

''Mrs. H''.—&quot;Well, we had Dr. Spooner a good while, but
he runs so much to emetics, which I think are weakening,
that we changed off and took Dr. Leathers. We like him
very
much. He has a fine European reputation, too. The&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu/554</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018541</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507482</id>
      <parentid>12506164</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:43:15Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
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      <text bytes="4418" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center|{{larger|''The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes.''}}

{{sc|By A. Conan Doyle.}}

XXIV. -THE ADVENTURE OF THE FINAL PROBLEM.}}

{{di|I|image=dropcap illus I--The Strand Magazine, vol 1, no 1.png|imgsize=60px||.1em}}T is with a heavy heart that I take up my pen to write these the last words in which I shall ever record the singular gifts by which my friend Mr Sherlock Holmes was distinguished. In an incoherent and, as I deeply feel, an entirely inadequate fashion, I have endeavoured to give some account of my strange experiences in his company from the chance which first brought us together at the period of the &quot;Study in Scarlet&quot;, up to the time of his interference in the matter of the &quot;Naval Treaty&quot;-an interference which had the unquestionable effect of preventing a serious international complication. It was my intention to have stopped there, and to have said nothing of that event which has created a void in my life which the lapse of two years has done little to fill. My hand has been forced, however, by the recent letters in which Colonel James Moriarty defends the memory of his brother, and I have no choice but to lay the facts before the public exactly as they occurred. I alone know the absolute truth of the matter, and I am satisfied that the time has come when no good purpose is to be served by its suppression. As far as I know, there have been only three accounts in the public Press: that in the ''Journal de Genève'' upon May 6th, 1891, the Reuter's despatch in the English papers upon May 7th, and finally the recent letters to which I have alluded. Of these the first and second were extremely condensed, while the last is, as I shall now show, an absolute perversion of the facts. It lies with me to tell for the first time what really took place between Professor Moriarty and Mr. Sherlock Holmes.

It may be remembered that after my marriage, and my subsequent start in private practice, the very intimate relations which had existed between Holmes and myself became to some extent modified. He still came to me from time to time when he desired a companion in his investigations, but these occasions grew more and more seldom, until I find that in the year 1890 there were only three cases of which I retain any record. During the winter of that year and the early spring of 1891, I saw in the papers that he had been engaged by the French Government upon a matter of supreme importance, and I received two notes from Holmes, dated from Narbonne and from Nîmes, from which I gathered that his stay in France was likely to be a long one. It was with some surprise, therefore, that I saw him walk into my consulting-room upon the evening of the 24th of April. It struck me that he was looking even paler and thinner than usual.

&quot;Yes, I have been using myself up rather too freely,&quot; he remarked, in answer to my look rather than to my words; &quot;I have been a little pressed of late. Have you any objection to my closing your shutters?&quot;

The only light in the room came from the lamp upon the table at which I had been reading. Holmes edged his way round the wall, and flinging the shutters together, he bolted them securely.

&quot;You are afraid of something?&quot; I asked.

&quot;Well, I am.&quot;

&quot;Of what?&quot;

&quot;Of air-guns.&quot;

&quot;My dear Holmes, what do you mean?&quot;

&quot;I think that you know me well enough, Watson, to understand that I am by no means a nervous man. At the same time, it is stupidity rather than courage to refuse to recognise danger when it is close upon you. Might I trouble you for a match?&quot; He drew in the smoke of his cigarette as if the soothing influence was grateful to him.

&quot;I must apologize for calling so late,&quot; said he, &quot;and I must further beg you to be so unconventional as to allow me to leave your house presently by scrambling over your back garden wall.&quot;

&quot;But what does it all mean?&quot; I asked.

He held out his hand, and I saw in the light of the lamp that two of his knuckles were burst and bleeding.

&quot;It's not an airy nothing, you see,&quot; said he, smiling. &quot;On the contrary, it is solid enough for a man to break his hand over. Is Mrs Watson in?&quot;

&quot;She is away upon a visit.&quot;

&quot;Indeed! You are alone?&quot;

&quot;Quite.&quot;

&quot;Then it makes it the easier for me to propose that you should come away with me for a week on to the Continent.&quot;

&quot;Where?&quot;

&quot;Oh, anywhere. It's all the same to me.&quot;

There was something very strange in all this. It was not Holmes's nature to take an&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{sc|By A. Conan Doyle.}}

XXIV. -THE ADVENTURE OF THE FINAL PROBLEM.}}

{{di|I|image=dropcap illus I--The Strand Magazine, vol 1, no 1.png|imgsize=60px||.1em}}T is with a heavy heart that I take up my pen to write these the last words in which I shall ever record the singular gifts by which my friend Mr Sherlock Holmes was distinguished. In an incoherent and, as I deeply feel, an entirely inadequate fashion, I have endeavoured to give some account of my strange experiences in his company from the chance which first brought us together at the period of the &quot;Study in Scarlet&quot;, up to the time of his interference in the matter of the &quot;Naval Treaty&quot;—an interference which had the unquestionable effect of preventing a serious international complication. It was my intention to have stopped there, and to have said nothing of that event which has created a void in my life which the lapse of two years has done little to fill. My hand has been forced, however, by the recent letters in which Colonel James Moriarty defends the memory of his brother, and I have no choice but to lay the facts before the public exactly as they occurred. I alone know the absolute truth of the matter, and I am satisfied that the time has come when no good purpose is to be served by its suppression. As far as I know, there have been only three accounts in the public Press: that in the ''Journal de Genève'' upon May 6th, 1891, the Reuter's despatch in the English papers upon May 7th, and finally the recent letters to which I have alluded. Of these the first and second were extremely condensed, while the last is, as I shall now show, an absolute perversion of the facts. It lies with me to tell for the first time what really took place between Professor Moriarty and Mr. Sherlock Holmes.

It may be remembered that after my marriage, and my subsequent start in private practice, the very intimate relations which had existed between Holmes and myself became to some extent modified. He still came to me from time to time when he desired a companion in his investigations, but these occasions grew more and more seldom, until I find that in the year 1890 there were only three cases of which I retain any record. During the winter of that year and the early spring of 1891, I saw in the papers that he had been engaged by the French Government upon a matter of supreme importance, and I received two notes from Holmes, dated from Narbonne and from Nîmes, from which I gathered that his stay in France was likely to be a long one. It was with some surprise, therefore, that I saw him walk into my consulting-room upon the evening of the 24th of April. It struck me that he was looking even paler and thinner than usual.

&quot;Yes, I have been using myself up rather too freely,&quot; he remarked, in answer to my look rather than to my words; &quot;I have been a little pressed of late. Have you any objection to my closing your shutters?&quot;

The only light in the room came from the lamp upon the table at which I had been reading. Holmes edged his way round the wall, and flinging the shutters together, he bolted them securely.

&quot;You are afraid of something?&quot; I asked.

&quot;Well, I am.&quot;

&quot;Of what?&quot;

&quot;Of air-guns.&quot;

&quot;My dear Holmes, what do you mean?&quot;

&quot;I think that you know me well enough, Watson, to understand that I am by no means a nervous man. At the same time, it is stupidity rather than courage to refuse to recognise danger when it is close upon you. Might I trouble you for a match?&quot; He drew in the smoke of his cigarette as if the soothing influence was grateful to him.

&quot;I must apologize for calling so late,&quot; said he, &quot;and I must further beg you to be so unconventional as to allow me to leave your house presently by scrambling over your back garden wall.&quot;

&quot;But what does it all mean?&quot; I asked.

He held out his hand, and I saw in the light of the lamp that two of his knuckles were burst and bleeding.

&quot;It's not an airy nothing, you see,&quot; said he, smiling. &quot;On the contrary, it is solid enough for a man to break his hand over. Is Mrs Watson in?&quot;

&quot;She is away upon a visit.&quot;

&quot;Indeed! You are alone?&quot;

&quot;Quite.&quot;

&quot;Then it makes it the easier for me to propose that you should come away with me for a week on to the Continent.&quot;

&quot;Where?&quot;

&quot;Oh, anywhere. It's all the same to me.&quot;

There was something very strange in all this. It was not Holmes's nature to take an&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{sc|By A. Conan Doyle.}}

XXIV.—THE ADVENTURE OF THE FINAL PROBLEM.}}

{{di|I|image=dropcap illus I--The Strand Magazine, vol 1, no 1.png|imgsize=60px||.1em}}T is with a heavy heart that I take up my pen to write these the last words in which I shall ever record the singular gifts by which my friend Mr Sherlock Holmes was distinguished. In an incoherent and, as I deeply feel, an entirely inadequate fashion, I have endeavoured to give some account of my strange experiences in his company from the chance which first brought us together at the period of the &quot;Study in Scarlet&quot;, up to the time of his interference in the matter of the &quot;Naval Treaty&quot;—an interference which had the unquestionable effect of preventing a serious international complication. It was my intention to have stopped there, and to have said nothing of that event which has created a void in my life which the lapse of two years has done little to fill. My hand has been forced, however, by the recent letters in which Colonel James Moriarty defends the memory of his brother, and I have no choice but to lay the facts before the public exactly as they occurred. I alone know the absolute truth of the matter, and I am satisfied that the time has come when no good purpose is to be served by its suppression. As far as I know, there have been only three accounts in the public Press: that in the ''Journal de Genève'' upon May 6th, 1891, the Reuter's despatch in the English papers upon May 7th, and finally the recent letters to which I have alluded. Of these the first and second were extremely condensed, while the last is, as I shall now show, an absolute perversion of the facts. It lies with me to tell for the first time what really took place between Professor Moriarty and Mr. Sherlock Holmes.

It may be remembered that after my marriage, and my subsequent start in private practice, the very intimate relations which had existed between Holmes and myself became to some extent modified. He still came to me from time to time when he desired a companion in his investigations, but these occasions grew more and more seldom, until I find that in the year 1890 there were only three cases of which I retain any record. During the winter of that year and the early spring of 1891, I saw in the papers that he had been engaged by the French Government upon a matter of supreme importance, and I received two notes from Holmes, dated from Narbonne and from Nîmes, from which I gathered that his stay in France was likely to be a long one. It was with some surprise, therefore, that I saw him walk into my consulting-room upon the evening of the 24th of April. It struck me that he was looking even paler and thinner than usual.

&quot;Yes, I have been using myself up rather too freely,&quot; he remarked, in answer to my look rather than to my words; &quot;I have been a little pressed of late. Have you any objection to my closing your shutters?&quot;

The only light in the room came from the lamp upon the table at which I had been reading. Holmes edged his way round the wall, and flinging the shutters together, he bolted them securely.

&quot;You are afraid of something?&quot; I asked.

&quot;Well, I am.&quot;

&quot;Of what?&quot;

&quot;Of air-guns.&quot;

&quot;My dear Holmes, what do you mean?&quot;

&quot;I think that you know me well enough, Watson, to understand that I am by no means a nervous man. At the same time, it is stupidity rather than courage to refuse to recognise danger when it is close upon you. Might I trouble you for a match?&quot; He drew in the smoke of his cigarette as if the soothing influence was grateful to him.

&quot;I must apologize for calling so late,&quot; said he, &quot;and I must further beg you to be so unconventional as to allow me to leave your house presently by scrambling over your back garden wall.&quot;

&quot;But what does it all mean?&quot; I asked.

He held out his hand, and I saw in the light of the lamp that two of his knuckles were burst and bleeding.

&quot;It's not an airy nothing, you see,&quot; said he, smiling. &quot;On the contrary, it is solid enough for a man to break his hand over. Is Mrs Watson in?&quot;

&quot;She is away upon a visit.&quot;

&quot;Indeed! You are alone?&quot;

&quot;Quite.&quot;

&quot;Then it makes it the easier for me to propose that you should come away with me for a week on to the Continent.&quot;

&quot;Where?&quot;

&quot;Oh, anywhere. It's all the same to me.&quot;

There was something very strange in all this. It was not Holmes's nature to take an&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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aimless holiday, and something about his pale, worn face told me that his nerves were at their highest tension. He saw the question in my eyes, and, putting his finger-tips together and his elbows upon his knees, he explained the situation.

&quot;You have probably never heard of Professor Moriarty?&quot; said he.

&quot;Never.&quot;

&quot;Aye, there's the genius and the wonder of the thing!&quot; he cried. &quot;The man pervades London, and no one has heard of him. That's what puts him on a pinnacle in the records of crime. I tell you, Watson, in all seriousness, that if I could beat that man, if I could free society of him, I should feel that my own career had reached its summit, and I should be prepared to turn to some more placid line in life. Between ourselves, the recent cases in which I have been of assistance to the Royal Family of Scandinavia, and to the French Republic, have left me in such a position that I could continue to live in the quiet fashion which is most congenial to me, and to concentrate my attention upon my chemical researches. But I could not rest, Watson, I could not sit quiet in my chair, if I thought that such a man as Professor Moriarty were walking the streets of London unchallenged.&quot;

&quot;What has he done, then?&quot;

&quot;His career has been an extraordinary one. He is a man of good birth and excellent education, endowed by Nature with a phenomenal mathematical faculty. At the age of twenty-one he wrote a treatise upon the Binomial Theorem, which has had a European vogue. On the strength of it, he won the Mathematical Chair at one of our smaller Universities, and had, to all appearance, a most brilliant career before him. But the man had hereditary tendencies of the most diabolical kind. A criminal strain ran in his blood, which, instead of being modified, was increased and rendered infinitely more dangerous by his extraordinary mental powers. Dark rumours gathered round him in the University town, and eventually he was compelled to resign his Chair and to come down to London, where he set up as an army coach. So much is known to the world, but what I am telling you now is what I have myself discovered.

&quot;As you are aware, Watson, there is no one who knows the higher criminal world of London so well as I do. For years past I have continually been conscious of some power behind the malefactor, some deep organizing power which for ever stands in the way of the law, and throws its shield over the wrong-doer. Again and again in cases of the most varying sorts—forgery cases, robberies, murders—I have felt the presence of this force, and I have deduced its action in many of those undiscovered crimes in which I have not been personally&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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aimless holiday, and something about his pale, worn face told me that his nerves were at their highest tension. He saw the question in my eyes, and, putting his finger-tips together and his elbows upon his knees, he explained the situation.

&quot;You have probably never heard of Professor Moriarty?&quot; said he.

&quot;Never.&quot;

&quot;Aye, there's the genius and the wonder of the thing!&quot; he cried. &quot;The man pervades London, and no one has heard of him. That's what puts him on a pinnacle in the records of crime. I tell you, Watson, in all seriousness, that if I could beat that man, if I could free society of him, I should feel that my own career had reached its summit, and I should be prepared to turn to some more placid line in life. Between ourselves, the recent cases in which I have been of assistance to the Royal Family of Scandinavia, and to the French Republic, have left me in such a position that I could continue to live in the quiet fashion which is most congenial to me, and to concentrate my attention upon my chemical researches. But I could not rest, Watson, I could not sit quiet in my chair, if I thought that such a man as Professor Moriarty were walking the streets of London unchallenged.&quot;

&quot;What has he done, then?&quot;

&quot;His career has been an extraordinary one. He is a man of good birth and excellent education, endowed by Nature with a phenomenal mathematical faculty. At the age of twenty-one he wrote a treatise upon the Binomial Theorem, which has had a European vogue. On the strength of it, he won the Mathematical Chair at one of our smaller Universities, and had, to all appearance, a most brilliant career before him. But the man had hereditary tendencies of the most diabolical kind. A criminal strain ran in his blood, which, instead of being modified, was increased and rendered infinitely more dangerous by his extraordinary mental powers. Dark rumours gathered round him in the University town, and eventually he was compelled to resign his Chair and to come down to London, where he set up as an army coach. So much is known to the world, but what I am telling you now is what I have myself discovered.

&quot;As you are aware, Watson, there is no one who knows the higher criminal world of London so well as I do. For years past I have continually been conscious of some power behind the malefactor, some deep organizing power which for ever stands in the way of the law, and throws its shield over the wrong-doer. Again and again in cases of the most varying sorts—forgery cases, robberies, murders—I have felt the presence of this force, and I have deduced its action in many of those undiscovered crimes in which I have not been personally&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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}}aimless holiday, and something about his pale, worn face told me that his nerves were at their highest tension. He saw the question in my eyes, and, putting his finger-tips together and his elbows upon his knees, he explained the situation.

&quot;You have probably never heard of Professor Moriarty?&quot; said he.

&quot;Never.&quot;

&quot;Aye, there's the genius and the wonder of the thing!&quot; he cried. &quot;The man pervades London, and no one has heard of him. That's what puts him on a pinnacle in the records of crime. I tell you, Watson, in all seriousness, that if I could beat that man, if I could free society of him, I should feel that my own career had reached its summit, and I should be prepared to turn to some more placid line in life. Between ourselves, the recent cases in which I have been of assistance to the Royal Family of Scandinavia, and to the French Republic, have left me in such a position that I could continue to live in the quiet fashion which is most congenial to me, and to concentrate my attention upon my chemical researches. But I could not rest, Watson, I could not sit quiet in my chair, if I thought that such a man as Professor Moriarty were walking the streets of London unchallenged.&quot;

&quot;What has he done, then?&quot;

&quot;His career has been an extraordinary one. He is a man of good birth and excellent education, endowed by Nature with a phenomenal mathematical faculty. At the age of twenty-one he wrote a treatise upon the Binomial Theorem, which has had a European vogue. On the strength of it, he won the Mathematical Chair at one of our smaller Universities, and had, to all appearance, a most brilliant career before him. But the man had hereditary tendencies of the most diabolical kind. A criminal strain ran in his blood, which, instead of being modified, was increased and rendered infinitely more dangerous by his extraordinary mental powers. Dark rumours gathered round him in the University town, and eventually he was compelled to resign his Chair and to come down to London, where he set up as an army coach. So much is known to the world, but what I am telling you now is what I have myself discovered.

&quot;As you are aware, Watson, there is no one who knows the higher criminal world of London so well as I do. For years past I have continually been conscious of some power behind the malefactor, some deep organizing power which for ever stands in the way of the law, and throws its shield over the wrong-doer. Again and again in cases of the most varying sorts—forgery cases, robberies, murders—I have felt the presence of this force, and I have deduced its action in many of those undiscovered crimes in which I have not been personally&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&quot;He is the Napoleon of crime, Watson. He is the organizer of half that is evil and of nearly all that is undetected in this great city. He is a genius, a philosopher, an abstract thinker. He has a brain of the first order. He sits motionless, like a spider in the centre of its web, but that web has a thousand radiations, and he knows well every quiver of each of them. He does little himself. He only plans. But his agents are numerous and splendidly organized. Is there a crime to be done, a paper to be abstracted, we will say, a house to be rifled, a man to be removed—the word is passed to the Professor, the matter is organized and carried out. The agent may be caught. In that case money is found for his bail or his defence. But the central power which uses the agent is never caught—never so much as suspected. This was the organization which I deduced, Watson, and which I devoted my whole energy to exposing and breaking up.

&quot;But the Professor was fenced round with safeguards so cunningly devised that, do what I would, it seemed impossible to get evidence which could convict in a court of law. You know my powers, my dear Watson, and yet at the end of three months I was forced to confess that I had at last met an antagonist who was my intellectual equal. My horror at his crimes was lost in my admiration at his skill. But at last he made a trip—only a little, little trip—but it was more than he could afford, when I was so close upon him. I had my chance, and, starting from that point, I have woven my net round him until now it is all ready to close. In three days, that is to say on Monday next, matters will be ripe, and the Professor, with all the principal members of his gang, will be in the hands of the police. Then will come the greatest criminal trial of the century, the clearing up of over forty mysteries, and the rope for all of them—but if we move at all prematurely, you understand, they may slip out of our hands even at the last moment.

&quot;Now, if I could have done this without the knowledge of Professor Moriarty, all would have been well. But he was too wily for that. He saw every step which I took to draw my toils round him. Again and again he strove to break away, but I as often headed him off. I tell you, my friend, that if a detailed account of that silent contest could be written, it would take its place as the most brilliant bit of thrust-and-parry work in the history of detection. Never have I risen to such a height, and never have I been so hard pressed by an opponent. He cut deep, and yet I just undercut him. This morning the last steps were taken, and three days only were wanted to complete the business. I was sitting in my room thinking the matter over, when the door opened and Professor Moriarty stood before me.

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&quot;He is the Napoleon of crime, Watson. He is the organizer of half that is evil and of nearly all that is undetected in this great city. He is a genius, a philosopher, an abstract thinker. He has a brain of the first order. He sits motionless, like a spider in the centre of its web, but that web has a thousand radiations, and he knows well every quiver of each of them. He does little himself. He only plans. But his agents are numerous and splendidly organized. Is there a crime to be done, a paper to be abstracted, we will say, a house to be rifled, a man to be removed—the word is passed to the Professor, the matter is organized and carried out. The agent may be caught. In that case money is found for his bail or his defence. But the central power which uses the agent is never caught—never so much as suspected. This was the organization which I deduced, Watson, and which I devoted my whole energy to exposing and breaking up.

&quot;But the Professor was fenced round with safeguards so cunningly devised that, do what I would, it seemed impossible to get evidence which could convict in a court of law. You know my powers, my dear Watson, and yet at the end of three months I was forced to confess that I had at last met an antagonist who was my intellectual equal. My horror at his crimes was lost in my admiration at his skill. But at last he made a trip—only a little, little trip—but it was more than he could afford, when I was so close upon him. I had my chance, and, starting from that point, I have woven my net round him until now it is all ready to close. In three days, that is to say on Monday next, matters will be ripe, and the Professor, with all the principal members of his gang, will be in the hands of the police. Then will come the greatest criminal trial of the century, the clearing up of over forty mysteries, and the rope for all of them—but if we move at all prematurely, you understand, they may slip out of our hands even at the last moment.

&quot;Now, if I could have done this without the knowledge of Professor Moriarty, all would have been well. But he was too wily for that. He saw every step which I took to draw my toils round him. Again and again he strove to break away, but I as often headed him off. I tell you, my friend, that if a detailed account of that silent contest could be written, it would take its place as the most brilliant bit of thrust-and-parry work in the history of detection. Never have I risen to such a height, and never have I been so hard pressed by an opponent. He cut deep, and yet I just undercut him. This morning the last steps were taken, and three days only were wanted to complete the business. I was sitting in my room thinking the matter over, when the door opened and Professor Moriarty stood before me.

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&quot;He is the Napoleon of crime, Watson. He is the organizer of half that is evil and of nearly all that is undetected in this great city. He is a genius, a philosopher, an abstract thinker. He has a brain of the first order. He sits motionless, like a spider in the centre of its web, but that web has a thousand radiations, and he knows well every quiver of each of them. He does little himself. He only plans. But his agents are numerous and splendidly organized. Is there a crime to be done, a paper to be abstracted, we will say, a house to be rifled, a man to be removed—the word is passed to the Professor, the matter is organized and carried out. The agent may be caught. In that case money is found for his bail or his defence. But the central power which uses the agent is never caught—never so much as suspected. This was the organization which I deduced, Watson, and which I devoted my whole energy to exposing and breaking up.

&quot;But the Professor was fenced round with safeguards so cunningly devised that, do what I would, it seemed impossible to get evidence which could convict in a court of law. You know my powers, my dear Watson, and yet at the end of three months I was forced to confess that I had at last met an antagonist who was my intellectual equal. My horror at his crimes was lost in my admiration at his skill. But at last he made a trip—only a little, little trip—but it was more than he could afford, when I was so close upon him. I had my chance, and, starting from that point, I have woven my net round him until now it is all ready to close. In three days, that is to say on Monday next, matters will be ripe, and the Professor, with all the principal members of his gang, will be in the hands of the police. Then will come the greatest criminal trial of the century, the clearing up of over forty mysteries, and the rope for all of them—but if we move at all prematurely, you understand, they may slip out of our hands even at the last moment.

&quot;Now, if I could have done this without the knowledge of Professor Moriarty, all would have been well. But he was too wily for that. He saw every step which I took to draw my toils round him. Again and again he strove to break away, but I as often headed him off. I tell you, my friend, that if a detailed account of that silent contest could be written, it would take its place as the most brilliant bit of thrust-and-parry work in the history of detection. Never have I risen to such a height, and never have I been so hard pressed by an opponent. He cut deep, and yet I just undercut him. This morning the last steps were taken, and three days only were wanted to complete the business. I was sitting in my room thinking the matter over, when the door opened and Professor Moriarty stood before me.

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      <text bytes="4795" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|561|''ADVENTURES OF SHERLOCK HOLMES.''|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;My nerves are fairly proof, Watson, but I must confess to a start when I saw the very man who had been so much in my thoughts standing there on my threshold. His appearance was quite familiar to me. He is extremely tall and thin, his forehead domes out in a white curve, and his two eyes are deeply sunken in his head. He is clean-shaven, pale, and ascetic-looking, retaining something of the professor in his features. His shoulders are rounded from much study, and his face protrudes forward, and is for ever slowly oscillating from side to side in a curiously reptilian fashion. He peered at me with great curiosity in his puckered eyes.

{{&quot; '}}You have less frontal development than I should have expected,' said he at last. 'It is a dangerous habit to finger loaded firearms in the pocket of one's dressing-gown.'

&quot;The fact is that upon his entrance I had instantly recognised the extreme personal danger in which I lay. The only conceivable escape for him lay in silencing my tongue. In an instant I had slipped the revolver from the drawer into my pocket, and was covering him through the cloth. At his remark I drew the weapon out and laid it cocked upon the table. He still smiled and blinked but there was something about his eyes which made me feel very glad that I had it there.

{{&quot; '}}You evidently don't know me,' said he.

{{&quot; '}}On the contrary,' I answered, 'I think it is fairly evident that I do. Pray take a chair. I can spare you five minutes if you have anything to say.'

{{&quot; '}}All that I have to say has already crossed your mind,' said he.

{{&quot; '}}Then possibly my answer has crossed yours,' I replied.

{{&quot; '}}You stand fast?'

{{&quot; '}}Absolutely.'

&quot;He clapped his hand into his pocket, and I raised the pistol from the table. But he merely drew out a memorandum-book in which he had scribbled some dates.

{{&quot; '}}You crossed my path on the 4th of January,' said he. 'On the 23rd you incommoded me; by the middle of February I was seriously inconvenienced by you; at the end of March I was absolutely hampered in my plans; and now, at the close of April, I find myself placed in such a position through your continual persecution that I am in positive danger of losing my liberty. The situation is becoming an impossible one.'

{{&quot; '}}Have you any suggestion to make?' I asked.

{{&quot; '}}You must drop it, Mr. Holmes,' said he, swaying his face about. 'You really must, you know.'

{{&quot; '}}After Monday,' said I.

{{&quot; '}}Tut, tut!' said he. 'I am quite sure that a man of your intelligence will see that there can be but one outcome to this affair. It is necessary that you should withdraw. You have worked things in such a fashion that we have only one resource left. It has been an intellectual treat to me to see the way in which you have grappled with this affair, and I say, unaffectedly, that it would be a grief to me to be forced to take any extreme measure. You smile, sir, but I assure you that it really would.'

{{&quot; '}}Danger is part of my trade,' I remarked.

{{&quot; '}}This is not danger,' said he. 'It is inevitable destruction. You stand in the way not merely of an individual, but of a mighty organization, the full extent of which you, with all your cleverness, have been unable to realize. You must stand clear, Mr. Holmes, or be trodden under foot.'

{{&quot; '}}I am afraid,' said I, rising, 'that in the pleasure of this conversation I am neglecting business of importance which awaits me elsewhere.'

&quot;He rose also and looked at me in silence, shaking his head sadly.

{{&quot; '}}Well, well,' said he at last. 'It seems a pity, but I have done what I could. I know every move of your game. You can do nothing before Monday. It has been a duel between you and me, Mr. Holmes. You hope to place me in the dock. I tell you that I will never stand in the dock. You hope to beat me. I tell you that you will never beat me. If you are clever enough to bring destruction upon me, rest assured that I shall do as much to you.'

{{&quot; '}}You have paid me several compliments, Mr. Moriarty,' said I. 'Let me pay you one in return when I say that if I were assured of the former eventuality I would, in the interests of the public, cheerfully accept the latter.'

{{&quot; '}}I can promise you the one but not the other,' he snarled, and so turned his rounded back upon me and went peering and blinking out of the room.

&quot;That was my singular interview with Professor Moriarty. I confess that it left an unpleasant effect upon my mind. His soft, precise fashion of speech leaves a conviction of sincerity which a mere bully could not produce. Of course, you will say: 'Why not take police precautions against him?' The reason is that I am well convinced that it is from his agents the blow would fall. I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="4795" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|562|''ADVENTURES OF SHERLOCK HOLMES.''|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;My nerves are fairly proof, Watson, but I must confess to a start when I saw the very man who had been so much in my thoughts standing there on my threshold. His appearance was quite familiar to me. He is extremely tall and thin, his forehead domes out in a white curve, and his two eyes are deeply sunken in his head. He is clean-shaven, pale, and ascetic-looking, retaining something of the professor in his features. His shoulders are rounded from much study, and his face protrudes forward, and is for ever slowly oscillating from side to side in a curiously reptilian fashion. He peered at me with great curiosity in his puckered eyes.

{{&quot; '}}You have less frontal development than I should have expected,' said he at last. 'It is a dangerous habit to finger loaded firearms in the pocket of one's dressing-gown.'

&quot;The fact is that upon his entrance I had instantly recognised the extreme personal danger in which I lay. The only conceivable escape for him lay in silencing my tongue. In an instant I had slipped the revolver from the drawer into my pocket, and was covering him through the cloth. At his remark I drew the weapon out and laid it cocked upon the table. He still smiled and blinked but there was something about his eyes which made me feel very glad that I had it there.

{{&quot; '}}You evidently don't know me,' said he.

{{&quot; '}}On the contrary,' I answered, 'I think it is fairly evident that I do. Pray take a chair. I can spare you five minutes if you have anything to say.'

{{&quot; '}}All that I have to say has already crossed your mind,' said he.

{{&quot; '}}Then possibly my answer has crossed yours,' I replied.

{{&quot; '}}You stand fast?'

{{&quot; '}}Absolutely.'

&quot;He clapped his hand into his pocket, and I raised the pistol from the table. But he merely drew out a memorandum-book in which he had scribbled some dates.

{{&quot; '}}You crossed my path on the 4th of January,' said he. 'On the 23rd you incommoded me; by the middle of February I was seriously inconvenienced by you; at the end of March I was absolutely hampered in my plans; and now, at the close of April, I find myself placed in such a position through your continual persecution that I am in positive danger of losing my liberty. The situation is becoming an impossible one.'

{{&quot; '}}Have you any suggestion to make?' I asked.

{{&quot; '}}You must drop it, Mr. Holmes,' said he, swaying his face about. 'You really must, you know.'

{{&quot; '}}After Monday,' said I.

{{&quot; '}}Tut, tut!' said he. 'I am quite sure that a man of your intelligence will see that there can be but one outcome to this affair. It is necessary that you should withdraw. You have worked things in such a fashion that we have only one resource left. It has been an intellectual treat to me to see the way in which you have grappled with this affair, and I say, unaffectedly, that it would be a grief to me to be forced to take any extreme measure. You smile, sir, but I assure you that it really would.'

{{&quot; '}}Danger is part of my trade,' I remarked.

{{&quot; '}}This is not danger,' said he. 'It is inevitable destruction. You stand in the way not merely of an individual, but of a mighty organization, the full extent of which you, with all your cleverness, have been unable to realize. You must stand clear, Mr. Holmes, or be trodden under foot.'

{{&quot; '}}I am afraid,' said I, rising, 'that in the pleasure of this conversation I am neglecting business of importance which awaits me elsewhere.'

&quot;He rose also and looked at me in silence, shaking his head sadly.

{{&quot; '}}Well, well,' said he at last. 'It seems a pity, but I have done what I could. I know every move of your game. You can do nothing before Monday. It has been a duel between you and me, Mr. Holmes. You hope to place me in the dock. I tell you that I will never stand in the dock. You hope to beat me. I tell you that you will never beat me. If you are clever enough to bring destruction upon me, rest assured that I shall do as much to you.'

{{&quot; '}}You have paid me several compliments, Mr. Moriarty,' said I. 'Let me pay you one in return when I say that if I were assured of the former eventuality I would, in the interests of the public, cheerfully accept the latter.'

{{&quot; '}}I can promise you the one but not the other,' he snarled, and so turned his rounded back upon me and went peering and blinking out of the room.

&quot;That was my singular interview with Professor Moriarty. I confess that it left an unpleasant effect upon my mind. His soft, precise fashion of speech leaves a conviction of sincerity which a mere bully could not produce. Of course, you will say: 'Why not take police precautions against him?' The reason is that I am well convinced that it is from his agents the blow would fall. I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{asc|&quot;HE TURNED HIS ROUNDED BACK UPON ME.&quot;}}have the best of proofs that it would be so.&quot;

&quot;You have already been assaulted?&quot;

&quot;My dear Watson, Professor Moriarty is not a man who lets the grass grow under his feet. I went out about midday to transact some business in Oxford Street. As I passed the corner which leads from Bentinck Street on to the Welbeck Street crossing, a two-horse van furiously driven whizzed round and was on me like a flash. I sprang for the footpath and saved myself by the fraction of a second. The van dashed round by Marylebone Lane and was gone in an instant. I kept to the pavement after that, Watson, but as I walked down Vere Street a brick came down from the roof of one of the houses and was shattered to fragments at my feet. I called the police and had the place examined. There were slates and bricks piled upon the roof preparatory to some repairs, and they would have me believe that the wind had toppled over one of these. Of course I knew better, but I could prove nothing. I took a cab after that and reached my brother's rooms in Pall Mall, where I spent the day. Now I have come round to you, and on my way I was attacked by a rough with a bludgeon. I knocked him down, and the police have him in custody; but I can tell you with the most absolute confidence that no possible connection will ever be traced between the gentleman upon whose front teeth I have barked my knuckles and the retiring mathematical coach, who is, I dare say, working out problems upon a blackboard ten miles away. You will not wonder, Watson, that my first act on entering your rooms was to close your shutters, and that I have been compelled to ask your permission to leave the house by some less conspicuous exit than the front door.&quot;

I had often admired my friend's courage, but never more than now, as he sat quietly checking off a series of incidents which must have combined to make up a day of horror.

&quot;You will spend the night here?&quot; I said.

&quot;No, my friend, you might find me a dangerous guest. I have my plans laid, and all will be well. Matters have gone so far now that they can move without my help as far as the arrest goes, though my presence is necessary for a conviction. It is obvious, therefore, than I cannot do better than get away for the few days which remain before the police are at liberty to act. It would be a great pleasure to me, therefore, if you could come on to the Continent with me.&quot;

&quot;The practice is quiet,&quot; said I, &quot;and I have an accommodating neighbour. I should be glad to come.&quot;

&quot;And to start to-morrow morning?&quot;

&quot;If necessary.&quot;

&quot;Oh, yes, it is most necessary. Then these are your instructions, and I beg, my dear Watson, that you will obey them to the letter, for you are now playing a double-handed game with me against the cleverest&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{asc|&quot;HE TURNED HIS ROUNDED BACK UPON ME.&quot;}}have the best of proofs that it would be so.&quot;

&quot;You have already been assaulted?&quot;

&quot;My dear Watson, Professor Moriarty is not a man who lets the grass grow under his feet. I went out about midday to transact some business in Oxford Street. As I passed the corner which leads from Bentinck Street on to the Welbeck Street crossing, a two-horse van furiously driven whizzed round and was on me like a flash. I sprang for the footpath and saved myself by the fraction of a second. The van dashed round by Marylebone Lane and was gone in an instant. I kept to the pavement after that, Watson, but as I walked down Vere Street a brick came down from the roof of one of the houses and was shattered to fragments at my feet. I called the police and had the place examined. There were slates and bricks piled upon the roof preparatory to some repairs, and they would have me believe that the wind had toppled over one of these. Of course I knew better, but I could prove nothing. I took a cab after that and reached my brother's rooms in Pall Mall, where I spent the day. Now I have come round to you, and on my way I was attacked by a rough with a bludgeon. I knocked him down, and the police have him in custody; but I can tell you with the most absolute confidence that no possible connection will ever be traced between the gentleman upon whose front teeth I have barked my knuckles and the retiring mathematical coach, who is, I dare say, working out problems upon a blackboard ten miles away. You will not wonder, Watson, that my first act on entering your rooms was to close your shutters, and that I have been compelled to ask your permission to leave the house by some less conspicuous exit than the front door.&quot;

I had often admired my friend's courage, but never more than now, as he sat quietly checking off a series of incidents which must have combined to make up a day of horror.

&quot;You will spend the night here?&quot; I said.

&quot;No, my friend, you might find me a dangerous guest. I have my plans laid, and all will be well. Matters have gone so far now that they can move without my help as far as the arrest goes, though my presence is necessary for a conviction. It is obvious, therefore, than I cannot do better than get away for the few days which remain before the police are at liberty to act. It would be a great pleasure to me, therefore, if you could come on to the Continent with me.&quot;

&quot;The practice is quiet,&quot; said I, &quot;and I have an accommodating neighbour. I should be glad to come.&quot;

&quot;And to start to-morrow morning?&quot;

&quot;If necessary.&quot;

&quot;Oh, yes, it is most necessary. Then these are your instructions, and I beg, my dear Watson, that you will obey them to the letter, for you are now playing a double-handed game with me against the cleverest&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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}}have the best of proofs that it would be so.&quot;

&quot;You have already been assaulted?&quot;

&quot;My dear Watson, Professor Moriarty is not a man who lets the grass grow under his feet. I went out about midday to transact some business in Oxford Street. As I passed the corner which leads from Bentinck Street on to the Welbeck Street crossing, a two-horse van furiously driven whizzed round and was on me like a flash. I sprang for the footpath and saved myself by the fraction of a second. The van dashed round by Marylebone Lane and was gone in an instant. I kept to the pavement after that, Watson, but as I walked down Vere Street a brick came down from the roof of one of the houses and was shattered to fragments at my feet. I called the police and had the place examined. There were slates and bricks piled upon the roof preparatory to some repairs, and they would have me believe that the wind had toppled over one of these. Of course I knew better, but I could prove nothing. I took a cab after that and reached my brother's rooms in Pall Mall, where I spent the day. Now I have come round to you, and on my way I was attacked by a rough with a bludgeon. I knocked him down, and the police have him in custody; but I can tell you with the most absolute confidence that no possible connection will ever be traced between the gentleman upon whose front teeth I have barked my knuckles and the retiring mathematical coach, who is, I dare say, working out problems upon a blackboard ten miles away. You will not wonder, Watson, that my first act on entering your rooms was to close your shutters, and that I have been compelled to ask your permission to leave the house by some less conspicuous exit than the front door.&quot;

I had often admired my friend's courage, but never more than now, as he sat quietly checking off a series of incidents which must have combined to make up a day of horror.

&quot;You will spend the night here?&quot; I said.

&quot;No, my friend, you might find me a dangerous guest. I have my plans laid, and all will be well. Matters have gone so far now that they can move without my help as far as the arrest goes, though my presence is necessary for a conviction. It is obvious, therefore, than I cannot do better than get away for the few days which remain before the police are at liberty to act. It would be a great pleasure to me, therefore, if you could come on to the Continent with me.&quot;

&quot;The practice is quiet,&quot; said I, &quot;and I have an accommodating neighbour. I should be glad to come.&quot;

&quot;And to start to-morrow morning?&quot;

&quot;If necessary.&quot;

&quot;Oh, yes, it is most necessary. Then these are your instructions, and I beg, my dear Watson, that you will obey them to the letter, for you are now playing a double-handed game with me against the cleverest&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="4642" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|564|''ADVENTURES OF SHERLOCK HOLMES.''|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;rogue and the most powerful syndicate of criminals in Europe. Now listen! You will dispatch whatever luggage you intend to take by a trusty messenger unaddressed to Victoria to-night. In the morning you will send for a hansom, desiring your man to take neither the first nor the second which may present itself. Into this hansom you will jump, and you will drive to the Strand end of the Lowther Arcade, handing the address to the cabman upon a slip of paper, with a request that he will not throw it away. Have your fare ready, and the instant that your cab stops, dash through the Arcade, timing yourself to reach the other side at a quarter-past nine. You will find a small brougham waiting close to the kerb, driven by a fellow with a heavy black cloak tipped at the collar with red. Into this you will step, and you will reach Victoria in time for the Continental express.&quot;

&quot;Where shall I meet you?&quot;

&quot;At the station. The second first-class carriage from the front will be reserved for us.&quot;

&quot;The carriage is our rendezvous, then?&quot;

&quot;Yes.&quot;

It was in vain that I asked Holmes to remain for the evening. It was evident to me that he thought he might bring trouble to the roof he was under, and that that was the motive which impelled him to go. With a few hurried words as to our plans for the morrow he rose and came out with me into the garden, clambering over the wall which leads into Mortimer Street, and immediately whistling for a hansom, in which I heard him drive away.

In the morning I obeyed Holmes's injunctions to the letter. A hansom was procured with such precautions as would prevent its being one which was placed ready for us, and I drove immediately after breakfast to the Lowther Arcade, through which I hurried at the top of my speed. A brougham was waiting with a very massive driver wrapped in a dark cloak, who, the instant that I had stepped in, whipped up the horse and rattled off to Victoria Station. On my alighting there he turned the carriage, and dashed away again without so much as a look in my direction.

So far all had gone admirably. My luggage was waiting for me, and I had no difficulty in finding the carriage which Holmes had indicated, the less so as it was the only one in the train which was marked &quot;Engaged&quot;. My only source of anxiety now was the non-appearance of Holmes. The station clock marked only seven minutes from the time when we were due to start. In vain I searched among the groups of travellers and leave-takers for the lithe figure of my friend. There was no sign of him. I spent a few minutes in assisting a venerable Italian priest, who was endeavouring to make a porter understand, in his broken English, that his luggage was to be booked through to Paris. Then, having taken another look round, I returned to my carriage, where I found that the porter, in spite of the ticket, had given me my decrepit Italian friend as a travelling companion. It was useless for me to explain to him that his presence was an intrusion, for my Italian was even more limited than his English, so I shrugged my shoulders resignedly and continued to look out anxiously for my friend. A chill of fear had come over me, as I thought that his absence might mean that some blow had fallen during the night. Already the doors had all been shut and the whistle blown, when—

&quot;My dear Watson,&quot; said a voice, &quot;you have not even condescended to say good morning.&quot;

I turned in incontrollable astonishment. The aged ecclesiastic had turned his face towards me. For an instant the wrinkles were smoothed away, the nose drew away from the chin, the lower lip ceased to protrude and the mouth to mumble, the dull eyes regained their fire, the drooping figure expanded. The next the whole frame collapsed again, and Holmes had gone as quickly as he had come.

&quot;Good heavens!&quot; I cried. &quot;How you startled me!&quot;

&quot;Every precaution is still necessary,&quot; he whispered. &quot;I have reason to think that they are hot upon our trail. Ah, there is Moriarty himself.&quot;

The train had already begun to move as Holmes spoke. Glancing back I saw a tall man pushing his way furiously through the crowd and waving his hand as if he desired to have the train stopped. It was too late, however, for we were rapidly gathering momentum, and an instant later had shot clear of the station.

&quot;With all our precautions, you see that we have cut it rather fine,&quot; said Holmes, laughing. He rose, and throwing off the black cassock and hat which had formed his disguise, he packed them away in a hand-bag.

&quot;Have you seen the morning paper, Watson?&quot;

&quot;No.&quot;

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{asc|&quot;MY DECREPIT ITALIAN FRIEND.&quot;}}

&quot;You haven't seen about Baker Street, then?&quot;

&quot;Baker Street?&quot;

&quot;They set fire to our rooms last night. No great harm was done.&quot;

&quot;Good heavens, Holmes! This is intolerable.&quot;

&quot;They must have lost my track completely after their bludgeon-man was arrested. Otherwise they could not have imagined that I had returned to my rooms. They have evidently taken the precaution of watching you, however, and that is what has brought Moriarty to Victoria. You could not have made any slip in coming?&quot;

&quot;I did exactly what you advised.&quot;

&quot;Did you find your brougham?&quot;

&quot;Yes, it was waiting.&quot;

&quot;Did you recognize your coachman?&quot;

&quot;No.&quot;

&quot;It was my brother Mycroft. It is an advantage to get about in such a case without taking a mercenary into your confidence. But we must plan what we are to do about Moriarty now.&quot;

&quot;As this is an express, and as the boat runs in connection with it, I should think we have shaken him off very effectively.&quot;

&quot;My dear Watson, you evidently did not realize my meaning when I said that this man may be taken as being quite on the same intellectual plane as myself. You do not imagine that if I were the pursuer I should allow myself to be baffled by so slight an obstacle. Why, then, should you think so meanly of him?&quot;

&quot;What will he do?&quot;

&quot;What I should do.&quot;

&quot;What would you do, then?&quot;

&quot;Engage a special.&quot;

&quot;But it must be late.&quot;

&quot;By no means. This train stops at Canterbury; and there is always at least a quarter of an hour's delay at the boat. He will catch us there.&quot;

&quot;One would think that we were the criminals. Let us have him arrested on his arrival.&quot;

&quot;It would be to ruin the work of three&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&quot;You haven't seen about Baker Street, then?&quot;

&quot;Baker Street?&quot;

&quot;They set fire to our rooms last night. No great harm was done.&quot;

&quot;Good heavens, Holmes! This is intolerable.&quot;

&quot;They must have lost my track completely after their bludgeon-man was arrested. Otherwise they could not have imagined that I had returned to my rooms. They have evidently taken the precaution of watching you, however, and that is what has brought Moriarty to Victoria. You could not have made any slip in coming?&quot;

&quot;I did exactly what you advised.&quot;

&quot;Did you find your brougham?&quot;

&quot;Yes, it was waiting.&quot;

&quot;Did you recognize your coachman?&quot;

&quot;No.&quot;

&quot;It was my brother Mycroft. It is an advantage to get about in such a case without taking a mercenary into your confidence. But we must plan what we are to do about Moriarty now.&quot;

&quot;As this is an express, and as the boat runs in connection with it, I should think we have shaken him off very effectively.&quot;

&quot;My dear Watson, you evidently did not realize my meaning when I said that this man may be taken as being quite on the same intellectual plane as myself. You do not imagine that if I were the pursuer I should allow myself to be baffled by so slight an obstacle. Why, then, should you think so meanly of him?&quot;

&quot;What will he do?&quot;

&quot;What I should do.&quot;

&quot;What would you do, then?&quot;

&quot;Engage a special.&quot;

&quot;But it must be late.&quot;

&quot;By no means. This train stops at Canterbury; and there is always at least a quarter of an hour's delay at the boat. He will catch us there.&quot;

&quot;One would think that we were the criminals. Let us have him arrested on his arrival.&quot;

&quot;It would be to ruin the work of three&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu/561</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="3019" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|565|''ADVENTURES OF SHERLOCK HOLMES.''|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;months. We should get the big fish, but the smaller would dart right and left out of the net. On Monday we should have them all. No, an arrest is inadmissible.&quot;

&quot;What then?&quot;

&quot;We shall get out at Canterbury.&quot;

&quot;And then?&quot;

&quot;Well, then we must make a cross-country journey to Newhaven, and so over to Dieppe. Moriarty will again do what I should do. He will get on to Paris, mark down our luggage, and wait for two days at the depôt. In the meantime we shall treat ourselves to a couple of carpet bags, encourage the manufactures of the countries through which we travel, and make our way at our leisure into Switzerland, via Luxembourg and Basle.&quot;

I am too old a traveller to allow myself to be seriously inconvenienced by the loss of my luggage, but I confess that I was annoyed at the idea of being forced to dodge and hide before a man whose record was black with unutterable infamies. It was evident, however, that Holmes understood the situation more clearly than I did. At Canterbury, therefore, we alighted, only to find that we should have to wait an hour before we could get a train to Newhaven.

I was still looking rather ruefully after the rapidly disappearing luggage van which contained my wardrobe, when Holmes pulled my sleeve and pointed up the line.

&quot;Already, you see,&quot; said he.

Far away from among the Kentish woods there arose a thin spray of smoke. A minute later a carriage and engine could be seen flying along the open curve which leads to the station. We had hardly time to take our places behind a pile of luggage when it passed with a rattle and a roar, beating a blast of hot air into our faces.

{{image}}
{{asc|&quot;IT PASSED WITH A RATTLE AND A ROAR.&quot;}}

&quot;There he goes,&quot; said Holmes, as we watched the carriage swing and rock over the points. &quot;There are limits, you see, to our friend's intelligence. It would have been a ''coup-de-maître'' had he deduced what I would deduce and acted accordingly.&quot;

&quot;And what would he have done had he overtaken us?&quot;

&quot;There cannot be the least doubt that he would have made a murderous attack upon me. It is, however, a game at which two may play. The question now is whether we should take a premature lunch here, or run our chance of starving before we reach the buffet at Newhaven.&quot;
{{dhr}}
We made our way to Brussels that night and spent two days there, moving on upon the third day as far as Strasburg. On the Monday morning Holmes had telegraphed to the London police, and in the evening we found a reply waiting for us at our hotel. Holmes tore it open, and then with a bitter curse hurled it into the grate.

&quot;I might have known it,&quot; he groaned. &quot;He has escaped!&quot;

&quot;Moriarty!&quot;

&quot;They have secured the whole gang with the exception of him. He has given them the slip. Of course, when I had left the country there was no one to cope with him. But I did think that I had put the game in their hands. I think that you had better return to England, Watson.&quot;

&quot;Why?&quot;

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3019" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|566|''ADVENTURES OF SHERLOCK HOLMES.''|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;months. We should get the big fish, but the smaller would dart right and left out of the net. On Monday we should have them all. No, an arrest is inadmissible.&quot;

&quot;What then?&quot;

&quot;We shall get out at Canterbury.&quot;

&quot;And then?&quot;

&quot;Well, then we must make a cross-country journey to Newhaven, and so over to Dieppe. Moriarty will again do what I should do. He will get on to Paris, mark down our luggage, and wait for two days at the depôt. In the meantime we shall treat ourselves to a couple of carpet bags, encourage the manufactures of the countries through which we travel, and make our way at our leisure into Switzerland, via Luxembourg and Basle.&quot;

I am too old a traveller to allow myself to be seriously inconvenienced by the loss of my luggage, but I confess that I was annoyed at the idea of being forced to dodge and hide before a man whose record was black with unutterable infamies. It was evident, however, that Holmes understood the situation more clearly than I did. At Canterbury, therefore, we alighted, only to find that we should have to wait an hour before we could get a train to Newhaven.

I was still looking rather ruefully after the rapidly disappearing luggage van which contained my wardrobe, when Holmes pulled my sleeve and pointed up the line.

&quot;Already, you see,&quot; said he.

Far away from among the Kentish woods there arose a thin spray of smoke. A minute later a carriage and engine could be seen flying along the open curve which leads to the station. We had hardly time to take our places behind a pile of luggage when it passed with a rattle and a roar, beating a blast of hot air into our faces.

{{image}}
{{asc|&quot;IT PASSED WITH A RATTLE AND A ROAR.&quot;}}

&quot;There he goes,&quot; said Holmes, as we watched the carriage swing and rock over the points. &quot;There are limits, you see, to our friend's intelligence. It would have been a ''coup-de-maître'' had he deduced what I would deduce and acted accordingly.&quot;

&quot;And what would he have done had he overtaken us?&quot;

&quot;There cannot be the least doubt that he would have made a murderous attack upon me. It is, however, a game at which two may play. The question now is whether we should take a premature lunch here, or run our chance of starving before we reach the buffet at Newhaven.&quot;
{{dhr}}
We made our way to Brussels that night and spent two days there, moving on upon the third day as far as Strasburg. On the Monday morning Holmes had telegraphed to the London police, and in the evening we found a reply waiting for us at our hotel. Holmes tore it open, and then with a bitter curse hurled it into the grate.

&quot;I might have known it,&quot; he groaned. &quot;He has escaped!&quot;

&quot;Moriarty!&quot;

&quot;They have secured the whole gang with the exception of him. He has given them the slip. Of course, when I had left the country there was no one to cope with him. But I did think that I had put the game in their hands. I think that you had better return to England, Watson.&quot;

&quot;Why?&quot;

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&quot;What then?&quot;

&quot;We shall get out at Canterbury.&quot;

&quot;And then?&quot;

&quot;Well, then we must make a cross-country journey to Newhaven, and so over to Dieppe. Moriarty will again do what I should do. He will get on to Paris, mark down our luggage, and wait for two days at the depôt. In the meantime we shall treat ourselves to a couple of carpet bags, encourage the manufactures of the countries through which we travel, and make our way at our leisure into Switzerland, via Luxembourg and Basle.&quot;

I am too old a traveller to allow myself to be seriously inconvenienced by the loss of my luggage, but I confess that I was annoyed at the idea of being forced to dodge and hide before a man whose record was black with unutterable infamies. It was evident, however, that Holmes understood the situation more clearly than I did. At Canterbury, therefore, we alighted, only to find that we should have to wait an hour before we could get a train to Newhaven.

I was still looking rather ruefully after the rapidly disappearing luggage van which contained my wardrobe, when Holmes pulled my sleeve and pointed up the line.

&quot;Already, you see,&quot; said he.

Far away from among the Kentish woods there arose a thin spray of smoke. A minute later a carriage and engine could be seen flying along the open curve which leads to the station. We had hardly time to take our places behind a pile of luggage when it passed with a rattle and a roar, beating a blast of hot air into our faces.

{{Img float
 | file     = The Final Problem 06, The Strand Magazine, Vol 6.png
 | width    = 350px
 | align    = right
 | cap      = {{asc|&quot;It passed with a rattle and a roar.&quot;}}
}}

&quot;There he goes,&quot; said Holmes, as we watched the carriage swing and rock over the points. &quot;There are limits, you see, to our friend's intelligence. It would have been a ''coup-de-maître'' had he deduced what I would deduce and acted accordingly.&quot;

&quot;And what would he have done had he overtaken us?&quot;

&quot;There cannot be the least doubt that he would have made a murderous attack upon me. It is, however, a game at which two may play. The question now is whether we should take a premature lunch here, or run our chance of starving before we reach the buffet at Newhaven.&quot;
{{dhr}}
We made our way to Brussels that night and spent two days there, moving on upon the third day as far as Strasburg. On the Monday morning Holmes had telegraphed to the London police, and in the evening we found a reply waiting for us at our hotel. Holmes tore it open, and then with a bitter curse hurled it into the grate.

&quot;I might have known it,&quot; he groaned. &quot;He has escaped!&quot;

&quot;Moriarty!&quot;

&quot;They have secured the whole gang with the exception of him. He has given them the slip. Of course, when I had left the country there was no one to cope with him. But I did think that I had put the game in their hands. I think that you had better return to England, Watson.&quot;

&quot;Why?&quot;

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu/562</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018550</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507544</id>
      <parentid>12506173</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:31:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
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      <text bytes="3300" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|567|''ADVENTURES OF SHERLOCK HOLMES.''|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Because you will find me a dangerous companion now. This man's occupation is gone. He is lost if returns to London. If I read his character right he will devote his whole energies to revenging himself upon me. He said as much in our short interview, and I fancy that he meant it. I should certainly recommend you to return to your practice.&quot;

It was hardly an appeal to be successful with one who was an old campaigner as well as an old friend. We sat in the Strasburg ''salle-à-manger'' arguing the question for half an hour, but the same night we had resumed our journey and were well on our way to Geneva.

For a charming week we wandered up the Valley of the Rhône, and then, branching off at Leuk, we made our way over the Gemmi Pass, still deep in snow, and so, by way of Interlaken, to Meiringen. It was a lovely trip, the dainty green of the spring below, the virgin white of the winter above; but it was clear to me that never for one instant did Holmes forget the shadow which lay across him. In the homely Alpine villages or in the lonely mountain passes, I could still tell, by his quick glancing eyes and his sharp scrutiny of every face that passed us, that he was well convinced that, walk where we would, we could not walk ourselves clear of the danger which was dogging our footsteps.

Once, I remember, as we passed over the Gemmi, and walked along the border of the melancholy Daubensee, a large rock which had been dislodged from the ridge upon our right clattered down and roared into the lake behind us. {{image}}
{{asc|&quot;A LARGE ROCK CLATTERED DOWN.&quot;}}In an instant Holmes had raced up on to the ridge, and, standing upon a lofty pinnacle, craned his neck in every direction. It was in vain that our guide assured him that a fall of stones was a common chance in the spring-time at that spot. He said nothing, but he smiled at me with the air of a man who sees the fulfilment of that which he had expected.

And yet for all his watchfulness he was never depressed. On the contrary, I can never recollect having seen him in such exuberant spirits. Again and again he recurred to the fact that if he could be assured that society was freed from Professor Moriarty, he would cheerfully bring his own career to a conclusion.

&quot;I think that I may go so far as to say, Watson, that I have not lived wholly in vain,&quot; he remarked. &quot;If my record were closed to-night I could still survey it with equanimity. The air of London is the sweeter for my presence. In over a thousand cases I am not aware that I have ever used my powers upon the wrong side. Of late I have been tempted to look into the problems furnished by Nature rather than those more superficial ones for which our artificial state of society is responsible. Your memoirs will draw to an end, Watson, upon the day that I crown my career by the capture or extinction of the most dangerous and capable criminal in Europe.&quot;

I shall be brief, and yet exact, in the little which remains for me to tell. It is not a subject on which I would willingly dwell, and yet I am conscious that a duty devolves upon me to omit no detail.

It was upon the 3rd of May that we reached the little village of Meiringen, where we put up at the Englischer Hof, then kept&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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It was hardly an appeal to be successful with one who was an old campaigner as well as an old friend. We sat in the Strasburg ''salle-à-manger'' arguing the question for half an hour, but the same night we had resumed our journey and were well on our way to Geneva.

For a charming week we wandered up the Valley of the Rhône, and then, branching off at Leuk, we made our way over the Gemmi Pass, still deep in snow, and so, by way of Interlaken, to Meiringen. It was a lovely trip, the dainty green of the spring below, the virgin white of the winter above; but it was clear to me that never for one instant did Holmes forget the shadow which lay across him. In the homely Alpine villages or in the lonely mountain passes, I could still tell, by his quick glancing eyes and his sharp scrutiny of every face that passed us, that he was well convinced that, walk where we would, we could not walk ourselves clear of the danger which was dogging our footsteps.

Once, I remember, as we passed over the Gemmi, and walked along the border of the melancholy Daubensee, a large rock which had been dislodged from the ridge upon our right clattered down and roared into the lake behind us. {{Img float
 | file     = The Final Problem 07, The Strand Magazine, Vol 6.png
 | width    = 300px
 | align    = right
 | cap      = {{asc|&quot;A large rock clattered down.&quot;}}
}}
In an instant Holmes had raced up on to the ridge, and, standing upon a lofty pinnacle, craned his neck in every direction. It was in vain that our guide assured him that a fall of stones was a common chance in the spring-time at that spot. He said nothing, but he smiled at me with the air of a man who sees the fulfilment of that which he had expected.

And yet for all his watchfulness he was never depressed. On the contrary, I can never recollect having seen him in such exuberant spirits. Again and again he recurred to the fact that if he could be assured that society was freed from Professor Moriarty, he would cheerfully bring his own career to a conclusion.

&quot;I think that I may go so far as to say, Watson, that I have not lived wholly in vain,&quot; he remarked. &quot;If my record were closed to-night I could still survey it with equanimity. The air of London is the sweeter for my presence. In over a thousand cases I am not aware that I have ever used my powers upon the wrong side. Of late I have been tempted to look into the problems furnished by Nature rather than those more superficial ones for which our artificial state of society is responsible. Your memoirs will draw to an end, Watson, upon the day that I crown my career by the capture or extinction of the most dangerous and capable criminal in Europe.&quot;

I shall be brief, and yet exact, in the little which remains for me to tell. It is not a subject on which I would willingly dwell, and yet I am conscious that a duty devolves upon me to omit no detail.

It was upon the 3rd of May that we reached the little village of Meiringen, where we put up at the Englischer Hof, then kept&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu/563</title>
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      <text bytes="2168" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|568|''ADVENTURES OF SHERLOCK HOLMES.''|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;by Peter Steiler the elder. Our landlord was an intelligent man, and spoke excellent English, having served for three years as waiter at the Grosvenor Hotel in London. At his advice, upon the afternoon of the 4th we set off together with the intention of crossing the hills and spending the night at the hamlet of Rosenlaui. We had strict injunctions, however, on no account to pass the falls of Reichenbach, which are about half-way up the hill, without making a small detour to see them.

It is, indeed, a fearful place. The torrent, swollen by the melting snow, plunges into a tremendous abyss, from which the spray rolls up like the smoke from a burning house. The shaft into which the river hurls itself is an immense chasm, lined by glistening, coal-black rock, and narrowing into a creaming, boiling pit of incalculable depth, which brims over and shoots the stream onward over its jagged lip. The long sweep of green water roaring for ever down, and the thick flickering curtain of spray hissing for ever upwards, turn a man giddy with their constant whirl and clamour. We stood near the edge peering down at the gleam of the breaking water far below us against the black rocks, and listening to the half-human shout which came booming up with the spray out of the abyss.

The path has been cut half-way round the fall to afford a complete view, but it ends abruptly, and the traveller has to return as he came. We had turned to do so, when we saw a Swiss lad come running along it with a letter in his hand. It bore the mark of the hotel which we had just left, and was addressed to me by the landlord. It appeared that within a very few minutes of our leaving, an English lady had arrived who was in the last stage of consumption. She had wintered at Davos Platz, and was journeying now to join her friends at Lucerne, when a sudden haemorrhage had overtaken her.{{image}}
{{asc|&quot;I SAW HOLMES GAZING DOWN AT THE RUSH OF THE WATERS.&quot;}} It was thought that she could hardly live a few hours, but it would be a great consolation to her to see an English doctor, and, if I would only return,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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It is, indeed, a fearful place. The torrent, swollen by the melting snow, plunges into a tremendous abyss, from which the spray rolls up like the smoke from a burning house. The shaft into which the river hurls itself is an immense chasm, lined by glistening, coal-black rock, and narrowing into a creaming, boiling pit of incalculable depth, which brims over and shoots the stream onward over its jagged lip. The long sweep of green water roaring for ever down, and the thick flickering curtain of spray hissing for ever upwards, turn a man giddy with their constant whirl and clamour. We stood near the edge peering down at the gleam of the breaking water far below us against the black rocks, and listening to the half-human shout which came booming up with the spray out of the abyss.

The path has been cut half-way round the fall to afford a complete view, but it ends abruptly, and the traveller has to return as he came. We had turned to do so, when we saw a Swiss lad come running along it with a letter in his hand. It bore the mark of the hotel which we had just left, and was addressed to me by the landlord. It appeared that within a very few minutes of our leaving, an English lady had arrived who was in the last stage of consumption. She had wintered at Davos Platz, and was journeying now to join her friends at Lucerne, when a sudden haemorrhage had overtaken her.{{Img float
 | file     = The Final Problem 08, The Strand Magazine, Vol 6.png
 | width    = 450px
 | align    = right
 | cap      = {{asc|&quot;I saw Holmes gazing down at the rush of the waters.&quot;}}
}} It was thought that she could hardly live a few hours, but it would be a great consolation to her to see an English doctor, and, if I would only return,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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It is, indeed, a fearful place. The torrent, swollen by the melting snow, plunges into a tremendous abyss, from which the spray rolls up like the smoke from a burning house. The shaft into which the river hurls itself is an immense chasm, lined by glistening, coal-black rock, and narrowing into a creaming, boiling pit of incalculable depth, which brims over and shoots the stream onward over its jagged lip. The long sweep of green water roaring for ever down, and the thick flickering curtain of spray hissing for ever upwards, turn a man giddy with their constant whirl and clamour. We stood near the edge peering down at the gleam of the breaking water far below us against the black rocks, and listening to the half-human shout which came booming up with the spray out of the abyss.

The path has been cut half-way round the fall to afford a complete view, but it ends abruptly, and the traveller has to return as he came. We had turned to do so, when we saw a Swiss lad come running along it with a letter in his hand. It bore the mark of the hotel which we had just left, and was addressed to me by the landlord. It appeared that within a very few minutes of our leaving, an English lady had arrived who was in the last stage of consumption. She had wintered at Davos Platz, and was journeying now to join her friends at Lucerne, when a sudden hemorrhage had overtaken her.{{Img float
 | file     = The Final Problem 08, The Strand Magazine, Vol 6.png
 | width    = 450px
 | align    = right
 | cap      = {{asc|&quot;I saw Holmes gazing down at the rush of the waters.&quot;}}
}} It was thought that she could hardly live a few hours, but it would be a great consolation to her to see an English doctor, and, if I would only return,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{asc|&quot;A SMALL SQUARE OF PAPER FLUTTERED DOWN.&quot;}}
My DEAR WATSON, he said, I write these few lines through the courtesy of Mr. Moriarty, who awaits my convenience for the final discussion of those questions which lie between us. He has been giving me a sketch of the methods by which he avoided the English police and kept himself informed of our movements. They certainly confirm the very high opinion which I had formed of his abilities. I am pleased to think that I shall be able to free society from any further effects of his presence, though I fear that it is at a cost which will give pain to my friends, and especially, my dear Watson, to you. I have already explained to you, however, that my career had in any case reached its crisis, and that no possible conclusion to it could be more congenial to me than this. Indeed, if I may make a full confession to you, I was quite convinced that the letter from Meiringen was a hoax, and I allowed you to depart on that errand under the persuasion that some development of this sort would follow. Tell Inspector Patterson that the papers which he needs to convict the gang are in pigeon-hole M., done up in a blue envelope and inscribed 'Moriarty'. I made every disposition of my property before leaving England, and handed it to my brother Mycroft. Pray give my greetings to Mrs. Watson, and believe me to be, my dear fellow,

{{c|&quot;Very sincerely yours,}}

&quot;{{right|{{sc|Sherlock Holmes.}}&quot;
{{dhr}}
A few words may suffice to tell the little that remains. An examination by experts leaves little doubt that a personal contest between the two men ended, as it could hardly fail to end in such a situation, in their reeling over, locked in each other's arms. Any attempt at recovering the bodies was absolutely hopeless, and there, deep down in that dreadful cauldron of swirling water and seething foam, will lie for all time the most dangerous criminal and the foremost champion of the law of their generation. The Swiss youth was never found again, and there can be no doubt that he was one of the numerous agents whom Moriarty kept in his employ. As to the gang, it will be within the memory of the public how completely the evidence which Holmes had accumulated exposed their organization, and how heavily the hand of the dead man weighed upon them. Of their terrible chief few details came out during the proceedings, and if I have now been compelled to make a clear statement of his career, it is due to those injudicious champions who have endeavoured to clear his memory by attacks upon him whom I shall ever regard as the best and the wisest man whom I have ever known.

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&quot;My dear Watson&quot;, he said, &quot;I write these few lines through the courtesy of Mr. Moriarty, who awaits my convenience for the final discussion of those questions which lie between us. He has been giving me a sketch of the methods by which he avoided the English police and kept himself informed of our movements. They certainly confirm the very high opinion which I had formed of his abilities. I am pleased to think that I shall be able to free society from any further effects of his presence, though I fear that it is at a cost which will give pain to my friends, and especially, my dear Watson, to you. I have already explained to you, however, that my career had in any case reached its crisis, and that no possible conclusion to it could be more congenial to me than this. Indeed, if I may make a full confession to you, I was quite convinced that the letter from Meiringen was a hoax, and I allowed you to depart on that errand under the persuasion that some development of this sort would follow. Tell Inspector Patterson that the papers which he needs to convict the gang are in pigeon-hole M., done up in a blue envelope and inscribed 'Moriarty'. I made every disposition of my property before leaving England, and handed it to my brother Mycroft. Pray give my greetings to Mrs. Watson, and believe me to be, my dear fellow,

{{c|&quot;Very sincerely yours,}}

&quot;{{right|{{sc|Sherlock Holmes.}}&quot;}}
{{dhr}}
A few words may suffice to tell the little that remains. An examination by experts leaves little doubt that a personal contest between the two men ended, as it could hardly fail to end in such a situation, in their reeling over, locked in each other's arms. Any attempt at recovering the bodies was absolutely hopeless, and there, deep down in that dreadful cauldron of swirling water and seething foam, will lie for all time the most dangerous criminal and the foremost champion of the law of their generation. The Swiss youth was never found again, and there can be no doubt that he was one of the numerous agents whom Moriarty kept in his employ. As to the gang, it will be within the memory of the public how completely the evidence which Holmes had accumulated exposed their organization, and how heavily the hand of the dead man weighed upon them. Of their terrible chief few details came out during the proceedings, and if I have now been compelled to make a clear statement of his career, it is due to those injudicious champions who have endeavoured to clear his memory by attacks upon him whom I shall ever regard as the best and the wisest man whom I have ever known.

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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&quot;My dear Watson&quot;, he said, &quot;I write these few lines through the courtesy of Mr. Moriarty, who awaits my convenience for the final discussion of those questions which lie between us. He has been giving me a sketch of the methods by which he avoided the English police and kept himself informed of our movements. They certainly confirm the very high opinion which I had formed of his abilities. I am pleased to think that I shall be able to free society from any further effects of his presence, though I fear that it is at a cost which will give pain to my friends, and especially, my dear Watson, to you. I have already explained to you, however, that my career had in any case reached its crisis, and that no possible conclusion to it could be more congenial to me than this. Indeed, if I may make a full confession to you, I was quite convinced that the letter from Meiringen was a hoax, and I allowed you to depart on that errand under the persuasion that some development of this sort would follow. Tell Inspector Patterson that the papers which he needs to convict the gang are in pigeon-hole M., done up in a blue envelope and inscribed 'Moriarty'. I made every disposition of my property before leaving England, and handed it to my brother Mycroft. Pray give my greetings to Mrs. Watson, and believe me to be, my dear fellow,

{{c|&quot;Very sincerely yours,}}

{{right|&quot;{{sc|Sherlock Holmes.}}&quot;}}
{{dhr}}
A few words may suffice to tell the little that remains. An examination by experts leaves little doubt that a personal contest between the two men ended, as it could hardly fail to end in such a situation, in their reeling over, locked in each other's arms. Any attempt at recovering the bodies was absolutely hopeless, and there, deep down in that dreadful cauldron of swirling water and seething foam, will lie for all time the most dangerous criminal and the foremost champion of the law of their generation. The Swiss youth was never found again, and there can be no doubt that he was one of the numerous agents whom Moriarty kept in his employ. As to the gang, it will be within the memory of the public how completely the evidence which Holmes had accumulated exposed their organization, and how heavily the hand of the dead man weighed upon them. Of their terrible chief few details came out during the proceedings, and if I have now been compelled to make a clear statement of his career, it is due to those injudicious champions who have endeavoured to clear his memory by attacks upon him whom I shall ever regard as the best and the wisest man whom I have ever known.

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tennysoniana (1879).djvu/97</title>
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      <text bytes="1328" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|87|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{ppoem|start=follow|end=close|Too sadly for their peace, so ''put it back''
For calmer hours in memory's darkest hold, 
If unforgotten! should it cross thy dreams 
So might it come like one that looks content&quot; 
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1850.}}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Ulysses|Ulysses]].&quot; Unaltered.

A line of this poem was quoted by [[Author:Thomas Carlyle|Thomas Carlyle]], in &quot;[[Past and Present]]&quot; (1843), p. 49, from which we may conclude that the first edition of these Poems had fallen into his hands, and been read by him.

The poem of &quot;Ulysses&quot; is founded on a passage in the &quot;[[Divine Comedy|Divina Commedia]]&quot; of [[Author:Dante Alighieri|Dante]].

In the following lines—

{{ppoem|end=close|&quot;How dull it is to pause, to make an end, 
To rust unburnish'd, not to shine in use, 
As tho' to breathe were life,&quot;}}

there seems to be a remarkable resemblance of thought and expression to a speech of Ulysses, in [[Author:William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|Shakespeare's]] &quot;[[Troilus and Cressida (Shakespeare)|Troilus and Cressida]]&quot; (act iii. sc. 3).

{{ppoem|end=follow|{{gap|6em}}&quot;[[Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)/The Tragedy of Troylus and Cressida/Act 3 Scene 3#Tennysonianap87|Perseverance, dear my lord]], 
Keeps honour bright. To have done, is to hang}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Nor did the almost abject submissiveness of the Yedo statesmen have the effect of appeasing their enemies. On the contrary, the extremists in Kyōtō were so emboldened by these evidences of weakness that, without waiting for the ''Shōgun'' to fulfil his promise of proceeding to Kyōtō, they obtained from the Emperor a new edict requiring the Yedo Court to announce to all the feudatories the definite adoption of the &quot;alien-expelling&quot; policy, and further directing that a date for the practical inception of that policy be fixed and communicated to the Throne. A few months previously it had been commanded that&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|219}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Nor did the almost abject submissiveness of the Yedo statesmen have the effect of appeasing their enemies. On the contrary, the extremists in Kyōtō were so emboldened by these evidences of weakness that, without waiting for the ''Shōgun'' to fulfil his promise of proceeding to Kyōtō, they obtained from the Emperor a new edict requiring the Yedo Court to announce to all the feudatories the definite adoption of the &quot;alien-expelling&quot; policy, and further directing that a date for the practical inception of that policy be fixed and communicated to the Throne. A few months previously it had been commanded that&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|219}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1538" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;prescribed death as the penalty for such an act. ''Samurai'' of the body-guard drew their swords, killed one of the Englishmen (Mr. Richardson), and wounded the two others, the lady alone escaping unhurt,&lt;ref name=&quot;Note 41&quot;&gt;See Appendix, note 41.&lt;/ref&gt; Probably no incident of that troublous era excited more indignation at the time or was more discussed subsequently. But while a custom so inhuman as that obeyed by the Satsuma ''samurai'' merits execration, the fact must not be forgotten that to any Japanese behaving as these English people behaved, the same fate would have been meted out in an even more summary manner. For the rest, the outrage differed essentially from those of which foreigners had previously been victims, inasmuch as it was in no sense inspired by the &quot;barbarian expelling&quot; sentiment. Nevertheless, the immediate consequence was that since Satsuma refused to surrender the implicated ''samurai,'' and since the ''Shōgun's'' arm was not long enough to reach this powerful feudatory, the British Government sent a squadron to bombard his capital, Kagoshima. The remote and most important consequence was that the belligerent operations of the British ships effectually convinced the Satsuma ''samurai'' of the hopelessness of resisting foreign intercourse by force, and converted them into advocates of liberal progress towards which their previous attitude had been at best neutral.

Meanwhile the Yedo Court was steadily {{hws|pur|pursuing}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule|6em|align=left}}
{{smallrefs}}
{{c|218}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/247</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018593</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506336</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:35:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="1486" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|FALL OF THE TOKUGAWA}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and they carried submissiveness to the length of punishing many of their ablest officials and stanchest partisans on the ground that the serenity of the Imperial mind had been disturbed by their procedure. Historians indicate the year 1867 as the date of the fall of the Shogunate, because the administrative power was then finally restored to the Emperor. But it may be asserted with greater accuracy that the Shogunate fell in the year 1862, when the Yedo Court made the radical surrender here indicated. Nor was that the only mistake. The ''Shōgun's'' ministers, underestimating the value of the Satsuma chief's friendship, paid no attention to his advice, nor took any care to strengthen his good disposition by courteous treatment. He recommended that the ''Shōgun'' should decline to proceed to Kyōtō, and should reject all proposals pointing to the expulsion of foreigners; but the Yedo Court neither heeded his counsel nor showed towards him the same consideration that they had displayed to the Chōshiu chief, with whom his relations were notoriously strained.

It was thus with feelings considerably estranged that the Satsuma chief set out on his return journey to Kyōtō. On the way an incident happened which was destined to have far-reaching consequence. A party of British subjects, three gentlemen and a lady, persisted in an attempt to ride through the Satsuma chief's cortège, ignorant that the custom of the country&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|217}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/246</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018594</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506342</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:41:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="1494" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|cipal|cipal}} feudatories who possessed littoral fiefs should be charged with the responsibility of coast defence, as had been done in the time of the ''Taikō''; and thirdly, that Prince Keiki and the feudal chief of Echizen should be appointed to high office in the Yedo administration.

The Yedo Court was thus confronted by the most serious crisis that had yet menaced its autocracy. Not only were the feudatories openly violating the fundamental law of the Tokugawa,—the law which strictly vetoed all intercourse between them and the Imperial Court,—but, further, the ''Shōgun'' was required to accept Kyōtō's dictation in important matters of administration. To obey the Imperial mandate would be practical surrender of governing power; to disobey it would put a deadly weapon into the hands of the extremists. Reason suggested immediate surrender of the executive functions to the sovereign, on the ground that their efficient discharge under a system of divided authority was impossible, and it is not improbable that a courageous course of that kind would have rehabilitated the Shogunate, for the Kyōtō Court could not have ventured to accept the responsibility thus suddenly thrust upon it.

But the ''Shōgun's'' advisers failed to grasp the significance of the crisis. No policy suggested itself to them except one of craven complaisance. They signified their intention of complying with the first and third of the Emperor's conditions,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|216}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506346</id>
      <parentid>12506342</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:43:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1498" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|cipal|principal}} feudatories who possessed littoral fiefs should be charged with the responsibility of coast defence, as had been done in the time of the ''Taikō''; and thirdly, that Prince Keiki and the feudal chief of Echizen should be appointed to high office in the Yedo administration.

The Yedo Court was thus confronted by the most serious crisis that had yet menaced its autocracy. Not only were the feudatories openly violating the fundamental law of the Tokugawa,—the law which strictly vetoed all intercourse between them and the Imperial Court,—but, further, the ''Shōgun'' was required to accept Kyōtō's dictation in important matters of administration. To obey the Imperial mandate would be practical surrender of governing power; to disobey it would put a deadly weapon into the hands of the extremists. Reason suggested immediate surrender of the executive functions to the sovereign, on the ground that their efficient discharge under a system of divided authority was impossible, and it is not improbable that a courageous course of that kind would have rehabilitated the Shogunate, for the Kyōtō Court could not have ventured to accept the responsibility thus suddenly thrust upon it.

But the ''Shōgun's'' advisers failed to grasp the significance of the crisis. No policy suggested itself to them except one of craven complaisance. They signified their intention of complying with the first and third of the Emperor's conditions,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|216}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/245</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018595</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506345</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:43:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1511" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|FALL OF THE TOKUGAWA}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of the clansmen would have gladly seen the administrative power wrested from the hands of the Yedo Court.

In Kyōtō a corresponding difference of opinion began to declare itself. The clamour and turbulence of the anti-foreign party produced a reaction, which strengthened the hands of the men by whom the marriage between the ''Shōgun'' and the Emperor's sister had been promoted. Two factions, therefore, gradually assumed distinct shape: the extremists, led by Princes Arisugawa and Sanjo, who advocated immediate expulsion of foreigners and overthrow of the Shogunate; the moderates, led by Princes Shishi-o, Konoye, and Iwakura, who urged less drastic measures with regard to foreigners and favoured the maintenance of the ''Shōgun's'' administration. To the first of these factions the Chōshiu men naturally attached themselves; to the second the Satsuma leaders. It had been generally supposed that the Satsuma chief would place himself at the head of the extremists. But his accession to the ranks of the moderates gave the ascendency at once to the latter. They utilised it to contrive that an envoy should be sent to Yedo with an Imperial rescript indicating three courses of which the ''Shōgun'' was invited to choose one; namely, first, that the ''Shōgun'' himself should repair to Kyōtō, and there hold a conference with the principal feudatories as to the best method of securing national tranquillity; secondly, that the five {{hws|prin|prin}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|215}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506347</id>
      <parentid>12506345</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:43:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <text bytes="1516" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|FALL OF THE TOKUGAWA}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of the clansmen would have gladly seen the administrative power wrested from the hands of the Yedo Court.

In Kyōtō a corresponding difference of opinion began to declare itself. The clamour and turbulence of the anti-foreign party produced a reaction, which strengthened the hands of the men by whom the marriage between the ''Shōgun'' and the Emperor's sister had been promoted. Two factions, therefore, gradually assumed distinct shape: the extremists, led by Princes Arisugawa and Sanjo, who advocated immediate expulsion of foreigners and overthrow of the Shogunate; the moderates, led by Princes Shishi-o, Konoye, and Iwakura, who urged less drastic measures with regard to foreigners and favoured the maintenance of the ''Shōgun's'' administration. To the first of these factions the Chōshiu men naturally attached themselves; to the second the Satsuma leaders. It had been generally supposed that the Satsuma chief would place himself at the head of the extremists. But his accession to the ranks of the moderates gave the ascendency at once to the latter. They utilised it to contrive that an envoy should be sent to Yedo with an Imperial rescript indicating three courses of which the ''Shōgun'' was invited to choose one; namely, first, that the ''Shōgun'' himself should repair to Kyōtō, and there hold a conference with the principal feudatories as to the best method of securing national tranquillity; secondly, that the five {{hws|prin|principal}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|215}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/244</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018596</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506350</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:45:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <text bytes="1460" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to carry out nor any real intention of attempting to carry out.

The two most powerful fiefs of Japan at this epoch were Satsuma and Chōshiu. Satsuma, owing to its remote position at the extreme south of the Japanese Empire, had never been brought within the effective sphere of the Yedo Court's administrative control. Chōshiu, though less remote, was somewhat similarly circumstanced, and both had strong hereditary reasons for hostility to the Tokugawa Shogunate, These two clans were permeated with a spirit of unrest and disaffection. There were differences, however. In Chōshiu the anti-foreign feeling dominated the anti-Tokugawa, and the whole clan, lord and vassal alike, were convinced that loyalty to the Throne could not be reconciled with a liberal attitude towards foreign intercourse. In Satsuma the prevailing sentiment was anti-Tokugawa, the &quot;barbarian-expulsion&quot; cry being regarded as a collateral issue only. But as yet the Satsuma ''samurai'' had not openly associated themselves with either the anti-foreign or the anti-Tokugawa movement, nor had they given any evidence of the ambition that undoubtedly swayed them, the ambition of occupying a prominent place in a newly organised national polity. On the contrary, their chief, Shimazu Samuro, and his principal advisers maintained a neutral attitude toward the question of foreign intercourse, and were disposed to befriend the Shogunate, though the bulk&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|214}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/243</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018597</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506353</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:48:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <text bytes="1529" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|FALL OF THE TOKUGAWA}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|currence|ocurrence}} of foreign complications. So crushed, however, was the spirit of the Yedo officials that instead of stoutly repudiating this extravagant interpretation of their Prince's title, they advised him to apologise for his failure to discharge the duty it indicated; and they carried their placating system to the length of removing from the governing body any ministers disapproved by the Kyōtō Court.

Throughout all their temporising simulations of anti-foreign purpose, the ''Shōgun's'' advisers placed their trust in time. They believed that before the necessity arose to give practical effect to their pretended policy, some method of evasion would present itself. But the Kyōtō conservatives resolved to defeat that scheme of procedure. They induced the Emperor to issue an edict in which, after alluding to the &quot;insufferable and contumelious behaviour of foreigners, to the loss of prestige and honour constantly menacing the country,&quot; and to the sovereign's &quot;profound solicitude,&quot; His Majesty openly announced the ''Shōgun's'' promise to make full preparations for expelling foreigners within ten years, and declared that, in order to secure the unity required for achieving that purpose, an Imperial Princess had been given to the ''Shōgun'' in marriage. This edict was in effect a commission warranting every Japanese subject to organise an anti-foreign campaign. It publicly committed the Yedo Court to a policy which the latter had neither power&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|213}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506358</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:50:54Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1530" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|FALL OF THE TOKUGAWA}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|currence|occurrence}} of foreign complications. So crushed, however, was the spirit of the Yedo officials that instead of stoutly repudiating this extravagant interpretation of their Prince's title, they advised him to apologise for his failure to discharge the duty it indicated; and they carried their placating system to the length of removing from the governing body any ministers disapproved by the Kyōtō Court.

Throughout all their temporising simulations of anti-foreign purpose, the ''Shōgun's'' advisers placed their trust in time. They believed that before the necessity arose to give practical effect to their pretended policy, some method of evasion would present itself. But the Kyōtō conservatives resolved to defeat that scheme of procedure. They induced the Emperor to issue an edict in which, after alluding to the &quot;insufferable and contumelious behaviour of foreigners, to the loss of prestige and honour constantly menacing the country,&quot; and to the sovereign's &quot;profound solicitude,&quot; His Majesty openly announced the ''Shōgun's'' promise to make full preparations for expelling foreigners within ten years, and declared that, in order to secure the unity required for achieving that purpose, an Imperial Princess had been given to the ''Shōgun'' in marriage. This edict was in effect a commission warranting every Japanese subject to organise an anti-foreign campaign. It publicly committed the Yedo Court to a policy which the latter had neither power&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|213}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Index:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu</title>
    <ns>106</ns>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/242</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018599</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506357</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:50:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="1467" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Yedo Court. The continuous monopoly of administrative power during nearly three centuries by a small section of the nation had naturally educated the former feeling; and as for the latter, it was entertained partly by men disgusted with the feeble, vacillating methods of the Shogunate in recent times, and partly by men who had been driven from office or otherwise punished in connection with the vicissitudes of the era and with the Yedo Court's frequent changes of policy. On the whole, the enemies of the Shogunate were much more numerous and influential than the enemies of foreign intercourse, though both united in the &quot;barbarian expelling&quot; clamour,—these from sentiment, those from expediency.

Murderous attacks upon foreigners now became frequent; a party of ''samurai'' proceeded to Yokohama and threatened with death any Japanese merchant doing business with aliens, and a doctrine was propounded in Kyōtō that the ''Shōgun's'' title—''Sei-i,'' or &quot;barbarian expelling&quot;—pointed plainly to the expulsion of foreigners, and convicted him of failure of duty in admitting them to any part of Japan. It need scarcely be said that the title had no such significance. Devised originally with reference to the subjugation of the uncivilised aborigines of Japan, it had never been applied to foreigners, and could not possibly have been applied to them, seeing that its first bestowal had long antedated the {{hws|oc|oc}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|212}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506359</id>
      <parentid>12506357</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:51:08Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="1475" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Yedo Court. The continuous monopoly of administrative power during nearly three centuries by a small section of the nation had naturally educated the former feeling; and as for the latter, it was entertained partly by men disgusted with the feeble, vacillating methods of the Shogunate in recent times, and partly by men who had been driven from office or otherwise punished in connection with the vicissitudes of the era and with the Yedo Court's frequent changes of policy. On the whole, the enemies of the Shogunate were much more numerous and influential than the enemies of foreign intercourse, though both united in the &quot;barbarian expelling&quot; clamour,—these from sentiment, those from expediency.

Murderous attacks upon foreigners now became frequent; a party of ''samurai'' proceeded to Yokohama and threatened with death any Japanese merchant doing business with aliens, and a doctrine was propounded in Kyōtō that the ''Shōgun's'' title—''Sei-i,'' or &quot;barbarian expelling&quot;—pointed plainly to the expulsion of foreigners, and convicted him of failure of duty in admitting them to any part of Japan. It need scarcely be said that the title had no such significance. Devised originally with reference to the subjugation of the uncivilised aborigines of Japan, it had never been applied to foreigners, and could not possibly have been applied to them, seeing that its first bestowal had long antedated the {{hws|oc|occurrence}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|212}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/241</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018600</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506360</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:55:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="1466" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|FALL OF THE TOKUGAWA}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;wishes of the Kyōtō conservatives by expelling foreigners from Japan within ten years. The embarrassments resulting from such a promise were more than sufficient to counterbalance any advantage that might have accrued from the reconciliation of the two Courts, and a further element of unrest was created by a widely entertained suspicion that the marriage represented the beginning of a plot to dethrone the Emperor. In truth, the situation was rapidly assuming a character that defied the feeble adjustments and compromises of the ''Shōgun's'' ministers. Kyōtō became the centre of disaffection. Thither flocked not only the genuinely anti-foreign agitators—the &quot;barbarian expelling 
party&quot; (''jōi-tō''), as they were called,—but also the leaders of a much more formidable movement, which, having for its prime object the overthrow of the Shogunate, saw in the anti-foreign commotion an instrument capable of being utilised to that end. It would be an error to conclude that the promoters of the anti-''Shōgun'' agitation were actuated solely by an intelligent perception of the evils of the dual system of government. Many of them assuredly detected its nationally weakening effects, their appreciation of that point having been quickened by a sense of the country's helplessness to resist the advent of foreigners. But the ruling motives with a large number were restless desire of change and hostility to&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|211}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/240</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018601</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506361</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:56:29Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1446" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|merce,|merce,}} elicited frequent complaints from foreigners, and helped to confirm their rooted suspicion that the Government sought to place every possible obstacle in their way, with the ultimate object of inducing them to turn their backs upon Japan, as the first English colonists had turned their backs on it early in the seventeenth century. In short, all the circumstances of Japan's renewed intercourse with foreign nations tended to accentuate the traditional conservatism of one side and the racial prejudice of the other.

The death of the Prince of Mito, which took place in the autumn of 1860, gave another blow to the already frail fabric of the Shoguns Government, for although this remarkable nobleman had acted a part inimical to the Yedo Court, his influence upon the turbulent ''samurai'' had been wholesome. He had succeeded in restraining them from acts of violence, especially against the persons of foreigners, and when his powerful hand was withdrawn, the situation became more uncontrollable, and the lives and properties of foreigners began to be exposed to frequent perils. A brief gleam of sunshine fell upon the ''Shōgun's'' cause when he received the Emperor's sister in marriage in 1861. But in order to effect this union of the two Courts, the Yedo statesmen had fresh recourse to their dangerous policy of duplicity and temporising; they pledged themselves to comply with the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|210}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>fb5fd9modhkmpsnr35nyk5m2h8eryfy</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506364</id>
      <parentid>12506361</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:59:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1449" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|merce,|commerce,}} elicited frequent complaints from foreigners, and helped to confirm their rooted suspicion that the Government sought to place every possible obstacle in their way, with the ultimate object of inducing them to turn their backs upon Japan, as the first English colonists had turned their backs on it early in the seventeenth century. In short, all the circumstances of Japan's renewed intercourse with foreign nations tended to accentuate the traditional conservatism of one side and the racial prejudice of the other.

The death of the Prince of Mito, which took place in the autumn of 1860, gave another blow to the already frail fabric of the Shoguns Government, for although this remarkable nobleman had acted a part inimical to the Yedo Court, his influence upon the turbulent ''samurai'' had been wholesome. He had succeeded in restraining them from acts of violence, especially against the persons of foreigners, and when his powerful hand was withdrawn, the situation became more uncontrollable, and the lives and properties of foreigners began to be exposed to frequent perils. A brief gleam of sunshine fell upon the ''Shōgun's'' cause when he received the Emperor's sister in marriage in 1861. But in order to effect this union of the two Courts, the Yedo statesmen had fresh recourse to their dangerous policy of duplicity and temporising; they pledged themselves to comply with the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|210}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/239</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018602</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506363</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T12:58:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <text bytes="1617" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|FALL OF THE TOKUGAWA}}|}}
{{smaller block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;On the contrary, it is the merchants who, no doubt, create the most serious difficulties. It may be all very natural and what was to have been anticipated, but it is not the less embarrassing. And in estimating the difficulties to be overcome in any attempt to improve the aspect of affairs, if the ill-disguised enmity of the governing classes and the indisposition of the Executive Government to give practical effect to the treaties be classed among the first and principal of these, the unscrupulous character and dealings of foreigners who frequent the ports for the purposes of trade are only second, and scarcely inferior in importance, from the sinister character of the influence they exercise.
{{smaller block/e}}{{dhr}}

Of course the foreign merchant found many causes of legitimate dissatisfaction. Prominent among them was official interference in business matters. From the very earliest times the country's foreign commerce had been subject to close and often vexatious supervision by officials. The trade with Korea had been controlled by one great family; the trade with China by another, and the trade with the Dutch factory in Nagasaki by governors whose interference tended only to hamper its growth. Even a statesman of such general breadth of view as the ''Tairō,'' Ii Kamon-no-Kami, entertained a rooted conviction that all goods imported from abroad should pass through official hands on their way to Japanese consumers. A tendency to act upon that conviction caused vexatious meddling with the course of {{hws|com|commerce,}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|209}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/238</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018603</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506366</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:00:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1817" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Japanese. Nor was the case of the trader much better. Testimony upon this point is furnished by a despatch of the British Representative, written to his Government at the close of 1859:—
{{dhr}}{{smaller block/s}}
Looking at the indiscreet conduct, to use the mildest term, of many, if not all the foreign residents, the innumerable and almost daily recurring causes of dispute and irritation between the Japanese officials of all grades and the foreign traders, both as to the nature of the trade they enter into, and the mode in which they conduct it, open in many instances to grave objection, I cannot wonder at the existence of much ill-feeling. And when to those sources of irritation and animosity among the official classes, are added the irregularities, the violence, and the disorders, with the continued scenes of drunkenness, incidental to seaports where sailors from men-of-war and merchant ships are allowed to come on shore, sometimes in large numbers, I confess, so far from sharing in any sweeping conclusions to the prejudice of the Japanese, I think the rarity of retaliative acts of violence on their part is a striking testimony in their favour. … Our own people and the foreigners generally take care that there shall be no lack of grounds of distrust and irritation. Utterly reckless of the future; intent only on profiting if possible by the present moment to the utmost; regardless of treaties or future consequences, they are wholly engaged just now in shipping off all the gold currency of Japan. … Any coöperation with the diplomatic agents of their respective countries in their efforts to lay the foundations of permanent, prosperous, and mutually beneficial commerce between Japan and Western nations is out of the question.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{{smaller block/e}}
{{c|208}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>t132k2m85e0tej6bc5h8g8j5wrrksor</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506367</id>
      <parentid>12506366</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:01:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1816" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Japanese. Nor was the case of the trader much better. Testimony upon this point is furnished by a despatch of the British Representative, written to his Government at the close of 1859:—
{{dhr}}{{smaller block/s}}
Looking at the indiscreet conduct, to use the mildest term, of many, if not all the foreign residents, the innumerable and almost daily recurring causes of dispute and irritation between the Japanese officials of all grades and the foreign traders, both as to the nature of the trade they enter into, and the mode in which they conduct it, open in many instances to grave objection, I cannot wonder at the existence of much ill-feeling. And when to those sources of irritation and animosity among the official classes, are added the irregularities, the violence, and the disorders, with the continued scenes of drunkenness, incidental to seaports where sailors from men-of-war and merchant ships are allowed to come on shore, sometimes in large numbers, I confess, so far from sharing in any sweeping conclusions to the prejudice of the Japanese, I think the rarity of retaliative acts of violence on their part is a striking testimony in their favour. … Our own people and the foreigners generally take care that there shall be no lack of grounds of distrust and irritation. Utterly reckless of the future; intent only on profiting if possible by the present moment to the utmost; regardless of treaties or future consequences, they are wholly engaged just now in shipping off all the gold currency of Japan. … Any coöperation with the diplomatic agents of their respective countries in their efforts to lay the foundations of permanent, prosperous, and mutually beneficial commerce between Japan and Western nations is out of the question.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smaller block/e}}
{{c|208}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>n2pm3vw9wxxlee4hxax3qp5beeqb1xn</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/49</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018604</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506368</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:03:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1503" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|REFINEMENTS AND PASTIMES}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;reached a high level of art. It is, indeed, more than doubtful whether any other people ever developed such an expressive vocabulary of motion, such impressive eloquence of gesture. These masked dancers of the ''Nô,'' deprived of the important assistance of facial expression, and limited to a narrow range of cadence, nevertheless succeeded in investing their performance with a character of noble dignity and profound intensity of sentiment. Very soon the ''Nô'' obtained extraordinary vogue. With the sole exception of the Emperor himself, every great personage took part in the performance; a stage was erected within the precincts of the Palace; costumes of the costliest and most beautiful materials were provided, and a collection of such garments as well as of masks and other accessories for the ''Nô,'' was counted an essential part of every aristocratic mansion's furniture. By degrees the practice of the art became a profession, but princes, nobles, and high officials did not cease to study it assiduously, and were prepared at any moment to organise performances or to take part in them. It need scarcely be said that various schools came into existence. At first, although Buddhist priests had taken such a large share in developing the ''Nô, Shintō'' shrines continued to be the principal scenes of its performance, the dance being then a ceremony of worship. But from the days of the Ashikaga ''Shōgun'' Yoshimitsu (1368–1394) it&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|29}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>a7o5hxhqe5wos5lkrizg4n5l0kavszg</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/50</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018605</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506369</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:06:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1505" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;underwent popularisation, and without losing its moral character, received an extension of motive, becoming an adjunct of congratulatory or commemorative occasions and even a pure diversion. With this change is associated a skilled performer (Yusaki) upon whom Yoshimitsu conferred the name Kwanami. This man, as well as his son Seami,&lt;ref name=&quot;Note 5&quot;&gt;See Appendix, note 5.&lt;/ref&gt; compiled several dramas based upon historical incidents of the Kamakura epoch, though the two writers carefully refrained from seeking materials in the events of their own time. Buddhist priests also continued to contribute to the literature of the art, and before the end of the fifteenth century some twenty dramas were regarded as the classics of the ''Nô.'' That prince of dilettante, Yoshimasa, who has already been seen extending lavish patronage to the tea cult, the incense cult, the landscape-garden cult and art in every form, gave a new impetus to the ''Nô'' by officially declaring it a ceremonious accomplishment of military men. He organised the renowned dancers into four orders, and enacted that a representative of each must repair to Kyōtō and give a performance there once during his career. Naturally that performance became the culmination of each great expert's triumph, and the &quot;once-in-a-life ''Nô''&quot; were conducted on a conspicuously magnificent scale. The ''Taikō'' loved the ''Nô.'' Several of the best dramas were written&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule|6em|align=left}}
{{smallrefs}}
{{c|30}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/51</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018606</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506370</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:09:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1557" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|REFINEMENTS AND PASTIMES{{|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;at his suggestion, a new school was started by one of his ''protégés,'' and despite his personal disadvantages he took a place enthusiastically on the platform. When he attained the post of Regent, the highest office within reach of a subject, he repaired to the Court and himself performed a ''Nô'' dance in the presence of the Emperor.

The ''Nô'' as here described was solemn and stately, the postures and paces as well as the drama itself being purged of every comic element, and thus completely differentiated from the mimes out of which it had grown. But art demanded that the sombreness of such representations should be relieved by some lighter scenes, and to satisfy that requirement farces were compiled for independent acting between the ''Nô.'' These farces (''Kyōgen'') were essentially of a histrionic character, the dance being omitted altogether, or entirely subordinated to the action of the piece and the dialogue. Many of them showed not only humour but wit, and the skill of the actors was excellent. The chief and the first-assistant performers in the ''Nô'' and the ''Kyōgen'' alike received the title of ''taiyu,'' which conferred upon them the right to have the curtain of the green-room held up by two men for their exits or entries, and also rendered them eligible for admission to any society. The ''Kyōgen'' may be regarded as a revival of the ''Saru-gaku'' from which the ''Nô'' was originally evolved. History is silent as to the author or circumstances of the revival,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|31}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>dn8szav75wv3i34wktdyyhjejpmiqvj</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506372</id>
      <parentid>12506370</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:09:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1557" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|REFINEMENTS AND PASTIMES}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;at his suggestion, a new school was started by one of his ''protégés,'' and despite his personal disadvantages he took a place enthusiastically on the platform. When he attained the post of Regent, the highest office within reach of a subject, he repaired to the Court and himself performed a ''Nô'' dance in the presence of the Emperor.

The ''Nô'' as here described was solemn and stately, the postures and paces as well as the drama itself being purged of every comic element, and thus completely differentiated from the mimes out of which it had grown. But art demanded that the sombreness of such representations should be relieved by some lighter scenes, and to satisfy that requirement farces were compiled for independent acting between the ''Nô.'' These farces (''Kyōgen'') were essentially of a histrionic character, the dance being omitted altogether, or entirely subordinated to the action of the piece and the dialogue. Many of them showed not only humour but wit, and the skill of the actors was excellent. The chief and the first-assistant performers in the ''Nô'' and the ''Kyōgen'' alike received the title of ''taiyu,'' which conferred upon them the right to have the curtain of the green-room held up by two men for their exits or entries, and also rendered them eligible for admission to any society. The ''Kyōgen'' may be regarded as a revival of the ''Saru-gaku'' from which the ''Nô'' was originally evolved. History is silent as to the author or circumstances of the revival,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|31}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>07cr8hp3qje5qr2c5fatk1zg17pko2l</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/52</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018607</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506373</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:11:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1523" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;but since several ''Kyōgen'' composed in the Ashikaga era are still extant, it may fairly be concluded that the laughter-loving element of Japanese character did not long consent to the abolition of the comic ''Saru-gaku.''

The similarity between the ''Nô'' performances and the ancient Greek drama has often attracted attention. The chorus, the masked actors, the religious tone pervading the piece, the stage in the open air,—all these features were common to the two dramas. But a closer analogy can be found without going so far afield. The embryo of the Indian drama was a combination of song and dance at sacred festivals, just as the ''Kagura'' was the foundation of the Japanese ''Nô,'' and the development of the art in India was by narrative recitation and subsequently by dialogue, first sung, then spoken, just as the stages of progress in Japan were the recitative of the &quot;tonsured lutist&quot; and the &quot;white measure-marker,&quot; followed by the sung and spoken dialogue of the ''Nô.'' A further point of resemblance is seen in the fact that, while the Japanese ''Kagura'' was founded on a mythical dance performed by the divinities before the cave of the Sun Goddess, so the Indian ''nâtya'' is supposed to have been a dance accompanied by gesticulation and speech, which was performed by the spirits and nymphs of Indra's heaven before the gods. Again, in the Indian drama the connection of the narrative was often preserved by interpreters, whose function closely resembled that&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|32}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/5</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018608</id>
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      <text bytes="628" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|larger block|THE ANGEL

OF LONESOME HILL}}

{{di|I}}T was a handful of people in the
country—a simple-hearted hand-
ful. There was no railroad—
only a stage which creaked through
the gullies and was late. Once it
had a hot-box, and the place drifted
through space, a vagrant atom.

Time swung on a lazy hinge.

Children came; young folks married;
old ones died; Indian Creek over-
flowed the bottom-land; crops failed;
one by one the stage bore boys and
girls away to seek their fortunes in
the far-off world; at long intervals
some tragedy streaked the yellow
clay monotony with red; January&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[1]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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OF LONESOME HILL}}}}

{{di|I}}T was a handful of people in the
country—a simple-hearted hand-
ful. There was no railroad—only a stage which creaked through
the gullies and was late. Once it
had a hot-box, and the place drifted
through space, a vagrant atom.

Time swung on a lazy hinge.
Children came; young folks married;
old ones died; Indian Creek over-
flowed the bottom-land; crops failed;
one by one the stage bore boys and
girls away to seek their fortunes in
the far-off world; at long intervals
some tragedy streaked the yellow
clay monotony with red; January&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[1]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
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OF LONESOME HILL}}}}

{{di|I}}T was a handful of people in the country—a simple-hearted handful. There was no railroad—only a stage which creaked through the gullies and was late. Once it had a hot-box, and the place drifted through space, a vagrant atom.

Time swung on a lazy hinge. Children came; young folks married; old ones died; Indian Creek overflowed the bottom-land; crops failed; one by one the stage bore boys and girls away to seek their fortunes in the far-off world; at long intervals some tragedy streaked the yellow clay monotony with red; January&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[1]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/265</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018609</id>
    <revision>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:34Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1400" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|left=264}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}


{{c|{{larger|'''THE DYING MOTHER'S PRAYER.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
    {{sc|I heard}} the voice of prayer—a mother's prayer— 
            A dying mother, for her only son. 
                Young was his brow, and fair. 
            Her hand was on his head, 
            Her words of love were said, 
                Her work was done. 

         And there were other voices near her bed— 
    Sweet, bird-like voices—for their mother dear 
                Asking, with mournful tear. 
    Ah, by whose hand shall those sad tears be dried, 
                When one brief hour is fled, 
And her's shall pulseless rest, low with the silent dead. 

Yes, there was Death's dark valley drear and cold! 
    And the hoarse dash of Jordan's swelling wave, 
Alone she treads: is there no earthly hold, 
    No friend—no helper—no strong arm to save? 
            Down to the fearful grave, 
        In the firm courage of a faith serene, 
                    Alone she prest— 
                And as she drew the chord 
                That bound her to the Lord 
                    More closely round her breast, 
            The white wing of the waiting angel spread 
    More palpably, and earth's bright things grew pale. 
                Even fond affection's wail 
Seemed like the far-off sigh of spring's forgotten gale,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>nk4tby668hy5sanmvr1ermdqny6cbte</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/6</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018610</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506377</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="728" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;blew petals from her silver garden;
April poured her vase of life; Au-
gust crawled her snail length; years
passed, leaving rusty streaks back to
a dull horizon.

The sky seemed higher than any-
where else; clouds hurried over this
place called &quot;Cold Friday.&quot;

A mile to the east was &quot; Lonesome
Hill.&quot; Indians once built signal
fires upon it, and in this later time
travellers alighted as their horses
struggled up the steep approach. At
the top was a cabin; it was white-
washed, and so were the apple-trees
round it. A gourd vine clung to its
chimney; pigeons fluttered upon its
shingles, and June flung a crimson
rose mantle over its side and half-
way up the roof.

One wished to stop and rest be-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[2]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>0yzhcknleob5pyh27cz80enqqancesh</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506584</id>
      <parentid>12506377</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="721" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;blew petals from her silver garden; April poured her vase of life; August crawled her snail length; years passed, leaving rusty streaks back to a dull horizon.

The sky seemed higher than anywhere else; clouds hurried over this place called &quot;Cold Friday.&quot;

A mile to the east was &quot;Lonesome Hill.&quot; Indians once built signal fires upon it, and in this later time travellers alighted as their horses struggled up the steep approach. At the top was a cabin; it was white-washed, and so were the apple-trees round it. A gourd vine clung to its chimney; pigeons fluttered upon its shingles, and June flung a crimson rose mantle over its side and half-way up the roof.

One wished to stop and rest be-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[2]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>09r7ib68l5ffaoid02b7fkdr6im2c29</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506628</id>
      <parentid>12506584</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="721" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;blew petals from her silver garden; April poured her vase of life; August crawled her snail length; years passed, leaving rusty streaks back to a dull horizon.

The sky seemed higher than anywhere else; clouds hurried over this place called &quot;Cold Friday.&quot;

A mile to the east was &quot;Lonesome Hill.&quot; Indians once built signal fires upon it, and in this later time travellers alighted as their horses struggled up the steep approach. At the top was a cabin; it was white-washed, and so were the apple-trees round it. A gourd vine clung to its chimney; pigeons fluttered upon its shingles, and June flung a crimson rose mantle over its side and half-way up the roof.

One wished to stop and rest be-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[2]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>g7f2yy0r9vu352jdhl96txyqpg77tvn</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/7</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018611</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506378</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="725" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;neath its weeping willow by' the
white stone milk house.

Those who passed by day were ac-
customed to a woman's face at the
window—a calm face which looked
on life as evening looks on day—such
a face as one might use to decorate a
fancy of the old frontier. Those
who passed by night were grateful for
the lamp which protested against
Nature's apparent consecration of the
place to solitude.

This home held aloof from &quot;Cold
Friday&quot;; many times Curiosity went
in, but Conjecture alone came out,
for through the years the man and
woman of this cabin merely said,
&quot;We came from back yonder.&quot; No-
body knew where &quot;yonder&quot; was.

But the law of compensation was
in foree—even in ‘Cold Friday.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[3]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>20ob7uu4bfs9x8v1bpqbahaozv4rqx2</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506585</id>
      <parentid>12506378</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:23Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="718" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;neath its weeping willow by the white stone milk house.

Those who passed by day were accustomed to a woman's face at the window—a calm face which looked on life as evening looks on day—such a face as one might use to decorate a fancy of the old frontier. Those who passed by night were grateful for the lamp which protested against Nature's apparent consecration of the place to solitude.

This home held aloof from &quot;Cold Friday&quot;; many times Curiosity went in, but Conjecture alone came out, for through the years the man and woman of this cabin merely said, &quot;We came from back yonder.&quot; Nobody knew where &quot;yonder&quot; was.

But the law of compensation was in force—even in &quot;Cold Friday.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[3]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>7en83lc4eyjqw9mbt4zpbx0sswkbbe1</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506629</id>
      <parentid>12506585</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="718" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;neath its weeping willow by the white stone milk house.

Those who passed by day were accustomed to a woman's face at the window—a calm face which looked on life as evening looks on day—such a face as one might use to decorate a fancy of the old frontier. Those who passed by night were grateful for the lamp which protested against Nature's apparent consecration of the place to solitude.

This home held aloof from &quot;Cold Friday&quot;; many times Curiosity went in, but Conjecture alone came out, for through the years the man and woman of this cabin merely said, &quot;We came from back yonder.&quot; Nobody knew where &quot;yonder&quot; was.

But the law of compensation was in force—even in &quot;Cold Friday.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[3]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>hpgjutkv6nmqborqkhmm8igyolyv9wl</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/8</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018612</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506379</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:45Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="761" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;With acquaintanceships as with
books, the ecstasy of cutting leaves
is not always sustained in the read-
ing, and the silence of this man and
woman was the life of village wonder.

It gave &quot;Friday's&quot; chimney talk
a spice it otherwise had never known;
the back log seldom crumbled into
ashes till the bones of these cabin
dwellers lay bleaching on the plains
of &quot;‘ Perhaps.&quot;

John Dale was seventy-five years
or more, but worked his niggard hill-
side all the day, and seldom came to
town. His aged wife was kind; the
flowers of her life she gave away, but
none could glance upon the garden.
She seemed to know when neighbors
were ill; hers was the dignity of being
indispensable. Many the mother of
that region who, standing beneath&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[4]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>a07ojprdnf2hfu05fglqopo3xtsthmw</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506586</id>
      <parentid>12506379</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="754" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;With acquaintanceships as with books, the ecstasy of cutting leaves is not always sustained in the reading, and the silence of this man and woman was the life of village wonder.

It gave &quot;Friday's&quot; chimney talk a spice it otherwise had never known; the back log seldom crumbled into ashes till the bones of these cabin dwellers lay bleaching on the plains of &quot;Perhaps.&quot;

John Dale was seventy-five years or more, but worked his niggard hill-side all the day, and seldom came to town. His aged wife was kind; the flowers of her life she gave away, but none could glance upon the garden. She seemed to know when neighbors were ill; hers was the dignity of being indispensable. Many the mother of that region who, standing beneath&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[4]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>83jjgkfo7mbhvhvmyafl37rypnkpeca</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506630</id>
      <parentid>12506586</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="754" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;With acquaintanceships as with books, the ecstasy of cutting leaves is not always sustained in the reading, and the silence of this man and woman was the life of village wonder.

It gave &quot;Friday's&quot; chimney talk a spice it otherwise had never known; the back log seldom crumbled into ashes till the bones of these cabin dwellers lay bleaching on the plains of &quot;Perhaps.&quot;

John Dale was seventy-five years or more, but worked his niggard hill-side all the day, and seldom came to town. His aged wife was kind; the flowers of her life she gave away, but none could glance upon the garden. She seemed to know when neighbors were ill; hers was the dignity of being indispensable. Many the mother of that region who, standing beneath&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[4]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>5egk49rwstm4cs5ih8nq5mto4cwdd77</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/9</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018613</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506380</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:46Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="714" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;some cloud, thanked God as this
slender, white-haired soul with star
shine in her face, hurried over the
fields with an old volume pasted full
of quaint remedies.

She made a call of another kind—
just once—when the &quot; Hitchenses&quot;
brought the first organ to &quot;Cold
Friday.&quot;

She remained only long enough to
go straight to the cabinet, which the
assembled neighbors regarded with
distant awe, and play several pieces
‘‘ without the book.&quot; On her leaving
with the same quiet indifference, Mrs.
Ephraim Fivecoats peered owlishly
toward Mrs. Rome Lukens and ren-
dered the following upon her favorite
instrument;

‘Well! if that woman ever gits
the fever an' gits deliriums, I want&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[5]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>e3ac70qyzrmeyq8w7dm41ljzadbzy9f</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506587</id>
      <parentid>12506380</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="702" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;some cloud, thanked God as this slender, white-haired soul with star shine in her face, hurried over the fields with an old volume pasted full of quaint remedies.

She made a call of another kind—just once—when the &quot;Hitchenses&quot; brought the first organ to &quot;Cold Friday.&quot;

She remained only long enough to go straight to the cabinet, which the assembled neighbors regarded with distant awe, and play several pieces &quot;without the book.&quot; On her leaving with the same quiet indifference, Mrs. Ephraim Fivecoats peered owlishly toward Mrs. Rome Lukens and rendered the following upon her favorite instrument:

&quot;Well! if that woman ever gits the fever an' gits deliriums, I want&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[5]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>2had3zhkl9cz5d6xqu467l52axths4h</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506631</id>
      <parentid>12506587</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="702" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;some cloud, thanked God as this slender, white-haired soul with star shine in her face, hurried over the fields with an old volume pasted full of quaint remedies.

She made a call of another kind—just once—when the &quot;Hitchenses&quot; brought the first organ to &quot;Cold Friday.&quot;

She remained only long enough to go straight to the cabinet, which the assembled neighbors regarded with distant awe, and play several pieces &quot;without the book.&quot; On her leaving with the same quiet indifference, Mrs. Ephraim Fivecoats peered owlishly toward Mrs. Rome Lukens and rendered the following upon her favorite instrument:

&quot;Well! if that woman ever gits the fever an' gits deliriums, I want&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[5]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>dsljikpuk1qm5eviuuqxseb05lvodto</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/10</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018614</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506381</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:47Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="764" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to be round, handy like. I'll swan
there'll be more interestin' things
told than we've heerd in our born
days—that woman is allus thinkin'!&quot;

In this final respect, the judgment
of the Lady of the House of Five-
coats was sound.

How gallant the mind is! If the
past be sad, it mingles with Diver-
sion's multitude till Sadness is lost;
if the present be unhappy, it has a
. magic thrift of joys, and Unhappi-
ness is hushed by Memory's laughter;
if both past and present have a grief,
it seeks amid its scanty store for some
event, for instance, whose recur-
rence brings some brightness; to
greet this it sends affectionate antici-
pations—and were its quiver empty,
it would battle still some way!

So the wife of Dale looked for-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[6]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ij7f48nm98b3my3r4k3bswlpu1u0ne4</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506589</id>
      <parentid>12506381</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="755" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to be round, handy like. I'll swan there'll be more interestin' things told than we've heerd in our born days—that woman is allus thinkin'!&quot;

In this final respect, the judgment of the Lady of the House of Five-coats was sound.

How gallant the mind is! If the past be sad, it mingles with Diversion 's multitude till Sadness is lost; if the present be unhappy, it has a magic thrift of joys, and Unhappiness is hushed by Memory's laughter; if both past and present have a grief, it seeks amid its scanty store for some event, for instance, whose recurrence brings some brightness; to greet this it sends affectionate anticipations —and were its quiver empty, it would battle still some way!

So the wife of Dale looked for-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[6]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>g7eiu8irn0vh77ysgvmr69j2wego98n</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506632</id>
      <parentid>12506589</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:08Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="755" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to be round, handy like. I'll swan there'll be more interestin' things told than we've heerd in our born days—that woman is allus thinkin'!&quot;

In this final respect, the judgment of the Lady of the House of Five-coats was sound.

How gallant the mind is! If the past be sad, it mingles with Diversion 's multitude till Sadness is lost; if the present be unhappy, it has a magic thrift of joys, and Unhappiness is hushed by Memory's laughter; if both past and present have a grief, it seeks amid its scanty store for some event, for instance, whose recurrence brings some brightness; to greet this it sends affectionate anticipations —and were its quiver empty, it would battle still some way!

So the wife of Dale looked for-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[6]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>5uxgch0376ungvohqzh7e0t9p9lu8om</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/11</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018615</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506382</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="727" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ward to Doctor Johnston's visits, yet
there were so many doors between
her silence and the world, she did
not turn as he entered one eventful
day.

Doctors are Nature's confessors,
and down the memory of this one
wandered a camel of sympathy upon
which the sick had heaped their secret
woes for years, though one added
naught to the burden.

It was the tale he wished to hear,
and when some fugitive phrase prom-
ised revelation, he folded the powders
slowly; but when it ended in a sigh,
he strapped up bottles and expecta-
tions and went away, reflecting how
poor the world where one might hear
all things save those which interested.

But Time is a patient locksmith to
whom all doors swing open.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[7]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>e9j3sgldesi73ouw8qsgrt9kow71a1v</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506590</id>
      <parentid>12506382</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="731" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ward to Doctor Johnston's visits, yet there were so many doors between her silence and the world, she did not turn as he entered one eventful day.

Doctors are Nature's confessors, and down the memory of this one wandered a camel of sympathy upon which the sick had heaped their secret woes for years, though one added naught to the burden.

It was the tale he wished to hear, and when some fugitive phrase promised revelation, he folded the powders slowly; but when it ended in a sigh, he strapped up bottles and expectations and went away, reflecting how poor the world where one might hear all things save those which interested.

But Time is a patient locksmith to whom all doors swing open.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[7]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>lu2rzvtld0bfqnc6uei3p899zz5agqz</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506633</id>
      <parentid>12506590</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <text bytes="731" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ward to Doctor Johnston's visits, yet there were so many doors between her silence and the world, she did not turn as he entered one eventful day.

Doctors are Nature's confessors, and down the memory of this one wandered a camel of sympathy upon which the sick had heaped their secret woes for years, though one added naught to the burden.

It was the tale he wished to hear, and when some fugitive phrase promised revelation, he folded the powders slowly; but when it ended in a sigh, he strapped up bottles and expectations and went away, reflecting how poor the world where one might hear all things save those which interested.

But Time is a patient locksmith to whom all doors swing open.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[7]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/12</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018616</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506383</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:49Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="748" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;T always sit by this window,&quot; she
began as he removed the fever ther-
mometer; &quot;I've looked so long; I
see nothing in a way—and at night
I always put the light here. If he
should come in the dark I want him
to see—here is a letter.&quot;

The Doctor read and returned it
with a look of infinite pity.

&quot;T had a dream last night; I may
be superstitious or it may be the fever
—but it was so real. I saw it all; it
was just like my prayer. I believe
in God, you know.&quot; She smiled in
half reproach. ‘Yes, in spite of all.

&quot;In that dream something touched
my hand and a voice whispered the
word, ‘Now.' Oh, how anxious it
was! I awoke, sitting up; the lamp
had gone out, yet it was not empty—
and there was no wind.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[8]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506591</id>
      <parentid>12506383</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="748" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;I always sit by this window,&quot; she began as he removed the fever thermometer; &quot;I've looked so long; I see nothing in a way—and at night I always put the light here. If he should come in the dark I want him to see—here is a letter.&quot;

The Doctor read and returned it with a look of infinite pity.

&quot;I had a dream last night; I may be superstitious or it may be the fever—but it was so real. I saw it all; it was just like my prayer. I believe in God, you know.&quot; She smiled in half reproach. &quot;Yes, in spite of all.

&quot;In that dream something touched my hand and a voice whispered the word, 'Now.' Oh, how anxious it was! I awoke, sitting up; the lamp had gone out, yet it was not empty—and there was no wind.&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[8]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506634</id>
      <parentid>12506591</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="748" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;I always sit by this window,&quot; she began as he removed the fever thermometer; &quot;I've looked so long; I see nothing in a way—and at night I always put the light here. If he should come in the dark I want him to see—here is a letter.&quot;

The Doctor read and returned it with a look of infinite pity.

&quot;I had a dream last night; I may be superstitious or it may be the fever—but it was so real. I saw it all; it was just like my prayer. I believe in God, you know.&quot; She smiled in half reproach. &quot;Yes, in spite of all.

&quot;In that dream something touched my hand and a voice whispered the word, 'Now.' Oh, how anxious it was! I awoke, sitting up; the lamp had gone out, yet it was not empty—and there was no wind.&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[8]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/13</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018617</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506384</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="634" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;John Dale stumbled into the room,
his arms full of wood, and an old dog,
lying before the fireplace, thumped
his tail against the floor with dimin-
ishing vigor.

She arose. «I'll get you a bite to
eat, Doctor.&quot;

&quot;Never mind! I must be going.&quot;
He made a sign to Dale, who fol-
lowed to the gate.

&quot;John, I've been calling here a
long time——&quot;

&quot;TI know I ought to pay some-
thin',&quot; Dale started to say.

&quot;Tt isn't that—I've just diagnosed
the case; only one man can cure it.&quot;

&quot;Would he—on credit?&quot; Dale
anxiously inquired.

&quot;He never charges.&quot; Johnston
smiled sorrowfully at the old man's
despair.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[9]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>53dmo5b11xfhgw8cjfoou4m8nl52b9u</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506592</id>
      <parentid>12506384</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="638" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;John Dale stumbled into the room, his arms full of wood, and an old dog, lying before the fireplace, thumped his tail against the floor with diminishing vigor.

She arose. &quot;I'll get you a bite to eat, Doctor.&quot;

&quot;Never mind! I must be going.&quot; He made a sign to Dale, who followed to the gate.

&quot;John, I've been calling here a long time{{bar|2}}&quot;

&quot;I know I ought to pay somethin ',&quot; Dale started to say.

&quot;It isn't that—I've just diagnosed the case; only one man can cure it.&quot;

&quot;Would he—on credit?&quot; Dale anxiously inquired.

&quot;He never charges.&quot; Johnston smiled sorrowfully at the old man's despair.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[9]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ltf7hjtp0v03z3kdjdrls1tj4s43bla</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506635</id>
      <parentid>12506592</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="638" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;John Dale stumbled into the room, his arms full of wood, and an old dog, lying before the fireplace, thumped his tail against the floor with diminishing vigor.

She arose. &quot;I'll get you a bite to eat, Doctor.&quot;

&quot;Never mind! I must be going.&quot; He made a sign to Dale, who followed to the gate.

&quot;John, I've been calling here a long time{{bar|2}}&quot;

&quot;I know I ought to pay somethin ',&quot; Dale started to say.

&quot;It isn't that—I've just diagnosed the case; only one man can cure it.&quot;

&quot;Would he—on credit?&quot; Dale anxiously inquired.

&quot;He never charges.&quot; Johnston smiled sorrowfully at the old man's despair.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[9]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>hti4gkc858gvo1n3xhnrm249cyxcsef</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/14</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018618</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506385</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:51Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="704" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Who is he?&quot;

&quot;The President; the President of
the United States,&quot; he added as
Dale's eyes filled with questions.
&quot;I came out of college a sceptic,
John, and I'd be an infidel out-
right but for that wife of yours—
she's nearer the sky, somehow, than
any other mortal I've seen. I don't
believe in anything, of course—but
that dream—if I were you I'd trust
it—I'd follow where it led.&quot;

With his foot on the hub, the
farmer slowly whetted his knife on
his boot. &quot;I'll go with you, Doctor.&quot;

&quot;T called at the office, but it was
locked, and so I'm here,&quot; apologized
Dale as Judge Long opened the door
of his old-fashioned stone house in
Point Elizabeth, the county seat.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[10]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>m7o0ox1thc5vzckys63cceqq9riql8x</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506593</id>
      <parentid>12506385</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="709" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Who is he?&quot;

&quot;The President; the President of the United States,&quot; he added as Dale's eyes filled with questions. &quot;I came out of college a sceptic, John, and I'd be an infidel outright but for that wife of yours—she's nearer the sky, somehow, than any other mortal I've seen. I don't believe in anything, of course—but that dream—if I were you I'd trust it—I'd follow where it led.&quot;

With his foot on the hub, the farmer slowly whetted his knife on his boot. &quot;I'll go with you, Doctor.&quot;

&quot;I called at the office, but it was locked, and so I'm here,&quot; apologized Dale as Judge Long opened the door of his old-fashioned stone house in Point Elizabeth, the county seat.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[10]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>c7ywutx7sfljacpfxzbxbdvxv0nn7j7</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506636</id>
      <parentid>12506593</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="709" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Who is he?&quot;

&quot;The President; the President of the United States,&quot; he added as Dale's eyes filled with questions. &quot;I came out of college a sceptic, John, and I'd be an infidel outright but for that wife of yours—she's nearer the sky, somehow, than any other mortal I've seen. I don't believe in anything, of course—but that dream—if I were you I'd trust it—I'd follow where it led.&quot;

With his foot on the hub, the farmer slowly whetted his knife on his boot. &quot;I'll go with you, Doctor.&quot;

&quot;I called at the office, but it was locked, and so I'm here,&quot; apologized Dale as Judge Long opened the door of his old-fashioned stone house in Point Elizabeth, the county seat.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[10]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>a663ri1u6q2uvysxamou665zseii99a</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/15</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018619</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506386</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="666" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Glad to see you—had your sup-
per?&quot;

Hearing voices in the dining-
room, he answered in the affirm-
ative.

&quot;Then have a cigar and wait in
the library; the folks are having a
little company.&quot;

The old man surveyed the room;
the books alone were worth more than
his earthly possessions. From a desk
loomed a bust of Webster. Shadows
seemed to leap from it; the sombre
lips bespoke the futility of striving
against stern realities.

There was gayety in the dining-
room; Judge Long was a fountain of
mirth, a favorite at taverns, while
riding the circuit—before juries—
wherever people gathered.

A gale of laughter greeted his last&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[11]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>pimfzkqhzry34ca8c0zqmn2e35qt1km</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506594</id>
      <parentid>12506386</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="659" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Glad to see you—had your supper ?&quot;

Hearing voices in the diningroom, he answered in the affirmative.

&quot;Then have a cigar and wait in the library; the folks are having a little company.&quot;

The old man surveyed the room; the books alone were worth more than his earthly possessions. From a desk loomed a bust of Webster. Shadows seemed to leap from it; the sombre lips bespoke the futility of striving against stern realities.

There was gayety in the dining-room; Judge Long was a fountain of mirth, a favorite at taverns, while riding the circuit—before juries—wherever people gathered.

A gale of laughter greeted his last&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[11]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506637</id>
      <parentid>12506594</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:11Z</timestamp>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="659" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Glad to see you—had your supper ?&quot;

Hearing voices in the diningroom, he answered in the affirmative.

&quot;Then have a cigar and wait in the library; the folks are having a little company.&quot;

The old man surveyed the room; the books alone were worth more than his earthly possessions. From a desk loomed a bust of Webster. Shadows seemed to leap from it; the sombre lips bespoke the futility of striving against stern realities.

There was gayety in the dining-room; Judge Long was a fountain of mirth, a favorite at taverns, while riding the circuit—before juries—wherever people gathered.

A gale of laughter greeted his last&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[11]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ooxovs8hcmgrmnv6sygialssalscfym</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506681</id>
      <parentid>12506637</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:58:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <text bytes="658" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Glad to see you—had your supper?&quot;

Hearing voices in the diningroom, he answered in the affirmative.

&quot;Then have a cigar and wait in the library; the folks are having a little company.&quot;

The old man surveyed the room; the books alone were worth more than his earthly possessions. From a desk loomed a bust of Webster. Shadows seemed to leap from it; the sombre lips bespoke the futility of striving against stern realities.

There was gayety in the dining-room; Judge Long was a fountain of mirth, a favorite at taverns, while riding the circuit—before juries—wherever people gathered.

A gale of laughter greeted his last&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[11]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/16</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018620</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506387</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:53Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="688" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;anecdote and the diners protested as
he arose.

Dale told his story excitedly, and
at the conclusion Judge Long slowly
brushed away the tobacco smoke.

&quot;Tm sorry, John, but we did all
we could last month—and we failed;
there's just one thing to do—face the
matter. It's hard, but this world is
chiefly water, and what isn't water is
largely rock—it's for fish and fossils,
I suppose.&quot;

&quot;But we will win now!&quot; The old
man's hand fell with decision.

&quot;Why do you say that?&quot;

&quot;Mother had another dream last
night.&quot;

&quot;But, you know, she had one a
month ago,&quot; quietly protested Long.

*Yes—and it came true—we didn't

do our part just right. We can't fail&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[12]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>hm7ojh9ccisxd5cjmeol82ruuxegvai</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506595</id>
      <parentid>12506387</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="688" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;anecdote and the diners protested as he arose.

Dale told his story excitedly, and at the conclusion Judge Long slowly brushed away the tobacco smoke.

&quot;I'm sorry, John, but we did all we could last month—and we failed; there's just one thing to do—face the matter. It's hard, but this world is chiefly water, and what isn't water is largely rock—it's for fish and fossils, I suppose.&quot;

&quot;But we will win now!&quot; The old man's hand fell with decision.

&quot;Why do you say that?&quot;

&quot;Mother had another dream last night.&quot;

&quot;But, you know, she had one a month ago,&quot; quietly protested Long.

&quot;Yes—and it came true—we didn't do our part just right. We can't fail&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[12]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6r71uihnawpjem3drm5jt3164ft1sea</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506638</id>
      <parentid>12506595</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="688" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;anecdote and the diners protested as he arose.

Dale told his story excitedly, and at the conclusion Judge Long slowly brushed away the tobacco smoke.

&quot;I'm sorry, John, but we did all we could last month—and we failed; there's just one thing to do—face the matter. It's hard, but this world is chiefly water, and what isn't water is largely rock—it's for fish and fossils, I suppose.&quot;

&quot;But we will win now!&quot; The old man's hand fell with decision.

&quot;Why do you say that?&quot;

&quot;Mother had another dream last night.&quot;

&quot;But, you know, she had one a month ago,&quot; quietly protested Long.

&quot;Yes—and it came true—we didn't do our part just right. We can't fail&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[12]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ie6wdmo439fwwuwrnlkk9p0v7yn8knd</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/17</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018621</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506388</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:53Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="730" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;this time; there must be a day of
justice!&quot;

&quot;Well, as to that, John, this game
of life is strange; we bring nothing
with us, so how can we lose? We
take nothing away, so how can we
win? We think; we plan; we stack
these plans with precision, but Chance
always sits at our right, waiting to
cut the cards. You speak of ‘justice.'
It's a myth. The statue above the
court-house stands first on one foot,
then on the other, tired of waiting,
tired of the sharp rocks of technical-
ity, tired of the pompous farce. Why,
Dale,&quot; he waved a hand toward an
opposite corner, &quot;if old Daniel Web-
ster were here he couldn't do any-
thing!&quot;

When an American lawyer cites
that mighty shade it is conclusive, but&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[13]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>htyirge5n4h4b1cdb744tyl9zbxyzbb</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506596</id>
      <parentid>12506388</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:45Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="723" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;this time; there must be a day of justice!&quot;

&quot;Well, as to that, John, this game of life is strange; we bring nothing with us, so how can we lose? We take nothing away, so how can we win? We think; we plan; we stack these plans with precision, but Chance always sits at our right, waiting to cut the cards. You speak of 'justice.' It's a myth. The statue above the court-house stands first on one foot, then on the other, tired of waiting, tired of the sharp rocks of technicality, tired of the pompous farce. Why, Dale,&quot; he waved a hand toward an opposite corner, &quot;if old Daniel Webster were here he couldn't do anything !&quot;

When an American lawyer cites that mighty shade it is conclusive, but&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[13]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6gav48718zecgtjdtq4jun7v3bd81e8</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506639</id>
      <parentid>12506596</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="723" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;this time; there must be a day of justice!&quot;

&quot;Well, as to that, John, this game of life is strange; we bring nothing with us, so how can we lose? We take nothing away, so how can we win? We think; we plan; we stack these plans with precision, but Chance always sits at our right, waiting to cut the cards. You speak of 'justice.' It's a myth. The statue above the court-house stands first on one foot, then on the other, tired of waiting, tired of the sharp rocks of technicality, tired of the pompous farce. Why, Dale,&quot; he waved a hand toward an opposite corner, &quot;if old Daniel Webster were here he couldn't do anything !&quot;

When an American lawyer cites that mighty shade it is conclusive, but&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[13]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>npfjsc1lb5p7dsmuwmb9lqbkw5h73vl</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506682</id>
      <parentid>12506639</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:58:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */ fmt</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="722" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;this time; there must be a day of justice!&quot;

&quot;Well, as to that, John, this game of life is strange; we bring nothing with us, so how can we lose? We take nothing away, so how can we win? We think; we plan; we stack these plans with precision, but Chance always sits at our right, waiting to cut the cards. You speak of 'justice.' It's a myth. The statue above the court-house stands first on one foot, then on the other, tired of waiting, tired of the sharp rocks of technicality, tired of the pompous farce. Why, Dale,&quot; he waved a hand toward an opposite corner, &quot;if old Daniel Webster were here he couldn't do anything!&quot;

When an American lawyer cites that mighty shade it is conclusive, but&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[13]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>aqgi9aoczg7libzj6wa77ymw2cnumub</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/18</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018622</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506389</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:54Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="714" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the effect was lost on Dale. He was
not a lawyer, neither had he read the
&quot;Dartmouth College Case&quot; nor the
&quot;Reply to Hayne.&quot; In fact his rela-
tions with the ‘Sage of Marshfield&quot;
were so formal he believed his fame
to rest chiefly on having left behind a
multitude of busts. Besides, he was
impatient; the Judge's peroration
having lifted his head so suddenly
that cigar ashes fell upon the deep
rug at his feet.

&quot;You won't go again, Judge?&quot;
He leaned forward perplexed.

&quot;Tt's no use.&quot;

&quot;Well, mebbe you can't do any-
thing—mebbe Dan'! Webster couldn't
—but John Dale can!&quot;

Long arose, astonished. ‘How
foolish! Reason for a moment—any
presentation of this matter calls for&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[14]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>oawt5fcosge76wmqt6yr7i4tto7he8v</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506597</id>
      <parentid>12506389</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:46Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="706" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the effect was lost on Dale. He was not a lawyer, neither had he read the &quot;Dartmouth College Case&quot; nor the &quot;Reply to Hayne.&quot; In fact his relations with the &quot;Sage of Marshfield&quot; were so formal he believed his fame to rest chiefly on having left behind a multitude of busts. Besides, he was impatient; the Judge's peroration having lifted his head so suddenly that cigar ashes fell upon the deep rug at his feet.

&quot;You won't go again, Judge?&quot; He leaned forward perplexed.

&quot;It's no use.&quot;

&quot;Well, mebbe you can't do anything —mebbe Dan'l Webster couldn't—but John Dale can!&quot;

Long arose, astonished. &quot;How foolish! Reason for a moment—any presentation of this matter calls for&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[14]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>9799scg3nvy3reii1aes0a8b6k71ry1</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506640</id>
      <parentid>12506597</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="706" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the effect was lost on Dale. He was not a lawyer, neither had he read the &quot;Dartmouth College Case&quot; nor the &quot;Reply to Hayne.&quot; In fact his relations with the &quot;Sage of Marshfield&quot; were so formal he believed his fame to rest chiefly on having left behind a multitude of busts. Besides, he was impatient; the Judge's peroration having lifted his head so suddenly that cigar ashes fell upon the deep rug at his feet.

&quot;You won't go again, Judge?&quot; He leaned forward perplexed.

&quot;It's no use.&quot;

&quot;Well, mebbe you can't do anything —mebbe Dan'l Webster couldn't—but John Dale can!&quot;

Long arose, astonished. &quot;How foolish! Reason for a moment—any presentation of this matter calls for&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[14]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>b3njuaulff25hbstnaf0oaxyk2dseza</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/19</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018623</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506390</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="744" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the highest ability; it involves sifting
of evidence; symmetry of arrange-
ment; cohesiveness of method, logic
of argument, persuasiveness of ad-
vocacy, subtleties of acumen, charms
of eloquence—all the elements' of
the greatest profession among men!&quot;

Dale leaned heavily against the ta-
ble, his eyes following the Judge as he
walked back and forth.

&quot;Well, I've got 'em—I can't call
'em by name, but I've got the whole
damned list—and I'm goin'!&quot;

Long stood at bay, his hand on the
door, his face glowing with anima-
tion.

&quot;Dale, you're old enough to be my
father, but you shall listen. You'd
fail before a justice of the peace, and
before the President of the United
States—it's absurd. You'd go down&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[15]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>rw32qv2axf116i3xqu4fljgh8nq5e0j</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506598</id>
      <parentid>12506390</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:46Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="735" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the highest ability; it involves sifting of evidence; symmetry of arrangement; cohesiveness of method, logic of argument, persuasiveness of advocacy, subtleties of acumen, charms of eloquence—all the elements of the greatest profession among men!&quot;

Dale leaned heavily against the table, his eyes following the Judge as he walked back and forth.

&quot;Well, I've got 'em—I can't call 'em by name, but I've got the whole damned list—and I'm goin'!&quot;

Long stood at bay, his hand on the door, his face glowing with animation.

&quot;Dale, you're old enough to be my father, but you shall listen. You'd fail before a justice of the peace, and before the President of the United States—it's absurd. You'd go down&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[15]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ewjzpylqi1e83mrqj0r38tvhvyhvo5v</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506641</id>
      <parentid>12506598</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="735" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the highest ability; it involves sifting of evidence; symmetry of arrangement; cohesiveness of method, logic of argument, persuasiveness of advocacy, subtleties of acumen, charms of eloquence—all the elements of the greatest profession among men!&quot;

Dale leaned heavily against the table, his eyes following the Judge as he walked back and forth.

&quot;Well, I've got 'em—I can't call 'em by name, but I've got the whole damned list—and I'm goin'!&quot;

Long stood at bay, his hand on the door, his face glowing with animation.

&quot;Dale, you're old enough to be my father, but you shall listen. You'd fail before a justice of the peace, and before the President of the United States—it's absurd. You'd go down&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[15]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>2dypgvehf5whb224vq53hqnv40cj406</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/20</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018624</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506391</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="686" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;there, get mad, probably be arrested
and kill any hope we might have;
why, you're guilty of contempt of
court right now. I had a strong in-
fluence, yet I failed.&quot;

The old farmer of &quot;Lonesome
Hill&quot; would listen no more.

&quot;Then wait, John. This letter may
at least save you from jail—and you
haven't any money; will this do?&quot;

&quot;Tt's more than I need, Judge.&quot;

&quot;No, keep it all—and keep your
temper too.&quot;

As the Judge stood in the doorway,
watching the venerable figure disap-
pear in the drizzling night, a young
woman from the dining-room stole
to his side and heard him muse:
After all, who knows? A Briton
clad in skins once humbled a Roman
emperor.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[16]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>pxnt45vf4wepgi8umepqj0ag0sd8p8c</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506599</id>
      <parentid>12506391</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:47Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="691" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;there, get mad, probably be arrested and kill any hope we might have; why, you're guilty of contempt of court right now. I had a strong influence, yet I failed.&quot;

The old farmer of &quot;Lonesome Hill&quot; would listen no more.

&quot;Then wait, John. This letter may at least save you from jail—and you haven't any money; will this do?&quot;

&quot;It's more than I need, Judge.&quot;

&quot;No, keep it all—and keep your temper too.&quot;

As the Judge stood in the doorway, watching the venerable figure disappear in the drizzling night, a young woman from the dining-room stole to his side and heard him muse: &quot;After all, who knows? A Briton clad in skins once humbled a Roman emperor.&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[16]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>aukovzhi4fj4iqnu47ltyv9dv96g0n4</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506642</id>
      <parentid>12506599</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:15Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="691" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;there, get mad, probably be arrested and kill any hope we might have; why, you're guilty of contempt of court right now. I had a strong influence, yet I failed.&quot;

The old farmer of &quot;Lonesome Hill&quot; would listen no more.

&quot;Then wait, John. This letter may at least save you from jail—and you haven't any money; will this do?&quot;

&quot;It's more than I need, Judge.&quot;

&quot;No, keep it all—and keep your temper too.&quot;

As the Judge stood in the doorway, watching the venerable figure disappear in the drizzling night, a young woman from the dining-room stole to his side and heard him muse: &quot;After all, who knows? A Briton clad in skins once humbled a Roman emperor.&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[16]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>g028rzz1ths9wy6hviwf95pduf28r04</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/21</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018625</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506392</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="700" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Ts he in trouble?&quot; she asked.
&quot;Yes, great trouble, and it isn't his
fault. Fate'sa poor shot. She never
strikes one who is guilty without
wounding two who are innocent.&quot;

Dale was an admirable volunteer
and strangely resourceful; he had
something more than courage.

The train did not leave for two
hours. He sat in the station till the
clatter of the telegraph drove him
out, when he walked toward the
yards with their colored lights, and
through his brain raced Specula-
tion's myriad fiends, all brandishing
lanterns like those before him. When,
at last, the train did start, it seemed
to roll slowly, though it could suffer
delay and reach the Capital by day-
break.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[17]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>qq2nkf8s0qiduk3q4b6ussvu7ezn31d</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506600</id>
      <parentid>12506392</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:47Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="709" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Is he in trouble?&quot; she asked.

&quot;Yes, great trouble, and it isn't his fault. Fate's a poor shot. She never strikes one who is guilty without wounding two who are innocent.&quot;


Dale was an admirable volunteer and strangely resourceful; he had something more than courage.

The train did not leave for two hours. He sat in the station till the clatter of the telegraph drove him out, when he walked toward the yards with their colored lights, and through his brain raced Speculation 's myriad fiends, all brandishing lanterns like those before him. When, at last, the train did start, it seemed to roll slowly, though it could suffer delay and reach the Capital by day-break.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[17]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>0x4lknlrikz2ziz5ea0i37fj5o5xrrb</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506643</id>
      <parentid>12506600</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="709" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Is he in trouble?&quot; she asked.

&quot;Yes, great trouble, and it isn't his fault. Fate's a poor shot. She never strikes one who is guilty without wounding two who are innocent.&quot;


Dale was an admirable volunteer and strangely resourceful; he had something more than courage.

The train did not leave for two hours. He sat in the station till the clatter of the telegraph drove him out, when he walked toward the yards with their colored lights, and through his brain raced Speculation 's myriad fiends, all brandishing lanterns like those before him. When, at last, the train did start, it seemed to roll slowly, though it could suffer delay and reach the Capital by day-break.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[17]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>s4de59f4fqj7m24la5u73r03fs1utin</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/22</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018626</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506393</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="754" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;He read the letter of introduction
several times, and wondered what
kind of man the President was; he
thought of what he would say—and
how it would end.

At intervals a ghost would extend
a long, bony hand and wring drops
of blood from his heart; at such times
the President was hostile—the trip
very foolish—he regretted his anger
at Judge Long's house; and once,
had the engine been a horse, he might
have turned back. At other times
gleams of victory came from some-
where and yet from nowhere, and
routed the gypsies from his brain,
and the President stood before him,
a sympathetic gentleman. Once he
knew it, and through excess of spirits
walked up and down the aisle, study-

ing the sleeping passengers; for John&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[18]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506601</id>
      <parentid>12506393</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <text bytes="749" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;He read the letter of introduction several times, and wondered what kind of man the President was; he thought of what he would say—and how it would end.

At intervals a ghost would extend a long, bony hand and wring drops of blood from his heart; at such times the President was hostile—the trip very foolish—he regretted his anger at Judge Long's house; and once, had the engine been a horse, he might have turned back. At other times gleams of victory came from somewhere and yet from nowhere, and routed the gypsies from his brain, and the President stood before him, a sympathetic gentleman. Once he knew it, and through excess of spirits walked up and down the aisle, studying the sleeping passengers; for John&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[18]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506644</id>
      <parentid>12506601</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="749" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;He read the letter of introduction several times, and wondered what kind of man the President was; he thought of what he would say—and how it would end.

At intervals a ghost would extend a long, bony hand and wring drops of blood from his heart; at such times the President was hostile—the trip very foolish—he regretted his anger at Judge Long's house; and once, had the engine been a horse, he might have turned back. At other times gleams of victory came from somewhere and yet from nowhere, and routed the gypsies from his brain, and the President stood before him, a sympathetic gentleman. Once he knew it, and through excess of spirits walked up and down the aisle, studying the sleeping passengers; for John&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[18]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>n3r343z6chkf7ol0kd0gxzjr3d6fn8b</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/23</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018627</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506394</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:13:59Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="729" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Dale travelled in a common &quot;day
coach.&quot;

At last he yielded to fatigue, and
far off on the horizon of consciousness
dimly flashed the duel of his hopes
and fears. Rest was impossible, and
after a long time the dawn drifted be-
tween his half-closed lids; a glorious
dome floated out of the sky and the
porter shouted, &quot;All out for Wash-
ington!&quot;

The cabmen who besieged the well-
dressed passengers paid scant homage
to the old man, who walked uncer-
tainly out of the smoky shed and stood
for a moment in Pennsylvania Ave-
nue—on one hand the Capitol, on
the other the Treasury and White
House. A great clock above him
struck the hour of six; he hesitated,
then went toward the scene of conflict.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[19]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506602</id>
      <parentid>12506394</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
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      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="730" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Dale travelled in a common &quot;day coach.&quot;

At last he yielded to fatigue, and far off on the horizon of consciousness dimly flashed the duel of his hopes and fears. Rest was impossible, and after a long time the dawn drifted between his half-closed lids; a glorious dome floated out of the sky and the porter shouted, &quot;All out for Washington !&quot;

The cabmen who besieged the well-dressed passengers paid scant homage to the old man, who walked uncertainly out of the smoky shed and stood for a moment in Pennsylvania Avenue —on one hand the Capitol, on the other the Treasury and White House. A great clock above him struck the hour of six; he hesitated, then went toward the scene of conflict.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[19]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506645</id>
      <parentid>12506602</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:17Z</timestamp>
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        <username>MpaaBot</username>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="730" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Dale travelled in a common &quot;day coach.&quot;

At last he yielded to fatigue, and far off on the horizon of consciousness dimly flashed the duel of his hopes and fears. Rest was impossible, and after a long time the dawn drifted between his half-closed lids; a glorious dome floated out of the sky and the porter shouted, &quot;All out for Washington !&quot;

The cabmen who besieged the well-dressed passengers paid scant homage to the old man, who walked uncertainly out of the smoky shed and stood for a moment in Pennsylvania Avenue —on one hand the Capitol, on the other the Treasury and White House. A great clock above him struck the hour of six; he hesitated, then went toward the scene of conflict.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[19]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506683</id>
      <parentid>12506645</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:58:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */ fmt</comment>
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      <text bytes="729" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Dale travelled in a common &quot;day coach.&quot;

At last he yielded to fatigue, and far off on the horizon of consciousness dimly flashed the duel of his hopes and fears. Rest was impossible, and after a long time the dawn drifted between his half-closed lids; a glorious dome floated out of the sky and the porter shouted, &quot;All out for Washington!&quot;

The cabmen who besieged the well-dressed passengers paid scant homage to the old man, who walked uncertainly out of the smoky shed and stood for a moment in Pennsylvania Avenue —on one hand the Capitol, on the other the Treasury and White House. A great clock above him struck the hour of six; he hesitated, then went toward the scene of conflict.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[19]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/24</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018628</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506395</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:00Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="759" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The waking traffic, the great build-
ings, the pulse of this strange life
filled him with depression. He came
to a beautiful park and gazed upon
Lafayette and Rochambeau, then the
equestrian statue of Jackson. As he
sat facing the snow-white building
with columned portico, the magnolia
blossoms were as incense. Then he
could wait no longer and crossed to
the President's office. A policeman
stopped him at the steps. He ex-
plained that he had a letter from
Judge Long. What! Did this po-
liceman not know Judge Long?

He sat under a tree, and the police-
man walked a few paces away to turn
anon and survey the waiting pilgrim.
When the doors opened he entered.
The President would not come for
another hour; he would be busy—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[20]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506603</id>
      <parentid>12506395</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:49Z</timestamp>
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        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="759" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The waking traffic, the great buildings, the pulse of this strange life filled him with depression. He came to a beautiful park and gazed upon Lafayette and Rochambeau, then the equestrian statue of Jackson. As he sat facing the snow-white building with columned portico, the magnolia blossoms were as incense. Then he could wait no longer and crossed to the President's office. A policeman stopped him at the steps. He explained that he had a letter from Judge Long. What! Did this policeman not know Judge Long?

He sat under a tree, and the policeman walked a few paces away to turn anon and survey the waiting pilgrim. When the doors opened he entered. The President would not come for another hour; he would be busy{{peh|—}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[20]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506646</id>
      <parentid>12506603</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:17Z</timestamp>
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        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="759" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The waking traffic, the great buildings, the pulse of this strange life filled him with depression. He came to a beautiful park and gazed upon Lafayette and Rochambeau, then the equestrian statue of Jackson. As he sat facing the snow-white building with columned portico, the magnolia blossoms were as incense. Then he could wait no longer and crossed to the President's office. A policeman stopped him at the steps. He explained that he had a letter from Judge Long. What! Did this policeman not know Judge Long?

He sat under a tree, and the policeman walked a few paces away to turn anon and survey the waiting pilgrim. When the doors opened he entered. The President would not come for another hour; he would be busy{{peh|—}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[20]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/25</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018629</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506396</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:01Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="728" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;possibly he might see him by noon—
provided he had credentials.

With a sigh he sank into a chair
and was soon asleep.

&quot;&quot;Come—this is no cheap lodging
house!&quot; The greeting was shaken
into him by a clerk with hair parted
in the middle, who disdainfully sur-
veyed the sleeper's attire.

He who has much on his mind little
cares what he has on his back, and
when the youth exploded, &quot;‘ Who are
you?&quot; the old fellow's self-reliance
came forth.

Leading the way to the door Dale
pointed a trembling finger. ‘&quot;‘See
that buildin', ‘Bub'—and that one
yonder, and that patch over there
with Andy Jackson in it? Well, I'm
one of the folks that made it all—
and paid for it; and you're one of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[21]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ftc2rsry4lhy29wjgq7x905pyd5te03</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506604</id>
      <parentid>12506396</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:49Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="711" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;possibly he might see him by noon—provided he had credentials.

With a sigh he sank into a chair and was soon asleep.

&quot;Come—this is no cheap lodging house!&quot; The greeting was shaken into him by a clerk with hair parted in the middle, who disdainfully surveyed the sleeper's attire.

He who has much on his mind little cares what he has on his back, and when the youth exploded, &quot;Who are you?&quot; the old fellow's self-reliance came forth.

Leading the way to the door Dale pointed a trembling finger. &quot;See that buildin', 'Bub'—and that one yonder, and that patch over there with Andy Jackson in it? Well, I'm one of the folks that made it all—and paid for it; and you're one of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[21]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>m0l57459h7s1xjwfotnmmkv8fp1kaqb</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506647</id>
      <parentid>12506604</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="711" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;possibly he might see him by noon—provided he had credentials.

With a sigh he sank into a chair and was soon asleep.

&quot;Come—this is no cheap lodging house!&quot; The greeting was shaken into him by a clerk with hair parted in the middle, who disdainfully surveyed the sleeper's attire.

He who has much on his mind little cares what he has on his back, and when the youth exploded, &quot;Who are you?&quot; the old fellow's self-reliance came forth.

Leading the way to the door Dale pointed a trembling finger. &quot;See that buildin', 'Bub'—and that one yonder, and that patch over there with Andy Jackson in it? Well, I'm one of the folks that made it all—and paid for it; and you're one of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[21]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>omu17epv9vbnlmmcsa2mjyitjxhudxg</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/26</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018630</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506397</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="712" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;my hired hands. I've got to keep
so many of you down here I can't
afford one on the farm. I want to
see the President—give him this let-
ter—it's from Judge Sylvester Long,
of Point Elizabeth!&quot;

The youth vanished and Dale re-
sumed his chair.

He was looking across the lawn
when a sudden alertness came into
the scene; the silk-hatted line of call-
ers stepped aside; those who were
seated arose; newspaper correspond-
ents turned with vigilant ears. A
nervous voice inquired, &quot; Where is
Mr. John Dale?&quot;

The President stood before him,
dressed in white flannel, then smil-
ingly grasped his hand with a blast of
welcome: &quot;I'm delighted to meet
the friend of Judge Long!&quot; Taking&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[22]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>hgxeud9yfruoelpb9dy1x1qne1oorpd</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506605</id>
      <parentid>12506397</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="702" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;my hired hands. I've got to keep so many of you down here I can't afford one on the farm. I want to see the President—give him this letter —it's from Judge Sylvester Long, of Point Elizabeth!&quot;

The youth vanished and Dale resumed his chair.

He was looking across the lawn when a sudden alertness came into the scene; the silk-hatted line of callers stepped aside; those who were seated arose; newspaper correspondents turned with vigilant ears. A nervous voice inquired, &quot;Where is Mr. John Dale?&quot;

The President stood before him, dressed in white flannel, then smilingly grasped his hand with a blast of welcome: &quot;I'm delighted to meet the friend of Judge Long!&quot; Taking&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[22]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>27it8dm0vw6b8ybzoo1ur3nt3utatyx</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506648</id>
      <parentid>12506605</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="702" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;my hired hands. I've got to keep so many of you down here I can't afford one on the farm. I want to see the President—give him this letter —it's from Judge Sylvester Long, of Point Elizabeth!&quot;

The youth vanished and Dale resumed his chair.

He was looking across the lawn when a sudden alertness came into the scene; the silk-hatted line of callers stepped aside; those who were seated arose; newspaper correspondents turned with vigilant ears. A nervous voice inquired, &quot;Where is Mr. John Dale?&quot;

The President stood before him, dressed in white flannel, then smilingly grasped his hand with a blast of welcome: &quot;I'm delighted to meet the friend of Judge Long!&quot; Taking&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[22]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>9jzg43eojcwqdgw8rapftxlrr5aocqx</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/27</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018631</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506398</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="754" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;his arm the Executive escorted him
through the Cabinet Room thronged
with Senators, Representatives, and
tourists. ‘They entered the private
office. &quot;Take the sofa, Mr. Dale—
it's the easiest thing in the place. I
hope your business is such that you
can excuse me for a little while.&quot;

A smile came over Dale's white
face. Could the poorest farmer of
the &quot;Cold Friday&quot; region wait for
the most powerful character in the
world? Nor was the old man in the
linen duster the only one who smiled.
A member of the Russian Embassy
turned to his companion—a dis-
tinguished visitor from the Court of
St. Petersburg: ‘‘ What would a peas-
ant say to the Czar?&quot;

The President now entered the
Cabinet Room, shaking hands with&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[23]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>2ad0ae1jpvcuvf2g103f1go0qtgu2kz</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506606</id>
      <parentid>12506398</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="740" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;his arm the Executive escorted him through the Cabinet Room thronged with Senators, Representatives, and tourists. They entered the private office. &quot;Take the sofa, Mr. Dale—it's the easiest thing in the place. I hope your business is such that you can excuse me for a little while.&quot;

A smile came over Dale's white face. Could the poorest farmer of the &quot;Cold Friday&quot; region wait for the most powerful character in the world? Nor was the old man in the linen duster the only one who smiled. A member of the Russian Embassy turned to his companion—a distinguished visitor from the Court of St. Petersburg: &quot;What would a peasant say to the Czar?&quot;

The President now entered the Cabinet Room, shaking hands with&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[23]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ppix38padqjbvq15plcaiet17zmc42p</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506649</id>
      <parentid>12506606</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="740" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;his arm the Executive escorted him through the Cabinet Room thronged with Senators, Representatives, and tourists. They entered the private office. &quot;Take the sofa, Mr. Dale—it's the easiest thing in the place. I hope your business is such that you can excuse me for a little while.&quot;

A smile came over Dale's white face. Could the poorest farmer of the &quot;Cold Friday&quot; region wait for the most powerful character in the world? Nor was the old man in the linen duster the only one who smiled. A member of the Russian Embassy turned to his companion—a distinguished visitor from the Court of St. Petersburg: &quot;What would a peasant say to the Czar?&quot;

The President now entered the Cabinet Room, shaking hands with&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[23]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ou9b3eouuwhibqluoeul7szq36xguld</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/28</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018632</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506399</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="781" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the many, guiding a few into his pri-
vate office. Dale listened; now it was
an introduction and a message to an
old friend in the West. Then a de-
cisive &quot;&quot;No&quot; dashed some hope of
patronage; again, it was a discussion
of poetry, aérial navigation, or the
relics of the Aztecs. It was a long
stride from ‘Lonesome Hill,&quot; and
for the time Dale was novelty's cap-
tive. He glanced round the room.
It was not as fine as the directors'
office of the Point Elizabeth Bank!
Above the mantel—the place of honor
—was the painting of a martyr. He
wondered whether another stroke of
the brush would have brought a smile
to the face, or an expression of sad-
ness. The hands were very large—
they had once broken iron bands.

In one corner was a shot-gun;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[24]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>p68o5obid8lr0ea4a2ofl4iadu3dfq8</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506607</id>
      <parentid>12506399</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:51Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="769" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the many, guiding a few into his private office. Dale listened; now it was an introduction and a message to an old friend in the West. Then a decisive &quot;&quot;No&quot; dashed some hope of patronage; again, it was a discussion of poetry, aërial navigation, or the relics of the Aztecs. It was a long stride from &quot;Lonesome Hill,&quot; and for the time Dale was novelty's captive. He glanced round the room. It was not as fine as the directors' office of the Point Elizabeth Bank! Above the mantel—the place of honor—was the painting of a martyr. He wondered whether another stroke of the brush would have brought a smile to the face, or an expression of sadness. The hands were very large—they had once broken iron bands.

In one corner was a shot-gun;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[24]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ilh532v8k06j2hwk64n6kli1ormyg2t</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506650</id>
      <parentid>12506607</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="769" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the many, guiding a few into his private office. Dale listened; now it was an introduction and a message to an old friend in the West. Then a decisive &quot;&quot;No&quot; dashed some hope of patronage; again, it was a discussion of poetry, aërial navigation, or the relics of the Aztecs. It was a long stride from &quot;Lonesome Hill,&quot; and for the time Dale was novelty's captive. He glanced round the room. It was not as fine as the directors' office of the Point Elizabeth Bank! Above the mantel—the place of honor—was the painting of a martyr. He wondered whether another stroke of the brush would have brought a smile to the face, or an expression of sadness. The hands were very large—they had once broken iron bands.

In one corner was a shot-gun;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[24]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6loefhy90c1qlvdujt3dzu9lyirfavl</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/29</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018633</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506400</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:04Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="707" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;tennis rackets in another; on a chair
were snow-shoes and on the desk a
sheaf of roses.

Those whom the President had
sifted into his office from the crowd
outside engaged in conversation. A
Senator discussed the ball game with
a Supreme Court Justice; a General
advised an Author to try deep breath-

The President returned more ani-
mated than before. He placed a
hand on Dale's shoulder: &quot;Be com-
fortable—and stay for lunch; no-

body but us.&quot;

' The crowd paid sudden respect to

the homespun citizen of an older day,

and a great happiness came into his

heart—it was like the unfolding of one

of the roses. Not that he was to lunch

with the President, though Dale's&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[25]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>4y3a96ivo1vtupx8syvjm4t68sxifl7</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506608</id>
      <parentid>12506400</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:51Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="697" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;tennis rackets in another; on a chair were snow-shoes and on the desk a sheaf of roses.

Those whom the President had sifted into his office from the crowd outside engaged in conversation. A Senator discussed the ball game with a Supreme Court Justice; a General advised an Author to try deep breathing.

The President returned more animated than before. He placed a hand on Dale's shoulder: &quot;Be comfortable —and stay for lunch; nobody but us.&quot;

The crowd paid sudden respect to the homespun citizen of an older day, and a great happiness came into his heart—it was like the unfolding of one of the roses. Not that he was to lunch with the President, though Dale's&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[25]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>s3ex4143lmpn4u69wjupip58sdok7ne</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506651</id>
      <parentid>12506608</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="697" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;tennis rackets in another; on a chair were snow-shoes and on the desk a sheaf of roses.

Those whom the President had sifted into his office from the crowd outside engaged in conversation. A Senator discussed the ball game with a Supreme Court Justice; a General advised an Author to try deep breathing.

The President returned more animated than before. He placed a hand on Dale's shoulder: &quot;Be comfortable —and stay for lunch; nobody but us.&quot;

The crowd paid sudden respect to the homespun citizen of an older day, and a great happiness came into his heart—it was like the unfolding of one of the roses. Not that he was to lunch with the President, though Dale's&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[25]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>nav1zp6lemxra1ad04jzq3uo2abaylj</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/30</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018634</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506401</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="705" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;was the village estimate of human
greatness. A vaster issue was before
him, and this was a token of success
—a success which would bind up his
remaining years with peace, and give
glorious recompense to the compan-
ion of his few joys and many griefs.

The President hurriedly signed his
name to parchments.

&quot;I'm making a few postmasters.&quot;
He smiled toward the sofa. &quot;It's no
trouble here—that's all at the other
end of the line.&quot;

Without stopping the pen, he dis-
cussed matters with one statesman
after another, his lips snapping with
metallic positiveness.

A member of the Senate Commit-
tee on Foreign Relations protested
against the course pursued in Santo
Domingo.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[26]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>r6alggbgqkipnytv2cppcfrsy6n7jf3</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506609</id>
      <parentid>12506401</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="706" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;was the village estimate of human greatness. A vaster issue was before him, and this was a token of success—a success which would bind up his remaining years with peace, and give glorious recompense to the companion of his few joys and many griefs.

The President hurriedly signed his name to parchments.

&quot;I'm making a few postmasters.&quot; He smiled toward the sofa. &quot;It's no trouble here—that's all at the other end of the line.&quot;

Without stopping the pen, he discussed matters with one statesman after another, his lips snapping with metallic positiveness.

A member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations protested against the course pursued in Santo Domingo.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[26]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>445lwmjvwxk6g20966u35oekiowidqa</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506652</id>
      <parentid>12506609</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="706" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;was the village estimate of human greatness. A vaster issue was before him, and this was a token of success—a success which would bind up his remaining years with peace, and give glorious recompense to the companion of his few joys and many griefs.

The President hurriedly signed his name to parchments.

&quot;I'm making a few postmasters.&quot; He smiled toward the sofa. &quot;It's no trouble here—that's all at the other end of the line.&quot;

Without stopping the pen, he discussed matters with one statesman after another, his lips snapping with metallic positiveness.

A member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations protested against the course pursued in Santo Domingo.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[26]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>sz69sflfyckt09akfhi4jjfijvvujq1</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/31</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018635</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506402</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="768" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Tf I were making a world, Sena-
tor, I'd try to get along without put-
ting in any Santo Domingos, but as
things stand, we must make her be
decent or let somebody else do it.&quot;

Another brings up the question of
taxing incomes and inheritances.

&quot;I favor them both,&quot; declared the
President. &quot;They are taxes on good
luck; bad luck is its own tax.&quot;

A statesman from the Pacific slope
protests against Federal interference
in the school question.

&quot;It is a local matter as you say,
Senator, and yours is a ‘Sovereign
State'—they all are till they get into
trouble. If we should have war with
Japan, your State would speedily be-
come an integral part of the Union.&quot;

A group of gentlemen now object
to an aspirant for a Federal judgeship&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[27]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>cwgmqgey3fikitmneszwhoezmq4l8nf</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506610</id>
      <parentid>12506402</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="760" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;If I were making a world, Senator, I'd try to get along without putting in any Santo Domingos, but as things stand, we must make her be decent or let somebody else do it.&quot;

Another brings up the question of taxing incomes and inheritances.

&quot;I favor them both,&quot; declared the President. &quot;They are taxes on good luck; bad luck is its own tax.&quot;

A statesman from the Pacific slope protests against Federal interference in the school question.

&quot;It is a local matter as you say, Senator, and yours is a 'Sovereign State'—they all are till they get into trouble. If we should have war with Japan, your State would speedily become an integral part of the Union.&quot;

A group of gentlemen now object to an aspirant for a Federal judgeship&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[27]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>oczf5g8p1m7z4evahh62mdrnsxt0016</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506653</id>
      <parentid>12506610</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:23Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="760" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;If I were making a world, Senator, I'd try to get along without putting in any Santo Domingos, but as things stand, we must make her be decent or let somebody else do it.&quot;

Another brings up the question of taxing incomes and inheritances.

&quot;I favor them both,&quot; declared the President. &quot;They are taxes on good luck; bad luck is its own tax.&quot;

A statesman from the Pacific slope protests against Federal interference in the school question.

&quot;It is a local matter as you say, Senator, and yours is a 'Sovereign State'—they all are till they get into trouble. If we should have war with Japan, your State would speedily become an integral part of the Union.&quot;

A group of gentlemen now object to an aspirant for a Federal judgeship&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[27]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>samop35yjl2hch9vly5pg117ism9nvc</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/32</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018636</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506403</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="720" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;on the ground that he has not a &quot;‘ju-
dicial temperament.&quot;

&quot;As I understand it,&quot; the Presi-
dent begins, &quot;‘judicial temperament
is largely a fragrance rising from the
recollection of corporate employment;
it is the ability to throw a comma un-
der the wheels of progress and upset
public welfare; I am glad to learn
that Mr. L——has not a ‘judicial
temperament'; I shall send his name
to the Senate to-day.&quot;

The gentlemen retired. ‘‘Come,
Mr. Dale, let us go.&quot;

This President had been accused
of a lack of dignity. Is it a less valu-
able trait which puts the John Dales
of our land at instant ease in the
&quot;State Dining-Room&quot; of the White
House?

&quot;Well, sir, no man ever had a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[28]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>7xmm7db695div7yzt3wznd23vgduuoo</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506611</id>
      <parentid>12506403</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:53Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="707" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;on the ground that he has not a &quot;judicial temperament.&quot;

&quot;As I understand it,&quot; the President begins, &quot;judicial temperament is largely a fragrance rising from the recollection of corporate employment; it is the ability to throw a comma under the wheels of progress and upset public welfare; I am glad to learn that Mr. L{{bar|2}} has ''not'' a 'judicial temperament'; I shall send his name to the Senate to-day.&quot;

The gentlemen retired. &quot;Come, Mr. Dale, let us go.&quot;

This President had been accused of a lack of dignity. Is it a less valuable trait which puts the John Dales of our land at instant ease in the &quot;State Dining-Room&quot; of the White House?

&quot;Well, sir, no man ever had a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[28]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6hf66119ewbedzz4yqa3n7l89jrsms9</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506654</id>
      <parentid>12506611</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="707" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;on the ground that he has not a &quot;judicial temperament.&quot;

&quot;As I understand it,&quot; the President begins, &quot;judicial temperament is largely a fragrance rising from the recollection of corporate employment; it is the ability to throw a comma under the wheels of progress and upset public welfare; I am glad to learn that Mr. L{{bar|2}} has ''not'' a 'judicial temperament'; I shall send his name to the Senate to-day.&quot;

The gentlemen retired. &quot;Come, Mr. Dale, let us go.&quot;

This President had been accused of a lack of dignity. Is it a less valuable trait which puts the John Dales of our land at instant ease in the &quot;State Dining-Room&quot; of the White House?

&quot;Well, sir, no man ever had a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[28]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>35lvrdkvclxlpv09ararw1w3rdbeyuz</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/33</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018637</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506404</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:08Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="732" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;better friend than Judge Long,&quot; said
the President when they were seated.
&quot;*Ves' Long, I mean,&quot; he added
with a smile.

&quot;TI met him in the West; he had a
ranch; mine was near it. We saw
much of each other; we hunted to-
gether—and that's where you learn
a man's mettle. He never com-
plained of dogs, luck, or weather.
We saw rough times; it was glorious.
We'd wake up with snow on the bed,
and when ‘Ves' introduced me at
Point Elizabeth in my first campaign
he said we often found rabbit tracks
on the quilts—but then ‘Ves' had a
remarkable eye.

&quot;Some say, ‘blood is thicker than
water.' That depends somewhat on
the quality of the water; I like him;
there's nothing I wouldn't do for him!&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[29]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>20g4unq9ecitbow0pnm9lqp3qdzindp</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506612</id>
      <parentid>12506404</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:53Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="729" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;better friend than Judge Long,&quot; said the President when they were seated. &quot;Ves' Long, I mean,&quot; he added with a smile.

&quot;I met him in the West; he had a ranch; mine was near it. We saw much of each other; we hunted together —and that's where you learn a man's mettle. He never complained of dogs, luck, or weather. We saw rough times; it was glorious. We'd wake up with snow on the bed, and when 'Ves' introduced me at Point Elizabeth in my first campaign he said we often found rabbit tracks on the quilts—but then 'Ves' had a remarkable eye.

&quot;Some say, 'blood is thicker than water.' That depends somewhat on the quality of the water; I like him; there's nothing I wouldn't do for him!&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[29]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>e0lef4flidiwrqfsydcnmjcmhkamst4</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506655</id>
      <parentid>12506612</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="729" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;better friend than Judge Long,&quot; said the President when they were seated. &quot;Ves' Long, I mean,&quot; he added with a smile.

&quot;I met him in the West; he had a ranch; mine was near it. We saw much of each other; we hunted together —and that's where you learn a man's mettle. He never complained of dogs, luck, or weather. We saw rough times; it was glorious. We'd wake up with snow on the bed, and when 'Ves' introduced me at Point Elizabeth in my first campaign he said we often found rabbit tracks on the quilts—but then 'Ves' had a remarkable eye.

&quot;Some say, 'blood is thicker than water.' That depends somewhat on the quality of the water; I like him; there's nothing I wouldn't do for him!&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[29]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>7s1fov5pd5mvyfhd1wdl2hjs8zwujgl</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/34</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018638</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506405</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="720" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Dale grew suddenly sick at heart.
If Long had only come! Recalling
his discouraging words, a shadow
crept over the old man's mind.
Could it be possible he had not tried
the month before?

Such misgivings soon vanished.
&quot;This is a trying office, Mr. Dale.
With all my feelings I had to hold in
abeyance the only favor he ever
asked; it was about a pardon in a
murder case over thirty-five years
ago. He said it was the most cruel
ease of circumstantial evidence in
the books—possibly you may know
about the case.&quot;

The old man struggled back in
his chair, then arose, his rough hand
brushing thin locks back from a tem-
ple where the veins seemed swelling

to the danger point. He was unable&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[30]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>tb7hqa1mq3bejji1ywe00d3jvvfhjj3</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506613</id>
      <parentid>12506405</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:54Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="717" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Dale grew suddenly sick at heart. If Long had only come! Recalling his discouraging words, a shadow crept over the old man's mind. Could it be possible he had not tried the month before?

Such misgivings soon vanished. &quot;This is a trying office, Mr. Dale. With all my feelings I had to hold in abeyance the only favor he ever asked; it was about a pardon in a murder case over thirty-five years ago. He said it was the most cruel ease of circumstantial evidence in the books—possibly you may know about the case.&quot;

The old man struggled back in his chair, then arose, his rough hand brushing thin locks back from a temple where the veins seemed swelling to the danger point. He was unable&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[30]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>bkov9y0td1065piq729quberibdwzas</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506656</id>
      <parentid>12506613</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="717" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Dale grew suddenly sick at heart. If Long had only come! Recalling his discouraging words, a shadow crept over the old man's mind. Could it be possible he had not tried the month before?

Such misgivings soon vanished. &quot;This is a trying office, Mr. Dale. With all my feelings I had to hold in abeyance the only favor he ever asked; it was about a pardon in a murder case over thirty-five years ago. He said it was the most cruel ease of circumstantial evidence in the books—possibly you may know about the case.&quot;

The old man struggled back in his chair, then arose, his rough hand brushing thin locks back from a temple where the veins seemed swelling to the danger point. He was unable&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[30]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>j9gdp546c4gvwxctxv6u7829wb39erb</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/35</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018639</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506406</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="687" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to summon more than a whisper
from his shrunken throat.

&quot;Yes, Mr. President, I do—he's
my boy!&quot;

&quot;Your—boy! Yes—that's the
name—how stupid of me—I beg
your pardon, Mr. Dale—a thousand
times.&quot;

They stared a long while at each
other and Dale felt the fears which
had fled before his gracious reception
returning to grip him by the heart;
the speech he had prepared had fled;
it had all happened so differently.

At last the President spoke: &quot; Con-
gress is just going out; it's the busy
season, but I'll go through the papers
to-night myself.&quot;

Dale walked to the window; per-
spiration was on his face, but he was
very cold. He stood with locked&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[31]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>jahvvtwwzwek3nsvjvxw8ojhye43b0b</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506614</id>
      <parentid>12506406</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="682" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to summon more than a whisper from his shrunken throat.

&quot;Yes, Mr. President, I do—he's my boy!&quot;

&quot;Your—boy! Yes—that's the name—how stupid of me—I beg your pardon, Mr. Dale—a thousand times.&quot;

They stared a long while at each other and Dale felt the fears which had fled before his gracious reception returning to grip him by the heart; the speech he had prepared had fled; it had all happened so differently.

At last the President spoke: &quot;Congress is just going out; it's the busy season, but I'll go through the papers to-night myself.&quot;

Dale walked to the window; perspiration was on his face, but he was very cold. He stood with locked&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[31]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>jximsn1zcocsitttok4bzzrkfeowbiv</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506657</id>
      <parentid>12506614</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="682" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to summon more than a whisper from his shrunken throat.

&quot;Yes, Mr. President, I do—he's my boy!&quot;

&quot;Your—boy! Yes—that's the name—how stupid of me—I beg your pardon, Mr. Dale—a thousand times.&quot;

They stared a long while at each other and Dale felt the fears which had fled before his gracious reception returning to grip him by the heart; the speech he had prepared had fled; it had all happened so differently.

At last the President spoke: &quot;Congress is just going out; it's the busy season, but I'll go through the papers to-night myself.&quot;

Dale walked to the window; perspiration was on his face, but he was very cold. He stood with locked&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[31]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>m7x3eeuiarpwlzve8ft6i7xg5yj74wz</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/36</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018640</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506407</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="691" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;brain, and into his eyes came filmy
clouds; then through these he saw,
with sudden strangeness, a cabin far
away, and a woman with pallid
cheeks looked straight at him.

The President gazed intently as
the old man wiped the window pane,
nodded his head, and turned to face
the table.

He cleared his throat, then opened
a flannel collar, already loose, and
his eyes glistened.

&quot;You're sick!&quot; exclaimed the
President rising. ‘‘ Waiter—some
brandy!&quot;

&quot;No—just a little dizzy.

&quot;Mr. President,&quot; he slowly began,
&quot;this is a case that all the papers in
the world can't tell—nor all the men
—there's none just like it.

&quot;It's not for the boy—it's not for&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[32]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6uhpxadbia6oscaeizrrikfls4effc5</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506615</id>
      <parentid>12506407</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="684" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;brain, and into his eyes came filmy clouds; then through these he saw, with sudden strangeness, a cabin far away, and a woman with pallid cheeks looked straight at him.

The President gazed intently as the old man wiped the window pane, nodded his head, and turned to face the table.

He cleared his throat, then opened a flannel collar, already loose, and his eyes glistened.

&quot;You're sick!&quot; exclaimed the President rising. &quot;Waiter—some brandy!&quot;

&quot;No—just a little dizzy.

&quot;Mr. President,&quot; he slowly began, &quot;this is a case that all the papers in the world can't tell—nor all the men—there's none just like it.

&quot;It's not for the boy—it's not for&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[32]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ad9cmlovz0hl2dcaddnl2naim1f6lig</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506658</id>
      <parentid>12506615</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="684" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;brain, and into his eyes came filmy clouds; then through these he saw, with sudden strangeness, a cabin far away, and a woman with pallid cheeks looked straight at him.

The President gazed intently as the old man wiped the window pane, nodded his head, and turned to face the table.

He cleared his throat, then opened a flannel collar, already loose, and his eyes glistened.

&quot;You're sick!&quot; exclaimed the President rising. &quot;Waiter—some brandy!&quot;

&quot;No—just a little dizzy.

&quot;Mr. President,&quot; he slowly began, &quot;this is a case that all the papers in the world can't tell—nor all the men—there's none just like it.

&quot;It's not for the boy—it's not for&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[32]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>0n0l0akag2mvjp6t19k872xggm64bix</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/37</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018641</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506408</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="724" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;me. I took her from her folks against
their will, and I've not panned out
lucky—but that's not to the point.
She's sick; the doctor can't help her
—nobody can but you—I wish you
might have seen her from the window
yonder.&quot;

The half-finished luncheon was
disregarded; the President had sunk
into his chair, and the keen discrimi-
nation of a king of affairs was
struggling with a strange fascina-
tion.

&quot;Long ago, Mr. President, I had
an enemy—Bill Hartsell—we shot
each other.&quot; He held up a withered
hand. &quot;It's been a feud ever since.
His boy and mine went to war in the
same company—both as brave as ever
wore the blue. When they were wait-

in' to be mustered out Bill's boy was&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[33]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>dkamoidhgljel8575hlpu06rw3fgiit</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506616</id>
      <parentid>12506408</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="717" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;me. I took her from her folks against their will, and I've not panned out lucky—but that's not to the point. She's sick; the doctor can't help her—nobody can but you—I wish you might have seen her from the window yonder.&quot;

The half-finished luncheon was disregarded; the President had sunk into his chair, and the keen discrimination of a king of affairs was struggling with a strange fascination.

&quot;Long ago, Mr. President, I had an enemy—Bill Hartsell—we shot each other.&quot; He held up a withered hand. &quot;It's been a feud ever since. His boy and mine went to war in the same company—both as brave as ever wore the blue. When they were waitin ' to be mustered out Bill's boy was&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[33]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>7849ba3mfq7tggo7hd8ewibkkq7dl9e</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506659</id>
      <parentid>12506616</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="717" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;me. I took her from her folks against their will, and I've not panned out lucky—but that's not to the point. She's sick; the doctor can't help her—nobody can but you—I wish you might have seen her from the window yonder.&quot;

The half-finished luncheon was disregarded; the President had sunk into his chair, and the keen discrimination of a king of affairs was struggling with a strange fascination.

&quot;Long ago, Mr. President, I had an enemy—Bill Hartsell—we shot each other.&quot; He held up a withered hand. &quot;It's been a feud ever since. His boy and mine went to war in the same company—both as brave as ever wore the blue. When they were waitin ' to be mustered out Bill's boy was&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[33]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>qc068wmd446fs3qqkhnrkkqpvmx5tkm</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/38</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018642</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506409</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>350769</id>
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      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="729" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;murdered in his tent—in his sleep.
Bill was there and swore he saw my
Richard do it.

&quot;One night, a month ago, my
woman—she's a great woman, Mr.
President—the sick folks down in my
country call her ‘The Angel of Lone-
some Hill'—well, she had a dream
that Bill Hartsell wanted to see me.
I hadn't laid eyes on him for years.
I strapped on my six-shooter and she
said, ‘No—it isn't that kind of a trip
—it's peace.'

&quot;T put down the shootin' iron
and went—it was a long way—two
days on horseback. I got to Bill's
cabin at night; I went in without
a knock; I wasn't afraid. Bill's
folks were round the bed. He
arose and cried out: ‘John, I sent
for you; it was a damn lie I told—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[34]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>gzhrj6ik7m617fgxjn9mt9eukznjgv3</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506617</id>
      <parentid>12506409</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="728" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;murdered in his tent—in his sleep. Bill was there and swore he saw my Richard do it.

&quot;One night, a month ago, my woman—she's a great woman, Mr. President—the sick folks down in my country call her 'The Angel of Lonesome Hill'—well, she had a dream that Bill Hartsell wanted to see me. I hadn't laid eyes on him for years. I strapped on my six-shooter and she said, 'No—it isn't that kind of a trip—it's peace.'

&quot;I put down the shootin' iron and went—it was a long way—two days on horseback. I got to Bill's cabin at night; I went in without a knock; I wasn't afraid. Bill's folks were round the bed. He arose and cried out: 'John, I sent for you; it was a damn lie I told{{peh|—}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[34]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>h45v9tlr386ebz6odf5jrom431cefzo</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506660</id>
      <parentid>12506617</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:36Z</timestamp>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="728" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;murdered in his tent—in his sleep. Bill was there and swore he saw my Richard do it.

&quot;One night, a month ago, my woman—she's a great woman, Mr. President—the sick folks down in my country call her 'The Angel of Lonesome Hill'—well, she had a dream that Bill Hartsell wanted to see me. I hadn't laid eyes on him for years. I strapped on my six-shooter and she said, 'No—it isn't that kind of a trip—it's peace.'

&quot;I put down the shootin' iron and went—it was a long way—two days on horseback. I got to Bill's cabin at night; I went in without a knock; I wasn't afraid. Bill's folks were round the bed. He arose and cried out: 'John, I sent for you; it was a damn lie I told{{peh|—}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[34]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>kn2isszfxejcyjkpoj0woru2ixt7muk</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/39</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018643</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506410</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:14Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="672" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;your boy didn't do it'—-and then
Bill died.&quot;

For the moment the old man's agi-
tation mastered him.

&quot;I remember, Mr. Dale. ‘Ves'
told me; he brought the statements
of the family—and yours. I've been
thinking of it ever since—and a great
deal these last two days. Tell me,
why did you happen to come?&quot;

&quot;*Mother had a dream that said the
time was up.&quot;

Dale spoke as calmly as though de-
livering a message from a neighbor.

Fear was not even a memory now.
He stood erect; the stone he had
slowly pushed up many steep years
was near the summit—one mighty
effort might hurl it down the past
forever.

&quot;Just a word about that boy, Mr.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[35]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>5mh6le29s8omrj5y3lht5pyo75jpe24</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506618</id>
      <parentid>12506410</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="664" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;your boy didn't do it'—and then Bill died.&quot;

For the moment the old man's agitation mastered him.

&quot;I remember, Mr. Dale. 'Ves' told me; he brought the statements of the family—and yours. I've been thinking of it ever since—and a great deal these last two days. Tell me, why did you happen to come?&quot;

&quot;Mother had a dream that said the time was up.&quot;

Dale spoke as calmly as though delivering a message from a neighbor.

Fear was not even a memory now. He stood erect; the stone he had slowly pushed up many steep years was near the summit—one mighty effort might hurl it down the past forever.

&quot;Just a word about that boy, Mr.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[35]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>grtm1bvqzrr7ivz1iwr3p5up1kmnbij</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506661</id>
      <parentid>12506618</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="664" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;your boy didn't do it'—and then Bill died.&quot;

For the moment the old man's agitation mastered him.

&quot;I remember, Mr. Dale. 'Ves' told me; he brought the statements of the family—and yours. I've been thinking of it ever since—and a great deal these last two days. Tell me, why did you happen to come?&quot;

&quot;Mother had a dream that said the time was up.&quot;

Dale spoke as calmly as though delivering a message from a neighbor.

Fear was not even a memory now. He stood erect; the stone he had slowly pushed up many steep years was near the summit—one mighty effort might hurl it down the past forever.

&quot;Just a word about that boy, Mr.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[35]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>862xsrers1fcf9xw8pwguc86kaz3el3</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/40</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018644</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506411</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:15Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="777" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;President. At Cold Harbor his regi-
ment stood in hell all day; he was one
of those who pinned his name to his
coat so his body could be identified—
after the charge. Well, in that charge
the flag went down, and a man went
out to get it—and he fell; then another
—and he fell; and then a thin, pale
fellow that the doctors almost refused
sprang forward like a panther—and
he fell. ‘They were askin' for a vol-
unteer when a staff officer called out:
&quot;Good God! He's alive! He's got
it! He's crawlin' back!'

&quot;They had to lift him off the colors;
he didn't know anything, . . . and
that was my boy, Mr. President—
that was Dick!

&quot;‘Funny how he enlisted,&quot; Dale re-
sumed after a moment. &quot; He'd been
tryin' to get in, but I kept him out.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[36]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>q6rnrqih92wx7ena43f7e2yu02nuplg</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506619</id>
      <parentid>12506411</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="762" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;President. At Cold Harbor his regiment stood in hell all day; he was one of those who pinned his name to his coat so his body could be identified—after the charge. Well, in that charge the flag went down, and a man went out to get it—and he fell; then another—and he fell; and then a thin, pale fellow that the doctors almost refused sprang forward like a panther—and he fell. 'They were askin' for a volunteer when a staff officer called out: &quot;Good God! He's alive! He's got it! He's crawlin' back!'

&quot;They had to lift him off the colors; he didn't know anything, . . . and that was my boy, Mr. President—that was Dick!

&quot;Funny how he enlisted,&quot; Dale resumed after a moment. &quot;He'd been tryin' to get in, but I kept him out.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[36]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>f08lefqpe6yfl6yxlahv1ujjet2hpa5</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506662</id>
      <parentid>12506619</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="762" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;President. At Cold Harbor his regiment stood in hell all day; he was one of those who pinned his name to his coat so his body could be identified—after the charge. Well, in that charge the flag went down, and a man went out to get it—and he fell; then another—and he fell; and then a thin, pale fellow that the doctors almost refused sprang forward like a panther—and he fell. 'They were askin' for a volunteer when a staff officer called out: &quot;Good God! He's alive! He's got it! He's crawlin' back!'

&quot;They had to lift him off the colors; he didn't know anything, . . . and that was my boy, Mr. President—that was Dick!

&quot;Funny how he enlisted,&quot; Dale resumed after a moment. &quot;He'd been tryin' to get in, but I kept him out.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[36]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ld1fov0qad39wmf8netxt3a1tufk2n5</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/41</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018645</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506412</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="729" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;One night his mother sent him for a
dime's worth of clothes-line—and he
never came back. He's not bad, Mr.
President; he's good—he gets it from
his mother.&quot;

Dale lifted his head with pride:
&quot;When I was on the jury I heard
Judge Long say no one could be pun-
ished if their name wasn't written in
the indictment. Now, they didn't
only convict Dick—they convicted
his mother—this whole world's her
prison—and it's illegal, Mr. President
—her name wasn't written in that in-
dictment—and it's her pardon I
want.&quot;

The President arose and walked the
floor. &quot;How could the man who
saved those colors shoot a comrade in
his sleep? Mr. Dale, my faith in hu-
man nature tells me that's a lie!&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[37]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>i0jx6k8pwpv6r97ehecpzplcxm6lvgh</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506620</id>
      <parentid>12506412</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="731" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;One night his mother sent him for a dime's worth of clothes-line—and he never came back. He's not bad, Mr. President; he's good—he gets it from his mother.&quot;

Dale lifted his head with pride: &quot;When I was on the jury I heard Judge Long say no one could be punished if their name wasn't written in the indictment. Now, they didn't only convict Dick—they convicted his mother—this whole world's her prison—and it's illegal, Mr. President—her name wasn't written in that indictment —and it's her pardon I want.&quot;

The President arose and walked the floor. &quot;How could the man who saved those colors shoot a comrade in his sleep? Mr. Dale, my faith in human nature tells me that's a lie!&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[37]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>n9xr35husr4gkmv3p1eo90tlqbl3fgs</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506663</id>
      <parentid>12506620</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="731" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;One night his mother sent him for a dime's worth of clothes-line—and he never came back. He's not bad, Mr. President; he's good—he gets it from his mother.&quot;

Dale lifted his head with pride: &quot;When I was on the jury I heard Judge Long say no one could be punished if their name wasn't written in the indictment. Now, they didn't only convict Dick—they convicted his mother—this whole world's her prison—and it's illegal, Mr. President—her name wasn't written in that indictment —and it's her pardon I want.&quot;

The President arose and walked the floor. &quot;How could the man who saved those colors shoot a comrade in his sleep? Mr. Dale, my faith in human nature tells me that's a lie!&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[37]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>iw4yr06q7pf8o2sdo6cphdgjplsbvjf</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/42</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018646</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506413</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="660" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;He stood for an instant at the win-
dow, looking over the fountain, the
river, the tall white Washington
needle which pierced the sky, then
quickly stepped to the table and
lifted a glass:

&quot;Mr. Dale, I propose atoast—The
Angel of Lonesome Hill'. . . her
liberty!&quot;

As they returned to the office there
was nothing extraordinary in the
President's vigorous step—that was
known the world around. There
was something most unusual, how-
ever, in the radiant soul—the splendid
ancient youth of the quaint figure by
his side.

At the door where the policeman
had watched the waiting pilgrim the

President shook the old man's hand.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[38]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>juqx9f63nqw8e2xxg6dzfz86nkdks5t</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506621</id>
      <parentid>12506413</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="666" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;He stood for an instant at the window, looking over the fountain, the river, the tall white Washington needle which pierced the sky, then quickly stepped to the table and lifted a glass:

&quot;Mr. Dale, I propose a toast—The Angel of Lonesome Hill' . . . her liberty!&quot;


As they returned to the office there was nothing extraordinary in the President's vigorous step—that was known the world around. There was something most unusual, however, in the radiant soul—the splendid ancient youth of the quaint figure by his side.

At the door where the policeman had watched the waiting pilgrim the President shook the old man's hand.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[38]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>f60m3q6p0853ou7j8prf3789aodnvdw</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506664</id>
      <parentid>12506621</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:40Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="666" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;He stood for an instant at the window, looking over the fountain, the river, the tall white Washington needle which pierced the sky, then quickly stepped to the table and lifted a glass:

&quot;Mr. Dale, I propose a toast—The Angel of Lonesome Hill' . . . her liberty!&quot;


As they returned to the office there was nothing extraordinary in the President's vigorous step—that was known the world around. There was something most unusual, however, in the radiant soul—the splendid ancient youth of the quaint figure by his side.

At the door where the policeman had watched the waiting pilgrim the President shook the old man's hand.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[38]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>fgpq6hievdmsccufo10in0yvdam9vik</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/43</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018647</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506414</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:18Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="638" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Come again, Mr. Dale, and tell
‘Ves' Long I'll go hunting with him
this fall and bring along a man he'll
like—a man who catches wolves with
his hands.&quot;

John Dale knew every fence corner
in that region, but the night was so
dark he stopped at times to &quot;feel
where he was.&quot;

The man with him could not aid
him; he was a stranger—a strange
stranger who spoke but once—* How
far is it?&quot;

Long habit had made him silent;
he was in the upper fifties, but long
absence from the sun had pinched his
face into the white mask of great
age.

At the village store the stranger
entered, returning with a package.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[39]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>2kcxh0xwdn3ywtzx9isnwzkaz2tbh38</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506622</id>
      <parentid>12506414</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="644" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Come again, Mr. Dale, and tell 'Ves' Long I'll go hunting with him this fall and bring along a man he'll like—a man who catches wolves with his hands.&quot;


John Dale knew every fence corner in that region, but the night was so dark he stopped at times to &quot;feel where he was.&quot;

The man with him could not aid him; he was a stranger—a strange stranger who spoke but once—&quot;How far is it?&quot;

Long habit had made him silent; he was in the upper fifties, but long absence from the sun had pinched his face into the white mask of great age.

At the village store the stranger entered, returning with a package.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[39]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>dkfqth3xlefuqxx8a97nr7p235yel9c</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506665</id>
      <parentid>12506622</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:40Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="644" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Come again, Mr. Dale, and tell 'Ves' Long I'll go hunting with him this fall and bring along a man he'll like—a man who catches wolves with his hands.&quot;


John Dale knew every fence corner in that region, but the night was so dark he stopped at times to &quot;feel where he was.&quot;

The man with him could not aid him; he was a stranger—a strange stranger who spoke but once—&quot;How far is it?&quot;

Long habit had made him silent; he was in the upper fifties, but long absence from the sun had pinched his face into the white mask of great age.

At the village store the stranger entered, returning with a package.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[39]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>c4by87hlg0mtl4j8nww45x6h3lk1wex</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/44</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018648</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506415</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:14:19Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="380" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;THE ANGEL OF LONESOME HILL

When the road turned there was a
light high ahead and a moment later
the two men entered the cabin.

The stranger paused. &quot;Mother,
you sent me for a clothes-line—I've
been delayed—but here it is.&quot;

Her hand trembled as she raised
the lamp from the table.

&quot;My boy—my dream—the Presi-
dent!&quot;

When she lifted her face it was
glorified.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[40]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>okpejcbmsiwblah690lnl4cn8v5mfyh</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506623</id>
      <parentid>12506415</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:45:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="384" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;When the road turned there was a light high ahead and a moment later the two men entered the cabin.

The stranger paused. &quot;Mother, you sent me for a clothes-line—I've been delayed—but here it is.&quot;

Her hand trembled as she raised the lamp from the table.

&quot;My boy—my dream—the President !&quot;


When she lifted her face it was glorified.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[40]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>l63oh6onyo9xh1smb3nvmykjk8l0fhe</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12506666</id>
      <parentid>12506623</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:50:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="384" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;When the road turned there was a light high ahead and a moment later the two men entered the cabin.

The stranger paused. &quot;Mother, you sent me for a clothes-line—I've been delayed—but here it is.&quot;

Her hand trembled as she raised the lamp from the table.

&quot;My boy—my dream—the President !&quot;


When she lifted her face it was glorified.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[40]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ht6p6rdvvi0qmmu10xfrb6lj7vrjlnn</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506684</id>
      <parentid>12506666</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:58:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MpaaBot</username>
        <id>350769</id>
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      <text bytes="383" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MpaaBot&quot; /&gt;{{c|THE ANGEL OF LONESOME HILL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;When the road turned there was a light high ahead and a moment later the two men entered the cabin.

The stranger paused. &quot;Mother, you sent me for a clothes-line—I've been delayed—but here it is.&quot;

Her hand trembled as she raised the lamp from the table.

&quot;My boy—my dream—the President!&quot;


When she lifted her face it was glorified.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|[40]}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="710" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|center=THE DYING MOTHER'S PRAYER.|right=265}}
{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
            And so the mother's prayer, 
            So often breathed above, 
                In agonizing love, 
    Rose high in praise of God's protecting care. 
Meek on his arm her infant charge she laid, 
                And, with a trusting eye, 
                    Of christian constancy, 
        Confiding in her blest Redeemer's aid, 
            She taught the weeping band 
        Who round her couch of pain did stand, 
            How a weak woman's hand, 
        Fettered with sorrow and with sin, 
            Might from the King of Terror's win 
                        ''The victory''.
&lt;/poem&gt;
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/4</title>
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      <text bytes="109" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Mpaa&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{smaller block|''Copyright, 1910, by Charles Scribner's Sons''

{{bar|6}}

''Published April, 1910''}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/267</title>
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{{c|{{larger|'''DREAM OF THE DEAD.'''}}}}

 
{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Sleep}} brought the dead to me. Their brows were kind, 
And their tones tender, and, as erst they blent 
Their sympathies with each familiar scene. 
It was my earthliness that robed them still 
In their material vestments, for they seemed 
Not yet to have put their glorious garments on. 
Methought, 'twere better thus to dwell with them, 
Than with the living. 
                                    'Twas a chosen friend, 
Beloved in school-days' happiness, who came, 
And put her arm through mine, and meekly walked, 
As she was wont, where'er I willed to lead, 
To shady grove or river's sounding shore, 
Or dizzy cliff, to gaze enthralled below 
On wide-spread landscape and diminished throng. 
    One, too, was there, o'er whose departing steps 
Night's cloud hung heavy ere she found the tomb; 
One, to whose ear no infant lip, save mine, 
''E'er breathed the name of mother''.  
                                                         In her hour 
Of conflict with the spoiler, that fond word 
Fell with my tears upon her brow in vain— 
She heard not, heeded not. But now she flew, 
Upon the wing of dreams, to my embrace, 
Full of fresh life, and in that beauty clad 
Which charmed my earliest love. Speak, silent shade! 
Speak to thy child! But with capricious haste 
Sleep turned the tablet, and another came,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/89</title>
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        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="1463" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|REFINEMENTS AND PASTIMES}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;dances throughout the whole of the seventh month (modern August) in the capital and its vicinity. At first these were confined to the higher classes, brilliancy and richness of costume being an essential. But by degrees the circle widened, and in the days when Oda Nobunaga, the ''Taikō,'' and Tokugawa Iyeyasu were engaged in restoring peace and order, autumn dances began to be organised by the mercantile, manufacturing, and agricultural orders, aristocrats taking the place of spectators. These and other popular dances will be referred to in a future chapter.

Wrestling was a favourite exercise of the Japanese ''samurai'' from the earliest time. When first heard of historically, two decades before the commencement of the Christian era, it presents itself simply as the art of applying one's strength to the best advantage for the destruction of an enemy. There were no rules, no restrictions, no vetoes; only devices. Kicking, striking, gripping anywhere and anyhow; attacking the most vital parts of the body—all were permissible. A man sought only to kill his adversary, and if, after throwing him, he could break bones or ribs by stamping, or kicking, or pounding with the knees, success was complete. The earliest historical wrestler served his opponent in that manner. One of the Emperor Suinin's ({{BC}} 29–70 {{AD}}) Palace guards, Tayema no Kehaya, or  Tayema the quick-kicker,&quot; had such thews&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|65}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/268</title>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
A stranger-matron, sicklied o'er and pale, 
And mournful for my vanished guide I sought. 
    Then, many a group, in earnest converse flocked, 
Upon whose lips I knew the burial-clay 
Lay deep, for I had heard its hollow sound, 
In hoarse reverberation, &quot;''dust to dust!''&quot; 
    They put a fair, young infant in my arms, 
And that was of the dead. Yet still it seemed 
Like other infants. First with fear it shrank, 
And then in changeful gladness smiled, and spread 
Its little hands in sportive laughter forth. 
So I awoke, and then those gentle forms 
Of faithful friendship and maternal love 
Did flit away, and life, with all its cares, 
Stood forth in strong reality. 
                                                Sweet dream! 
And solemn, let me bear thee in my soul 
Throughout the live-long day, to subjugate 
My earth-born hope. I bow me at your names, 
Sinless and passionless and pallid train! 
The seal of truth is on your breasts, ye dead! 
Ye may not swerve, nor from your vows recede, 
Nor of your faith make shipwreck. Scarce a point 
Divides you from us, though we fondly look 
Through a long vista of imagined years, 
And in the dimness of far distance, seek 
''To hide that tomb, whose crumbling verge we tread.''
&lt;/poem&gt;
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    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/90</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:19:55Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1441" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{sp|JAPAN}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;that no one could stand against him, and his truculent, quarrelsome disposition made him universally hated. It is characteristic of the methods of early Japanese sovereigns, that, although this man was an object of dread to all the courtiers, and although his daily deeds of violence made him a general terror, no way of getting rid of him presented itself except to seek some one who might overmatch him. The custom of that time was to summon the strongest men in the country to be the sovereign's guards. Tayema had been one of such a levy. A second summons subsequently brought a batch of recruits, among whom was Nomi no Sukune. He challenged Tayema. The encounter took place in the presence of the Emperor and the Court nobles, and Nomi threw Tayema and kicked him to death. It is thus evident that there were authorised displays of wrestling in those days, but nothing is known as to the science of the practice, and its ferocious nature cannot have recommended it to a nation which has never shown a love for sports so deadly as those formerly popular among the Romans and the Spaniards. Nomi no Sukune is said to have modified the art, reduced its methods to a recognised system, and deprived it of its deadly character. Such action would have been consistent with his traditional conduct in other matters, but the annals of Japan are doubtful evidence when they deal with incidents twenty centuries old.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|66}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''TO BEREAVED PARENTS.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Tender}} guides, in sorrow weeping, 
    O'er your first-born's smitten bloom, 
Or fond memory's vigil keeping 
    Where the fresh turf marks her tomb. 

Ye no more shall see her bearing 
    Pangs that woke the dove-like moan, 
Still for your affliction caring, 
    Though forgetful of her own. 

Ere the bitter cup she tasted, 
    Which the hand of care doth bring— 
Ere the glittering pearls were wasted, 
    From glad childhood's fairy string, 

Ere one chain of hope had rusted— 
    Ere one wreath of joy was dead— 
To the Saviour, whom she trusted, 
    Strong in faith, her spirit fled. 

Gone—where no dark sin is cherished, 
    Where nor woes, nor fears invade, 
Gone—ere youth's first flower had perished. 
    To a youth that ne'er can fade.
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''TO BEREAVED PARENTS.'''}}}}


{{center block|
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Tender}} guides, in sorrow weeping, 
    O'er your first-born's smitten bloom, 
Or fond memory's vigil keeping 
    Where the fresh turf marks her tomb. 

Ye no more shall see her bearing 
    Pangs that woke the dove-like moan, 
Still for your affliction caring, 
    Though forgetful of her own. 

Ere the bitter cup she tasted, 
    Which the hand of care doth bring— 
Ere the glittering pearls were wasted, 
    From glad childhood's fairy string, 

Ere one chain of hope had rusted— 
    Ere one wreath of joy was dead— 
To the Saviour, whom she trusted, 
    Strong in faith, her spirit fled. 

Gone—where no dark sin is cherished, 
    Where nor woes, nor fears invade, 
Gone—ere youth's first flower had perished. 
    To a youth that ne'er can fade.
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''THE SEA.'''}}}}

 
{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Emblem}} of everlasting power, I come 
Into thy presence, as an awe-struck child 
Before its teacher. Spread thy boundless page, 
And I will ponder o'er its characters, 
As erst the pleased disciple sought the lore 
Of Socrates or Plato. Yon old rock 
Hath heard thy voice for ages, and grown grey 
Beneath thy smitings, and thy wrathful tide 
Even now is thundering 'neath its caverned base. 
Methinks it trembleth at the stern rebuke— 
Is it not so! 
                       Speak gently, mighty sea! 
I would not know the terrors of thine ire 
That vex the gasping mariner, and bid 
The wrecking argosy to leave no trace 
Or bubble where it perished. Man's weak voice, 
Though wildly lifted in its proudest strength 
With all its compass—all its volumed sound, 
Is mockery to thee. Earth speaks of him— 
Her levelled mountains—and her cultured vales, 
Town, tower and temple, and triumphal arch, 
All speak of him, and moulder while they speak. 
    But of whose architecture and design 
Tell thine eternal fountains, when they rise 
To combat with the cloud, and when they fall? 
Of whose strong culture tell thy sunless plants 
And groves and gardens, which no mortal eye 
Hath seen and lived?
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
                                    What chisel's art hath wrought 
Those coral monuments, and tombs of pearl, 
Where sleeps the sea-boy 'mid a pomp that earth 
Ne'er showed her buried kings? 
                                                Whose science stretched 
The simplest line to curb thy monstrous tide, 
And graving &quot;''Hitherto''&quot; upon the sand, 
Bade thy mad surge respect it? 
                                                    From whose loom 
Come forth thy drapery, that ne'er waxeth old, 
Nor blancheth 'neath stern Winter's direst frost? 
    Who hath thy keys, thou deep? Who taketh note 
Of all thy wealth? Who numbereth the host 
That find their rest with thee? What eye doth scan 
Thy secret annal, from creation locked 
Close in those dark, unfathomable cells— 
Which he who visiteth, hath ne'er returned 
Among the living?
                                 ''Still but one reply?'' 
Do all thine echoing depths and crested waves 
Make the same answer?— of that ''One Dread Name''— 
Which he, who deepest plants within his heart, 
Is wisest, though the world may call him fool. 
    Therefore, I come a listener to thy lore 
And bow me at thy side, and lave my brow 
In thy cool billow, if, perchance, my soul, 
That fleeting wanderer on the shore of time, 
May, by thy voice instructed, ''learn of God''.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{right|{{x-smaller|''Courtesy of the Belmaison Gallery, Wanamaker's''}}}}
{{c|{{sm|GARDEN IN WINTER. BY PRESTON DICKINSON}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''THE SECOND BIRTH-DAY.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Thou}} dost not dream, my little one, 
    How great the change must be, 
These two years, since the morning sun 
    First shed his beams on thee; 
Thy little hands did helpless fall, 
    As with a stranger's fear, 
And a faint, wailing cry, was all 
    That met thy mother's ear. 

But now, the dictates of thy will 
    Thine active feet obey, 
And pleased thy busy fingers still 
    Among thy playthings stray, 
And thy full eyes delighted rove 
    The pictured page along, 
And, lisping to the heart of love, 
    Thy thousand wishes throng. 

Fair boy! the wanderings of thy way, 
    It is not mine to trace, 
Through buoyant youth's exulting day, 
    Or manhood's bolder race, 
What discipline thy heart may need, 
    What clouds may veil thy sun, 
The Eye of God, alone can read, 
    ''And let his will be done''. 

Yet might a mother's prayer of love 
    Thy destiny control,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Those boasted gifts, that often prove 
    The ruin of the soul, 
Beauty and fortune, wit and fame, 
    For thee it would not crave, 
But tearful urge a fervent claim 
    To joys beyond the grave. 

Oh! be thy wealth an upright heart, 
    Thy strength the sufferer's stay, 
Thine early choice, that better part, 
    Which cannot fade away; 
Thy zeal for Christ a quenchless fire, 
    Thy friends the men of peace, 
Thy heritage an angel's lyre, 
    When earthly changes cease.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''ON A PICTURE OF PENITENCE.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Aye}}, ''look to Heaven''. Earth seems to lend 
    Refuge nor ray thy steps to guide, 
Bids pity with suspicion blend, 
    And slander check compassion's tide. 

We will not ask what thorn hath found 
    Admittance to thy bosom fair, 
If love hath dealt a traitor's wound, 
    Or hopeless folly wake despair: 

We only say, ''that'' sinless clime, 
    To which is raised thy streaming eye, 
Hath pardon for the deepest crime, 
    Though erring man the boon deny: 

We only say, the prayerful breast, 
    The gushing tear of contrite pain, 
Have power to ope that portal blest, 
    Where vaunting pride doth toil in vain.
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''ON A PICTURE OF PENITENCE.'''}}}}


{{center block|
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Aye}}, ''look to Heaven''. Earth seems to lend 
    Refuge nor ray thy steps to guide, 
Bids pity with suspicion blend, 
    And slander check compassion's tide. 

We will not ask what thorn hath found 
    Admittance to thy bosom fair, 
If love hath dealt a traitor's wound, 
    Or hopeless folly wake despair: 

We only say, ''that'' sinless clime, 
    To which is raised thy streaming eye, 
Hath pardon for the deepest crime, 
    Though erring man the boon deny: 

We only say, the prayerful breast, 
    The gushing tear of contrite pain, 
Have power to ope that portal blest, 
    Where vaunting pride doth toil in vain.
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{hanging indent/m}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;our murderers to discompose us. For after all even if they blow up the floor with gunpowder they are merely the mob. I will even put my railing into rhyme.{{hanging indent/e}}

{{block center|&lt;poem&gt;Upon the round blue eye I rail, 
Damnation on the milk-white horn.&lt;/poem&gt;}}

{{left margin|2em|A telling sound, a sound to linger in the ear—hale, tale, bale, gale—my God, I am even too sober to find a rhyme—(''he drinks and then picks up a lute'') a tune that even my murderers may remember my last words and croon them to their grandchildren. (''For the next few speeches Septimus is busy making his tune.'')}}

{{hi|{{asc|FIRST PLAYER:}} The players of this town are jealous. Have we not been chosen before them all, because we are the most famous players in the world? It is they who have stirred up the mob.}}

{{hi|{{asc|THIRD PLAYER:}} When we played at Kzanadu, my performance was so incomparable that the men who pulled the strings of the puppet-show left all the puppets lying on their backs and came to have a look at me.}}

{{hi|{{asc|FOURTH PLAYER:}} Listen to him! His performance indeed! I ask you all to speak the truth. If you are honest men you will say that it was my performance that drew the town. Why, Kubla Khan himself gave me the name of the &quot;Talking Nightingale.&quot;}}

{{hi|{{asc|FIFTH PLAYER:}} My God, listen to him! Is it not always the comedian who draws the people? Am I dreaming, and was it not I who was called six times before the curtain? Answer me that.}}

{{hi|{{asc|SIXTH PLAYER}} (''at window''): There is somebody making a speech. I cannot see who it is.}}

{{hi|{{asc|SECOND PLAYER:}} Depend upon it, he is telling them to put burning wisps upon dung-forks and put them into the rafters. That is what they did in the old play of the Burning of Troy. Depend upon it, they will burn the whole house.}}

{{hi|{{asc|FIFTH PLAYER}} (''coming from window''): I will stay here no longer. (''Exit.'')}}

{{hi|{{asc|OTHER PLAYERS:}} Nor I, nor I.}}

{{hi|{{asc|FIRST PLAYER:}} Must we go dressed like this?}}

{{hi|{{asc|SECOND PLAYER:}} There is no time to change, and besides should the hill be surrounded, we can gather in some cleft of the rocks where we can be seen only from a distance. They will suppose we are a drove of cattle or a flock of birds.}}

{{left margin|4em|(''All go out except Septimus, Decima, and Nona. Nona is making a bundle of Noah's hat and cloak and other properties. Decima is watching Septimus.''}}

{{hi|{{asc|SEPTIMUS}} (''while the players are going out''): Leave me to die alone? I do not blame you. There is courage in red wine, in white wine, in beer, even in thin beer sold by a blear-eyed pot-boy in a bankrupt tavern, but there is none in the human heart. Oh, I will journey to a cavern in Africa and sing into the ear of the unicorn epithalamiums until, unable to endure any longer his desirous heart, he becomes the new Adam.}}

{{hi|{{asc|NNA:}} I'll pile these upon your back. I shall carry the rest myself and so we shall save all. (''She begins tying a great bundle of properties on Septimus' back.'')}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2496" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHERWOOD ANDERSON|373}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Getting off the bed he dressed quickly and hurrying out of the room ran down a flight of stairs to the floor below. At the foot of the stairs he stopped. He felt suddenly old and weary and thought perhaps he had better not try to go back to the factory that afternoon. There was no need of his presence there. Everything was going all right. Natalie would attend to anything that came up. 

&quot;A fine business if I, a respectable business man with a wife and a grown daughter get myself involved in an affair with Natalie Swartz, the daughter of a man who when he was alive ran a low saloon and of that terrible old Irish woman who is the scandal of the town and who when she is drunk talks and yells so that the neighbours threaten to have her arrested and are only held back because they have sympathy for the daughters. 

&quot;The fact is that a man may work and work to make a decent place for himself and then by a foolish act all may be destroyed. I'll have to watch myself a little. I've been working too steadily. Perhaps I'd better take a vacation. I don't want to get into a mess,&quot; he thought. How glad he was that, although he had been in a state all day long, he had said nothing to any one that would betray his condition. 

He stood with his hand on the railing of the stairs. At any rate he had been doing a lot of thinking for the last two or three hours. &quot;I haven't been wasting my time.&quot;

A notion came. After-he married and when he had found out his wife was frightened and driven within herself by every outburst of passion and that as a result there was not much joy in making love to her he had formed a habit of going off on secret expeditions. It had been easy enough to get away. He told his wife he was going on a business trip. Then he went somewhere, to the city of Chicago usually. He did not go to one of the big hotels, but to some obscure place on a side street. 

Night came and he set out to find himself a woman. Always he went through the same kind of rather silly performance. He was not given to drinking, but he now took several drinks. One might go at once to some house where women were to be had, but he really wanted something else. He spent hours wandering in the streets. 

There was a dream. One vainly hoped to find, wandering about somewhere, a woman who by some miracle would love with freedom and abandon. Along through the streets one went usually in dark badly lighted places where there were factories and warehouses and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''THE ARK AND DOVE.'''}}}}

 
{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;{{sc|Tell}} ''me a story—please'',&quot; my little girl 
Lisped from her cradle. So I bent me down 
And told her how it rained, and rained, and rained, 
Till all the flowers were covered; and the trees 
Hid their tall heads, and where the houses stood, 
And people dwelt, a fearful deluge rolled; 
Because the world was wicked, and refused 
To heed the words of God. But ''one'' good man, 
Who long had warned the wicked to repent, 
Obey and live, taught by the voice of Heaven, 
Had built an Ark, and thither, with his wife 
And children, turned for safety. Two and two, 
Of beasts and birds, and creeping things he took, 
With food for all, and when the tempest roared, 
And the great fountains of the sky poured out 
A ceaseless flood, till all beside were drowned, 
They in their quiet vessel dwelt secure. 
And so the mighty waters bare them up, 
And o'er the bosom of the deep they sailed 
For many days. But then a gentle dove 
'Scaped from the casement of the Ark, and spread 
Her lonely pinion o'er that boundless wave. 
All, all was desolation. Chirping nest, 
Nor face of man, nor living thing she saw, 
For all the people of the earth were drowned, 
Because of disobedience. Nought she spied 
Save wide, dark waters, and a frowning sky, 
Nor found her weary foot a place of rest.
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2497" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|374|MANY MARRIAGES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;poor little dwellings. One wanted a golden woman to step up out of the filth of the place in which he walked. It was insane and silly and one knew these things, but one persisted insanely. Amazing conversations were imagined. Out from the shadow of one of the dark buildings the woman was to step. She was also lonely, hungry, defeated. One went boldly up to her and began at once a conversation filled with strange and beautiful words. Love came flooding their two bodies. 

Well perhaps that was exaggerated a little. No doubt one was never quite fool enough to expect anything so wonderful as all that. At any rate what one did was to wander about in the dark streets thus for hours and in the end take up with some prostitute. The two hurried silently off into a little room. Uh. There was always the feeling, &quot;perhaps other men have been in here with her already to-night.&quot; There was a halting attempt at conversation. Could they get to know each other, this woman and this man? The woman had a businesslike air. The night was not over and her work was done at night. Too much time must not be wasted. From her point of view a great deal of time had to be wasted in any event. Often one walked half the night without making any money at all. 


After such an adventure John Webster came home the next day feeling very mean and unclean. Still he did work better at the office and at night for a long time he slept better. For one thing he kept his mind on affairs and did not give way to dreams and to vague thoughts. When one was running a factory that was an advantage. 

Now he stood at the foot of the stairs, thinking perhaps he had better go off on such an adventure again. If he stayed at home and sat all day and every day in the presence of Natalie Swartz there was no telling what would happen. One might as well face facts. After his experience of that morning, his looking into her eyes in just the way he had, the life of the two people in the office would be changed. A new thing would have come into the very air they breathed together. It would be better if he did not go back to the office, but went off at once and took a train to Chicago or Milwaukee. As for his wife—he had got that notion into his head of a kind of death of the flesh. He closed his eyes and leaned against the stair railing. His mind became a blank. 

A door leading into the dining-room of the house opened and a woman stepped forth. She was the Webster's one servant and had&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2486" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHERWOOD ANDERSON|375}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;been in the house for many years. Now she was past fifty and as she stood before John Webster he looked at her as he hadn't for a long time. A multitude of thoughts came quickly, like a handful of shot thrown against a window pane. 

The woman standing before him was tall and lean and her face was marked by deep lines. It was an odd thing, the notions men had got into their heads about the beauty of women. Perhaps Natalie Swartz, when she was fifty, would look much like this woman. 

Her name was Katherine and her coming to work for the Websters long ago had brought on a quarrel between John Webster and his wife. A young man of Indianapolis, who worked in a bank, had stolen a large sum of money and had run away with a woman who was a servant in his father's house. He had been killed in the wreck as he sat with the woman and all trace of him had been lost until someone from Indianapolis, quite by chance, saw and recognized Katherine on the streets of her adopted town. The question asked was, what had become of the stolen money, and Katherine had been accused of knowing and of concealing it. 

Mrs Webster had wanted to discharge her at once and there had been a quarrel in which the husband had in the end come out victorious. For some reason the whole strength of his being had been put into the matter and one night as he stood in the common bedroom with his wife he had made a pronouncement so strong that he himself was surprised by the words that came from his lips. &quot;If this woman goes out of this house without going voluntarily then I go also,&quot; he had said. 

Now John Webster stood in the hallway of his house looking at the woman who had been the cause of the quarrel long ago. Well, he had seen her going silently about the house almost every day during the long years since that thing happened, but he had not looked at her as he did now. When she grew older Natalie Swartz might look as this woman now looked. If he were to be a fool and run away with Natalie, as that young fellow from Indianapolis had once run away with this woman, and if it tell out there was no railroad wreck he might some day be living with a woman who looked somewhat as Katherine now looked. 

The thought did not alarm him. It was on the whole rather a sweet thought. &quot;She has lived and sinned and suffered,&quot; he thought. There was about the woman's person a kind of strong quiet dignity and it was reflected in her physical being. There was no doubt a&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{sm|A DRAWING. BY JULES PASCIN}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
So, with a leaf of olive in her mouth, 
Sole fruit of her drear voyage, which, perchance, 
Upon some wrecking billow floated by, 
With drooping wing the peaceful Ark she sought. 
The righteous man that wandering dove received, 
And to her mate restored, who, with sad moans, 
Had wondered at her absence. 
                                                   Then I looked 
Upon the child, to see if her young thought 
Wearied with following mine. But her blue eye 
Was a glad listener, and the eager breath 
Of pleased attention curled her parted lip. 
And so I told her how the waters dried, 
And the green branches waved, and the sweet buds 
Came up in loveliness, and that meek dove 
Went forth to build her nest, while thousand birds 
Awoke their songs of praise, and the tired Ark 
Upon the breezy breast of Ararat 
Reposed, and Noah, with glad spirit, reared 
An altar to his God. 
                                  Since, many a time, 
When to her rest, ere evening's earliest star, 
That little one is laid, with earnest tone, 
And pure cheek prest to mine, she fondly asks 
&quot;The Ark and Dove.&quot; 
                                      Mothers can tell how oft 
In the heart's eloquence, the prayer goes up 
From a sealed lip, and tenderly hath blent 
With the warm teaching of the sacred tale 
A voiceless wish, that when that timid soul, 
New in the rosy mesh of infancy, 
Fast bound, shall dare the billows of the world, 
Like that exploring Dove, and find no rest, 
A pierced, a pitying, a redeeming Hand 
May gently guide it to the Ark of peace.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2581" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|376|MANY MARRIAGES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;kind of dignity coming into his own thoughts too. The notion of going off to Chicago or Milwaukee to walk through dirty streets hungering for the golden woman to come up to him out of the filth of life was quite gone now. 

He sat at the table eating the food Katherine had prepared. Outside the house the sun was shining. It was only a little after two o'clock and the afternoon and evening were before him. It was strange how the Bible, the older Testaments, kept asserting themselves in his mind. He had never been much of a Bible reader. There was perhaps a kind of massive splendour to the prose of the book that now fell into step with his own thoughts. In that time, when men lived on the hills and on the plains with their flocks, life lasted in the body of a man or woman a long time. Men were spoken of who had lived for several hundred years. Perhaps there was more than one way to reckon the length of life. In his own case—if he could live every day as fully as he had been living this day life would be for him lengthened indefinitely. 

Katherine came into the room bringing more food and a pot of tea and he looked up and smiled at her. Another thought came. &quot;It would be an amazingly beautiful thing to have happen in the world if everyone, every living man, woman, and child, should suddenly, by a common impulse, come out of their houses, out of the factories and stores, come let us say into a great plain, where everyone could see everyone else, and if they should there and then, all of them, in the light of day, with everyone in the world knowing fully what everyone else in the world was doing, if they should all by one common impulse commit the most unforgivable sin of which they were conscious, what a great cleansing time that would be.&quot;

His mind made a kind of riot of pictures and he ate the food Katherine had set before him without thought of the physical act of eating. Katherine started to go out of the room and then, noting that he was unaware of her presence, stopped by the door leading into the kitchen and stood looking at him. He had never known that she had been aware of the struggle he had gone through for her many years before. Had he not made that struggle she would not have stayed on in the house. As a matter of fact, on that evening when he had declared that if she were to be made to leave he would leave also, the door to the bedroom up stairs was a little ajar and she was in the hallway down stairs. She had packed her few belongings and had them in a bundle and had intended to steal away some-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''SIR WALTER SCOTT.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Magician}} of old Scotia's clime, 
The sweet, the powerful, the sublime, 
Whose lyre could rule even wrinkled care, 
And stir the reverie of Despair, 
Who shall its broken strings repair? 
Who wake the lay, so high resounding 
With clash of lance and war-horse bounding, 
And bannered host, with trumpet shrieking, 
And battle-field, in carnage reeking? 
Who touch with cadence, soft and clear, 
The minstrel song to lady's ear, 
While the young moonbeam faintly throws 
Its silver light o'er fair Melrose. 
    Then haughty Marmion's fitful strife, 
The canvas glowing into life, 
The gliding bark from hallowed shore, 
That Hilda's cloistered maidens bore, 
The dungeon vault, the stifled wail, 
The sightless judge, the victim pale, 
King James, amid the festive throng, 
The wily Lady Heron's song, 
The marshalled field, the stirring drum, 
The smoke-wrapped hosts, that rushing come, 
The fallen knight's forsaken sigh, 
His reinless war-steed sweeping by — 
Thy mighty strain the palm hath won 
From earthquake-echoing Marathon,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/447</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2355" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHERWOOD ANDERSON|377}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;where. There was no point to her staying. The man she loved was dead and now she was being hounded by the newspapers and there was a threat that if she did not tell where the money was hidden she would be sent to prison. As for the stolen money—she did not believe the man who had been killed knew any more about it than she did. No doubt there was money stolen and then, because he had run away with her, the crime was put upon him. The affair was very simple. The young man worked in that bank and was engaged to be married to a woman of his own class. And then one night he and Katherine were alone in his father’s house and something happened between them. 


As John Webster walked along the street the sun was shining and as there was a light breeze a few leaves were falling from the maple shade trees with which the streets were lined. Soon there would be frost and the trees would be all afire with colour. If one could only be aware glorious days were ahead. 

Now he was thinking of things he decided had better be left out of the thoughts of a business man. However, for this one day, he would give himself over to the thinking of any thought that came into his head. To-morrow perhaps things would be different. He would become again what he had always been (with the exception of a few slips, times when he had been rather as he was now) a quiet orderly man going about his business and not given to foolishness. He would run his washing machine business and try to keep his mind on that. In the evenings he would read the newspapers and keep abreast of the events of the day. 

&quot;I don't go on a bat very often. I deserve a little vacation,&quot; he thought rather sadly. 


Ahead of him in the street, almost two blocks ahead, a man walked. John Webster had met the man once. He was some kind of a professor in a small college of the town, and once, two or three years before, there had been an effort made, on the part of the college president, to raise money among local business men to help the school through a financial crisis. A dinner was given and attended by a number of the college faculty and by an organization called the Chamber of Commerce to which John Webster belonged. The man who now walked before him had been at the dinner and he and the washing machine manufacturer had been seated together.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="844" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|center=SIR WALTER SCOTT.|right=277}}
{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
And flaming Ilion's horrors yield 
To pictured Flodden's fatal field. 
    Hush! 'tis old Alan's plaintive lay, 
That faithful harper, sad and gray, 
Hark! to black Roderick's boastful song, 
That rolls the trosach-glens along, 
And lo! with proud, unbending frame, 
Comes Douglas forth, with Malcolm Graeme, 
While she, by whose light footstep prest, 
The uncrushed harebell rears its breast, 
With brow averted, blushing, hears 
A father's praise to lover's ears. 
    The spell is broke, the illusion fled, 
And he, whose strong, enchanting wand 
Made the rude mountains of his land, 
The tiny lake, the tangled dell, 
And outlaw's cave, and hermit's cell, 
A classic haunt, a Mecca shrine, 
To pilgrim throngs, a Palestine, 
    Is with the dead.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/448</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12506449</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T13:38:07Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2437" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|378|MANY MARRIAGES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;He wondered if he might now presume on that brief acquaintanceship to go and talk with the man. He had been thinking rather unusual thoughts to come into a man's head and perhaps, if he could talk with some other man and in particular with a man whose business in life it was to have thoughts and to understand thought something might be gained. 

There was a narrow strip of grass between the sidewalk and the roadway and along this John Webster began to run. He just grabbed his hat in his hand and ran bareheaded for perhaps two hundred yards and then stopped and looked quietly up and down the street. 

It was all right, after all. Apparently no one had seen his strange performance. There were no people sitting on the porches of the houses along the street. He thanked God for that. 

Ahead of him the college professor went soberly along with a book under his arm, unaware that he was followed. When he saw that his absurd performance had escaped notice John Webster laughed. &quot;Well, I went to college myself once. I've heard enough college professors talk. I don't know why I should expect anything from one of that stripe.&quot;

Perhaps to speak of the things that had been in his mind that day something almost like a new language would be required. 

There was that thought about Natalie being a house kept clean and sweet for living, a house into which one might go gladly and joyfully. Could he, a washing machine manufacturer of a Wisconsin town, stop on the street a college professor and say—&quot;I want to know, Mr College Professor, if your house is clean and sweet for living so that people may come into it and, if it is so, I want you to tell me how you went about it to clean your house.&quot;

Weary tired moments had been coming to him all day long and now another came. He was like a train running through a mountainous country and occasionally passing through tunnels. In one moment the world about him was all alive and then it was just a dull dreary place that frightened one. The thought that came to him was something like this—&quot;Well, here I am. There is no use denying it, something unusual has happened to me. Yesterday I was one thing. Now I am something else. About me everywhere are these people I have always known, here in this town. Down that street there before me, at the corner there, in that stone building, is the bank where I do the banking business for my factory. It happens&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/449</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2461" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHERWOOD ANDERSON|379}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;that just at this particular time I do not owe them any money, but a year from now I may be in debt to that institution up to my eyebrows. There have been times, in the years I have lived and worked as a manufacturer, when I was altogether in the power of the men who now sit at desks behind those stone walls. Why they didn't close me up and take my business away from me I don't know. Perhaps they did not think it worth while and then, perhaps, they felt, if they left me on there I would be working for them anyway. At any rate now, it doesn't seem to matter much what such an institution as a bank may decide to do. 

&quot;One can't quite make out what other men think. Perhaps they do not think at all. 

&quot;If I come right down to it I suppose I've never done much thinking myself. Perhaps the whole business of life, here in this town and everywhere else, is just a kind of accidental affair. Things happen. People are swept along, eh? That's the way it must be.&quot;

It was incomprehensible to him and his mind soon grew weary of trying to think further along that road. 

It went back to the matter of people and houses. Perhaps one could speak of that matter to Natalie. There was something simple and clear about her. &quot;She has been working for me for three years now and it is strange I've never thought much about her before. She has a way of keeping things clear and straight. Everything has gone better since she has been with me.&quot;

It would be a thing to think about if all the time, since she had been with him, Natalie had understood the things that were just now becoming a little plain to him. Suppose, from the very beginning, she had been ready to have him go within herself. One could get quite romantic about the matter if one allowed oneself to think about it.

There she would be, you see, that Natalie. She got out of bed in the morning and while she was there, in her own room, in the little frame house out at the edge of town, she said a little prayer of some kind. Then she walked along the streets and down along the railroad tracks to her work and to sit all day in the presence of a man. 

It was an interesting thought, just to suppose, as a kind of playful diversion let us say, that she, that Natalie, was pure and clean. 

In that case she wouldn't be thinking much of herself. She loved, that is to say she had opened the doors of herself. 

One had a picture of her standing with the doors of her body&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''THE NINETIETH BIRTH-DAY.'''}}}}

 
{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|How}} seems the wide expanse, respected sage, 
    The broad horizon of life's troubled sky?
The lengthened course from infancy to age, 
    How gleams its chart on Wisdom's pausing eye?

Thou, who didst see our infant country start 
    To giant strife from cradle sleep, serene, 
How strikes that drama on the heaven-taught heart 
    That calmly weighs the actor and the scene? 

How seem the gaudes that tempt ambition's trust? 
    The hero's pomp, the banner proud unfurled?
The sculptured trophy o'er the nameless dust? 
    The insatiate tear, that scorns a conquered world? 

Those boasted gifts that kindle passion's power 
    To fitful fires of momentary ray?
Those dreaded woes, that wake at midnight-hour 
The prayer—&quot;''Oh father! take this cup away.''&quot; 

How seem they all? Forgive the intrusive strain, 
    We, fleeting emmets, withering ere our prime, 
Would fain one deep, ennobling vision gain, 
    Through thy majestic telescope of time. 

Those, who with thee the race of life begun, 
    The fair, the strong, the exquisitely blest,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/450</title>
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      <text bytes="2403" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|380|MANY MARRIAGES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;open. Something constantly went out of her and into the man in whose presence she spent the day. He was unaware, was in fact too much absorbed in his affairs to be aware. 

Her own self also began to be absorbed with his affairs, to take the load of small and unimportant details of business off his mind in order that he in turn become aware of her, standing thus, with the doors of her body opened. How clean, sweet, and fragrant the house within which she lived. Before one went within such a house one would have to cleanse oneself too. That was clear. Natalie had done it with prayers and devotion, single-minded devotion to the interests of another. Could one cleanse one's own house that way? Could one be as much the man as Natalie was the woman? It was a test. 

As for the matter of houses—if one got thinking of his own body in that way where would it all end. One might go further and think of his own body as a town, a city, as the world. 

It was a road to madness too. One might think of people constantly passing in and out of each other. In all the world there would be no more secrecy. Something like a great wind would sweep through the world. 

&quot;One had better go a little slow and not get himself out of hand,&quot; he told himself. 

He went and sat on a bench in a little park in the very centre of his town and began trying to think along another road. Across a little stretch of grass and a roadway before him there was a store with trays of fruit, oranges, apples, grapefruits, and pears arranged on the sidewalk and now a wagon stopped at the store door and began to unload other things. He looked long and hard at the wagon and at the store front. 

His mind slipped off at a new tangent. There he was, himself, John Webster, sitting on that bench in a park in the very heart of a town in the state of Wisconsin. It was fall and nearly time for frost to come, but there was still new life in the grass. How green the grass was in the little park! The trees were alive too. Soon now they would flame with colour and then sleep for a period. To all the world of living green things there would come the flame of evening and then the night of winter. 

Out before the world of animal life the fruits of the earth would be poured. Out of the ground they would come, off trees and bushes, out of the seas, lakes, and rivers, the things that were to maintain&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="391" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|center=THE NINETIETH BIRTH-DAY.|right=279}}
{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Have faded from thy presence, one by one, 
    And sunk, o'er wearied, to an earlier rest. 

''Alone, sublime, and tending toward the sky!'' 
    Thus towers Mont Blanc above the hoary train, 
Wins the first smile of day's refulgent eye, 
    And latest throws its radiance o'er the plain. 
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/451</title>
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      <text bytes="2474" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SHERWOOD ANDERSON|381}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;animal life during the period when the world of vegetable life slept the sweet sleep of winter. 

It was a thing to think about too. Everywhere, all about him must be men and women who lived altogether unaware of such things. To tell the truth he had himself been, all his life, unaware. He had just eaten food, stuffed it into his body through his mouth. There had been no joy. He had not really tasted things, smelled things. How filled with fragrant suggestive smells life might be. 

It must have come about that as men and women went out of the fields and hills to live their lives in cities, as factories grew and as the railroads and steamboats came to pass the fruits of the earth back and forth a kind of dreadful unawareness must have grown in people. Not touching things with their hands people lost the sense of them. That was it, perhaps. 

John Webster remembered that, when he was a boy, such matters were differently arranged. He lived in the town and knew nothing much of country life, but at that time town and country were more closely wed. 

In the fall, at just this time of the year, for one thing, farmers used to drive into town and deliver things at his father's house. At that time everyone had great cellars under their houses and in the cellars were bins that were to be filled with potatoes, apples, turnips, and such things. There was a thing man had learned to do. Straw was brought in from fields near the town and many things, pumpkins, squashes, heads of cabbage, and other solid vegetables were wrapped in straw and put into a cool part of the cellar. He remembered that his mother wrapped pears in bits of paper and kept them sweet and fresh for months. 

As for himself, although he did not live in the country he was, at that time, aware of something quite tremendous going on. Wagons arrived bringing things to his father's house. On Saturdays a farm woman, who drove an old grey horse, came to the front door and knocked. She was bringing the Websters their weekly supply of butter and eggs and often a chicken for the Sunday dinner. John Webster's mother went to the door to meet her and the child ran along, clinging to his mother's skirts. 

The farm woman came into the house and sat up stiffly in a chair in the parlour while her basket was being emptied and while the butter was being taken out of its stone jar. The boy stood with his back to the wall in a corner and studied her. Nothing was said.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''ON THE DEATH OF DR. ADAM CLARKE.'''}}}} 


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Know}} ye a prince hath fallen? They who sit 
On gilded throne, with rubied diadem, 
Caparisoned and guarded round, till death 
Doth stretch them 'neath some gorgeous canopy, 
Yet leave no foot-prints in the realm of mind— 
''Call them not kings—they are but crowned men.'' 
Know ye a prince hath fallen? 
                                                      Nature gave 
The signet of her royalty, and years 
Of mighty labour won that sceptred power 
Of knowledge, which from unborn ages claims 
Homage and empire, such as time's keen tooth 
May never waste. Yea,—and the grace of God 
So witnessed with his spirit, so impelled 
To deeds of christian love, that there is reared 
A monument for him, which hath no dread 
Of that fierce flame which wrecks the solid earth. 
    I see him 'mid the Shetlands, spreading forth 
The riches of the Gospel—kneeling down 
To light its lamp in every darkened hut:— 
Not in the armour of proud learning braced, 
But with a towel girded—as to wash 
The feet of those whom earthly princes scorn, 
I see him lead the rugged islander, 
Even as a brother, to the Lamb of God, 
Counting his untaught soul more precious far 
Than all the lore of all the lettered world. 
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/787</title>
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      <text bytes="2251" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|BALKAN BALLOONS}}}}

{{block center|max-width=35em|{{sc|The Balkan Peninsula.}} ''By [[Author:Ferdinand Schevill|Ferdinand Schevill]]. 8vo. 559 pages. Harcourt, Brace and Company. $4.}}

{{di|A}} LONG felt want has been met at last, met at its timeliest, and with a completeness that is satisfying. &quot;This book,&quot; Dr Schevill says at the outset, &quot;plans not to formulate the Balkan problems theoretically, but to exhibit them in their historical development.&quot; There are three thousand years to consider in setting forth that development, during the last third of which, Balkania has been setting revolutionary pots on the fire, pots which presently boiled over and were found to be too heavy to be lifted off by any one, or any three countries. 

Tracing the course of empires through the stormy peninsula, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, and Ottoman, Dr Schevill has found himself obliged to deal with every great European struggle that has ever taken place. To begin fairly late, there were the Crusades, the strife Venice and Genoa hung on a holy pretext in the fifteenth century, the wars of Sultan Ahmed against Poland and Austria in the seventeenth, the resultant feud with Catherine of Russia in the eighteenth—Catherine who resented other than her own oppression of her &quot;doormat to Europe.&quot; Then came the Napoleonic wars when Egypt was wrested from Balkan control, and, for climax, the World War which toppled over on Europe when a Serbian killed an Austrian archduke. The Balkans have been playing with matches all their lives, and yet doing it between spells of lethargy in which they have betrayed only a heavy-lidded indifference to their flaming consequences. They seem not so much warlike as provocative of war, and the explanation of them as world factors constitutes one of the most intricate problems of Dr Schevill's treatise. 

It is a scholarly work, brilliantly written. It gives plenty of space to the examination of causes, as well as to the pageantry of events themselves, and to a study of the involved mental make-up of the composites evolved by imperfect fusion with many conquerors. The Balkan states still &quot;live side by side in disunion&quot; as the emperor Maurice said of them more than a thousand years ago. Dr Schevill&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/360</title>
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      <text bytes="1979" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|324|XVII. THE STORY OF THE JAR.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;In this manner the Great-minded One persuaded his father. He obtained his father's permission and renouncing his brilliant royal bliss, as if it were a straw, took up his abode in the penance-grove. Having acquired there dhyânas of immense extent and established mankind in them, he mounted to Brahma's world.

In this manner even the brilliancy of royalty does not obstruct the way of salvation to those, whose mind has been seized by emotion. Thus considering, one must make one's self familiar with the emotional state (sa''m''vega). [This is also to be told, when expounding the right conception of death: 'So the thought that one may die soon causes the sense of sa''m''vega'.' Likewise, when expounding that death should always be present to our mind, and when teaching the temporariness of everything: 'So all phenomenal&lt;ref&gt;Anityâ''h'' sarvasa''m''skârâ''h'', one of the most popular sayings of the Lord.&lt;/ref&gt; are perishable.' Also, when inculcating the tenet of taking no delight in the whole Universe : So nothing which has form (sa''m''sk''r''ita)&lt;ref&gt;Properly speaking, the samsk''ri''ta is the phenomenon, and the sa''m''skârâ''h'' are the 'fashions' or 'forms' of the perceptible objects as well as of the perceiving mind. But the latter term is not rarely likewise indicative of the things or objects (see Childers, Dictionary, s. v. sa''m''khâro), and the former is here nearly a synonym of nâmarûpa.&lt;/ref&gt; is reliable.' And also with this conclusion : 'So this world is helpless and succourless.' Also this may be propounded : 'In this manner it is easy to obtain righteousness in the forest, but not so for a householder.']

{{c|{{larger|XXXIII. {{sc|The Story of the Buffalo.}}}}

(Cp. the Pâli Gâtaka, No. 278, Fausb. II, 385-388;
Kariyâpitaka II, 5.) }}

Forbearance deserves this name only if there exists some opportunity for showing it, not otherwise. Thus&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{reflist}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2091" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|97|''{{uc|Dûmat al-Jandal}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;a watering-place [''ḥâḍir'']. It was this daughter of al-Jûdi whom ʿAbd-ar-Raḥmân ibn-abi-Bakr aṣ-Ṣiddiḳ had fallen in love with, and the one whom he meant when he said:
{{dhr}}
{{center block|{{smaller block|&quot;I thought of Laila with as-Samâwah&lt;ref&gt;A desert from Dûmat to ʿAin at-Tamr; Iṣṭakhri, p. 23.&lt;/ref&gt; intervening between;&lt;br /&gt;
{{em|2}}and what has the daughter of al-Jûdi to do with me?&quot;}}}}
{{dhr}}
Thus did he win her hand and marry her. But such a hold had she on him that he gave up all his other wives. At last, however, she was affected with such a severe disease that her looks were changed and he no more liked her. He was advised to give her what is usually given at divorce&lt;ref&gt;Ar. ''mutʿah. Muwaṭṭa,'' p. 208.&lt;/ref&gt; and send her to her own people, which he did.

''{{ul|Al-Wâḳidi's version of the conquest}}.'' According to al-Wâḳidi, the Prophet led the invasion against Dûmat al-Jandal in the year 5 and met no resistance. In Shauwâl, year 9, he sent Khâlid ibn-al-Walîd to Ukaidir, twenty months after the former had embraced Islam. 

''{{ul|The reconstruction of Dûmat al-Jandal}}.'' I heard it said by someone from al-Ḥîrah that Ukaidir and his brothers used to go to Dûmat al-Ḥîrah and visit their uncles of the Kalb tribe and spend some time with them. One day as they were together on a hunting trip, there arose before their view a city in ruins with only few walls standing. The city was built of stones [Ar. ''jandal''] . This city they rebuilt, planted in it olive- and other trees, and called it Dûmat al-Jandal in distinction from Dûmat al-Ḥîrah.&lt;ref&gt;Caetani, vol. ii, p. 263.&lt;/ref&gt;

''{{ul|Az-Zuhri's version of the conquest}}.'' ʿAmr ibn-Muḥammad an-Nâḳid from az-Zuhri:—The Prophet sent Kḥâlid ibn-al-Walîd ibn-al-Mughîrah to the people of Dûmat al-Jandal who were some of the Christians of al-Kûfah. 
Khâlid captured Ukaidir, their chief, and arranged to receive poll-tax from him.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
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      <text bytes="701" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|center=ON THE DEATH OF DR. ADAM CLARKE.|right=281}}
{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
    I hear his eloquence—but deeper still, 
And far more eloquent, there comes a dirge 
O'er the hoarse wave. &quot;All that we boast of man, 
Is as the flower of grass.&quot; 
                                           Farewell—Farewell! 
Pass on with Wesley, and with all the great 
And good of every nation. Yea!—pass on 
Where the cold name of sect, which sometimes throws 
Unholy shadow o'er the heaven-warmed breast, 
Doth melt to nothingness—and every surge 
Of warring doctrine, in whose eddying depths, 
Earth's charity was drowned, is sweetly lost 
In the broad ocean of eternal love.
&lt;/poem&gt;
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      <text bytes="2454" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|670|BALKAN BALLOONS|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;has traced the disunions down to the present, patiently illuminating the racial psychoses of small nations, each of which can remember some old war in which others of the group were on the wrong side. The history of Greece is especially interesting to review at present, and here Dr Schevill has done a particularly fine piece of work. Since his book went to press, the Greeks have been adding another chapter to their national annals—but Dr Schevill predicted the chapter, and has explained carefully what claims to Thrace and the Smyrna salient each side can validly present. 

Back of this by a few years, and a few chapters, is the still more absorbing story of the Balkan beginning of the World War. The &quot;balance of Europe&quot; becomes a live phrase to an American reader. This is the first book to stress the murder of the heir to the Austrian throne by Serbian conspiracy as a strongly determining cause of war. The road leading up to the assassination and on from it has been cleared to show distinctly the consequences of that momentous crime. Again a Balkan-brewed pot boiling over has scalded all Europe, not to mention reducing the Balkans themselves to an irritated remnant of their old, disunited, spasmodic strength. 

In his interpretation of modern events Dr Schevill is likely to provoke discussion. He finds it impossible to remain above the clouds. He is frankly pessimistic over the basis of the Paris treaties and the results likely to accrue to the Balkans therefrom. It is, perhaps, with this in mind that he ends with the divided view that man is unlikely to &quot;summon the wisdom necessary to restrain his passions,&quot; but that there is some hope, even for the Balkans, in concerted idealism, some prospect of justice through a—not ''the''—league of nations. 

But there can be no successful summary of this book. Without the author's lightness of touch, his human handling of epic events, his flexible vocabulary, and the humorous relief of his satire and his most enlightening figures of speech, the five hundred and fifty-nine pages would be of too great and complicated content for any but the professional historian who had already gleaned half its facts from a dozen books. As it is, this history will undoubtedly be read. It will add to the prestige Dr Schevill has already attained by his Political History of Modern Europe. 

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Helen Ives Gilchrist|Helen Ives Gilchrist]]}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2027" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|325|XXXIII. THE STORY OF THE BUFFALO.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;considering, the virtuous appreciate even their injurer, deeming him a profit. This will be shown by the following. 

The Bodhisattva, it is said, one time lived in some forest-region as a wild buffalo-bull of grim appearance, owing to his being dirty with mud, and so dark of complexion that he resembled a moving piece of a dark-blue cloud. Nevertheless, though in that animal-state, in which there prevails complete ignorance and it is difficult to come to the conception of righteousness, he in consequence of his keen understanding, was exerting himself to practise righteousness.

1. Compassion, as if it had a deep-rooted affection for him in return for his long service, never left him. But some power too, either of his karma or his nature, must be taken into account to explain the fact that he was so.

2. And it is for this reason, in truth, that the Lord&lt;ref&gt;In his Buddha-existence, of course.&lt;/ref&gt; declared the mystery of the result of karma to be inscrutable, since He, though compassion was at the bottom of his nature, obtained the state of a beast, yet even in this condition retained his knowledge of righteousness.

3. Without karma the series of existences cannot be; it is also an impossibility that good actions should have evil as their result. But it must be the influence of small portions of (evil) karma that caused him now and then, notwithstanding his knowledge of righteousness, to be in such (low) states.&lt;ref&gt;This apology is not superfluous, indeed. Though fables of animals have been adapted of old so as to form part of the stock of sacred lore of the Buddhists, the contradiction between the low existences of the most virtuous ones and the doctrines about the karma is as great as possible.&lt;/ref&gt;

Now some wicked monkey, knowing his natural goodness which had manifested itself in course of time, and understanding from his habitual mercy that anger and wrath had no power over him, was in the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
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{{c|{{larger|'''INTEMPERANCE.'''}}}}

 
{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|Parent}}! who with speechless feeling, 
    O'er thy cradle treasure bent— 
Found each year new claims revealing, 
    Yet thy wealth of love unspent: 
Hast thou seen that blossom blighted, 
    By a dire, untimely frost?
All thy labour unrequited— 
    Every glorious promise lost? 

Wife! with agony unspoken, 
    Shrinking from Affliction's rod, 
Is thy prop, thine idol broken, 
    Fondly trusted, next to God? 
Husband! o'er thy hope a mourner; 
    Of thy chosen friend ashamed: 
Hast thou to her burial borne her, 
    Unrepentant, unreclaimed? 

Child! in tender weakness turning 
    To thy heaven-appointed guide: 
Doth a lava-poison burning, 
    Tinge with gall affection's tide 
Still that orphan-burden bearing, 
    Darker than the grave can show, 
Dost thou bow thee down despairing, 
    To a heritage of woe?
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Tennysoniana (1879).djvu/98</title>
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      <text bytes="1017" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|88|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{ppoem|start=follow|end=close|Quite out of fashion, like a rusty nail 
In monumental mockery.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Communicated by a correspondent.&lt;/ref&gt;}}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Locksley Hall|Locksley Hall]],&quot; says a well-known writer in ''Fraser'', &quot;bristles with verbal alterations which every careful reader of Tennyson knows.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;[[Author:Andrew Kennedy Hutchison Boyd|A. K. H. B.]], in &quot;Fraser's Magazine,&quot; February, 1863, p. 213, § &quot;Concerning Cutting and Carving.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt; I have found only five.

Here are four lines from different parts of the poem, as they stood in 1842:

{{ppoem|end=close|{{&quot; '}}Tis the place, and ''round the gables'', as of old, the curlews call.&quot;

{{rule|5em}}

&quot;Slides the bird o'er lustrous woodland, ''droops'' the trailer from the crag.&quot;

{{rule|5em}}

&quot;Let the ''peoples'' spin for ever down the ringing grooves of change.&quot;

{{rule|5em}}

&quot;Thro' the shadow of the ''world'' we sweep into the younger day.&quot;}}

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{{block center|max-widht=35em|{{sc|Still Life.}} ''By [[Author:J. Middleton Murry|J. Middleton Murry]]. 12mo. 464 pages. E. P. Dutton and Company. $2.50.''

{{sc|The Things We Are.}} ''By J. Middleton Murry. 12mo. 320 pages. E. P. Dutton and Company. $2.50.''}}

{{di|I}}}N Still Life Mr Murry gives us: an English, critic's, version in novel form, of England's own particularly highly sophisticated type of post-war, out-of-nowhere-into-nothingness, the book ending with one lost hysterical soul weeping in perfect iambs. In The Things We Are Mr Murry seems to have undergone an idyllic reaction against his own previous effort, and in expiation steers a mysteriously awakened Mr Boston into a wife, and the company of wholesome, big-bosomed Mrs Williams. And to our astonishment and shamefaced confusion, just when the lovers have been united, this very Mrs Williams comes into the room and places a steaming pudding on the table. Which makes one feel that if we are to preserve Mr Murry as a Platonist we must maintain the balance between dualities by throwing one of his novels on each side of the scale, and letting the bitterness of the one counterbalance the sweetness of the other. 

As a portrait of English society, I am willing to take Mr Murry as gospel. The sterile self-analyses in Still Life, the futile conversations, the almost vulgar self-consciousness: it has always been my fond belief that contemporary drawing-room England is precisely that. Yet, building upon this fundament, Mr Murry has contrived to wind up a story with a positively astonishing skill. For the first seven or eight chapters we follow him as he takes on one responsibility after another; but unfortunately, once Mr Murry has finished winding up his story, there is nothing to do but let it run down. Before the story is finished every last one of the characters has told us far too much about himself; and for the last hundred pages they are nothing but voices. Still, these statements are unfair; as they make no allowance for the really keen strokes which Mr Murry keeps turning up continually, and for the discretion and freshness with which the old triangle theme is handled. 
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;

Country! on thy sons depending, 
    Strong in manhood, bright in bloom: 
Hast thou seen thy pride descending, 
    Shrouded to the unhonoured tomb?
Rise!—on eagle-pinion soaring, 
    Rise!—like one of god-like birth, 
And Jehovah's aid imploring, 
    Sweep the spoiler from the earth.
&lt;/poem&gt;
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      <text bytes="2506" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|672|THE CRITIC OF DOSTOEVSKY|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;But The Things We Are, as I have said, starts out very plainly to supply the antidote to Still Life. Mr Boston, far from deluging us with self-analyses, is an unusually rigid and silenced man, a man in whom all impressions lie buried and unuttered. Then suddenly, about half-way through the book, Mr Boston begins to unbend; he acquires a virulent attack of normality, goes out among good wholesome people, picks up a couple of buns, falls in love with a girl, and analyses himself as expertly as though he had been at it all his life, or as though he had been carried over bodily from Mr Murry's earlier novel. Thus, there are simply two Mr Bostons: one is made to feel the potentialities of this first Boston, and to see the second Boston kinetically, but one does not feel that the potential energy of the first Boston is the kinetic energy of the second. The accepted methods of effecting a character's rejuvenation are (a) to have him meet a Salvation Army lass, or (b) to have him awakened by the war. Mr Murry's invention of simply having the character rejuvenated is more cautious, perhaps, but no more contenting. 

On taking up these books of Mr Murry's one automatically returns to the question of Dostoevsky. Mr Murry, to be sure, has done a remarkably thorough job at making the Russian less uncouth and reducing his frenzy to the proportions proper to an English drawing-room; but the principle underlying both authors is the same. It calls, I think, for a distinction between the psychology of form and the psychology of subject-matter. Or between the psychologism of Dostoevsky and the psychologism of, say, a Greek vase. By the psychology of subject-matter I mean, I believe, what Mrs Padraic Colum has defined as information, or science. She might as well have called it journalism. Journalism, science, biographical gossip {{...}} this movement of almost pure information has had a tremendous effect on modern aesthetics. Thanks to it, far too much emphasis is laid upon the documentary value of the work of art, upon art as a revelational function. We find both Mr Matthew Josephson and Mr Burton Rascoe, for instance, objecting to Joyce because there are more psychoanalytic facts to be obtained from the reading of Kraft-Ebbing or Freud than from Ulysses. And I trust soon to hear these Messrs objecting to Cézanne because his paintings do not contain nearly so much data on trees as can be found in a bulletin of the Forestry Department. 
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{{c|{{larger|'''THOUGHTS AT THE FUNERAL OF A RESPECTED FRIEND.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
    {{sc|That}} solemn knell, whose mournful call 
        Strikes on the heart, I heard. 
            I saw the sable pall 
        Covering the form revered. 
    And lo! his father's race, the ancient, and the blest, 
Unlock the dim sepulchral halls, where silently they rest, 
            And to the unsaluting tomb, 
        Curtained round with rayless gloom, 
            He entereth in, a wearied guest. 

    To his bereaved abode, the fireside chair, 
        The holy, household prayer, 
    Affection's watchful zeal, his life that blest, 
        The tuneful lips that soothed his pain, 
With the dear name of &quot;''Father''&quot; thrilling through his breast, 
            He cometh not again. 
        Flowers in his home bloom fair, 
        The evening taper sparkles clear, 
    The intellectual banquet waiteth there, 
        Which his heart held so dear. 
            The tenderness and grace 
    That make religion beautiful, still spread 
    Their sainted wings to guard the place— 
        Alluring friendship's frequent tread. 
    Still seeks the stranger's foot that hospitable door, 
But he, the husband and the sire, returneth never more.
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2225" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||KENNETH BURKE|673}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The point is that the problem of the artist lies elsewhere, and that the novel after Dostoevsky has given too much attention to the document. The document ''per se,'' being neither beautiful nor unbeautiful, falls into quite another plane of considerations from purely aesthetic ones. And if Dostoevsky must stand for his revelations of the human soul, then he stands as nothing other than a scientist who was improperly trained in scientific methods of presentation, and who gave us consequently a hodgepodge rather than a schematization. One might have thought that the peculiarly vigorous flourishing of science would have served rather to purge literature of any documentary obligations, just as the perfection of photography has brought about a similar release in painting. But instead, literature was swept into a sympathetic movement, and science became a burden rather than an instrument of liberation. 

Perhaps, to define unescapably just how I should distinguish between the psychology of form and the psychology of subject-matter, I should pin myself to a specific illustration. We read, then, in The Things We Are: 


&quot;{{...}} Bettington felt sad. It seemed to him that at the moment when he knew his friend, his friend was embarking on a great journey with him, a journey more dangerous perhaps, but far more wonderful than his own. It was too much. To have to say two farewells at the same moment was more than he could bear, more than he ought to bear; and besides, there was a strange envy in his heart. He must confess it. 

{{&quot; '}}I envy you {{...}} old man. I can’' help it; I try not to.'

{{&quot; '}}I wonder you don't hate me as well.'

{{&quot; '}}No, I don't hate you {{...}} I don't think I do. Why should I? I don't feeling you’re taking Felicia away from me. The more I think about her, the more I know she wasn't mine. But envy, yes. I'm afraid it goes pretty deep, too.' After a minute he added,&quot; et cetera. 


Perhaps the author has established whether it is hate or envy. But I take liberty to assure the reader that he will not care. The information is there; but the issue hardly seems a contribution to beauty. Of course, I do not deny that even this sort of information&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/362</title>
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      <text bytes="2049" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|326|XVII. THE STORY OF THE JAR.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;habit of vexing the Great Being very much by different injuries. 'From him I have nothing to fear,' so he thought.

4. A rascal is never more eager to insult and never displays greater insolence than towards people meek and merciful. Against those he performs his worst tricks, for he sees no danger from their side. But with respect to those from whence a suspicion of danger, however slight, strikes him, he will behave, oh! so modestly, like an honest man; his petulance is quieted there.

Sometimes, then, while the Great Being was calmly asleep or nodding from drowsiness, that monkey would of a sudden leap upon his back. Another time, having climbed on (his head), as if he were a tree, he swung repeatedly (between his horns). Sometimes again, when he was hungry, he would stand before his feet, obstructing his grazing. It happened also now and then that he rubbed his ears with a log. When he was longing to bathe, he would sometimes climb on his head and cover his eyes with his hands. Or having mounted on his back, he would ride him perforce, and holding a stick in his hand counterfeit Yama&lt;ref&gt;The common representation of Yama is sitting on the back of a buffalo with a staff in his hand. See, for instance, Varâhamihira B''ri''hatsa''m''hitâ 58, 57 da''n''dî Yamo mahishaga''h''.&lt;/ref&gt;. And the Bodhisattva, that Great Being, bore all that unbecoming behaviour of the monkey without irritation and anger, quite untroubled, for he considered it a benefit, as it were.

5. It is the very nature of the wicked, indeed, to walk aside from the way of decent behaviour, whereas forbearance is something like a benefit to the virtuous, owing to their habitual practice of going that way.

Now of a truth, some Yaksha who was scandalised at those insults of the Great Being, or perhaps wished to try his nature, one time when the wicked monkey was riding the buffalo-bull, placed himself in his way, saying: &quot;Be not so patient. Art thou the slave of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER XIV}}  {{sc|The Capitulation of Najrân}}}}  ''{{ul|The terms agreed upon}}.'' Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az-Zuhri:—There came to the Prophet the military chief and the civil chief,&lt;ref&gt;Hishâm, p. 401.&lt;/ref&gt; delegated by the people of Najrân in al-Yaman, and asked for terms which they made on behalf of the people of Najrân, agreeing to offer two thousand robes—one thousand in Ṣafar and one thousand in Rajab—each one of which should have...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1566" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER XIV}}

{{sc|The Capitulation of Najrân}}}}

''{{ul|The terms agreed upon}}.'' Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az-Zuhri:—There came to the Prophet the military chief and the civil chief,&lt;ref&gt;Hishâm, p. 401.&lt;/ref&gt; delegated by the people of Najrân in al-Yaman, and asked for terms which they made on behalf of the people of Najrân, agreeing to offer two thousand robes—one thousand in Ṣafar and one thousand in Rajab—each one of which should have the value of one ounce [''auḳiyah''], the ounce weighing 40 ''dirhams.'' In case the price of the robe delivered should be more than one ounce, the surplus would be taken into consideration; and if it were less, the deficiency should be made up. And whatever weapons, horses, camels or goods they offered, should be accepted instead of the robes, if they are the same value. Another condition was made that they provide board and lodging for the Prophet's messengers for a month or less, and not detain them for more than a month. Still another condition was that in case of war in al-Yaman, they are bound to offer as loan thirty coats of mail, thirty mares and thirty camels, and whatever of these animals perish, the messengers [of the Prophet] guarantee to make up for them. To this effect, the Prophet gave them Allah's covenant and his promise. Another condition was that they be not allured to change their religion or the rank they hold in it, nor should they be called upon for military service or made to pay the tithe.&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' Yûsuf, pp. 40–41.&lt;/ref&gt; The&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
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    <title>Page:Poems Sigourney, 1834.pdf/286</title>
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      <text bytes="1155" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|center=THOUGHTS AT THE FUNERAL OF A FRIEND.|right=285}}
{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
            His was the upright deed, 
            His the unswerving course, 
        'Mid every thwarting current's force, 
Unchanged by venal aim, or flattery's hollow reed: 
        The ''holy truth'' walked ever by his side, 
And in his bosom dwelt, companion, judge, and guide. 

        But when disease revealed 
            To his unclouded eye 
        The stern destroyer standing nigh, 
            Where turned he for a shield? 
        Wrapt he the robe of stainless rectitude 
Around his breast to meet cold Jordan's flood? 
            Grasped he the staff of pride 
        His steps through death's dark vale to guide? 
            Ah no! self-righteousness he cast aside, 
Clasping, with firm and fearless faith, the cross of Him who died. 

                ''Serene, serene'', 
He pressed the crumbling verge of this terrestrial scene, 
                Breathed soft, in childlike trust, 
                    The parting groan, 
                ''Gave back to dust its dust''— 
                    ''To heaven its own''.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
            His was the upright deed, 
            His the unswerving course, 
        'Mid every thwarting current's force, 
Unchanged by venal aim, or flattery's hollow reed: 
        The ''holy truth'' walked ever by his side, 
And in his bosom dwelt, companion, judge, and guide. 

        But when disease revealed 
            To his unclouded eye 
        The stern destroyer standing nigh, 
            Where turned he for a shield? 
        Wrapt he the robe of stainless rectitude 
Around his breast to meet cold Jordan's flood? 
            Grasped he the staff of pride 
        His steps through death's dark vale to guide? 
            Ah no! self-righteousness he cast aside, 
Clasping, with firm and fearless faith, the cross of Him who died. 

                    ''Serene, serene'', 
He pressed the crumbling verge of this terrestrial scene, 
                Breathed soft, in childlike trust, 
                    The parting groan, 
                ''Gave back to dust its dust''— 
                    ''To heaven its own''.
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/792</title>
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      <text bytes="2048" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|674|THE CRITIC OF DOSTOEVSKY|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;could have been made beautiful, especially if—in the truest sense—it had been made more intense. But it would have been the intensity, and not the fact, which was beautiful. The accurate definition of an idea is beautiful—as in Spinoza. The accurate solution of a problem is beautiful-—which doubtless explains why Euclid was included among the humanities. And which obviously suggests defining beauty as the shortest distance between two points. But there is also the functional side to beauty, and fortunately Mr Murry has given a very fine instance of it, which I quote from Still Life to illustrate the psychology of form: 


&quot;Above them Anne began to sing, low enough to be singing to herself. She could hear that they were not talking, and she crooned. But the house was so still, beneath the regular beat of the rain between the gusts, that they could hear her when her voice rose above a low humming. Neither knew what she was singing. 

{{&quot; '}}Does Anne often sing like that?' said Dennis, almost whispering. 

{{&quot; '}}How do you mean, &quot;like that&quot;?' Maurice [Anne's lover] hardly understood the question. Then something familiar in the sound came vaguely into his memory. 'I don't know. Yes, she does sometimes. But not often{{...|4}} At least, I don't think so{{...|4}} I don't know.{{' &quot;}}


It is, quite plainly, the functional value which counts here. Mr Murry has given us a mechanism of beauty. A programme is officially announced; a blare of trumpets has been sounded. Similarly in Macbeth when the porter scene follows the murder scene this is no documentary ''coup,'' but a purely functional one. Writing in the Dostoevsky tradition, however, one underrates this really primary quality of art, and—in Mr Murry's case, at least—attains it too seldom. 

The making of this lengthy distinction, I feel, is justified in that it attempts to get at the exact quality of diffuseness which makes Mr Murry's books a bit dissatisfying. 

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Kenneth Burke|Kenneth Burke]]}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/363</title>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;that wicked monkey by purchase or by loss at play, or dost thou suspect any danger from his part, or dost thou not know thine own strength, that thou sufferest thyself to be so abused by him as to become his riding animal? Verily, my friend,  6. The thunderbolt of thy pointed horns swung with swiftness could pierce a diamond, or like the thunderbolt, cleave huge trees. And these thy feet treading with furious anger, would sink in the mountain-rock as in...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1916" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|327|XXXIII. THE STORY OF THE BUFFALO.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;that wicked monkey by purchase or by loss at play, or dost thou suspect any danger from his part, or dost thou not know thine own strength, that thou sufferest thyself to be so abused by him as to become his riding animal? Verily, my friend,

6. The thunderbolt of thy pointed horns swung with swiftness could pierce a diamond, or like the thunderbolt, cleave huge trees. And these thy feet treading with furious anger, would sink in the mountain-rock as in mud.

7. And this body of thine is, like a rock, solid and compact, the splendid strength of its muscles makes its beauty perfect. So thy power is well-known to the vigorous by nature, and thou wouldst be hard to approach even for a lion.

8. Therefore, either crush him with thy hoof by an energetic effort, or destroy his insolence with the sharp edges of thy horns. Why dost thou suffer this rogue of a monkey to torment thee and to cause pain to thee, as if thou wert powerless ?

9. Where is it ever seen that an evildoer is brought to reason by a cure consisting in a virtuous behaviour towards him, modesty, and kindness ? This treatment being applied to such a one who is to be cured by pungent and burning and harsh remedies, his insolence will wax like a disease arising from the phlegm'

Then the Bodhisattva looking at the Yaksha spoke to him mild words expressive of his adherence to the virtue of forbearance.

10. 'Surely, I know him a fickle-minded one and always fond of iniquity, but for this very reason it is right, in truth, that I put up with him.

11. 'What forbearance is that, practised towards somebody of greater strength, against whom it is impossible to retaliate? And with respect to virtuous

Indian medicine divides the diseases into three classes, according to their origin from one of the three humours : phlegm (kapha), wind (vâta), and bile (pitta).&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1950" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|327|XXXIII. THE STORY OF THE BUFFALO.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;that wicked monkey by purchase or by loss at play, or dost thou suspect any danger from his part, or dost thou not know thine own strength, that thou sufferest thyself to be so abused by him as to become his riding animal? Verily, my friend,

6. 'The thunderbolt of thy pointed horns swung with swiftness could pierce a diamond, or like the thunderbolt, cleave huge trees. And these thy feet treading with furious anger, would sink in the mountain-rock as in mud.

7. 'And this body of thine is, like a rock, solid and compact, the splendid strength of its muscles makes its beauty perfect. So thy power is well-known to the vigorous by nature, and thou wouldst be hard to approach even for a lion.

8. 'Therefore, either crush him with thy hoof by an energetic effort, or destroy his insolence with the sharp edges of thy horns. Why dost thou suffer this rogue of a monkey to torment thee and to cause pain to thee, as if thou wert powerless ?

9. 'Where is it ever seen that an evildoer is brought to reason by a cure consisting in a virtuous behaviour towards him, modesty, and kindness ? This treatment being applied to such a one who is to be cured by pungent and burning and harsh remedies, his insolence will wax like a disease arising from the phlegm&lt;ref&gt;Indian medicine divides the diseases into three classes, according to their origin from one of the three humours : phlegm (kapha), wind (vâta), and bile (pitta).&lt;/ref&gt;.'

Then the Bodhisattva looking at the Yaksha spoke to him mild words expressive of his adherence to the virtue of forbearance.

10. 'Surely, I know him a fickle-minded one and always fond of iniquity, but for this very reason it is right, in truth, that I put up with him.

11. 'What forbearance is that, practised towards somebody of greater strength, against whom it is impossible to retaliate? And with respect to virtuous&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{reflist}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2359" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|382|MANY MARRIAGES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;What strange hands she had, so unlike his mother's hands, that were soft and white. The farm woman's hands were brown and the knuckles were like the bark-covered knobs that sometimes grew on the trunks of trees. They were hands to take hold of things, to take hold of things firmly. 

After the men from the country had come and had put the things in the bins in the cellar it was fine to go down there in the afternoon when one had come home from school. Outside the leaves were all coming off the trees and everything looked bare. One felt a little sad and almost frightened at times and the visits to the cellar were reassuring. The rich smell of things, fragrant and strong smells! One got an apple out of one of the bins and stood eating it. In a far corner there were the dark bins where the pumpkins and squashes were buried in straw and everywhere, along the walls, were the glass jars of fruit his mother had put up. How many of them, what a plentitude of everything. One could eat and eat and still there would be plenty. 

At night sometimes, when one had gone up stairs and got into bed, one thought of the cellar and of the farm woman and the farm men who had brought the things. Outside the house it was dark and a wind was blowing. Soon there would be winter and snow and skating. The farm woman with the strange, strong-looking hands had driven the grey horse along the street on which the Webster house stood, and around a corner. One had stood at a window down stairs and had watched her out of sight. She had gone off into some mysterious place, spoken of as the country. How big was the country and how far away was it? Had she got there yet? It was night now and very dark. The wind was blowing. Was she still driving the grey horse on and on, the reins held in her strong brown hands? 

The boy had got into bed and had pulled the covers up about him. His mother came into the room and after kissing him went away taking his lamp. He was safe in the house. Near him, in another room, his father and mother slept. Only the country woman, with the strong hands, was now out there alone in the night. She was driving the grey horse on and on into the darkness, into the strange place from which came all of the good, rich-smelling things, now tucked away in the cellar under the house. 


{{c|''To be continued''}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{sm|A DRAWING. BY JULES PASCIN}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|'''THE BAPTISM.'''}}}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|'Twas}} near the close of that blest day, when, with melodious swell, 
To crowded mart and lonely vale, had spoke the Sabbath-bell; 
And on a broad, unruffled stream, with bordering verdure bright, 
The westering sunbeam richly shed a tinge of crimson light. 

When, lo! a solemn train appeared, by their loved pastor led, 
And sweetly rose the holy hymn, as toward that stream they sped, 
And he its cleaving, crystal breast, with graceful movement trod, 
His steadfast eye upraised, to seek communion with its God. 

Then bending o'er his staff, approached that willow-fringed shore, 
A man of many weary years, with furrowed temples hoar, 
And faintly breathed his trembling lip—&quot;Behold, I fain would be 
Buried in baptism with my Lord, ere death shall summon me.&quot; 

With brow benign, like Him whose hand did wavering Peter guide, 
The pastor bore his tottering frame through that translucent tide,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2248" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|A ROMAN LETTER}}

BY [[Author:Richard Aldington|RICHARD ALDINGTON]]}}

{{sc|M. Tranquillus to his Rufinus Greeting:}}

I despair, my Rufinus, of ever attaining that truly Ciceronian elegance and urbanity which distinguish your letters; I should recognize them as yours were they unsigned and deprived of all personal allusions. Nor can I hope to play even the inferior part of an Atticus to your Marcus Tullius; all my ambition is that contact with your virtues may insensibly incline me to follow the same path so far as my imperfections allow. You must therefore not pretermit, as you threaten, but rather increase, as I implore, your letters to me; believe me, they are essential to my happiness. That you are to be proconsul of Achaea must not be a reason for depriving your old friend of a necessary pleasure; unless indeed this dignity should lead you to despise so inglorious and so obscure a man. But even in jest such a thought wrongs us both. Shall I congratulate or condole with you on your heavy honour? You will have a year's residence in that Hellas whose culture you so greatly delight in and so perfectly understand. I shall imagine you at Corinth; either walking in silent meditation along the ilex walks of your villa, pausing before some marble, the tutelary deity of the place, leaning in thought above some wide fountain untroubled as that great stone pool in the gardens of Sallust; or speaking of wisdom and beauty with poets and learned men. For I cannot think that even the proconsulship will cause you to forget the greater good. What memories will greet you at Corinth! not only of that Hellenic perfection the world will never see again, but of our lamented countryman Gallio, whose urbanity and fastidious good taste astonished even the cultivated Hellenes. By one of those coincidences old superstition pretended significant, your letter reached me while I was reading the letter On Anger addressed to Gallio by his illustrious brother, Lucius Annaeus. May you share their virtues and fame, but not their fate! 

You ask me again whether I am not weary of solitude and you bid me ask myself: Would it be well for the world if all men acted as I? And you add that this is a sovereign rule of conduct. Did I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
And plunged him 'neath the shrouding wave, and spake the Triune name, 
And joy upon that withered face, in wondering radiance came. 

And then advanced a lordly form, in manhood's towering pride, 
Who from the gilded snares of earth had wisely turned aside, 
And following in ''His'' steps, who bowed to Jordan's startled wave, 
In deep humility of soul, faithful this witness gave. 

Who next?—A fair and fragile form, in snowy robe doth move, 
That tender beauty in her eye that wakes the vow of love— 
Yea, come, thou gentle one, and arm thy soul with strength divine, 
This stern world hath a thousand darts to vex a breast like thine. 

Beneath its smile a traitor's kiss is oft in darkness bound— 
Cling to that Comforter, who holds a balm for every wound; 
Propitiate that Protector's care, who never will forsake, 
And thou shalt strike the harp of praise, even when thy heart-strings break. 

Then with a firm, unshrinking step, the watery path she trod, 
And gave, with woman's deathless trust, her being to her God, 
And when all drooping from the flood she rose, like lily-stem, 
Methought that spotless brow might wear an angel's diadem. 

Yet more! Yet more!—How meek they bow to their Redeemer's rite, 
Then pass with music on their way, like joyous sons of light;
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/364</title>
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      <text bytes="1873" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|328|XVII. THE STORY OF THE JAR.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;people standing firm in honesty and decent behaviour, what is there to be endured at all ?

12. 'Therefore we ought to endure injuries by a feeble one, though having the power of revenge. Better to bear insults from such a one than to get rid of virtues.

13. 'Ill-treatment by a powerless one is the best opportunity, in truth, for showing virtues. With what purpose, then, should the lover of virtues make use of his strength in such cases so as to lose his firmness of mind ?

14. 'Besides, the opportunity for forbearance, that virtue always of use, being difficult to obtain inasmuch as it depends on others, what reason could there be to resort to anger just then, when that opportunity has been afforded by another ?

15. ‘And if I did not use forbearance against him who disregarding the damage of his own righteousness (dharma), acts as if to cleanse my sins, say who else should be ungrateful, if not I?'

The Yaksha spoke: 'Then wilt thou never be delivered from his persecutions.

16. 'Who may be able to chastise the ill-behaviour of a rascal having no respect for virtues, unless he sets aside humble forbearance ?'

The Bodhisattva spoke:

17. 'It is not suitable for him who longs for happiness to pursue comfort or prevention of discomfort by inflicting grief on another. The result of such actions will not tend to the production of happiness.

18. 'My persistence in patient endurance is, in fact, an admonition to awake his conscience. If he does not understand it, he will afterwards assail others of a hasty temper who will stop him in his pursuit of the wrong way.

19. 'And having been ill-treated by such a one, he will no more do these things to such as me. For having received punishment, he will not act in this (unbecoming) manner again. And so I will get rid of him.'
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      <text bytes="2662" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|384|A ROMAN LETTER|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;not believe you are jesting I should reproach you for accepting so wretched a sophism, worthy only of the most paltry barbarian. As if in this complexity of life we could govern ourselves by such foolishly over-simple and rigid rules! As if the great variety of the world did not call for as great a variety of men! Must the emperor conduct himself as the freedman, the senator as the slave, the matron as the courtesan? Shall the fisherman ask himself: Did all men fish would it be well for the world? Shall the philosopher leave to speculate because if all men imitated him human life would cease? This question of yours cannot but be some foolish trope brought to Rome by a glib uneducated Pict. The Empire needs men of many kinds; some to give it wealth; some military strength; some justice; some dignity; some wisdom; some tranquillity and sweetness. It may be necessary for the Empire at times to make use of the wickedness of evil men whose company we ourselves would avoid; and indeed were Rome filled with none but good men the ''imperium romanum'' would vanish in a decade. No, let us not ask ourselves so foolish and useless a question; let us rather seek to discover the true nature of our own minds and fit them to that manner of life which is most harmonious; for if we try to serve the Empire in a manner for which we are conspicuously unfit we may bring contempt upon the majesty of Rome, whereas if we do those things consonant with our nature we may serve it even though we appear to do nothing. We cannot all be proconsuls; we cannot all be excellent. I am sure innocence cannot harm the Empire; I even think vice may serve it; when I am convinced my manner of life injures the Empire—dearer to me than life—I shall change it. You tell me that the venality and incapacity of administrators make it urgent for every honest man to seek the utmost power he can obtain in order that justice may be done; and you regret the purer morals of the Republic. I cannot think you are right; a vast number of men is continually pressing to obtain these posts and surely none who was unfit either morally or intellectually would offer to take upon himself such a responsibility? You know I did not refuse to serve the Empire, even in a post for which I was grotesquely incapable, when it was forced upon me; I should not refuse if I were commanded to a dignity so imposing even as that of proconsul of Achaea, but I should lament it as a difficult and burdensome duty that had perforce to be undertaken, not as an honour to be enjoyed. I prefer an easy obscurity and tranquillity to distracting and arduous dignities. 
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Yet, lingering on those shores I staid, till every sound was hushed, 
For hallowed musings o'er my soul, like spring-swollen rivers rushed. 

'Tis better, said the Voice within, to bear a Christian's cross, 
Than sell this fleeting life for gold, which Death shall prove but dross, 
Far better, when yon shrivelled skies are like a banner furled, 
To share in Christ's reproach, than gain the glory of the world.
&lt;/poem&gt;
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      <text bytes="2659" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||RICHARD ALDINGTON|385}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;You laugh at me for my rusticity and pretend to find unpolished locutions in my letters and a country heaviness in my wits. These are fearful accusations! But I do not fear them. Whatever the wealthy freedmen may pretend to believe, you will not confuse a philosophic frugality with avarice or ill breeding, nor will you look with contempt upon lettered idleness. Some day I must tell you of the gardens I have laid out here, the embellishments I have given them, the statues, friezes, and other decorations I have procured to render my rusticity a little less rustical. As to my solitude it is less absolute than you imagine. I have not only the company of many excellent and charming men always near me in their writings (which my agents procure for me from Athens and Rome) but I have close at hand an agreeable companion to my studies who is also a man of urbane conversation and philosophic morals. He is a teacher of rhetoric, the son of a Greek woman and a certain ''legatus legionis'' whose name I shall conceal; his mother, an inhabitant of a small township in Attica, bestowed on him the austere name of Diogenes. Whether she hoped to make her son honest by giving him the name of one who so vehemently claimed honesty as his peculiar virtue; or whether she attempted thus to excuse herself by insinuating the paternity of Jove; I am unable to tell you. But few men could less resemble the great cynic than this Diogenes. He is a large, not unhandsome man, with long, carefully trimmed beard and hair; his address is smiling and frank; his air quiet and self-contained; his learning not inconsiderable; his speech eloquent; his manner attractive and winning; as unlike that of the usual ''rhetor'' as it is dissimilar from that of his growling namesake. He was condemned by poverty to the misery of a wandering life, displaying to the gaping provincials his ware of Milesian tales and philosophical discourses, more glittering and sharp than sound and wise. He asked my hospitality one spring evening when he had missed his way; we had some conversation which so pleased me I begged him to stay several days. The days became months and finally I gave him a house and small estate, vacated by one of my freedmen, about three thousand yards from here. He visits me frequently, advises me in the pursuit of my studies, debates points of philosophy or literary subtlety with great ability and learning, assists and stimulates my appreciation of what is beautiful and excellent. His gratitude has caused him to take the cognomen of Tranquillanus, but indeed I look upon him as a friend, not as a client. I have made him quite&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/460</title>
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      <text bytes="2605" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|386|A ROMAN LETTER|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;independent of me and he is not included in my testament; so that he has no reason to love me save his pleasure in the gift of a few acres I did not need and the sympathy of our minds. His friendship seems to me the more serious and tenacious because he is a convinced though not fanatical Epicurean—if a quality so opposed to Epicureanism can ever afflict any member of that enlightened sect. 

No doubt you will exclaim against me, both for admitting to my familiarity a man who is a kind of cultivated vagabond, perhaps an escaped slave, and for allowing him to bring the morals of Epicurus into my house. Believe me, dear Rufinus, not even Cicero has been just to Epicurus; and the Stoics have maligned him bitterly. When I had read the works of Epicurus, Philodemus, and other exponents of the doctrine, comparing them with the poem of our own nobly inspired Lucretius, I was delighted with the purity and wisdom of their philosophy. It secures my assent the more readily because practice of its teaching actually creates the spiritual effect promised; because it does not seek to persuade by rewards or to terrify by punishments; because it appears to be in harmony with reason and nature. You know my fancy that philosophical sects are mere classifications of temperaments. In my opinion the various philosophies are not to be looked upon as mutually destructive enemies, but as convenient methods of living for many sorts of men; thus the sensual man becomes a Cyrenaic, the proud man a Stoic, the morose man a Cynic, the sceptic a disciple of Pyrrho. My nature is most suited by the philosophy of Epicurus, though I add to its gentleness and tolerance and temperance, to its &quot;indolence of body and tranquillity of mind,&quot; something more robust in physical health, more ardently Platonic in the love of beauty, less supercilious in my relations with other men. Of course it is the morals of Epicurus I chiefly study; the physics, even of Aristotle, I read rather because I am curious than because I perceive any final truth in them, while I have a natural aversion from metaphysics which I find hard to overcome. The purpose of my inexpert philosophy is simply to pass through this too brief life as agreeably, honourably, and harmlessly as possible. I am not anxious that Rome should eke out its scanty intellectual fare with chatter about me; and I am not ambitious that a fraction of an indifferent posterity should know that such a man once existed. You will exclaim against this contempt for glory; it is sincere though perhaps ignoble and certainly un-Roman. Had I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/365</title>
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      <text bytes="1807" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|329|XXXIV. THE STORY OF THE WOODPECKER.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;On these words the Yaksha, affected with faithful contentment, amazement, and respect, exclaimed: 'Well said! well said !' and moving his head and shaking his (extended) fingers, magnified the Great Being with kind words such as these:

20. 'How is it possible that beasts should possess a conduct like this? How didst thou come to this degree of regard for virtues? Having assumed with some purpose or other this animal-shape, thou must be somebody practising penance in the penance-forest!'

After thus eulogising him, he threw the wicked monkey off his back, and taught him a preservative charm; after which he disappeared on the spot.

In this manner, then, forbearance deserves this name only, if there exists some opportunity for showing it, not otherwise : thus considering the virtuous appreciate even their injurer, deeming him a profit. (So is to be said, when discoursing on forbearance. And this may also be said: 'In this manner is shown the imperturbable tranquillity of the Bodhisattvas, even when in the state of a beast; how, indeed, should it become a human being or one who has taken the vow of a homeless life to be deficient in it &lt;ref&gt;Cp. the conclusion of Story XXV.&lt;/ref&gt;?' This story is also to be told, when praising the Tathâgata and when discoursing on listening with attention to the preaching of the Law.]


{{c|{{larger|{{sc|XXXIV. The Story of the Woodpecker.}}}}

(Cp. the Pâli Gâtaka, No. 308, Fausb. III, 25-27.) }}

Even though provoked, a virtuous person is incapable of betaking himself to wickedness, having never learnt to do so. This will be taught as follows.

The Bodhisattva, it is said, lived in some place of a forest as a woodpecker distinguished by his beautiful&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
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    <title>Page:Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu/115</title>
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      <text bytes="1958" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|99|''{{uc|The Capitulation of Najrân}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Prophet made it a condition on them that they neither take nor give usury.

''{{ul|The two monks of Najrân and the Prophet}}.'' Al-Ḥusain ibn-al-Aswad from al-Ḥasan:—There came to the Prophet two monks from Najrân.&lt;ref&gt;Yâḳût, vol. iv, pp. 751–757.&lt;/ref&gt; The Prophet proposed Islâm to them, and they replied, &quot;We embraced Islâm before thou didst.&quot; To this the Prophet replied, &quot;Ye have told a lie. Three things keep you from Islâm: pork eating, cross-worship and the claim that Allah has a son.&quot; &quot;Well then,&quot; said they, &quot;who is ʿÎsa's father?&quot; Al-Ḥasan adds that the Prophet was never too quick but always waited for Allah's command. Hence the text revealed by his Lord:&lt;ref&gt;Kor., 3: 51.&lt;/ref&gt; &quot;These signs and this wise warning do we rehearse to thee. Verily, Jesus is as Adam in the sight of Allah. He created him of dust: He then said to him, 'Be'—and he was,&quot; etc. to &quot;on those who lie.&quot;

This the Prophet repeated to them and then asked them to join with him in imprecating the curse of Allah upon whichever of them was wrong,&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' Kor., 3: 54.&lt;/ref&gt; taking hold of the hands of Fâṭimah, al-Ḥasan and al-Ḥusain. At this, one of the two monks said to the other, &quot;Climb the mountain and do not join with him in imprecating the curse, for if thou shouldst, thou wouldst return with the curse on thee.&quot; &quot;What shall we do then?&quot; asked the other. &quot; I believe,&quot; said the former, &quot;we had better give him the ''kharâj'' rather than join with him in imprecating the curse.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''mubâhalah.'' Bukhâri, vol. iii, pp. 167–168; abu-l-Faraj, ''Aghâni,'' vol. x, p. 144.&lt;/ref&gt;

''{{ul|A statement of the treaty}}.'' Al-Ḥusain from Yaḥya ibn-Âdam who said:—&quot; I copied the statement of the Prophet to the people of Najrân from that of a man who took it from al-Ḥasan ibn-Ṣâliḥ. These are the words:
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
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      <id>12506506</id>
      <parentid>12506505</parentid>
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        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <text bytes="1957" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|99|''{{uc|The Capitulation of Najrân}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Prophet made it a condition on them that they neither take nor give usury.

''{{ul|The two monks of Najrân and the Prophet}}.'' Al-Ḥusain ibn-al-Aswad from al-Ḥasan:—There came to the Prophet two monks from Najrân.&lt;ref&gt;Yâḳût, vol. iv, pp. 751–757.&lt;/ref&gt; The Prophet proposed Islâm to them, and they replied, &quot;We embraced Islâm before thou didst.&quot; To this the Prophet replied, &quot;Ye have told a lie. Three things keep you from Islâm: pork eating, cross-worship and the claim that Allah has a son.&quot; &quot;Well then,&quot; said they, &quot;who is ʿÎsa's father?&quot; Al-Ḥasan adds that the Prophet was never too quick but always waited for Allah's command. Hence the text revealed by his Lord:&lt;ref&gt;Kor., 3: 51.&lt;/ref&gt; &quot;These signs and this wise warning do we rehearse to thee. Verily, Jesus is as Adam in the sight of Allah. He created him of dust: He then said to him, 'Be'—and he was,&quot; etc. to &quot;on those who lie.&quot;

This the Prophet repeated to them and then asked them to join with him in imprecating the curse of Allah upon whichever of them was wrong,&lt;ref&gt;''Cf.'' Kor., 3: 54.&lt;/ref&gt; taking hold of the hands of Fâṭimah, al-Ḥasan and al-Ḥusain. At this, one of the two monks said to the other, &quot;Climb the mountain and do not join with him in imprecating the curse, for if thou shouldst, thou wouldst return with the curse on thee.&quot; &quot;What shall we do then?&quot; asked the other. &quot; I believe,&quot; said the former, &quot;we had better give him the ''kharâj'' rather than join with him in imprecating the curse.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''mubâhalah.'' Bukhâri, vol. iii, pp. 167–168; abu-l-Faraj, ''Aghâni,'' vol. x, p. 144.&lt;/ref&gt;

''{{ul|A statement of the treaty}}.'' Al-Ḥusain from Yaḥya ibn-Âdam who said:—&quot;I copied the statement of the Prophet to the people of Najrân from that of a man who took it from al-Ḥasan ibn-Ṣâliḥ. These are the words:
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/461</title>
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      <text bytes="1042" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||ELIZABETH J. COATSWORTH|387}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;a son to whom I might leave a glorious name, I should consider the matter differently, for, as you know, I love to make no absolute rules of conduct, giving all things that relative importance they seem to deserve and being always willing to change my mind when it appears reasonable so to do. 

How much I have to write you which the exiguity of a letter excludes and how glad I am that this renewal of our correspondence gives me not only the benefit of your wisdom and incomparable politeness, but provides me with so sensible a pleasure as talking of myself! By Hercules! you shall hear from me more often than you expect and doubtless more often than you desire. 
{{right|{{sc|Vale.}}}}


&lt;section end=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{larger|SAILS}}

BY [[Author:Elizabeth J. Coatsworth|ELIZABETH J. COATSWORTH]]}}

{{block center|&lt;poem&gt;The river with its sails is a strip of blue 
{{gap|3em}}silk 
On which moths have alighted 
And cling tilting.&lt;/poem&gt;}}&lt;section end=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/656</title>
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      <text bytes="2572" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|556|AMERICAN LETTER|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;he is full of ideas. Dr Van Doren has taken us through the subjects of all the contemporary novels and impressed us with their importance, pointing out the higher significance of Alice Adams in comparison with Mr Tarkington's earlier work and giving us to feel that there are countless subjects about which the American novelist can write. Professor Sherman is, we think, a spiritual collaborator of Professor Babbitt and we do not think of him as he is thought of in the outside world. He discusses philosophy for us and we understand his dualism; he finds philosophy in everyone, nearly, and exposes it brilliantly. We are inclined to believe with him that most of the philosophy is bad. Dr Canby is something of a dualist, too; at least he believes in discipline, both in life and art, and like Professor Sherman he prefers the books in which the undisciplined are not made heroic. 

If I have left out any of our major critics it is due to our own obscurity, with one exception: Dr [[Author:Paul Elmer More|Paul Elmer More]]. I have left him out because he illustrates my point. The Shelburne Essays complete none of us have read, but we found from time to time that he stood with Babbitt and Sherman, and his great departure was not in his thinking, but in his form of expression. He is now writing philosophy, or the criticism of philosophy, as we think of such things. He is expressing his ideas in the form which, it seems to us, they fit best, and his example has made things clear to us. We suddenly realize that all the rest of them are critics not of literature, but of economics, sociology, psychoanalysis, morality—and so on. And we wonder whether Aristotle, who had a point of view and was certainly a moralist, is still considered a great critic, or do readers nowadays feel that his work is fairly thin since it tells us nothing of the economic life of Periclean Athens and seems to erect into laws his perceptions of aesthetic fact without telling us anything at all about his philosophy. 

Perhaps we are unnecessarily confused. We are sure that somewhere, on occasions, must appear a technical criticism of a book of poetry or of a novel, but it is not exactly technical criticism we want. It is, I suppose, aesthetic criticism. We read Clive Bell and Roger Fry and find that they do not bother to tell us the story of the picture they describe—perhaps because pictures no longer have stories, but we do not mind. Our music criticism seems to deal with the ways and means used by the composer to call up emotion, and with&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;according to Dr. S. d'Oldenburg, it closely follows our Gâtakamâlâ, the verses of which it mostly copies word for word. Nevertheless the extract shows one difference, I think, in a capital point. In the tale, as it is told by Sûra, Kalmâshapâda has already got his hundred princes, when he comes to carry away Sutasoma, but in the said extract of the Bhadrakalpâvadâna Sutasoma is the very hundredth one.  In the Mahâbhârata the legend of Kalmashapâda Saudâs...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2276" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|314|XVII. THE STORY OF THE JAR.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;according to Dr. S. d'Oldenburg, it closely follows our Gâtakamâlâ, the verses of which it mostly copies word for word. Nevertheless the extract shows one difference, I think, in a capital point. In the tale, as it is told by Sûra, Kalmâshapâda has already got his hundred princes, when he comes to carry away Sutasoma, but in the said extract of the Bhadrakalpâvadâna Sutasoma is the very hundredth one.

In the Mahâbhârata the legend of Kalmashapâda Saudâsa, the man-eater, is told, I, adhy. 176 and 177. It is very different from the Buddhistic fashion, yet both versions must be derived from one source.

{{c|{{larger|{{sc|XXXII. The Story of Ayogriha}}2.}} 

(Cp. the Pâli Gâtaka, No.510, Fausb. IV, 491-499; Kariyâpitaka III, 3.)}}

To those, whose mind has been seized by emotion 3, even the brilliancy of royalty does not obstruct the way to salvation. Thus considering, one must make one's self familiar with the emotional state (samvega), as will be taught in the following.

At that time, when our Lord was still a Bodhisattva, seeing the world exposed to the assaults of hundreds of calamities : diseases, old age, death, separation from beloved persons, and so on, and understanding that it was woe-begone, without protector, without help, without guidance, He was impelled by His compassion to take the determination of saving the creatures according to His exceedingly good nature, bringing about again and again the good and the highest happiness even to people averse to him and unknown to him. At that time, then, he once took his birth, it is said, in a certain royal family distinguished for their modest behaviour and their surpassing lustre, which, in consequence of their intentness on possessing the affection of their subjects, was manifested by their

1 In 1894 Dr. S. d'Oldenburg more fully dealt with the Bhadrakalpâvadâna in a Russian book on Buddhistic Legends in Bhadrakalpavadana and Gâtakamâlâ. As to Sutasoma, cp. pp. 83-85 of that book.

2 That ayogriha is the name of the prince, not an appellative, appears from the Pâli recensions. He was named so, since he was brought up in the iron house ' (ayogriha).

8 Samvignamânasâm ; compare note on p. 280.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2365" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|314|XVII. THE STORY OF THE JAR.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{smaller block|according to Dr. S. d'Oldenburg, it closely follows our Gâtakamâlâ, the verses of which it mostly copies word for word&lt;ref&gt;In 1894 Dr. S. d'Oldenburg more fully dealt with the Bhadrakalpâvadâna in a Russian book on Buddhistic Legends in Bhadrakalpavadana and ''G''âtakamâlâ. As to Sutasoma, cp. pp. 83-85 of that book.&lt;/ref&gt;.' Nevertheless the extract shows one difference, I think, in a capital point. In the tale, as it is told by Sûra, Kalmâshapâda has already got his hundred princes, when he comes to carry away Sutasoma, but in the said extract of the Bhadrakalpâvadâna Sutasoma is the very hundredth one.

In the Mahâbhârata the legend of Kalmashapâda Saudâsa, the man-eater, is told, I, adhy. 176 and 177. It is very different from the Buddhistic fashion, yet both versions must be derived from one source.}}

{{c|{{larger|{{sc|XXXII. The Story of Ayogr''i''ha}}&lt;ref&gt;That ayog''ri''ha is the name of the prince, not an appellative, appears from the Pâli recensions. He was named so, since he was brought up in the 'iron house' (ayog''ri''ha).&lt;/ref&gt;.}} 

(Cp. the Pâli ''G''âtaka, No.510, Fausb. IV, 491-499; Kariyâpi''t''aka III, 3.)}}

To those, whose mind has been seized by emotion&lt;ref&gt;Sa''m''vignamânasâm ; compare note on p. 280.&lt;/ref&gt;, even the brilliancy of royalty does not obstruct the way to salvation. Thus considering, one must make one's self familiar with the emotional state (sa''m''vega), as will be taught in the following.

At that time, when our Lord was still a Bodhisattva, seeing the world exposed to the assaults of hundreds of calamities : diseases, old age, death, separation from beloved persons, and so on, and understanding that it was woe-begone, without protector, without help, without guidance, He was impelled by His compassion to take the determination of saving the creatures according to His exceedingly good nature, bringing about again and again the good and the highest happiness even to people averse to him and unknown to him. At that time, then, he once took his birth, it is said, in a certain royal family distinguished for their modest behaviour and their surpassing lustre, which, in consequence of their intentness on possessing the affection of their subjects, was manifested by their&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{reflist}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2578" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||SEBASTIEN CAULIFLOWER|557}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the kinds of emotion; sometimes the standing of the emotion, in an orderly or beautiful life, is suggested. But when it comes to anything printed it seems that everything is relevant except the art of the thing itself. We heard the other day, and were not surprised to hear, that Joyce isn't so important because he isn't nearly so good a psychoanalyst as Freud. Ulysses we shall probably never see in these parts, but our local librarian is making quite a search for Freud's novels, so that we can have the best. Or are we confused?

Professor Sherman has helped us a great deal in this confusion by presenting in that book of his which has lately been reissued, a literary criticism which is almost exactly what we have been looking for—the essay on Henry James. Is there a better one? And on comparing it with the others in the book, which are almost as exactly what we are not looking for, we find the reason. In the one on Wells, for example, we find &quot;The difference widens as soon as one considers the uses to which Wells and Arnold propose to put the enlarged powers of the state.&quot; It is a criticism of Wells' Utopia. Or again it is the vulgar barbarism of Dreiser, much more than his naturalistic method. Or George Moore's animalism. And when he arrives at James Mr Sherman, still looking for the ruling passion in an idea, hits upon exactly the right idea, that James &quot;adored beauty and absolutely nothing else in the world&quot; and he proceeds from that to show how this exclusive consecration to beauty made James' work, the style and the structure and everything, what it was. That is to say that in James there is no absorption in politics and economics; there is an idealism sympathetic to Mr Sherman, and this happy accident makes his essay a work of aesthetic criticism. To make it clearer, compare the usual run of essays about James, dealing with the fact that he wrote up the international situation. Don't those who write about him bother to read what he himself said on the subject? 

For many of us the use of literature as a means to an economic end has become tiresome. We do want to know the relevance of a book to life, of course; but we want our critics to tell us just how well the &quot;criticism of life&quot; is managed in a novel, for instance, and then to go on and make our enjoyment greater by referring us to the artistic harmonies which the novel may possess, to let us share a little the rapture of the creator. We would like our critics to thin out a little, if necessary. Let them tell us how Chekhov apprehends life,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/658</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506520</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:06:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      <text bytes="1402" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|558|AMERICAN LETTER|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and not that his characters are all doleful or half-witted. If our modern novelists are creating beautiful things, let our critics define for us their beauty or at least make it possible for us to see it, instead of trying to make us believe that the chief interest in a man like Lawrence is in his &quot;sexology&quot;—a word we do not use here. We are, as foreigners have observed, eager for culture, but we are a little afraid that our critics are giving us something else. Mr Eliot says that the important critic is absorbed in the present problems of art and wishes to bring the forces of the past to bear upon the solution of these problems. Perhaps that is the kind of importance we are looking for.&lt;ref&gt;The recent books alluded to in the American Letter are Contemporary American Novelists, by [[Author:Carl Van Doren|Carl Van Doren]] (Macmillan) On Contemporary Literature, by [[Author:Stuart P. Sherman|Stuart P. Sherman]] (Holt) and Definitions, by [[Author:H. S. Canby|H. S. Canby]] (Harcourt, Brace). Letters and Leadership, by [[Author:Van Wyck Brooks|Van Wyck Brooks]] (Heubsch) The Sacred Wood, by [[Author:T. S. Eliot|T. S. Eliot]] (Knopf) and Rousseau and Romanticism, by [[Author:Irving Babbitt|Irving Babbitt]] (Houghton Mifflin) are the other, somewhat older volumes.&lt;/ref&gt;

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Sebastien Cauliflower|Sebastien Cauliflower]]}}}}


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    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/351</title>
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      <text bytes="2104" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|315|XXXII. THE STORY OF AYOGR''I''HA.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;increasing prosperity and riches without hindrance, as well as by the submissiveness of their proud vassals. His very birth adorned both that court and that capital, always sympathising with their princes in weal and woe, with the brilliant show of a festival day.

1, 2. (At the court) a large distribution of gifts filled the hands and satisfied the minds of Brâhmans, and the attendants were proud of their very brilliant festival garments&lt;ref&gt;Apparently the attendants had received that new attire as a present.&lt;/ref&gt;. (Outside the palace) the streets resounded with the tones of many instruments and with the blending noise of singing, jesting, laughing, as the gladness of the hearts manifested itself by various merrirnent, dancing, and wantonness. Everywhere people meeting told each other with exultation and embraces the happy news, which gave them the same contentment as a present, and they magnified the felicity of their king.

3. The doors of the prisons were opened, and the prisoners set at liberty. Flags floating at the tops of the houses decorated the places, and the ground was covered with fragrant powders and flowers, and moistened with spirituous liquors. So adorned, the town bore the lovely and bright appearance of a festival.

4. From the splendid dwellings of the wealthy abundant showers of different goods : clothes, gold, jewels &amp;c. poured down, so that it seemed as if Felicity, doing her best to pervade the world, with lovely sport imitated Gangâ in madness&lt;ref&gt;The presents strewed about are compared either with the cascade of the Ganges at Gangâdvâra, where the river rushes into the valley, or with the mythological account of Gangâ hurling down from heaven to earth at the instance of Bhagîratha.&lt;/ref&gt;.

Now at that time it happened as a rule that every prince born to the king soon died. Supposing that rule to be the effect of goblin-power&lt;ref&gt;In the Pâli redaction the new-born children are in fact carried away by a goblin, a Yakkhini.&lt;/ref&gt;, he ordered, with&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{reflist}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|THE AROMA OF EVANESCENCE}}}}

{{block center|max-widh=35em|{{sc|Soliloquies in England, and Late Soliloquies.}} ''By [[Author:George Santayana|George Santayana]]. 12mo. 254 pages. Charles Scribner's Sons. $3.50.}}

{{di|M}}R SANTAYANA'S Soliloquies are somewhat melancholy reading, although he is too philosophic to be melancholy himself. The things he loves in England are all rapidly disappearing, and being replaced by things which no contemplative spirit can admire. The England of Mr Santayanas affections centres about the well-to-do unintellectual undergraduate, and includes the country-house from which he comes, the sports which are his most serious pursuit, even—with some reserves—the dons by whom he is taught, provided they are sufficiently mellow and remote from modern research. This is the England which was fashioned in the time of Queen Anne—a land of leisure and beauty, of aristocratic culture, of tolerance and good humour. But Queen Anne is dead, and the civilization inherited from her time is dying. Its destruction was begun by the industrial revolution, and greatly hastened by the late war. Very soon the little that survives must perish. 

Mr Santayana is a true philosopher, in that he views everything ''sub specie aeternitatis''. &quot;In so far as the mind conceives a thing according to the dictate of reason, it will be equally affected whether the idea is that of a future, past, or present thing.&quot; So says Spinoza; and accordingly these soliloquies are not unduly disturbed by the fact that the things which their author values are past or passing. It would be unfair to call Mr Santayana a conservative, since he does not wish, like a conservative, to preserve the things he admires, but is content with the thought that their essence is eternal though their existence is fleeting. Their existence in the past has enabled us to contemplate their essence, and that is what really matters. His philosophic detachment, however, has its limits. Modern liberalism is abhorrent to his soul, and some of the best writing in the book&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{larger|THE AROMA OF EVANESCENCE}}}}

{{block center|max-width=35em|{{sc|Soliloquies in England, and Late Soliloquies.}} ''By [[Author:George Santayana|George Santayana]]. 12mo. 254 pages. Charles Scribner's Sons. $3.50.}}

{{di|M}}R SANTAYANA'S Soliloquies are somewhat melancholy reading, although he is too philosophic to be melancholy himself. The things he loves in England are all rapidly disappearing, and being replaced by things which no contemplative spirit can admire. The England of Mr Santayanas affections centres about the well-to-do unintellectual undergraduate, and includes the country-house from which he comes, the sports which are his most serious pursuit, even—with some reserves—the dons by whom he is taught, provided they are sufficiently mellow and remote from modern research. This is the England which was fashioned in the time of Queen Anne—a land of leisure and beauty, of aristocratic culture, of tolerance and good humour. But Queen Anne is dead, and the civilization inherited from her time is dying. Its destruction was begun by the industrial revolution, and greatly hastened by the late war. Very soon the little that survives must perish. 

Mr Santayana is a true philosopher, in that he views everything ''sub specie aeternitatis''. &quot;In so far as the mind conceives a thing according to the dictate of reason, it will be equally affected whether the idea is that of a future, past, or present thing.&quot; So says Spinoza; and accordingly these soliloquies are not unduly disturbed by the fact that the things which their author values are past or passing. It would be unfair to call Mr Santayana a conservative, since he does not wish, like a conservative, to preserve the things he admires, but is content with the thought that their essence is eternal though their existence is fleeting. Their existence in the past has enabled us to contemplate their essence, and that is what really matters. His philosophic detachment, however, has its limits. Modern liberalism is abhorrent to his soul, and some of the best writing in the book&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/352</title>
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      <text bytes="2089" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|316|XVII. THE STORY OF THE JAR.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the object of saving the life of that son, the building which was to serve for lying-in chamber to be wholly constructed of iron, (though) ornamented with magnificent figures wrought of jewels, gold, and silver. The preservative rites destructive of goblins were performed there according to the precepts expounded in the Science of Spirits and ordained by the Veda; and likewise the different customary auspicious ceremonies which have the effect of securing prosperity. As to his son, he had the ''g''âtakarma&lt;ref&gt;The king had those sacraments performed by his purohita, the king's constant and customary representative in sacrificial and ceremonial matters.&lt;/ref&gt; and the other sacraments performed to him in that iron-house, and let him grow up there. Owing to that most careful guard, but no less to the excellent goodness of his nature and to the power of his store of merit, no goblins overpowered the Great Being. In course of time, after the sacraments and initiatory rites had been performed, he was instructed by teachers illustrious for their knowledge of the sacred texts, their extraction, and behaviour, who were renowned and honoured as scholars, and attached to the virtues of tranquillity, modesty, and discretion. Having learnt from them many branches of science, and being favoured by the loveliness of youth, which made his figure grow fuller day by day&lt;ref&gt;It is plain that the image of the crescent moon is present to the author's mind.&lt;/ref&gt;, further displaying that attachment to modesty which was innate in him, he became an object of the greatest love both to his relations and the people at large.

5. People go after a virtuous person, though no relation nor acquaintance of theirs, with the like joy as if they honoured a friend. It is the brilliancy of his virtues which is the cause thereof.

6. In the season of autumn, when the moon freely shooting his beams all around is the laugh of Heaven, say what kind of relation does there exist for the people to Him ?
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/660</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2422" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|560|THE AROMA OF EVANESCENCE|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;is directed against it. The two essays on Liberalism ''versus'' Culture and The Irony of Liberalism ought to be digested by all those who still fancy that this creed is of use in the modern world. 


&quot;If liberalism had been a primitive system, with no positive institutions behind it, it would have left human genius in the most depressed and forlorn condition. The organized part of life would have been a choice among little servitudes, and the free personal part would have been a blank. Fortunately, liberal ages have been secondary ages, inheriting the movements, the feelings, and the social hierarchy of previous times, when men had lived in compulsory unison, having only one unquestioned religion, one style of art, one political order, one common spring of laughter and tears.&quot;


There is more truth in this than most apostles of liberalism are willing to concede. Since the Renaissance, Europe has been like a clock running down; its positive institutions have come to it from the Middle Ages, and the changes effected have all been negative. To this process there must come an end; if the clock is not to stop, it must be wound up again sooner or later. The essay on The Irony of Liberalism shows, by an almost Hegelian dialectic, how freedom breeds opposite propagandas, each stimulating &quot;hatred and wilfulness,&quot; and generating a strict tyranny by which the beneficent intentions of liberalism are defeated. The war, even, affords Mr Santayana a certain grim satisfaction as a refutation of the glib hopes of liberals. Addressing the liberal intellectuals on armistice day, he says: 


&quot;Ah, my delicate friends, if the soul of a philosopher may venture to address you, let me whisper this counsel in your ears: Reserve a part of your wrath; you have not seen the worst yet. You suppose that this war has been a criminal blunder and an exceptional horror; you imagine that before long reason will prevail, and all these inferior people that govern the world will be swept aside, and your own party will reform everything and remain always in office. You are mistaken. This war has given you your first glimpse of the ancient, fundamental, normal state of the world, your first taste of reality. It should teach you to dismiss all your philosophies of progress or of a governing reason as the babble of dreamers who walk through one world mentally beholding another.&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/353</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506528</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:10:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Balajijagadesh</username>
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      <text bytes="2135" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|317|XXXII. THE STORY OF AYOGR''I''HA.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;So then the Great Being was enjoying the bliss that had fallen to his share as the effect of the power of his merit. He was petted with plenty of objects of celestial brilliancy standing at his disposal, and his father, who loved him much and bore him high esteem, was no more anxious about him, trusting he would be safe. Now once on the occasion of the Kaumudi-festival recurring in course of time, it happened that the Bodhisattva was desirous of contemplating the lovely beauty and the display of brilliancy in his capital. Having obtained the permission of his father, he mounted the royal chariot to take a drive. This chariot was embellished with fair ornaments of gold, jewels, and silver; gay flags and banners of various colours were floating aloft on it; its horses well-trained and swift, were adorned with golden trappings; it was driven by a charioteer distinguished for his dexterity, skill, comeliness, honesty, modesty, and firmness, and followed by a retinue adorned with a picturesque and brilliant attire and armour. Preceded by the delightful tones of musical instruments, the prince with his train passed through the capital in many directions, and let his eyes roam over the spectacle of the streets crowded with townsmen and landsmen in their lovely festival array, who with looks agitated by curiosity, were wholly intent on seeing him, and all along his way received him with praise and worship, folded hands and bent heads, and pronounced blessings over him. Nevertheless, though the contemplation of this beautiful spectacle was a proper occasion for conceiving a great rejoicing within his mind, he regained by it the remembrance of his former births. So familiar to his nature was the feeling of sa''m''vega.

7. ‘Alas' (he thought), 'piteous is the state of the world and displeasing because of its unsteadiness. The brilliant splendour of this Kaumudi-day, how soon will it exist but in the memory!

8. 'And yet, such being the condition of all creatures, how heedless of danger men are, that they hurry after&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{reflist}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/661</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018734</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506529</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:11:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2395" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||BERTRAND RUSSELL|561}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;I share entirely Mr Santayana's view as to the nature of this planet and as to its probable future, but I had not realized before that there was pleasure to be extracted from such a prognostic. In the world in which we find ourselves, the only reliable joys are those derived from hatred, since it is more likely that our enemies will suffer than that our friends will be happy. Therefore the true philosopher, if he cannot banish the passions altogether, will select hatred as the most comfortable. 

There is one surprising passage, however, which suggests that Mr Santayana has not quite realized the effects of social cataclysms. It occurs at the beginning of his essays on Dickens: 


&quot;If Christianity should lose everything that is now in the melting-pot, human life would still remain amiable and quite adequately human. I draw this comforting assurance from the pages of Dickens. Who could not be happy in his world? Yet there is nothing essential to it which the most destructive revolution would be able to destroy.&quot;


Any one who will imagine Pickwick and his friends transported to modern Russia can see the falsehood of this optimistic belief. There are no comfortable inns, no fires blazing on the hearth, no plentiful suppers and no punch-bowls; there is no freedom to travel about the country, no leisure for enjoyment. The only character in Pickwick who could be happy in modern Russia is Mr Alfred Jingle, who would be in the Food Commissariat. One is compelled to conclude that Mr Santayana does not quite realize how profound is the effect of a really serious revolution. 

The greater part of the Soliloquies has no direct bearing upon modern social questions. A great deal is concerned with the English character—always kindly, too kindly perhaps. The English character which Mr Santayana likes and chiefly considers is that of the &quot;gentleman&quot; who is mildly conservative and not too much in earnest. Intellectual England, Puritan England, the England of the various tribes of cranks and faddists, is recognized as existing, but regarded as a regrettable aberration. Mr Santayana's view of the world is a product of peculiar circumstances: Spanish temperament and American experience. What Spain has stood for in the world seems to him in the main good; what America and progressive England have stood for he dislikes. This outlook has in him a&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/662</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:12:19Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1670" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|562|THE AROMA OF EVANESCENCE|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;peculiar value, because it is combined with an intimate knowledge of things that a Spaniard in Spain would not know. The standard of values prevalent throughout the modern world, but worst of all in America, is challenged from two sides: by the revolutionaries, who wish to introduce a new constructive era by means of a new discipline, and by the mediaevalists, who wish to revive the discipline of the Catholic Church. It is singular how much these two parties have in common. Much of Mr Santayana's indictment of liberalism might have been written by a Russian Bolshevik—perhaps because in Russia the influence of the church is still as strong as in Spain, even over those who reject its dogmas and rebel against its political domination. 

It is superfluous to praise the style of Mr Santayana, which must delight every lover of good English; or the genuinely philosophic outlook of the soliloquies, which will be familiar to all his admirers. Most English-speaking readers, even when they admire most, will feel something which they cannot share in this outlook—something which is probably attributable to the difference between a Protestant and a Catholic civilization, for even Catholics in England and America are always Protestant in their mentality. This is a barrier to sympathy rather than to understanding; but it enhances the value of the book, by making it more distinctive and challenging. Indeed, few people were better employed during the years 1914-1918 than Mr Santayana, who built this memorial of the beauties that were perishing while he wrote. 

{{right|{{sc|[[Author:Bertrand Russell|Bertrand Russel]]}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{block center|max-width=35em|{{sc|Priapus and the Pool.}} ''By [[Author:Conrad Aiken|Conrad Aiken]]. 8vo. 59 pages. Dunster House. $2.50. 

{{sc|Slabs of the Sunburnt West.}} ''By [[Author:Carl Sandburg|Carl Sandburg]]. 12mo. 76 pages. Harcourt, Brace and Company. $1.75.}}

{{di|W}}HERE are the grand old days of American poetry? Remember how it was born; or rather, since this passive mood suits badly, how it bore itself back in 1914, the first of war babies. Before the Lusitania affair, if you remember, American poetry was built hastily like a skyscraper. Crowds gathered to comment on the thoroughly modern installation: open plumbing, critics running hot and cold like water, printing presses, magazines, two complete anthologists, even poets. Above the entrance arch was lettered in commercially-pure gold: THE AMERICAN RENAISSANCE. Today this lettering remains, slightly tarnished. Anthologies still appear, each in its season, and critics function still, but those old and grand days of American poetry are over. 

At least their contagious excitement has subsided. The poets of those days continue to write and usually write well, but they are making only literature now; they make history no longer. That perhaps 1s the reason no younger writers join their group (or has talent ceased utterly to develop?) Masters dies slowly after the childbirth of Spoon River. Robinson embalms himself in a collected edition. No one appears to close the gaping ranks. There are no new American poets. 

For the adjective American belongs to a definite poetic generation. One rarely applies it to Poe, nor is Estlin Cummings, as a poet, American. An American poet is one whose first book, or whose first successful book, coincided roughly with the first year of the war. An American poet is Frost, Masters, Lindsay, Fletcher, Amy Lowell; by extension the term has even been applied to Walt Whitman. The adjective American is less national than temporal; a certain generation wear it like a rosette in the buttonhole; their work was brave enough to deserve a more definite decoration. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2088" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|318|XVII. THE STORY OF THE JAR.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;rejoicings with untroubled minds, though every way around them is obstructed by death!

9. ‘Disease, old age and death, three enemies of irresistible strength, stand near ready to strike, and there is no escape from the dreadful world hereafter. How then may there be opportunity for merriment to an intelligent being ?

10. 'The clouds, that poured out streams of water with tremendous noise, almost in anger, imitating, as it were, the uproar of great seas, the clouds with their golden garlands of flashing lightnings, being born of agglomeration come again to dissolution.

11. 'The rivers, that flowing with increased rapidity carried away trees together with the river-banks, upon which they had their roots, afterwards and in course of time assume again a mean appearance, as if they were burnt away by sorrow.

12. 'The violence of the wind, too, blowing down peaks of mountains, dispersing masses of clouds, rolling and stirring up the waves of the ocean, becomes extinguished.

13. 'With high and blazing flame sparkling about, the fire destroys the grass, then it abates and ceases. By turns the different beauties of the groves and forests appear and disappear, as time goes on.

14. 'What union does there exist which has not its end in separation ? what felicity which is not liable to mishap&lt;ref&gt;This sentence is expressed in a similar way in a ''s''loka, recurring several times in Divyâvadâna (ed. Cowell, p. 27; 100; 486):

sarve kshayântâ ni''k''ayâ''h'' patanântâ''h'' samu''kkh''rayâ''h''

sa''m''yogâ viprayogântâ mara''n''ântam ''k''a ''g''îvitam. Cp. also supra, Story VI, stanza 7.
&lt;/ref&gt;? Since inconstancy, then, is proper to the course of worldly things, that mirth of the multitude is a very thoughtless one.'

In this manner the High-minded One reasoned within himself. Utterly touched with emotion, his heart became averse to that rejoicing and festival mirth; he paid no longer attention to the groups of people, however picturesque, flocking to embellish&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{reflist}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>File:Screenshot 2022-07-24 at 16.13.46.png</title>
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      <comment>Temporary upload for debugging purposes.</comment>
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      <text bytes="92" xml:space="preserve">== Summary ==
Temporary upload for debugging purposes.
== Licensing ==
{{self|cc-by-sa-3.0}}</text>
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    <title>Page:Sacred Books of the Buddhists Vol 1.djvu/236</title>
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      <text bytes="2349" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Balajijagadesh&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|200|XVII. THE STORY OF THE JAR.|''G''ÂTAKAMÂLÂ.}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{smaller block|This much-renowned tale of the two fabulous swans is thrice told in the collection of Pâli ''G''âtakas, edited by Fausböll: No. 502 Ha''m''sagâtakam, No. 533 Kullaha''m''sa''g''ât., and No. 534 Mahâha''m''sagât. Of them No. 502 is almost an abridgement of No. 534. These two show another redaction of the tale than that which is contained in No. 533. Our author used some recension closely related to the redaction of No. 533 ; some of his stanzas are almost identical with the Pâli gâthâs.

From a note in Tawney's translation of the Kathâsaritsagara (II, p. 506) I learn that Râ''g''endralâla Mitra found the story of the golden swans in the Bodhisattva Avadana, one of the Hodgson MSS. It is probable that the work quoted is the Bodhisattvâvadânakalpalatâ, which is being edited by Sara''k'' ''K''andra Dâs, in the Bibliotheca Indica. But as the story in question has not yet been published and the list of contents in the preface of that work is here of no help, I could not find out in which pallava it is told.

Moreover compare Kathâsaritsagara 3, 26-35 and 114, 17 foll. The self-denial of the commander-in-chief has its counterpart in the behaviour of the sârasa bird in the main story of the third book of the Hitopade''s''a.}}

{{c|{{larger|{{sc|XXIII. The Story of Mahâbodhi.}}}}

(Cp. the Pâli Gâtaka, No. 528, Fausb. V, 227–246.)}} 

The compassion of the virtuous for those who once were their benefactors, does not diminish even by injuries done to them. Such is their gratitude, and to this extent have they imbibed the virtue of forbearance. This will be taught as follows.

In the time when the Lord was a Bodhisattva, he was a wandering ascetic, it is said, named Mahâbodhi&lt;ref&gt;This name means '(possessing) great wisdom.'&lt;/ref&gt;. When still a householder, he had made a regular and thorough study of such branches of learning as are esteemed in the world, and being curious of fine arts, had also acquainted himself with them. Afterwards, having renounced the world, as he was exerting himself for the benefit of the world, he directed his mind more earnestly to the study of the law-books, and obtained the mastership in that science. Thanks to his possession of a store of merit, the loftiness of his&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{reflist}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/2</title>
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      <text bytes="114" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Mpaa&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{raw image|The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/2}}

{{c|Those who passed by night were grateful for the lamp}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/3</title>
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      <text bytes="225" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mpaa&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger block|THE ANGEL OF

LONESOME HILL}}

A STORY OF A PRESIDENT


BY

Frederick Landis

{{smaller|Author of &quot;The Glory of His Country&quot;}}


{{rule|6em}}


NEW YORK&lt;br /&gt;
Charles Scribner’s Sons&lt;br /&gt;
1910
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Angel of Lonesome Hill (1910).djvu/1</title>
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      <text bytes="297" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Mpaa&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|&lt;i&gt;
April 26th, 1916


{{larger|Seventh Annual Banquet}}

of

{{x-larger|The Publicity Club}}

of

Springfield, Massachusetts


{{fine|Presented with the compliments of}}

Charles Scribner's Sons

{{smaller|Publishers of}}

{{larger|Scribner’s Magazine}}
&lt;/i&gt;}}&lt;noinclude&gt;[[Category:Not transcluded]]&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Tennysoniana (1879).djvu/99</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="851" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|89|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;In the volume of Selections, published in 1865, the fifth line of the poem reads thus:

{{c|&quot;Locksley Hall that ''half in ruin'' overlooks the sandy tracts,&quot;}} 

but the original reading, &quot;in the distance,&quot; is still retained in the collected edition of the Poems.
{{dhr}}
{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr}}
&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Godiva|Godiva]].&quot; Unaltered.

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/The Two Voices|The Two Voices]].&quot; Dated 1833 in the first edition.

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/The Day-Dream|The Day-Dream]]&quot;:

{{plainlist|indent=1|*''Prologue''.
*''The Sleeping Palace''.
*''The Sleeping Beauty''. (Poems, chiefly Lyrical, p. 143.) Slightly altered.
*''The Arrival''.
*''The Revival''.
*''The Departure''.
*''Moral''.
*''L'Envoi''.
*''Epilogue''.}}

A few verbal alterations only.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506685</id>
      <parentid>12506678</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T14:59:27Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="859" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|89|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;In the volume of Selections, published in 1865, the fifth line of the poem reads thus:

{{c|&quot;Locksley Hall that ''half in ruin'' overlooks the sandy tracts,&quot;}} 

but the original reading, &quot;in the distance,&quot; is still retained in the collected edition of the Poems.
{{dhr}}
{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr}}
&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Godiva|Godiva]].&quot; Unaltered.

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/The Two Voices|The Two Voices]].&quot; Dated 1833 in the first edition.

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/The Day-Dream|The Day-Dream]]&quot;:

{{plainlist|indent=1|*''Prologue''.
*''The Sleeping Palace''.
*''The Sleeping Beauty''. (Poems, chiefly Lyrical, p. 143.) Slightly altered.
*''The Arrival''.
*''The Revival''.
*''The Departure''.
*''Moral''.
*''L'Envoi''.
*''Epilogue''.}}

A few verbal alterations only.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Ngo-dinh Diem Letter to John F. Kennedy February 23, 1963 - NARA - 193707.tif</title>
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      <text bytes="1319" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Baokhang48812002&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;February 23, 1963

Dear Mr. President;

The whole Vietnamese people were deeply touched by the message which Your Excellency, as spokesman for the great American democracy, so kindly sent them on the occasion of their New Year Day.

They have welcomed this message as a magnificent and perfect expression of the comprehension and friendship of the American people who have supported them with strong and effective aid in these difficult days of their struggle against communist subversion and aggresion.

This is indeed a major source of inspiration for my countrymen who are more than ever determined to redouble their efforts and sacrifices in the year ahead to come near to the final victory that will bring them security and peace, and promote social justice and collective ascent within the framework of the economic development of the country.

In the reverent memory of the noble sons of America who have given their lives in our land for the common cause, I want to thank you cordially, Dear Mr. President, for your wishes which express so well our common aspirations and hopes and to offer the gratitude and admiration of the Vietnamese people to the great nation and people &quot;who have always been willing to pay the dearest costs for liberty.&quot;

Ngo-dinh-Diem

President of the Republic of Viet-Nam&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506692</id>
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      <text bytes="1319" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Baokhang48812002&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;February 23, 1963

Dear Mr. President;

The whole Vietnamese people were deeply touched by the message which Your Excellency, as spokesman for the great American democracy, so kindly sent them on the occasion of their New Year Day.

They have welcomed this message as a magnificent and perfect expression of the comprehension and friendship of the American people who have supported them with strong and effective aid in these difficult days of their struggle against communist subversion and aggresion.

This is indeed a major source of inspiration for my countrymen who are more than ever determined to redouble their efforts and sacrifices in the year ahead to come near to the final victory that will bring them security and peace, and promote social justice and collective ascent within the framework of the economic development of the country.

In the reverent memory of the noble sons of America who have given their lives in our land for the common cause, I want to thank you cordially, Dear Mr. President, for your wishes which express so well our common aspirations and hopes and to offer the gratitude and admiration of the Vietnamese people to the great nation and people &quot;who have always been willing to pay the dearest costs for liberty.&quot;

Ngo-dinh-Diem

President of the Republic of Viet-Nam&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1419" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Baokhang48812002&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{right|February 23, 1963}}

Dear Mr. President;
{{ti/s}} The whole Vietnamese people were deeply touched by the message which Your Excellency, as spokesman for the great American democracy, so kindly sent them on the occasion of their New Year Day.{{ti/e}} 

{{ti/s}} They have welcomed this message as a magnificent and perfect expression of the comprehension and friendship of the American people who have supported them with strong and effective aid in these difficult days of their struggle against communist subversion and aggresion.{{ti/e}} 

{{ti/s}} This is indeed a major source of inspiration for my countrymen who are more than ever determined to redouble their efforts and sacrifices in the year ahead to come near to the final victory that will bring them security and peace, and promote social justice and collective ascent within the framework of the economic development of the country.{{ti/e}} 

{{ti/s}} In the reverent memory of the noble sons of America who have given their lives in our land for the common cause, I want to thank you cordially, Dear Mr. President, for your wishes which express so well our common aspirations and hopes and to offer the gratitude and admiration of the Vietnamese people to the great nation and people &quot;who have always been willing to pay the dearest costs for liberty.&quot;{{ti/e}} 

{{right|Ngo-dinh-Diem}}
{{right|President of the Republic of Viet-Nam}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506703</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:33:15Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1385" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Baokhang48812002&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{right|February 23, 1963}}

Dear Mr. President;

{{ti|2em|The whole Vietnamese people were deeply touched by the message which Your Excellency, as spokesman for the great American democracy, so kindly sent them on the occasion of their New Year Day.}}

{{ti|2em|They have welcomed this message as a magnificent and perfect expression of the comprehension and friendship of the American people who have supported them with strong and effective aid in these difficult days of their struggle against communist subversion and aggresion.}}

{{ti|2em|This is indeed a major source of inspiration for my countrymen who are more than ever determined to redouble their efforts and sacrifices in the year ahead to come near to the final victory that will bring them security and peace, and promote social justice and collective ascent within the framework of the economic development of the country.}}

{{ti|2em|In the reverent memory of the noble sons of America who have given their lives in our land for the common cause, I want to thank you cordially, Dear Mr. President, for your wishes which express so well our common aspirations and hopes and to offer the gratitude and admiration of the Vietnamese people to the great nation and people &quot;who have always been willing to pay the dearest costs for liberty.&quot;}}

{{right|Ngo-dinh-Diem&lt;br&gt;President of the Republic of Viet-Nam}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Tennysoniana (1879).djvu/100</title>
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      <text bytes="1136" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|90|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Amphion|Amphion]].&quot; The first four lines of the fifth stanza originally ran thus:

{{ppoem|end=follow|&quot;The birch-tree swang her fragrant hair,
:The bramble cast her berry, 
The gin within the juniper
:Began to make him merry.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1853.}}
{{dhr}}
{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr}}
In the last stanza but one:

{{ppoem|end=follow|&quot;Half-conscious of the garden-squirt, 
:The ''poor things'' look unhappy.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1850.}}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/St. Agnes|St. Agnes' Eve]].&quot; This poem, as we have seen, was printed in &quot;The Keepsake&quot; for 1837, pp. 247, 248. It was slightly altered on its reappearance in 1842. The title was changed from &quot;St. Agnes&quot; to &quot;St. Agnes' Eve,&quot; in the edition of 1855.

[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Sir Galahad|Sir Galahad]].

[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Edward Gray|Edward Gray]].

Unaltered.

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Will Waterproof's Lyrical Monologue|Will Waterproofs Lyrical Monologue]]&quot;:

{{ppoem|end=close|&lt;&gt;1842–51.
{{fqm}}''Like Hezekiah's backward'' runs 
The ''shadow'' of my days.&quot;}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1187" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|90|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Amphion|Amphion]].&quot; The first four lines of the fifth stanza originally ran thus:

{{ppoem|end=follow|&quot;The birch-tree swang her fragrant hair,
:The bramble cast her berry, 
The gin within the juniper
:Began to make him merry.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1853.}}
{{dhr}}
{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr}}
In the last stanza but one:

{{ppoem|end=follow|&quot;Half-conscious of the garden-squirt, 
:The ''poor things'' look unhappy.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1850.}}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/St. Agnes|St. Agnes' Eve]].&quot; This poem, as we have seen, was printed in &quot;The Keepsake&quot; for 1837, pp. 247, 248. It was slightly altered on its reappearance in 1842. The title was changed from &quot;St. Agnes&quot; to &quot;St. Agnes' Eve,&quot; in the edition of 1855.

{| {{ts|bgt}}
| [[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Sir Galahad|Sir Galahad]]. || {{brace2|2|r}} || Unaltered.
|-
| [[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Edward Gray|Edward Gray]]. ||  || 
|}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Will Waterproof's Lyrical Monologue|Will Waterproofs Lyrical Monologue]]&quot;:

{{ppoem|end=close|&lt;&gt;1842–51.
{{fqm}}''Like Hezekiah's backward'' runs 
The ''shadow'' of my days.&quot;}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1205" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|90|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Amphion|Amphion]].&quot; The first four lines of the fifth stanza originally ran thus:

{{ppoem|end=follow|&quot;The birch-tree swang her fragrant hair,
:The bramble cast her berry, 
The gin within the juniper
:Began to make him merry.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1853.}}
{{dhr}}
{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr}}
In the last stanza but one:

{{ppoem|end=follow|&quot;Half-conscious of the garden-squirt, 
:The ''poor things'' look unhappy.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1850.}}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/St. Agnes|St. Agnes' Eve]].&quot; This poem, as we have seen, was printed in &quot;The Keepsake&quot; for 1837, pp. 247, 248. It was slightly altered on its reappearance in 1842. The title was changed from &quot;St. Agnes&quot; to &quot;St. Agnes' Eve,&quot; in the edition of 1855.

{| {{ts|bgt}}
| [[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Sir Galahad|Sir Galahad]]. || rowspan=2|{{brace2|2|r}}||rowspan=2|Unaltered.
|-
| [[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Edward Gray|Edward Gray]]. ||  || 
|}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Will Waterproof's Lyrical Monologue|Will Waterproofs Lyrical Monologue]]&quot;:

{{ppoem|end=close|&lt;&gt;1842–51.
{{fqm}}''Like Hezekiah's backward'' runs 
The ''shadow'' of my days.&quot;}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="1206" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|90|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Amphion|Amphion]].&quot; The first four lines of the fifth stanza originally ran thus:

{{ppoem|end=follow|&quot;The birch-tree swang her fragrant hair,
:The bramble cast her berry, 
The gin within the juniper
:Began to make him merry.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1853.}}
{{dhr}}
{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr}}
In the last stanza but one:

{{ppoem|end=follow|&quot;Half-conscious of the garden-squirt, 
:The ''poor things'' look unhappy.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842–1850.}}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/St. Agnes|St. Agnes' Eve]].&quot; This poem, as we have seen, was printed in &quot;The Keepsake&quot; for 1837, pp. 247, 248. It was slightly altered on its reappearance in 1842. The title was changed from &quot;St. Agnes&quot; to &quot;St. Agnes' Eve,&quot; in the edition of 1855.

{| {{ts|bgt}}
| [[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Sir Galahad|Sir Galahad]]. || rowspan=2|{{brace2|2|r}}||rowspan=2|Unaltered.
|-
| [[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Edward Gray|Edward Gray]]. ||  || 
|}

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Will Waterproof's Lyrical Monologue|Will Waterproofs Lyrical Monologue]]&quot;:

{{ppoem|end=stanza|&lt;&gt;1842–51.
{{fqm}}''Like Hezekiah's backward'' runs 
The ''shadow'' of my days.&quot;}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (2).djvu/434</title>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;gian, gif he wið ðone oðerne geðingian wile. Wenstu, gif hwa oðrum hwæt gieldan sceal, hwæðer he hine mid ðy gehealdan mæge ðæt he him nauht mare ón ne nime, ne ðæt ne gielde ðæt he ær nam? Swa us bið æt Gode, ðonne we wið hine gesyngiað: ðeah we næbre eft swa ne dón, gif we ðæt gedone mid nanum ðingum ne betað ne ne hreowsiað, ne bio we no ðæs sicore, gif us ðæt ne mislicað ðæt us ær licode, ðonne ne bið hit no us færgifen, ðea...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="1383" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|425}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;gian, gif he wið ðone oðerne geðingian wile. Wenstu, gif hwa oðrum hwæt gieldan sceal, hwæðer he hine mid ðy gehealdan mæge ðæt he him nauht mare ón ne nime, ne ðæt ne gielde ðæt he ær nam? Swa us bið æt Gode, ðonne we wið hine gesyngiað: ðeah we næbre eft swa ne dón, gif we ðæt gedone mid nanum ðingum ne betað ne ne hreowsiað, ne bio we no ðæs sicore, gif us ðæt ne mislicað ðæt us ær licode, ðonne ne bið hit no us færgifen, ðeah we nu nauht yfeles ne dón on ðisse worulde. Ne sculon we ðeah forðy bion to orsorge, gif we nauht to gode ne doð, forðæmðe swiðe fela unalefedes we oft geðenceað. Hu mæg se ðon''ne'' bion orsorg se ðe him self wat ðæt he gesyngað? Hwelce iðnesse hæfð God æt urum witum, oððe hwelcne weorðscipe hæfð he æt urre ðrowunga, butan ðæt he wile gehælan ða wunde urra scylda mid strangum læcedome, gif he ne mæg mid liðum, ðætte us biterige sio hreowsung, swa swa us ær swetedon ða synna? &amp; swa swa we sigon ær on ðæt unaliefede, oððæt we afeollon, swa we sculon nu forberan ðæt aliefede, oððæt we arisen; ðætte ðæt mod ðætte wæs abisegad mid unryhtre blisse si eft abisegad ón halwyndre &amp; on ryhtlicre hreowsunga, swa ðætte ðæt mod ðætte sio upahæfenes &amp; ða ofermetto gewundedon eft gehæle sio eaðmodnes&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1935" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|425}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;gian, gif he wið ðone oðerne geðingian wile. Wenstu, gif hwa oðrum hwæt gieldan sceal, hwæðer he hine mid ðy gehealdan mæge ðæt he him nauht mare ón ne nime, ne ðæt ne gielde ðæt he ær nam? Swa us bið æt Gode, ðonne we wið hine gesyngiað: ðeah we næbre eft swa ne dón, gif we ðæt gedone mid nanum ðingum ne betað ne ne hreowsiað, ne bio we no ðæs sicore, gif us ðæt ne mislicað ðæt us ær licode, ðonne ne bið hit no us færgifen, ðeah we nu nauht yfeles ne dón on ðisse worulde. Ne sculon we ðeah forðy bion to orsorge, gif we nauht to gode ne doð, forðæmðe swiðe fela unalefedes we oft geðenceað. Hu mæg se ðon''ne'' bion orsorg se ðe him self wat ðæt he gesyngað? Hwelce iðnesse hæfð God æt urum witum, oððe hwelcne weorðscipe hæfð he æt urre ðrowunga, butan ðæt he wile gehælan ða wunde urra scylda mid strangum læcedome, gif he ne mæg mid liðum, ðætte us biterige sio hreowsung, swa swa us ær swetedon ða synna? &amp; swa swa we sigon ær on ðæt unaliefede, oððæt we afeollon, swa we sculon nu forberan ðæt aliefede, oððæt we arisen; ðætte ðæt mod ðætte wæs abisegad mid unryhtre blisse si eft abisegad ón halwyndre &amp; on ryhtlicre hreowsunga, swa ðætte ðæt mod ðætte sio upahæfenes &amp; ða ofermetto gewundedon eft gehæle sio eaðmodnes &amp; sio forswennes his selfes. Be ðæm cwæð Dauid on [ðæm] feower &amp; [h]undsiofantigoðan psalme: Ic cwæð to ðæm u(n)ryhtwisum, ne do ge unryhtwisnesse, &amp; ða hreowsian. Be ðæm wæs eft gecweden ón ðæm fiftegoðan psalme: Ða gedrefedan heortan &amp; ða geeaðmeddan ne forsihð hi næfre Dryhten. Swa hwa ðonne swa his synna hreowsað, &amp; hi swaðeah ne forlæt, se gedrefð his heortan, &amp; ðeah oferhygð ðæt he hi geeaðmede. Se ðonne, se ðe his synna forlæt, &amp; hi swaðeah ne hreowsað, se hine eaðmed, &amp; nyle ðeah his mod gedrefan.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2405" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|425}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;gian, gif he wið ðone oðerne geðingian wile. Wenstu, gif hwa oðrum hwæt gieldan sceal, hwæðer he hine mid ðy gehealdan mæge ðæt he him nauht mare ón ne nime, ne ðæt ne gielde ðæt he ær nam? Swa us bið æt Gode, ðonne we wið hine gesyngiað: ðeah we næbre eft swa ne dón, gif we ðæt gedone mid nanum ðingum ne betað ne ne hreowsiað, ne bio we no ðæs sicore, gif us ðæt ne mislicað ðæt us ær licode, ðonne ne bið hit no us færgifen, ðeah we nu nauht yfeles ne dón on ðisse worulde. Ne sculon we ðeah forðy bion to orsorge, gif we nauht to gode ne doð, forðæmðe swiðe fela unalefedes we oft geðenceað. Hu mæg se ðon''ne'' bion orsorg se ðe him self wat ðæt he gesyngað? Hwelce iðnesse hæfð God æt urum witum, oððe hwelcne weorðscipe hæfð he æt urre ðrowunga, butan ðæt he wile gehælan ða wunde urra scylda mid strangum læcedome, gif he ne mæg mid liðum, ðætte us biterige sio hreowsung, swa swa us ær swetedon ða synna? &amp; swa swa we sigon ær on ðæt unaliefede, oððæt we afeollon, swa we sculon nu forberan ðæt aliefede, oððæt we arisen; ðætte ðæt mod ðætte wæs abisegad mid unryhtre blisse si eft abisegad ón halwyndre &amp; on ryhtlicre hreowsunga, swa ðætte ðæt mod ðætte sio upahæfenes &amp; ða ofermetto gewundedon eft gehæle sio eaðmodnes &amp; sio forswennes his selfes. Be ðæm cwæð Dauid on [ðæm] feower &amp; [h]undsiofantigoðan psalme: Ic cwæð to ðæm u(n)ryhtwisum, ne do ge unryhtwisnesse, &amp; ða hreowsian. Be ðæm wæs eft gecweden ón ðæm fiftegoðan psalme: Ða gedrefedan heortan &amp; ða geeaðmeddan ne forsihð hi næfre Dryhten. Swa hwa ðonne swa his synna hreowsað, &amp; hi swaðeah ne forlæt, se gedrefð his heortan, &amp; ðeah oferhygð ðæt he hi geeaðmede. Se ðonne, se ðe his synna forlæt, &amp; hi swaðeah ne hreowsað, se hine eaðmed, &amp; nyle ðeah his mod gedrefan. Be ðæm cwæð s''anctus'' Paulus on his ærendgwrite to Corinctheum, he cwæð: Ge wæron ær on yflum weorcu''m'', ac ge sint nu geclænsode &amp; gehalgode. Forðæmðe æghwelc man bið æfter ðære hreowsunga his synna clænra ðonne he ær wæs, ær he gesyngade. Be ðæm cwæð s''anctus'' Petrus, ða he geseah manige men ormode for hira ærron yflun, he cwæð: Hreowsiað &amp; weorðað gefulwade eower ælc. Ærest he lærde ðæt hi hreowsodon, &amp; siððan ðæt&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/38</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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{{missing image}}
{{c|{{larger|CANADA’S WORD}}

{{asc|BY RALPH CONNOR}}

{{sm|''Drawings by'' A. J. GOUGH}}}}

{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;{{sc|O Canada!}}{{wsp1}}A voice calls through the mist and spume
Across the wide wet salty leagues of foam
For aid.{{wsp1}}Whose voice thus penetrates thy peace?
Whose?{{wsp1}}Thy Mother’s, Canada, thy Mother’s voice.

O Canada!{{wsp1}}A drum beats through the night and day,
Unresting, eager, strident, summoning
To arms.{{wsp1}}Whose drum thus throbs persistent?
Whose?{{wsp1}}Old England’s, Canada, Old England’s drum.

O Canada!{{wsp1}}A sword gleams, leaping swift to strike
At foes that press and leap to kill brave men
On guard.{{wsp1}}Whose sword thus gleams fierce death?
Whose?{{wsp1}}’Tis Britain’s, Canada, Great Britain’s sword.

O Canada!{{wsp1}}A prayer beats hard at Heaven’s gate,
Tearing the heart wide open to God’s eye,
For righteousness.{{wsp1}}Whose prayer thus pierces Heaven?
Whose?{{wsp1}}’Tis God’s prayer, Canada, Thy Kingdom come!

O Canada!{{wsp1}}What answer make to calling voice and beating drum,
To sword flash and to pleading prayer of God
For right? What answer makes my soul?
“Mother, to thee!{{wsp1}}God, to Thy help!{{wsp1}}Quick!{{wsp1}}My sword!”&lt;/poem&gt;}}
{{missing image}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Insectivorous Plants, Darwin, 1899.djvu/403</title>
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    <title>Page:Hutcheson Macaulay Posnett - Comparative Literature (1886).djvu/151</title>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER III.}}  {{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}}}  § 36. {{sc|If}} we mean by &quot;personal&quot; poetry such laments for the individual's growing age and regrets for his fleeting youth as appear to have been common in the songs of the Greek lyrical poets who represented an age of aristocratic individualism, if we mean the poetical expression of that individualising spirit which dwells with a kind of sad pleasure upon personal recollections of youth a...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1484" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|130|{{fine|EARLY CHORAL SONG.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER III.}}

{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}}}

§ 36. {{sc|If}} we mean by &quot;personal&quot; poetry such laments for the individual's growing age and regrets for his fleeting youth as appear to have been common in the songs of the Greek lyrical poets who represented an age of aristocratic individualism, if we mean the poetical expression of that individualising spirit which dwells with a kind of sad pleasure upon personal recollections of youth and the contrast of the ideal future of self with its real past, and which fondly dallies with reminiscences of times, and places, and persons, and things never again to be seen in the golden dream-light of vanished childhood-then we must admit that the poetry of the clan cannot be called &quot;personal.&quot; The life-view of the clan, like that of the lyric Greek, is indeed confined to earth, but its strong feelings of unity with kindred leave no place for such personal regrets, and look forward to the prolonged existence of the group not as a mere substitute for individual immortality (for of that ambition the clan knows little), but as the only kind of life worthy of enthusiastic contemplation. Poets of clan life, or deeply imbued with the spirit of clan life, know not the Greek melancholy of individual decay nor the modern melancholy of individual hopes unsatisfied—the latter far more frequently the result of limitless personal ambitions than&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Index:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf</title>
    <ns>106</ns>
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      <comment>Volume of verse</comment>
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|Type=book
|Title=Poems for Children
|Language=en
|Volume=
|Author=Lydia Sigourney
|Translator=
|Editor=
|Illustrator=
|School=
|Publisher=Canfield &amp; Robins
|Address=Hartford, Connecticut
|Year=1836
|Key=
|ISBN=
|OCLC=
|LCCN=
|BNF_ARK=
|ARC=
|DOI=
|Source=pdf
|Image=1
|Progress=C
|Transclusion=no
|Validation_date=
|Pages=&lt;pagelist 
1=Cover
2=-
3=Frontispiece
4=Title
5=Copyright
6=Preface
7=Preface
8=Preface
9=-
10=TOC
11=TOC
12=TOC
13=TOC
14=13
/&gt;
|Volumes=
|Remarks=
|Width=
|Css=
|Header=
|Footer=
}}</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Hutcheson Macaulay Posnett - Comparative Literature (1886).djvu/152</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018751</id>
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      <id>12506705</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:33:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;of any such spiritual cause as Mr. Browning seems inclined to assign it. Like Ezekiel picturing the ideal future of Israel under the figure of national clanship, the true clan poet socialises everything he touches. He knows nothing of personal introspection. His theme is not self, but the group of kinsmen to which he belongs; if he sing of any hero, the whole body of clansmen share the eulogy; in short, his poetical pictures are rather of men in groups t...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1902" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|131|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of any such spiritual cause as Mr. Browning seems inclined to assign it. Like Ezekiel picturing the ideal future of Israel under the figure of national clanship, the true clan poet socialises everything he touches. He knows nothing of personal introspection. His theme is not self, but the group of kinsmen to which he belongs; if he sing of any hero, the whole body of clansmen share the eulogy; in short, his poetical pictures are rather of men in groups than of individuals. We must not, therefore, expect &quot;personal&quot; poetry in the modern sense from the clan.

But neither must we suppose that the clan age knows no personal poetry of its own, or that such poetry is less real than ours because it is conceived from a totally different standpoint. Sentiments and emotions are not, indeed, conceived as the peculiar property of the individual; they are projected outwards like visible threads uniting the clansmen in a common objective existence. But they possess on this very account a peculiar vividness which the poetry of individual reflection fails to reach. There is an intensity in clan affections, in clan hatreds, which, compared with the passions of individualised life, stands out like the figures in relief on the Arc de Triomphe contrasted with the flat surface of a painting;
{{center block|{{smaller block|{{em|7}}&quot;Sibb aefre ne maeg&lt;br /&gt;
Wiht onwendan þám þe wel þenceð.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;{{fqm|&quot;}}Naught can alter ties of kinship&lt;br /&gt;
In the man who thinks aright.&quot;
{{right|(''Beowulf,'' 2600–1.)}}&lt;/ref&gt;}}}}

It is only by remembering this objectiveness of early personality and the social conditions it denotes that we shall solve an apparent paradox in the development of civilisation and literature. The barbarians, says M. Guizot, introduced into the modern world the sentiment&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/1</title>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:35:43Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
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      <comment>cover</comment>
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      <text bytes="50" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:Poems for Children Cover.png|600px|center]]&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/2</title>
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      <comment>/* Without text */</comment>
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      <text bytes="0" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;0&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/3</title>
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      <id>12506710</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:37:53Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Frontispiece</comment>
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      <text bytes="61" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}


[[File:Children Frontispiece.pdf|450px|center]]&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Ngo-Dinh Diem Birthday Greetings to President Kennedy - NARA - 193709.tif</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018755</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506715</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:41:58Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Baokhang48812002</username>
        <id>2858321</id>
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      <comment>Transcription of a document uploaded on Commons by the National Archives and Records Administration</comment>
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      <text bytes="531" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Baokhang48812002&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center|{{larger|The White House}}&lt;br&gt;Washington}}
{{center|1963 MAY 28  AM 6 29}}
WN1 67 VIA RCA
{{center|SAIGON 1200 MAY 27 1963}}
THE PRESIDENT
{{center|THE WHITEHOUSE WASHINGTONDC}}
SO 9210&lt;br&gt;
ON THE OCCASION OF YOUR BIRTHDAY ANNIVERSARY I TAKE PLEASURE&lt;br&gt;
IN EXTENDING TO YOUR EXCELLENCY MY WARNEST PERSONAL&lt;br&gt;
CONGRATULATIONS TOGETHER WITH MY CORDIAL WISHES FOR YOUR&lt;br&gt;
GOOD HEALTH AND HAPPINESS AS WELL AS FOR THE CONTINUED&lt;br&gt;
PROSPERITY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE&lt;br&gt;
NGO DINH DIEM PRESIDENT REPUBLIC VIETNAM&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>c43tc9z3lqyehq92gggqih4wzfu3fl8</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506716</id>
      <parentid>12506715</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:42:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Baokhang48812002</username>
        <id>2858321</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="531" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Baokhang48812002&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{center|{{larger|The White House}}&lt;br&gt;Washington}}
{{center|1963 MAY 28  AM 6 29}}
WN1 67 VIA RCA
{{center|SAIGON 1200 MAY 27 1963}}
THE PRESIDENT
{{center|THE WHITEHOUSE WASHINGTONDC}}
SO 9210&lt;br&gt;
ON THE OCCASION OF YOUR BIRTHDAY ANNIVERSARY I TAKE PLEASURE&lt;br&gt;
IN EXTENDING TO YOUR EXCELLENCY MY WARNEST PERSONAL&lt;br&gt;
CONGRATULATIONS TOGETHER WITH MY CORDIAL WISHES FOR YOUR&lt;br&gt;
GOOD HEALTH AND HAPPINESS AS WELL AS FOR THE CONTINUED&lt;br&gt;
PROSPERITY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE&lt;br&gt;
NGO DINH DIEM PRESIDENT REPUBLIC VIETNAM&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>iba2n4ddcvgb6s4s9rb6qfdr47ju40r</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/4</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018756</id>
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      <id>12506718</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:42:54Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
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      </contributor>
      <comment>text and format</comment>
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      <text bytes="399" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}


{{c|{{xx-larger|'''POEMS FOR CHILDREN.'''}} 


{{rule|8em}}
{{larger|'''BY MRS. L. H. SIGOURNEY.'''}}}} 
{{rule|8em}}

[[File:Children Title Page.pdf|450px|center]]
{{center block|
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;Poetry holds children from their play, 
And old men from the chimney-corner.&quot; 
{{gap|12em}}{{sc|Sir Philip Sidney.}}
&lt;/poem&gt;}} 


{{c|{{larger|HARTFORD:}} 

{{larger|CANFIELD &amp; ROBINS.}}
 
1836.}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12506721</id>
      <parentid>12506718</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:43:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="397" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}


{{c|{{xx-larger|'''POEMS FOR CHILDREN.'''}} 


{{rule|8em}}
{{larger|'''BY MRS. L. H. SIGOURNEY.'''}}}} 
{{rule|8em}}

[[File:Children Title Page.pdf|450px|center]]
{{center block|
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;Poetry holds children from their play, 
And old men from the chimney-corner.&quot; 
{{gap|12em}}{{sc|Sir Philip Sidney.}}
&lt;/poem&gt;}} 


{{c|{{larger|HARTFORD:}} 

{{larger|CANFIELD &amp; ROBINS.}}
 
1836.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:First Lessons in the Swatow Dialect.djvu/14</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Kbseah</username>
        <id>905936</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;|- | p as in bar,  | in 巴 pa,  | 立 lîp. |- | s {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} so, | {{ditto|in}} 順 sŭn, | 實 sît. |- | t {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} tilt, | {{ditto|in}} 茶 tê, | 得 tit. |- | ng {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} sing, | {{ditto|in}} 籠 lâng, | 言 ngân. |- | c {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} chair, | {{ditto|in}} 止 cí, | 船 cûn. |}  {{center|''This last is a sound between ch in chair, and ts in fits.''}}  {{center|''The vowels found in combination are''}...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="1280" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|left=6|center={{asc|First Lessons in the Swatow Dialect.}}}}
{|&lt;/noinclude&gt;|-
| p as in bar, 
| in 巴 pa, 
| 立 lîp.
|-
| s {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} so,
| {{ditto|in}} 順 sŭn,
| 實 sît.
|-
| t {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} tilt,
| {{ditto|in}} 茶 tê,
| 得 tit.
|-
| ng {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} sing,
| {{ditto|in}} 籠 lâng,
| 言 ngân.
|-
| c {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} chair,
| {{ditto|in}} 止 cí,
| 船 cûn.
|}

{{center|''This last is a sound between ch in chair, and ts in fits.''}}

{{center|''The vowels found in combination are''}}

{|
|-
| ai as in 來 lâi,
| 勿 mài,
| 哀 ai.
|-
| au {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 後 ău,
| 老 láu,
| 頭 thâu.
|-
| ia {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 亦 īa,
| 益 iah,
| 養 iáng.
|-
| ie {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 窰 îe,
| 藥 îeh,
| 廟 bīe.
|-
| io {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 妖 io,
| 永 ióng,
| 慾 îok.
|-
| iu {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 油 îu,
| 硫 lîu,
| 守 síu.
|-
| oa {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 大 tōa,
| 帶 tòa,
| 舵 tŏa.
|-
| oi {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 鞋 oî,
| 代 thòi,
| 狹 oîh.
|-
| ua {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 活 ûah,
| 我 úa,
| 滿 múa.
|-
| ue {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 說 sueh,
| 頹 thue,
| 話 ūe.
|-
| ui {{ditto|as}} {{ditto|in}} 醫 ui,
| 碓 tùi,
| 瑞 sŭi.
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/5</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12506725</id>
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      <comment>text and format</comment>
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      <text bytes="218" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}


{{rule|12em}}
{{c|Entered according to act of Congress, A. D. 1835,&lt;br&gt; 
By CANFIELD &amp; ROBINS,&lt;br&gt; 
in the Clerk's Office of the District of Connecticut.}}
{{rule|12em}}


P. CANFIELD.....{{sc|Print}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/6</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018759</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506730</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:49:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{nop}}    {{c|{{xx-larger|'''PREFACE.'''}}    {{rule|4em}}   {{larger|'''TO PARENTS.'''}}}}   {{larger|{{sc|It}} is believed that. Poetry might be made an important assistant to early education. It readily wins attention in the nursery. It wakes the mind from the dream that enwraps new-born existence,—as the song of the bird breaks the slumber of morning.}}   {{larger|Perhaps, it is the native dialect of those powers that are earliest developed. In our...</comment>
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      <text bytes="599" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{nop}}


{{c|{{xx-larger|'''PREFACE.'''}} 


{{rule|4em}}


{{larger|'''TO PARENTS.'''}}}} 

{{larger|{{sc|It}} is believed that. Poetry might be made an important assistant to early education. It readily wins attention in the nursery. It wakes the mind from the dream that enwraps new-born existence,—as the song of the bird breaks the slumber of morning.}} 

{{larger|Perhaps, it is the native dialect of those powers that are earliest developed. In our care of infancy, we perceive that the heart is sooner a subject of discipline, than the understanding. Feeling and Fancy, put forth their}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/7</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018760</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506736</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:52:36Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>text and format</comment>
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      <text bytes="903" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|center=6}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{larger| young perceptions, even before they are expected,—and Poetry, more successfully than the severer sciences, bends a spray to their embrace, or a prop for their aspirings.}} 

{{larger|Even first intercourse with the mind, may be higher than that of amusement. Coming into the nursery as it does, with the voice of song, it need not confine itself to unmeaning carols, or useless echoes. It may be as the sun-beam fitting the newly-broken soil for the future toil of the culturer. By quickening the intellect, and furnishing a pleasant aliment for 
memory,—it leads to that inquisitive research, which, next to application, secures proficiency in more laborious departments of knowledge.}} 

{{larger|But its principal affinity is with the heart, Its power of creating tender and indelible impressions has not always been fully {{Hyphenated word start|apprecia|appreciated}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Insectivorous Plants, Darwin, 1899.djvu/167</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018761</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506737</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:52:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Newnewlaw</username>
        <id>1396170</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;Chap. VIII.] SALTS OP POTASSIUM. 147   remained quite unaffected; two seemed injured, and the sixth  seemed almost dead, with its tentacles inflected. Nevertheless,  after two additional days, all six leaves recovered. The immersion  of three leaves for 24 hi-s., each in thirty minims of a solution of  one part to 875 of water, produced no apparent effect. They were  then treated with the same solution of carbonate of ammonia,  with the same result as in...</comment>
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      <text bytes="3274" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Newnewlaw&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;Chap. VIII.] SALTS OP POTASSIUM. 147 

remained quite unaffected; two seemed injured, and the sixth 
seemed almost dead, with its tentacles inflected. Nevertheless, 
after two additional days, all six leaves recovered. The immersion 
of three leaves for 24 hi-s., each in thirty minims of a solution of 
one part to 875 of water, produced no apparent effect. They were 
then treated with the same solution of carbonate of ammonia, 
with the same result as in the case of the nitrate of potash. 

''Potassium, Phosphate of''. - Half-minims of a solution of one 
part to 437 of water were placed on the discs of six leaves, which 
were observed during three days; but no effect was produced. 
The partial drying up of the fluid on the disc slightly drew together the tentacles on it, as often occurs in experiments of this 
kind. The leaves on the third day appeared quite healthy. 

''Potassium, Citrate of''. - Half-minims of a solution of one part 
to 437 of water, left on the discs of six leaves for three days, and 
the immersion of three leaves for 9 hrs., each in 30 minims of a 
solution of one part to 875 of water, did not produce the least 
effect. 

''Potassium, Oxalate of''. - Half-minims were placed on different 
occasions on the discs of seventeen leaves; and the results perplexed me much, as they still do. Inflection supervened very 
slowly. After 24 hrs. four leaves out of the seventeen were well 
inflected, together with the blades of two; six were slightly affected, and seven not at all. Three leaves of one lot were observed for five days, and all died; but in another lot of six all 
excepting one looked healthy after four days. Three leaves were 
immersed during 9 hrs., each in 30 minims of a solution of one 
part to 875 of water, and were not in the least affected; but they 
ought to have been observed for a longer time. 

''Potassium, Chloride of''. - Neither half-minims of a solution of 
one part to 437 of water, left on the discs of six leaves for three 
days, nor the immersion of three leaves during 25 hrs., in 30 minims of a solution of one part to 875 of water, produced the least 
effect. The immersed leaves were then treated with carbonate of 
ammonia, as described under nitrate of potash, and with the same 
result. 

''Potassium, Iodide of''. - Half-minims of a solution of one part to 
437 of water were placed on the discs of seven leaves. In 30 m. 
one leaf had the blade inflected ; after some hours three leaves had 
most of their submarginal tentacles mo&lt;lerately inflected; the remaining three being very slightly affected. Hardly any of these 
leaves had their outer tentacles inflected. After 21 hrs. all reexpanded, excepting two which still had a few submarginal ten- 
tacles inflected. Three leaves were next immersed for 8 hrs. 40 m., 
each in 30 minims of a solution of one part to 875 of water, and 
were not in the least affected. I do not know what to conclude 
from this conflicting evidence; but it is clear that the iodide of 
potassium does not generally produce any marked effect. 

''Potassium, Bromide of''. - Half-minims of a solution of one part 
to 437 of water were placed on the discs of six leaves; after 22 hrs. 
one had its blade and many tentacles inflected ; but I suspect that&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/8</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018762</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12506743</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T15:55:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
        <id>2335210</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>text and format</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="745" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;{{rh|center=7}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{larger|{{Hyphenated word end|ted|appreciated}}. This renders it a most valuable adjunct, in moral and religious instruction. It is the natural ally of the mother. It comes with her, into the field, while the dews of morning are fresh,—and ere the tares have sprung up to trouble the good seed. Taking precedence of other Teachers,—it brings the listening infant, &quot;sweet words of sweetly-uttered knowledge.&quot; It bespeaks the love of the cradle-sleeper, for the God and Father of us all;—
and walking hand in hand with the child, amid the charms and melodies of Nature,—teaches of a clime, where beauty never fades, and melody is eternal.}} 

{{gap|20em}}{{larger|L. H. S.}}
 
{{gap|5em}}{{larger|''Hartford, Dec.'' 1835.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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''SONGS FROM THE PLAINS''

''SONGS OF HAFIZ''&lt;br /&gt;'''''Translated from the Persian'''''}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;&lt;div class=&quot;section-header&quot;&gt;LESSON III.&lt;/div&gt;  {{Multicol}} {{x-larger|人}} nâng, jîn; man, person.  {{x-larger|物}} mûeh; things.  {{x-larger|屋}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; chù; house.  {{x-larger|在}} tɵ̆; be, dwell.  {{x-larger|個}} kâi; one, a classifier.  {{x-larger|的}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt;kâi; possessive. {{Multicol-break}}  {{x-larger|別}} pîet, pât; other.  {{x-larger|毋}} bɵ̂, prohibitory particle.  {{x-larger|此}} chʉ́, cí; this, here.  {{x-larg...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="2311" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|left=16|center={{asc|First Lessons in the Swatow Dialect.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;section-header&quot;&gt;LESSON III.&lt;/div&gt;

{{Multicol}}
{{x-larger|人}} nâng, jîn; man, person.

{{x-larger|物}} mûeh; things.

{{x-larger|屋}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; chù; house.

{{x-larger|在}} tɵ̆; be, dwell.

{{x-larger|個}} kâi; one, a classifier.

{{x-larger|的}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt;kâi; possessive.
{{Multicol-break}}

{{x-larger|別}} pîet, pât; other.

{{x-larger|毋}} bɵ̂, prohibitory particle.

{{x-larger|此}} chʉ́, cí; this, here.

{{x-larger|彼}} pí, hʉ́; that, there.

{{x-larger|這}} cé, cí; this, here.

{{x-larger|那}} ná, hʉ́; that, there.
{{Multicol-end}}

{|
|-
| 1 nâng nâng: bɵ̂ nâng.
| 1 Everybody: nobody.
|-
| 2 cí kâi nâng sĭ hɵ́ nâng.
| 2 This is a good man.
|-
| 3 īa sĭ ŭ nâng lâi.
| 3 Should anybody come.
|-
| 4 bɵ̂ pât nâng tɵ̆.
| 4 There is no one else here.
|-
| 5 hʉ́ kâi mûeh sĭ m̄ hɵ́.
| 5 That thing is bad.
|-
| 6 lʉ́ àiⁿ khʉ̀ chʉ̀ a būe?
| 6 Are you going home yet?
|-
| 7 cí cêk kâi m̄ hɵ́.
| 7 This one is not good.
|-
| 8 àiⁿ hʉ́ cêk kâi.
| 8 I want that one.
|-
| 9 tɵ̆ hʉ́ bɵ̂ nâng tɵ̆.
| 9 There is no one there.
|-
| 10 kâi kâi sĭ hɵ́.
| 10 Every one of them is good.
|-
| 11 lâi, kâi nâng, kâi nâng.
| 11 Come one by one.
|-
| 12 tɵ̆ lʉ́: tɵ̆ i.
| 12 As you like: it is his affair.
|-
| 13 bɵ̂ nâng cai.
| 13 Nobody knows.
|-
| 14 nâng nâng àiⁿ.
| 14 Everybody wants it.
|-
| 15 bɵ̂ pât nâng lâi.
| 15 No one else came.
|-
| 16 cí kâi bɵ̂ mih hɵ́.
| 16 This is not very good.
|- 
| 17 bɵ̂ lʉ́ khʉ̀.
| 17 You shall not go.
|-
| 18 bɵ̂ lʉ́ lâi. nâng mûeh. úa kâi.
| 18 You will not be allowed to come. People. Mine.
|-
| 19 nín kâi chù: ẃn kâi mûeh.
| 19 Your house: our things.
|-
| 20 bɵ̂ pîet pí chʉ́.
| 20 Not distinguishing between this and that.
|-
| 21 pât nâng: pât mûeh.
| 21 Other people: other things.
|-
| 22 hʉ́ kâi nâng sĭm hɵ́.
| 22 That man is excellent.
|-
| 23 i tɵ̆ úa kâi chù.
| 23 It is at my house.
|-
| 24 hʉ́ kâi chù bɵ̂ nâng tɵ̆.
| 24 There is no one at that house.
|-
| 25 cí kâi mûeh sĭ lʉ́ kâi a m̄-sĭ? pât mûeh.
| 25 This thing is yours or not? Something else.
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{dhr|2em}}
{{sm|TRANSLATED BY}}

{{larger|[[Author:Edna Worthley Underwood|EDNA WORTHLEY UNDERWOOD]]}}
{{dhr|3em}}
[[File:The Four Seas Company publisher's mark.png|80px|center]]
{{dhr|4em}}
{{sc|Boston&lt;br /&gt;The Four Seas Company}}&lt;br /&gt;'''1921'''}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;&lt;div class=&quot;section-header&quot;&gt;LESSON IV.&lt;/div&gt;  {{Multicol}} {{x-larger|鍾}} ceng; a cup.  {{x-larger|房}} pâng; a room.  {{x-larger|門}} mn̂g; door.  {{x-larger|牆}} chîeⁿ; wall.  {{x-larger|放}} pàng; put, let.  {{x-larger|給}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; khʉt; let, give. {{Multicol-break}}  {{x-larger|挈}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt;khîeh; take in one hand.  {{x-larger|做}} cɵ̀, cɵh; make, do.  {{x-larger|睡}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt;ût, gût; sleep, lie.  {{x-larger|醒}}...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="2370" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|left=18|center={{asc|First Lessons in the Swatow Dialect.}}|right=18}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;section-header&quot;&gt;LESSON IV.&lt;/div&gt;

{{Multicol}}
{{x-larger|鍾}} ceng; a cup.

{{x-larger|房}} pâng; a room.

{{x-larger|門}} mn̂g; door.

{{x-larger|牆}} chîeⁿ; wall.

{{x-larger|放}} pàng; put, let.

{{x-larger|給}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt; khʉt; let, give.
{{Multicol-break}}

{{x-larger|挈}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt;khîeh; take in one hand.

{{x-larger|做}} cɵ̀, cɵh; make, do.

{{x-larger|睡}} &lt;nowiki&gt;*&lt;/nowiki&gt;ût, gût; sleep, lie.

{{x-larger|醒}} chéⁿ; waken.

{{x-larger|到}} kàu; arrive at.

{{x-larger|了}} lío; already.
{{Multicol-end}}

{|
|-
| 1 hɵ́ khʉt i cai.
| 1 Let him know.
|-
| 2 mài khʉt nâng cai.
| 2 Do not let any body know.
|-
| 3 bɵ̂ khʉt lʉ́ khîeh.
| 3 Shall not let you take it.
|-
| 4 bɵ̂ ceng hɵ́ khʉt i.
| 4 There is no cup to give him.
|-
| 5 pât nâng àiⁿ ût lío.
| 5 Other people want to sleep.
|-
| 6 lʉ́ cai i kàu chù a būe?
| 6 Do you know whether he has gotten home yet?
|-
| 7 i gût khʉ̀ lío.
| 7 He has gone to sleep.
|-
| 8 cɵ̀ lâi sĭ m̄ hɵ́.
| 8 It is not well done.
|-
| 9 cí kâi; úa m̄ àiⁿ, khʉ̀ khîeh pât kâi lâi.
| 9 I do not want this one, go and bring another.
|-
| 10 i kàu, úa àiⁿ lâi khʉ̀. m̄ sĭ i kâi.
| 10 When he comes, I am going to go. Is not his.
|-
| 11 cɵ̀ kàu àiⁿ hɵ́ lío.
| 11 It is nearly done.
|-
| 12 àiⁿ kàu a būe?
| 12 Are we nearly there?
|-
| 13 i ût chéⁿ lío.
| 13 She has woke up.
|-
| 14 hʉ́ kâi mn̂g sĭ nán kâi.
| 14 That door is ours.
|-
| 15 bɵ̂ pât mûeh hɵ́ khîeh. mài khʉt i cɵ̀.
| 15 There was nothing else to take. Do not let him do it.
|-
| 16 cí kâi kìe cɵ̀ mih kâi?
| 16 What do you call this?
|-
| 17 pàng i khʉ̀. m̄ cai.
| 17 Let him go. Unaware.
|-
| 18 àiⁿ khʉ̀ gût a būe?
| 18 Are you going to bed yet?
|-
| 19 khîeh kâi ceng khʉt i.
| 19 Get a cup and give him.
|-
| 20 lʉ́ tɵ̆ cɵ̀ mih kâi?
| 20 What are you making?
|-
| 21 hʉ́ kâi sĭ sih mih nâng?
| 21 What man is that?
|-
| 22 lʉ́ àiⁿ cɵ̀ sih mih kâi?
| 22 What are you going to make?
|-
| 23 cí kâi sĭ sih mih chîeⁿ?
| 23 What wall is this?
|-
| 24 pâng mn̂g.
| 24 Door of a room.
|-
| 25 cɵ̀ lʉ́ khʉ̀: i cɵ̀ i khʉ̀.
| 25 Go you along: he went his way.
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|{{x-larger|CONTENTS.}}}}

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{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Who made me?|Who made me?]]|13|4=5}}
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{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/I must not teaze my Mother|I must not teaze my Mother]]|13|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Morning Thoughts|Morning Thoughts]]|15|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Thoughts at Sunset|Thoughts at Sunset]]|16|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Dove|The Dove]]|17|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Love to Brothers and Sisters|Love to Brothers and Sisters]]|18|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Imprisoned Bird|The Imprisoned Bird]]|19|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Prayer at entering School|Prayer at entering School]]|21|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Respect to Age|Respect to Age]]|22|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Early Rising|Early Rising]]|23|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Garden|The Garden]]|23|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Sabbath|The Sabbath]]|25|4=5}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:A Residence Among the Chinese.djvu/226</title>
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      <text bytes="1519" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Tar-ba-gan&quot; /&gt;{{rh|198| A TEA-FACTORY.  | Chap. X. }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;correct knowledge of this most curious subject. When we entered the tea-factory a strange scene was presented to our view. The place was crowded with women and children, all busily engaged in picking the stalks and yellow or brown leaves out of the black tea. For this labour each was paid at the rate of six cash a catty, and earned on an average about sixty cash a day,—a sum equal to about threepence of our money. The scene altogether was not unlike that in the great Government Cigar Manufactory at Manilla. Men were employed giving out the tea in its rough state, and in receiving it again when picked. With each portion of tea a wooden ticket was also given, which ticket had to be returned along with the tea. In the northern tea-countries the leaves are carefully weighed when they are given out and when they are brought back, in order to check peculation, which is not unfrequent. I did not observe this precaution taken at Canton. Besides the men who were thus employed, there were many others busily at work, passing the tea through various sized sieves, in order to get out the caper, and to separate the various kinds. This was also partly done by a winnowing machine, similar in construction to that used by our farmers in England. Having taken a passing glance at all these objects on entering the building, I next directed my attention to the scenting process, which had been the main object of my visit,—and which I shall now endeavour to describe. 
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The Grave of a Child ... . . - 25 
Baby's Note to a Baby, with a pair of Coral Bracelets ........ 26 
Baby to a Baby, with a New Year's Present . 28 
Baby of six months old, to her neighbor on his second birth-day ...... 32 
Child of sixteen months old to a Cousin in* Boston . 36 
Little Girl two years old, to a little Boy on his removal to New-York ..... 38 
Little Girl to a little Girl with a basket of wild flowers ....... 42 
Little Girl to her friend, with a present of Rev. Mr. Gallaudet's &quot;Book on the Soul&quot; . . . 43 
Dialogue in the fields between a Mother and little Child ........ 44 
Hymn for the Children of an Orphan Asylum . 46 
The Pet Lamb ...... 47 
The Bee and Butterfly ..... 49 
The Lady Bug and the Ant . . . . 51 
The Dog . . ..... 53&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Baby's Note to a Baby, with a pair of Coral Bracelets ........ 26 
Baby to a Baby, with a New Year's Present . 28 
Baby of six months old, to her neighbor on his second birth-day ...... 32 
Child of sixteen months old to a Cousin in* Boston . 36 
Little Girl two years old, to a little Boy on his removal to New-York ..... 38 
Little Girl to a little Girl with a basket of wild flowers ....... 42 
Little Girl to her friend, with a present of Rev. Mr. Gallaudet's &quot;Book on the Soul&quot; . . . 43 
Dialogue in the fields between a Mother and little Child ........ 44 
Hymn for the Children of an Orphan Asylum . 46 
The Pet Lamb ...... 47 
The Bee and Butterfly ..... 49 
The Lady Bug and the Ant . . . . 51 
The Dog . . ..... 53&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Baby's Note to a Baby, with a pair of Coral Bracelets|Baby's Note to a Baby, with a pair of Coral Bracelets]]|26|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Baby to a Baby, with a New Year's Present]]|28|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Baby of six months old, to her neighbor on his second birth-day|Baby of six months old, to her neighbor on his second birth-day]]|32|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Child of sixteen months old to a Cousin in Boston|Child of sixteen months old to a Cousin in Boston]]|36|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Little Girl two years old, to a little Boy on his removal to New-York|Little Girl two years old, to a little Boy on his removal to New-York]]|38|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Little Girl to a little Girl with a basket of wild flowers|Little Girl to a little Girl with a basket of wild flowers]]|42|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Little Girl to her friend, with a present of Rev. Mr. Gallaudet's &quot;Book on the Soul&quot;|Little Girl to her friend, with a present of Rev. Mr. Gallaudet's &quot;Book on the Soul&quot;]]|43|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Dialogue in the fields between a Mother and little Child|Dialogue in the fields between a Mother and little Child]]|44|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Hymn for the Children of an Orphan Asylum|Hymn for the Children of an Orphan Asylum]]|46|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Pet Lamb|The Pet Lamb]]|47|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Bee and Butterfly|The Bee and Butterfly]]|49|4=5}} 
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Lady Bug and the Ant|The Lady Bug and the Ant]]|51|4=5}} 
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        <username>Esme Shepherd</username>
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War. 55
Difference of Color. 57
Birth Day Verses. 59
Intemperence. 60
Entrance to a Sunday School  62
“He is about my path,—and about my bed.” Psalm cxxxix.  63
Moses. 65
The Almighty. 68
“He feedeth the young ravens that cry”.  69
A Scripture Story. 71
Christ blessing the Children. 73
Death of the youngest Child. 74
Funeral Hymn for a Sunday School Scholar. 76
On a Child two and a half years old, who wiped the tears of his Father with his dying hand. 77
Child’s Hymn on the death of an Infant Brother. 79
Good Night. 82
The Infant’s Prayer 83&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Difference of Color. 57
Birth Day Verses. 59
Intemperence. 60
Entrance to a Sunday School  62
“He is about my path,—and about my bed.” Psalm cxxxix.  63
Moses. 65
The Almighty. 68
“He feedeth the young ravens that cry”.  69
A Scripture Story. 71
Christ blessing the Children. 73
Death of the youngest Child. 74
Funeral Hymn for a Sunday School Scholar. 76
On a Child two and a half years old, who wiped the tears of his Father with his dying hand. 77
Child’s Hymn on the death of an Infant Brother. 79
Good Night. 82
The Infant’s Prayer 83&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Difference of Color|Difference of Color]]|57|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Birth Day Verses|Birth Day Verses]]|59|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Intemperence|Intemperence]]|60|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Entrance to a Sunday School|Entrance to a Sunday School]]|62|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/&quot;He is about my path,—and about my bed.&quot; Psalm cxxxix|&quot;He is about my path,—and about my bed.&quot; Psalm cxxxix]]|63|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Moses|Moses]]|65|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Almighty|The Almighty]]|68|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/&quot;He feedeth the young ravens that cry&quot;|&quot;He feedeth the young ravens that cry&quot;]]|69|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/A Scripture Story|A Scripture Story]]|71|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Christ blessing the Children|Christ blessing the Children]]|73|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Death of the youngest Child|Death of the youngest Child]]|74|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Funeral Hymn for a Sunday School Scholar|Funeral Hymn for a Sunday School Scholar]]|76|4=5}}
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{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/Good Night|Good Night]]|82|4=5}}
{{Dotted TOC page listing||[[Poems for Children Sigourney/The Infant's Prayer|The Infant's Prayer]]|83|4=5}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{block center/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Christmas Hymn. 86
The Last Day in the Year. 87
New Year’s Address  88
A Prayer. 90

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    <title>Page:King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (2).djvu/436</title>
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      <text bytes="2307" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|427}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;hi wurden gefullwode, swelce he cwæde: Hreowsiað ærest ón eowrum mode, &amp; siððan [æfter] fierste aðweað eow, &amp; geclænsiað mid eowrum tearum. Hu mæg se bion orsorg ðære wrace his scylda, se ðe nu agiemeleasað ðæt he hreowsige his synna? Hu mæg he hira bion orsorg, nu se hiehsta hierde ðære halgan ciricean cwæð ðætte sio hreowsung scolde bion ær ðæm fulwihte? Se fullwuht ðone mon geclænsað fro''m'' his synnu''m'', &amp; ealra ðinga swiðosð ða synna adwæscð.

LV. Ðætte on oðre wisan sint to monianne ða ðe ða unaliefedan ðing, ða ðe hi doð, herigað; ón oðre ða ðe hi tælað, &amp; swaðeah doð.

On oðre wisan sint to manienne ða ðe ðæt unliefde herigað, &amp; ea[c] doð; on oðre ða ðe hit leað, &amp; swaðeah doð. Ða sint to manienne, ða ðe ægðer ge hit doð ge hit herigað, ðæt hi óngieten ðæt hi oft swiðor gensyngiað mid ðæm wordum ðonne hi dón mid ðæm dædu''m''; forðæm, ðonne hi yfel doð, ðonne doð hi ðæt him anum, ac ðonne hi hit heriað, ðonne lærað hi hit ælcne ðara ðe gehierð herian. Forðy hi sint to manienne, ðonne hi licettað ðæt hi willen astyfecian ðæt yfel on him selfum, ðæt hi hit ðonne ne dyrren sæwan on oðrum monnum; ac ðæt him ðynce genog ón ðæm ðæt hi hit selfe dydon. Ond eft hi sint to manien(n)e, ðeah hi him nyllen ðæt ondrædan ðæt hi yfele sien, ðæt hi huru scamige ðæt men witen hwelce hi sin. Forðæm oft ðæt yfel ðæt forholen bið, hit bið fleonde, forðæm, ðonne ðæt mod sceamað ðæt hit mon wite, ðonne mæg hit eaðe gesælan æt sumum cierre ðæt hine eac scamige ðæt he hit wyrce. Hwæt, ælc unryhtwis mon, swa he scamleaslicor his yfel cyð, swa he freolicor hit ðurhtiehð, &amp; hit him aliefedlicre ðyncð. Swa hit him ðonne aliefedlicre ðyncð, swa he ðær diopor on gedyfð. Be ðæm is awriten on Essaies bocum: Hi lærdon hira synna swa swa Sodome dydon, &amp; hi hi nanwuht ne hælon. Gif Sodome hira synna hælen, ðonne ne syngodon hi na butan ege, ac hi forleton eallinga ðone bridels ðæs eges, ða hi ne scrifon hwæðer hit wære ðe dæg ðe niht, ðonne ðonne hi syngodon. Be ðæm is eft awriten on Genesis ðætte swiðe wære gemanigfalðod Sodomwara hream &amp; Gomorwara. Se&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (2).djvu/438</title>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2329" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|429}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;cliopað, se ðe dearninga syngað; ac se hremð, se ðe openlice &amp; orsorglice syngað. Ongean ðæt sint to manienne ða ðe hira synna onscuniað, &amp; hi swaðeah ne forlætað, ðæt hi foreðonclice ongieten hu hi hi willen beladian on ðæm miclan dome, ðonne hi hi nyllað her beladian midðæmðæt hi him selfum demen, &amp; hiora agna scylda on him selfum wrecen. Hwæt bioð hi elles buton liceteras, ðonne hi tælað ðæt ðæt hi nyllað forlætan? Ac hie sint to manienne ðæt hi óngieten ðæt hit bið se degla Godes dóm ðæt hi eft ðy mare wite hæbben ðe hi gere witon ðæt hi ón ðweorh doð, &amp; ðeah nyllað geswican, ne nanwuht ymb ðæt swincan ðæt hi hit mægen forlætan. Swa hi hit ðonne swutolor witon, swa hi swiður forweorðað, forðæmðe hi ónfengon ðæt leoht ðæs ondgietes, &amp; ðeah noldon forlætan ða ðistro ðæs wón weorces, ac ðæt andgit ðæt him God sende to fultome hi agimeleasedon. Ðæt ilce andgit bið eft on gewitnesse hira yfela æt ðæm dome, &amp; geiecð hira witu ðætte him [ær] wæs onsended mid to dielgianne hira synna. Ac forðæmðe hi her syngiað, &amp; hit him no ne hreowð, hi gehrinð her sumu wracu ær ðæm ecum witum ðæt hi ne sien freo né orsorge on ðæm anbide ðæs maran wites. Ac swa micle hi ónfoð ðær mare wite swa hi her gearor witon ðæt hi untela doð, &amp; [hit] ðeah nyllað forlætan. Be ðæm cwæð Crist on his godspelle: Se ðegn, se ðe wát his hlafordes willan, &amp; ðonne nyle wyrcean æfter his hlafordes willan, he bið manigra wita wyrðe. Be ðæm ilcan cwæð eac se salmscop on ðæm feower &amp; fiftiogoðan psalme, he cwæð: Hi sculon gan libbende ón helle. Ða ðe libbende bioð, hi witon &amp; ongietað hwæt ymb hi gedón bið; ða deadan ne magon nanwuht witan. Ða bioð genemde deade, &amp; ða stigað ón helle, ða ðe nyton hwonne hi untela doð; ac ða ðe hit witon, &amp; swaðeah doð, ða gað libbende &amp; witende on helle.

LVI. Ðætte on oðre wisan sint to monianne ða ðe swiðe hrædlice bioð oferswiðde mid sumre unryhtgewilnung(e); on oðre wisan ða ðe longe ær ymbðeahtigeað, &amp; hit ðonne on lasð ðurhtioð.

On oðre wisan sint to manienne ða ðe mid færlice luste bioð oferswiðde, on oðre ða ðe lange ymbðenceað &amp; ðeahtiað, &amp; swa weorðað&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Primary Lessons In Swatow Grammar.djvu/90</title>
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        <id>905936</id>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{| |- | i khí lâi | phah | i. |- | ''He rose to'' | ''strike'' | ''him.'' |- | ṳ̃-pĩ | phah | i. |- | ''He got ready to'' | ''strike'' | ''him.'' |}  {{larger|Participles.}}  {| |- | i | phah | būe-hiah, uá ji̍p--khṳ̀. |- | ''Before he had ceased'' | ''striking'' | ''him I entered.'' |- | uá lâi i tõ | phah | i. |- | ''When I came he was '' | ''striking'' | ''him.'' |- | uá chhut khṳ̀ nõⁿ-nâng huân iáu tõ-sie | phah. | |- | ''When I came out the...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="1694" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|left=70|center={{asc|LESSON XXV (CONTINUED).}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{|
|-
| i khí lâi
| phah
| i.
|-
| ''He rose to''
| ''strike''
| ''him.''
|-
| ṳ̃-pĩ
| phah
| i.
|-
| ''He got ready to''
| ''strike''
| ''him.''
|}

{{larger|Participles.}}

{|
|-
| i
| phah
| būe-hiah, uá ji̍p--khṳ̀.
|-
| ''Before he had ceased''
| ''striking''
| ''him I entered.''
|-
| uá lâi i tõ
| phah
| i.
|-
| ''When I came he was ''
| ''striking''
| ''him.''
|-
| uá chhut khṳ̀ nõⁿ-nâng huân iáu tõ-sie
| phah.
|
|-
| ''When I came out the two men were still ''
| ''fighting.''
|
|}

&lt;div class=&quot;section-header&quot;&gt;Passive Voice.&lt;/div&gt;

{{larger|Ind, Pres.}}

{|
|-
| pĩ
| phah.
|
|-
| ''Is''
| ''struck.''
|
|- 
| uá pĩ-i
| phah.
|
|-
| ''I am''
| ''struck''
| ''by him.''
|-
| uá pĩ-nâng 
| phah.
|
|-
| ''I am ''
| ''struck''
| ''by somebody.''
|}

{{larger|Past, &amp;c.}}

{|
|-
| uá khṳt-i
| phah
| liáu.
|-
| ''I have been already''
| ''struck''
| ''by him.''
|-
| uá khṳt-i 
| phah
| tie̍h.
|-
| ''I have been''
| ''struck''
| ''by him.''
|-
| uá khṳt-i 
| phah
| sieⁿ.
|-
| ''I have been''
| ''struck ''
| ''and wounded by him.''
|-
| uá íⁿ-keng khṳt-i 
| phah
| tie̍h.
|-
| ''I have or had been''
| ''struck''
| ''by him.''
|-
| uá soiⁿ khṳt-i
| phah
| kùe.
|-
| ''I had first been''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|-
| uá khṳt-i
| phah
| kàu ou-chhe.
|-
| ''I have been ''
| ''struck''
| ''by him until black and blue.''
|-
| uá khṳt-i
| phah
| kàu chiang-sí.
|-
| ''I have been''
| ''struck''
| ''by him until I was about dead.''
|}

{{larger|Future.}}

{|
|-
| uá chiang-lâi pĩ-i
| phah.
|
|-
| ''I will hereafter be''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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        <username>Kbseah</username>
        <id>905936</id>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;In common conversation, these auxiliary words are often omitted. There is usually no difficulty in apprehending the meaning. Two clauses or two sentences are spoken-in such close connection that the dependence expressed by the subjunctive ‘if’ is obvious. We have analogous expressions in English, such as, “No cure, no pay.” “No fish, no dinner.” This curt style is in constant use.  &lt;div class=&quot;lesson-list&quot;&gt; thiⁿ-sî-hó chiũ-àiⁿ chèng-choh, ''(if) the...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="2672" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|right=77|center={{asc|LESSON XXVIII (CONTINUED).}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;In common conversation, these auxiliary words are often omitted. There is usually no difficulty in apprehending the meaning. Two clauses or two sentences are spoken-in such close connection that the dependence expressed by the subjunctive ‘if’ is obvious. We have analogous expressions in English, such as, “No cure, no pay.” “No fish, no dinner.” This curt style is in constant use.

&lt;div class=&quot;lesson-list&quot;&gt;
thiⁿ-sî-hó chiũ-àiⁿ chèng-choh, ''(if) the weather is good then I will work.''
ũ-hó-huang chiũ-àiⁿ-khṳ̀, ''(if) a fair wind then I shall go.''
ũ-chò-kang chiũ-ũ-ngṳ̂n, ''(if) work then pay.''
ũ-pn̄g chiũ-àiⁿ-chia̍h, ''(if) there is any rice then I will eat.''
ũ-chûn khṳ̀ chiũ-àiⁿ tah-chûn, ''(if) a boat goes I will go by boat.''
bô-chûn, chiũ-kiâⁿ-lōu, ''(if) no boat, then I will walk.''
ũ nâng-ji̍p--lâi, lṳ́ chiũ-lâi-tàⁿ, ''(if) any body comes in call me.''
i lâi-khie̍h chiũ pun-i khie̍h, ''(if) he comes to get it let him have it.''
ũ chiũ-hó, bô chiũ bô-siang-kan, ''(if) you have then well, (if) not then no matter.''
ũ-nâng-khṳ̀ uá àiⁿ chò-pû-khṳ̀, ''(if) there is any body going I want to go along.''
chá-ji̍t soiⁿ ṳ̃-pī, kim-ji̍t õi-tit hù-tie̍h-chûn, ''(if) yesterday you had made ready to-day you might have embarked.''
bô-Iâ-sou ui--i, tî-tiâng õi-tit hù-tie̍h-chûn? ''(if) Jesus had not healed him, who could have done it?''
bô-chí nõⁿ-nâng, bô-ēng, ''(if) you don't have these two men all is no use.''
i tàⁿ, bô-sũn Môⁿ-sai kâi-kui-kṳ́ bõi-tit-kiù, they said, ''(if) you don’t observe the law of Moses you cannot be saved.''
hiá! lṳ́ m̄-hàuⁿ chiũ-hiah, ''oh, very well! (if) you don't want to you can stop.''
mài-sin-seⁿ khṳ̀, liáu kim-ji̍t chiũ-e̍k bûn-chṳ, ''(if) the teacher had not gone, to-day we would have translated the despatch.''
ũ-chîⁿ-thàn uá chiũ-lâi, ''(if) money is to be made I will come.''
uá chiẽⁿ-suaⁿ kâi-sî-hāu, lṳ́ a-sĩ thóiⁿ--kìⁿ-uá, chiũ-hó-tùe, ''when I go up the mountain if you see me, you may follow me.''
chò-uá ìn-tap--i, uá chiũ-tàⁿ bô-chièⁿ-ngiâm, ''(if) it had been myself answering him, I would not have spoken so harshly.''
chai ũ-bí miń-hàm-lṳ́ khṳ̀-tia̍h, ''(if) I had known there was rice, I need not have told you to go and buy.''
chí-kâi-chhù khí-lâi khiàng, mién-chhiáⁿ sai-pẽ lâi-póu, ''(if) the house had been strongly built, I would not have hud to send for a mechanic to come and mend it.''
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Trial of john lilburne (IA trial john lilburne).djvu/77</title>
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      <id>12506865</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:31:44Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2482" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(63)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Page eleven and twelve, which we cannot but seriously recommend with them, to your serious perusall and judgement, and desire to know of you (but especially the private Souldiers of the Gen. Regiment of horse, who we understand, had a hand in seising upon and plundring our true friends at ''Burford'') whether you doe own the abominable and palpable treacherous dealings of your Generall, and Lieutenant Generall ''Cromwell'', and their perfidious Officers with them or no? (that so we may not condemn the innocent with the guilty, and may know our {{SIC|frinds|friends}} from our foes) as also to tell us, whether you doe approve of the totall defection of your Army, under which it now lieth, from their faith and falne{{sic|fallen?}} Engagement, made at ''Newmarket-heath'', June the fifth 1647. not one of those righteous ends, in behalf of the Parliament and people, on which your Vow was made, being yet fulfilled or obtained, but on the contrary (as we have before rehearsed) a whole floud-gate of tyrannies are let in upon us, and over-whelme us, and whether you (the aforesaid private Souldiers meaning) justifie all those actions done in the name of the Army, upon your account, and under the pretence of that Engagement, since the Engagement it selfe was broken, and your Councell of Adjutators disolved? And whether you will hold up your Swords to maintain the totall dissolution of the Peoples choysest interest of freedome; ''viz.'' Frequent and successive Parliaments, by an Agreement of the People, or obstruct the annuall succession? Whether you doe allow of the late shedding the bloud of Warre in time of Peace, to the subversion of all our lawes and liberties? And whether you doe countenance the extirpation of the fundamentall freedomes of this Common-wealth; as the reocation and nullity of the great Charter of ''England'', the Petition of Right, &amp;c.? And whether you doe assent to the erection of Arbitrary prerogative Courts, that have or shall over-rule, or make void our ancient way of tryals in criminall cases, by a Jury of twelve men of the neighbourhood? And whether you will assist or joyne in the forcible obstruction of this Martiall and tyrannical rule over us? Also, whether you will fight against and destroy those our friends that shall endeavour the composure of our differences together, with the procurement of our freedomes and settlement of our peace (your plenty and prosperity) according as it was offered by&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|the}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{| |- | kiaⁿ ùi khṳt-i | phah. | |- | ''Afraid lest I shall be'' | ''beaten '' | ''by him.'' |-  | lṳ́ m̄-chai-hûang chiũ khṳt-i | phah. |  |- | ''If you don’t take care you will be'' | ''beaten'' | ''by him.'' |- | i pit-tie̍h khṳt-i | phah. | |-  | ''He certainly will be'' | ''beaten'' | ''by him.'' |- | khióng-phàⁿ pĩ-i | phah. | |- | ''I fear lest I shall be'' | ''beaten'' | ''by him.'' |- | būe-ũ-nâng chó-chí, uá soiⁿ khṳt-i | phah |...&quot;</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1959" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|right=71|center={{asc|LESSON XXV (CONTINUED).}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{|
|-
| kiaⁿ ùi khṳt-i
| phah.
|
|-
| ''Afraid lest I shall be''
| ''beaten ''
| ''by him.''
|- 
| lṳ́ m̄-chai-hûang chiũ khṳt-i
| phah.
| 
|-
| ''If you don’t take care you will be''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|-
| i pit-tie̍h khṳt-i
| phah.
|
|- 
| ''He certainly will be''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|-
| khióng-phàⁿ pĩ-i
| phah.
|
|-
| ''I fear lest I shall be''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|-
| būe-ũ-nâng chó-chí, uá soiⁿ khṳt-i
| phah
| liáu.
|-
| ''Before any man stopped him I had already been''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him (Pluper.)''
|-
| nâng būe-ũ chó-chí i khióng-phàⁿ khṳt-i
| phah
| tie̍h.
|-
| ''Before any man can him I am afraid I shall be''
| ''beaten.''
|
|-
| lṳ́ būe-tàⁿ, lṳ́ chiũ tie̍h soiⁿ pun-i
| phah.
|
|-
| ''Before you can say anything you will first have been''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|}

{{larger|Pot’l}}
{|
|-
| lṳ́ õi-pun-i
| phah
| tie̍h-a-bõi?
|-
| ''Can you be''
| ''beaten ''
| ''by him or not?''
|-
| bõi pun nâng
| phah.
| 
|-
| ''He can’t be''
| ''beaten''
| ''by people.''
|-
| eng-kai pun nâng
| phah.
|
|- 
| ''It is necessary to be''
| ''beaten.''
|
|-
| ēng-pun i
| phah
| chiũ pun-i phah.
|-
| ''If it is needful to be''
| ''beaten,''
| ''then I will be beaten by him.''
|}

{{larger|Subj.}}

{|
|-
| uá a-sĩ khṳt-i 
| phah.
|
|-
| ''If I am''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|-
| uá a-sĩ pun nâng
| phah.
| 
| ''If I am''
| ''beaten''
| ''by people.''
|}

{{larger|Imp.}}

{|
|-
| tie̍h-khṳt-i
| phah!
|
|-
| ''Be''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|-
| i tie̍h khat-khóu nãiⁿ-siũ
| phah.
|
|-
| ''Let him patiently take a''
| ''beating.''
|
|}

{{larger|Inf.}}

{|
|-
| pĩ 
| phah.
|
|-
| ''To be''
| ''struck.''
|
|}

{{larger|Part.}}

{|
|-
| chí-kâi sî-hāu i huân-liáu siũ-i
| phah.
|
|-
| ''At this time he was still being''
| ''beaten''
| ''by him.''
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2464" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(64)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the fower Gentlemen prisoners in the Tower of L''ondon'', upon the first day of ''May'' 1649. as a peace offering to the Nation, by the Agreement of the People, (the aforesaid fained Agreement meaning) lastly, wee (the aforesaid young men and Apprentices of L''ondon'' meaning) earnestly beseech you, (the aforesaid private Souldiers again meaning) to acquaint us whether from your hands, to your power, we may expect any help or assistance in this our miserable, distressed condition, to the removall of those Iron bonds and yokes of oppression (the aforesaid Government in way of a Common-wealth and Councel of State meaning) that have thus enforced us to complain and addresse our selues thus to your consideration; for we (the aforesaid young men and Apprentices again meaning) cannot chuse but acquaint you (the aforesaid private Souldiers againe meaning (that we are seriously resolved through the strength and assistance of God, with all the interest wee have in the world, to adhere to the righteous things, contained in our treacherously defeted forementioned friends vindication, (the aforesaid traiterous Book, intituled, The Levellers vindicated, or the case of the twelve Troopers truly stated again meaning) And further, thou the said ''Iohn ''L''ilburn'' as a false Traytor, by most wicked trayterous conspiracies, designes and endeavours of thine aforesaid, afterwards, that is to say, the aforesaid first day of ''October'' in the year of our Lord 1649. above said.
{{dhr}}
And diverse other daies and times, as well before as after, didst in the parish and ward of L''ondon'' aforesaid, in and by the aforesaid scandalous, poysonous and traiterous Book, intituled An Impeachment of high Treason against ''Oliver Cromwell'', and his Son-in-law ''Henry Ireton'', &amp;c. most falsly, maliciously and traiterously publish, and openly declare amongst other things, in the said Booke, these following, scandalous, treacherous, tumultuous and traiterous clauses and words following, that is to say, But I (meaning thy self the said ''Iohn ''L''ilburne'') and many other persons (meaning the foresaid friends) {{SIC|inteat|intreat}} you seriously to consider that I cannot advise you to make addresses to him (meaning the aforesaid {{sp|THOMA|S}} Lord {{sp|FAIRFA|X,}} Captain General) as the Generall of the Nations forces (the Forces of this {{SIC|Natieon|Nation}} of England meaning) for he (the aforesaid Captain Generall&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|meaning)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2614" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|431}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;beswicene. Ða ðon''ne'' sint to manienne ða mid færlice luste bioð beswicene, ðæt hi óngieten ðæt hi ælce dæg(e) beoð on ðæm gefeohte ðisses andweardan lifes. Ac ðæt mod ðætte ne mæg gesion ða flane ær hit sie gewundad, hit beðearf ðæt hit hæbbe simle ón honda ðone scield Godes eges, &amp; him symle ondræde ða diglan gescotu ðæs sweocolan feondes, &amp; hine wærlice healde ón ðære byrg his modes wið nihtlicum gefeohtum forðæmðe hi willað simle on ðistrum feohtan. Ac ðæt mod ðætte næfð singale sorge hit self to behealdanne, ðonne bið hit ón sume healfe open to wundianne; forðæm se lytega feond swa micle ieðelicor ðæt mod gewundað swa he hit ongiet nacodre ðære byrnan wærscipes. Forðy sint ða to manienne ða ðe mid hrædlice luste bioð oferswiðde, ðæt hie to georne ne giemen ðissa eorðlicena ymbhogena, forðæmðe hi ne magon ongietan mid hu ma(ne)gum unðeawum hi beoð gewundode, ða hwile ðe hi to ungemetlice smeagað ymb ðas eorðlecan ðing. Be ðæm sæde Salomon ðæt se mon sceolde cweðan, se ðe wæs slæpende gewundad: Hi me wundedon, &amp; ic hit ne gefredde; hi ne drogon, &amp; ic hit nyste; &amp; sona swa ic anwoc, swa wilnode ic eft wines. Swa bið ðæt mod slæpende gewundad swa hit ne gefret, ðonne hit bið to gimeleas his agenra ðearfa. Ac ðæt mod ðætte bið mid unðeawum oferdrenced, hit ne mæg ongietan ða toweardan yfelo, ne furðum ða nát ðe hit deð. Hit mon drægð swa hit ne gefret, ðon''ne'' ðonne hit iernð on ða unaliefedan unðeawas, &amp; hit swaðeah ne ónwæcneð to ðon ðæt hit eft ón ierne mid hreowsunga. Ac hit wilnað ðæt hit to ðon onwæcne ðæt hit mæge eft weorðan oferdruncen; forðæm, ðeah ðæt mod slæpe godra weorca, hit wacað hwæððre on ðæm ymbhogum ðisse worlde, &amp; wilnað ðæt hit sie oferdruncen his agnes willan. Swa hit gebyreð ðæt ðæt mod slæpð ðæs ðe hit wacian sceolde, &amp; wacað ðæs ðe hit slapan scolde. Be ðæs modes slæpe wæs [ær] awriten on ðære ilcan Salomonnes bec, hit wæs awriten ðæt hit wære swelce se stiora slepe ón midre sǽ, &amp; forlure ðæt stiorroður. Ðæm stiorere bið gelicost se mon ðe óngemong ðisses middang''eardes'' costungum &amp; ongemong ðæm yðum unðeawa hine agimeleasað. Se deð swa se stiora ðe ðæt stiorroðor forliesð, se ðe forlæt ðone ymbhogan &amp; ða geornfulnesse ðe he mid stioran scolde ðære sawle &amp; ðæm lichoman. Se bið swiðe ónlic ðæm stioran ðe hi stiorroðor forliest ón sæ, se ðe forlæt ðone foreðonc his gesceadwisnesse&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/17</title>
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      <text bytes="484" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{|style=&quot;margin:3em auto;&quot;
|colspan=&quot;3&quot; style=&quot;border:thin solid black;padding:.25em;&quot;|&lt;div style=&quot;border:medium solid black;padding:.25em;&quot;&gt;[[File:Princess Marys Gift Book-017.jpg|475px]]&lt;/div&gt;
|-
|style=&quot;padding-left:2em;padding-top:2em;&quot;|[[File:Princess Marys Gift Book-010.jpg|60px]]
|style=&quot;font-style:italic;font-size:92%;padding-top:2em;&quot;|{{ppoem|
Painted for
Princess Mary's Gift Book
by Russell Flint. A.R.W.S.}}
|style=&quot;text-align:right;padding-top:2em;&quot;|A Holiday in Bed
|}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Elementary Lessons In The Swatow Dialect with a Vocabulary referring to Dr. Douglas’ Dictionary of the Amoy Vernacular.djvu/45</title>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;|- | Garden  | hue-hn̂g; 146b 136a |- | Gay  | ngiá, —, |- | Get up, to  | khí--lâi; 267b 289b |- | Get, to (as meals)  | pû; 385a |- | Girl  | tsṳ-niêⁿ-kiáⁿ; 589b 337b 214b |- | Give, to  | pun; 386b |- | Glad, to be  | huaⁿ-hí; 142a 127a |- | Go, to  | khṳ̀; 269b |- | Go out,to  | tshut-mn̂g; 98a 330b |- | Goat  | suaⁿ-iêⁿ; 453a l77b |- | Go-down  | tsàn-pâng; 576b 359b |- | Gods, the  | sîn-mêng; 436a l6b |- | Gold  | kim; 219b |- | Good...&quot;</comment>
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{|&lt;/noinclude&gt;|-
| Garden 
| hue-hn̂g; 146b 136a
|-
| Gay 
| ngiá, —,
|-
| Get up, to 
| khí--lâi; 267b 289b
|-
| Get, to (as meals) 
| pû; 385a
|-
| Girl 
| tsṳ-niêⁿ-kiáⁿ; 589b 337b 214b
|-
| Give, to 
| pun; 386b
|-
| Glad, to be 
| huaⁿ-hí; 142a 127a
|-
| Go, to 
| khṳ̀; 269b
|-
| Go out,to 
| tshut-mn̂g; 98a 330b
|-
| Goat 
| suaⁿ-iêⁿ; 453a l77b
|-
| Go-down 
| tsàn-pâng; 576b 359b
|-
| Gods, the 
| sîn-mêng; 436a l6b
|-
| Gold 
| kim; 219b
|-
| Good 
| hó; 137a
|-
| Goods 
| hùe-mue̍h; 123b 330a
|-
| Goose 
| gô; 110a
|-
| Glass 
| po-lî; 375b 297a
|-
| Green 
| 1e̍k; 299a
|-
| Grey shirtings
| iêⁿ-pòu; 178a 378b
|-
| Guest 
| nâng-kheh; 293a 265a
|-
| Gun 
| chhèng; 71a
|-
| Gunboat 
| piaⁿ-tsûn; 370a 595a,
|-
| colspan=2 class=&quot;vocab-header&quot; | H.
|-
| Hair 
| mô; 33la
|-
| Half 
| pùaⁿ; 381a, che̍k-pùaⁿ; 56a 381a
|-
| Ham 
| húe-thúi; 122b 570a
|-
| Hammer 
| thih-thûi; 556a 569b
|-
| Hand 
| chhiú; 85b
|-
| Handkerchief 
| chhiú-kṳn; 85b 253a
|-
| Hang up, to 
| tiàu; 499a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
|}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 1).djvu/121</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:45:49Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2165" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''THE PISTOL SHOT.''|121}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;That is astonishing!&quot; said the Count

&quot;And what was his name?&quot;

&quot;Silvio was his name.&quot;

&quot;Silvio!&quot; exclaimed the Count, starting from his seat. &quot;''You'' knew Silvio?&quot;

&quot;How could I fail to know him?—we were comrades; he was received at our mess like a brother-officer. It is now about five years since I last had tidings of him. Then you, Count, also knew him?&quot;

&quot;I knew him very well. Did he never tell you of one very extraordinary incident in his life?&quot;

&quot;Do you mean the slap in the face, Count, that he received from a blackguard at a ball?&quot; 

&quot;He did not tell you the name of this blackguard?&quot;

&quot;No, Count, he did not. Forgive me,&quot; I added, guessing the truth, &quot;forgive me—I did not—could it really have been you?&quot;

&quot;It was myself,&quot; replied the Count, greatly agitated; &quot;and the shots in the picture are a memento of our last meeting.&quot;

&quot;Oh, my dear,&quot; said the Countess, &quot;for God's sake, do not relate it! It frightens me to think of it.&quot;

&quot;No,&quot; replied the Count; &quot;I must tell him all. He knows how I insulted his friend. He shall also know how Silvio revenged himself.&quot; The Count pushed a chair towards me, and with the liveliest interest I listened to the following story:—

&quot;Five years ago,&quot; began the Count, &quot;I got married. The honeymoon I spent here, in this village. To this house I am indebted for the happiest moments of my life, and for one of its saddest remembrances.

&quot;One afternoon we went out riding together. My wife's horse became restive. She was frightened, got off the horse, handed the reins over to me, and walked home. I rode on before her. In the yard I saw a travelling carriage, and I was told that in my study sat a man who would not give his name, but simply said that he
wanted to see me on business. I entered the study, and saw in the darkness a man, dusty and unshaven. He stood there, by the fireplace. I approached him trying to recollect his face.

&quot;You don't remember me, Count?&quot; he said, in a tremulous voice.

{{image}} 
{{&quot; '}}Silvio!' I cried, and I confess, I felt that my hair was standing on end.

{{&quot; '}}Exactly so,' he added. 'You owe me a shot; I have come to claim it. Are&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (2).djvu/442</title>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;ongemong ðæm bisegum ðisses middang''eardes''. Ac gif se stiora his stiorroðor gehilt, ðonne cymð he orsorglice to lande, hwilum ðeah óngean wind &amp; ongean ða yða, hwilum mid ægðrum. Swa deð ðæt mód, ðonne hit wacorlice stiereð ðære sawle: sume unðeawas hit óf[er]trit, sume hit ær gesihð, &amp; utan becierð; ðæt is ðæt hit ða gedonan unðeawas swincende gebete, &amp; ða ungedonan foreðoncelice becierre, swa se stiora deð: suma ða yða he b[e]cer...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="1577" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|433}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ongemong ðæm bisegum ðisses middang''eardes''. Ac gif se stiora his stiorroðor gehilt, ðonne cymð he orsorglice to lande, hwilum ðeah óngean wind &amp; ongean ða yða, hwilum mid ægðrum. Swa deð ðæt mód, ðonne hit wacorlice stiereð ðære sawle: sume unðeawas hit óf[er]trit, sume hit ær gesihð, &amp; utan becierð; ðæt is ðæt hit ða gedonan unðeawas swincende gebete, &amp; ða ungedonan foreðoncelice becierre, swa se stiora deð: suma ða yða he b[e]cerð mid ðy scipe, sume hit oferstigð. Ymb ðæt is eft gecweden on ðæm Salomones bocum ðe we hatað Cantica Canticorum be ðæm strengestan cempum ðæs uplican eðles, hit is gecweden: Hæbbe eower ælc his sweord be his ðeo for nihtlecum ege. Ðonne mon hæfð his sweord be his ðio, ðonne mon temeð his unaliefde lustas mid ðæm wordum ðære halgan lare. &amp; sio niht getacnað ða ðistro ðære blindnesse urre tidernesse. Forðæmðe nan mon ne mæg on niht gesion hu neah him hwelc frecenes sie, him is ðearf ðæt he hæbbe his sweord be his hype. Swa sculon ða halgan weras simle stondan gearuwe to gefeohte wið ðæm lytegan fiend, forðæm hi him ondrædað ða frecenesse ðe hi ne gesioð. Be ðæm is eft gecweden on ðære Salomones bec ðe we hatað Cantica Canticorum, hit is gecweden: Ðin nosu is swelce se torr on Libano. Ðæt is ðæt we oft gestincað mid urum nosum ðæt we mid urum eagum gesion ne magon. Hwæt is elles getacnod ðurh ða nosu buton se foreðonc &amp; sio gesceadwisnes ðara godena manna? Hwæt elles getacnað&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2507" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Rho9998&quot; /&gt;{{rh|Hatton MS.]|GREGORY'S PASTORAL.|433}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ongemong ðæm bisegum ðisses middang''eardes''. Ac gif se stiora his stiorroðor gehilt, ðonne cymð he orsorglice to lande, hwilum ðeah óngean wind &amp; ongean ða yða, hwilum mid ægðrum. Swa deð ðæt mód, ðonne hit wacorlice stiereð ðære sawle: sume unðeawas hit óf[er]trit, sume hit ær gesihð, &amp; utan becierð; ðæt is ðæt hit ða gedonan unðeawas swincende gebete, &amp; ða ungedonan foreðoncelice becierre, swa se stiora deð: suma ða yða he b[e]cerð mid ðy scipe, sume hit oferstigð. Ymb ðæt is eft gecweden on ðæm Salomones bocum ðe we hatað Cantica Canticorum be ðæm strengestan cempum ðæs uplican eðles, hit is gecweden: Hæbbe eower ælc his sweord be his ðeo for nihtlecum ege. Ðonne mon hæfð his sweord be his ðio, ðonne mon temeð his unaliefde lustas mid ðæm wordum ðære halgan lare. &amp; sio niht getacnað ða ðistro ðære blindnesse urre tidernesse. Forðæmðe nan mon ne mæg on niht gesion hu neah him hwelc frecenes sie, him is ðearf ðæt he hæbbe his sweord be his hype. Swa sculon ða halgan weras simle stondan gearuwe to gefeohte wið ðæm lytegan fiend, forðæm hi him ondrædað ða frecenesse ðe hi ne gesioð. Be ðæm is eft gecweden on ðære Salomones bec ðe we hatað Cantica Canticorum, hit is gecweden: Ðin nosu is swelce se torr on Libano. Ðæt is ðæt we oft gestincað mid urum nosum ðæt we mid urum eagum gesion ne magon. Hwæt is elles getacnod ðurh ða nosu buton se foreðonc &amp; sio gesceadwisnes ðara godena manna? Hwæt elles getacnað se hea torr on Libano buton ðone hean foreðonc &amp; ða gesceadwisnesse ðara godena monna, ða sculon ongietan ða costunga &amp; ðæt gefeoht, ærðæmðe hit cume, ðæt hi mægen ðy fæstor gestondan, ðonne hit cume? Forðæmðe ælc here hæfð ðy læssan cræft ðonne he cymð, gif hine mon ær wát, ær he cume; forðæm he gesihð ða gearwe ðe he wende ðæt he sceolde ungearwe findan. Him wære ðonne ieðre ðæt he hira ær gearra wende ðonne he hira ungearra wende, &amp; hi ðonne gearuwe mette. Ongean ðæt sint to manienne ða ðe ær ðenceað to syngianne, &amp; ymbðeahtiað, ær hi hit ðurhtion, ðæt hi óngiten mid foreðonclicre gesceadwisnesse ðæt hi ónælað ðearlran dóm wið him mid ðæm ðæt hi her ymb ðæt yfel ðeahtiað, ær hi hit dón, &amp; hi beoð mid swa micle strengran cwide ðæs domes geslægene swa hi beoð fæstor gebundne mid ðæm bende ðæs yflan geðeahtes. Micle hrædlicor&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 1).djvu/122</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018797</id>
    <revision>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T17:52:40Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="3021" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{rh|122|''THE STRAND MAGAZINE.''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;you ready?' A pistol protruded from his side pocket.

&quot;I measured twelve paces, and stood there in that corner, begging him to fire quickly, before my wife came in.

&quot;He hesitated, and asked for a light. Candles were brought in. I locked the doors, gave orders that no one should enter, and again called upon him to fire. He took out his pistol and aimed.

&quot;I counted the seconds.... I thought of her.... A terrible moment passed! Then Silvio lowered his hand.

{{&quot; '}}I only regret,' he said, that the pistol is not loaded with cherry-stones. My bullet is heavy; and it always seems to me that an affair of this kind is not a duel, but a murder. I am not accustomed to aim at unarmed men. Let us begin again from the beginning. Let us cast lots as to who shall fire first.'

&quot;My head went round. I think I objected. Finally, however, we loaded another pistol and rolled up two pieces of paper. These he placed inside his cap; the one through which, at our first meeting, I had put the bullet. I again drew the lucky number.

{{&quot; '}}Count, you have the devil's luck,' he said, with a smile which I shall never forget.

&quot;I don't know what I was about, or how it happened that he succeeded in inducing me. But I fired and hit that picture.&quot;

The Count pointed with his finger to the picture with the shot-marks. His face had become red with agitation. The Countess was whiter than her own handkerchief: and I could not restrain an exclamation.

&quot;I fired,&quot; continued the Count, &quot;and, thank heaven, missed. Then Silvio—at this moment he was really terrible—then Silvio raised his pistol to take aim at me.&quot;

{{image}}

Suddenly the door flew open, Masha rushed into the room. She threw herself upon my neck with a loud shriek. Her presence restored to me all my courage. 

{{&quot; '}}My dear,' I said to her, 'don't you see that we are only joking? How frightened you look! Go and
drink a glass of water and then come back; I will introduce you to an old friend and comrade.'

&quot;Masha was still in doubt.

{{&quot; '}}Tell me, is my husband speaking the truth?' she asked, turning to the terrible Silvio; 'is it true that you are only joking?'

{{&quot; '}}He is always joking, Countess,' Silvio replied. 'He once in a joke gave me a slap in the face; in joke he put a bullet through this cap while I was wearing it; and in joke, too, he missed me when he fired just now. And now ''I'' have a fancy for a joke.' With these words he raised his pistol as if to shoot me down before her eyes!

&quot;Masha threw herself at his feet.

{{&quot; '}}Rise, Masha! For shame!' I cried in my passion; and you, sir, cease to amuse yourself at the expense of an unhappy woman. Will you fire or not?'

{{&quot; '}}I will not,' replied Silvio. 'I am satisfied. I have witnessed your agitation; your terror. I forced you to fire at me. That is enough; you will remember me. I leave you to your conscience.'

&quot;He was now about to go. But he stopped at the door, looked round at the picture which my shot had passed through, fired at&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/39</title>
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{{c|{{larger|BIMBASHI JOYCE}}

{{asc|BY A. CONAN DOYLE}}

{{sm|''Painting and Drawings by'' R. TALBOT KELLY, R.I.}}}}

{{sc|It}} was in the days when the tide of Mahdism, which had swept in such a flood from the Great Lakes and Darfur to the confines of Egypt, had at last come to its full, and even begun, as some hoped, to show signs of a turn. At its outset it had been terrible. It had engulfed Hicks’s army, swept over Gordon and Khartoum, rolled behind the British forces as they retired down the river, and finally cast up a spray of raiding parties as far north as Assouan. Then it found other channels to east and west, to Central Africa and to Abyssinia, and retired a little on the side of Egypt. For ten years there ensued a lull, during which the frontier garrisons looked out upon those distant blue hills of Dongola. Behind the violet mists which draped them lay a land of blood and horror. From time to time some adventurer went south towards those haze-girt mountains, tempted by stories of gum and ivory, but none ever returned. Once a mutilated Egyptian and once a Greck woman, mad with thirst and fear, made their way to the lines. They were the only exports of that country of darkness. Sometimes the sunset would turn those distant mists into a bank of crimson, and the dark mountains would rise from that sinister reek like islands in a sea of blood. It seemed a grim symbol in the south heaven when seen from the fort-capped hills by Wady Halfa. Ten years of lust in Khartoum, ten years of silent work in Cairo, and then all was ready, and it was time for Civilisation to take a trip south once more, travelling as her wont is in an armoured train. Everything was ready, down to the last pack-saddle of the last camel, and yet no one suspected it, for an unconstitutional Government has its advantage. A great administrator had argued, and managed, and cajoled; a great soldier had organised and planned, and made piastres do the work of pounds. And then one night these two master spirits met and clasped hands, and the soldier vanished away upon some
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 1).djvu/123</title>
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&quot;My wife had sunk down fainting. The servants had not ventured to stop Silvio, whom they looked upon with terror. He passed out to the steps, called his coachman, and before I could collect myself drove off.&quot;

The Count was silent. I had now heard the end of the story of which the beginning had long before surprised me. The hero of it I never saw again. I heard, however, that Silvio, during the rising of Alexander Ipsilanti, commanded a detachment of insurgents and was killed in action.

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    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/274</title>
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      <text bytes="1063" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;BethNaught&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|258|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and certainly some of the constituents would have been ashamed to have been represented by a bricklayer. It is part of that general desire to appear well, the optimistic and thoroughly American belief, that even if a man is working with his hands to-day, he and his children will quite likely be in a better position in the swift coming to-morrow, and there is no need of being too closely associated with common working people. There is an honest absence of class consciousness, and a naïve belief that the kind of occupation quite largely determines social position. This is doubtless exaggerated in a neighborhood of foreign people by the fact that as each nationality becomes more adapted to American conditions, the scale of its occupation rises. Fifty years ago in America &quot;a Dutchman&quot; was used as a term of reproach, meaning a man whose language was not understood, and who performed menial tasks, digging sewers and building railroad embankments. Later the Irish did&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|258}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 1).djvu/124</title>
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      <text bytes="967" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|A Night with the Thames Police.}}}}

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{{initial|T|here}} was a time when the owners of craft on the Thames practically left their backdoors open and invited the river-thieves to enter, help themselves, and leave unmolested and content. The barges lay in
the river holding everything most coveted, from precious cargoes of silk to comfortable-looking bales of tobacco, protected only from wind, weather, and wicked fingers by a layer of tarpaulin—everything ready and
inviting to those who devoted their peculiar talents and irrepressible instincts to the water. Goods to the value of a million sterling were being neatly appropriated every year. The City merchants were at their wits' end. Some of the more courageous and determined of them ventured out themselves at night; but the thieves—never at a loss in conceiving an ingenious and ready means of escape—slipped, so to speak, out of their would-be captors' hands by going&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/40</title>
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      <text bytes="2662" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|24|PRINCESS MARY’S GIFT BOOK}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;business of his own. And just at that very time, Bimbashi Hilary Joyce, seconded from the Royal Mallow Fusiliers, and temporarily attached to the Ninth Soudanese, made his first appearance in Cairo.

Napoleon had said, and Hilary Joyce had noted, that great reputations are only to be made in the East. Here he was in the East with four tin cases of baggage, a Wilkinson sword, a Bond’s slug-throwing pistol, and a copy of “Green’s Introduction to the Study of Arabic.” With such a start, and the blood of youth running hot in his veins, everything seemed easy. He was a little frightened of the general; he had heard stories of his sternness to young officers, but with tact and suavity he hoped for the best. So, leaving his effects at “Shepherd’s Hotel,” he reported himself at headquarters. It was not the general, but the head of the Intelligence Department who received him, the chief being still absent upon that business which had called him. Hilary Joyce found himself in the presence of a short, thick-set officer, with a gentle voice and a placid expression which covered a remarkably acute and energetic spirit. With that quiet smile and guileless manner he had undercut and outwitted the most cunning of Orientals. He stood, a cigarette between his fingers, looking at the newcomer. “I heard that you had come. Sorry the chief isn’t here to see you. Gone up to the frontier, you know.”

“My regiment is at Wady Halfa. I suppose, sir, that I should report myself there at once?”

“No; I was to give you your orders.” He led the way to a map upon the wall, and pointed with the end of his cigarette. “You see this place. It’s the Oasis of Kurkur—a little quiet, I am afraid, but excellent air. You are to get out there as quick as possible. You’ll find a company of the Ninth, and half a squadron of cavalry. You will be in command.”

Hilary Joyce looked at the name, printed at the intersection of two black lines without another dot upon the map for several inches around it. “A village, sir?”

“No, a well. Not very good water, I’m afraid, but you soon get accustomed to natron. It’s an important post, as being at the junction of two caravan routes. All routes are closed now, of course, but still you never know who ''might'' come along them.”

“We are there, I presume, to prevent raiding?”

“Well, between you and me, there’s really nothing to raid. You are there to intercept messengers. They must call at the wells. Of course you have only just come out, but you probably understand already enough about the conditions of this country to know that&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/41</title>
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      <text bytes="2308" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||BIMBASHI JOYCE|25}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;there is a great deal of disaffection about, and that the Khalifa is likely to try and keep in touch with his adherents. Then, again, Senoussi lives up that way”—he waved his cigarette to the westward—“the Khalifa might send a messenger to him along that route. Anyhow, your duty is to arrest every one coming along, and get some account of him before you let him go. You don’t talk Arabic, I suppose?”

“I am learning, sir.”

“Well, well, you’ll have time enough to study there. And you’ll have a native officer, Ali something or other, who speaks English, and can interpret for you. Well, good-bye—I’ll tell the chief that you reported yourself. Get on to your post now as quickly as you can.”

Railway to Baliani, the post-boat to Assouan, and then two days on a camel in the Libyan desert, with an Ababdeh guide, and three baggage-camels to tie one down to their own exasperating pace. However, even two and a half miles an hour mount up in time, and at last, on the third evening, from the blackened slag-heap of a hill which is called the Jebel Kurkur, Hilary Joyce looked down upon a distant clump of palms, and thought that this cool patch of green in the midst of the merciless blacks and yellows was the fairest colour effect that he had ever seen. An hour later he had ridden into the little camp, the guard had turned out to salute him, his native subordinate had greeted him in excellent English, and he had fairly entered into his own. It was not an exhilarating place for a lengthy residence. There was one large, bowl-shaped, grassy depression sloping down to the three pits of brown and brackish water.
{{missing image}}
There, also, was the grove of palm trees beautiful to look upon, but exasperating in view of the fact that Nature has provided her least shady trees on the very spot where shade is needed most. A single wide-spread acacia did something to restore the balance. Here Hilary Joyce slumbered in the heat, and in the cool he inspected his square-shouldered, spindle-shanked Soudanese, with their cheery black faces and their funny little pork-pie forage caps. Joyce was a martinet at drill, and the blacks loved being drilled, so the Bimbashi was soon popular among them. But one day was exactly like another. The weather,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 1).djvu/125</title>
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      <text bytes="2697" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{rh||''A NIGHT WITH THE THAMES POLICE.''|125}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;semi-clothed about their work, greasing their flesh and garments until they were as difficult to catch as eels.

So the merchants held solemn conclave, the result of which was the formation, in 1792, of &quot;The Preventative Service,&quot; a title which clung to the members thereof until 1839, when they were embodied with the Metropolitan Police with the special privilege of posing as City constables. Now they are a body of two hundred and two strong, possessing twenty-eight police galleys and a trio of steam launches. From a million
pounds' worth of property stolen yearly a hundred years ago, they have, by a persistent traversing of a watery beat, reduced it to one hundred pounds. Smuggling is in reality played out, though foggy nights
are still fascinating to those so inclined; but now they have to be content with a coil or two of old rope, an ingot of lead, or a few fish. Still the river-policeman's eye and the light of his lantern are
always searching for suspicious characters and guilty-looking craft.

In High-street, Wapping, famous for its river romances, and within five hundred yards of the Old Stairs,
the principal station of the Thames Police is to be found. The traditional blue lamp projects over a somewhat gloomy passage leading down to the river-side landing stage. To us, on the night appointed for our
expedition, it is a welcome beacon as to the whereabouts of law and order, for only a few minutes previously half dozen worthy gentlemen standing at the top of some neighbouring steps, wearing slouched hats and anything but a comforting expression on their faces gruffly demanded, &quot;Do you want a boat?&quot; Fortunately we did not. These estimable individuals had only just left the dock of the police station, where they had been
charged on suspicion, but eventually discharged.

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It is a quarter to six o'clock. At six we are to start for our journey up the river as far as Waterloo and back again to Greenwich; but there is time to take a hasty survey of the interior of the station, where accommodation is provided for sixteen single men, with a library, reading-room, and billiard-room at their disposal.

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&quot;Fine night, sir; rather cold, though,&quot; says a hardy-looking fellow dressed in a reefer and a brightly glazed old-time man-o'-war's hat. He is one of the two oldest men in the force, and could tell how he lost his wife and all his family, save one lad, when the ''Princess Alice'' went down in 1878. He searched for ten days and ten nights, but they were lost to him. Another of these river guardians has a never-to-be-forgotten reminiscence of that terrible disaster, when the men of the Thames&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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One evening, as the sun was sinking, Hilary Joyce rode slowly down the old caravan read. It had a fascination for him, this narrow track, winding among the boulders and curving up the nullahs, for he remembered how in the map it had gone on and on, stretching away into the unknown heart of Africa. The countless pads of innumerable camels through many centuries had beaten it smooth, so that now, unused and deserted, it still wound away, the strangest of roads, a foot broad, and perhaps two thousand miles in length. Joyce wondered as he rode how long it was since any traveller had journeyed up it from the south, and then he raised his eyes, and there was a man coming along the path. For an instant Joyce thought that it might be one of his own men, but a second glance assured him that this could not be so. The stranger was dressed in the flowing robes of an Arab, and not in the close-fitting khaki of a soldier. He was very tall, and a high turban made him seem gigantic. He strode swiftly along, with head erect, and the bearing of a man who knows no fear.

Who could he be, this formidable giant coming out of the unknown? The precursor possibly of a horde of savage spearmen. And where could he have walked from? The nearest well was a long hundred miles down the track. At any rate the frontier post of Kurkur could not afford to receive casual visitors. Hilary Joyce whisked round his horse, galloped into camp, and gave the alarm. Then, with twenty horsemen at his back, he rode out again to reconnoitre. The man was still coming on in spite of these hostile preparations. For an instant he hesitated when first he saw the cavalry, but escape was out of the question, and he advanced with the air of a man who makes the best of a bad job. He made no resistance, and said nothing when the hands of two troopers clutched at his shoulders, but walked quietly between their horses into camp. Shortly afterwards the patrol came in again. There were no signs of any dervishes. The man was alone. A splendid trotting camel had been found lying dead a little way down the track. The mystery of the stranger’s arrival was explained. But why, and whence, and whither?—these were questions for which a zealous officer must find an answer.
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Hilary Joyce was disappointed that there were no dervishes. It would have been a great start for him in the Egyptian army had he fought a little action on his own account. But even as it was, he had a rare chance of impressing the authorities. He would love to show his&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/43</title>
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      <text bytes="2514" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||BIMBASHI JOYCE|27}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;capacity to the head of the Intelligence, and even more to that grim chief who never forgot what was smart, or forgave what was slack. The prisoner’s dress and bearing showed that he was of importance. Mean men do not ride pure-bred trotting camels. Joyce sponged his head with cold water, drank a cup of strong coffee, put on an imposing official tarboosh instead of his sun-helmet, and formed himself into a court of inquiry and judgment under the acacia tree. He would have liked his people to have seen him now, with his two black orderlies in waiting, and his Egyptian native officer at his side. He sat behind a camp-table, and the prisoner, strongly guarded, was led up to him. The man was a handsome fellow, with bold grey eyes and a long black beard.

“Why!” cried Joyce, “the rascal is making faces at me.” A curious contraction had passed over the man’s features, but so swiftly that it might have been a nervous twitch. He was now a model of Oriental gravity. “Ask him who he is, and what he wants?” The native officer did so, but the stranger made no reply, save that the same sharp spasm passed once more over his face. “Well, I’m blessed!” cried Hilary Joyce. “Of all the impudent scoundrels! He keeps on winking at me. Who are you, you rascal? Give an account of yourself! D’ye hear?” But the tall Arab was as impervious to English as to Arabic. The Egyptian tried again and in. The prisoner looked at Joyce with his inscrutable eyes, and occasionally twitched his face at him, but never opened his mouth. The Bimbashi scratched his head in bewilderment.

“Look here, Mahomet Ali, we’ve got to get some sense out of this fellow. You say there are no papers on him?”

“No, sir; we found no papers.”

“No clue of any kind?”

“He has come far, sir. A trotting camel docs not die easily. He has come from Dongola, at least.”

“Well, we must get him to talk.”

“It is possible that he is deaf and dumb.”

“Not he. I never saw a man look more all there in my life.”

“You might send him across to Assouan.”

“And give some one else the credit? No, thank you. This is my bird. But how are we going to get him to find his tongue?”

The Egyptian’s dark eyes skirted the encampment and rested on the cook’s fire. “Perhaps,” said he, “if the Bimbashi thought fit{{bar|2}}” He looked at the prisoner and then at the burning wood.

“No, no; it wouldn’t do. No, by Jove, that’s going too far.”
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/44</title>
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      <text bytes="2520" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|28|PRINCESS MARY’S GIFT BOOK}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;“A very little might do it.”

“No, no. It’s all very well here, but it would sound just awful if ever it got as far as Fleet Street. But, I say,” he whispered, “we might frighten him a bit. There’s no harm in that.”

“No, sir.”

“Tell them to undo the man’s galabeeah. Order them to put a horseshoe in the fire and make it red-hot.” The prisoner watched the proceedings with an air which had more of amusement than of uneasiness. He never winced as the black sergeant approached with the glowing shoe held upon two bayonets.

“Will you speak now?” asked the Bimbashi, savagely. The prisoner smiled gently and stroked his beard.

“Oh, chuck the infernal thing away!” cried Joyce, jumping up in a passion. “There’s no use trying to bluff the fellow. He knows we won’t do it. But I ''can'' and I ''will'' flog him, and you can tell him from me that if he hasn’t found his tongue by to-morrow morning I’ll take the skin off his back as sure as my name’s Joyce. Have you said all that?”

“Yes, sir.”

“Well, you can sleep upon it, you beauty, and a good night’s rest may it give you!” He adjourned the Court, and the prisoner, as imperturbable as ever, was led away by the guard to his supper of rice and water. Hilary Joyee was a kind-hearted man, and his own sleep was considerably disturbed by the prospect of the punishment which he must inflict next day. He had hopes that the mere sight of the koorbash and the thongs might prevail over his prisoner’s obstinacy. And then, again, he thought how shocking it would be if the man proved to be really dumb after all, he possibility shook him so that he had almost determined by daybreak that he would send the stranger on unhurt to Assouan. And yet what a tame conclusion it would be to the incident! He lay upon his angareeb still debating it when the question suddenly and effectively settled itself. Ali Mahomet rushed into his tent.

“Sir,” he cried, “the prisoner is gone!”

“Gone!”

“Yes, sir, and your own best riding camel as well. There is a slit cut in the tent, and he got away unseen in the early morning.”

The Bimbashi acted with all energy. Cavalry rode along every track; scouts examined the soft sand of the wadys for signs of the fugitive, but no trace was discovered. The man had utterly disappeared. With a heavy heart, Hilary Joyce wrote an official report of the matter and forwarded it to Assouan. Five days later there came a curt order&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/47</title>
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      <text bytes="2111" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||BIMBASHI JOYCE|29}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;from the chief that he should report himself there. He feared the worst from the stern soldier, who spared others as little as he spared himself. And his worst forebodings were realised. Travel-stained and weary, he reported himself one night at the general’s quarters. Behind a table piled with papers and strewn with maps the famous soldier and his Chief of Intelligence were deep in plans and figures. Their greeting was a cold one.

“I understand, Captain Joyce,” said the general, “that you have allowed a very important prisoner to slip through your fingers.”

“I am sorry, sir.”

“No doubt. But that will not mend matters. Did you ascertain anything about him before you lost him?”

“No, sir.”

“How was that?”

“I could get nothing out of him, sir.”

“Did you try?”

“Yes, sir; I did what I could.”

“What did you do?”

“Well, sir, I threatened to use physical force.”

“What did he say?”

“He said nothing.”

“What was he like?”

“A tall man, sir. Rather a desperate character, I should think.”

“Any way by which we could identify him?”

“A long black beard, sir. Grey eyes. And a nervous way of twitching his face.”

“Well, Captain Joyce,” said the general, in his stern, inflexible voice, “I cannot congratulate you upon your first exploit in the Egyptian army. You are aware that every English officer in this force is a picked man. I have the whole British army from which to draw. It is necessary, therefore, that I should insist upon the very highest efficiency. It would be unfair upon the others to pass over any obvious want of zeal or intelligence. You are seconded from the Royal Mallows, I understand?”

“Yes, sir.”

“I have no doubt that your colonel will be glad to see you fulfilling your regimental duties again.” Hilary Joyce’s heart was too heavy for words. He was silent. “I will let you know my final decision to-morrow morning.” Joyce saluted and turned upon his heel.

“You can sleep upon that, you beauty, and a good night’s rest may it give you!”
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      <text bytes="1472" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|30|PRINCESS MARY’S GIFT BOOK}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Joyce tuned in bewilderment. Where had those words been used before? Who was it who had used them? The general was standing erect. Both he and the Chief of the Intelligence were laughing. Joyce stared at the tall figure, the erect bearing, the inscrutable grey eyes.

“Good Lord!” he gasped.

“Well, well, Captain Joyce, we are quits!” said the general, holding out his hand. “You gave me a bad ten minutes with that infernal red-hot horseshoe of yours. I’ve done as much for you. I don’t think we can spare you for the Royal Mallows just yet awhile.”

“But, sir; but{{bar|2}}!”

“The fewer questions the better, perhaps. But of course it must seem rather amazing. I had a little private business with the Kabbabish. It must be done in person. I did it, and came to your post in my return. I kept on winking at you as a sign that I wanted a word with you alone.”

“Yes, yes. I begin to understand.”

“I couldn’t give it away before all those blacks, or where should I have been the next time I used my false beard and Arab dress? You put me in a very awkward position. But at last I had a word alone with your Egyptian officer, who managed my escape all right.”

“He! Mahomet Ali!”

“I ordered him to say nothing. I had a score to settle with you. But we dine at eight, Captain Joyce. We live plainly here, but I think I can do you a little better than you did me at Kurkur.”
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    <title>A Treatise on Painting/Chapter 304</title>
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 | next       = [[../Chapter 305/]]
 | notes      = 
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 | notes      = 
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    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/14</title>
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      <text bytes="779" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Esme Shepherd&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Who Made&quot; /&gt;{{nop}}


{{c|{{xx-larger|'''POEMS FOR CHILDREN.'''}} 


&quot;''Who made me?''&quot;}}

{{center block|
&lt;poem&gt;
{{sc|He}}, who spread out the sky, 
That broad, blue canopy; 
    Who made the glorious sun, 
The moon to shine by night, 
The stars with eye so bright, 
    ''He made thee, little one.'' 

He, who with care doth keep 
The young birds while they sleep; 
    And when their rest is done, 
Doth guide them through the sky, 
And feed them when they cry, 
    ''He made thee, little one.'' 
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}


{{rule|6em}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Who Made&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Teaze&quot; /&gt;{{nop}}


{{c|''I must not teaze my Mother.''}}


{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
''I must not teaze my Mother;'' 
    For she is very kind,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;Teaze&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/15</title>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
And every thing she says to me, 
    I must directly mind; 
For when I was a baby, 
    Her care both night and day, 
While I was helpless and afraid, 
    I never can repay. 

''I must not teaze my Mother;'' 
    And when she likes to read, 
Or has the head-ache, I will step 
    Most silently indeed; 
I must not choose a noisy play, 
    Nor trifling troubles tell, 
But sit down quiet by her side, 
    And try to make her well. 

''I must not teaze my Mother;'' 
    I've heard dear father say, 
When I was in my cradle sick, 
    She nurs'd me night and day. 
And now she listens to my wants, 
    She gives me clothes and food, 
And cheers me with a loving smile, 
    While trying to be good.
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
And every thing she says to me, 
    I must directly mind; 
For when I was a baby, 
    Her care both night and day, 
While I was helpless and afraid, 
    I never can repay. 

''I must not teaze my Mother;'' 
    And when she likes to read, 
Or has the head-ache, I will step 
    Most silently indeed; 
I must not choose a noisy play, 
    Nor trifling troubles tell, 
But sit down quiet by her side, 
    And try to make her well. 

''I must not teaze my Mother;'' 
    I've heard dear father say, 
When I was in my cradle sick, 
    She nurs'd me night and day. 
And now she listens to my wants, 
    She gives me clothes and food, 
And cheers me with a loving smile, 
    While trying to be good.
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poems for Children Sigourney 1836.pdf/16</title>
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{{center block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;Teaze&quot; /&gt;&lt;poem&gt;

''I must not teaze my Mother;'' 
    She loves me all the day, 
And she has patience with my faults, 
    And teaches me to pray; 
How much I'll strive to please her, 
    She every hour shall see, 
For should she go away, or die, 
    What would become of me? 
&lt;/poem&gt;
{{center block/e}}
  

{{rule|8em}}
&lt;section end=&quot;Teaze&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;Morning&quot; /&gt;{{nop}}


{{c|''Morning Thoughts.''}}

 
{{center block/s}}
&lt;poem&gt;
Dark night away hath roll'd, 
    Glad birds are soaring high, 
And see,—a ray like dazzling gold 
    Comes darting from the sky. 

How shall I thank the Power 
    Whose hand sustains me so, 
And o'er each waking plant and flower 
    Bids dews of mercy flow? 

Teach me to look above; 
    Receive my morning prayer,
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;Morning&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2368" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;


{{c|{{x-larger|THE GOLD BUG}}}}

{{ppoem|What ho! what ho! this fellow is dancing mad!
He hath been bitten by the Tarantula.
{smaller}&gt;&gt;''All in the Wrong''}}


&lt;div class=&quot;nd&quot;&gt;{{uc|{{di|M|font-size=4em}}any}} years ago, I contracted an intimacy with a Mr William Legrand. He was of an ancient Huguenot family, and had once been wealthy; but a series of misfortunes had reduced him to want. To avoid the mortification consequent upon his disasters, he left New Orleans, the city of his forefathers, and took up his residence at Sullivan’s Island, near Charleston, South Carolina.&lt;/div&gt;

This island is a very singular one. It consists of little else than the sea sand, and is about three miles long. Its breadth at no point exceeds a quarter of a mile. It is separated from the mainland by a scarcely perceptible creek, oozing its way through a wilderness of reeds and slime, a favourite resort of the marsh-hen. The vegetation, as might be supposed, is scant, or at least dwarfish. No trees of any magnitude are to be seen. Near the western extremity, where Fort Moultrie stands, and where are some miserable frame buildings, tenanted, during summer, by the fugitives from Charleston dust and fever, may be found, indeed, the bristly palmetto; but the whole island, with the exception of this western point, and a line of hard, white beach on the seacoast, is covered with a dense undergrowth of the sweet myrtle so much prized by the horticulturist of England. The shrub here often attains the height of fifteen or twenty feet, and forms an almost impenetrable coppice, burthening the air with its fragrance.

In the inmost recesses of this coppice, not far from the eastern or more remote end of the island, Legrand had built himself a small hut, which he occupied when I first, by mere accident, made his acquaintance. This soon ripened into friendship—for there was much in the recluse to excite interest and esteem. I found him well educated, with unusual powers of mind, but infected with misanthropy, and subject to perverse moods of alternate enthusiasm and melancholy. He had with him many books, but rarely employed them. His chief amusements were gunning and fishing, or sauntering along the beach and through the myrtles, in quest of shells or entomological specimens—his collection of the latter might have been&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|130}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>A Treatise on Painting/Chapter 344</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[../]]  | author     = Leonardo da Vinci  | translator = John Francis Rigaud  | section    = Why a painted Object does not appear so far distant as a real one, though they be conveyed to the Eye by equal Angles  | previous   = [[../Chapter 343/]]  | next       = [[../Chapter 345/]]  | notes      =  }} &lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=342 fromsection=&quot;Chapter 344&quot; to=342 tosection=&quot;Chapter 344&quot; /&gt; {{smallrefs}} {{default layout|Lay...&quot;</comment>
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 | previous   = [[../Chapter 343/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 345/]]
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      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;of them had not waited to see how and when he would come, but they laid it down that he ought and must come in great state and pomp, like a king. One day a person came to the prison and said he had come to pay their ransom. They looked at him, and despised him in their hearts. He looked too poor for them, for he was not dressed in any fine and beau- tiful clothes. His manner to them was very kind; his words were full of comfort and sympathy. He stopped w...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="602" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|26|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of them had not waited to see how and
when he would come, but they laid it
down that he ought and must come in
great state and pomp, like a king. One
day a person came to the prison and said
he had come to pay their ransom. They
looked at him, and despised him in their
hearts. He looked too poor for them, for
he was not dressed in any fine and beau-
tiful clothes. His manner to them was
very kind; his words were full of comfort
and sympathy. He stopped with them
in the prison for some time.
At last the day came which had been
appointed for paying the ransom, and the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>fme1z7c40jj6fi303t3este7orideyo</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/24</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018820</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507019</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:49:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;these woods and hedges? Everything seemed happy. I reached the school, and oh what cheerful faces did I see! The little boys' cheeks were crimsoned by the heat they were in, either from the hurry to get to school in time, or from the many frolics they had had while waiting for the teacher to arrive. The girls also looked rosy and full of fun. When you talked to any of them of their feast their little faces brightened up, and they could hardly contain the...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="590" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;these woods and hedges?
Everything
seemed happy. I reached the school,
and oh what cheerful faces did I see!
The little boys' cheeks were crimsoned
by the heat they were in, either from the
hurry to get to school in time, or from the
many frolics they had had while waiting
for the teacher to arrive. The girls also
looked rosy and full of fun. When you
talked to any of them of their feast their
little faces brightened up, and they could
hardly contain themselves. A minute
seemed an hour to wait. Some of the
parents were present, delighted to see
their little children look so clean and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>8fisu0g26cqy4vzk10d7ame1jsn4ht4</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507020</id>
      <parentid>12507019</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:50:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="620" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|13|{{asc|Temptation.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;these woods and hedges?
Everything
seemed happy. I reached the school,
and oh what cheerful faces did I see!
The little boys' cheeks were crimsoned
by the heat they were in, either from the
hurry to get to school in time, or from the
many frolics they had had while waiting
for the teacher to arrive. The girls also
looked rosy and full of fun. When you
talked to any of them of their feast their
little faces brightened up, and they could
hardly contain themselves. A minute
seemed an hour to wait. Some of the
parents were present, delighted to see
their little children look so clean and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>0htibk7zwv1nfwrdsb3r1w486n25b3u</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/25</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018821</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507021</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:50:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;neat, and were much pleased whenever they were taken notice of by the visitors. The teacher too, he seemed as proud as possible to think how delightfully they would all sing, and how well they would all obey, just like so many little soldiers. He had taken a great deal of pains to drill them all, that the very moment he touched his bell or blew his whistle, they were to be perfectly silent, and all were to look at him; and when he raised his hand, all we...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="634" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|14|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;neat, and were much pleased whenever
they were taken notice of by the visitors.
The teacher too, he seemed as proud as
possible to think how delightfully they
would all sing, and how well they would
all obey, just like so many little soldiers.
He had taken a great deal of pains to
drill them all, that the very moment he
touched his bell or blew his whistle, they
were to be perfectly silent, and all were
to look at him; and when he raised his
hand, all were to rise from their seats
with their hands behind them, to keep
them out of mischief; or waved it from
him, they were to take their seats again.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>7c8e19dxnxo77btivcu7lxnuwi1o34y</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/26</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018822</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507022</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:50:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;Here, then, everybody as well as every- thing was happy, and I also partook of the same feeling. And I asked myself, why are we not always happy? Shall I tell you the reason? Because of sin. Sin mars or spoils all our pleasure. How does it come that sin is in the world? Who first sinned? We are told by Eve that the serpent Satan beguiled her, and she did eat, or sin; and Adam, the father of us all, says that the woman Eve, whom God had given him, gave un...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="636" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|15|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Here, then, everybody as well as every-
thing was happy, and I also partook of
the same feeling. And I asked myself,
why are we not always happy? Shall I
tell you the reason? Because of sin. Sin
mars or spoils all our pleasure. How does
it come that sin is in the world? Who first
sinned? We are told by Eve that the
serpent Satan beguiled her, and she did
eat, or sin; and Adam, the father of us all,
says that the woman Eve, whom God had
given him, gave unto him and he did eat,
or sin; and so we, their children, each one
of us possess sinful natures and partake
of the fall. It was a beautiful day. The&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>fby7nehdesa2thcgbqlba47hlyh6za3</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/27</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018823</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507023</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:50:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;dark deep blue of the sky had scarcely a single cloud to speck it. The bright sun shone upon the broad open sea, and as one long line of wave rose and plunged on the shore after another, a sheet of white foam broke upon the pebbles that lined the beach, and made them glitter in the sun- shine as if they had been as many jewels. There was to be a ship launched. A beautiful ship, which the builder had taken the greatest pains to frame and put together so a...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="631" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|16|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;dark deep blue of the sky had scarcely a
single cloud to speck it. The bright sun
shone upon the broad open sea, and as
one long line of wave rose and plunged on
the shore after another, a sheet of white
foam broke upon the pebbles that lined the
beach, and made them glitter in the sun-
shine as if they had been as many jewels.
There was to be a ship launched. A
beautiful ship, which the builder had
taken the greatest pains to frame and put
together so as to be quite a model and
pattern of beauty, was to be sent afloat
upon the wide waters. The owner had
fitted it up with everything which would&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>lvqkhz7z4ju933wgqj0jfkf1m7vqc6v</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/28</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018824</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507024</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:50:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;be wanted. He put in plenty of all kinds of provisions, plenty of fresh water, and live stock, and abundance of vegetables, and fruits of all kinds. He then placed a captain on board who had never been to sea before, but the owner provided him with a chart, and gave him a com- pass, and very careful instructions about the voyage. He told him that he might sail without any fear about the sea, for there were no sunken rocks. He told him there was one great...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="626" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|17|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;be wanted. He put in plenty of all kinds
of provisions, plenty of fresh water, and
live stock, and abundance of vegetables,
and fruits of all kinds. He then placed
a captain on board who had never been
to sea before, but the owner provided
him with a chart, and gave him a com-
pass, and very careful instructions about
the voyage. He told him that he might
sail without any fear about the sea, for
there were no sunken rocks. He told
him there was one great rocky island,
however, which he must beware of. It is
surrounded, said the owner, by a danger-
ous reef of coral rock, the edges of which&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>bpjvv65g6ljpu39pnmlct0715yt5fer</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/29</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018825</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507026</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:51:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;are so sharp and hard, that if your ship once touches them it will be lost. Do not think there is no danger because you see none. The sea may be smooth, but do not trust to its smoothness. Stand off from that rocky island, do not go near to it. If you were once to let your vessel approach it, there are eddies and currents that would bear you and your ship nearer and nearer, till it strikes and all is lost. So the captain went on board, and his mate with...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="633" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|18|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;are so sharp and hard, that if your ship
once touches them it will be lost. Do
not think there is no danger because you
see none. The sea may be smooth, but
do not trust to its smoothness. Stand off
from that rocky island, do not go near to
it. If you were once to let your vessel
approach it, there are eddies and currents
that would bear you and your ship nearer
and nearer, till it strikes and all is lost.
So the captain went on board, and his
mate with him, and his crew. It was
beautiful to see its sails, as white as
driven snow, swelling out with the gentle
wind. To see its white flag, on which&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>gvyyjbkcj5cj1tnurwq5q6vzke7rjy1</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/30</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018826</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507027</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:51:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;was a king's crown, waving in the breeze. When the anchor was taken up and the ship began to move through the dark green sea, the foam was divided. The ship went on, and all was right. The captain continually looked at his chart and steered by his compass; and though he often got sight of the dangerous island, he never went near it. But one day, when the captain was in another part of the ship and the mate was on deck, a strange man was seen in a little...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="620" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|19|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;was a king's crown, waving in the breeze.
When the anchor was taken up and the
ship began to move through the dark
green sea, the foam was divided. The
ship went on, and all was right. The
captain continually looked at his chart
and steered by his compass; and though
he often got sight of the dangerous island,
he never went near it. But one day, when
the captain was in another part of the
ship and the mate was on deck, a strange
man was seen in a little boat that rode
like a cork upon the waters. It came
swiftly towards the ship. They had often
seen the boat before during the voyage,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ry7egh7v6e26jljomcs4995cr7gziem</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/31</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018827</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507028</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:51:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;and had been always pleased at its light- ness and swiftness, and the clever way in which it was managed; but the man that was in the boat this day, was a stranger to them. It soon came up to the ship, and the man in it stood up, and seeing the mate on deck said, &quot;So I hear you are not allowed to sail where you like.&quot; &quot;You are mistaken,&quot; said the mate, &quot;we are allowed to sail where we like, for we like to go where our owner has told us; but we are not al...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="640" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|20|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and had been always pleased at its light-
ness and swiftness, and the clever way in
which it was managed; but the man that
was in the boat this day, was a stranger
to them. It soon came up to the ship,
and the man in it stood up, and seeing
the mate on deck said, &quot;So I hear you are
not allowed to sail where you like.&quot;
&quot;You are mistaken,&quot; said the mate, &quot;we
are allowed to sail where we like, for we
like to go where our owner has told us;
but we are not allowed to sail to the dan-
gerous rocky island, we are not even to go
near it, lest the ship should be wrecked.&quot;
&quot;Oh,&quot; said the man, &quot;there is no danger,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ponefrtgxk1g3tgdylvismy7iadyj39</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/32</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018828</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507029</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:51:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;you would not certainly be wrecked if you went there. That island is such a beautiful place that your owner does not wish you to land there and see it, but wishes to keep it all to himself.&quot; While he was thus speaking, the island hove in sight, and as the sun shone upon it at a distance, it looked so beautiful that the mate could not help turning towards it. &quot;There,&quot; said the man, &quot;see even at this distance how beautiful it looks; but if you were once to...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="644" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|21|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;you would not certainly be wrecked if
you went there. That island is such a
beautiful place that your owner does not
wish you to land there and see it, but
wishes to keep it all to himself.&quot; While
he was thus speaking, the island hove in
sight, and as the sun shone upon it at a
distance, it looked so beautiful that the
mate could not help turning towards it.
&quot;There,&quot; said the man, &quot;see even at this
distance how beautiful it looks; but if you
were once to land on it, you would so en-
joy it. It is full of strange fruit--would
you not like to go there and see what you
are cautioned against ?&quot; &quot;I should,&quot; said&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>62lctos7reurt3bbc8h3rcp97v3mrum</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/33</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018829</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507030</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:51:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;the mate; &quot;it seems very hard that the owner should have been so anxious to keep us from going to so beautiful an island. Really it looks more and more beautiful as we come near it. I think I shall steer the ship pretty close along- side.&quot; By this time the ship had got into the current, and was hurrying on to the shore much faster than the mate thought. The mate's eyes were fastened on the dangerous island, and nothing was thought of but the pleasure of...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="614" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|22|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the mate; &quot;it seems very hard that the
owner should have been so anxious to
keep us from going to so beautiful an
island. Really it looks more and more
beautiful as we come near it. I think I
shall steer the ship pretty close along-
side.&quot; By this time the ship had got
into the current, and was hurrying on to
the shore much faster than the mate
thought. The mate's eyes were fastened
on the dangerous island, and nothing was
thought of but the pleasure of seeing the
forbidden place, and tasting its strange
fruits. While thus employed, the captain
came on deck, and saw in a moment&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>1j0kz05wnc86a9p6taevvkxp1o17hit</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/34</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018830</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507031</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:52:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;where they were going; but he was so taken up with what the mate had to say, that he did not turn the helm, but kept in the same course. In a few minutes crash went the ship upon the rocks, and all was gone. The passengers and crew were thrown into the sea. The sky be- came covered with clouds. The sun hid itself, and there was a great storm. The crew were not drowned: they all reached the shore of the dangerous island. They were hardly landed when the s...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="614" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|23|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;where they were going; but he was so
taken up with what the mate had to say,
that he did not turn the helm, but kept
in the same course. In a few minutes
crash went the ship upon the rocks, and
all was gone. The passengers and crew
were thrown into the sea. The sky be-
came covered with clouds. The sun hid
itself, and there was a great storm.
The crew were not drowned: they all
reached the shore of the dangerous island.
They were hardly landed when the savage
natives came down upon them, seized them,
put heavy chains upon them, and marched
them off to prison. And what was their&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ouf7d7we2nl9jcbcr508o54fx0jv0ot</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/35</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018831</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507032</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:52:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;surprise to find that the man whom the mate had seen in the little boat, was the ring-leader of the savages. In the middle of the next day they heard a voice which they remembered to be the owner's. They were so ashamed that they tried to hide themselves, but it was no use. He entered and said, &quot;How is this that you are here?&quot; The captain said, &quot;The mate persuaded me.&quot; &quot;And why did you do so ?&quot; he said to the mate. &quot;The man in the little boat deceived me...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="615" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|24|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;surprise to find that the man whom the
mate had seen in the little boat, was the
ring-leader of the savages.
In the middle of the next day they heard
a voice which they remembered to be the
owner's. They were so ashamed that they
tried to hide themselves, but it was no use.
He entered and said, &quot;How is this that you
are here?&quot; The captain said, &quot;The mate
persuaded me.&quot; &quot;And why did you do
so ?&quot; he said to the mate. &quot;The man in
the little boat deceived me.&quot; Then he
said, &quot;You have all done wrong and de-
serve death, but some one will be sent to
redeem you; when that person comes,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>sds00k50zrut5tga2q3hjl05c7rz3gt</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/36</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018832</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507033</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:52:36Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;your ransom shall be paid.&quot; So he left them. The tidings he had brought cheered the poor shipwrecked prisoners very much --at least those who believed what had been told them, for all did not. The cap- tain and mate did. They began to think how much guilt and misery they had brought on the whole ship's crew. Those who did not believe, were very loud in condemning both the owner of the ship and the captain and his mate for having brought so much trouble o...</comment>
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      <text bytes="617" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|25|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;your ransom shall be paid.&quot; So he left
them. The tidings he had brought cheered
the poor shipwrecked prisoners very much
--at least those who believed what had
been told them, for all did not. The cap-
tain and mate did. They began to think
how much guilt and misery they had
brought on the whole ship's crew. Those
who did not believe, were very loud in
condemning both the owner of the ship
and the captain and his mate for having
brought so much trouble on them.
Long, long time passed, and yet no one
came to redeem the poor shipwrecked pris-
oners. At last the individual came. Some&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/40</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018833</id>
    <revision>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:54:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;keeper of the prison was very busy, and did all he could to persuade him not to attempt it. The prisoners told him that he never could have enough to redeem them all with. But he said he had, and would and could not go back till it was done. They all saw him go out, and he told them what he was going to do, and how and when he would return, which he did on the third day. On his arrival, the jailer had to set the doors of the prison open, though he did it...</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="642" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|27|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;keeper of the prison was very busy, and did
all he could to persuade him not to attempt
it. The prisoners told him that he never
could have enough to redeem them all with.
But he said he had, and would and could
not go back till it was done. They all saw
him go out, and he told them what he was
going to do, and how and when he would
return, which he did on the third day.
On his arrival, the jailer had to set
the doors of the prison open, though he
did it against his will; and every one
had the offer made of being free; but,
strange to say, some would not accept it.
They said they were satisfied where they&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/41</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018834</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507035</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:54:47Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;Besides which, the jailer and his servants were very busy in trying to per- suade them not to go, making them all manner of promises if they would remain. Some few left, and the fresh air seemed to fill them with new life. Their deliv- erer stayed with them for some time, and then left them, giving them another guide. He told them to wait at a certain place for him; and when he had made everything ready.he would return and meet them at the shore, and con...</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="607" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|28|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Besides which, the jailer and his
servants were very busy in trying to per-
suade them not to go, making them all
manner of promises if they would remain.
Some few left, and the fresh air seemed
to fill them with new life. Their deliv-
erer stayed with them for some time, and
then left them, giving them another guide.
He told them to wait at a certain place
for him; and when he had made everything
ready.he would return and meet them at
the shore, and conduct them safely across
to the heavenly Paradise.
Now do you know what I have been
writing about? The owner of the ship&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/42</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018835</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507036</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:55:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;was God. The ship was our world. The captain and mate Adam and Eve. The crew their children. The island the forbid- den tree. The man in the boat the devil. The shipwreck the fall. The prison our lost and enslaved condition. The deliv- erer Christ.  How sad it was that our first parents should have sinned and brought so much misery upon us. Do you think you would have done so if God had placed you in the garden of Eden? Yes, I fear you would. There was a...</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="588" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|29|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;was God. The ship was our world. The
captain and mate Adam and Eve. The
crew their children. The island the forbid-
den tree. The man in the boat the devil.
The shipwreck the fall. The prison our
lost and enslaved condition. The deliv-
erer Christ.

How sad it was that our first parents
should have sinned and brought so much
misery upon us. Do you think you would
have done so if God had placed you in
the garden of Eden? Yes, I fear you
would. There was a gentleman who used
to employ an old man as a gardener, and
a funny old man he was, for as he worked&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/43</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018836</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507037</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;he used to talk to himself. One day the gentleman was sitting at his window, which was open, looking into the garden, when he saw the old man, who was dig- ging, stop every now and then and lean upon his spade and groan out, &quot;Oh Adam, Adam, what did you do it for?&quot; Quite at a loss as to what it all meant, he went down the garden and asked him why he called on Adam so often. &quot;Oh, sir,&quot; he said, &quot;if Adam had not been so thoughtless, I should not have been...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="611" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|30|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;he used to talk to himself. One day the
gentleman was sitting at his window,
which was open, looking into the garden,
when he saw the old man, who was dig-
ging, stop every now and then and lean
upon his spade and groan out, &quot;Oh Adam,
Adam, what did you do it for?&quot; Quite at
a loss as to what it all meant, he went
down the garden and asked him why he
called on Adam so often.
&quot;Oh, sir,&quot; he said, &quot;if Adam had not
been so thoughtless, I should not have been
working so hard here.&quot; &quot;Oh, but,&quot; he said,
&quot;you would have done the same if you had
been in his place, I suspect.&quot; &quot;No, no,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/44</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018837</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507038</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T18:55:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;I would not,&quot; he replied. The gentleman found he could not prove to the old gar- dener that he would have done just the same, so he left him thinking the matter over; when the thought struck him, &quot;I will try the old man and prove to him how little he knows himself.&quot; So a week or two after he prepared a very nice dinner of all sorts of things, and put covers over every dish. In the centre he put a large dish with its cover, and then called the gardener in...</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="625" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|31|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;I would not,&quot; he replied. The gentleman
found he could not prove to the old gar-
dener that he would have done just the
same, so he left him thinking the matter
over; when the thought struck him, &quot;I
will try the old man and prove to him
how little he knows himself.&quot;
So a week or two after he prepared a
very nice dinner of all sorts of things, and
put covers over every dish. In the centre
he put a large dish with its cover, and then
called the gardener in. He told him what
he had done, and that he might cat of all
the dishes but the centre one. The old
man was highly delighted, and assured&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Rector; and, The Doctor's Family/The Rector</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[../]]  | author     = Mrs. Oliphant  | translator =   | section    = The Rector  | previous   = [[../|Contents]]  | next       = [[../The Doctor's Family/]]  | notes      =  pp. 1–52. {{c|Chapters: [[#II|II]] — [[#III|III]] — [[#IV|IV]]}} }} {{DEFAULTSORT: Rector}}  {{dhr|3}} {{c|{{larger|{{bl|Chronicles of Carlingford}}}}}} {{dhr}}  {{Custom rule|sp|20|d|4|sp|20}}  {{dhr}} {{c|{{xx-larger|{{sp|THE RECTOR}}}}}}    {{dhr}} {{heading|CHAPTE...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="67775" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Mrs. Oliphant
 | translator = 
 | section    = The Rector
 | previous   = [[../|Contents]]
 | next       = [[../The Doctor's Family/]]
 | notes      =  pp. 1–52. {{c|Chapters: [[#II|II]] — [[#III|III]] — [[#IV|IV]]}}
}} {{DEFAULTSORT: Rector}}

{{dhr|3}}
{{c|{{larger|{{bl|Chronicles of Carlingford}}}}}}
{{dhr}}

{{Custom rule|sp|20|d|4|sp|20}}

{{dhr}}
{{c|{{xx-larger|{{sp|THE RECTOR}}}}}} 


{{dhr}}
{{heading|CHAPTER I.|3|c|normal|mb05}} 

{{sc|It}} is natural to suppose that the arrival of the new Rector was a rather exciting event for Carlingford. It is a considerable town, it is true, nowadays, but then there are no alien activities to disturb the place—no manufactures, and not much trade. And there is a very respectable amount of very good society at Carlingford. To begin with, it is a pretty place—mild, sheltered, not far from town; and naturally its very reputation for good society increases the amount of that much-prized article. The advantages of the town in this respect have already put five per cent upon the house-rents; but this, of course, only refers to the real town, where you can go through an entire street of high garden-walls, with houses inside full of the retired exclusive comforts, the dainty economical refinement peculiar to such places; and where the good people consider their own society as a warrant of gentility less splendid, but not less assured, than the favour of Majesty itself. Naturally there are no Dissenters in Carlingford—that is to say, none above the rank of a greengrocer or milkman; and in bosoms devoted to the Church it may be well imagined that the advent of the new Rector was an event full of importance, and even of excitement.

He was highly spoken of, everybody knew; but nobody knew who had spoken highly of him, nor had been able to find out, even by inference, what were his views. The Church had been Low during the last Rector's reign—profoundly Low—lost in the deepest abysses of Evangelicalism. A determined inclination to preach to everybody had seized upon that good man's brain; he had half emptied Salem Chapel, there could be no doubt; but, on the other hand, he had more than half filled the Chapel of St Roque, half a mile out of Carlingford, where the perpetual curate, young, handsome, and fervid, was on the very topmost pinnacle of Anglicanism. St Roque's was not more than a pleasant walk from the best quarter of Carlingford, on the north side of the town, thank heaven! which one could get at without the dread passage of that new horrid suburb, to which young Mr Rider, the young doctor, was devoting himself. But the Evangelical rector was dead, and his reign was over, and nobody could predict what the character of the new administration was to be. The obscurity in which the new Rector had buried his views was the most extraordinary thing about him. He had taken high honours at college, and was &quot;highly spoken of;&quot; but whether he was High, or Low, or Broad, muscular or sentimental, sermonising or decorative, nobody in the world seemed able to tell.

&quot;Fancy if he were just to be a Mr Bury over again! Fancy him going to the canal, and having sermons to the bargemen, and attending to all sorts of people except to us, whom it is his duty to attend to!&quot; cried one of this much-canvassed clergyman's curious parishioners. &quot;Indeed I do believe he must be one of these people. If he were in society at all, somebody would be sure to know.&quot;

&quot;Lucy dear, Mr Bury christened you,&quot; said another not less curious but more tolerant inquirer.

&quot;Then he did you the greatest of all services,&quot; cried the third member of the little group which discussed the new Rector under Mr Wodehouse's blossomed apple-trees. &quot;He conferred such a benefit upon you that he deserves all reverence at your hand. Wonderful idea! a man confers this greatest of Christian blessings on multitudes, and does not himself appreciate the boon he conveys!&quot;

&quot;Well, for that matter, Mr Wentworth, you know{{bar|2}}&quot; said the elder lady; but she got no farther. Though she was verging upon forty, leisurely, pious, and unmarried, that good Miss Wodehouse was not polemical. She had &quot;her own opinions,&quot; but few people knew much about them. She was seated on a green garden-bench which surrounded the great May-tree in that large, warm, well-furnished garden. The high brick walls, all clothed with fruit-trees, shut in an enclosure of which not a morsel except this velvet grass, with its nests of daisies, was not under the highest and most careful cultivation. It was such a scene as is only to be found in an old country town; the walls jealous of intrusion, yet thrusting tall plumes of lilac and stray branches of apple-blossom, like friendly salutations to the world without; within, the blossoms drooping over the light bright head of Lucy Wodehouse underneath the apple-trees, and impertinently flecking the Rev. Frank Wentworth's Anglican coat. These two last were young people, with that indefinable harmony in their looks which prompts the suggestion of &quot;a handsome couple&quot; to the bystander. It had not even occurred to them to be in love with each other, so far as anybody knew, yet few were the undiscerning persons who saw them together without instinctively placing the young curate of St Roque's in permanence by Lucy's side. She was twenty, pretty, blue-eyed, and full of dimples, with a broad Leghorn hat thrown carelessly on her head, untied, with broad strings of blue ribbon falling among her fair curls—a blue which was &quot;repeated,&quot; according to painter jargon, in ribbons at her throat and waist. She had great gardening gloves on, and a basket and huge pair of scissors on the grass at her feet, which grass, besides, was strewed with a profusion of all the sweetest spring blossoms—the sweet narcissus, most exquisite of flowers, lilies of the valley, white and blue hyacinths, golden ranunculus globes—worlds of sober, deep-breathing wallflower. If Lucy had been doing what her kind elder sister called her &quot;duty,&quot; she would have been at this moment arranging her flowers in the drawing-room; but the times were rare when Lucy did her duty according to Miss Wodehouse's estimate; so instead of arranging those clusters of narcissus, she clubbed them together in her hands into a fragrant dazzling sheaf, and discussed the new Rector—not unaware, perhaps, in her secret heart, that the sweet morning, the sunshine and flowers, and exhilarating air, were somehow secretly enhanced by the presence of that black Anglican figure under the apple-trees.

&quot;But I suppose,&quot; said Lucy, with a sigh, &quot;we must wait till we see him; and if I must be very respectful of Mr Bury because he christened me, I am heartily glad the new Rector has no claim upon my reverence. I have been christened, I have been confirmed{{bar|2}}&quot;

&quot;But, Lucy, my dear, the chances are he will marry you,&quot; said Miss Wodehouse, calmly; &quot;indeed, there can be no doubt that it is only natural he should, for he ''is'' the Rector, you know; and though we go so often to St Roque's, Mr Wentworth will excuse me saying that he is a very young man.&quot;

Miss Wodehouse was knitting; she did not see the sudden look of dismay and amazement which the curate of St Roque's darted down upon her, nor the violent sympathetic blush which blazed over both the young faces. How shocking that elderly quiet people should have such a faculty for suggestions! You may be sure Lucy Wodehouse and young Wentworth, had it not been &quot;put into their heads&quot; in such an absurd fashion, would never, all their virtuous lives, have dreamt of anything but friendship. Deep silence ensued after this simple but startling speech. Miss Wodehouse knitted on, and took no notice; Lucy began to gather up the flowers into the basket, unable for her life to think of anything to say. For his part, Mr Wentworth gravely picked the apple-blossoms off his coat, and counted them in his hand. That sweet summer snow kept dropping, dropping, falling here and there as the wind carried it, and with a special attraction to Lucy and her blue ribbons; while behind, Miss Wodehouse sat calmly on the green bench, under the May-tree just beginning to bloom, without lifting her eyes from her knitting. Not far off, the bright English house, all beaming with open doors and windows, shone in the sunshine. With the white May peeping out among the green overhead, and the sweet narcissus in a great dazzling sheaf upon the grass, making all the air fragrant around them, can anybody fancy a sweeter domestic out-of-door scene? or else it seemed so to the perpetual curate of St Roque's.

Ah me! and if he was to be perpetual curate, and none of his great friends thought upon him, or had preferment to bestow, how do you suppose he could ever, ever marry Lucy Wodehouse, if they were to wait a hundred years?

Just then the garden-gate—the green gate in the wall—opened to the creaking murmur of Mr Wodehouse's own key. Mr Wodehouse was a man who creaked universally. His boots were a heavy infliction upon the good-humour of his household; and like every other invariable quality of dress, the peculiarity became identified with him in every particular of his life. Everything belonging to him moved with a certain jar, except, indeed, his household, which went on noiseless wheels, thanks to Lucy and love. As he came along the garden path, the gravel started all round his unmusical foot. Miss Wodehouse alone turned round to hail her father's approach, but both the young people looked up at her instinctively, and saw her little start, the falling of her knitting-needles, the little flutter of colour which surprise brought to her maidenly, middle-aged cheek. How they both divined it I cannot tell, but it certainly was no surprise to either of them when a tall embarrassed figure, following the portly one of Mr Wodehouse, stepped suddenly from the noisy gravel to the quiet grass, and stood gravely awkward behind the father of the house.

&quot;My dear children, here's the Rector—delighted to see him! we're all delighted to see him!&quot; cried Mr Wodehouse. &quot;This is my little girl Lucy, and this is my eldest daughter. They're both as good as curates, though I say it, you know, as shouldn't. I suppose you've got something tidy for lunch, Lucy, eh? To be sure you ought to know—how can I tell? She might have had only cold mutton, for anything I knew—and that won't do, you know, after college fare. Hollo, Wentworth! I beg your pardon—who thought of seeing you here? I thought you had morning service, and all that sort of thing. Delighted to make you known to the Rector so soon. Mr Proctor—Mr Wentworth of St Roque's.&quot;

The Rector bowed. He had no time to say anything, fortunately for him; but a vague sort of colour fluttered over his face. It was his first living; and cloistered in All-Souls for fifteen years of his life, how is a man to know all at once how to accost his parishioners? especially when these curious unknown specimens of natural life happen to be female creatures, doubtless accustomed to compliment and civility. If ever any one was thankful to hear the sound of another man's voice, that person was the new Rector of Carlingford, standing in the bewildering garden-scene into which the green door had so suddenly admitted him, all but treading on the dazzling bundle of narcissus, and turning with embarrassed politeness from the perpetual curate, whose salutation was less cordial than it might have been, to those indefinite flutters of blue ribbon from which Mr Proctor's tall figure divided the ungracious young man.

&quot;But come along to lunch. Bless me! don't let us be too ceremonious,&quot; cried Mr Wodehouse. &quot;Take Lucy, my dear sir—take Lucy. Though she has her garden-gloves on, she's manager indoors for all that. Molly here is the one we coddle up and take care of. Put down your knitting, child, and don't make an old woman of yourself. To be sure, it's your own concern—you should know best; but that's my opinion. Why, Wentworth, where are you off to? 'Tisn't a fast, surely—is it, Mary?—nothing of the sort; it's Thursday—''Thursday'', do you hear? and the Rector newly arrived. Come along.&quot;

&quot;I am much obliged, but I have an appointment,&quot; began the curate, with restraint.

&quot;Why didn't you keep it, then, before we came in,&quot; cried Mr Wodehouse, &quot;chatting with a couple of girls like Lucy and Mary? Come along, come along—an appointment with some old woman or other, who wants to screw flannels and things out of you—well, I suppose so! I don't know anything else you could have to say to them. Come along.&quot;

&quot;Thank you. I shall hope to wait on the Rector shortly,&quot; said young Wentworth, more and more stiffly; &quot;but at present I am sorry it is not in my power. Good morning, Miss Wodehouse—good morning; I am happy to have had the opportunity{{bar|2}}&quot; and the voice of the perpetual curate died off into vague murmurs of politeness as he made his way towards the green door.

That green door! what a slight, paltry barrier—one plank and no more; but outside a dusty dry road, nothing to be seen but other high brick walls, with here and there an apple-tree or a lilac, or the half-developed flower-turrets of a chestnut looking over—nothing to be seen but a mean little costermonger's cart, with a hapless donkey, and, down in the direction of St Roque's, the long road winding, still drier and dustier. Ah me! was it paradise inside? or was it only a merely mortal lawn dropped over with apple-blossoms, blue ribbons, and other vanities? Who could tell? The perpetual curate wended sulky on his way. I fear the old woman would have made neither flannel nor tea and sugar out of him in that inhuman frame of mind.

&quot;Dreadful young prig that young Wentworth,&quot; said Mr Wodehouse, &quot;but comes of a great family, you know, and gets greatly taken notice of—to be sure he does, child. I suppose it's for his family's sake: I can't see into people's hearts. It may be higher motives, to be sure, and all that. He's gone off in a huff about something; never mind, luncheon comes up all the same. Now, let's address ourselves to the business of life.&quot;

For when Mr Wodehouse took knife and fork in hand a singular result followed. He was silent—at least he talked no longer: the mystery of carving, of eating, of drinking—all the serious business of the table—engrossed the good man. He had nothing more to say for the moment; and then a dread unbroken silence fell upon the little company. The Rector coloured, faltered, cleared his throat—he had not an idea how to get into conversation with such unknown entities. He looked hard at Lucy, with a bold intention of addressing her; but, having the bad fortune to meet her eye, shrank back, and withdrew the venture. Then the good man inclined his profile towards Miss Wentworth. His eyes wandered wildly round the room in search of a suggestion; but, alas! it was a mere dining-room, very comfortable, but not imaginative. In his dreadful dilemma he was infinitely relieved by the sound of somebody's voice.

&quot;I trust you will like Carlingford, Mr Proctor,&quot; said Miss Wodehouse, mildly.

&quot;Yes—oh yes; I trust so,&quot; answered the confused but grateful man; &quot;that is, it will depend very much, of course, on the kind of people I find here.&quot;

&quot;Well, we are a little vain. To tell the truth, indeed, we rather pride ourselves a little on the good society in Carlingford,&quot; said his gentle and charitable interlocutor.

&quot;Ah, yes—ladies?&quot; said the Rector: &quot;hum—that was not what I was thinking of.&quot;

&quot;But, oh, Mr Proctor,&quot; cried Lucy, with a sudden access of fun, &quot;you don't mean to say that you dislike ladies' society, I hope?&quot;

The Rector gave an uneasy half-frightened glance at her. The creature was dangerous even to a Fellow of All-Souls.

&quot;I may say I know very little about them,&quot; said the bewildered clergyman. As soon as he had said the words he thought they sounded rude; but how could he help it?—the truth of his speech was indisputable.

&quot;Come here, and we'll initiate you—come here as often as you can spare us a little of your time,&quot; cried Mr Wodehouse, who had come to a pause in his operations. &quot;You couldn't have a better chance. They're head people in Carlingford, though I say it. There's Mary, she's a learned woman; take you up in a false quantity, sir, a deal sooner than I should. And Lucy, she's in another line altogether; but there's quantities of people swear by her. What's the matter, children, eh? I suppose so—people tell me so. If people tell me so all day long, I'm entitled to believe it, I presume?&quot;

Lucy answered this by a burst of laughter, not loud but cordial, which rang sweet and strange upon the Rector's ears. Miss Wodehouse, on the contrary, looked a little ashamed, blushed a pretty pink old-maidenly blush, and mildly remonstrated with papa. The whole scene was astonishing to the stranger. He had been living out of nature so long that he wondered within himself whether it was common to retain the habits and words of childhood to such an age as that which good Miss Wodehouse put no disguise upon, or if sisters with twenty years of difference between them were usual in ordinary households. He looked at them with looks which to Miss Wodehouse appeared disapproving, but which in reality meant only surprise and discomfort. He was exceedingly glad when lunch was over, and he was at liberty to take his leave. With very different feelings from those of young Wentworth the Rector crossed the boundary of that green door. When he saw it closed behind him he drew a long breath of relief, and looked up and down the dusty road, and through those lines of garden walls, where the loads of blossom burst over everywhere, with a sensation of having escaped and got at liberty. After a momentary pause and gaze round him in enjoyment of that liberty, the Rector gave a start and went on again rapidly. A dismayed, discomfited, helpless sensation came over him. These parishioners!—these female parishioners! From out of another of those green doors had just emerged a brilliant group of ladies, the rustle of whose dress and murmur of whose voices he could hear in the genteel half-rural silence. The Rector bolted: he never slackened pace nor drew breath till he was safe in the vacant library of the Rectory, among old Mr Bury's book-shelves. It seemed the only safe place in Carlingford to the languishing transplanted Fellow of All-Souls.


{{dhr}}
{{anchor|II}}{{heading|CHAPTER II.|3|c|normal|mb05}} 

{{sc|A month}} later, Mr Proctor had got fairly settled in his new rectory, with a complete modest establishment becoming his means—for Carlingford was a tolerable living. And in the newly-furnished sober drawing-room sat a very old lady, lively but infirm, who was the Rector's mother. Nobody knew that this old woman kept the Fellow of All-Souls still a boy at heart, nor that the reserved and inappropriate man forgot his awkwardness in his mother's presence. He was not only a very affectionate son, but a dutiful good child to her. It had been his pet scheme for years to bring her from her Devonshire cottage, and make her mistress of his house. That had been the chief attraction, indeed, which drew him to Carlingford; for had he consulted his own tastes, and kept to his college, who would insure him that at seventy-five his old mother might not glide away out of life without that last gleam of sunshine long intended for her by her grateful son?

This scene, accordingly, was almost the only one which reconciled him to the extraordinary change in his life. There she sat, the lively old lady; very deaf, as you could almost divine by that vivid inquiring twinkle in her eyes; feeble too, for she had a silver-headed cane beside her chair, and even with that assistance seldom moved across the room when she could help it. Feeble in body, but alert in mind, ready to read anything, to hear anything, to deliver her opinions freely; resting in her big chair in the complete repose of age, gratified with her son's attentions, and over-joyed in his company; interested about everything, and as ready to enter into all the domestic concerns of the new people as if she had lived all her life among them. The Rector sighed and smiled as he listened to his mother's questions, and did his best, at the top of his voice, to enlighten her. His mother was, let us say, a hundred years or so younger than the Rector. If she had been his bride, and at the blithe commencement of life, she could not have shown more inclination to know all about Carlingford. Mr Proctor was middle-aged, and preoccupied by right of his years; but his mother had long ago got over that stage of life. She was at that point when some energetic natures, having got to the bottom of the hill, seem to make a fresh start and reascend. Five years ago, old Mrs Proctor had completed the human term; now she had recommenced her life.

But, to tell the very truth, the Rector would very fain, had that been possible, have confined her inquiries to books and public affairs. For to make confidential disclosures, either concerning one's self or other people, in a tone of voice perfectly audible in the kitchen, is somewhat trying. He had become acquainted with those dread parishioners of his during this interval. Already they had worn him to death with dinner-parties—dinner-parties very pleasant and friendly, when one got used to them; but to a stranger frightful reproductions of each other, with the same dishes, the same dresses, the same stories, in which the Rector communicated gravely with his next neighbour, and eluded as long as he could those concluding moments in the drawing-room which were worst of all. It cannot be said that his parishioners made much progress in their knowledge of the Rector. What his &quot;views&quot; were, nobody could divine any more than they could before his arrival. He made no innovations whatever; but he did not pursue Mr Bury's Evangelical ways, and never preached a sermon or a word more than was absolutely necessary. When zealous Churchmen discussed the progress of Dissent, the Rector scarcely looked interested; and nobody could move him to express an opinion concerning all that lovely upholstery with which Mr Wentworth had decorated St Roque's. People asked in vain, what was he? He was neither High nor Low, enlightened nor narrow-minded; he was a Fellow of All-Souls.

&quot;But now tell me, my dear,&quot; said old Mrs Proctor, &quot;who's Mr Wodehouse?&quot;

With despairing calmness, the Rector approached his voice to her ear. &quot;He's a churchwarden!&quot; cried the unfortunate man, in a shrill whisper.

&quot;He's what?—you forget I don't hear very well. I'm a great deal deafer, Morley, my dear, than I was the last time you were in Devonshire. What did you say Mr Wodehouse was?&quot;

&quot;He's an ass!&quot; exclaimed the baited Rector.

Mrs Proctor nodded her head with a great many little satisfied assenting nods.

&quot;Exactly my own opinion, my dear. What I like in your manner of expressing yourself, Morley, is its conciseness,&quot; said the laughing old lady. &quot;Just so—exactly what I imagined; but being an ass, you know, doesn't account for him coming here so often. What is he besides, my dear?&quot;

The Rector made spasmodic gestures towards the door, to the great amusement of his lively mother; and then produced, with much confusion and after a long search, his pocketbook, on a leaf of paper in which he wrote—loudly, in big characters—&quot;He's a churchwarden—they'll hear in the kitchen.&quot;

&quot;He's a churchwarden! And what if they do hear in the kitchen?&quot; cried the old lady, greatly amused; &quot;it isn't a sin. Well, now, let me hear: has he a family, Morley?&quot;

Again Mr Proctor showed a little discomposure. After a troubled look at the door, and pause, as if he meditated a remonstrance, he changed his mind, and answered, &quot;Two daughters!&quot; shouting sepulchrally into his mother's ear.

&quot;Oh so!&quot; cried the old lady—&quot;''two daughters''—so, so—that explains it all at once. I know now why he comes to the Rectory so often. And, I declare, I never thought of it before. Why, you're always there!—so, so—and he's got ''two daughters'', has he? To be sure; now I understand it all.&quot;

The Rector looked helpless and puzzled. It was difficult to take the initiative and ask why—but the poor man looked so perplexed and ignorant, and so clearly unaware what the solution was, that the old lady burst into shrill, gay laughter as she looked at him.

&quot;I don't believe you know anything about it,&quot; she said. &quot;Are they old or young? are they pretty or ugly? Tell me all about them, Morley.&quot;

Now Mr Proctor had not the excuse of having forgotten the appearance of the two Miss Wodehouses: on the contrary, though not an imaginative man, he could have fancied he saw them both before him—Lucy lost in noiseless laughter, and her good elder sister deprecating and gentle as usual. We will not even undertake to say that a gleam of something blue did not flash across the mind of the good man, who did not know what ribbons were. He was so much bewildered that Mrs Proctor repeated her question, and, as she did so, tapped him pretty smartly on the arm to recall his wandering thoughts.

&quot;One's one thing,&quot; at last shouted the confused man, &quot;and t'other's another!&quot; An oracular deliverance which surely must have been entirely unintelligible in the kitchen, where we will not deny that an utterance so incomprehensible awoke a laudable curiosity.

&quot;My dear, you're lucid!&quot; cried the old lady, &quot;I hope you don't preach like that. T'other's another!—is she so? and I suppose that's the one you're wanted to marry—eh? For shame, Morley, not to tell your mother!&quot;

The Rector jumped to his feet, thunderstruck. Wanted to marry!—the idea was too overwhelming and dreadful—his mind could not receive it. The air of alarm which immediately diffused itself all over him—his unfeigned horror at the suggestion—captivated his mother. She was amused, but she was pleased at the same time. Just making her cheery outset on this second lifetime, you can't suppose she would have been glad to hear that her son was going to jilt her, and appoint another queen in her stead.

&quot;Sit down and tell me about them,&quot; said Mrs Proctor; &quot;my dear, you're wonderfully afraid of the servants hearing. They don't know who we're speaking of. Aha! and so you didn't know what they meant—didn't you? I don't say you shouldn't marry, my dear—quite the reverse. A man ''ought'' to marry, one time or another. Only it's rather soon to lay their plans. I don't doubt there's a great many unmarried ladies in your church, Morley. There always is in a country place.&quot;

To this the alarmed Rector answered only by a groan—a groan so expressive that his quick-witted mother heard it with her eyes.

&quot;They will come to call on me,&quot; said Mrs Proctor, with fun dancing in her bright old eyes. &quot;I'll tell you all about them, and you needn't be afraid of the servants. Trust to me, my dear—I'll find them out. And now, if you wish to take a walk, or go out visiting, don't let me detain you, Morley. I shouldn't wonder but there's something in the papers I would like to see—or I even might close my eyes for a few minutes: the afternoon is always a drowsy time with me. When I was in Devonshire, you know, no one minded what I did. You had better refresh yourself with a nice walk, my dear boy.&quot;

The Rector got up well pleased. The alacrity with which he left the room, however, did not correspond with the horror-stricken and helpless expression of his face, when, after walking very smartly all round the Rectory garden, he paused with his hand on the gate, doubtful whether to retreat into his study, or boldly to face that world which was plotting against him. The question was a profoundly serious one to Mr Proctor. He did not feel by any means sure that he was a free agent, or could assert the ordinary rights of an Englishman, in this most unexpected dilemma. How could he tell how much or how little was necessary to prove that a man had &quot;committed himself&quot;? For anything he could tell, somebody might be calculating upon him as her lover, and settling his future life for him. The Rector was not vain—he did not think himself an Adonis; he did not understand anything about the matter, which indeed was beneath the consideration of a Fellow of All-Souls. But have not women been incomprehensible since ever there was in this world a pen with sufficient command of words to call them so? And is it not certain that, whether it may be to their advantage or disadvantage, every soul of them is plotting to marry somebody? Mr Proctor recalled in dim but frightful reminiscences stories which had dropped upon his ear at various times of his life. Never was there a man, however ugly, disagreeable, or penniless, but he could tell of a narrow escape he had, some time or other. The Rector recollected and trembled. No woman was ever so dismayed by the persecutions of a lover, as was this helpless middle-aged gentleman under the conviction that Lucy Wodehouse meant to marry him. The remembrance of the curate of St Roque's gave him no comfort: her sweet youth, so totally unlike his sober age, did not strike him as unfavourable to her pursuit of him. Who could fathom the motives of a woman? His mother was wise, and knew the world, and understood what such creatures meant. No doubt it was entirely the case—a dreadful certainty—and what was he to do?

At the bottom of all this fright and perplexity must it be owned that the Rector had a guilty consciousness within himself, that if Lucy drove the matter to extremities, he was not so sure of his own powers of resistance as he ought to be? She might marry him before he knew what he was about; and in such a case the Rector could not have taken his oath at his own private confessional that he would have been so deeply miserable as the circumstances might infer. No wonder he was alarmed at the position in which he found himself; nobody could predict how it might end.

When Mr Proctor saw his mother again at dinner, she was evidently full of some subject which would not bear talking of before the servants. The old lady looked at her son's troubled apprehensive face with smiles and nods and gay hints, which he was much too preoccupied to understand, and which only increased his bewilderment. When the good man was left alone over his glass of wine, he drank it slowly, in funereal silence, with profoundly serious looks; and what between eagerness to understand what the old lady meant, and reluctance to show the extent of his curiosity, had a very heavy half-hour of it in that grave solitary dining-room. He roused himself with an effort from this dismal state into which he was falling. He recalled with a sigh the classic board of All-Souls. Woe for the day when he was seduced to forsake that dear retirement! Really, to suffer himself to fall into a condition so melancholy, was far from being right. He must rouse himself—he must find some other society than parishioners; and with a glimpse of a series of snug little dinner-parties, undisturbed by the presence of women, Mr Proctor rose and hurried after his mother, to hear what new thing she might have to say.

Nor was he disappointed. The old lady was snugly posted, ready for a conference. She made lively gestures to hasten him when he appeared at the door, and could scarcely delay the utterance of her news till he had taken his seat beside her. She had taken off her spectacles, and laid aside her paper, and cleared off her work into her work-basket. All was ready for the talk in which she delighted.

&quot;My dear, they've been here,&quot; said old Mrs Proctor, rubbing her hands—&quot;both together, and as kind as could be—exactly as I expected. An old woman gets double the attention when she's got an unmarried son. I've always observed that; though in Devonshire, what with your fellowship and seeing you so seldom, nobody took much notice. Yes, they've been here; and I like them a great deal better than I expected, Morley, my dear.&quot;

The Rector, not knowing what else to say, shouted &quot;Indeed, mother!&quot; into the old lady's ear.

&quot;Quite so,&quot; continued that lively observer—&quot;nice young women—not at all like their father, which is a great consolation. That elder one is a very sensible person, I am sure. She would make a nice wife for somebody, especially for a clergyman. She is not in her first youth, but neither are some other people. A very nice creature indeed, I am quite sure.&quot;

During all this speech the Rector's countenance had been falling, falling. If he was helpless before, the utter woe of his expression now was a spectacle to behold. The danger of being married by proxy was appalling certainly, yet was not entirely without alleviations; but Miss Wodehouse! who ever thought of Miss Wodehouse? To see the last remains of colour fade out of his cheek, and his very lip fall with disappointment, was deeply edifying to his lively old mother. She perceived it all, but made no sign.

&quot;And the other is a pretty creature—certainly pretty: shouldn't you say she was pretty, Morley?&quot; said his heartless mother.

Mr Proctor hesitated, hemmed—felt himself growing red—tried to intimate his sentiments by a nod of assent; but that would not do, for the old lady had presented her ear to him, and was blind to all his gestures.

&quot;I don't know much about it, mother,&quot; he made answer at last.

&quot;''Much'' about it! it's to be hoped not. I never supposed you did; but you don't mean to say you don't think her pretty?&quot; said Mrs Proctor—&quot;but, I don't doubt in the least, a sad flirt. Her sister is a very superior person, my dear.&quot;

The Rector's face lengthened at every word—a vision of these two Miss Wodehouses rose upon him every moment clearer and more distinct as his mother spoke. Considering how ignorant he was of all such female paraphernalia, it is extraordinary how correct his recollection was of all the details of their habitual dress and appearance. With a certain dreadful consciousness of the justice of what his mother said, he saw in imagination the mild elder sister in her comely old-maidenhood. Nobody could doubt her good qualities, and could it be questioned that for a man of fifty, if he was to do anything so foolish, a woman not quite forty was a thousand times more eligible than a creature in blue ribbons? Still the unfortunate Rector did not seem to see it: his face grew longer and longer—he made no answer whatever to his mother's address; while she, with a spice of natural female malice against the common enemy triumphing for the moment over the mother's admiration of her son, sat wickedly enjoying his distress, and aggravating it. His dismay and perplexity amused this wicked old woman beyond measure.

&quot;I have no doubt that younger girl takes a pleasure in deluding her admirers,&quot; said Mrs Proctor; &quot;she's a wicked little flirt, and likes nothing better than to see her power. I know very well how such people do; but, my dear,&quot; continued this false old lady, scarcely able to restrain her laughter, &quot;if I were you, I would be very civil to Miss Wodehouse. You may depend upon it, Morley, that's a very superior person. She is not very young, to be sure, but you are not very young yourself. She would make a nice wife—not too foolish, you know, nor fanciful. Ah! I like Miss Wodehouse, my dear.&quot;

The Rector stumbled up to his feet hastily, and pointed to a table at a little distance, on which some books were lying. Then he went and brought them to her table. &quot;I've brought you some new books,&quot; he shouted into her ear. It was the only way his clumsy ingenuity could fall upon for bringing this most distasteful conversation to an end.

The old lady's eyes were dancing with fun and a little mischief, but, notwithstanding, she could not be so false to her nature as to show no interest in the books. She turned them over with lively remarks and comment. &quot;But for all that, Morley, I would not have you forget Miss Wodehouse,&quot; she said, when her early bedtime came. &quot;Give it a thought now and then, and consider the whole matter. It is not a thing to be done rashly; but still you know you are settled now, and you ought to be thinking of settling for life.&quot;

With this parting shaft she left him. The troubled Rector, instead of sitting up to his beloved studies, went early to bed that night, and was pursued by nightmares through his unquiet slumbers. Settling for life! Alas! there floated before him vain visions of that halcyon world he had left—that sacred soil at All-Souls, where there were no parishioners to break the sweet repose. How different was this discomposing real world!


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{{anchor|III}}{{heading|CHAPTER III.|3|c|normal|mb05}} 

{{sc|Matters}} went on quietly for some time without any catastrophe occurring to the Rector. He had shut himself up from all society, and declined the invitations of the parishioners for ten long days at least; but finding that the kind people were only kinder than ever when they understood he was &quot;indisposed,&quot; poor Mr Proctor resumed his ordinary life, confiding timidly in some extra precautions which his own ingenuity had invented. He was shyer than ever of addressing the ladies in those parties he was obliged to attend. He was especially embarrassed and uncomfortable in the presence of the two Miss Wodehouses, who, unfortunately, were very popular in Carlingford, and whom he could not help meeting everywhere. Notwithstanding this embarrassment, it is curious how well he knew how they looked, and what they were doing, and all about them. Though he could not for his life have told what these things were called, he knew Miss Wodehouse's dove-coloured dress and her French grey; and all those gleams of blue which set off Lucy's fair curls, and floated about her pretty person under various pretences, had a distinct though inarticulate place in the good man's confused remembrance. But neither Lucy nor Miss Wodehouse had brought matters to extremity. He even ventured to go to their house occasionally without any harm coming of it, and lingered in that blooming fragrant garden, where the blossoms had given place to fruit, and ruddy apples hung heavy on the branches which had once scattered their petals, rosy-white, on Frank Wentworth's Anglican coat. Yet Mr Proctor was not lulled into incaution by this seeming calm. Other people besides his mother had intimated to him that there were expectations current of his &quot;settling in life.&quot; He lived not in false security, but wise trembling, never knowing what hour the thunderbolt might fall upon his head.

It happened one day, while still in this condition of mind, that the Rector was passing through Grove Street on his way home. He was walking on the humbler side of the street, where there is a row of cottages with little gardens in front of them—cheap houses, which are contented to be haughtily overlooked by the staircase windows and blank walls of their richer neighbours on the other side of the road. The Rector thought, but could not be sure, that he had seen two figures like those of the Miss Wodehouses going into one of these houses, and was making a little haste to escape meeting those enemies of his peace. But as he wont hastily on, he heard sobs and screams—sounds which a man who hid a good heart under a shy exterior could not willingly pass by. He made a troubled pause before the door from which these outcries proceeded, and while he stood thus irresolute whether to pass on or to stop and inquire the cause, some one came rushing out and took hold of his arm. &quot;Please, sir, she's dying—oh, please, sir, she thought a deal o' you. Please, will you come in and speak to her?&quot; cried the little servant-girl who had pounced upon him so. The Rector stared at her in amazement. He had not his prayer-book—he was not prepared; he had no idea of being called upon in such an emergency. In the mean time the commotion rather increased in the house, and he could hear in the distance a voice adjuring some one to go for the clergyman. The Rector stood uncertain and perplexed, perhaps in a more serious personal difficulty than had ever happened to him all his life before. For what did he know about deathbeds? or what had he to say to any one on that dread verge? He grew pale with real vexation and distress.

&quot;Have they gone for a doctor? that would be more to the purpose,&quot; he said, unconsciously, aloud.

&quot;Please, sir, it's no good,&quot; said the little maid-servant. &quot;Please, the doctor's been, but he's no good—and she's unhappy in her mind, though she's quite resigned to go: and oh, please, if you would say a word to her, it might do her a deal of good.&quot;

Thus adjured, the Rector had no choice. He went gloomily into the house and up the stair after his little guide. Why did not they send for the minister of Salem Chapel close by? or for Mr Wentworth, who was accustomed to that sort of thing? Why did they resort to him in such an emergency? He would have made his appearance before the highest magnates of the land—before the Queen herself—before the bench of bishops or the Privy Council—with less trepidation than he entered that poor little room.

The sufferer lay breathing heavily in the poor apartment. She did not look very ill to Mr Proctor's inexperienced eyes. Her colour was bright, and her face full of eagerness. Near the door stood Miss Wodehouse, looking compassionate but helpless, casting wistful glances at the bed, but standing back in a corner as confused and embarrassed as the Rector himself. Lucy was standing by the pillow of the sick woman with a watchful readiness visible to the most unskilled eye—ready to raise her, to change her position, to attend to her wants almost before they were expressed. The contrast was wonderful. She had thrown off her bonnet and shawl, and appeared, not like a stranger, but somehow in her natural place, despite the sweet youthful beauty of her looks, and the gay girlish dress with its floating ribbons. These singular adjuncts notwithstanding, no homely nurse in a cotton gown could have looked more alert or serviceable, or more natural to the position, than Lucy did. The poor Rector, taking the seat which the little maid placed for him directly in the centre of the room, looked at the nurse and the patient with a gasp of perplexity and embarrassment. A deathbed, alas! was an unknown region to him.

&quot;Oh, sir, I'm obliged to you for coming—oh, sir, I'm grateful to you,&quot; cried the poor woman in the bed. &quot;I've been ill, off and on, for years, but never took thought to it as I ought. I've put off and put off, waiting for a better time—and now, God help me, it's perhaps too late. Oh, sir, tell me, when a person's ill and dying, is it too late?&quot;

Before the Rector could even imagine what he could answer, the sick woman took up the broken thread of her own words, and continued—

&quot;I don't feel to trust as I ought to—I don't feel no confidence,&quot; she said, in anxious confession. &quot;Oh, sir, do you think it matters if one feels it?—don't you think things might be right all the same though we ''were'' uneasy in our minds? My thinking can't change it one way or another. Ask the good gentleman to speak to me, Miss Lucy, dear—he'll mind what you say.&quot;

A look from Lucy quickened the Rector's speech, but increased his embarrassments. &quot;It—it isn't her doctor she has no confidence in?&quot; he said, eagerly.

The poor woman gave a little cry. &quot;The doctor—the doctor! what can he do to a poor dying creature? Oh, Lord bless you, it's none of them things I'm thinking of; it's my soul—my soul!&quot;

&quot;But my poor good woman,&quot; said Mr Proctor, &quot;though it is very good and praiseworthy of you to be anxious about your soul, let us hope that there is no such—no such ''haste'' as you seem to suppose.&quot;

The patient opened her eyes wide, and stared, with the anxious look of disease, in his face.

&quot;I mean,&quot; said the good man, faltering under that gaze, &quot;that I see no reason for your making yourself so very anxious. Let us hope it is not so bad as that. You are very ill, but not ''so'' ill—I suppose.&quot;

Here the Rector was interrupted by a groan from the patient, and by a troubled, disapproving, disappointed look from Lucy Wodehouse. This brought him to a sudden standstill. He gazed for a moment helplessly at the poor woman in the bed. If he had known anything in the world which would have given her consolation, he was ready to have made any exertion for it; but he knew nothing to say—no medicine for a mind diseased was in his repositories. He was deeply distressed to see the disappointment which followed his words, but his distress only made him more silent, more helpless, more inefficient than before.

After an interval which was disturbed only by the groans of the patient and the uneasy fidgeting of good Miss Wodehouse in her corner, the Rector again broke silence. The sick woman had turned to the wall, and closed her eyes in dismay and disappointment—evidently she had ceased to expect anything from him.

&quot;If there is anything I can do,&quot; said poor Mr Proctor, &quot;I am afraid I have spoken hastily. I meant to try to calm her mind a little; if I can be of any use?&quot;

&quot;Ah, maybe I'm hasty,&quot; said the dying woman, turning round again with a sudden effort—&quot;but, oh, to speak to me of having time when I've one foot in the grave already!&quot;

&quot;Not so bad as that—not so bad as that,&quot; said the Rector, soothingly.

&quot;But I tell you it is as bad as that,&quot; she cried, with the brief blaze of anger common to great weakness. &quot;I'm not a child to be persuaded different from what I know. If you'd tell me—if you'd say a prayer—ah, Miss Lucy, it's coming on again.&quot;

In a moment Lucy had raised the poor creature in her arms, and in default of the pillows which were not at hand, had risen herself into their place, and supported the gasping woman against her own breast. It was a paroxysm dreadful to behold, in which every labouring breath seemed the last. The Rector sat like one struck dumb, looking on at that mortal struggle. Miss Wodehouse approached nervously from behind, and went up to the bedside, faltering forth questions as to what she could do. Lucy only waved her hand, as her own light figure swayed and changed, always seeking the easiest attitude for the sufferer. As the elder sister drew back, the Rector and she glanced at each other with wistful mutual looks of sympathy. Both were equally well-disposed, equally helpless and embarrassed. How to be of any use in that dreadful agony of nature was denied to both. They stood looking on, awed and self-reproaching. Such scenes have doubtless happened in sick-rooms before now.

When the fit was over, a hasty step came up the stair, and Mr Wentworth entered the room. He explained in a whisper that he had not been at home when the messenger came, but had followed whenever he heard of the message. Seeing the Rector, he hesitated, and drew back with some surprise, and, even (for he was far from perfect) in that chamber, a little flush of offence. The Rector rose abruptly, waving his hand, and went to join Miss Wodehouse in her corner. There the two elderly spectators looked on silent at ministrations of which both were incapable; one watching with wondering yet affectionate envy how Lucy laid down the weakened but relieved patient upon her pillows; and one beholding with a surprise he could not conceal, how a young man, not half his own age, went softly, with all the confidence yet awe of nature, into those mysteries which he dared not touch upon. The two young creatures by the deathbed acknowledged that their patient was dying; the woman stood by her watchful and affectionate—the man held up before her that cross, not of wood or metal, but of truth and everlasting verity, which is the only hope of man. The spectators looked on, and did not interrupt—looked on, awed and wondering—unaware of how it was, but watching, as if it were a miracle wrought before their eyes. Perhaps all the years of his life had not taught the Rector so much as did that half-hour in an unknown poor bed-chamber, where, honest and humble, he stood aside, and, kneeling down, responded to his young brother's prayer. His young brother—young enough to have been his son—not half nor a quarter part so learned as he; but a world further on in that profession which they shared—the art of winning souls.

When those prayers were over, the Rector, without a word to anybody, stole quietly away. When he got into the street, however, he found himself closely followed by Miss Wodehouse, of whom he was not at this moment afraid. That good creature was crying softly under her veil. She was eager to make up to him, to open out her full heart; and indeed the Rector, like herself, in that wonderful sensation of surprised and unenvying discomfiture, was glad at that moment of sympathy too.

&quot;Oh, Mr Proctor, isn't it wonderful?&quot; sighed good Miss Wodehouse.

The Rector did not speak, but he answered by a very emphatic nod of his head.

&quot;It did not use to be so when you and I were young,&quot; said his companion in failure. &quot;I sometimes take a little comfort from that; but no doubt, if it had been in me, it would have shown itself somehow. Ah, I fear, I fear, I was not well brought up; but, to be sure, that dear child has not been brought up at all, if one may say so. Her poor mother died when she was born. And oh, I'm afraid I never was kind to Lucy's mother, Mr Proctor. You know she was only a year or two older than I was; and to think of that child, that baby! What a world she is, and always was, before me, that might have been her mother, Mr Proctor!&quot; said Miss Wodehouse, with a little sob.

&quot;But things were different in our young days,&quot; said the Rector, repeating her sentiment, without inquiring whether it were true or not, and finding a certain vague consolation in it.

&quot;Ah, that is true,&quot; said Miss Wodehouse—&quot;that is true; what a blessing things are so changed; and these blessed young creatures,&quot; she added softly, with tears falling out of her gentle old eyes—&quot;these blessed young creatures are near the Fountain-head.&quot;

With this speech Miss Wodehouse held out her hand to the Rector, and they parted with a warm mutual grasp. The Rector went straight home—straight to his study, where he shut himself in, and was not to be disturbed; that night was one long to be remembered in the good man's history. For the first time in his life he set himself to inquire what was his supposed business in this world. His treatise on the Greek verb, and his new edition of Sophocles, were highly creditable to the Fellow of All-Souls; but how about the Rector of Carlingford? What was he doing here, among that little world of human creatures who were dying, being born, perishing, suffering, falling into misfortune and anguish, and all manner of human vicissitudes, every day? Young Wentworth knew what to say to that woman in her distress; and so might the Rector, had her distress concerned a disputed translation, or a disused idiom. The good man was startled in his composure and calm. To-day he had visibly failed in a duty which even in All-Souls was certainly known to be one of the duties of a Christian priest. Was he a Christian priest, or what was he? He was troubled to the very depths of his soul. To hold an office the duties of which he could not perform, was clearly impossible. The only question, and that a hard one, was, whether he could learn to discharge those duties, or whether he must cease to be Rector of Carlingford. He laboured over this problem in his solitude, and could find no answer. &quot;Things were different when we were young,&quot; was the only thought that was any comfort to him, and that was poor consolation.

For one thing, it is hard upon the most magnanimous of men to confess that he has undertaken an office for which he has not found himself capable. Magnanimity was perhaps too lofty a word to apply to the Rector; but he was honest to the bottom of his soul. As soon as he became aware of what was included in the duties of his office, he must perform them, or quit his post. But how to perform them? Can one ''learn'' to convey consolation to the dying, to teach the ignorant, to comfort the sorrowful? Are these matters to be acquired by study, like Greek verbs or intricate measures? The Rector's heart said No. The Rector's imagination unfolded before him, in all its halcyon blessedness, that ancient paradise of All-Souls, where no such confounding demands ever disturbed his beatitude. The good man groaned within himself over the mortification, the labour, the sorrow, which this living was bringing upon him. &quot;If I had but let it pass to Morgan, who wanted to marry,&quot; he said with self-reproach; and then suddenly bethought himself of his own most innocent filial romance, and the pleasure his mother had taken in her new house and new beginning of life. At that touch the tide flowed back again. Could he dismiss her now to another solitary cottage in Devonshire, her old home there being all dispersed and broken up, while the house she had hoped to die in cast her out from its long-hoped-for shelter? The Rector was quite overwhelmed by this new aggravation. If by any effort of his own, any sacrifice to himself, he could preserve this bright new home to his mother, would he shrink from that labour of love?

Nobody, however, knew anything about those conflicting thoughts which rent his sober bosom. He preached next Sunday as usual, letting no trace of the distressed, wistful anxiety to do his duty which now possessed him gleam into his sermon. He looked down upon a crowd of unsympathetic, uninterested faces, when he delivered that smooth little sermon, which nobody cared much about, and which disturbed nobody. The only eyes which in the smallest degree comprehended him were those of good Miss Wodehouse, who had been the witness and the participator of his humiliation. Lucy was not there. Doubtless Lucy was at St Roque's, where the sermons of the perpetual curate differed much from those of the Rector of Carlingford. Ah me! the rectorship, with all its responsibilities, was a serious business; and what was to become of it yet, Mr Proctor could not see. He was not a hasty man—he determined to wait and see what events might make of it; to consider it ripely—to take full counsel with himself. Every time he came out of his mother's presence, he came affected and full of anxiety to preserve to her that home which pleased her so much. She was the strong point in favour of Carlingford; and it was no small tribute to the good man's filial affection, that for her chiefly he kept his neck under the yoke of a service to which he knew himself unequal, and, sighing, turned his back upon his beloved cloisters. If there had been no other sick-beds immediately in Carlingford, Mrs Proctor would have won the day.


{{dhr}}
{{anchor|IV}}{{heading|CHAPTER IV.|3|c|normal|mb05}} 

{{sc|Such}} a blessed exemption, however, was not to be hoped for. When the Rector was solemnly sent for from his very study to visit a poor man who was not expected to live many days, he put his prayer-book under his arm, and went off doggedly, feeling that now was the crisis. He went through it in as exemplary a manner as could have been desired, but it was dreadful work to the Rector. If nobody else suspected him, he suspected himself. He had no spontaneous word of encouragement or consolation to offer; he went through it as his duty with a horrible abstractness. That night he went home disgusted beyond all possible power of self-reconciliation. He could not continue this. Good evangelical Mr Bury, who went before him, and by nature loved preaching, had accustomed the people to much of such visitations. It was murder to the Fellow of All-Souls.

That night Mr Proctor wrote a long letter to his dear cheery old mother, disclosing all his heart to her. It was written with a pathos of which the good man was wholly unconscious, and finished by asking her advice and her prayers. He sent it up to her next morning on her breakfast tray, which he always furnished with his own hands, and went out to occupy himself in paying visits till it should be time to see her, and ascertain her opinion. At Mr Wodehouse's there was nobody at home but Lucy, who was very friendly, and took no notice of that sad encounter which had changed his views so entirely. The Rector found, on inquiry, that the woman was dead, but not until Mr Wentworth had administered to her fully the consolations of the church. Lucy did not look superior, or say anything in admiration of Mr Wentworth, but the Rector's conscience supplied all that was wanting. If good Miss Wodehouse had been there with her charitable looks, and her disefficiency so like his own, it would have been a consolation to the good man. He would have turned joyfully from Lucy and her blue ribbons to that distressed dove-coloured woman, so greatly had recent events changed him. But the truth was, he cared nothing for either of them nowadays. He was delivered from those whimsical distressing fears. Something more serious had obliterated those lighter apprehensions. He had no leisure now to think that somebody had planned to marry him; all his thoughts were fixed on matters so much more important that this was entirely forgotten.

Mrs Proctor was seated as usual in the place she loved, with her newspapers, her books, her work-basket, and silver-headed cane at the side of her chair. The old lady, like her son, looked serious. She beckoned him to quicken his steps when she saw him appear at the drawing-room door, and pointed to the chair placed beside her, all ready for this solemn conference. He came in with a troubled face, scarcely venturing to look at her, afraid to see the disappointment which he had brought upon his dearest friend. The old lady divined why it was he did not lift his eyes. She took his hand and addressed him with all her characteristic vivacity.

&quot;Morley, what is this you mean, my dear? When did I ever give my son reason to distrust me? Do you think I would suffer you to continue in a position painful to yourself for my sake? How dare you think such a thing of me, Morley? Don't say so; you didn't mean it? I can see it in your eyes.&quot;

The Rector shook his head, and dropped into the chair placed ready for him. He might have had a great deal to say for himself could she have heard him. But as it was, he could not shout all his reasons and apologies into her deaf ear.

&quot;As for the change to me,&quot; said the old lady, instinctively seizing upon the heart of the difficulty, &quot;that's nothing—simply nothing. I've not had time to get attached to Carlingford. I've no associations with the place. Of course I shall be very glad to go back to all my old friends. Put that out of the question, Morley.&quot;

But the Rector only shook his head once more. The more she made light of it, the more he perceived all the painful circumstances involved. Could his mother go back to Devonshire and tell all her old ladies that her son had made a failure in Carlingford? He grieved within himself at the thought. His brethren at All-Souls might understand ''him;'' but what could console the brave old woman for all the condolence and commiseration to which she would be subject? &quot;It goes to my heart, mother,&quot; he cried in her ear.

&quot;Well, Morley, I am very sorry you find it so,&quot; said the old lady; &quot;very sorry you can't see your way to all your duties. They tell me the late rector was very Low Church, and visited about like a Dissenter, so it is not much wonder you, with your different habits, find yourself a good deal put out; but, my dear, don't you think it's only at first? Don't you think after a while the people would get into your ways, and you into theirs? Miss Wodehouse was here this morning, and was telling me a good deal about the late rector. It's to be expected you should find the difference; but by-and-by, to be sure, you might get used to it, and the people would not expect so much.&quot;

&quot;Did she tell you where we met the other day?&quot; asked the Rector, with a brevity rendered necessary by Mrs Proctor's infirmity.

&quot;She told me—she's a dear confused good soul,&quot; said the old lady—&quot;about the difference between Lucy and herself, and how the young creature was twenty times handier than she, and something about young Mr Wentworth of St Roque's. Really, by all I hear, that must be a very presuming young man,&quot; cried Mrs Proctor, with a lively air of offence. &quot;His interference among your parishioners, Morley, is really more than I should be inclined to bear.&quot;

Once more the good Rector shook his head. He had not thought of that aspect of the subject. He was indeed so free from vanity or self-importance, that his only feeling in regard to the sudden appearance of the perpetual curate was respect and surprise. He would not be convinced otherwise even now. &quot;He can do his duty, mother,&quot; he answered, sadly.

&quot;Stuff and nonsense!&quot; cried the old lady. &quot;Do you mean to tell me a boy like that can do his duty better than my son could do it, if he put his mind to it? And if it is your duty, Morley, dear,&quot; continued his mother, melting a little, and in a coaxing persuasive tone, &quot;of course I know you ''will'' do it, however hard it may be.&quot;

&quot;That's just the difficulty,&quot; cried the Rector, venturing on a longer speech than usual, and roused to a point at which he had no fear of the listeners in the kitchen; &quot;such duties require other training than mine has been. I can't!—do you hear me, mother?—I must not hold a false position; that's impossible.&quot;

&quot;You shan't hold a false position,&quot; cried the old lady; &quot;that's the only thing that is impossible—but, Morley, let us consider, dear. You are a clergyman, you know; you ought to understand all that's required of you a great deal better than these people do. My dear, your poor father and I trained you up to be a clergyman,&quot; said Mrs Proctor, rather pathetically, &quot;and not to be a Fellow of All-Souls.&quot;

The Rector groaned. Had it not been advancement, progress, unhoped-for good fortune, that made him a member of that learned corporation? He shook his head. Nothing could change the fact now. After fifteen years' experience of that Elysium, he could not put on the cassock and surplice with all his youthful fervour. He had settled into his life-habits long ago. With the quick perception which made up for her deficiency, his mother read his face, and saw the cause was hopeless; yet with female courage and pertinacity made one effort more.

&quot;And with an excellent hard-working curate,&quot; said the old lady—&quot;a curate whom, of course, we'd do our duty by, Morley, and who could take a great deal of the responsibility off your hands; for Mr Leigh, though a nice young man, is not, I know, the man ''you'' would have chosen for such a post; and still more, my dear son—we were talking of it in jest not long ago, but it is perfect earnest, and a most important matter—with a good wife, Morley; a wife who would enter into all the parish work, and give you useful hints, and conduct herself as a clergyman's wife should—with such a wife{{bar|2}}&quot;

&quot;Lucy Wodehouse!&quot; cried the Rector, starting to his feet, and forgetting all his proprieties; &quot;I tell you the thing is impossible. I'll go back to All-Souls.&quot;

He sat down again doggedly, having said it. His mother sat looking at him in silence, with tears in her lively old eyes. She was saying within herself that she had seen his father take just such a &quot;turn,&quot; and that it was no use arguing with them under such circumstances. She watched him as women often do watch men, waiting till the creature should come to itself again and might be spoken to. The incomprehensibleness of women is an old theory, but what is that to the curious wondering observation with which wives, mothers, and sisters watch the other unreasoning animal in those moments when he has snatched the reins out of their hands, and is not to be spoken to! What he will make of it in those unassisted moments, afflicts the compassionate female understanding. It is best to let him come to, and feel his own helplessness. Such was Mrs Proctor's conclusion, as, vexed, distressed, and helpless, she leant back in her chair, and wiped a few tears of disappointment and vexation out of her bright old eyes.

The Rector saw this movement, and it once more excited him to speech. &quot;But you shall have a house in Oxford, mother,&quot; he cried—&quot;you shan't go back to Devonshire—where I can see you every day, and you can hear all that is going on. Bravo! that will be a thousand times better than Carlingford.&quot;

It was now Mrs Proctor's turn to jump up, startled, and put her hand on his mouth and point to the door. The Rector did not care for the door; he had disclosed his sentiments, he had taken his resolution, and now the sooner all was over the better for the emancipated man.

Thus concluded the brief incumbency of the Reverend Morley Proctor. He returned to Oxford before his year of grace was over, and found everybody very glad to see him; and he left Carlingford with universal good wishes. The living fell to Morgan, who wanted to be married, and whose turn was much more to be a working clergyman than a classical commentator. Old Mrs Proctor got a pretty house under shelter of the trees of St Giles's, and half the under-graduates fell in love with the old lady in the freshness of her second lifetime. Carlingford passed away like a dream from the lively old mother's memory, and how could any reminiscences of that uncongenial locality disturb the recovered beatitude of the Fellow of All-Souls?

Yet all was not so satisfactory as it appeared. Mr Proctor paid for his temporary absence. All-Souls was not the Elysium it had been before that brief disastrous voyage into the world. The good man felt the stings of failure; he felt the mild jokes of his brethren in those Elysian fields. He could not help conjuring up to himself visions of Morgan with his new wife in that pretty rectory. Life, after all, did not consist of books, nor were Greek verbs essential to happiness. The strong emotion into which his own failure had roused him; the wondering silence in which he stood looking at the ministrations of Lucy Wodehouse and the young curate; the tearful sympathetic woman as helpless as himself, who had stood beside him in that sick chamber, came back upon his recollection strangely, amidst the repose, not so blessed as heretofore, of All-Souls. The good man had found out that secret of discontent which most men find out a great deal earlier than he. Something better, though it might be sadder, harder, more calamitous, was in this world. Was there ever human creature yet that had not something in him more congenial to the thorns and briars outside to be conquered, than to that mild paradise for which our primeval mother disqualified all her children? When he went back to his dear cloisters, good Mr Proctor felt that sting: a longing for the work he had rejected stirred in him—a wistful recollection of the sympathy he had not sought.

And if in future years any traveller, if travellers still fall upon adventures, should light upon a remote parsonage in which an elderly embarrassed Rector, with a mild wife in dove-coloured dresses, toils painfully after his duty, more and more giving his heart to it, more and more finding difficult expression for the unused faculty, let him be sure that it is the late Rector of Carlingford, self-expelled out of the uneasy paradise, setting forth untimely, yet not too late, into the laborious world.

[[Category:novelettes]]</text>
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    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/183</title>
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      <text bytes="2851" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|131|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;envied by a Swammerdamm. In these excursions he was usually accompanied by an old negro, called Jupiter, who had been manumitted before the reverses of the family, but who could be induced, neither by threats nor by promises, to abandon what he considered his right of attendance upon the footsteps of his young “Massa Will.” It is not improbable that the relatives of Legrand, conceiving him to be somewhat unsettled in intellect, had contrived to instil this obstinacy into Jupiter, with a view to the supervision and guardianship of the wanderer.

The winters in the latitude of Sullivan’s Island are seldom very severe, and in the fall of the year it is a rare event indeed when a fire is considered necessary. About the middle of October, 18—, there occurred, however, a day of remarkable chilliness. Just before sunset I scrambled my way through the evergreens to the hut of my friend, whom I had not visited for several weeks—my residence being, at that time, in Charleston, a distance of nine miles from the island, while the facilities of passage and re-passage were very far behind those of the present day. Upon reaching the hut I rapped, as was my custom, and getting no reply, sought for the key where I knew it was secreted, unlocked the door, and went in. A fine fire was blazing upon the hearth. It was a novelty, and by no means an ungrateful one. I threw off an overcoat, took an arm-chair by the crackling logs, and awaited patiently the arrival of my hosts.

Soon after dark they arrived, and gave me a most cordial welcome. Jupiter, grinning from ear to ear, bustled about to prepare some marsh-hen for supper. Legrand was in one of his fits—how else shall I term them?—of enthusiasm. He had found an unknown bivalve, forming a new genus, and, more than this, he had hunted down and secured, with
Jupiter's assistance, a ''{{wdl|Q771526|scarabæus}}'' which he believed to be totally new, but in respect to which he wished to have my opinion on the morrow.

“And why not to-night?” I asked, rubbing my hands over the blaze, and wishing the whole tribe of scarab at the devil.

“Ah, if 1 had only known you were here!” said Legrand, “but it’s so long since I saw you; and how could I foresee that you would pay me a visit this very night of all others? As I was coming home I met Lieutenant G{{bar|3}}, from the fort, and, very foolishly, I lent him the bug; so it will be impossible for you to see it until the morning. Stay here to-night, and I will send Jup down for it at sunrise. It is the loveliest thing in creation!”

“What?—sunrise? ”

“Nonsense! no!—the bug. It is of a brilliant gold colour—about the size of a large hickory-nut—with two jet-black spots near one extremity&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|131}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/184</title>
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      <text bytes="2820" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|132|chapter|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;of the back, and another, somewhat longer, at the other. The ''antennæ'' are{{bar|3}}”

“Dey ain’t ''no'' tin in him, Massa Will, I keep a tellin’ on you,” here interrupted Jupiter; “de bug is a goole-bug, solid, ebery bit of him, inside and all, sep him wing—neber feel half so hebby a bug in my life.”

“Well, suppose it is, Jup,” replied Legrand, somewhat more earnestly, it seemed to me, than the case demanded; “is that any reason for your letting the birds burn? The colour”—here he turned to me—“is really almost enough to warrant Jupiter’s idea. You never saw a more brilliant metallic lustre than the scales emit—but of this you cannot judge till to-morrow. In the meantime I can give you some idea of the shape.” Saying this, he seated himself at a small table, on which were a pen and ink, but no paper. He looked for some in a drawer, but found none.

“Never mind,” he said at length, “this will answer’; and he drew from his waistcoat pocket a scrap of what I took to be very dirty foolscap, and made upon it a rough drawing with the pen. While he did this, I retained my seat by the fire, for I was still chilly. When the design was complete, he handed it to me without rising. As I received it, a loud growl was heard, succeeded by scratching at the door. Jupiter opened it, and a large Newfoundland, belonging to Legrand, rushed in, leaped upon my shoulders, and loaded me with caresses; for I had shown him much attention during previous visits.  When his gambols were over, I looked at the paper, and, to speak the truth, found myself not a little puzzled at what my friend had depicted.

“Well!” I said, after contemplating it for some minutes, “this is a strange ''scarabæus'', I must confess; new to me; never saw anything like it before—unless it was a skull, or a death’s-head, which it more nearly resembles than anything else that has come under my observation.”

“A death’s-head!” echoed Legrand. “Oh—yes—well, it has something of that appearance upon paper, no doubt. The two upper black spots look like eyes, eh? and the longer one at the bottom like a mouth—and then the shape of the whole is oval.”

“Perhaps so,” said I; “but, Legrand, I fear you are no artist.  I must wait until I see the beetle itself, if I am to form any idea of its personal appearance.”

“Well, I don’t know,” said he, a little nettled, “I draw tolerably—''should'' do it at least—have had good masters, and flatter myself that I am not quite a blockhead.”

“But, my dear fellow, you are joking then,” said I, “this is a very passable ''skull''—indeed, I may say that it is a very ''excellent'' skull, according&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|132}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>The Rector; and, The Doctor's Family/The Doctor's Family</title>
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      <text bytes="441" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Mrs. Oliphant
 | translator = 
 | section    = The Doctor's Family
 | previous   = [[../The Rector|The Rector]]
 | next       = [[/Chapter 1/]]
 | notes      = pp. 551–291.
}} {{DEFAULTSORT: Doctor's Family}}


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{{c|{{xx-larger|{{sp|THE DOCTOR'S FAMILY}}}} }}

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      <text bytes="2849" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|133|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;to the vulgar notions about such specimens of physiology—and your ''scarabæus'' must be the queerest ''scarabæus'' in the world if it resembles it. Why, we may get up a very thrilling bit of superstition upon this hint. I presume you will call the bug ''scarabæus caput hominis'', or something of that kind—there are many similar titles in the Natural Histories. But where are the ''antennæ'' you spoke of?”

“The ''antennæ''!” said Legrand, who seemed to be getting unaccountably warm upon the subject; “I am sure you must see the ''antennæ''. I made them as distinct as they are in the original insect, and I presume that is sufficient.”

“Well, well,” I said, “perhaps you have—still I don’t see them”; and I handed him the paper without additional remark, not wishing to ruffle his temper; but I was much surprised at the turn affairs had taken; his ill-humour puzzled me—and, as for the drawing of the beetle, there were positively ''no antennæ'' visible, and the whole ''did'' bear a very close resemblance to the ordinary cuts of a death’s-head.

He received the paper very peevishly, and was about to crumple it, apparently to throw it in the fire, when a casual glance at the design seemed suddenly to rivet his attention. In an instant his face grew violently red—in another as excessively pale. For some minutes he continued to scrutinize the drawing minutely where he sat. At length he arose, took a candle from the table, and proceeded to seat himself upon a sea-chest in the furthest corner of the room. Here again he made an anxious examination of the paper; turning it in all directions. He said nothing, however, and his conduct greatly astonished me; yet I thought it prudent not to exacerbate the growing moodiness of his temper by any comment. Presently he took from his coat-pocket a wallet, placed the paper carefully in it, and deposited both in a writing desk, which he locked. He now grew more composed in his demeanour; but his original air of enthusiasm had quite disappeared. Yet he seemed not so much sulky as abstracted. As the evening wore away he became more and more absorbed in reverie, from which no sallies of mine could arouse him. It had been my intention to pass the night at the hut, as I had frequently done before, but, seeing my host in this mood, I deemed it proper to take leave. He did not press me to remain, but, as I departed, he shook my hand with even more than his usual cordiality.

It was about a month after this (and during the interval I had seen nothing of Legrand) when I received a visit at Charleston from his man, Jupiter. I had never seen the good old negro look so dispirited, and I feared that some serious disaster had befallen my friend.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|133}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T19:30:13Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2857" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|133|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;to the vulgar notions about such specimens of physiology—and your ''scarabæus'' must be the queerest ''scarabæus'' in the world if it resembles it. Why, we may get up a very thrilling bit of superstition upon this hint. I presume you will call the bug ''scarabæus caput hominis'', or something of that kind—there are many similar titles in the Natural Histories. But where are the ''antennæ'' you spoke of?”

“The ''antennæ''!” said Legrand, who seemed to be getting unaccountably warm upon the subject; “I am sure you must see the ''antennæ''. I made them as distinct as they are in the original insect, and I presume that is sufficient.”

“Well, well,” I said, “perhaps you have—still I don’t see them”; and I handed him the paper without additional remark, not wishing to ruffle his temper; but I was much surprised at the turn affairs had taken; his ill-humour puzzled me—and, as for the drawing of the beetle, there were positively ''no antennæ'' visible, and the whole ''did'' bear a very close resemblance to the ordinary cuts of a death’s-head.

He received the paper very peevishly, and was about to crumple it, apparently to throw it in the fire, when a casual glance at the design seemed suddenly to rivet his attention. In an instant his face grew violently red—in another as excessively pale. For some minutes he continued to scrutinize the drawing minutely where he sat. At length he arose, took a candle from the table, and proceeded to seat himself upon a sea-chest in the furthest corner of the room. Here again he made an anxious examination of the paper; turning it in all directions. He said nothing, however, and his conduct greatly astonished me; yet I thought it prudent not to exacerbate the growing moodiness of his temper by any comment. Presently he took from his coat-pocket a wallet, placed the paper carefully in it, and deposited both in a writing desk, which he locked. He now grew more composed in his demeanour; but his original air of enthusiasm had quite disappeared. Yet he seemed not so much sulky as abstracted. As the evening wore away he became more and more absorbed in reverie, from which no sallies of mine could arouse him. It had been my intention to pass the night at the hut, as I had frequently done before, but, seeing my host in this mood, I deemed it proper to take leave. He did not press me to remain, but, as I departed, he shook my hand with even more than his usual cordiality.

It was about a month after this (and during the interval I had seen nothing of Legrand) when I received a visit at Charleston from his man, Jupiter. I had never seen the good old negro look so dispirited, and I feared that some serious disaster had befallen my friend.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|133}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>User talk:2001:4450:810D:1B00:B98F:6C56:CD04:3DB9</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;==Calculus made easy== Hello. I have left a message at [[User talk:Tylopous]]. --~~~~&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="180" xml:space="preserve">==Calculus made easy==
Hello. I have left a message at [[User talk:Tylopous]]. --[[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan Kameníček]] ([[User talk:Jan.Kamenicek|talk]]) 19:36, 24 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/186</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2623" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|134|chapter|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;“Well, Jup,” said I, “what is the matter now?—how is your master?”

“Why, to speak de troof, massa, him not so berry well as mought be.”

“Not well! I am truly sorry to hear it. What does he complain of?”

“Dar! dat’s it!—he neber ‘plain ob notin’—but him berry sick for all dat.”

“''Very'' sick, Jupiter!—why didn’t you say so at once? Is he confined to bed?”

“No, dat he ain’t!—he ain't ‘fin’d nowhar—dat’s just whar de shoe pinch—my mind is got to be berry hebby ‘bout poor Massa Will.”

“Jupiter, I should like to understand what it is you are talking about. You say your master is sick. Hasn't he told you what ails him?”

“Why, massa, ‘tain’t worf while for to git mad about de matter—Massa Will say noffin at all ain’t de matter wid him—but den what make
him go about looking dis here way, wid he head down and he soldiers up, and as white as a gose? And den he keep a syphon all de time{{bar|3}}”

“Keeps a what, Jupiter?”

“Keeps a syphon wid de figgurs on de slate—de queerest figgurs I ebber did see. Ise gettin’ to be skeered, I tell you. Hab for to keep mighty tight eye pon him 'noovers. Todder day he gib me slip ‘fore de sun up and was gone the whole ob de blessed day. I had a big stick ready cut for to gib him deuced good beating when he did come—but Ise sich a fool dat I hadn’t de heart arter all—he looked so berry poorly.”

“Eh?—what?—ah yes!—upon the whole I think you had better not be too severe with the poor fellow—don’t flog him, Jupiter—he can’t very well stand it—but can you form no idea of what has occasioned this illness, or rather this change of conduct? Has anything unpleasant happened since I saw you?”

“No, massa, dey ain't bin noffin’ onpleasant since den—‘twas ‘''fore'' den I’m feared—‘twas de berry day you was dare.”

“How? what do you mean?”

“Why, massa, I mean de bug—dare now.”

“The what?”

“De bug—I‘m berry sartain dat Massa Will bin bit somewhere ‘bout de head by dat goole-bug.”

“And what cause have you, Jupiter, for such a supposition?”

“Claws enuff, massa, and mouff too. I nebber did see sich a deuced bug—he kick and he bite ebery ting what cum near him. Massa Will cotch him fuss, but had for to let him go ‘gin mighty quick, I tell you—den was de time he must ha’ got de bite. I didn’t like de look ob de bug mouff, myself, nohow, so I wouldn't take hold ob him wid my finger, but&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|134}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu/451</title>
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      <text bytes="2737" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TeysaKarlov&quot; /&gt;{{rh||NOTES.—TALE 140.|437}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;behind the pillar, and one day when the baker was preferring his requests very zealously, cried in a soft child's voice, &quot;Baker, you must give better weight.&quot; Thereupon the baker quickly answered, &quot;Silence, boy, and let thy mother speak!&quot; and left the church. A similar story is told of St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux (''Vorzeit, Taschenbuch'', 1819). Once when he was at Spire, he went into the cathedral to pay his devotions to the image of the Virgin. He fell thrice on his knees before it, and full of fervour uttered the words &quot;Oh, gracious, mild, and highly favoured mother of God!&quot; Hereupon the image began to speak, and said, &quot;Welcome, my Bernard!&quot; But the saint, who was displeased by this, reprimanded the Queen of Heaven for speaking, in these words, &quot;Silence! No woman is to speak in the congregation!&quot; The image is still to be seen in the cathedral, and so are the three metal plates which mark the three places where St. Bernard knelt. A saga from Westphalia also belongs to this group.

There was once a girl in Sauste (Soest) who every morning, as soon as all the people had gone out of the church, knelt down and prayed to the great stone image of our Lord. The clerk was curious, and went one day and stood behind the image. Then the girl said,

{{float center|{{smaller block|&quot;O du graute, leiwe Gott von Sauste,&lt;ref&gt;{{block center|&quot;Oh great and beloved God of Soest,&lt;br&gt;
Do give me our man-servant Joseph.&quot;}}&lt;/ref&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Bescher mie doch usen Knecht den Jausten (Jost).&quot;}}}}

So the clerk said, &quot;Girl, thou wilt not get him.&quot; Then the girl said, &quot;Oh, great and beloved God, do not bite me.&quot;

{{anchor|140}}{{c|140.—{{sc|[[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/Domestic Servants|Domestic Servants]].}}}}

From the neighbourhood of Paderborn. To cite the numerous variations of this old story, which are like a conversation and its echoes, would be much too prolix, and it would be still more out of place to give their names, which are always very poetical, and often go back to the ancient language and times of fable. The hall of Hell is in the ''Edda'', called Eliud, its table Hungur, its knife Sultur, its serving-man Gangläti, its maid Ganglöt, its threshold Fallandiforrad, its bed Kaur, its coverlid Blikandibaul, its field Hnipinn. In the ''Gothrek's Sage'' there are other family names which are significant, the father Skapnartungur, the three sons Fiolmodi, Ymsigull, Gillingr; Mother Totra with her three daughters Snotra, Hiotra, Fiotra; and in another saga, the man Stedie, the wife Brynia, the daughter Smidia, and the son Thöllur; in the mythical names of races we find some which are closely related. Thus in the ''Lied von Riese Langbein'', Str. 8, 19, 20,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu/452</title>
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      <text bytes="3280" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TeysaKarlov&quot; /&gt;{{rh|438|GRIMM'S HOUSEHOLD TALES.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Vidrich enumerates the names of his father, mother, shield, helmet, sword, and horse. In an old German poem on household furniture the dog is called Grin, the cat Zise, the man Wise, the horse Kerne, the maid Metze. Musäus (''Volksm''. 5, 130) has preserved the following beautiful passage from a popular pilgrim's song: &quot;From what region dost thou come?&quot; &quot;From sunrise.&quot; &quot;Whither wouldst thou go?&quot; &quot;To sunset.&quot; &quot;In which kingdom?&quot; &quot;Home.&quot; &quot;Where is it?&quot; &quot;A hundred miles inland.&quot; &quot;What is thy name?&quot;&lt;ref&gt;In answer to this question follows a rhyming enumeration of the whole of the speaker's property, which would lose all point and etymological value, if rendered into English. &quot;Springinsfeld grüsst mich die Welt, Ehrenwerth heisst mein Schwert, Zeitvertreib nennt sich mein Weib, Spätestagt ruft sie die Magd, Schlechtundrecht nennt sich der Knecht, Sausewind tauft ich mein Kind, Knochenfaul schalt in den Gaul, Sporenklang heisst sein Gang, Höllenschlund lock ich den Hund, Wettermann kräht (heisst) mein Hahn, Hüpfinsstroh heisst mein Floh. Nun kennst du mich mit Weib und Kind und allem meinem Hausgesind.&quot; This, with some variations, is to be found also in the ''Kinderlieder'', edited by F. Pocci and Karl von Raumer, pp. 10, 11. &quot;Widewidewenne heisst meine Putthenne, Kannichtruhn heisst mein Huhn, Wackelschwanz heisst meine Gans, Schwartzundweiss heisst meine Geis, Dreibein heisst mein Schwein, Wettermann heisst mein Hahn, Kunterbunt heisst mein Hund, Ehrenwerth heisst mein Pferd, Gutemuh heisst meine Kuh, Guckheraus heisst mein Haus, Schlupfheraus heisst meine Maus, Wohlgethan heisst mein Mann, Sausewind heisst mein Kind, Sammettatz heisst meine Katz, Hüpfinsstroh heisst mein Floh, Leberecht heisst mein Knecht, Spatbetagt heisst meine Magd.&quot; In a song in Pröhle's ''Märchen für die Jugend'', No. 57, we find, &quot;Unverzagt heisst meine Magd, Leberecht heisst mein Knecht, Schütteling heisst mein Kind, Zeitvertreib heisst mein Weib, Hinundher heisst mein Pferd, Ruhruh heisst meine Kuh, Jägerlein heisst meine Schwein, Trippeltrappel heisst mein Schaf, Langhals heisst meine Gans, Kückelhahn heisst mein Hahn.&quot; The following is current in the neighbourhood of Paderborn, &quot;Wie heisst der Wirth?&quot; &quot; Schmuckelbart, er steht vor 'm Spiegel, putzt seinen Bart.&quot; &quot;Die Frau?&quot; &quot;Juckelpelz, sie steht hinterm Ofen und laust ihren Pelz.&quot; &quot;Der Koch?&quot; &quot;Smorlilus, er steht in der Küche und rührt sein Mus.&quot; &quot;Der Soldat?&quot; &quot;Reicherheld, er sitzt im Wirthshaus und hat viel Geld.&quot; &quot; Der Schreiber?&quot; &quot;Federkiel, der sitzt am Tisch und schreibt nicht viel.&quot; &quot;Der Knecht?&quot; &quot; Kinkelwurst, er steht im Keller und löscht seinen Durst.&quot; &quot;Die Tochter?&quot; &quot;Ao-nes, sie sitzt in der Kammer und macht die Kas.&quot; &quot;Die Magd?&quot; &quot;Flederwisch, sie steht in der Stube und scheuert den Tisch.&quot; &quot; Der Junge?&quot; &quot; Galgenstrick, er steht im Stall, und streicht sein Vieh.&quot; Schütze, in the ''Holstein. Idiotikon'' (2, 117, and 4, 156) quotes, &quot;Hebberecht so heet min Knecht, Snakfordan so heet min Man, Tiedvördrief so heet min Wif, Luusebung so heet min Jung.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt; In the ''Kinderlieder'' (Appendix to the ''Wunderhorn'', pp. 41-43), we find, &quot;My poor little hen is called Bibberlein, my duck Entequentlein, my goose Wackelschwänzlein,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3279" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TeysaKarlov&quot; /&gt;{{rh|438|GRIMM'S HOUSEHOLD TALES.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Vidrich enumerates the names of his father, mother, shield, helmet, sword, and horse. In an old German poem on household furniture the dog is called Grin, the cat Zise, the man Wise, the horse Kerne, the maid Metze. Musäus (''Volksm''. 5, 130) has preserved the following beautiful passage from a popular pilgrim's song: &quot;From what region dost thou come?&quot; &quot;From sunrise.&quot; &quot;Whither wouldst thou go?&quot; &quot;To sunset.&quot; &quot;In which kingdom?&quot; &quot;Home.&quot; &quot;Where is it?&quot; &quot;A hundred miles inland.&quot; &quot;What is thy name?&quot;&lt;ref&gt;In answer to this question follows a rhyming enumeration of the whole of the speaker's property, which would lose all point and etymological value, if rendered into English. &quot;Springinsfeld grüsst mich die Welt, Ehrenwerth heisst mein Schwert, Zeitvertreib nennt sich mein Weib, Spätestagt ruft sie die Magd, Schlechtundrecht nennt sich der Knecht, Sausewind tauft ich mein Kind, Knochenfaul schalt in den Gaul, Sporenklang heisst sein Gang, Höllenschlund lock ich den Hund, Wettermann kräht (heisst) mein Hahn, Hüpfinsstroh heisst mein Floh. Nun kennst du mich mit Weib und Kind und allem meinem Hausgesind.&quot; This, with some variations, is to be found also in the ''Kinderlieder'', edited by F. Pocci and Karl von Raumer, pp. 10, 11. &quot;Widewidewenne heisst meine Putthenne, Kannichtruhn heisst mein Huhn, Wackelschwanz heisst meine Gans, Schwartzundweiss heisst meine Geis, Dreibein heisst mein Schwein, Wettermann heisst mein Hahn, Kunterbunt heisst mein Hund, Ehrenwerth heisst mein Pferd, Gutemuh heisst meine Kuh, Guckheraus heisst mein Haus, Schlupfheraus heisst meine Maus, Wohlgethan heisst mein Mann, Sausewind heisst mein Kind, Sammettatz heisst meine Katz, Hüpfinsstroh heisst mein Floh, Leberecht heisst mein Knecht, Spatbetagt heisst meine Magd.&quot; In a song in Pröhle's ''Märchen für die Jugend'', No. 57, we find, &quot;Unverzagt heisst meine Magd, Leberecht heisst mein Knecht, Schütteling heisst mein Kind, Zeitvertreib heisst mein Weib, Hinundher heisst mein Pferd, Ruhruh heisst meine Kuh, Jägerlein heisst meine Schwein, Trippeltrappel heisst mein Schaf, Langhals heisst meine Gans, Kückelhahn heisst mein Hahn.&quot; The following is current in the neighbourhood of Paderborn, &quot;Wie heisst der Wirth?&quot; &quot; Schmuckelbart, er steht vor 'm Spiegel, putzt seinen Bart.&quot; &quot;Die Frau?&quot; &quot;Juckelpelz, sie steht hinterm Ofen und laust ihren Pelz.&quot; &quot;Der Koch?&quot; &quot;Smorlilus, er steht in der Küche und rührt sein Mus.&quot; &quot;Der Soldat?&quot; &quot;Reicherheld, er sitzt im Wirthshaus und hat viel Geld.&quot; &quot; Der Schreiber?&quot; &quot;Federkiel, der sitzt am Tisch und schreibt nicht viel.&quot; &quot;Der Knecht?&quot; &quot; Kinkelwurst, er steht im Keller und löscht seinen Durst.&quot; &quot;Die Tochter?&quot; &quot;Agnes, sie sitzt in der Kammer und macht die Kas.&quot; &quot;Die Magd?&quot; &quot;Flederwisch, sie steht in der Stube und scheuert den Tisch.&quot; &quot; Der Junge?&quot; &quot; Galgenstrick, er steht im Stall, und streicht sein Vieh.&quot; Schütze, in the ''Holstein. Idiotikon'' (2, 117, and 4, 156) quotes, &quot;Hebberecht so heet min Knecht, Snakfordan so heet min Man, Tiedvördrief so heet min Wif, Luusebung so heet min Jung.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt; In the ''Kinderlieder'' (Appendix to the ''Wunderhorn'', pp. 41-43), we find, &quot;My poor little hen is called Bibberlein, my duck Entequentlein, my goose Wackelschwänzlein,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3280" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TeysaKarlov&quot; /&gt;{{rh|438|GRIMM'S HOUSEHOLD TALES.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Vidrich enumerates the names of his father, mother, shield, helmet, sword, and horse. In an old German poem on household furniture the dog is called Grin, the cat Zise, the man Wise, the horse Kerne, the maid Metze. Musäus (''Volksm''. 5, 130) has preserved the following beautiful passage from a popular pilgrim's song: &quot;From what region dost thou come?&quot; &quot;From sunrise.&quot; &quot;Whither wouldst thou go?&quot; &quot;To sunset.&quot; &quot;In which kingdom?&quot; &quot;Home.&quot; &quot;Where is it?&quot; &quot;A hundred miles inland.&quot; &quot;What is thy name?&quot;&lt;ref&gt;In answer to this question follows a rhyming enumeration of the whole of the speaker's property, which would lose all point and etymological value, if rendered into English. &quot;Springinsfeld grüsst mich die Welt, Ehrenwerth heisst mein Schwert, Zeitvertreib nennt sich mein Weib, Spätestagt ruft sie die Magd, Schlechtundrecht nennt sich der Knecht, Sausewind tauft ich mein Kind, Knochenfaul schalt in den Gaul, Sporenklang heisst sein Gang, Höllenschlund lock ich den Hund, Wettermann kräht (heisst) mein Hahn, Hüpfinsstroh heisst mein Floh. Nun kennst du mich mit Weib und Kind und allem meinem Hausgesind.&quot; This, with some variations, is to be found also in the ''Kinderlieder'', edited by F. Pocci and Karl von Raumer, pp. 10, 11. &quot;Widewidewenne heisst meine Putthenne, Kannichtruhn heisst mein Huhn, Wackelschwanz heisst meine Gans, Schwartzundweiss heisst meine Geis, Dreibein heisst mein Schwein, Wettermann heisst mein Hahn, Kunterbunt heisst mein Hund, Ehrenwerth heisst mein Pferd, Gutemuh heisst meine Kuh, Guckheraus heisst mein Haus, Schlupfheraus heisst meine Maus, Wohlgethan heisst mein Mann, Sausewind heisst mein Kind, Sammettatz heisst meine Katz, Hüpfinsstroh heisst mein Floh, Leberecht heisst mein Knecht, Spatbetagt heisst meine Magd.&quot; In a song in Pröhle's ''Märchen für die Jugend'', No. 57, we find, &quot;Unverzagt heisst meine Magd, Leberecht heisst mein Knecht, Schütteling heisst mein Kind, Zeitvertreib heisst mein Weib, Hinundher heisst mein Pferd, Ruhruh heisst meine Kuh, Jägerlein heisst meine Schwein, Trippeltrappel heisst mein Schaf, Langhals heisst meine Gans, Kückelhahn heisst mein Hahn.&quot; The following is current in the neighbourhood of Paderborn, &quot;Wie heisst der Wirth?&quot; &quot; Schmuckelbart, er steht vor 'm Spiegel, putzt seinen Bart.&quot; &quot;Die Frau?&quot; &quot;Juckelpelz, sie steht hinterm Ofen und laust ihren Pelz.&quot; &quot;Der Koch?&quot; &quot;Smorlilus, er steht in der Küche und rührt sein Mus.&quot; &quot;Der Soldat?&quot; &quot;Reicherheld, er sitzt im Wirthshaus und hat viel Geld.&quot; &quot; Der Schreiber?&quot; &quot;Federkiel, der sitzt am Tisch und schreibt nicht viel.&quot; &quot;Der Knecht?&quot; &quot; Kinkelwurst, er steht im Keller und löscht seinen Durst.&quot; &quot;Die Tochter?&quot; &quot;Agnes, sie sitzt in der Kammer und macht die Käs.&quot; &quot;Die Magd?&quot; &quot;Flederwisch, sie steht in der Stube und scheuert den Tisch.&quot; &quot; Der Junge?&quot; &quot; Galgenstrick, er steht im Stall, und streicht sein Vieh.&quot; Schütze, in the ''Holstein. Idiotikon'' (2, 117, and 4, 156) quotes, &quot;Hebberecht so heet min Knecht, Snakfordan so heet min Man, Tiedvördrief so heet min Wif, Luusebung so heet min Jung.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt; In the ''Kinderlieder'' (Appendix to the ''Wunderhorn'', pp. 41-43), we find, &quot;My poor little hen is called Bibberlein, my duck Entequentlein, my goose Wackelschwänzlein,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu/453</title>
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      <text bytes="2782" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TeysaKarlov&quot; /&gt;{{rh||NOTES.—TALES 141, 142.|439}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;my pig Schmortopf, my goat Klipperbein, my cow Gutemuh, my house Guckheraus (peep out of it), my husband Kegelbahn, my child Goldenring, my maid Hatergsagt, my man Haberecht, my cock Wettermann, my flea Hüpfinsstroh (hop in the straw). Jung Stilling only quotes one line (''Jugendleben'', 1, 62), &quot;Gerberli hiess mein Hüneli;&quot; and a Dutch popular song begins, &quot;Koekeloery heet myn haan, prys heet myn hennetjen.&quot; Compare also Schottky's ''Oestreichische Lieder'', p. 40. When Tannhaüser (MS. 2, 67) calls his people Zadel (Blame?), Zweifel (Doubt), Schade (Injury), and Unbereit (Unready), it marks the transition of the epic names into conscious allegory, as, for instance, in the saying, &quot;Much borrowing had a step-mother called Sell-what-thou-hast, who brought forth a daughter called Give-it-cheap; this same daughter had a brother called Out-of-doors.&quot; The well-known saying, &quot;Sparebread (father) is dead; Schmalhans (a half-starved creature) is head of the kitchen,&quot; is intermediary. There are many instances of single names, such as that of Zeitvertreib or Leidvertreib, for the wife, occurring in old works, viz. in ''Morolf'', 159, 1145. The &quot;Ruprecht mein Knecht&quot; of the ''Wartburger Krieg'', also belongs to this group. Compare the names which occur in ''Fair Katrinelje'' (No. 131).

{{anchor|141}}{{c|141.—{{sc|The Lambkin and the Little Fish]].}}}}

From the principality of Lippe. The end is imperfect, and it only dimly appears that the step-mother believes that she has eaten the little lamb, and orders the cook to cook the fish also. But when the fish begins to talk and to bemoan its lot, the cook does not kill it, but takes it to the lamb, and again deceives the step-mother, whose wickedness comes to the father's ears, and she is punished. Compare ''The White Bride and the Black One'' (No. 135), and the notes to it. The counting out, in the beginning, occurs also in the ballad ''Gräfin''&lt;ref&gt;Herzogin Orlamünde?—{{sc|Tr.}}&lt;/ref&gt; ''Orlamünde'', in the ''Wunderhorn''. 

{{anchor|142}}{{c|142.—{{sc|Simeli Mountain]].}}}}

It is remarkable that this story, which is told in the province of Münster, is told also in the Hartz, about the Dummburg (Otmar, pp. 235, 238) or Hochburg, and closely resembles the Eastern story, ''The Forty Thieves'' (1001 ''Nights'', 6, 345), where even the rock Sesam, which falls open at the words Semsi and Semeli, recalls the name of the mountain in the German saga. This name for a mountain is, according to a document in Pistorius (3. 642), very ancient in Germany. A mountain in Grabfeld is called Similes, and in a Swiss song (Kuhn's ''Kühreihen'', Berne, 1810, p. 20, and Spazier's ''Wanderungen'', Gotha, 1790, pp. 340, 341) a Simeliberg is&lt;noinclude&gt;{{float center|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3048" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TeysaKarlov&quot; /&gt;{{rh||NOTES.—TALES 141, 142.|439}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;my pig Schmortopf, my goat Klipperbein, my cow Gutemuh, my house Guckheraus (peep out of it), my husband Kegelbahn, my child Goldenring, my maid Hatergsagt, my man Haberecht, my cock Wettermann, my flea Hüpfinsstroh (hop in the straw). Jung Stilling only quotes one line (''Jugendleben'', 1, 62), &quot;Gerberli hiess mein Hüneli;&quot; and a Dutch popular song begins, &quot;Koekeloery heet myn haan, prys heet myn hennetjen.&quot; Compare also Schottky's ''Oestreichische Lieder'', p. 40. When Tannhaüser (MS. 2, 67) calls his people Zadel (Blame?), Zweifel (Doubt), Schade (Injury), and Unbereit (Unready), it marks the transition of the epic names into conscious allegory, as, for instance, in the saying, &quot;Much borrowing had a step-mother called Sell-what-thou-hast, who brought forth a daughter called Give-it-cheap; this same daughter had a brother called Out-of-doors.&quot; The well-known saying, &quot;Sparebread (father) is dead; Schmalhans (a half-starved creature) is head of the kitchen,&quot; is intermediary. There are many instances of single names, such as that of Zeitvertreib or Leidvertreib, for the wife, occurring in old works, viz. in ''Morolf'', 159, 1145. The &quot;Ruprecht mein Knecht&quot; of the ''Wartburger Krieg'', also belongs to this group. Compare the names which occur in ''Fair Katrinelje'' (No. [[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/Fair Katrinelje and Pif-Paf-Poltrie|131]]).

{{anchor|141}}{{c|141.—{{sc|[[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/The Lambkin and the Little Fish|The Lambkin and the Little Fish]].}}}}

From the principality of Lippe. The end is imperfect, and it only dimly appears that the step-mother believes that she has eaten the little lamb, and orders the cook to cook the fish also. But when the fish begins to talk and to bemoan its lot, the cook does not kill it, but takes it to the lamb, and again deceives the step-mother, whose wickedness comes to the father's ears, and she is punished. Compare ''The White Bride and the Black One'' (No. [[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/The White Bride and the Black One|135]]), and the notes to it. The counting out, in the beginning, occurs also in the ballad ''Gräfin''&lt;ref&gt;Herzogin Orlamünde?—{{sc|Tr.}}&lt;/ref&gt; ''Orlamünde'', in the ''Wunderhorn''. 

{{anchor|142}}{{c|142.—{{sc|[[Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/Simeli Mountain|Simeli Mountain]].}}}}

It is remarkable that this story, which is told in the province of Münster, is told also in the Hartz, about the Dummburg (Otmar, pp. 235, 238) or Hochburg, and closely resembles the Eastern story, ''The Forty Thieves'' (1001 ''Nights'', 6, 345), where even the rock Sesam, which falls open at the words Semsi and Semeli, recalls the name of the mountain in the German saga. This name for a mountain is, according to a document in Pistorius (3. 642), very ancient in Germany. A mountain in Grabfeld is called Similes, and in a Swiss song (Kuhn's ''Kühreihen'', Berne, 1810, p. 20, and Spazier's ''Wanderungen'', Gotha, 1790, pp. 340, 341) a Simeliberg is&lt;noinclude&gt;{{float center|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/49</title>
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      <text bytes="2531" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|THE ANT-LION}}

{{asc|BY J. H. FABRE}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{sm|(“The Inscets’ Homer”)}}

{{sm|''Painting and Drawings by'' E. J. DETMOLD}}}}

{{sc|My}} big and little readers, look at the picture illustrating this story and tell me what you see. First of all, a hideous little monster. It has six short legs and an enormous body—the sign of an insatiable appetite—and carries on its head two sharp-pointed, curved, movable horns, which open and shut like a savage pair of pincers. Suppose we were to hear that, in a desert island, a monster like that, but the size of a wolf, was just emerging from the thick jungle and making for a traveller, for some modern Robinson Crusoe, and that, in another moment, it would be sticking its tusks into him, hew thrilling we should find it! We should hope that the man whose life was in danger was armed with the most effective weapons, which would help him to come victorious out of the contest: a twelve-chambered revolver at least, to say nothing of a breech-loading rifle and explosive bullets!

But we must not take an unfair advantage of the animal’s ugly appearance in order to provoke unnatural excitement, for what I am about to tell is history and not a fairy-tale: proper, genuine history. I will lose no time in saying that the creature is quite harmless to any of us, even the smallest. By this I do not mean to suggest that it has not a very fierce and brutal temper; only, the victims of its bloodthirsty instincts move in a world so tiny that we tread it under foot unnoticed. It is an ogre, ever hungering after fresh meat. like the famous ogre of your fairy-tales: you know, the one who welcomed Hop-o’-my-Thumb and his brothers to his house one evening, meaning to put them all in a pie like so many pigeons; in short, just the sort of ogre who makes your blood run cold.

Our little monster, then, wants its dinner, a thing not always easy to find in this world, especially for an ogre. Hunger is gnawing at its inside; it must eat or die. Its usual prey is the Ant, a good runner, whose nimble legs promptly take to flight and baffle the clumsy, corpulent hunter’s attempts to attack her. You might as well tell the Tortoise to run and catch the Gazelle. Our ogre possesses no greater agility in comparison with the Ant; and moreover there is another reason that makes it quite impossible for him to run after anything 
{{missing image}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sm|''Translated by Alexander Teixeira de Mattos.{{wsp1}}Copyright U.S.A.,'' 1914, ''by Hughes Massie &amp; Co.''}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{asc|BY J. H. FABRE}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{sm|(“The Inscets’ Homer”)}}

{{sm|''Painting and Drawings by'' E. J. DETMOLD}}}}

{{sc|My}} big and little readers, look at the picture illustrating this story and tell me what you see. First of all, a hideous little monster. It has six short legs and an enormous body—the sign of an insatiable appetite—and carries on its head two sharp-pointed, curved, movable horns, which open and shut like a savage pair of pincers. Suppose we were to hear that, in a desert island, a monster like that, but the size of a wolf, was just emerging from the thick jungle and making for a traveller, for some modern Robinson Crusoe, and that, in another moment, it would be sticking its tusks into him, hew thrilling we should find it! We should hope that the man whose life was in danger was armed with the most effective weapons, which would help him to come victorious out of the contest: a twelve-chambered revolver at least, to say nothing of a breech-loading rifle and explosive bullets!

But we must not take an unfair advantage of the animal’s ugly appearance in order to provoke unnatural excitement, for what I am about to tell is history and not a fairy-tale: proper, genuine history. I will lose no time in saying that the creature is quite harmless to any of us, even the smallest. By this I do not mean to suggest that it has not a very fierce and brutal temper; only, the victims of its bloodthirsty instincts move in a world so tiny that we tread it under foot unnoticed. It is an ogre, ever hungering after fresh meat. like the famous ogre of your fairy-tales: you know, the one who welcomed Hop-o’-my-Thumb and his brothers to his house one evening, meaning to put them all in a pie like so many pigeons; in short, just the sort of ogre who makes your blood run cold.

Our little monster, then, wants its dinner, a thing not always easy to find in this world, especially for an ogre. Hunger is gnawing at its inside; it must eat or die. Its usual prey is the Ant, a good runner, whose nimble legs promptly take to flight and baffle the clumsy, corpulent hunter’s attempts to attack her. You might as well tell the Tortoise to run and catch the Gazelle. Our ogre possesses no greater agility in comparison with the Ant; and moreover there is another reason that makes it quite impossible for him to run after anything:
{{missing image}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sm|''Translated by Alexander Teixeira de Mattos.{{wsp1}}Copyright U.S.A.,'' 1914, ''by Hughes Massie &amp; Co.''}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/50</title>
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      <text bytes="2565" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|32|PRINCESS MARY’S GIFT BOOK}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;like the Crab, he can only really walk backwards, which is not exactly the way to overtake your quarry when it’s in front of you.

To be fat and heavy, to walk backwards and to be obliged to have live Ant for one’s dinner is a difficult, a very difficult problem. What would you do in such a case? Come, try to find something! Rack your brains! You can think of nothing? Well, never mind: plenty of others, including myself, could not think of anything either.

Everyday common-sense, expressed in proverbs, tells us over and over again that necessity is the mother of invention. This great truth, which we have learnt by personal experience, we shall learn once more from the Ant-hunter. But first let us give him a name, to simplify our story. Naturalists call him the Ant-lion, a very happy term, which reminds us that, like the Lion, he lives by carnage, slaughtering live prey, in this ease Ants. Now that we have christened him we can on.

When he wants his dinner, the Ant-lion says to himself:

“You’re a fat little beggar, you know, short-legged and slow-moving; you’ll never catch Ants by running after them. On the other hand, you can walk backwards, that’s capital; you have a head flattened like a navvy’s shovel, that’s first-rate; your pincers are long and grip like a knife, that’s perfect, absolutely perfect. We’ll use that talent for walking backwards; we’ll use those tools, the shovel and tongs; we’ll make craft take the place of the agility which we lack; and the dinner will come along.”

No sooner said than done. In a nice dry spot, warmed by the sun and sheltered from the rain by an overhanging rock, the wily animal selects a place where Ants are incessantly moving to and fro on household matters. Gravely, with the mathematical accuracy of an engineer tracing the foundation of a well-planned building, the Ant-lion walks backwards, with his body dug into the sand; he turns and turns and in this way hollows out a groove shaped like a perfect circle. Then, still moving backwards and still digging deeper and deeper into the sand, he repeats the circuit many times over, but gradually coming nearer the centre, where he arrives in the end. If any obstacle, such as a large bit of gravel, which would spoil the work, makes its appearance, the Ant-lion takes it on his flat head and, with a vigorous jerk of his neck, flings it to a distance over the edge of the hole. We should use a shovel in exactly the same way to throw out the rubbish when digging.
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/51</title>
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      <text bytes="2628" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh||THE ANT-LION|33}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The result of this labour is a sort of funnel, two inches wide and a little less in depth. For that matter, each Ant-lion scoops himself out one proportioned to his size: the larger ones, the giants of the family, produce one almost big enough to hold an orange; the younger and smaller ones are content with a hollow which a walnut would fill. But, whether great funnels or modest dents, all these cavities are constructed on one and the same principle: the slope is very steep and formed of extremely loose sand; nothing, however light, can set foot upon it without producing a landslip, followed by a headlong fall.

When the work is finished, the scoundrel buries himself in the sand, right at the bottom of the funnel; his pincers alone appear outside, ever ready to snap, but nevertheless hidden as far as possible. And now the Ant-lion remains completely motionless and waits; he waits for hours, for days, for weeks, if necessary, for his patience is unequalled; he waits for his dinner to come to him, as he cannot go after his dinner himself.

Let us do as he does and wait, very attentively. What will happen? See, an Ant comes trotting along, suspecting no harm, bringing a little honey in her crop for her mates, who are working at a distance, just as the goodwife, on the stroke of noon, brings the reaper his midday meal in the fields. In her hurry, or perhaps in her heedlessness, she has not seen the precipice. She steps upon it, but only just on the edge. It makes no difference: as soon as her foot is on the perfidious slope, the sand gives way and the poor thing is dragged down. If our eyes were sharp enough, we should see signs of fierce delight betrayed by the formidable jaws at the bottom.

Thank goodness! A microscopic bit of straw has interfered with the landslide. The fall ends in the middle of the slope; and the Ant, recovering her balance, tries to scramble back to the top. The sand trickles under her feet; no matter: she goes to work with so much prudence, she so skilfully makes use of the smallest solid support, she is so careful to move sideways instead of going straight up the slope that it looks as though the climb ought to be achieved without fresh impediment. Her knees, her delicate feelers seem atremble with excitement. One more effort, only a little effort, and the thing is done. The edge is there, close by; the Ant must reach it.

Alas, she does not reach it! Suddenly from the sky there falls upon the poor wretch, thick as hailstones, a rain of grains of sand, which, for the tiny Ant, is as bad as a regular rain of pebbles. Who
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    <title>Page:Princess Mary's Gift Book (IA princessmarysgif00mary).pdf/52</title>
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      <text bytes="1933" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rh|34|PRINCESS MARY’S GIFT BOOK}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;is the brute that takes delight in thus stoning the distressed Ant, who clings in her despair now to this side, now to that, as best she may, so as not to roll to the bottom of the precipice? The brute is the Ant-Tion, the ruffian, lying in ambush down in his funnel. See what he is doing. He takes on his flat head a load, a shovelful of sand, and flings it in the air towards the Ant, with a sudden, quick jerk of the neck, like the movement of a spring. The shovelfuls follow rapidly, one after the other. Whoosh! And whoosh! Do you want another? There’s one! You don’t want another? There’s one all the same!

What can the Ant do, I ask you, on the slope of that terrible trap, where the ground falls from under her in a rushing torrent, while a hail of pebbles dashes down from above? In vain she struggles, with all the pluck of despair: for each step forward she takes three back, coming nearer and nearer to the dreadful jaws that are waiting for her at the bottom of the funnel. Bruised and dazed with the stoning, she rolls over and over, right into the jaws. The jaws seize her and everything disappears under the sand; not a trace remains of the recent tragedy.

Peacefully buried in the sand of his lair, the Ant-lion devours his astutely-captured prey. When the meal is over, there remains a dry carcass, which must be thrown away, for, if left in the funnel, it might frighten any game in future and betray the hunter in his ambush. A jerk of the shovel, that is to say, a toss of the flat head, flings it outside the hole.

Then the Ant-lion repairs the damage done to his trap, removes the coarser grains of sand, touches up the slopes to make them ready for a new slide. He buries himself as I have described and awaits the coming of the next Ant.

That is how the Ant-lion secures his dinner. And yet there are people who say that animals have no sense!
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    <title>Page:Ta Tsing Leu Lee; Being, The Fundamental Laws, and a Selections from the Supplementary Statutes, of the Penal Code of China.djvu/4</title>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;TRANSLATOR’s PREFACE.  In undertaking the work which is now submitted to the eye of the Public, the Translator was not unconscious of the difficulties and disadvantages he would have to contend with in so novel an attempt. He was however encouraged to proceed by the persuasion that the work was in itself amply deserving of the labour which it might be necessary to bestow upon it; that the intrinsic value, the unquestionable authenticity of the materials,...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1524" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;TRANSLATOR’s PREFACE.

In undertaking the work which is now submitted to the eye of the Public, the Translator was not unconscious of the difficulties and disadvantages he would have to contend with in so novel an attempt. He was however encouraged to proceed by the persuasion that the
work was in itself amply deserving of the labour which it might be necessary to bestow upon it; that the intrinsic value, the unquestionable authenticity of the materials, and the general importance and curiosity of the subject, would fully compensate those particular defects and imperfections which, in an undertaking of this nature, were foreseen to be unavoidable, and, upon the whole, make amends for the too concise and almost obscure brevity of the text, in some places, its tedious and uninstructive prolixity in others, and its general unsuitableness for translation into an English idiom. Under all circumstances he flattered himself, that a faithful version of the Fundamental Laws of the Penal Code of China might, with the addition of some supplementary matter, not only prove interesting as far as regards its immediate subject, but likewise afford a more compendious and satisfactory illustration, than any other Chinese work that could have been selected, of the peculiar system and constitution of the Government, the principles of its internal policy, ifs connection with the national habits and character, and its influence upon the general state and condition of the people in that country.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center|a}} {{right|To}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>vol 1</comment>
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      <comment>typo</comment>
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    <title>Page:Ta Tsing Leu Lee; Being, The Fundamental Laws, and a Selections from the Supplementary Statutes, of the Penal Code of China.djvu/5</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;To account for the limited and defective nature of our information  upon these interesting subjects, notwithstanding the number and variety of the literary communications concerning the Chinese empire, which we already possess in Europe, through the medium of the European languages, it will be requisite to advert particularly to the circumstances under which these communications have been made, and to the sources from which they have, for the most part,...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2190" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;{{RunningHeader|left=ii|center={{asc|Translator’s Preface.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;To account for the limited and defective nature of our information  upon these interesting subjects, notwithstanding the number and variety of the literary communications concerning the Chinese empire, which we already possess in Europe, through the medium of the European languages, it will be requisite to advert particularly to the circumstances under which these communications have been made, and to the sources from which they have, for the most part, been derived. 

It will not be necessary, in the course of this enquiry, to trace back the subject to any very remote period. It is well known that the Empire of China, bounded on one side by the ocean, and on the other by ranges of inaccessible mountains, or vast and seemingly impervious {{SIC|desarts}}, continued, until about the commencement of the 13th century of our era, to be effectually secluded by these natural barriers  from any direct and regular intercourse with the rest of the inhabited globe. The various inquisitive and enlightened nations, which successively flourished in ancient times, both in Western Asia and in Europe, scarcely appear to have even suspected its existence. 

In the mean while, however, the people who, at a remote period of antiquity first colonized this fertile and extensive region, were gradually emerging from primeval barbarism. Without either receiving assistance, or encountering opposition, from their less fortunate neighbours, they slowly but regularly advanced upon the strength of 
their own internal resources and local advantages, nearly, if not entirely, to their present state of civilization and improvement. 

The commencement of the 13th century is the period at which the Chinese first submitted in a body to the sway of a foreign conqueror; and although the dynasty, established by the successful invaders, was not of any long duration, it must have had a material, and even in some degree a permanent effect, upon the relations between China and contemporary Powers; more especially, as this revolution in the East was, it will be perceived, at no considerable interval of time,
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|seconded}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Index:Calculus Made Easy.pdf</title>
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    <title>Page:Ta Tsing Leu Lee; Being, The Fundamental Laws, and a Selections from the Supplementary Statutes, of the Penal Code of China.djvu/3</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: center;&quot;&gt; TO   {{larger|JOHN BARROW, ESQ. F.R.S.}}  {{larger|&amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.}}  IN TESTIMONY OF SINCERE REGARD AND ESTEEM, THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED,  BY   HIS OBLIGED AND ATTACHED FRIEND,   THE TRANSLATOR.  &lt;/div&gt;&quot;</comment>
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TO 

{{larger|JOHN BARROW, ESQ. F.R.S.}}

{{larger|&amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.}}

IN TESTIMONY OF SINCERE REGARD AND ESTEEM,
THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED,

BY 

HIS OBLIGED AND ATTACHED FRIEND, 

THE TRANSLATOR. 
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:DawsonOrnithologicalMiscVol1.djvu/9</title>
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      <text bytes="525" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Dick Bos&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{dhr|2}}
{{c|{{xxx-larger|ORNITHOLOGICAL MISCELLANY.}}
{{dhr|3}}
BY 

GEORGE DAWSON ROWLEY, M.A., F.Z.S., 

{{fine|MEMBER OF THE BRITISH ORNITHOLOGISTS' UNION.}}}}
{{dhr|3}}
{{rule|15em}}
{{center block|{{fine block|{{gap|5em}}&quot;We'll&lt;br /&gt;A birding together.&quot; 

{{gap|5em}}''Merry Wives of Windsor,''&lt;br /&gt;{{gap|7em}}Act iii. Sc. 3.}}}}
{{rule|15em}}
{{dhr|3}}
{{c|LONDON:&lt;br /&gt;TRÜBNER AND CO., LUDGATE HILL, E.C. 

BRIGHTON:&lt;br /&gt;THOMAS PAGE, NORTH STREET.&lt;br /&gt;1875. 
{{dhr|2}}
{{fine|[All rights reserved.]}}}}
{{dhr|2}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Ta Tsing Leu Lee; Being, The Fundamental Laws, and a Selections from the Supplementary Statutes, of the Penal Code of China.djvu/6</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507210</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:36:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Kbseah</username>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;seconded in the West, by the fortunate era of the restoration of letters, and of the introduction of the most important of the improvements in navigation in modern Europe.  As a new spirit of curiosity and enterprize had been thus excited, and means apparently adequate to its complete gratification discovered, it might naturally be supposed that one of the first objects would have been that of taking advantage of the additional facilities which seemed to...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2141" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Kbseah&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{asc|Translator’s Preface.}}|iii}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;seconded in the West, by the fortunate era of the restoration of letters, and of the introduction of the most important of the improvements in navigation in modern Europe.

As a new spirit of curiosity and enterprize had been thus excited, and means apparently adequate to its complete gratification discovered, it might naturally be supposed that one of the first objects would have been that of taking advantage of the additional facilities which seemed to have been afforded for a communication with the Chinese empire; that the early accounts, however vague and imperfect, which had been given by casual travellers, of its extent, magnificence, and political importance, would have soon led, in the ordinary course of events, to an intimate acquaintance and a regularly established intercourse with that remote and recently discovered, but, at the same time, highly interesting portion of the civilized world.

At the end, however, of several centuries, these expectations are still but very imperfectly realized. This Great Empire, too well assured of the competency of its own natural and artificial resources, to be induced to seek, and, if not too powerful, at least too distant and compactly united, to be liable to be compelled to enter into alliances and close connections with the Powers of Europe, has never as yet, except in a precarious and limited degree, admitted of any species of intercourse with them. It continues to this day wholly regardless and independent of those nations of the West, whose general superiority in policy and in arms has triumphantly extended their power and influence over almost every other existing society of mankind.

A considerable portion of the intercourse which actually subsists between China and the Nations of Europe owes its origin, as is well known, to the influence of religious motives; and was established under rather favourable auspices, by the indefatigable zeal and appropriate talents of the early missionaries of the Catholic church. These ecclesiastics, having been for the most part of the Society of Jesus,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nop}}
{{rh||a 2|were}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/162</title>
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      <text bytes="1513" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|CHAPTER V

WAGNER THE POET}}

The war, while banishing the name of Richard Wagner from the posters of our concerts and theatres has restored his works to the agenda of criticism. It has revived on the subject of the ''Tetralogy'', ''Tristan'', and ''Parsifal'', controversies which might have been thought to be dead and which take us back thirty years. We have no reason to complain of that. The &quot;sacred union&quot; has not suffered, and truth can only gain by it. The testing of time renders easier the equitable appreciation of works of art; and in the case of Wagner's work this test has been long enough to give us the advantage of due perspective. We to-day can turn upon this vast and complex monument of poetry, music and theatrical decoration a gaze more free and clear than could our elders, when they saw it rise for the first time before their astonished and dazzled eyes. The time will come, and it will come by victory, when reasons lying deep in the fitness of things which ruled that the author of the ''Tetralogy'' must be excluded from our dramatic and musical repertories will no longer exist, and it will then be for considerations of taste to decide whether or no Wagner is to be played, or to what extent he is to be played. But the decision of which public feeling will allow in this matter, the practice that will be established, will have all the more wisdom and authority if they are inspired by a taste that is well informed and thoroughly enlightened on the nature and value of Wagner's&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/163</title>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:38:10Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1639" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|149|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;work, and on the quality of the influence that it has exercised and is still capable of exercising in our country. By giving ourselves up to this examination with the impartiality and calm that it demands we shall, on one important question, be making beforehand our dispositions for &quot;after the war&quot;!
{{dhr}}
{{c|I}}
The question is a very wide one. I do not intend to study it here in its totality; of the two great aspects under which it presents itself, I shall only consider one. Wagner produced work both as a poet and as a musician. I will speak of the poet. I will try to characterise and judge Wagner's dramatic poems.

Beyond doubt the subject when thus limited is open to one objection. It may be said that dramas destined to be translated into music and only written with that object, form with their music a living and indissoluble whole. By separating the elements of this whole in order to make them the subject of two distinct analyses, shall we not inflict on both a sort of mutilation, shall we not deprive them of a part of their meaning?

There lies a difficulty against which we must indeed be on our guard. But that does not mean that we must withdraw the Wagnerian dramas from the test of a separate investigation. As Descartes said in effect, there is only one way of settling questions, and that is to begin by dividing them. This is especially true of such complex and many-sided questions as this. When it is intended to judge seriously a work of musical drama the first thing necessary is to study the drama by itself. Drama in music is still drama. As such&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/164</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507217</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:39:17Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1811" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|150|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;it must have its own substance; it presents us with a story, characters, passions, characterisation; it rests on a certain basis of ideas. All this it should normally be possible to understand without the music; these things ought to offer in themselves an interest that is independent of the music. No doubt at a mere reading the imagination will not associate itself with this interest as keenly as might be desired; those poems will not produce the emotion or exhale the poetry which when they are heard, may be the chief attraction, and which depend above all on the music. But one to whose mind this music is familiar could not re-read these dramas without hearing the music singing in the words, without seeing the situations coloured by it. And if he gives an analysis or description of the dramatic stories of Wagner, the lines with which he draws them will find themselves quite naturally impregnated with this musical colouring, and they will not have the comparative dryness of the bare text.

This method seems undoubtedly the right one. But however much the question in general may be open to debate, there is, where Wagner is concerned, a reason of fact which imposes it on us, and renders especially necessary a previous and separate study of the Wagnerian dramas. In the very considerable influence exercised in France by Wagner's work, his dramatic poems have had their own independent share. I am quite ready to agree that they have owed their influence solely to the renown of the music which accompanied or supported them, and I admit that without its aid they would not simply as samples of German literature have succeeded in capturing the attention of Frenchmen. But once introduced within our borders by this powerful musical medium, they&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/165</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507226</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:40:21Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1636" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|151|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;somehow detached themselves from it; they had their own separate success; they attained prominence by themselves. They have not lacked great admirers, nor makers of glosses and scholiasts to elucidate their mysteries. They have been read by many with gravity and in the expectation of finding great things in them. They have conquered the imagination of artists, have provided painters with inspiration, and certain poetic schools with myths and themes of meditation on which they have freely embroidered; they have even furnished the model of a form of expression for imitation. Doctrines have been sought in them; the Wagnerian conceptions have added credit or at the very least attractiveness to certain mystic ideologies, to certain religious movements arising from the same tendencies. In short, Wagner brought into France not only a music but also a literature. And this literature has had its share for the last forty years in the intellectual culture of a considerable class of Frenchmen. It has scattered a thousand germs in our mental atmosphere. The student who cares to collect in detail the evidences of its action will find matter for a big volume. I would add (and the fact must be reckoned with) that this action has been so easily spread abroad because in many respects it went hand in hand with the great Germanic influences which have been making themselves felt in our country for a century past.
{{dhr}}
{{c|II}}
The sources of Wagnerian literature are known. They are mythical and historical legends of Germany and the Scandinavian countries, presented to the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/166</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507232</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:42:28Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1791" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|152|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;German people in ancient and modern versions or adaptations; also romances of the Breton cycle translated or adapted as far back as the middle ages by German writers such as Wolfram of Eschenbach and Gottfried of Strasburg. These are the sources from which Wagner drew the subjects of his dramas, except that work of his youth, ''Rienzi''. These subjects were very much in vogue in German literature in the days of his youth. The taste with which they inspired him was nothing new, it was the prevailing taste of the time. The most marked feature of this period of German literature, the period which followed Goethe and is by general agreement called the romantic period, was a great vogue for the old national literature, a great zeal for its revival. And it was not only Germany's historians, students and philologists who devoted themselves to this undertaking. Her poets, romance-writers and dramatic authors contributed to it in their own way by themselves taking from this distant source the plots and characters of their fictions. Tieck, Lamotte-Fougué, Hoffman, Novalis, Immermann, Heine, to say nothing of a legion of obscure authors, dealt with all Wagner's subjects before Wagner. They told or sang of the Flying Dutchman, Tannhäuser, Lohengrin, Tristan, Parsifal, Siegfried. &quot;There were in existence,&quot; says the learned H. Lichtenberger, &quot;a crowd of tragedies on the ''Nibelungen''.&quot; Thus Wagner the poet is not an independent or isolated phenomenon. He belongs to the literary school of German romanticism which covers the first half of the nineteenth century.

The works of his first period, ''the Phantom Ship'', ''Tannhäuser'' and ''Lohengrin'' constitute as regards their inspiration and their form a distinct group in the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/167</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018873</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507235</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:43:24Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1789" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|153|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;total of his creations. But the three have enough in common to make us content with a few remarks on the last of the three.

We find in ''Lohengrin'' that part of the theme is truly poetic, stamped with real humanity and lacking in its developments neither simplicity nor grace. Take for example all the part dealing with the feelings of Elsa towards Ortrude, her deadly enemy. Ortrude has contrived a diabolical plot for the ruin and dishonour of Elsa. Unmasked and defeated she appeals to the girl's pity and begs her to restore her in the eyes of the world by reconciliation: but this is only in order to find opportunity for the hideous vengeance she is meditating. Elsa is far more sorry for her wickedness than for her misfortune (wickedness being indeed the greater misfortune), and grants her not only pity but friendship; rendered happy by love she thinks she would be ungrateful for her own good fortune if she hardened her heart even against this wicked woman. Everyone knows well the charm of the setting devised by the poet's scenic inventiveness for the expression of these feelings. The ingenuous raptures of Elsa's love for her knight have a charm no less natural and pure. And the triumph of this love in the splendour and glory of nuptial pomp provides not merely a scene and a spectacular effect; there is wafted by the pageant of these celebrations a breath of youth and untroubled enthusiasm.

Though the knights of the Grail, of whom ''Lohengrin'' is one, belong to the world of miracle, yet the terrestrial mission that they allot themselves, which often summons them far from their sacred abode to the region of ordinary mortals, has an object and a motive that appeal to the mind and heart, namely the defence&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/168</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018874</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507238</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:44:35Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1783" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|154|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of justice and oppressed innocence. That is what gives a noble and clear meaning, a moving grandeur to the magical arrival of Lohengrin; touched by the last appeal of Elsa, to whom he has already presented himself in a dream, he comes and places her under the protection of his sword and his honour. Are we to be astonished that he falls in love with her? The knights of the Grail may well have, side by side with their mystic super-human vocation, a share in human sensibility, seeing that they are grievously moved by human injustice.

But at this point arises a situation which it is difficult to treat humanly. Elsa becomes the wife of a demi-god, and it so happens that this demi-god can only prolong his sojourn on earth incognito. If his personality and origin are discovered the charm which keeps him there is broken and he must go. Accordingly he makes Elsa swear never to ask him about himself, or she will see him vanish into the air from which he came. It seems to me that at this point the theme loses dignity, savours of the childish, of the fairy story, and that it becomes impossible to develop it in a natural manner while adhering to the poetic and lofty tone of other portions of the work. Imagine not knowing to whom one is married! Might it not be perhaps with the devil, who is so clever at taking all sorts of shapes? Such a condition imposed in the name of love engenders of itself a sort of entirely physical anguish that must paralyse the sentiment. How could a young bride fail to feel the obsession of it? How should she not lend ear to all that her women neighbours would whisper to her? Elsa is not a wife whose conscience is struggling against a temptation of moral infidelity, but a little girl who has&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/187</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507240</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:44:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>RaboKarbakian</username>
        <id>2427564</id>
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      <comment>/* Problematic */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2549" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|135|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;I cotch him wid a piece ob paper dat I found. I rap him up in de paper and stuff a piece of it in he mouff—dat was de way.”

“And you think, then, that your master was really bitten by the beetle, and that the bite made him sick?”

“I don’t think noffin’ about it—I nose it. What make him dream ’bout de goole so much, if ’tain’t ‘cause he bit by the goole-bug? Ise heerd ’bout dem goole-bugs ‘fore dis.”

“But how do you know he dreams about gold?”

“How I know? why, ’cause he talk about it in he sleep—dat’s how I nose.”

“Well, Jup, perhaps you are right; but to what fortunate circumstances am I to attribute the honour of a visit from you to-day? ”

“What de matter, massa?”

“Did you bring any message from Mr Legrand?”

“No, massa, I bring dis here pissel”; and here Jupiter handed me a note which ran thus:

My bear

 
Why have I not seen you for so long a time? I hope you have not been so foolish as
to take offence at any little brusquerie of mine; but no, that is improbable.

Since I saw you I have had great cause for anxiety. | have something to tell you, yet
scarcely know how to tell it, or whether | should tell it at all.

1 have not been quite well for some days past, and poor old Jup annoys me, almost
beyond endurance, by his wellameant attentions. Would you believe it?—he had pres
pared a huge stick, the other day, with which to chastise me for giving him the slip,
and spending the day, solus, among the hills on the mainland. | verily believe that my ill
looks alone saved me a flogging.

Thave made no addition to my cabinet since we met.

If you can, in any way, make it convenient, come over with Jupiter. Do come. 1
wish to see you tomight, upon business of importance. I assure you that it is of the
highest importance.

Ever yours,
Wirutam Lecranp

There was something in the tone of this note which gave me great
uneasiness. Its whole style differed materially from that of Legrand.
What could he be dreaming of? What new crotchet possessed his excitable
brain? What “ business of the highest importance’ could he possibly
have to transact? Jupiter's account of him boded no good. I dreaded lest
the continued pressure of misfortune had, at length, fairly unsettled the
reason of my friend. Without a moment's hesitation, therefore, I pres
pared to accompany the negro.

Upon reaching the wharf, I noticed a scythe and three spades, all

oS&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|135}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>qmse89d78xy6amprt7ql3h5f6un11e5</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507272</id>
      <parentid>12507240</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:54:16Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>RaboKarbakian</username>
        <id>2427564</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2644" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|135|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;I cotch him wid a piece ob paper dat I found. I rap him up in de paper and stuff a piece of it in he mouff—dat was de way.”

“And you think, then, that your master was really bitten by the beetle, and that the bite made him sick?”

“I don’t think noffin’ about it—I nose it. What make him dream ’bout de goole so much, if ’tain’t ‘cause he bit by the goole-bug? Ise heerd ’bout dem goole-bugs ‘fore dis.”

“But how do you know he dreams about gold?”

“How I know? why, ’cause he talk about it in he sleep—dat’s how I nose.”

“Well, Jup, perhaps you are right; but to what fortunate circumstances am I to attribute the honour of a visit from you to-day?”

“What de matter, massa?”

“Did you bring any message from Mr Legrand?”

“No, massa, I bring dis here pissel”; and here Jupiter handed me a note which ran thus:
&lt;div class=&quot;bq&quot;&gt;
{{sc|My dear}}{{bar|4}},

Why have I not seen you for so long a time? I hope you have not been so foolish as to take offence at any little ''brusquerie'' of mine; but no, that is improbable.

Since I saw you I have had great cause for anxiety. I have something to tell you, yet scarcely know how to tell it, or whether I should tell it at all.

I have not been quite well for some days past, and poor old Jup annoys me, almost beyond endurance, by his well-meant attentions. Would you believe it?—he had prepared a huge stick, the other day, with which to chastise me for giving him the slip, and spending the day, ''solus'', among the hills on the mainland. I verily believe that my ill looks alone saved me a flogging.

I have made no addition to my cabinet since we met.

If you can, in any way, make it convenient, come over with Jupiter. ''Do'' come. I wish to see you ''to-night'', upon business of importance. I assure you that it is of the highest importance.

{{right block|Ever yours,&lt;br /&gt;
{{em|4}}{{sc|William Legrand}}}}{{-}}
&lt;/div&gt;

There was something in the tone of this note which gave me great uneasiness. Its whole style differed materially from that of Legrand.
What could he be dreaming of? What new crotchet possessed his excitable brain? What “business of the highest importance” could ''he'' possibly have to transact? Jupiter’s account of him boded no good. I dreaded lest the continued pressure of misfortune had, at length, fairly unsettled the reason of my friend. Without a moment’s hesitation, therefore, I prepared to accompany the negro.

Upon reaching the wharf, I noticed a scythe and three spades, all&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|135}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>gzyetnds1c2awk6a20afpcptf8r5d01</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/169</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018876</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507245</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:46:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1803" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|155|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;been forbidden to draw a certain curtain or open a certain door, who is haunted by the thought of doing so and does not resist it. Parody dogs the steps of this part of the story. Nietzsche, with his passion for satirising Wagner, quite saw this. &quot;Lohengrin, or the importance of making sure of the civil status of the person one marries,&quot; is the way he puts it. It is only too easy no doubt to ridicule a fine work which offers one absurd aspect, and I readily allow that the unity of tone, sustained inspiration, and fine radiance of the music, correct or minimise in the performance the effect of disproportion and inequality resulting from this absurd element mingled with elements that are natural and noble. These defects are none the less real, and not to be shocked at this infantile aspect of the drama one must surely have an imagination that lacks culture, and is very easily pleased.

This drama has, according to Wagner, a high philosophic trend. But there is one strange point—or rather, it is only too comprehensible—to which I cannot too emphatically draw attention. What we find infantile in his theme is precisely what he himself, when he undertakes to annotate it and bring out its philosophic meaning, thinks greatest. And those elements of invention of which we can scarcely make sense are the very ones to convey, according to him, the most precious and sublime meanings. Listen to him—this is German!

&quot;Elsa is the unconscious, the spontaneous, in the bosom of which the conscious, thoughtful being of Lohengrin aspires to find its deliverance (or, its redemption: ''Erlösung''); but this aspiration itself is traceable to the unconscious, necessary, and spontaneous element in Lohengrin's being, by which he feels his&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>h7zk97bt55857z66ljb6f0p5pg0iqda</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/170</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018877</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507248</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:48:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1841" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|156|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;affinity to the being of Elsa. Thanks to the power of this 'unconscious conscience,' as I experienced it myself with Lohengrin, I arrived at a comprehension growing more and more intimate of feminine nature; I succeeded in plunging myself so completely in the feminine being that I expressed it in a manner worthy of that complete penetration in my Elsa the lover. I could not prevent myself from finding the latter absolutely justified in the final explosion of her jealousy, and it was precisely that explosion which for the first time enlightened me thoroughly on the purely human essential quality of love. This woman who, with a clear vision of what she is doing, hurls herself to her doom out of regard for the necessary essential quality of love—who, given up to the feelings of an enthusiastic adoration, wills to go under if she cannot possess her well-beloved in his entirety; this woman who, from the fact of her contact with Lohengrin was destined just so to go under, only by the same stroke to give him over to his destruction: this woman who acts thus and cannot act otherwise, who by the explosion of her jealousy passes from a state of charmed adoration to the essential plenitude of love, and who in going under reveals its essential quality to the man who did not yet understand it: this magnificent woman before whom Lohengrin was to disappear, because from the point of view of his special nature he could not understand her—this woman I had now discovered, and the first arrow that I launched towards the noble object, already foreshadowed but not known, of my discovery, was my Lohengrin, to whose loss I had to consent in order to remain true to my aim of the true feminine, which is to bring redemption to me and the entire world, when before it masculine egoism,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>fpq31twe91nnh6dxff79m3kq2hagc1g</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/45</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018878</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507250</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:49:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;his kind friend that there was no reason why he should have any desire to touch what was forbidden. So the gentleman left him, but waited at the door to see and hear. Soon he saw the old man get up and look under this cover, and then that, until all but the centre one had been examined. He paused and said, &quot;I wonder what's under that cover; but no, I must not touch it.&quot; So he helped himself freely. Yet he could not avoid thinking about that centre dish....</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="609" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|32|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;his kind friend that there was no reason
why he should have any desire to touch
what was forbidden. So the gentleman
left him, but waited at the door to see
and hear. Soon he saw the old man get
up and look under this cover, and then
that, until all but the centre one had
been examined. He paused and said,
&quot;I wonder what's under that cover; but
no, I must not touch it.&quot; So he helped
himself freely. Yet he could not avoid
thinking about that centre dish.
At last he said, &quot;I do not see any harm
in just looking, I won't touch;&quot; and so he
kept worrying about what was there. At&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>4inlc72swcea97w03he93twzp62whfm</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/46</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018879</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507252</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:49:35Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;last he made up his mind just to peep in, and looking all round and not seeing any one, thought all was safe. What was his surprise on lifting the cover, to find a little mouse inside, that instantly jumped out and away it ran. The poor gardener ran after it trying to catch it, that he might put it back again, and not be found out; but he made such a noise that the gentle- man himself opened the door, and coming in said, &quot;Why, what's the matter?&quot; &quot;Oh,&quot; s...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="656" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|33|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;last he made up his mind just to peep in,
and looking all round and not seeing any
one, thought all was safe. What was his
surprise on lifting the cover, to find a little
mouse inside, that instantly jumped out
and away it ran. The poor gardener ran
after it trying to catch it, that he might
put it back again, and not be found out;
but he made such a noise that the gentle-
man himself opened the door, and coming
in said, &quot;Why, what's the matter?&quot; &quot;Oh,&quot;
said the old gardener, &quot;sir, I just went to
peep in, only just to look what was under
that cover in the centre of the table, and
out jumped this mouse.&quot; &quot;Ah, my friend,&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ffsg1zd4etajevk1aydlq4se9aazrvb</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507253</id>
      <parentid>12507252</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:50:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="668" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|33|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;last he made up his mind just to peep in,
and looking all round and not seeing any
one, thought all was safe. What was his
surprise on lifting the cover, to find a little
mouse inside, that instantly jumped out
and away it ran. The poor gardener ran
after it trying to catch it, that he might
put it back again, and not be found out;
but he made such a noise that the gentleman himself opened the door, and coming
in said, &quot;Why, what's the matter?&quot; &quot;Oh,&quot;
said the old gardener, &quot;sir, I just went to
peep in, only just to look what was under
that cover in the centre of the table, and
out jumped this mouse.&quot; &quot;Ah, my friend,&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sm|3}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>im39n9qnpax1bf4rvsj8ztzt8313t3p</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/171</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018880</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507254</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:50:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1704" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|157|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;even under the noblest form, shall have broken itself, being itself annihilated. Elsa the woman—Woman till now not understood and now understood, that very necessary essential expression of pure sensitive spontaneity—has made of me a thorough revolutionary. She was the spirit of the people, of which I too as artist felt the need, for my redemption.&quot;

You do not quite follow? But it is partly that the German language is terrible, with all those amphibious words in whose signification sensation and idea mingle and encroach on each other in a manner so confused that it is practically impossible for us to translate them; for, to the honour of our intellectual and moral civilisation we have not their equivalents in French. In this flux of invertebrate phrases, one conception, which if not clear is at any rate very strongly tendencious, yet allows itself to be discerned. Reason, knowledge, experience, deliberate thought, all the &quot;conscious&quot; and organised forms of our inner life, imprison us in the bonds from which we must &quot;deliver&quot; ourselves by some undefined yielding to the suggestions or intuitions of pure and instinctive sensibility, as man &quot;delivers himself&quot; of himself in the bosom of a woman, delivers himself of egoism in the bosom of love. And sensibility, emancipated from reflection is identified with what Wagner calls the &quot;spirit of the people,&quot; an ideal of all innocence, kindness and genius.

There you have something muddy, and moreover disquieting. Let us meet it with healthy French laughter.
{{dhr}}
{{c|III}}
Despite these explanations by Wagner, ''Lohengrin'' (and one must say the same of ''Tannhäuser'' and the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>4hwnyid2qsx9znbrg4m9qzyfry3jas7</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/47</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018881</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507256</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:50:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;said the gentleman, &quot;do you remember that day in the garden when you blamed Adam for having touched the forbidden fruit; and do you remember how confi- dent you were, that had you been tried, you would not have been so foolish and wicked? I hope now you are satisfied that you are no better than Adam, and that Adam only did what you and I are doing daily. Do not, therefore, be too ready to condemn another for what you would and are doing from day to day.&quot;...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="608" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|34|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;said the gentleman, &quot;do you remember
that day in the garden when you blamed
Adam for having touched the forbidden
fruit; and do you remember how confi-
dent you were, that had you been tried,
you would not have been so foolish and
wicked? I hope now you are satisfied
that you are no better than Adam, and
that Adam only did what you and I are
doing daily. Do not, therefore, be too
ready to condemn another for what you
would and are doing from day to day.&quot;
Now, dear child, sin is any violation of
the commands of God. We are all the
time trying to make excuses for ourselves,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>7uo5tq548s12m7zynrh1n69jbv6zrvp</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/48</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018882</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507257</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:50:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;yet really we have none. Listen to the following story :- &quot;Oh,&quot; cried the little children, &quot;oh, such flowers, and only just inside the fence,&quot; and then stealthy glances were cast up at the windows, the gate passed softly, the beautiful flowers were snatched with a trembling hand, and the little children fled away with beating hearts. Were they now happier because their guilty feet had wandered into forbid- den paths? Only a little way had they gone, and...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="604" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|35|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;yet really we have none. Listen to the
following story :-
&quot;Oh,&quot; cried the little children, &quot;oh,
such flowers, and only just inside the
fence,&quot; and then stealthy glances were
cast up at the windows, the gate passed
softly, the beautiful flowers were snatched
with a trembling hand, and the little
children fled away with beating hearts.
Were they now happier because their
guilty feet had wandered into forbid-
den paths? Only a little way had they
gone, and lo! they had fallen into sin.
The freshness, the fragrance, the beauty.
of the flowers, were not sufficient to still&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>d775zagxxqt6vzrx5ksq48v6529n99l</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/49</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018883</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507258</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:50:49Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;the remorseful whisper of conscience. It was only just inside the fence they had been, yet what an ugly mark had sin set upon their fair brows. Poor little children are we all, forbidden pleasure smiles and beckons to us just in- side the fence, our longing glances linger there, our feet stray thitherwards. It is just a little, no one sees us, and we put forth our hands and pluck the flowers whose fatal beauty is a snare to the soul. Only just inside the...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="625" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|36|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the remorseful whisper of conscience.
It was only just inside the fence they
had been, yet what an ugly mark had
sin set upon their fair brows.
Poor little children are we all, forbidden
pleasure smiles and beckons to us just in-
side the fence, our longing glances linger
there, our feet stray thitherwards. It is
just a little, no one sees us, and we put
forth our hands and pluck the flowers
whose fatal beauty is a snare to the soul.
Only just inside the fence, but that fence
is set between us and sin. On one side
of it we may walk safely in the king's
highway, but the other side leads to&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6bemrg1crjoxq4hcj3cib21v9my3aoe</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/50</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018884</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507259</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:51:01Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;temptation, to folly, and to crime. Once when we have set our feet in the forbid- den paths, we go again more boldly, till the time comes when that fence is broken down or destroyed by our reckless indul- gence in evil desires. There is no longer a barrier between us and sin. We do not pause or look round stealthily, or tremble as we grasp the coveted pleas- Our looks have grown impudent and bold, the guilty blood mantles not on our cheeks at the detecte...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="616" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|37|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;temptation, to folly, and to crime. Once
when we have set our feet in the forbid-
den paths, we go again more boldly, till
the time comes when that fence is broken
down or destroyed by our reckless indul-
gence in evil desires. There is no longer
a barrier between us and sin. We do
not pause or look round stealthily, or
tremble as we grasp the coveted pleas-
Our looks have grown impudent
and bold, the guilty blood mantles not
on our cheeks at the detected sin. The
fence is broken down, and we wander
without restraint further and further on
those inviting paths, whose fatal termi-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>63v5cvceygx2kb97fke5oxuj67tir8s</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/51</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018885</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507261</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:51:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;nation is the snare, the pitfall, the abyss of darkness and despair. Such beautiful flowers! run from them, touch them not. They are forbidden. Only just inside the fence, is sin, without it is safety. And it matters not what the sin is, be it great or small, we have no peace until we confess the whole, and seek pardon. Little Harry's father was a poor man, and it was rarely that a cent found its way into Harry's pocket, except on Sun- day, when his fath...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="626" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|38|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;nation is the snare, the pitfall, the abyss
of darkness and despair. Such beautiful
flowers! run from them, touch them not.
They are forbidden. Only just inside the
fence, is sin, without it is safety. And it
matters not what the sin is, be it great or
small, we have no peace until we confess
the whole, and seek pardon.
Little Harry's father was a poor man,
and it was rarely that a cent found its
way into Harry's pocket, except on Sun-
day, when his father would sometimes
give him a cent to put into the mission-
ary box. Harry often saw other little
boys spending cents for candies and mar-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/52</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507262</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:51:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;bles, but it was a hard matter for his fa- ther to scrape together enough money to buy bread and clothing with, and he could not afford to give his little boy cents to spend for candy and toys. One Sabbath, not long since, as Harry was about leaving for Sunday-school, his father called to him and said, &quot;Here, Harry, is a cent for you to put into the missionary box.&quot; It was a new, bright cent, and it looked very beautiful to Harry as he took it into his h...</comment>
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      <text bytes="627" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|39|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;bles, but it was a hard matter for his fa-
ther to scrape together enough money to
buy bread and clothing with, and he could
not afford to give his little boy cents to
spend for candy and toys.
One Sabbath, not long since, as Harry
was about leaving for Sunday-school, his
father called to him and said, &quot;Here,
Harry, is a cent for you to put into the
missionary box.&quot; It was a new, bright
cent, and it looked very beautiful to Harry
as he took it into his hand, and the thought
came into his head, I wish it was mine to
keep. Now, what was Harry to do when
this wicked thought came into his mind?&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/53</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507264</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;Why, he should have driven it right out again, and determined that he would not wish for the cent; and he should have asked God to help him to do what was right. The devil was tempting Harry then, by putting wicked thoughts into his heart, just as he did to Adam and Eve in the garden of Eden. And when Harry, instead of saying, as our blessed Saviour did, get thee behind me, Satan, listened to him and began to wish over and over again to keep the cent; th...</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="595" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|40|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Why, he should have driven it right out
again, and determined that he would not
wish for the cent; and he should have
asked God to help him to do what was
right. The devil was tempting Harry
then, by putting wicked thoughts into his
heart, just as he did to Adam and Eve in
the garden of Eden. And when Harry,
instead of saying, as our blessed Saviour
did, get thee behind me, Satan, listened
to him and began to wish over and over
again to keep the cent; then he entered
into temptation.

As Harry ran on to Sunday-school, he
kept taking the bright cent out of his&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/172</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507267</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:52:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1788" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|158|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''Phantom Ship'') presents itself as a sufficiently simple work. In it the author follows almost line for line the incidents of the old mediæval legend, heightening them with straightforward and sometimes beautiful poetic developments. We could read and re-read the text and suspect none of the extraordinary meanings which his commentary would have us discover in them. But had he thought of putting those meanings in it himself? Did he not introduce them after the work was done? There are very strong reasons for thinking that he did so. The strongest is obtained from a comparison of dates. ''Lohengrin'' is three years earlier than the year 1848. The ''Communication to my friends'', which gives the commentary on it, is two years after that date. For anyone who knows Wagner's moral history that explains everything. The revolution of 1848 had a deep and violent influence on him, it caused a real crisis in his ideas. Till then his mental activity had been applied solely to his art; on everything else he had held the average opinions of a peaceable subject of the king of Saxony. Here we find him calling in question all received opinions and beginning I will not say to meditate but to dream about the foundations of civilisation and society. The so-called explanation of the meaning of his first dramas is in reality a manifesto of his new thoughts. But as he became from this moment a passionate theorist, without however, ceasing to be a poet, we find him no longer relegating the expression of his theories to the annotations on his dramas; he propagates them in the dramas themselves. That is the new characteristic of the ''Nibelungen Ring'' as compared with ''Lohengrin''.

This new bent of his mind, which henceforth re-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>A Treatise on Painting/Chapter 323</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[../]]  | author     = Leonardo da Vinci  | translator = John Francis Rigaud  | section    = Of Objects seen at a Distance  | previous   = [[../Chapter 321/]]  | next       = [[../Chapter 323/]]  | notes      =  }} &lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=328 fromsection=&quot;Chapter 323&quot; to=328 tosection=&quot;Chapter 323&quot; /&gt; {{smallrefs}} {{default layout|Layout 2}}&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="394" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = Of Objects seen at a Distance
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 321/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 323/]]
 | notes      = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=328 fromsection=&quot;Chapter 323&quot; to=328 tosection=&quot;Chapter 323&quot; /&gt;
{{smallrefs}}
{{default layout|Layout 2}}</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507273</id>
      <parentid>12507270</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:57:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="394" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = Of Objects seen at a Distance
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 322/]]
 | next       = [[../Chapter 324/]]
 | notes      = 
}}
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/173</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018890</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507277</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T20:59:04Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1807" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|159|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;mained for Wagner, subject to slight variations, a definite tendency, has however no originality. It gives no evidence of any personal effort of reflection. It is a beaten track, but he follows it with as much feverish ardour as if he had hewn it out by his own initiative. He embraces his ideas with passion, but he is not in any sense their creator. He received them from the ambient air. In German philosophic and literary circles of the nineteenth century there were no ideas more widely received; the source from which he draws them occupied in German thought of that century the position of an ordinary commonplace. That commonplace consists in what might be called the cult of the primitive, in the identification of the primitive with the ideal. The supposition, or the dream, is that all the creations of thought and of the human soul, all the {{SIC|instutitions|institutions}} of human life, poetry, religion, morality, law, once had a primitive state, a primitive form, superior to all the forms they have subsequently assumed, which is the excelling type by which all the rest must be judged, and to which a return must be made.

Considered in itself this ideology is the cloudiest and vainest in the world; there is nothing corresponding to it in the reality of things. The primitive state is an entity devoid of sense. But what has no sense as an expression of the real may have some as the expression of certain tendencies. And it is easy to recognise in the ideology of the primitive the expression of the ethical and national tendencies, aspirations and pretensions of modern Germany. Up to the end of the eighteenth century Germany had felt herself and recognised herself to be a backwater of the traditional European culture of which&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/77</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507287</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:02:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Uzume</username>
        <id>173317</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2778" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|59|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:59 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:59 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:59 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;might, he would not go. Why should he? Who was this man 
that he should command his obedience? His father? Then 
what, as a father, had he done for him? Abandoned him to 
the charity of others. What was he? One whom he had 
thought of with shame, hoping never to set eyes on his face. 
And now this man, this father, this thing of shame, would have 
him sacrifice all that was near and dear to him, and leave behind 
the only one who had been, indeed, his father, and the only 
place that had been, in truth, his home. But no, that base 
thing he would not do. And saying this, Michael Sunlocks 
tossed his head proudly, though there was a great gulp in his 
throat and his voice had risen to a cry.

And to all this rush of protest old Adam, who had first stared 
out at the window with a look of sheer bewilderment, and then 
sat before the fire to smoke, trying to smile though his mouth 
would not bend, and to say something more though there 
seemed nothing to say, answered only in a thick under-breath, 
&quot;He is your father, my lad, he is your father.&quot;

Hearing this again and again repeated, even after he had 
fenced it with many answers, Michael Sunlocks suddenly be- 
thought himself of all that had so lately occurred, and the idea 
came to him in the whirl of his stunned senses that perhaps 
the Governor wished him to go, now that they could part without 
offence or reproach on either side. At that bad thought his 
face fell, and though little given to women's ways, he had almost 
flung himself at old Adam's feet to pray of him not to send 
him away whatever happened, when all at once he remembered 
his vow of the morning. What had come over him since he 
made that vow, that he was trying to draw back now? He 
thought of Greeba, of the Governor, and again of Greeba. Had 
the coming of Greeba altered all? Was it because Greeba was 
again home that he wished to stay? Was it for that the 
Governor wished him to go, needing him now no more? He 
did not know, he could not think; only the hot flames rose to 
his cheeks and the hot tears to his eyes, and he tossed his head 
again mighty proudly, and said as stoutly as ever, &quot;Very well— 
very well—I'll go—since you wish it.&quot;

Now old Adam saw but too plainly what mad strife was in 
the lad's heart to be wroth with him for all the ingratitude of 
his thought, so, his wrinkled face working hard with many 
passions—sorrow and tenderness, yearning for the lad and 
desire to keep him, pity for the father robbed of the love of 
his son, who felt an open shame of him—the good man twisted&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/188</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507290</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:03:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>RaboKarbakian</username>
        <id>2427564</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2769" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|136|chapter|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;apparently new, lying in the bottom of the boat in which we were to
embark.

“What is the meaning of all this, Jup?” I inquired.

“Him syfe, massa, and spade.”

“Very true; but what are they doing here?”

“Him de syfe and de spade what Massa Will sis ‘pon my buying for him in de town, and de debbil’s own lot of money I had to gib for ’em.”

“But what, in the name of all that is mysterious, is your ‘Massa Will’ going to do with scythes and spades? ”

“Dat’s more dan I know, and debbil take me if 1 don’t b’lieve ’tis more dan he know too. But it’s all cum ob de bug.”

Finding that no satisfaction was to be obtained of Jupiter, whose whole intellect seemed to be absorbed by “de bug,” I now stepped into the boat, and made sail. With a fair and strong breeze we soon ran into the little cove to the northward of Fort Moultrie, and a walk of some two miles brought us to the hut. It was about three in the afternoon when we arrived. Legrand had been awaiting us in eager expectation. He grasped my hand with a nervous ''empressement'' which alarmed me and strengthened the suspicions already entertained. His countenance was pale even to ghastliness, and his deep-set eyes glared with unnatural lustre. After some inquiries respecting his health, I asked him, not knowing what better to say, if he had yet obtained the ''scarabæus'' from Lieutenant G{{bar|3}}.

“Oh, yes,” he replied, colouring violently, “I got it from him the next morning. Nothing should tempt me to part with that ''scarabæus''. Do you know that Jupiter is quite right about it?”

“In what way?” I asked, with a sad foreboding at heart.

“In supposing it to be a bug of real gold.” He said this with an air of profound seriousness, and I felt inexpressibly shocked.

“This bug is to make my fortune,” he continued, with a triumphant smile; “to reinstate me in my family possessions. Is it any wonder, then, that I prize it? Since Fortune has thought fit to bestow it upon me, I have only to use it properly, and I shall arrive at the gold of which it is the index. Jupiter, bring me that ''scarabæus''!”

“What! de bug, massa? I’d rudder not go fer trubble dat bug; you mus’ git him for your own self.” Hereupon Legrand arose, with a grave and stately air, and brought me the beetle from a glass case in which it was enclosed. It was a beautiful ''scarabæus'', and, at that time, unknown to naturalists—of course a great prize in a scientific point of view. There were two round black spots near one extremity of the back, and a long one near the other. The scales were exceedingly hard and glossy, with all&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|136}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/174</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507291</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:03:31Z</timestamp>
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        <id>2831151</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1767" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|160|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Latin nations received the direct heritage from Greece and Rome. At that moment, for reasons the explanation of which would require a general review of history, a fierce need of emancipation and separation took possession of her; she decided to affirm in all the manifestations of the mind her own independent personality.

Meanwhile she found herself behind other western peoples, especially the French, in civilisation, and had nothing original to set against the old common culture from which it was her pretension to emancipate herself. How was Germany to bring this situation and this ambition into harmony? There was only one way, that she should turn this very backwardness, with all that it implied of comparative rudeness and barbarism, into a boast; that she should interpret her apparent inferiority as the sign of a real superiority. And this, with the aid of her philosophers, she did. Strong in the theories of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, of whom one may say that he was to prove, though without intention, the prophet of German national thought, these philosophers furnished her with grounds for depreciation of the acquired perfections which compose an outstanding civilisation, depreciation of the learned classical discipline of reason, depreciation of politeness of taste and manners; thus providing at the same time grounds for admiration of Germany, who had kept closer to nature. This comparison, entirely to their own advantage, marked out their path for the Germans and fired them with enthusiasm. The return to Nature for them meant a return to their own nature. By discarding the artificial training to which they had too long been slaves, they would restore themselves morally to the original&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/175</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507295</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:06:09Z</timestamp>
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        <id>2831151</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1821" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|161|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and first condition of humanity, and find once more its divine inspirations. Thus was formed the principle of a new culture, the starting point of a new career for philosophy, poetry and criticism. It is true that it was not particularly easy to represent the Primitive, as thus conceived, by clear cut notions. But ought it not of itself to lend itself better to a shadowy intuition? And for the purpose of appealing to this intuition, the German tongue has a resource all her own, the prefix ''Ur'', which placed before the name of anything signifies its absolutely initial form, its remotest genesis: ''Ur-anfang'', the beginning of the beginning: ''Ur-grund'', the reason anterior to all reasons that can be apprehended: ''Ur-stimmung'', the hidden state of soul underlying the state of soul of which we are conscious. Since ''Volk'' means in German &quot;people,&quot; the German people was ''Ur-volk'', the type of nationality intended and created by Nature, non-artificial.

With the idea of the primitive were closely associated those of the popular (''volkstümlich''), the spontaneous (''unwillkürlich'') and the unconscious (''unbewusst''). These concepts are practically interchangeable. The creations of culture are aristocratic and deliberate creations. The creations of nature are the work of all, they are produced artlessly, by a collective, unconscious and spontaneous generation. With an extraordinary lack of taste German criticism persisted in finding these common characteristics in poetical compositions matured in stages of civilisation so unequal, and belonging to such different antiquities as the ''Nibelungen'', the Bible, and the poems of Homer. They did so simply on the ground that these works were the most ancient in date that had been trans-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/176</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018895</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507298</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:07:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1800" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|162|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;mitted to us by the various national literatures to which they belonged.

One might discuss the limits of the influence, in any case very wide, exercised in Germany by these conceptions. But the discussion would be without interest for us, since, so far as Richard Wagner is concerned, this influence was unlimited. It would be impossible to be more subject to it than he was. He was absolutely possessed by it. He may have subsequently discovered other ideas; he may have changed, I will not say his principles (how attribute principles to a mind of this quality, all passion and mobility?) but at least his sentiments, impressions and impulses. His faith in the primitive and its ideal value adapted itself to these successive orientations; by doing so it took on some new tints but was not weakened. If anyone has found in his theoretical writings as many as thirty lines in which the following expressions do not recur ''ad nauseam'', I should like to see them: ''rein menschlich'' (purely human), ''urmenschlich'' (primitively human), ''willkürlich'' and ''unwillkürlich'' (deliberate and spontaneous), ''unbewusst'' (unconscious). With these words, which do not mean much, Wagner imagines he has said all there is to be said.

It is true that I have traced to the national passions of the German people, if not the very origin of this ideology, at least the unprecedented favour that it enjoyed. And on the other hand the Wagner of 1848 appears to us to be far removed from nationalist preoccupations. He is as he says &quot;utterly revolutionary.&quot; There is no contradiction in this. The ideology of German nationalism, and the revolutionary ideology (which must on no account be confused with the positive and definite ideas of reform contained in&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/78</title>
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      <text bytes="2709" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|60|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:60 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:60 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:60 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;about from the fire and said, &quot;Listen, and you shall hear what your father has done for you.&quot;

And then, with a brave show of composure, though many a time his old face twitched and his voice faltered, and under his bleared spectacles his eyes blinked, he told Michael Sunlocks the story of his infancy—how his father, a rude man, little used to ways of tenderness, had nursed him when his mother, being drunken and without natural feelings, had neglected him; how his father had tried to carry him away, and failed for want of the licence allowing them to go; how at length, in dread of what might come to the child, yet loving him fondly, he had concluded to kill him, and had taken him out to sea in a boat to do it, but could not compass it from terror of the voice that seemed to speak within him, and from pity of the child's artless prattle; and last of all, how his father had brought him there to that house, not abandoning him to the charity of others, but yielding him up reluctantly, and as one who gave away in solemn trust the sole thing he held dear in all the world.

And pleading in this way for Stephen Orry, poor old Adam was tearing at his own heart woefully, little desiring that his words would prevail, yet urging them the more for the secret hope that, in spite of all, Michael Sunlocks, like the brave lad he was, would after all refuse to go. But Michael, who had listened impatiently at first, tramping the room to and fro, paused presently, and his eyes began to fill and his hands to tremble. So that when Adam, having ended, said, &quot;Now, will you not go to Iceland?&quot; thinking in his heart that the lad would fling his arms about him and cry, &quot;No, no, never, never,&quot; and he himself would then answer, &quot;My boy, my boy, you shall stay here, you shall stay here,&quot; Michael Sunlocks, his heart swelling and his eyes glistening with a great new pride and tenderness, said softly, &quot;Yes, yes—for a father like that I would cross the world.&quot;

Adam Fairbrother said never a word more. He blew out the candle that shone on his race, sat down before the fire, and through three hours thereafter smoked in silence.

But for all the powerful advocacy that had raised the pity of Sunlocks, and persuaded him that he ought to go to Iceland, some furtive instinct of boyhood still prompted him to rebel. Hardly knowing yet what this strife in his young blood could be, he went out of the house, and paced the gravel-walk at the western end of it. His step was heavy for so light a foot,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/189</title>
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      <text bytes="2495" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|137|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;the appearance of burnished gold. The weight of the insect was very remarkable, and, taking all things into consideration, I could hardly blame Jupiter for his opinion respecting it; but what to make of Legrand’s concordance with that opinion I could not, for the life of me, tell.

“I sent for you,” said he, in a grandiloquent tone, when I had completed my examination of the beetle, “I sent for you that I might have your counsel and assistance in furthering the views of Fate and of the bug{{bar|3}}”

“My dear Legrand,” I cried, interrupting him, “you are certainly unwell, and had better use some little precautions. You shall go to bed, and I will remain with you for a few days, until you get over this. You are feverish and{{bar|3}}”

“Feel my pulse,” said he.

I felt it, and to say the truth, found not the slightest indication of fever.

“But you may be ill and yet have no fever. Allow me this once to prescribe for you. In the first place go to bed. In the next{{bar|3}}”

“You are mistaken,” he interposed, “I am as well as I can expect to be under the excitement which I suffer. If you really wish me well you will relieve this excitement.”

“And how is this to be done?”

“Very easily. Jupiter and myself are going upon an expedition into the hills, upon the mainland, and, in this expedition, we shall need. the aid of some person in whom we can confide. You are the only one we can trust. Whether we succeed or fail, the excitement which you now perceive in me will be equally allayed.”

“I am anxious to oblige you in any way,” I replied; “but do you mean to say that this infernal beetle has any connexion with your expedition into the hills?”

“It has.”

“Then, Legrand, I can become a party to no such absurd proceeding.”

“I am sorry—very sorry—for we shall have to try it by ourselves.”

“Try it by yourselves! The man is surely mad!—but stay!—how long do you propose to be absent?”

“Probably all night. We shall start immediately, and be back, at all events, by sunrise.”

“And you will promise me, upon your honour, that when this freak of yours is over, and the bug business (good God!) settled to your satisfaction, you will then return home and follow my advice implicitly, as that of your physician.”

“Yes; I promise; and now let us be off, for we have no time to lose.”&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|137}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2503" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|137|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;the appearance of burnished gold. The weight of the insect was very remarkable, and, taking all things into consideration, I could hardly blame Jupiter for his opinion respecting it; but what to make of Legrand’s concordance with that opinion I could not, for the life of me, tell.

“I sent for you,” said he, in a grandiloquent tone, when I had completed my examination of the beetle, “I sent for you that I might have your counsel and assistance in furthering the views of Fate and of the bug{{bar|3}}”

“My dear Legrand,” I cried, interrupting him, “you are certainly unwell, and had better use some little precautions. You shall go to bed, and I will remain with you for a few days, until you get over this. You are feverish and{{bar|3}}”

“Feel my pulse,” said he.

I felt it, and to say the truth, found not the slightest indication of fever.

“But you may be ill and yet have no fever. Allow me this once to prescribe for you. In the first place go to bed. In the next{{bar|3}}”

“You are mistaken,” he interposed, “I am as well as I can expect to be under the excitement which I suffer. If you really wish me well you will relieve this excitement.”

“And how is this to be done?”

“Very easily. Jupiter and myself are going upon an expedition into the hills, upon the mainland, and, in this expedition, we shall need. the aid of some person in whom we can confide. You are the only one we can trust. Whether we succeed or fail, the excitement which you now perceive in me will be equally allayed.”

“I am anxious to oblige you in any way,” I replied; “but do you mean to say that this infernal beetle has any connexion with your expedition into the hills?”

“It has.”

“Then, Legrand, I can become a party to no such absurd proceeding.”

“I am sorry—very sorry—for we shall have to try it by ourselves.”

“Try it by yourselves! The man is surely mad!—but stay!—how long do you propose to be absent?”

“Probably all night. We shall start immediately, and be back, at all events, by sunrise.”

“And you will promise me, upon your honour, that when this freak of yours is over, and the bug business (good God!) settled to your satisfaction, you will then return home and follow my advice implicitly, as that of your physician.”

“Yes; I promise; and now let us be off, for we have no time to lose.”
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|137}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/177</title>
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      <text bytes="1653" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|163|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the programme of such and such a political revolution) start from the same point; they are to say truth the same ideology, considered in two different applications and lending itself with equal facility to either. In what name does Germany attack the tradition of the old European and classical culture? In the name of the inspirations of primitive humanity. In what name does the spirit of revolution attack institutions and laws in general? In the name of primitive rights. The kinship of these two movements of ideas is very close and obvious, and it explains why, among the nations of Europe, Germany is the only one in which the revolutionary spirit has not weakened the national spirit. For the great welders of imperial unity, when they have become the masters of public opinion, it is an undertaking based on nature and the affinities of things to turn the current of one of these ideas into the other, to attract the revolutionary movement into the nationalist movement, and to capture for the profit of the latter the moral energies and forces of sentiment engaged in the first. At the point of history with which we are now concerned, this work is only faintly foreshadowed. The revolutionary spirit which stirs Wagner is still cosmopolitan. But there would not be many changes to make in the terms of his message to convert the writings containing its expression into regular manifestos of proselytic Germanism.
{{dhr}}
{{c|IV}}
Being the work of the ideologue as much as of the poet, the ''Nibelungen Ring'' or ''Tetralogy'' generally passes for a very obscure composition. And I am far&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/178</title>
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      <text bytes="1826" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|164|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;from saying that its reputation is not well-earned. This drama in four dramas would deserve that opinion even if the author had not put into it other conceptions that are anything but clear besides those which I have just sketched. But if these conceptions provide the ''Ring'' with its principle and dominant themes, they do not constitute it entirely. There are several others added, which seem to me to have a relation with those first ones analogous to that of musical variations with their theme. Taken all together they form a sort of universal system embracing the totality of things human and divine. And it is indeed true that some parts of this system are calculated to reduce the most resolute exponent of it to despair.

The ''Ring'', then, is obscure. But is it unique in its obscurity? I think not, and I am astonished that among the aspects it presents this is the only one usually emphasised. Side by side with its symbolic meanings, which themselves are only partially, not wholly, wrapped in darkness, it offers us a story that is very clear and easily understood as soon as one stops looking too eagerly for symbolism. Its clearness is of two sorts according to which of two themes one chooses to study. One is the sort of clearness which is proper to fanciful stories and fairy tales, and one could not ask for anything more vivid, seeing that it satisfies the mind of a little child. The other is somewhat out of range of the young, but is no more difficult to understand than a novel or drama in the fashion of 1830, a novel or drama by Georges Sand or Dumas, such as ''Lelia'', ''Indiana'', ''Jacques'' or ''Antony'', inspired by the defence of free love and the rights of nature against the slavery and prejudice of marriage and laws. It does not really&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/79</title>
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      <text bytes="2414" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|61|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:61 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:61 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:61 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and he was gloomy and silent, save when a little petulant cry was wrung from him. But there seemed to be nothing to mock at him there except the echoes of old Cronk na Irey Lhaa, and none to grin at him except the moon, which had lately risen, and looked innocent enough when he faced about on her.

So for a long hour he walked to and fro, blackening his fate and his future; and then suddenly the silence that had been broken by his melancholy footfall only was startled by a trill of merry laughter. Sunlocks knew the voice, for his heart was in his mouth at the first note of it, and from a little window, framed round with honeysuckle just bursting into early bloom, there popped out into the white moonlight the curly brown head of Greeba, and her radiant and beautiful face beaming bright with gaiety and mischief.

Some light banter followed, in which she tendered him a penny for his thoughts, and he answered that she should have them for nothing if she could find him in pleasanter ones instead.

&quot;Why, you never really mean to go?&quot; she said; and he replied that he had no choice. She asked what he was to go for, and he said for study at the Latin school, and he supposed it was meant that he should join the Church.

Then the face in the frame of honeysuckle laughed more merrily than before, and in a tone of mock solemnity began to picture Sunlocks as a parson, with a countenance uncommon grave and a voice like a gawk.

&quot;Oh, you'll be forced to cut your hair,&quot; she said, &quot;and wear a black sack coat and a shovel hat.&quot;

But by this time the heavy spirit of Sunlocks had regained its wings, and straightway he fell into Greeba's own humour, and joining his melancholy wail with hers, he pictured himself returning to the island after his time in Iceland as vicar of that very parish.

&quot;Ah yes,&quot; she moaned, &quot;and I shouldn't wonder but you'll have to marry somebody out of the Dorcas class, and settle down.&quot;

&quot;I shouldn't wonder,&quot; said Sunlocks.

&quot;Some sulky old frump of a spinster in spectacles, just like Bella Quayle,&quot; she said.

&quot;Just,&quot; said he sadly.

&quot;What's their religion in Iceland?&quot; she asked sharply.

&quot;Lutheran,&quot; he answered.

&quot;And do their parsons hold with confession?&quot;{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Index:Poet Lore, volume 4, 1892.djvu/styles.css</title>
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    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/179</title>
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      <text bytes="1764" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|165|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;aggravate the difficulty, that the characters in this romance instead of being taken from the lower-middle classes of France and Germany are taken from Germanic mythology and prehistoric legend; especially when, from above the clouds or out of the abysm of time they address us in the language in use yesterday or the day before and quite familiar to us. In these two senses the ''Ring'' is a very clear work. The fantastic on a vast scale, a chain of wonderful stories put on the stage, and a romance modelled on the old romantic theses of sentimental anarchism, the whole mixed with certain riddles of metaphysical terminology, that for my part I think are only too easily deciphered, such are the elements of which the invention of the Tetralogy is composed.

I will summarise its story in as consecutive a manner as possible.

In the luminous depths of the Rhine, the gnome Alberich pursues the water-sprites who elude him and mock him, springing from rock to rock. But while thus disporting themselves they neglect to guard the divine treasure entrusted to them, comprising Gold, the Ring and the Helm; the Ring is capable of procuring for its possessor the sovereignty of the universe; the Helm is the instrument of all metamorphoses. The dwarf, forced to abandon the pursuit of the fair daughters of the wave, and preferring the joys of greed and power to those of unattainable love, gets possession of these magic objects. Changed into a monster he thinks he is secure against robbers. But he has reckoned without Wotan, the master of the gods, who on the advice of his gossip Loge (the Mercury of Nordic mythology) comes to the cave of Alberich, and defies him to change himself into a toad; the fool&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/185</title>
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{{dhr}}
{{c|V}}
The subject matter of these stories was borrowed by Wagner from the old Germanic-Scandinavian poem of the Nibelungen. One can understand the attraction it must have exercised, apart from all philosophic and symbolic aims, on a composer of operas the bent of whose mind led him in the direction of spectacular opera. For such is indeed the trend of Wagner's mind, at any rate such is one of the faculties that constituted his genius; he has a passionate taste for theatrical decoration and the composition of scenic effects; he adores their fascination, and he has a wonderful aptitude for their processes and artifices. Initiated early in all the mysteries of the boards by his step-father, Geyer, who was both an actor and a decorative painter, he was able to apply confidently his rare powers of imagination to scenic inventions: he would have made his fortune as a promoter of pantomimes if he had not been a great musician. Among the attractions which he found in the fable of the ''Nibelungen'', not the least was the quality of the scenic effects to which it lent itself. The under-water Rhine caves, with the gambolling of the water sprites, the palace of the gods in the clouds, the cavern of the Nibelungen and the metamorphoses of Alberich,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/186</title>
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      <text bytes="1814" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|172|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the rides of the Valkyrs, the combat of Siegfried and the dragon, Brünnhilde sleeping surrounded by a rampart of flames, the crumbling of Valhalla and its fall through space, all these combinations of marvels and landscape, of magic and nature, lent themselves to rich and wondrous imagery mounted on cardboard and wire, and promised rich entertainment to the eyes of spectators.

It is true that we French have also had spectacular opera, under the name of opera-ballet, and the works of the greatest and most exquisite of our musicians, Rameau, belong partly to this class. But the element of the marvellous in Rameau's operas is taken from classical mythology, that is to say from the most imaginative and most artistic nation in the world, from the inventions of the greatest poets of antiquity, Hesiod, Homer, Vergil, Ovid; it is permeated throughout with humanity, grace, irony and wit. The traditional figures and images by which it is represented are full of style, having been modelled by the genius of the Italian painters of the renaissance. The marvellous element in Wagner is taken, and taken raw, from a barbarous literature. It has indeed its own savour and colour; it is by no means lacking in a certain heavy humour. But it has a character of exaggeration and childishness, and the result is that for French taste (and we have I take it no reason for abjuring in honour of Wagner a taste which is our pride) it would be more in place at the Châtelet theatre, where we take our children, than in works that aim at grandeur of style and nobility of moral impression. We should take far more pleasure in it did not the author by mixing philosophy with it ask us to contemplate such scenes in a more serious spirit than is possible for us who are not&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/191</title>
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      <text bytes="2795" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|139|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;in the beauty of its foliage and form, in the wide spread of its branches, and in the general majesty of its appearance. When we reached this tree, Legrand turned to Jupiter, and asked him if he thought he could climb it. The old man seemed a little staggered by the question, and for some moments made no reply. At length he approached the huge trunk, walked slowly around it, and examined it with minute attention. When he had completed his scrutiny, he merely said:

“Yes, massa, Jup climb any tree he ebber see in he life.”

“Then up with you as soon as possible, for it will soon be too dark to see what we are about.”

“How far mus’ go up, massa?” inquired Jupiter

“Get up the main trunk first, and then I will tell you which way to go—and here—stop! take this beetle with you.”

“De bug, Massa Will!—de goole-bug!” cried the negro, drawing back in dismay—“what for mus’ tote de bug way up de tree?—d{{bar|3}}n if I do!”

“If you are afraid, Jup, a great big negro like you, to take hold of a harmless little dead beetle, why you can carry it up by this string—but, if you do not take it up with you in some way, I shall be under the necessity of breaking your head with this shovel.”

“What de matter now, massa?” said Jup, evidently shamed into compliance; “always want for to raise fuss wid old nigger. Was only funnin’ anyhow. ''Me'' feered de bug! what I keer for de bug?” Here he took cautiously hold of the extreme end of the string, and, maintaining the insect as far from his person as circumstances would permit, prepared to ascend the tree.

In youth, the tulip-tree or ''{{wdl|Q158783|Liriodendron Tulipiferum}}'', the most magnificent of American foresters, has a trunk peculiarly smooth, and often rises to a great height without lateral branches; but, in its riper age, the bark becomes gnarled and uneven, while many short limbs make their appearance on the stem. Thus the difficulty of ascension, in the present case, lay more in semblance than in reality. Embracing the huge cylinder, as closely as possible, with his arms and knees, seizing with his hands some projections, and resting his naked toes upon others, Jupiter, after one or two narrow escapes from falling, at length wriggled himself into the first great fork, and seemed to consider the whole business as virtually accomplished. The risk of the achievement was, in fact, now over, although the climber was some sixty or seventy feet from the ground.

“Which way mus’ go now, Massa Will?” he asked.

“Keep up the largest branch—the one on this side,” said Legrand. The negro obeyed him promptly, and apparently with but little trouble;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|139}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/80</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018906</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507329</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:24:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Uzume</username>
        <id>173317</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2328" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|62|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:62 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:62 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:62 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;No—I don't know—yes, I believe so. Yes, yes.&quot;

&quot;And do all the people confess to them—young and old—both sexes—girls as well, you know—everybody?&quot; she said.

&quot;Everybody,&quot; said he.

There was a moment's silence, and then she threw her lace apron over her face and said, &quot;Good gracious! let's hope you'll never come back as vicar of this parish, any way.&quot;

For another moment Sunlocks was silent, all but with his eyes, and they were eloquent of rapture. &quot;Greeba,&quot; he said softly, looking up, &quot;would it be so very terrible to confess to me instead of to a stranger?&quot;

&quot;Why, goodness me! you are only a boy,&quot; she said.

That stroke of womanly dignity dashed his courage for a moment; but true it is that there are more ways to a girl's heart than to a capital town, and presently he said, dragging at the tendrils of honeysuckle as he spoke, &quot;I wouldn't so much mind confessing to you, Greeba.&quot;

From one corner of her apron she shot a glance at him, half coy, half arch, altogether bewitching, and said, &quot;And pray, sir, what would you confess?&quot;

&quot;Come down and I'll tell you—won't you come?—come now,&quot; he said coaxingly. &quot;Yes, yes!&quot;

&quot;No, no,&quot; she answered. &quot;But, if you must practise confession, just confess to me where I am.&quot;

A smile like sunshine lit up his young face in the moonlight, with its wealth of flaxen hair falling back.

&quot;Greeba,&quot; he whispered, &quot;Greeba&quot;——

&quot;Well, begin.&quot;

&quot;How beautiful you look to-night, Greeba!&quot;

&quot;You silly boy,&quot; she said; but her smile belied her words, and she hung her head at the sweet praise.

&quot;Greeba&quot;——

&quot;Stop, stop, stop!&quot; she cried in a hushed voice, &quot;there's somebody listening.&quot;

He swung about on the gravel with fire in his face in an instant, and said &quot;Where?&quot;

&quot;There,&quot; she answered with bated breath; &quot;look!&quot;

She pointed to a hedge a few paces away, and true enough a white face was peering over. Sunlocks made for it in four swinging strides and with uplifted fist, but before he could reach it another trill of merry laughter came from behind him, and the window was shut down with a bang.

Greeba was gone—the listener was a calf.{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/187</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018907</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507333</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:26:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
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      <text bytes="1795" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|173|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Germans. This combination of philosophy and machinery, of the abstract and string-pulling, makes us want to laugh. But Frenchmen and Germans do not laugh at the same things. The fantastic element when it represents something philosophic or historic is regarded gravely by the Germans, especially if it is on a &quot;colossal&quot; scale. It makes them think.

Let us recognise, however, that all this decorative part of Wagner's operas has not merely a perceptible attraction. It has also an element of poetic value if not in itself at any rate in the allurements that it holds out to the richest inspirations of the musician. Wagner as a musician excels in painting great landscapes; or more exactly in evoking for the imagination the hidden springs and profound rhythms of the natural forces manifested in the powerful undulations of a river's volume, the graceful or majestic course of the clouds, the murmurs of the trees, the play of light and shadow. His fantastic scenes are developed in the midst of these phenomena of nature, which may be said to take no less important a part in them than the characters themselves.

Yet it is very necessary that the latter should hold their own place in the scheme. Whatever influence picturesque or musical considerations may have had on the turn given by Wagner to the story of the ''Nibelungen'', he was bound, since he was making a drama out of it, to be pre-occupied with representing human nature. But to what extent could this preoccupation he reconciled with the double intention guiding the artist's pen, to display a scene of fantasy and to symbolise ideas? Characters who must at one and the same time take part in marvellous deeds of fable, and incarnate abstract ideas, surely cannot possibly&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/192</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507337</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:28:32Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2157" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|140|chapter|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;ascending higher and higher, until no glimpse of his squat figure could be obtained through the dense foliage which enveloped it. Presently his voice was heard in a sort of halloo.

“How much fudder is got for go?”

“How high up are you?” asked Legrand.

“Ebber so fur,” replied the negro; “can see de sky fru de top ob de tree.”

“Never mind the sky, but attend to what I say. Look down the trunk and count the limbs below you on this side. How many limbs have you passed?”

“One, two, tree, four, fibe—I done pass fibe big limb, massa, pon dis side.”

“Then go one limb higher.”

In a few minutes the voice was heard again, announcing that the seventh limb was attained.

“Now, Jup,” cried Legrand, evidently much excited, “I want you to work your way out upon that limb as far as you can. If you see anything strange let me know.”

By this time what little doubt I might have entertained of my poor friend’s insanity was put finally at rest. I had no alternative but to conclude him stricken with lunacy, and I became seriously anxious about getting him home. While I was pondering upon what was best to be done, Jupiter’s voice was again heard.

“Mos’ feerd for to venture pon dis limb berry far—’its dead limb putty much all de way.”

“Did you say it was a dead limb, Jupiter?” cried Legrand in a quavering voice.

“Yes, massa, him dead as de doormail—done up for sartain—done departed dis here life.”

“What in the name of heaven shall I do?” asked Legrand, seemingly in the greatest distress.

“Do!” said I, glad of an opportunity to interpose a word, “why come home and go to bed. Come now!—that’s a fine fellow. It’s getting late, and, besides, you remember your promise.”

“Jupiter,” cried he, without heeding me in the least, “do you hear me?”

“Yes, Massa Will, hear you ebber so plain.”

“Try the wood well, then, with your knife, and see if you think it ''very'' rotten.”

“Him rotten, massa, sure nuff,” replied the negro in a few moments,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|140}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/188</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018909</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507339</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:29:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
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      <text bytes="1721" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|174|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;preserve to any extent worth mentioning the liberty of feeling and thinking like natural beings. Between these two obligations, of which the second is no less mechanical than the first, the margin left for the manifestation of life and human truth is likely to be very much reduced.

It is not reduced to nothing. There are in the ''Tetralogy'' a few expressions of real humanity, some natural touches drawn from life. Fricka really does resemble a jealous wife, domineering and of narrow outlook, and her domestic scenes with Wotan are sometimes good comedy—not divine, but middle-class. There is a spirit of pleasantry in the dialogues of Mime and Siegfried, which though very Germanic does {{SIC|does}} not lack wit or relief; they have the moralist's touch. Siegried is agreeable, if one puts aside the anarchic signification of his personality; but the author too has been careful not to let that be explained to him. This young Hercules charms not only by the splendour of his physical youth, but also by a certain child-like quality of heart. Brünnhilde is tiresome, with her final prophesy, to which nothing led up in her career as wild amazon, artless lover of even as betrayed wife, for she was only that in a roundabout way, and the experience cannot have taught her much about humanity. Apart from this point, why should this Sleeping Beauty be any more unwelcome in the Tetralogy than in a fairy story by Perrault? Take them all round, all these figures are pretty elementary. To us these persons give the effect of elements quite as much as persons. There remains, it is true, Wotan, the complexity of whose thoughts and sentiments might make a real moral&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/81</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018910</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507345</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:32:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Uzume</username>
        <id>173317</id>
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      <text bytes="2598" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|63|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:63 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:63 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:63 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The next day being Monday, Greeba was sent on to Lague, that her mother and brothers might see her after her long absence from the island. She was to stay there until the Monday following, that she might be at Ramsey, to bid good-bye to Michael Sunlocks on the eve of his departure for Iceland.

Three days more Sunlocks spent at Government House; and on the morning of Friday, being fully ready and his leather trunk gone on before in care of Chalse A'Killey, who would suffer no one else to carry it, he was mounted for his journey on the little roan Goldie, when up came the Governor astride his cob.

&quot;I'll just set you as far as Ballasalla,&quot; he said jauntily, and they rode away together.

All the week through, since their sad talk on Easter-Day, old Adam had affected a wondrous cheerfulness, and now he laughed mightily as they rode along, and winked his grey eyes knowingly like a happy child's, until sometimes from one cause or other the big drops came into them. The morning was fresh and sweet, with the earth full of gladness and the air of song, though Michael Sunlocks was little touched by its beauty, and thought it the heaviest he had yet seen. But Adam told how the spring was toward, and the lambs in fold, and the heifers thriving, and how the April rain would bring potatoes down to sixpence a kishen, and fetch up the grass in such a crop that the old island would rise—why not? ha, ha, ha!—to the opulence and position of a state.

But rattle on as he would, he could neither banish the heavy looks of Michael Sunlocks nor make light the weary heart he bore himself. So he began to rally the lad, and say how little he would have thought of a trip to Iceland in his old days at Guinea; that it was only a hop, skip, and a jump after all, and, bless his old soul, if he wouldn't cut across some day to see him between Tynwald and Midsummer—and many a true word was said in jest.

Soon they came by Rushen Abbey at Ballasalla, and then old Adam could hold back no longer what he had come to say.

&quot;You'll see your father before you sail,&quot; he said, &quot;and I'm thinking he'll give you a better reason for going than he has given to me; but if not, and Bishop John and the Latin school is all his end and intention, remember our good Manx saying, that 'Learning is fine clothes to the rich man, and riches to the poor one.' And that minds me,&quot; he said, plunging deep&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/189</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507353</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:34:26Z</timestamp>
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        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
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      <text bytes="1803" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|175|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;personality and introduce into the drama a really human interest.

Poor Wotan! His title of monarch of the gods, his lance, the mystery of his single eye, confer on him a seeming majesty. But strip him of these external attributes, and what a fall is there! From beginning to end his role is nothing but one long lament. And what does he lament? Some misfortune that has befallen him? Not at all, but his faults, and especially the fundamental irresolution of his mind, which knows not how to will or to refuse. In a mere mortal this complaining would be wearisome. Is it less so in a god? One may certainly say that it is very incongruous on his lips. Treated in a humorous or satiric vein the character might be excellent. This upholder of order who proclaims himself weary and disgusted with order, and who yet defends it by his acts while undermining it by his words, this monarch who is constantly saying or insinuating to those whom he believes capable of strong action, &quot;Overthrow me! But take care how you go about it, it's not easily done!&quot; who secretly puts the means of doing so in their way, and who when the scheme fails shows himself merciless in repression from fear of his conservative wife—this is a type that might be very successful if done in the style of Aristophanes. It is certainly not from this point of view that Wagner has drawn him; he has made up his mind to attribute greatness to him, a greatness superior to that of gods and kings who believe in the principles of their trade as rulers and who practise it with conscience and conviction. But why should I pretend not to understand? Wotan is indeed great from the point of view of anarchist philosophy. For such a philosophy what is next greatest after the open and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/190</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018912</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507356</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:35:50Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
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      <text bytes="1791" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|176|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;declared enemy of Law? The guardian of the laws who applies them while groaning over them.

To grasp, as far as possible, Wagner's intention we must understand Law in the most general sense—political laws, social laws, laws of morality, intelligence and thought, rules, institutions, discipline of every kind; these are what Wotan personifies, these are what must perish with the power and reign of Wotan. All this general body of principles of order Wagner sums up somewhere in one word. He calls it &quot;the Monumental.&quot; He desires and foretells the crumbling away of the Monumental, and contrasts its detestable fixity with what, in a jargon which has unfortunately passed from Germany to France, he calls &quot;Life.&quot; Like all romantic and revolutionary natures, he is incapable of understanding that the &quot;Order&quot; which offers itself and acts as a destroyer of living forces is not Order, but Routine; that real Order is the support and mainstay of spontaneous energies, and that the latter if not guided and kept in their channel by fixed elements are doomed to sterility and wretched waste. This error shows the violence of impulses where reason is weak. But what am I saying? There is one sphere in which Wagner is as far as possible from committing this error. That sphere is music. There he is not at all inclined to despise the Monumental; on the contrary, he glorifies it, he declares himself a thorough conservative, and never has a professor of harmony, counterpoint or composition preached the respect and sanctity of rules with such decisive energy. The fact is that music corresponded to the strong side of his brain.

If we wished to probe further into the dark places of the ''Tetralogy'', we should have to scrutinise the allusions&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/191</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018913</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507357</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:37:01Z</timestamp>
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        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
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      <text bytes="1732" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|177|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;which occur in it to the previous phase of Wotan's existence. But upon what a confused region we should have to enter! It appears that before Wotan became master of the world, the founder and guardian of the laws, he too had lived the free life of Love—unfortunately he wearied of it, and this fatigue is symbolised in a ridiculous fashion by the quarrels of the elderly divine household. He conceived an ambition for Power, a desire for Gold and for Knowledge. To satisfy the last he sought the help of Erda, who is primitive and eternal Wisdom (Ur-Weisheit). But by doing this he worked for his own ruin. Power, Gold and Knowledge are the joint agents of destruction, the inseparable powers of death. Here let us recognise in a peculiarly muddled and deliquescent form the absurdities of Rousseau's discourse against civilisation. And that we may ourselves limit discreetly our thirst for knowledge, I mean rather our desire to interpret and reconcile all these ideologies, let us reflect that the thread of ideas is not Wagner's only guide in the world of ideas. He is guided quite as much by considerations of the picturesque. If the arrangement of some of his episodes is prompted by reasons of symbolism, others are what they are only for reasons of scenic picturesqueness, but take on a symbolic meaning after completion. This point shows the child-like simplicity and lack of common-sense of those critics who enquire too seriously what were Wagner's thoughts. The fairy story of the ''Ring'' is wrapped in clouds, some arising from the author's intentions, others emanating from the story itself.
{{dhr}}
{{c|VI}}
The care with which I have sought to distinguish the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/192</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018914</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507360</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:38:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>TE(æ)A,ea.</username>
        <id>2831151</id>
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      <text bytes="1826" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|178|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;various elements of invention in this huge work will enable me to speak with brevity of ''Tristan'' and ''Parsifal'', which were created after the same formula. These two dramas, also, offer us a blend of the abstract with fiction, the union of a system and a fable.

The action of ''Tristan'' is wrapped in a poetry whose charm is at once heady and lugubrious. The frame within which it is developed, the circumstances of each scene add to the tragedy of guilty passion a sort of magical effect in which may be recognised the old Celtic imagination that invented this story of love and death. The vessel at sea, the fond tender avowal made over the symbolic abyss of the waters at the very mouth of the harbour where the royal bridegroom, already betrayed, awaits his bride, the meeting by night in the park, where far away are heard the muffled sounds of hunting calls, the torch waved from the top of the tower as a danger signal, Tristan on his bed of pain spending his days looking out to sea for the white sail that will tell him of Yseult's return,—it would be idle to deny the poignancy and strength of the hold on our feelings exercised by all these images, animated as they are by powerful and pulsing music. It is wiser to point out their dangers, and ask whether the extreme attractions of this poetic atmosphere do not serve as a deceptive wrapping for contents that are by no means proportionately valuable.

Let us consider by themselves the themes of the action. There is one of these that is of low quality, one might almost call it brutal; by repercussion it lowers the quality of all the others. This is the philtre, the love potion poured out for Tristan and Yseult by Brangaine. True, it is not this potion which gives birth to their passion. The natural&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/193</title>
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      <id>12507362</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:39:31Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1809" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|179|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;movement of their hearts and their youth was already throwing them into each other's arms. But sooner than yield to it, sooner than commit a triple felony against a husband who is his king, and who has entrusted to his honour the protection of his beloved wife, Tristan, and with him Yseult drawn in to share his sacrifice, would prefer to die. A violent solution, and very short, so to speak.—An infinitely preferable one, I will not say from the moral point of view, but from the point of view of art, which would gain from it far greater richness, real pathos and variety, would be the struggle of will against desire. But it is not even this solution which is adopted. It is a worse one. Inspired by a criminal devotion, the nurse Brangaine substitutes for the poison prepared for the joint suicide the irresistible love philtre. These noble lovers, imagining they are drinking death from the cup, drink delirium. When they put down the empty cup they have lost their moral liberty, that is to say their moral grandeur itself. They step down from the ship drunk and staggering with passion. They are no longer masters of themselves. They become frenzied victims of hallucination. Their souls undergo a terrible simplification.

And the philtre not only delivers them over to this fury of a passion whose sinful character they are no longer capable of realising. It has another effect on them, not less inhuman but far more extraordinary; it gives them over without any intellectual protection to the extreme suggestions of Schopenhauer's philosophy, or at least the philosophy of Schopenhauer as interpreted by Wagner. The reading of this philosopher had marked an epoch in his life; no sooner had he made his acquaintance than he swore by no other&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/82</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:39:44Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2546" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|64|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:64 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:64 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:64 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;into his pocket, &quot;of another good Manx saying, that 'There are just two bad pays—pay beforehand, and no pay at all;' so to save you from both, who have earned yourself neither, put you this old paper into your fob—and God bless ye.&quot;

So saying, he thrust into the lad's hand a roll of fifty Manx pound notes, and then seemed about to whip away. But Michael Sunlocks had him by the sleeve before he could turn his horse's head.

&quot;Bless me yourself,&quot; the lad said.

And then Adam Fairbrother, with all his poor bankrupt whimseys gone from his upturned face, now streaming wet, and with his white hair gently lifted by the soft morning breeze, rose in the saddle and laid his hand on Michael's drooping head and blessed him. And so they parted, not soon to meet again, or until many a strange chance had befallen both.

It was on the morning of the day following that Michael Sunlocks rode into Port-y-Vullin. If he could have remembered how he had left it, as an infant in his father's arms, perhaps the task he had set himself would have been an easier one. He was trying to crush down his shame, and it was very hard to do. He was thinking that, go where he would, he must henceforth bear his father's name.

Stephen Orry was waiting for him, having been there three days, not living in the little hut, but washing it, cleaning it, drying it, airing it, and kindling fires in it, that by such close labour of half a week it might be worthy that his son should cross its threshold for half an hour. He had never slept in it since he had nailed up the door after the death of 'Liza Killey, and as an unblessed place it had been safe from the intrusion of others.

He saw Michael Sunlocks riding up, and raised his cap to him as he alighted, saying &quot;Sir&quot; to him, and bowing as he did so. There were deep scars on his face and head, his hands were scratched and discoloured, his cheeks were furrowed with wrinkles, and about his whole person there was a strong odour as of tobacco, tar, and bilge-water.

&quot;I shall not have ought to ask you here, sir,&quot; he said, in his broken English.

&quot;Call me Michael,&quot; the lad answered, and then they went into the hut.

The place was not much more cheerful than of old, but still dark, damp, and ruinous; and Michael Sunlocks, at the thought that he himself had been born there, and that his mother had&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/194</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507367</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:40:45Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1774" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|180|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;guide; from that time he never ceased to mingle his teaching with everything, to resolve all kinds of problems after his principles. But what is most singular, and what gives one of the most characteristic signs of the gulf that exists between German and French natures, is that Schopenhauer's ideas set their stamp upon the late ardent and painful love passion which he experienced in his forty-third year, and which inspired him to write ''Tristan''. There worked in him, in his sentiments and sensations, a combination of Schopenhauerian metaphysics, and amorous delirium which seems to us far from natural, and yet it acquired an explosive force in this Germanic soul. Schopenhauer's morality counsels the annihilation of desire, promising us as the goal of this effort entrance into some undefined state of divine slumber, some kind of pantheistic paradise in which all the movements of life expire and individuality disappears. And it would seem at first sight that nothing could be more opposed to this passion for the void than the exaltation of love.

But neither Wagner nor his heroes feel it thus. For Tristan and his beloved, love's supreme cry is a summons to the void; the expiration of desire in death is the very object of desire carried to its paroxysm. And this is not as one might suppose a sudden flash of imagination quickly dying out, that crosses their brains under the stroke of sensual madness. It is a steadily maintained idea. It is their one idea. It is the theme of their outpourings. They turn it over and over in all its aspects, which are terribly lacking in variety. They shout to &quot;Day,&quot; that is to say Life, to be gone, and to &quot;Night,&quot; which is the Kingdom of Death, to descend upon them and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/195</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507370</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:42:03Z</timestamp>
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        <id>2831151</id>
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      <text bytes="1797" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|181|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;wrap them round. They dream of the delights of perfect union by the annihilation of individual conscience. They analyse these delights with unrestrained and minute dialectic; they harp on them with a kind of incandescent monotony.

I would not be thought insensible to the charms of the love music in ''Tristan''. I am, I imagine, as much touched by it as anyone. It has enchanting passages, in which the musician's inspiration is softened and humanised, in which the breath of night and the beatings of the heart seem to join in giving out a melody full of tenderness. But ought these celebrated passages to make us forget all those others quivering with a strident and sterile frenzy, that makes up for the eloquence of which it is incapable by the fury of repeated blows? Should they conceal from us the general spirit of the work? Oh, that spirit! let us not hesitate to reject it, to banish it far, very far, from us; for we are the children of humaner races who have ever found in natural healthiness and happy fulness of heart the true sources of beauty.

As regards ''Parsifal'', its Christian aspect has caused the novelty of this drama as a feature in Wagner's work to be much exaggerated. Wagner composed a large part of it out of his oldest ideas. In it we meet again the Knights of the Grail, who had already inspired not only his ''Lohengrin'', but also a certain apocalyptic vision of universal history, a cloudy legend of the Ages (the ''Wibelungen'') outlined immediately after 1848, of which the Holy Grail forms the mystic centre. And what is Parsifal but Siegfried, a Siegfried chaste and ascetic, it is true, but still deriving from his candour as a &quot;primitive,&quot; and from his childlike and utter ignorance of laws and men&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/196</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507372</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:43:15Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1700" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|182|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the virtue which makes him a redeemer? The data of ''Parsifal'' when considered closely appear the most incoherent that Wagner ever collected, and it is only the theatrical beauty of the decorative images accompanying them that save this incoherence from being unbearable when the work is performed. We are not forgetting that the music of the religious scenes in ''Parsifal'' will remain among the finest creations of universal art. But that is no sort of reason for respecting what calls for derision, or if you prefer it a yawn. I mean the ideology, the spurious hermetism of this work. This hermetism is nothing but an impressionism, often puerile, putting on airs of deep thought. It is concentrated in the figure of the enigmatic Kundry, over whom the simplicity of some commentators has exhausted its efforts, without their perceiving that the ease with which a hundred meanings each more elusive than the last can be found in Kundry must have some explanation, and an unfortunate one. Kundry is the amorphous conglomeration under one proper name of a thousand confused scraps of sensations, abstractions and dreams. It must be noted that already in some parts of ''Tristan'', Wagner had adopted a form of utterance that does not seek to have any particular sense, but aims only at the voluptuously vague impression engendered by a certain mellowness of sound in the words and syllables. Kundry is created by the same process. And it was this aspect of Wagner that exercised some attraction over our symbolist school of 1890.
{{dhr}}
{{c|VII}}
There is one idea that one finds again and again in all Wagner's works; it occupies a dominant place&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/197</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507374</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:44:42Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1762" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|183|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;in them and forms, one might say, the leit-motif of his dramatic poetry. That idea is &quot;redemption.&quot; In all his operas someone or something is redeemed, and the principal character is the redeemer, male or female. The fidelity of Senta redeems the Flying Dutchman from the curse which constrained him to wander eternally upon the seas unable to die. The pious death of Elizabeth redeems Tannhäuser from the servitude of debauchery. Siegfried redeems the old world from the reign of the Laws and from the tyranny of Gold. Lohengrin, Elsa, Parsifal are redeemers.

The persistence of this theme has struck several critics, who with infectious gravity have drawn the attention of their contemporaries to &quot;the problem of redemption in the work of Richard Wagner.&quot; Thereupon they have embroidered all kinds of comments. But these comments seem to me quite wide of the mark, and I am not convinced of the need of this gravity. Why? Because I do not see the problem. There are in fact two alternatives. Either Wagner has only applied (as in ''Tannhäuser'' and up to a certain point in ''Parsifal'') the Christian idea of the Redemption, and in that case the question is no more bound up with his work than with all other literary works written in the last nineteen hundred years in which this dogma is postulated: or on the other hand we have to deal, as in the ''Nibelungen Ring'', with some romantic, socialistic, humanitarian, and necessarily confused transposition of the Christian idea; in that case there is no problem, only a tangle. Wagner as artist, as a being of exceptional sensibility, feels with peculiar keenness the social evils that belong to modern humanity. But the notion which he forms of them&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/198</title>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:45:47Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1746" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|184|&lt;chapter&gt;|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;is a hundred times more clouded and more puerile than what may be observed in the most unbridled French visionaries. It fittingly corresponds with the dream of a mystic revelation rising from the depths of nature to bring to these evils their remedy.

Visions like these have lost their power to attract. But there exists to-day a widespread tendency which is only too closely related to the most general tendency of Wagner's ideas, though it presents itself under more insidious, learned and subtle forms. I refer to a certain contempt for reason, thought, and experience, a certain pretension to eliminate from the formation of human opinions and beliefs, from the creation of works of the mind, the share taken by operations of reason and the guidance of criticism. All Wagner's written work breathes this feeling. What is it that gives all these redeemers of either sex their virtue? What is it that makes them agents of regeneration and salvation, revealers of truth? It is their ignorance, the fact that they are all instinct and sensibility, that they are &quot;life&quot; and pure spontaneity, with no element of knowledge. We have heard enough harping on this strain underlying more involved expressions. I am still waiting for those who take pleasure in it to show us or produce, in any art form they please, anything successful, consistent, and not stillborn, that is not based on the calculations of strong and close reasoning.

This is the most irritating aspect of the Wagnerian ideology.

I have called Wagner's works dramas, but the term applies to their external appearance rather than to their nature and true quality. There is no drama where there is not living and active humanity, and I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Spirit of French Music.djvu/199</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507378</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T21:46:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="1638" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;TE(æ)A,ea.&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|185|WAGNER THE POET|THE SPIRIT OF FRENCH MUSIC }}&lt;/noinclude&gt;think I have shown that there is little humanity in Wagner's dramatic inventions. Take away from them all the rubbish of symbolic significations, foggy abstractions obscuring ideas that are more childishly simple than is usually supposed, and what remains of these strange compositions ought to be called by its true name, poetic fantasies. They remind one of frescoes or rather of moving tapestries that unroll before our view natural and fantastic scenes of a heavy and expensive colouring, figures of strong and outstanding picturesqueness, but almost without life. This essentially German art form has its charm; it is free from vulgarity. There is no error of taste in taking pleasure in it, so long as it is only a petty pleasure, such as we might feel in some wonderful Nuremberg doll, which no Frenchman could possibly confuse with a statue by Houdon. I am considering these picturesque and poetic elements apart from the music which lends them lustre and wraps them in its brilliant charm. We shall now have to bring them again in contact with the music, as one brings together the terms of a problem after analysing them separately. It is for musical criticism to say to what extent and in what sense Wagner's music transfigures the themes of his poems. But if his music is of the same nature as his poetry, it may be presumed that in the marvels it has succeeded in rendering real, the enthusiasm of a very powerful German imagination for rich theatrical effects has generally speaking had more share than the pure inspirations of the heart and the subtleties of the mind.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/83</title>
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      <text bytes="2649" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|65|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:65 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:65 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:65 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;lived her shameful life and died her dishonoured death there, found the gall again in his throat.

&quot;I have something that I shall have say to you,&quot; said Stephen Orry, &quot;but I cannot well speak English. Not all the years through I never shall have learn it.&quot; And then, as if by a sudden thought, he spoke six words in his native Icelandic, and glanced quickly into the face of Michael Sunlocks.

At the next instant the great rude fellow was crying like a child. He had seen that Michael understood him. And Michael, on his part, seemed at the sound of those words to find something melt at his heart, something fall from his eyes.

&quot;Call me Michael,&quot; he said once more. &quot;I am your son;&quot; and then they talked together, Stephen Orry in the Icelandic, Michael Sunlocks in English.

&quot;I've not been a good father to you, Michael, never coming to see you all these years. But I wanted you to grow up a better man than your father before you. A man may be bad, but he doesn't like his son to feel ashamed of him. And I was afraid to see it in your face, Michael. That's why I stayed away. But many a time I felt hungry after my little lad, that I loved so dear and nursed so long, like any mother might. And hearing of him sometimes, and how well he looked and how tall he grew, maybe I didn't think the less about him for not coming down upon him to shame him.&quot;

&quot;Stop, father, stop,&quot; said Michael Sunlocks.

&quot;My son,&quot; said Stephen Orry,&quot; you are going back to your father's country. It's nineteen years since he left it, and he hadn't lived a good life there. You'll meet many a one your father knew, and maybe some your father did wrong by. He can't undo the bad work now. There's a sort of wrongdoing there's no mending once it's done, and that's the sort his was. It was against a woman. Some people seem to be sent into this world to be punished for the sins of others. Women are mostly that way, though there are those that are not; but she was one of them. It'll be made up to them in the other world; and if she has gone there, she has taken some of my sins along with her own—if she had any, and I never heard tell of any. But if she is in this world still, perhaps it can be partly made up to her here. Only it is not for me to do it, seeing what has happened since. Michael, that's why you are going to my country now.&quot;

&quot;Tell me everything,&quot; said Michael.

Then Stephen Orry, his deep voice breaking and his grey&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|{{sc|e}}|4em}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/84</title>
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      <text bytes="2678" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|66|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:66 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:66 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:66 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;eyes burning with the slow fire that had lain nineteen years asleep at the bottom of them, told his son the story of his life—of Rachel and of her father and her father's curse, of what she had given up and suffered for him, and of how he had repaid her with neglect, with his mother's contempt, and with his own blow. Then of her threat and his flight and his coming to that island; of his meeting with 'Liza, of his base marriage with the woman and the evil days they spent together; of their child's birth, and his own awful resolve in his wretchedness and despair; and then of the woman's death, wherein the Almighty God had surely turned to mercy what was meant for vengeance. All this he told, and more than this, sparing himself not at all. And Michael listened with a bewildered sense of fear and shame, and love and sorrow, that may not be described, growing hot and cold by turns, rising from his seat and sinking back again, looking round the walls with a chill terror, as the scenes they had witnessed seemed to come back to them before his eyes, feeling at one moment a great horror of the man before him, and at the next a great pity, and then clutching his father's huge hands in his own nervous fingers.

&quot;Now you know all,&quot; said Stephen Orry, &quot;and why it is not for me to go back to her. There is another woman between us, God forgive me, and dead though she is, that woman will be there for ever. But she who is yonder, in my own country, if she is living, is my wife. And Heaven pity her, she is where I left her—down, down, down among the dregs of life. She has no one to protect and none to help her. She is deserted for her father's sake, and despised for mine. Michael, will you go to her?&quot;

The sudden question recalled the lad from a painful reverie. He had been thinking of his own position, and that even his father's name, which an hour ago he had been ashamed to bear, was not his own to claim. But Stephen Orry had never once thought of this, or that the dead woman who stood between him and Rachel also stood between Rachel and her son.

&quot;Promise me, promise me,&quot; he cried, seeing one thing only—that Michael was his son, that his son was as himself, and that the woman who was dead had been as a curse to both of them.

But Michael Sunlocks made him no answer.

&quot;I've gone from bad to worse—I know that, Michael. I have done in cold blood what I'd have trembled at when she was by me. Maybe I was thinking sometimes of my boy even&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:16:01Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1971" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|308|{{fine|A DREADFUL ACCIDENT.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;first thing he suggested for Percy was to have him taken out
in the back yard for an airing, every afternoon, with nothing
at all on.&quot;

''Mrs. O. and Mrs. G.''—&quot;What!&quot;

''Mrs. H''.—&quot;As true as I'm sitting here. And it actually
helped him for two or three days; it did indeed. But after
that the doctor said it seemed to be too severe and so he has
fell back on hot foot-baths at night and cold showers in the
morning. But I don't think there can be any good sound
help for him in such a climate as this. I believe we are going
to lose him if we don't make a change.&quot;

''Mrs. O.''—&quot;I suppose you heard of the fright we had two
weeks ago last Saturday? No? Why that is strange—but
come to remember, you've all been away to Richmond.
François tumbled from the sky light in the second-story hall
clean down to the first floor—&quot;

''Everybody''—&quot;Mercy!&quot;

''Mrs. Q.''—Yes indeed-and broke two of his ribs—&quot;

''Everybody''—&quot;What!&quot;

''Mrs. O.''——&quot;Just as true as you live. First we thought he
must be injured internally. It was fifteen minutes past 8
in the evening. Of course we were all distracted in a moment
—everybody was flying everywhere, and nobody doing anything worth anything. By and by I flung out next door and
dragged in Dr. Sprague, President of the Medical University
—no time to go for our own doctor of course—and the minute he saw François he said, 'Send for your own physician,
madam'—said it as cross as a bear, too, and turned right on
his heel and cleared out without doing a thing!&quot;

''Everybody''—&quot;The mean, contemptible brute!&quot;

''Mrs. O.''—-&quot;Well you may say it. I was nearly out of my
wits by this time. But we hurried off the servants after our
own doctor and telegraphed mother—she was in New York
and rushed down on the first train; and when the doctor got
there, lo and behold you he found François had broke one of
his legs, too!&quot;

''Everybody''—&quot;Goodness!&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>4acpw4tu7y407ckvxrummkgbca1yg0r</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507442</id>
      <parentid>12507437</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:19:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1965" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|308|{{fine|A DREADFUL ACCIDENT.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;first thing he suggested for Percy was to have him taken out
in the back yard for an airing, every afternoon, with nothing
at all on.&quot;

''Mrs. O. and Mrs. G.''—&quot;What!&quot;

''Mrs. H''.—&quot;As true as I'm sitting here. And it actually
helped him for two or three days; it did indeed. But after
that the doctor said it seemed to be too severe and so he has
fell back on hot foot-baths at night and cold showers in the
morning. But I don't think there can be any good sound
help for him in such a climate as this. I believe we are going
to lose him if we don't make a change.&quot;

''Mrs. O.''—&quot;I suppose you heard of the fright we had two
weeks ago last Saturday? No? Why that is strange—but
come to remember, you've all been away to Richmond.
François tumbled from the sky light in the second-story hall
clean down to the first floor—&quot;

''Everybody''—&quot;Mercy!&quot;

''Mrs. Q.''—Yes indeed-and broke two of his ribs—&quot;

''Everybody''—&quot;What!&quot;

''Mrs. O.''—&quot;Just as true as you live. First we thought he
must be injured internally. It was fifteen minutes past 8
in the evening. Of course we were all distracted in a moment—everybody was flying everywhere, and nobody doing anything worth anything. By and by I flung out next door and
dragged in Dr. Sprague, President of the Medical University—no time to go for our own doctor of course—and the minute he saw François he said, 'Send for your own physician,
madam'—said it as cross as a bear, too, and turned right on
his heel and cleared out without doing a thing!&quot;

''Everybody''—&quot;The mean, contemptible brute!&quot;

''Mrs. O.''—&quot;Well you may say it. I was nearly out of my
wits by this time. But we hurried off the servants after our
own doctor and telegraphed mother—she was in New York
and rushed down on the first train; and when the doctor got
there, lo and behold you he found François had broke one of
his legs, too!&quot;

''Everybody''—&quot;Goodness!&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>A Treatise on Painting/Adverts</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4018927</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507445</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:19:38Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
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      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[../]]  | author     = Leonardo da Vinci  | translator = John Francis Rigaud  | section    = Adverts  | previous   = [[../Chapter 365/]]  | next       =   | notes      =  }} &lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=377 to=378 /&gt; {{smallrefs}} {{default layout|Layout 2}}&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="303" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Leonardo da Vinci
 | translator = John Francis Rigaud
 | section    = Adverts
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 365/]]
 | next       = 
 | notes      = 
}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;A Treatise on Painting.djvu&quot; from=377 to=378 /&gt;
{{smallrefs}}
{{default layout|Layout 2}}</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The painters of Florence from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century (1915).djvu/251</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018928</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507450</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:24:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Sp1nd01</username>
        <id>631214</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1694" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1510]|ALLEGORY OF CALUMNY|211}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Botticelli's last pictures, the Calumny—which he painted towards the end of his life for his intimate friend Antonio Segni—and the Nativity, in the National Gallery. The subject of the former is taken from Lucian's account of the picture by Apelles, which Alberti quoted in his &quot;Treatise on Painting,&quot; but the fierce strife of factions in Florence, and the tragedy of Savonarola's end, may well have stirred the master to paint this allegory of the violence and injustice of man. The scene is laid in a stately portico adorned with antique statues, where King Midas, wearied by the importunities of Suspicion and Ignorance, receives Calumny, a richly-clad woman, who drags the prostrate youth Innocence by the hair. Envy, Treachery, and Intrigue attend her steps, and Remorse, an old hag in ragged clothes, looks back regretfully at Truth, who, standing deserted and alone, points upwards in calm certainty that her mute appeal will be heard in heaven. Through the pillars of the open loggia we look out on a wide waste of waters, bounded by no further shore, which gives an indefinable sense of dreariness—the expression of the painter's conviction that truth and justice were nowhere to be found on earth. The Nativity was painted a few months after that November evening when Sandro extorted Doffo Spini's confession of the martyred friar's innocence, and a Greek inscription on the panel explains its mystic intention:

{{smaller block/s}}
&quot;This picture I, Alessandro, painted at the end of the year 1500, in the troubles of Italy, in the half-time after the time, during the fulfilment of the Eleventh of St. John, in the Second&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smaller block/e}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Bondman; A New Saga (IA bondmannewsaga00cain).djvu/85</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018929</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507452</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:25:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Uzume</username>
        <id>173317</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2244" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Uzume&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|67|{{i|{{uc|{{#switch:1|{{#expr:67 &lt; 103}}=The Book of Stephen Orry|{{#expr:67 &lt; 237}}=The Book of Michael Sunlocks|{{#expr:67 &lt; 340}}=The Book of Red Jason|1=Epilogue}}}}.}}|{{i|{{uc|The Bondman}}.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;then, and saying to myself how some day he'd go back for me to my own country, when I had made the money to send him.&quot;

Michael trembled visibly.

&quot;And how he'd look for her, and find her, and save her, if she was alive. And if she wasn't—if she was dead, poor girl, with all her troubles over, how he'd look for the child that was to come when I left her—my child and hers—and find it where it would surely be, in want and dirt and misery, and then save it for its mother's sake and mine. Michael, will you go?&quot;

But still Michael Sunlocks made him no answer.

&quot;It's fourteen years since God spared your life to me; just fourteen years to-night, Michael. I remembered it, and that's why we are here now. When I brought you back in my arms {{i|she}} was there at my feet, lying dead, who had been my rod and punishment. Then I vowed, as I should answer to the Lord at the last day, that if {{i|I}} could not go back, {{i|you}} should.&quot;

Michael covered his face with his hands.

&quot;My son, my son—Michael, my little Sunlocks, I want to keep my vow. Will you go?&quot;

&quot;Yes, yes,&quot; cried Michael, rising suddenly. His doubt and pride and shame were gone. He felt only a great tenderness now for the big rude man, who had sinned deeply and suffered much, and found that all he could do alone would avail him nothing.

&quot;Father, where is she?&quot;

&quot;I left her at Reykjavík, but I don't know where she is now.&quot;

&quot;No matter; I will hunt the world over until I find her, and when I have found her, I will be as a son to her, and she shall be as a mother to me.&quot;

&quot;My boy, my boy!&quot; cried Stephen.

&quot;If she should die, and we should never meet, I will hunt the world over until I find her child, and when I have found it I will be as a brother to it for my father's sake.&quot;

&quot;My son, my son!&quot; cried Stephen. And in the exultation of that moment, when he tried to speak but no words would come, and only his rugged cheeks glistened and his red eyes shone, it seemed to Stephen Orry that the burden of twenty heavy years had been lifted away.{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/337</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018930</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507454</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:26:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2133" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|309|{{fine|EXHIBITION OF WOMANLY DEVOTION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''Mrs. O.''—&quot;Yes. So he set his leg and bandaged it up,
and fixed his ribs and gave him a dose of something to quiet
down his excitement and put him to sleep—poor thing he
was trembling and frightened to death and it was pitiful to
see him. We had him in my bed—Mr. Oreillé slept in the
guest room and I laid down beside François—but not to sleep
—bless you no. Bridget and I set up all night, and the doctor staid till two in the morning, bless his old heart. When
mother got there she was so used up with anxiety that she
had to go to bed and have the doctor; but when she found
that François was not in immediate danger she rallied, and by
night she was able to take a watch herself. Well for three
days and nights we three never left that bedside only to take
an hour's nap at a time. And then the doctor said François
was out of danger and if ever there was a thankful set, in
this world, it was us.&quot;

Laura's respect for these women had augmented during
this conversation, naturally enough; affection and devotion
are qualities that are able to adorn and render beautiful a
character that is otherwise unattractive, and even repulsive.

''Mrs. Gashly.''—&quot;I do believe I should a died if I had been
in your place, Mrs. Oreillé. The time Hildebrand was so
low with the pneumonia Emmeline and me were all alone
with him most of the time and we never took a minute's
sleep for as much as two days and nights. It was at Newport and we wouldn't trust hired nurses. One afternoon he
had a fit, and jumped up and run out on the portico of the
hotel with nothing in the world on and the wind a blowing
like ice and we after him scared to death; and when the
ladies and gentlemen saw that he had a fit, every lady scattered for her room and not a gentleman lifted his hand to
help, the wretches! Well after that his life hung by a thread
for as much as ten days, and the minute he was out of danger Emmeline and me just went to bed sick and worn out.
I never want to pass through such a time again. Poor dear
François—which leg did he break, Mrs. Oreillé?&quot;
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/193</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018931</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507461</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:28:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>RaboKarbakian</username>
        <id>2427564</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2357" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|141|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;“but not so berry rotten as mought be. Mought venture out leetle way pon de limb by myself, dat’s true.”

“By yourself!—what do you mean?”

“Why, mean de bug. ’Tis ''berry'' hebby bug. S’pose I drop him down fuss, and den de limb won't break wid just de weight ob one nigger.”

“You infernal scoundrel!” cried Legrand, apparently much relieved, “what do you mean by telling me such nonsense as that? As sure as you drop that beetle I’ll break your neck. Look here, Jupiter, do you hear me?”

“Yes, massa, needn’t hollo at poor nigger dat style.”

“Well! now listen!—if you will venture out on the limb as far as you
think safe, and not let go the beetle, I’ll make you a present of a silver dollar as soon as you get down.”

“I’m gwine, Massa Will—deed I is,” replied the negro very promptly—“mos’ out to the eend now.”

“''Out to the end!''” here fairly screamed Legrand; “do you say you are out to the end of that limb?”

“Soon be to de end, massa—o-o-o-o-oh! Lor-gol-a-marcy! what ''is'' dis here pon de tree?”

“Well!” cried Legrand, highly delighted, “what is it?”

“Why, ’tain’t noflin but a skull—somebody bin lef him head up de tree, and de crows done gobble ebery bit of de meat off.”

“A skull, you say!—very well—how is it fastened to the limb?—what holds it on?”

“Sure nuff, massa; mus’ look. Why dis berry curous sarcumstance, pon my word—dare’s a great big nail in de skull, what fastens ob it on to
de tree.”

“Well now, Jupiter, do exactly as I tell you—do you hear?”

“Yes, massa.”

“Pay attention, then—find the left eye of the skull.”

“Hum! hoo! dat’s good! why dey ain’t no eye lef at all.”

“Curse your stupidity! Do you know your right hand from your left?”

“Yes, I knows dat—knows all bout dat—’tis my lef hand what I chops de wood wid.”

“To be sure! you are left-handed; and your left eye is on the same side as your left hand. Now, I suppose, you can find the left eye of the skull, or the place where the left eye has been. Have you found it?”

Here was a long pause. At length the negro asked:

“Is de lef eye ob de skull pon de same side as de lef hand side of de&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|141}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Trial of john lilburne (IA trial john lilburne).djvu/79</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018932</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507464</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:29:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Shells-shells</username>
        <id>3021170</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2938" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(65)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;meaning) is no Generall, but is meerely a great Tyrant (meaning the aforesaid Capt. Generall) standing by the power of his owne will and a strong sword, borne by his vassels, slaves, and creatures (the Souldiers of the Army aforesaid meaning) having no Commission to be Generall, either from the Law of the Parliament, nor from the prime lawes of Nature &amp; reason. For first, when he was made Generall by both houses of Parliament, it was expresly against the letter of the Laws. And secondly, when he refused to disband &amp;c. he hath rebelled against his Parliament Commission, and thereby destroyed, and annihilated it, &amp;c.

{{dent/s|1.5em|0em}}
The Reader is desired to take notice, that in the Indictment it selfe, there was a great many other things then in this is expressed, as particularly, divers passages out of a book called Mr. ''Lilburnes'', Intituled, ''The ''L''egall Fundamentall liberties of ''England'' revived, &amp;c.'' as also out of another book Intituled, ''A preparative to an Hue and Cry after Sir ''Arthur Haslerigg'', &amp;c.'' as also out of ''The Agreement of the People ''of the first of'' May ''1649. with severall other remarkable things in matter and forme, that was more neglected to be taken then the pleadings, because it was not supposed, but the Indictment (being a Record) a true Copy of it might easily be had, consid{{reconstruct|e}}ring that by Law, all Records ought freely to be used by any free-man of ''England'', and Copies of them to be denied to none that desire to take them; but that Priviledge being already in this Cause disputed and denyed, in which regard, the Reader must at present accept of the best imperfect notes the Publisher could pick up, but to go on.
{{dent/e}}

And further, that thou the said ''John ''L''ilburne'', as a false Traytor, all and singular the clauses and English wordes abovesaid, and many other trayterous, poysonous and malicious expressions, in and by the aforesaid writings, and by the aforesaid severall books, as aforesaid recorded, and by thee the aforesaid ''John ''L''ilburne'', published and openly declared in the severall books so as aforesaid printed, and by the aforesaid wrightings, and by thee the aforesaid ''John ''L''ilburne'', in manner and forme aforesaide, published, and openly divulged and declared divers other scandalous, malicious, tumultuous and treacherous clauses, and words in the said books contained, falsely, maliciously, advisedly and trayterously, hast published and openly declared, to the intent to stir up, and raise forces against the Government aforesaid, in the way of a Common-wealth, and free State as aforesaid established, and for the suppressing and alteration of the said Government, and to stir up mutiny in the Army aforesaid, and also to withdraw the said ''John Tooke'', ''Thomas ''L''ewis'' and ''John Skinner'', and many other Souldiers from their obedience to their superiour Officers and&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rh||K|Com-}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Federalist (1818).djvu/168</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018933</id>
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      <id>12507469</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:33:51Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>WhatamIdoing</username>
        <id>305401</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2284" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;WhatamIdoing&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|164|{{uc|The Federalist.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Various reasons have been suggested, in the course of these papers, to induce a probability, that the general government will be better administered than the particular governments: the principal of which are, that the extension of the spheres of election will present a greater option, or latitude of choice, to the people; that, through the medium of the state legislatures, who are select bodies of men, and who are to appoint the members of the national senate, there is reason to expect, that this branch, will generally be composed with peculiar care and judgment; that these circumstances promise greater knowledge, and more comprehensive information, in the national councils; and that, on account of the extent of the country from which will be drawn those to whose direction they will be committed, they will be less apt to be tainted by the spirit of faction, and more out of the reach of those occasional ill humours, or temporary prejudices and propensities, which, in smaller societies, frequently contaminate the public deliberations, beget injustice and oppression towards a part of the community, and engender schemes, which, though they gratify  momentary inclination or desire, terminate in general distress, dissatisfaction, and disgust. Several additional reasons of considerable force, will occur, to fortify that probability, when we come to survey, with a more critical eye, the interior structure of the edifice which we are invited to erect. It w ill be sufficient here to remark, that until satisfactory reasons can be assigned to justify an opinion, that the federal government is likely to be administered in such a manner as to render it odious or contemptible to the people, there can be no reasonable foundation for the supposition, that the laws of the union will meet with any greater obstruction from them, or will stand in need of any other methods to enforce their execution, than the laws of the particular members. 

The hope of impunity, is a strong incitement to sedition: the dread of punishment, a proportionably strong discouragement to it. Will not the government of the union, which, if possessed of a due degree of power, can call to its aid the collective resources of the whole {{hws|con|confederacy}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/194</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018934</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507473</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:36:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>RaboKarbakian</username>
        <id>2427564</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2899" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|142|chapter|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;skull too?—cause de skull ain’t got not a bit ob a hand at all—neber mind! I got de lef eye now—here de lef eye! what mus’ do wid it?”

“Let the beetle drop through it, as far as the string will reach—but be careful and not let go your hold of the string.”

“All dat done, Massa Will; mighty easy ting for to put de bug fru de hole—look out for him dare below!”

During this colloquy no portion of Jupiter’s person could be seen; but the beetle, which he had suffered to descend, was now visible at the end of the string, and glistened, like a globe of burnished gold, in the last rays of the setting sun, some of which still faintly illumined the eminence upon which we stood. The ''scarabæus'' hung quite clear of any branches, and, if allowed to fall, would have fallen at our feet. Legrand immediately took the scythe, and cleared with it a circular space, three or four yards in diameter, just beneath the insect, and, having accomplished this, ordered Jupiter to let go the string and come down from the tree.

Driving a peg, with great nicety, into the ground, at the precise spot where the beetle fell, my friend now produced from his pocket a tapes measure. Fastening one end of this at that point of the trunk of the tree which was nearest the peg, he unrolled it till it reached the peg and thence further unrolled it, in the direction already established by the two points of the tree and the peg, for the distance of fifty feet—Jupiter clearing away the brambles with the scythe. At the spot thus attained a second peg was driven, and about this, as a centre, a cude circle, about four feet in diameter, described. Taking now a spade himself, and giving one to Jupiter and one to me, Legrand begged us to set about digging as quickly as possible.

To speak the truth, I had no especial relish for such amusement at any time, and, at that particular moment, would most willingly have declined it; for the night was coming on, and I felt much fatigued with the exercise already taken; but I saw no mode of escape, and was fearful of disturbing my poor friend’s equanimity by a refusal. Could I have depended, indeed, upon Jupiter’s aid, I would have had no hesitation in attempting to get the lunatic home by force; but I was too well assured of the old negro’s disposition to hope that he would assist me, under any circumstances, in a personal contest with his master. I made no doubt that the latter had been infected with some of the innumerable Southern superstitions about money buried, and that his phantasy had received confirmation by the finding of the ''scarabæus'', or, perhaps, by Jupiter’s obstinacy in maintaining it to be “a bug of real gold.” A mind disposed to lunacy would readily be led away by such suggestions—espe{{peh}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|142}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Trial of john lilburne (IA trial john lilburne).djvu/80</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018935</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507474</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:38:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Shells-shells</username>
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      <text bytes="2567" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(66)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Commanders, and to set them in mutiny and rebellion against the publick peace, and to manifest contempt of the Lawes of this Common-wealth, and free State, and against the forme of the Statutes in this Case made and provided.

The Indictment being reading,{{sic}} and the noise of the people in the Hall great, the Prisoner said he could not heare, and had some few lines before read over to him.

''L. Col. Lilb.'' Pray hold your Peace Gentlemen, I beseech you, be quiet. (speaking to the people)

L. Keeble. ''Quiet you your self, we will quiet them for you.''

Braughton. ''Which Country are you? so that you are to finde whither he is guilty or no, he having already pleaded, Not Guilty. If you finde that he is Guilty ofo any of the high Treasons laid to his Charge, then you are to enquire what goods, Lands, or Chattels he stood possessed of, when he committed the said high Treasons; but if you finde him not Guilty, you shall then enquire whither he did not fly for it{{reconstruct|,}} and if he did not fly for it, Then you are to say so and no more, therefore hearken to your evidence?''

''L. Col. Lilb.'' May it please your Honour,

Cryer. ''If any man can give any Evidence to my Lords the Justices of ''Oyer'' and ''Terminer'', against Mr. ''Iohn Lilburne'', let him come in and he shall be heard.''

''L. Col. Lilb.'' I desire to be heard to speak two or three words.{{br}}I humbly desire the favour to speak two or three words.{{br}}I humbly desire the favour to be heard two words.

L. Keeble. ''It is not a fit time, you shall be heard in your due time, but hear what the Witnesses saith first.''

''L. Col. Lilb.'' I conceive I am much wronged, in saying that I pleaded not Guilty, for I pleaded no such Plea, I appeale to the Court, and to all that heard me, whether I pleaded any such Plea; for before I pleaded, the Court became engaged to me, to take no advantage of my ignorance of the formalities of the Law, and promised to give me as much priviledge as my Lord Duke of ''Hambleton'', and others injoyed, before the Court of Justice.

L. Keeble. ''We know all this.''

''L. Col. Lilb.'' Sir, by your favour, I pleaded conditionally, and now I make my absolute Plea to the Indictment, which is this; That I except against the matter, and form of it in matter, time &amp; place, and humbly crave Councell to assigne and plead to the errors thereof.

L. Keeble. ''You must hear us, we hear you, a word is a great deale, these things we have taken perfect notice of, the Court is not ignorant of them.''
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|''Therefore''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/195</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018936</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507479</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:42:17Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2876" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|143|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;cially if chiming in with favourite preconceived ideas—and then I called to mind the poor fellow’s speech about the beetle’s being “the index of his fortune.” Upon the whole, I was sadly vexed and puzzled, but, at length, I concluded to make a virtue of necessity—to dig with a good will, and thus the sooner to convince the visionary, by ocular demonstration, of the fallacy of the opinions he entertained.

The lanterns having been lit, we all fell to work with a zeal worthy a more rational cause; and, as the glare fell upon our persons and implements, I could not help thinking how picturesque a group we composed, and how strange and suspicious our labours must have appeared to any interloper who, by chance, might have stumbled upon our whereabouts.

We dug very steadily for two hours. Little was said; and our chief embarrassment lay in the yelpings of the dog, who took exceeding interest in our proceedings. He, at length, became so obstreperous that we grew fearful of his giving the alarm to some stragglers in the vicinity,—or, rather, this was the apprehension of Legrand;—for myself, I should have rejoiced at any interruption which might have enabled me to get the wanderer home. The noise was, at length, very effectually silenced by Jupiter, who, getting out of the hole with a dogged air of deliberation, tied the brute’s mouth up with one of his suspenders, and then returned, with a grave chuckle, to his task.

When. the time mentioned had expired, we had reached a depth of five feet, and yet no signs of any treasure became manifest. A general pause ensued, and I began to hope that the farce was at an end. Legrand, however, although evidently much disconcerted, wiped his brow thoughtfully and recommenced. We had excavated the entire circle of four feet diameter, and now we slightly enlarged the limit, and went to the farther depth of two feet. Still nothing appeared. The gold-seeker, whom I sincerely pitied, at length clambered from the pit, with the bitterest disappointment imprinted upon every feature, and proceeded, slowly and reluctantly, to put on his coat, which he had thrown off at the beginning of his labour. In the meantime I made no remark. Jupiter, at a signal from his master, began to gather up his tools. This done, and the dog having been unmuzzled, we turned in profound silence toward home.

We had taken, perhaps, a dozen steps in this direction, when, with a loud oath, Legrand strode up to Jupiter, and seized him by the collar. The astonished negro opened his eyes and mouth to the fullest extent, let fall the spades, and fell upon his knees.

“You scoundrel!” said Legrand, hissing out the syllables from between his clenched teeth—&quot; you infernal black villain!—speak, I tell you!—&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|143}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/196</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018937</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507487</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:49:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2726" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|144|chapter|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;answer me this instant, without prevarication!—which—which is your left eye?”

“Oh, my golly, Massa Will! ain’t dis here my lef eye for sartain?” roared the terrified Jupiter, placing his hand upon his ''right'' organ of vision, and holding it there with a desperate pertinacity, as if in immediate dread of his master’s attempt at a gouge.

“I thought so!—I knew it! hurrah!” vociferated Legrand, letting the negro go, and executing a series of curvets and caracols, much to the astonishment of his valet, who, arising from his knees, looked, mutely, from his master to myself, and then from myself to his master.

“Come! we must go back,” said the latter, “the game's not up yet”; and he again led the way to the tulip-tree.

“Jupiter,” said he, when we reached its foot, “come here! was the skull nailed to the limb with the face outward, or with the face to the limb?”

“De face was out, massa, so dat de crows could get at de eyes good, widout any trouble.”

“Well, then, was it this eye or that through which you dropped the
beetle?” here Legrand touched each of Jupiter's eyes.

“Twas dis eye, massa—de lef eye—jis as you tell me,”—and here it was his right eye that the negro indicated.

“That will do—we must try it again.”

Here my friend, about whose madness I now saw, or fancied that I saw, certain indications of method, removed the peg which marked the spot where the beetle fell to a spot about three inches to the westward of its former position. Taking, now, the tape measure from the nearest point of the trunk to the peg, as before, and continuing the extension in a straight line to the distance of fifty feet, a spot was indicated, removed, by several yards, from the point at which we had been digging.

Around the new position a circle, somewhat larger than in the former instance, was now described, and we again set to work with the spade. I was dreadfully weary, but, scarcely understanding what had occasioned the change in my thoughts, I felt no longer any great aversion from the labour imposed. I had become most unaccountably interested—nay, even excited. Perhaps there was something, amid all the extravagant demeanour of Legrand—some air of forethought, or of deliberation, which impressed me. I dug eagerly, and now and then caught myself actually looking, with something that very much resembled expectation, for the fancied treasure, the vision of which had demented my unfortunate companion. At a period when such vagaries of thought most fully possessed me, and when we had been at work perhaps an hour and a half, we were&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|144}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/339</title>
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      <text bytes="2214" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|311|{{fine|THE MIDDLE GROUND ARISTOCRACY.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the sweetest disposition.—His mother had heart disease but
was very gentle and resigned, and a wonderful ratter.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;As impossible and exasperating as this conversation may sound to a person
who is not an idiot, it is scarcely in any respect an exaggeration of one which one of us actually listened to in an American drawing room—otherwise we could
not venture to put such a chapter into a book which professes to deal with
social possibilities.—THE AUTHORS.&lt;/ref&gt;

So carried away had the visitors become by their interest
attaching to this discussion of family matters, that their stay
had been prolonged to a very improper and unfashionable
length; but they suddenly recollected themselves now and
took their departure.

Laura's scorn was boundless. The more she thought of
these people and their extraordinary talk, the more offensive they seemed to her; and yet she confessed that if one
must choose between the two extreme aristocracies it might
be best, on the whole, looking at things from a strictly business point of view, to herd with the Parvenus; she was in
Washington solely to compass a certain matter and to do it
at any cost, and these people might be useful to her, while it
was plain that her purposes and her schemes for pushing
them would not find favor in the eyes of the Antiques. If it
came to choice and it might come to that, sooner or later—she believed she could come to a decision without much
difficulty or many pangs.

But the best aristocracy of the three Washington castes,
and really the most powerful, by far, was that of the Middle
Ground. It was made up of the families of public men
from nearly every state in the Union—men who held positions in both the executive and legislative branches of the
government, and whose characters had been for years blemishless, both at home and at the capital. These gentlemen
and their households were unostentations people; they were
educated and refined; they troubled themselves but little
about the two other orders of nobility, but moved serenely
in their wide orbit, confident in their own strength and well
aware of the potency of their influence. They had no&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Trial of john lilburne (IA trial john lilburne).djvu/81</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018939</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507489</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:51:29Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Shells-shells</username>
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      <text bytes="3099" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(67)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''Therefore they need not so suddainly be repeated to us againe, you need not repeate these things; for I tell you agane, they are all fresh in our memories, and that we have done we must maintaine, or we have done nothing.''

''L. Col. Lilb.'' Truly, it is requisite for me to say, that I am wronged, I had no such single Plea; I plead a Plea at large to the errors of the Indictment, and first now crave liberty of the Law of ''England'', to have time and Councell assigned me.

L. ''K''eeble. ''You shall have the Lawes of ''England'', although you refuse to own them, in not holding up your hand; for the holding up of the hand hath been used as a part of the Law of ''England'' these ''500'' yeares, go on.''

{{float left|Mr.{{wide space|3em}}''the Councell that was an assistant to Mr. ''Prideaux.|1em}} ''My Lord, The prisoner at the Bar stands Indicted as a Traytor, for that he contriving, and maliciously intending not only to disturbe the publicke Peace; but also to bring the Government of the Nation happily setled in a free State, or Common-wealth, without a King, or an house of ''L''ords, and the Commons in Parliament assembled, to bring in disgrace and contempt amongst all good men, he did the first of this instant October, and divers times before and since in this City, falsly and maliciously, advisedly and trayterously by writing, printing and openly declaring, in and by one Paper of his called, ''A Salva libertate'', and by divers other papers and books, whereof one he calls, ''An Impeachment of high Treason against ''Oliver Cromwell'' and his sonne in law ''Henry Ireton, and another book of his Entituled ''An Out-Cry of the young men, and Apprentices of London, ''directed to all the privat Souldiers of the Army, &amp;c. a third, ''A preparative to an Hue and Cry after Sir ''Arthur Haslerigg, and a fourth ''The legall fundamentall liberties of the people of ''England'' revived'', that he did in these bookes publish, that the {{reconstruct|s}}aid Government is tyrannicall, usurped and unlawfull; and that the Commons in Parliament assembled, are not the Supream authority of this Nation; he stands further indicted, that he as a false Traytor did maliciously, advisedly and trayterously plot, and contrive, to raise force against the present Government, and for the subversion and alteration of it, and for the fulfilling of his most malicious and trayterous designes, he did in and by the said trayterous Books, falsly, maliciously and advisedly, utter and declare severall most false and scandalous, malicious and trayterous words and writings, that in the Indictment are particularly named and expressed. And thirdly, that as a Traytor not being an Officer, nor a Souldier, or a member of the Army under the Command of the now ''L''ord Generall ''Fairfax'', he did most maliciously and trayterously endeavour, to withdraw certaine Souldiers of that Army from their obedience to their superiour Officers, which are particularly named in the Indictment, and that for the full accomplishment of his contrivances and endeavours, he''&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rh||''K'' 2|''did''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/340</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018940</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507494</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:55:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
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      <text bytes="2041" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|312|{{fine|ABOUT LAURA'S UNRULY MEMBER.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;troublesome appearances to keep up, no rivalries which they
cared to distress themselves about, no jealousies to fret over.
They could afford to mind their own affairs and leave other
combinations to do the same or do otherwise, just as they
chose. They were people who were beyond reproach, and
that was sufficient.

Senator Dilworthy never came into collision with any of
these factions. He labored for them all and with them all.
He said that all men were brethren and all were entitled to
the honest unselfish help and countenance of a Christian
laborer in the public vineyard.

Laura concluded, after reflection, to let circumstances determine the course it might be best for her to pursue as regarded
the several aristocracies.

Now it might occur to the reader that perhaps Laura had
been somewhat rudely suggestive in her remarks to Mrs.
Oreillé when the subject of corals was under discussion, but
it did not occur to Laura herself. She was not a person of
exaggerated refinement; indeed the society and the influences
that had formed her character had not been of a nature
calculated to make her so; she thought that &quot;give and take
was fair play,&quot; and that to parry an offensive thrust with a
sarcasm was a neat and legitimate thing to do. She some-
times talked to people in a way which some ladies would
consider actually shocking; but Laura rather prided herself
upon some of her exploits of that character.
We are sorry
we cannot make her a faultless heroine; but we cannot, for
the reason that she was human.

She considered herself a superior conversationist. Long
ago, when the possibility had first been brought before her
mind that some day she might move in Washington society,
she had recognized the fact that practiced conversational
powers would be a necessary weapon in that field; she had
also recognized the fact that since her dealings there must be
mainly with men, and men whom she supposed to be exceptionally cultivated and able, she would need heavier shot in&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:MU KPB 015 Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imagination.pdf/197</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018941</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507498</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T22:57:22Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="3010" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;RaboKarbakian&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|145|THE GOLD BUG|{{uc|Tales of Mystery and Imagination}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;div class=&quot;story&quot;&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;again interrupted by the violent howlings of the dog. His uneasiness, in the first instance, had been, evidently, but the result of playfulness or caprice, but he now assumed a bitter and serious tone. Upon Jupiter’s again attempting to muzzle him, he made furious resistance, and, leaping into the hole, tore up the mould frantically with his claws. In a few seconds he had uncovered a mass of human bones, forming two complete skeletons, intermingled with several buttons of metal, and what appeared to be the dust of decayed woollen. One or two strokes of a spade upturned the blade of a large Spanish knife, and, as we dug farther, three or four loose pieces of gold and silver coin came to light.

At sight of these the joy of Jupiter could scarcely be restrained, but the countenance of his master wore an air of extreme disappointment. He urged us, however, to continue our exertions, and the words were hardly uttered when I stumbled and fell forward, having caught the toe of my boot in a large ring of iron that lay half buried in the loose earth.

We now worked in earnest, and never did I pass ten minutes of more intense excitement. During this interval we had fairly unearthed an oblong chest of wood, which, from its perfect preservation and wonderful hardness, had plainly been subjected to some mineralizing process—perhaps that of the bichloride of mercury. This box was three and a half feet long, three feet broad, and two and a half feet deep. It was firmly secured by bands of wrought iron, riveted, and forming a kind of open trellis-work over the whole. On each side of the chest, near the top, were three rings of iron—six in all—by means of which a firm hold could be obtained by six persons. Our utmost united endeavours served only to disturb the coffer very slightly in its bed. We at once saw the impossibility of removing so great a weight. Luckily, the sole fastenings of the lid consisted of two sliding bolts. These we drew back—trembling and panting with anxiety. In an instant, a treasure of incalculable value lay gleaming before us. As the rays of the lanterns fell within the pit, there flashed upward a glow and a glare, from a confused heap of gold and of jewels, that absolutely dazzled our eyes.

I shall not pretend to describe the feelings with which I gazed. Amazement was, of course, predominant, Legrand appeared exhausted with excitement, and spoke very few words. Jupiter’s countenance wore, for some minutes, as deadly a pallor as it is possible, in the nature of things, for any negro’s visage to assume. He seemed stupefied—thunderstricken. Presently he fell upon his knees in the pit, and burying his naked arms up to the elbows in gold, let them there remain, as if enjoying the luxury of a bath. At length, with a deep sigh, he exclaimed, as if in a soliloquy:

“And dis all cum ob de goole-bug! de putty goole-bug! de poor little&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|145}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:A Treatise of the Covenant of Grace (John Ball).djvu/156</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2943" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;PeterR2&quot; /&gt;{{rule}}
{{rh|144|''Of the Covenant that God made with David''|}}
{{rule}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;144 of the Covetmnt thdt G&lt;d made with David, 

Hab.T. I i. Deut. J4.4. Sept. Gih. Joh.t 8. tlic Authour of this Covenant is theLord 
30,^7. Ifa.z6.4. iSam, i.z, Ka!. 18, ^. God,theGoclof Ifrael,theGod that hath 
&amp; «8. I. 8c aSaro. «j.z,g». Sept. ots^j^. bound himfelfc in Covenant unto Ifrael, 
aSam.a?.}. Sepc.9vW.aI Trc&lt;W 2 Sam. ^^q ^Q^h watch ovet them, walk in the 

8l;t5 r^ir;r«&gt;I/'^l' %/!:&quot;''' ^j^ia amongft them, is their {hieldand 
ii9'i»- Theroc&gt;iofS^lv&lt;itu&gt;n, bepttf,v77A»T. 1-1, iR -r rjc -ru 

^:$v!S ffaviexas. ■ buckier,and ftrong Tower otdercnce.The 

rocke of Ifrael, the cverlafting rocke, 
that is, the mighty, ftable, and immutable foundation and de- 
fence of the faichfull, who flieunto him, and truft in him. So 
God is called, the Rock of their Salvation, D^/^?. 32. 15, Pftlm. 
95.1. Sept.rtTToeeai^THf^etuT^, the rocke of their ftrengthj^PyS/. 

€2.7,8. P/S/.3I.3. //S.IJ.IO. Sept. o&amp;ioiriii^on^£^'ai(jj^, Pf^lm, 
71.3. P/S/.31.5. Sept. iti ^ov 'l^i^^cuTi'^Wi the rock of my heart, 
P{aLj2,i6. Sept. the God of my heart : and befides him there' is 
none other, 7/2.44.8. a rock of refuge or aifiance, P/2/.p4. 22. 
Sept. y^'Jtt^eiiv^jv.'p'jyhjJiP fil,i%,'^. Sept. i2o!i3^'/^«.Rock and Re- 
deemer are put together, Pfalm. 19.1$, Rocke and Salvation, 

This Covenant was made in Chrift, andChrift is more clearly 

manifefted in this breaking forth of tht Covenant, then in any of 

the former. Asfirft, that he was God and man in one perfon; 

f^faLiicr. theSonofZ)^z//(^, who thouldcomeofhis loynes, and yet Da- 

Mat.2t&lt;,4%,4f. w&lt;!^/Lord. The Lord (aid unto my Lord, fit ^thou on mj right 

Aa.x.34. handy untill I make thine enemies my fiot-jioolcu Then in refpe(^ 

ofhis humiliation and glorification, his fuftcjrings and exiltatibn. 

rral.i6. 1 o. ThoH VPtlt not leave my (oul in grave, nor fuff'er t hiae holy one to 

^ *■* **7* fee corruption. Thou haft m^dc him for a little infsriour to the 

pra.8.6.&amp; 12,1 eAngelf^ fc. as concerning his lutferings : Thou haft crowned him 

Heb,».739, '^^ith glory avd honour. Sit thou on my right hand, untill I make 

Pfal.jio.i. thine enemies thy fiot'ftoole, Alfoin rcTpec^ of his Offices, that 

he fhould be both King and Prieft j a King co rule and governe his 

rial. 1. 5,6,7^ eled:, to bridle and lubdue his enemies ; 1 ^''ill declare the decree, 

Heb.1.5. A^. -the Lord hath faid unto me, thou art my Son : 1 ^illfet my Kin^ 

v  ^'^ ^' ^V^ ^y ^°h ^^^^ ofSyon. Rule thou in the mldft of thi-.e enemies, 

A Prieft after the order of Afekhifedech, confirmed by oath, an* 

, , iioint^dwichtheoyleof gladndTe. The Lord hath frvofn-and^iU 

Hcb. &lt;J. &amp; 7. tiot'fspent^ thou art a Prieflrfir ever after the order of Afelchl^ 

j^.pf,45. 7, fedecL God, even thy God hath annointed thee With the oyle of 

fladnefs&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|''gladness''}}
{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <id>12507503</id>
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{{rh|144|''Of the Covenant that God made with David.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;144 of the Covetmnt thdt G&lt;d made with David, 

Hab.T. I i. Deut. J4.4. Sept. Gih. Joh.t 8. tlic Authour of this Covenant is theLord 
30,^7. Ifa.z6.4. iSam, i.z, Ka!. 18, ^. God,theGoclof Ifrael,theGod that hath 
&amp; «8. I. 8c aSaro. «j.z,g». Sept. ots^j^. bound himfelfc in Covenant unto Ifrael, 
aSam.a?.}. Sepc.9vW.aI Trc&lt;W 2 Sam. ^^q ^Q^h watch ovet them, walk in the 

8l;t5 r^ir;r«&gt;I/'^l' %/!:&quot;''' ^j^ia amongft them, is their {hieldand 
ii9'i»- Theroc&gt;iofS^lv&lt;itu&gt;n, bepttf,v77A»T. 1-1, iR -r rjc -ru 

^:$v!S ffaviexas. ■ buckier,and ftrong Tower otdercnce.The 

rocke of Ifrael, the cverlafting rocke, 
that is, the mighty, ftable, and immutable foundation and de- 
fence of the faichfull, who flieunto him, and truft in him. So 
God is called, the Rock of their Salvation, D^/^?. 32. 15, Pftlm. 
95.1. Sept.rtTToeeai^THf^etuT^, the rocke of their ftrengthj^PyS/. 

€2.7,8. P/S/.3I.3. //S.IJ.IO. Sept. o&amp;ioiriii^on^£^'ai(jj^, Pf^lm, 
71.3. P/S/.31.5. Sept. iti ^ov 'l^i^^cuTi'^Wi the rock of my heart, 
P{aLj2,i6. Sept. the God of my heart : and befides him there' is 
none other, 7/2.44.8. a rock of refuge or aifiance, P/2/.p4. 22. 
Sept. y^'Jtt^eiiv^jv.'p'jyhjJiP fil,i%,'^. Sept. i2o!i3^'/^«.Rock and Re- 
deemer are put together, Pfalm. 19.1$, Rocke and Salvation, 

This Covenant was made in Chrift, andChrift is more clearly 

manifefted in this breaking forth of tht Covenant, then in any of 

the former. Asfirft, that he was God and man in one perfon; 

f^faLiicr. theSonofZ)^z//(^, who thouldcomeofhis loynes, and yet Da- 

Mat.2t&lt;,4%,4f. w&lt;!^/Lord. The Lord (aid unto my Lord, fit ^thou on mj right 

Aa.x.34. handy untill I make thine enemies my fiot-jioolcu Then in refpe(^ 

ofhis humiliation and glorification, his fuftcjrings and exiltatibn. 

rral.i6. 1 o. ThoH VPtlt not leave my (oul in grave, nor fuff'er t hiae holy one to 

^ *■* **7* fee corruption. Thou haft m^dc him for a little infsriour to the 

pra.8.6.&amp; 12,1 eAngelf^ fc. as concerning his lutferings : Thou haft crowned him 

Heb,».739, '^^ith glory avd honour. Sit thou on my right hand, untill I make 

Pfal.jio.i. thine enemies thy fiot'ftoole, Alfoin rcTpec^ of his Offices, that 

he fhould be both King and Prieft j a King co rule and governe his 

rial. 1. 5,6,7^ eled:, to bridle and lubdue his enemies ; 1 ^''ill declare the decree, 

Heb.1.5. A^. -the Lord hath faid unto me, thou art my Son : 1 ^illfet my Kin^ 

v  ^'^ ^' ^V^ ^y ^°h ^^^^ ofSyon. Rule thou in the mldft of thi-.e enemies, 

A Prieft after the order of Afekhifedech, confirmed by oath, an* 

, , iioint^dwichtheoyleof gladndTe. The Lord hath frvofn-and^iU 

Hcb. &lt;J. &amp; 7. tiot'fspent^ thou art a Prieflrfir ever after the order of Afelchl^ 

j^.pf,45. 7, fedecL God, even thy God hath annointed thee With the oyle of 

fladnefs&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|''gladness''}}
{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507590</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:59:43Z</timestamp>
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        <username>PeterR2</username>
        <id>7826</id>
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{{rh|144|''Of the Covenant that God made with David.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=250|font-size=x-small|text=Hab. 1.12. Deut 34.4. Sept. ''θεὸς'', Joh. 18.30,37. Isa. 26.4. 1 Sam. 2.2. Psal 18.32. &amp; 28.1. &amp; 2 Sam. 22.2,32. Sept. ''πίστης'', 2 Sam. 23.3. Sept. ''φύλαξ'' al. ''πλάστης''. 2 Sam. 22.47. Isa. 30.29. ''The rocke of Israel'', Psal. 89.26. ''The rock of Salvation'', Sept. ἀντιλήπτωρ τῆς σωτηρίας''}} The Authour of this Covenant is the Lord God, the God of Israel, the God that hath bound himselfe in Covenant unto Israel, who doth watch over them, walk in the midst amongst them, is their shield and buckler, and strong Tower of defence. The rocke of Israel, the everlasting rocke, that is, the mighty, stable, and immutable foundation and defence of the faithfull, who flie unto him, and trust in him. So God is called, the Rock of their Salvation, ''Deut''. 32. 15. ''Psalm''. 95. 1. Sept. ''ἀπὸ θεοῦ σωτῆρος αὐτοῦ'', the rocke of their strength, ''Psal''. 62. 7, 8. ''Psal''. 31. 3. ''Isa''. 17. 10. Sept. ''ὁ θεὸς τῆς βοηθείας μου'', ''Psalm''. 71. 3. ''Psal''. 31. 3. Sept. ''εἰς θεὸν ὑπερασπιστὴν'', the rock of my heart, ''Psal''. 72. 26. Sept. the God of my heart: and besides him there is none other, ''Isa''. 44. 8. a rock of refuge or affiance, ''Psal''. 94. 22. Sept. ''κύριος εἰς καταφυγὴν'', ''Psal''. 18. 3. Sept. ''βοηθός μου'' Rock and Redeemer are put together, ''Psalm''. 19. 15. Rocke and Salvation, ''Psal''. 62. 7.

This Covenant was made in Christ, and Christ is more clearly manifested in this breaking forth of the Covenant, then in any of the former. As first, that he was God and man in one person; the Son of ''David'', who should come of his loynes, and yet {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 110.1.&lt;br&gt;Matt. 22.42,45.&lt;br&gt;Act. 2.34.}}''Davids'' Lord. ''The Lord said unto my Lord, sit thou on my right hand, untill I make thine enemies my foot-stoole''. Then in respect of his humiliation and glorification, his sufferings and exaltation. {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 16.10.&lt;br&gt;Act. 2.26,27.&lt;br&gt;&amp;13.36,37.}}''Thou wilt not leave my soul in grave, nor suffer thine holy one to see corruption. {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psa. 8.6. &amp; 22.1.}}Thou hast made him for a little inferiour to the Angels, sc''. as concerning his sufferings: {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Heb. 2.7,9.}}''Thou hast crowned him with glory and honour. {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 110.1.}}Sit thou on my right hand, untill I make thine enemies thy foot-stoole''. Also in respect of his offices, that he should be both King and Priest; a King to rule and governe his elect, to bridle and subdue his enemies; {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 2.5,6,7.&lt;br&gt;Heb. 1.5.&lt;br&gt;Act. 13.32,33.}}''I will declare the decree, the Lord hath said unto me, thou art my Son: I will set my King upon my holy hill of Syon. {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 110.2.}}Rule thou in the midst of thine enemies''. A Priest after the order of ''Melchisedech'', confirmed by oath, annointed with the oyle of gladnesse. {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 110.4.&lt;br&gt;Heb. {{SIC|5.8.|5.6.}} &amp; 7.11.}}''The Lord hath sworn and will not repent, thou art a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech. {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Ps. 45.7.}}God, even thy God hath annointed thee with the oyle of''&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|''gladness''}}
{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:01:39Z</timestamp>
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        <id>7826</id>
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{{rh|144|''Of the Covenant that God made with David.''|}}
{{rule}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=250|font-size=x-small|text=Hab. 1.12. Deut 34.4. Sept. ''θεὸς'', Joh. 18.30,37. Isa. 26.4. 1 Sam. 2.2. Psal 18.32. &amp; 28.1. &amp; 2 Sam. 22.2,32. Sept. ''πίστης'', 2 Sam. 23.3. Sept. ''φύλαξ'' al. ''πλάστης''. 2 Sam. 22.47. Isa. 30.29. ''The rocke of Israel'', Psal. 89.26. ''The rock of Salvation'', Sept. ἀντιλήπτωρ τῆς σωτηρίας''}} The Authour of this Covenant is the Lord God, the God of Israel, the God that hath bound himselfe in Covenant unto Israel, who doth watch over them, walk in the midst amongst them, is their shield and buckler, and strong Tower of defence. The rocke of Israel, the everlasting rocke, that is, the mighty, stable, and immutable foundation and defence of the faithfull, who flie unto him, and trust in him. So God is called, the Rock of their Salvation, ''Deut''. 32. 15. ''Psalm''. 95. 1. Sept. ''ἀπὸ θεοῦ σωτῆρος αὐτοῦ'', the rocke of their strength, ''Psal''. 62. 7, 8. ''Psal''. 31. 3. ''Isa''. 17. 10. Sept. ''ὁ θεὸς τῆς βοηθείας μου'', ''Psalm''. 71. 3. ''Psal''. 31. 3. Sept. ''εἰς θεὸν ὑπερασπιστὴν'', the rock of my heart, ''Psal''. 72. 26. Sept. the God of my heart: and besides him there is none other, ''Isa''. 44. 8. a rock of refuge or affiance, ''Psal''. 94. 22. Sept. ''κύριος εἰς καταφυγὴν'', ''Psal''. 18. 3. Sept. ''βοηθός μου'' Rock and Redeemer are put together, ''Psalm''. 19. 15. Rocke and Salvation, ''Psal''. 62. 7.

This Covenant was made in Christ, and Christ is more clearly manifested in this breaking forth of the Covenant, then in any of the former. As first, that he was God and man in one person; the Son of ''David'', who should come of his loynes, and yet {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 110.1.&lt;br&gt;Matt. 22.42,45.&lt;br&gt;Act. 2.34.}}''Davids'' Lord. ''The Lord said unto my Lord, sit thou on my right hand, untill I make thine enemies my foot-stoole''. Then in respect of his humiliation and glorification, his sufferings and exaltation. {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 16.10.&lt;br&gt;Act. 2.26,27.&lt;br&gt;&amp;13.36,37.}}''Thou wilt not leave my soul in grave, nor suffer thine holy one to see corruption.'' {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psa. 8.6. &amp; 22.1.}}''Thou hast made him for a little inferiour to the Angels, sc''. as concerning his sufferings: {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Heb. 2.7,9.}}''Thou hast crowned him with glory and honour.'' {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 110.1.}}''Sit thou on my right hand, untill I make thine enemies thy foot-stoole''. Also in respect of his offices, that he should be both King and Priest; a King to rule and governe his elect, to bridle and subdue his enemies; {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 2.5,6,7.&lt;br&gt;Heb. 1.5.&lt;br&gt;Act. 13.32,33.}}''I will declare the decree, the Lord hath said unto me, thou art my Son: I will set my King upon my holy hill of Syon.'' {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 110.2.}}''Rule thou in the midst of thine enemies''. A Priest after the order of ''Melchisedech'', confirmed by oath, annointed with the oyle of gladnesse. {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Psal. 110.4.&lt;br&gt;Heb. {{SIC|5.8.|5.6.}} &amp; 7.11.}}''The Lord hath sworn and will not repent, thou art a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech.'' {{marginNote|margin=right|text-align=left|margin-width=60|spacing=0.6|font-size=x-small|text=Ps. 45.7.}}''God, even thy God hath annointed thee with the oyle of''&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|''gladness''}}
{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Trial of john lilburne (IA trial john lilburne).djvu/82</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018943</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507504</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:01:54Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Shells-shells</username>
        <id>3021170</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2799" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(68)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''did maliciously, advisedly and trayterously publish, and deliver the poysonous booke called ''An Impeachment'', and in particular directed by the Title of the booke, to all the people of ''England'', being for that end published by him to publick view; in which Book are contained, most false and scandalous, malicious, mutinous and traiterous expressions as in the Indictment are set forth; And further that in the said book which he called ''An Impeachment'', that the present Government is tirannical and usurped, and that the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, are not the Supream Authority, ''A''nd he further stands indicted, and the Jury further finds, and presents, that all these and other ''e''xpressions written by him, and published by him in written Papers and printed books, he hath falsly, maliciously and trayterously stirred up strife on purpose, and to the intent, to stir up and raise force against the present Government, setled in the way of a Common-wealth and free State, without King and ''L''ords, on purpose, it to subvert and destroy. And further, he hath also most trayterously endeavoured to withdraw the privat Souldiers from their obedience a''n''d subjection to their superiour Officers; and all this in manifest contempt of the ''L''awes of this Common-wealth, in that behalf made and provided, ''a''nd to the hazzard of the overthrow, and utter subversion of the said Government.''

''To this Indictment the Gentleman hath pleaded not guilty, and hath put himself upon his Country, and if we can prove this against his Plea, it is at an issue.''

''L. Col. Lilb.'' I deny that Sir, I never pleaded any such single Plea as not Guilty, and you Gentlemen of the Jury, I beseech you take notice he extreamly wrongs me in saying so, for my Plea was a conditionall Plea, as a Plea at large.

Mr. Atturney. ''My Lord, and you Gentlemen of the Jury, You have heard the Indictment read unto you, and you have heard it opened unto you, and you have heard what Mr. ''Lilburne'' saies, that he did not plea not Guilty, and I hope he is ashamed of his Plea, now he heares the Indictment opened unto him. My Lord, in this Indictment there is contained these severall Grand Treasons.''

''The first is, that he hath advisedly, traiterously, and maliciously published, that the Government that is now established, by way of a free State or Common-wealth, without either King or house of Lords, is tirannicall, usurped and unlawfull; and further, that the present Parliament now assembled, arr{{sic}} not the Supreame authority of the Nation.''

''The second is this, that he hath plotted, contrived and endeavoured, to stirre up, and raise forces against the present Government, and for the subversion and alteration of the same.''
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|''The''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/342</title>
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{{heading|CHAPTER XXXIV.|3|c|normal}}
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{smaller|Eet Jomfru Haar drager stærkere end ti Par Öxen.}}}}
{{dhr}}
{{di|W}}HEN Laura had been in Washington three months,
she was still the same person, in one respect, that she
was when she first arrived there—that is to say, she still bore
the name of Laura Hawkins. Otherwise she was perceptibly
changed.—

She had arrived in a state of grievous uncertainty as to
what manner of woman she was, physically and intellectually,
as compared with eastern women; she was well satisfied, now,
that her beauty was confessed, her mind a grade above the
average, and her powers of fascination rather extraordinary.
So she was at ease upon those points. When she arrived,
she was posessed of habits of economy and not possessed of
money; now she dressed elaborately, gave but little thought
to the cost of things, and was very well fortified financially.—She kept her mother and Washington freely supplied with
money, and did the same by Col. Sellers—who always insisted
upon giving his note for loans—with interest; he was rigid
upon that; she must take interest; and one of the Colonel's
greatest satisfactions was to go over his accounts and note
what a handsome sum this accruing interest amounted to,
and what a comfortable though modest support it would yield
Laura in case reverses should overtake her. In truth he
could not help feeling that he was an efficient shield for her
against poverty; and so, if her expensive ways ever troubled
him for a brief moment, he presently dismissed the thought
and said to himself, &quot;Let her go on—even if she loses&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|314}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{heading|CHAPTER XXXIV.|3|c|normal}}
{{dhr}}
{{c|{{smaller|Eet Jomfru Haar drager stærkere end ti Par Öxen.}}}}
{{dhr}}
{{di|W}}HEN Laura had been in Washington three months,
she was still the same person, in one respect, that she
was when she first arrived there—that is to say, she still bore
the name of Laura Hawkins. Otherwise she was perceptibly
changed.—

She had arrived in a state of grievous uncertainty as to
what manner of woman she was, physically and intellectually,
as compared with eastern women; she was well satisfied, now,
that her beauty was confessed, her mind a grade above the
average, and her powers of fascination rather extraordinary.
So she was at ease upon those points. When she arrived,
she was posessed of habits of economy and not possessed of
money; now she dressed elaborately, gave but little thought
to the cost of things, and was very well fortified financially.—She kept her mother and Washington freely supplied with
money, and did the same by Col. Sellers—who always insisted
upon giving his note for loans—with interest; he was rigid
upon that; she ''must'' take interest; and one of the Colonel's
greatest satisfactions was to go over his accounts and note
what a handsome sum this accruing interest amounted to,
and what a comfortable though modest support it would yield
Laura in case reverses should overtake her. In truth he
could not help feeling that he was an efficient shield for her
against poverty; and so, if her expensive ways ever troubled
him for a brief moment, he presently dismissed the thought
and said to himself, &quot;Let her go on—even if she loses&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|314}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/343</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018945</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507513</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:14:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2263" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|315|{{fine|RUMORS OF LAURA'S VAST WEALTH.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;everything she is still safe—this interest will always afford her
a good easy income.&quot;

Laura was on excellent terms with a great many members
of Congress, and there was an undercurrent of suspicion in
some quarters that she was one of that detested class known
as &quot; lobbyists;&quot; but what belle could escape slander in such a
city? Fair-minded people declined to condemn her on mere
suspicion, and so the injurious talk made no very damaging
headway. She was very gay, now, and very celebrated, and
she might well expect to be assailed by many kinds of gossip.
She was growing used to celebrity, and could already sit calm
and seemingly unconscious, under the fire of fifty lorgnettes
in a theatre, or even overhear the low voice &quot;That's she!&quot; as
she passed along the street without betraying annoyance.

The whole air was full of a vague vast scheme which was
to eventuate in filling Laura's pockets with millions of money;
some had one idea of the scheme, and some another, but
nobody had any exact knowledge upon the subject. All that
any one felt sure about, was that Laura's landed estates were
princely in value and extent, and that the government was
anxious to get hold of them for public purposes, and that
Laura was willing to make the sale but not at all anxious
about the matter and not at all in a hurry. It was whispered
that Senator Dilworthy was a stumbling block in the way of
an immediate sale, because he was resolved that the government should not have the lands except with the understanding that they should be devoted to the uplifting of the
negro race; Laura did not care what they were devoted to, it
was said, (a world of very different gossip to the contrary notwithstanding,) but there were several other heirs and they
would be guided entirely by the Senator's wishes; and
finally, many people averred that while it would be easy to
sell the lands to the government for the benefit of the negro,
by resorting to the usual methods of influencing votes,
Senator Dilworthy was unwilling to have so noble a charity
sullied by any taint of corruption—he was resolved that not
a vote should be bought. Nobody could get anything
definite from Lanra about these matters, and so gossip had&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Portal:Acts of the Parliament of New Zealand/53rd Parliament</title>
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 | title     = Acts of the 53rd Parliament of New Zealand
 | class     = K
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 | notes     = These are the Acts of the '''53rd Parliament of New Zealand''' since its term began on 25 November 2020.
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&lt;!-- |+ '''Select monarch''' --&gt;
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|-
|bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Short Title'''
|bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Citation'''
|bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Royal Assent'''
|-
| [[Drug and Substance Checking Legislation Act 2020]]
| 2020 No 63
| 7 December 2020
|-
| [[COVID-19 Public Health Response Amendment Act (No 2) 2020]]
| 2020 No 64
| 7 December 2020
|-
| [[Taxation (Income Tax Rate and Other Amendments) Act 2020]]
| 2020 No 65
| 7 December 2020
|-
| [[Subordinate Legislation Confirmation Act 2020]]
| 2020 No 66
| 11 December 2020
|}</text>
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      <text bytes="7725" xml:space="preserve">{{portal header
 | title     = Acts of the 53rd Parliament of New Zealand
 | class     = K
 | subclass1 = U
 | subclass2 = Q
 | reviewed  = yes
 | shortcut  =
 | notes     = These are the Acts of the '''53rd Parliament of New Zealand''' since its term began on 25 November 2020.
}}

{| width = &quot;50%&quot; align=&quot;center&quot; border = 1 border=&quot;1&quot; cellpadding=&quot;4&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; style=&quot;margin: 0.5em 1em 0.5em 0; background: #f9f9f9; border: 1px #aaa solid; border-collapse: collapse;&quot;
&lt;!-- |+ '''Select monarch''' --&gt;
|colspan = &quot;3&quot; bgcolor = &quot;#ccccff&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|'''Public Acts'''&lt;br/&gt;Select Short Title to view the Act.
|-
|bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Short Title'''
|width=&quot;10%&quot; bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Public Act'''
|width=&quot;20%&quot; bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Royal Assent'''
|-
| [[Drug and Substance Checking Legislation Act 2020]]
| 2020 No 63
| {{ISOdate|2020-12-07}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Public Health Response Amendment Act (No 2) 2020]]
| 2020 No 64
| {{ISOdate|2020-12-07}}
|-
| [[Taxation (Income Tax Rate and Other Amendments) Act 2020]]
| 2020 No 65
| {{ISOdate|2020-12-07}}
|-
| [[Subordinate Legislation Confirmation Act 2020]]
| 2020 No 66
| {{ISOdate|2020-12-11}}
|-
| [[Taxation (COVID-19 Resurgence Support Payments and Other Matters) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 1
| {{ISOdate|2021-02-18}}
|-
| [[Food (Continuation of Dietary Supplements Regulations) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 2
| {{ISOdate|2021-02-22}}
|-
| [[Local Electoral (Māori Wards and Māori Constituencies) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 3
| {{ISOdate|2021-03-01}}
|-
| [[Climate Change Response (Auction Price) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 4
| {{ISOdate|2021-03-12}}
|-
| [[Child Protection (Child Sex Offender Government Agency Registration) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 5
| {{ISOdate|2021-03-22}}
|-
| [[Child Support Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 6
| {{ISOdate|2021-03-24}}
|-
| [[Secondary Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 7
| {{ISOdate|2021-03-24}}
|-
| [[Taxation (Annual Rates for 2020–21, Feasibility Expenditure, and Remedial Matters) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 8
| {{ISOdate|2021-03-30}}
|-
| [[Regulatory Systems (Transport) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 9
| {{ISOdate|2021-03-30}}
|-
| [[Holidays (Bereavement Leave for Miscarriage)Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 10
| {{ISOdate|2021-03-30}}
|-
| [[Ngāti Hinerangi Claims Settlement Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 11
| {{ISOdate|2021-04-12}}
|-
| [[Local Government (Rating of Whenua Māori) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 12
| {{ISOdate|2021-04-12}}
|-
| [[Financial Market Infrastructures Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 13
| {{ISOdate|2021-05-10}}
|-
| [[Immigration (COVID-19 Response) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 14
| {{ISOdate|2021-05-10}}
|-
| [[Appropriation (2019/20 Confirmation and Validation) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 15
| {{ISOdate|2021-05-14}}
|-
| [[Medicines Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 16
| {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[Overseas Investment Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 17
| {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[Holidays (Increasing Sick Leave) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 18
| {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[Taxation (Budget 2021 and Remedial Measures) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 19
| {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Public Health Response (Validation of Managed Isolation and Quarantine Charges) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 20
| {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[Building (Building Products and Methods, Modular Components, and Other Matters) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 21
| {{ISOdate|2021-06-07}}
|-
| [[Appropriation (2020/21 Supplementary Estimates) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 22
| {{ISOdate|2021-06-24}}
|-
| [[Imprest Supply (First for 2021/22) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 23
| {{ISOdate|2021-06-24}}
|-
| [[Intelligence and Security (Review) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 24
| {{ISOdate|2021-06-28}}
|-
| [[Social Security (Financial Assistance for Caregivers) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 25
| {{ISOdate|2021-06-28}}
|-
| [[Health (National Cervical Screening Programme) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 26
| {{ISOdate|2021-06-28}}
|-
| [[District Court (Protection of Judgment Debtors with Disabilities) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 27
| {{ISOdate|2021-07-05}}
|-
| [[Education and Training (Grants—Budget Measures) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 28
| {{ISOdate|2021-07-12}}
|-
| [[Annual Reporting and Audit Time Frames Extensions Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 29
| {{ISOdate|2021-07-12}}
|-
| [[Gas (Information Disclosure and Penalties) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 30
| {{ISOdate|2021-07-12}}
|-
| [[Reserve Bank of New Zealand Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 31
| {{ISOdate|2021-08-16}}
|-
| [[Fair Trading Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 32
| {{ISOdate|2021-08-16}}
|-
| [[Family Court (Supporting Children in Court) Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 33
| {{ISOdate|2021-08-16}}
|-
| [[Appropriation (2021/22 Estimates) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 34
| {{ISOdate|2021-09-13}}
|-
| [[Imprest Supply (Second for 2021/22) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 35
| {{ISOdate|2021-09-13}}
|-
| [[Water Services Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 36
| {{ISOdate|2021-10-04}}
|-
| [[Counter-Terrorism Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 37
| {{ISOdate|2021-10-04}}
|-
| [[Social Security (Subsequent Child Policy Removal) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 38
| {{ISOdate|2021-10-04}}
|-
| [[Financial Sector (Climate-related Disclosures and Other Matters) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 39
| {{ISOdate|2021-10-27}}
|-
| [[Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 40
| {{ISOdate|2021-10-27}}
|-
| [[Mental Health (Compulsory Assessment and Treatment) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 41
| {{ISOdate|2021-10-29}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Response (Management Measures) Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 42
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-02}}
|-
| [[Films, Videos, and Publications Classification (Urgent Interim Classification of Publications and Prevention of Online Harm) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 43
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-02}}
|-
| [[Health (Fluoridation of Drinking Water) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 44
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-15}}
|-
| [[Maritime Transport (MARPOL Annex VI) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 45
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-15}}
|-
| [[New Zealand Superannuation and Retirement Income (Fair Residency) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 46
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-15}}
|-
| [[Education and Training (Teaching Council Fees, Levies, and Costs) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 47
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-19}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Public Health Response Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 48
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-19}}
|-
| [[Moriori Claims Settlement Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 49
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-25}}
|-
| [[Drug and Substance Checking Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 50
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-25}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Response (Vaccinations) Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 51
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-25}}
|-
| [[Taxation (COVID-19 Support Payments and Working for Families Tax Credits) Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 52
| {{ISOdate|2021-11-25}}
|-
| [[Crown Minerals (Decommissioning and Other Matters) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 53
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-01}}
|-
| [[Ahuriri Hapū Claims Settlement Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 54
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-13}}
|-
| [[Rights for Victims of Insane Offenders Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 55
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-13}}
|-
| [[Subordinate Legislation Confirmation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 56
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-13}}
|-
| [[Births, Deaths, Marriages, and Relationships Registration Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 57
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-15}}
|-
| [[Education and Training Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 58
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-15}}
|-
| [[Resource Management (Enabling Housing Supply and Other Matters) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 59
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-20}}
|-
| [[Sexual Violence Legislation Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 60
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-20}}
|-
| [[Gambling (Reinstating COVID-19 Modification) Amendment Act 2021]]
| 2021 No 61
| {{ISOdate|2021-12-20}}
|}</text>
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      <text bytes="11621" xml:space="preserve">{{portal header
 | title     = Acts of the 53rd Parliament of New Zealand
 | class     = K
 | subclass1 = U
 | subclass2 = Q
 | reviewed  = yes
 | shortcut  =
 | notes     = These are the Acts of the '''53rd Parliament of New Zealand''' since its term began on 25 November 2020.
}}

{| width = &quot;50%&quot; align=&quot;center&quot; border = 1 border=&quot;1&quot; cellpadding=&quot;4&quot; cellspacing=&quot;0&quot; style=&quot;margin: 0.5em 1em 0.5em 0; background: #f9f9f9; border: 1px #aaa solid; border-collapse: collapse;&quot;
&lt;!-- |+ '''Select monarch''' --&gt;
|colspan = &quot;3&quot; bgcolor = &quot;#ccccff&quot; align=&quot;center&quot;|'''Public Acts'''&lt;br/&gt;Select Short Title to view the Act.
|-
|bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Short Title'''
|width=&quot;10%&quot; bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Public Act'''
|width=&quot;18%&quot; bgcolor = &quot;F8F8D8&quot; |'''Royal Assent'''
|-
| [[Drug and Substance Checking Legislation Act 2020]] || 2020 No 63 || {{ISOdate|2020-12-07}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Public Health Response Amendment Act (No 2) 2020]] || 2020 No 64 || {{ISOdate|2020-12-07}}
|-
| [[Taxation (Income Tax Rate and Other Amendments) Act 2020]] || 2020 No 65 || {{ISOdate|2020-12-07}}
|-
| [[Subordinate Legislation Confirmation Act 2020]] || 2020 No 66 || {{ISOdate|2020-12-11}}
|-
| [[Taxation (COVID-19 Resurgence Support Payments and Other Matters) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 1 || {{ISOdate|2021-02-18}}
|-
| [[Food (Continuation of Dietary Supplements Regulations) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 2 || {{ISOdate|2021-02-22}}
|-
| [[Local Electoral (Māori Wards and Māori Constituencies) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 3 || {{ISOdate|2021-03-01}}
|-
| [[Climate Change Response (Auction Price) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 4 || {{ISOdate|2021-03-12}}
|-
| [[Child Protection (Child Sex Offender Government Agency Registration) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 5 || {{ISOdate|2021-03-22}}
|-
| [[Child Support Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 6 || {{ISOdate|2021-03-24}}
|-
| [[Secondary Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 7 || {{ISOdate|2021-03-24}}
|-
| [[Taxation (Annual Rates for 2020–21, Feasibility Expenditure, and Remedial Matters) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 8 || {{ISOdate|2021-03-30}}
|-
| [[Regulatory Systems (Transport) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 9 || {{ISOdate|2021-03-30}}
|-
| [[Holidays (Bereavement Leave for Miscarriage)Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 10 || {{ISOdate|2021-03-30}}
|-
| [[Ngāti Hinerangi Claims Settlement Act 2021]] || 2021 No 11 || {{ISOdate|2021-04-12}}
|-
| [[Local Government (Rating of Whenua Māori) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 12 || {{ISOdate|2021-04-12}}
|-
| [[Financial Market Infrastructures Act 2021]] || 2021 No 13 || {{ISOdate|2021-05-10}}
|-
| [[Immigration (COVID-19 Response) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 14 || {{ISOdate|2021-05-10}}
|-
| [[Appropriation (2019/20 Confirmation and Validation) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 15 || {{ISOdate|2021-05-14}}
|-
| [[Medicines Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 16 || {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[Overseas Investment Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 17 || {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[Holidays (Increasing Sick Leave) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 18 || {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[Taxation (Budget 2021 and Remedial Measures) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 19 || {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Public Health Response (Validation of Managed Isolation and Quarantine Charges) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 20 || {{ISOdate|2021-05-24}}
|-
| [[Building (Building Products and Methods, Modular Components, and Other Matters) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 21 || {{ISOdate|2021-06-07}}
|-
| [[Appropriation (2020/21 Supplementary Estimates) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 22 || {{ISOdate|2021-06-24}}
|-
| [[Imprest Supply (First for 2021/22) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 23 || {{ISOdate|2021-06-24}}
|-
| [[Intelligence and Security (Review) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 24 || {{ISOdate|2021-06-28}}
|-
| [[Social Security (Financial Assistance for Caregivers) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 25 || {{ISOdate|2021-06-28}}
|-
| [[Health (National Cervical Screening Programme) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 26 || {{ISOdate|2021-06-28}}
|-
| [[District Court (Protection of Judgment Debtors with Disabilities) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 27 || {{ISOdate|2021-07-05}}
|-
| [[Education and Training (Grants—Budget Measures) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 28 || {{ISOdate|2021-07-12}}
|-
| [[Annual Reporting and Audit Time Frames Extensions Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 29 || {{ISOdate|2021-07-12}}
|-
| [[Gas (Information Disclosure and Penalties) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 30 || {{ISOdate|2021-07-12}}
|-
| [[Reserve Bank of New Zealand Act 2021]] || 2021 No 31 || {{ISOdate|2021-08-16}}
|-
| [[Fair Trading Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 32 || {{ISOdate|2021-08-16}}
|-
| [[Family Court (Supporting Children in Court) Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 33 || {{ISOdate|2021-08-16}}
|-
| [[Appropriation (2021/22 Estimates) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 34 || {{ISOdate|2021-09-13}}
|-
| [[Imprest Supply (Second for 2021/22) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 35 || {{ISOdate|2021-09-13}}
|-
| [[Water Services Act 2021]] || 2021 No 36 || {{ISOdate|2021-10-04}}
|-
| [[Counter-Terrorism Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 37 || {{ISOdate|2021-10-04}}
|-
| [[Social Security (Subsequent Child Policy Removal) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 38 || {{ISOdate|2021-10-04}}
|-
| [[Financial Sector (Climate-related Disclosures and Other Matters) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 39 || {{ISOdate|2021-10-27}}
|-
| [[Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 40 || {{ISOdate|2021-10-27}}
|-
| [[Mental Health (Compulsory Assessment and Treatment) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 41 || {{ISOdate|2021-10-29}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Response (Management Measures) Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 42 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-02}}
|-
| [[Films, Videos, and Publications Classification (Urgent Interim Classification of Publications and Prevention of Online Harm) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 43 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-02}}
|-
| [[Health (Fluoridation of Drinking Water) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 44 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-15}}
|-
| [[Maritime Transport (MARPOL Annex VI) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 45 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-15}}
|-
| [[New Zealand Superannuation and Retirement Income (Fair Residency) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 46 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-15}}
|-
| [[Education and Training (Teaching Council Fees, Levies, and Costs) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 47 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-19}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Public Health Response Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 48 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-19}}
|-
| [[Moriori Claims Settlement Act 2021]] || 2021 No 49 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-25}}
|-
| [[Drug and Substance Checking Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 50 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-25}}
|-
| [[COVID-19 Response (Vaccinations) Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 51 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-25}}
|-
| [[Taxation (COVID-19 Support Payments and Working for Families Tax Credits) Act 2021]] || 2021 No 52 || {{ISOdate|2021-11-25}}
|-
| [[Crown Minerals (Decommissioning and Other Matters) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 53 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-01}}
|-
| [[Ahuriri Hapū Claims Settlement Act 2021]] || 2021 No 54 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-13}}
|-
| [[Rights for Victims of Insane Offenders Act 2021]] || 2021 No 55 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-13}}
|-
| [[Subordinate Legislation Confirmation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 56 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-13}}
|-
| [[Births, Deaths, Marriages, and Relationships Registration Act 2021]] || 2021 No 57 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-15}}
|-
| [[Education and Training Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 58 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-15}}
|-
| [[Resource Management (Enabling Housing Supply and Other Matters) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 59 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-20}}
|-
| [[Sexual Violence Legislation Act 2021]] || 2021 No 60 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-20}}
|-
| [[Gambling (Reinstating COVID-19 Modification) Amendment Act 2021]] || 2021 No 61 || {{ISOdate|2021-12-20}}
|-
| [[Conversion Practices Prohibition Legislation Act 2022]] || 2022 No 1 || {{ISOdate|2022-02-18}}
|-
| [[Land Transport (Clean Vehicles) Amendment Act 2022]] || 2022 No 2 || {{ISOdate|2022-02-22}}
|-
| [[Harmful Digital Communications (Unauthorised Posting of Intimate Visual Recording) Amendment Act 2022]] || 2022 No 3 || {{ISOdate|2022-03-08}}
|-
| [[Sunscreen (Product Safety Standard) Act 2022]] || 2022 No 4 || {{ISOdate|2022-03-08}}
|-
| [[Land Transport (Drug Driving) Amendment Act 2022]] || 2022 No 5 || {{ISOdate|2022-03-11}}
|-
| [[Russia Sanctions Act 2022]] || 2022 No 6 || {{ISOdate|2022-03-11}}
|-
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|}</text>
      <sha1>0f12uno4g61s809s7xepe6hztofm2de</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/344</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018947</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507519</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:17:40Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="2258" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|316|{{fine|LAURA'S REVENGE AND WASHINGTON'S INNOCENCE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to feed itself chiefly upon guesses. But the effect of it all
was, that Laura was considered to be very wealthy and
likely to be vastly more so in a little while. Consequently
she was much courted and as much envied. Her wealth
attracted many suitors. Perhaps they came to worship her
riches, but they remained to worship her. Some of the
noblest men of the time succumbed to her fascinations.
She frowned upon no lover when he made his first advances,
but by and by when he was hopelessly enthralled, he learned
from her own lips that she had formed a resolution never to
marry. Then he would go away hating and cursing the
whole sex, and she would calmly add his scalp to her string,
while she mused upon the bitter day that Col. Selby trampled
her love and her pride in the dust. In time it came to be
said that her way was paved with broken hearts.

Poor Washington gradually woke up to the fact that he too
was an intellectual marvel as well as his gifted sister. He
could not conceive how it had come about (it did not occur
to him that the gossip about his family's great wealth had
anything to do with it). He could not account for it by any
process of reasoning, and was simply obliged to accept the
fact and give up trying to solve the riddle. He found himself dragged into society and courted, wondered at and envied
very much as if he were one of those foreign barbers who
flit over here now and then with a self-conferred title of
nobility and marry some rich fool's absurd daughter. Sometimes at a dinner party or a reception he would find himself
the centre of interest, and feel unutterably uncomfortable in
the discovery. Being obliged to say something, he would
mine his brain and put in a blast and when the smoke and
flying debris had cleared away the result would be what
seemed to him but a poor little intellectual clod of dirt or
two, and then he would be astonished to see everybody as
lost in admiration as if he had brought up a ton or two of
virgin gold. Every remark he made delighted his hearers
and compelled their applause; he overheard people say he
was exceedingly bright—they were chiefly mammas and
marriageable young ladies. He found that some of his good&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>b18q7rhm109707i65z1g6jcwyzu2skl</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Anderson, Martin Brewer</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4018948</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507533</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:23:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chiraq Bears</username>
        <id>2621984</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Anderson, Martin Brewer  | previous   = [[../Anderson, Joseph Reid|Anderson, Joseph Reid]]  | next       = [[../Anderson, Mary Antoinette|Anderson, Mary Antoinette]]  | wikipedia  = Martin Brewer Anderson  | wikidata   = Q6775055  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biogra...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="663" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Anderson, Martin Brewer
 | previous   = [[../Anderson, Joseph Reid|Anderson, Joseph Reid]]
 | next       = [[../Anderson, Mary Antoinette|Anderson, Mary Antoinette]]
 | wikipedia  = Martin Brewer Anderson
 | wikidata   = Q6775055
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;110&quot; to=&quot;110&quot; fromsection=&quot;s3&quot; tosection=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, Martin Brewer}}

[[Category:Biographies of educators]]</text>
      <sha1>53jkusboissjjckv740gp2hzcnjo8zx</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/346</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018949</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507536</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:24:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1804" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|318|{{fine|WASHINGTON SEEKS LIGHT.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;time he began to feel that he was being deliberately persecuted in this way; and after that he could not enjoy society
because of his constant dread of these female ambushes and surprises. He was distressed to find that nearly every time he
showed a young lady a polite attention he was straightway
reported to be engaged to her; and as some of these reports
got into the newspapers occasionally, he had to keep writing
to Louise that they were lies and she must believe in him and
not mind them or allow them to grieve her.

Washington was as much in the dark as anybody with
regard to the great wealth that was hovering in the air and
seemingly on the point of tumbling into the family pocket.
Laura would give him no satisfaction. All she would say,
was:

&quot;Wait. Be patient. You will see.&quot;

&quot;But will it be soon, Laura?&quot;

&quot;It will not be very long, I think.'

&quot;But what makes you think so?&quot;

&quot;I have reasons—and good ones. Just wait, and be
patient.&quot;

&quot;But is it going to be as much as people say it is?&quot;

&quot;What do they say it is?&quot;

Oh, ever so much. Millions!&quot;

&quot;Yes, it will be a great sum.&quot;

&quot;But ''how'' great, Laura? Will it be millions?&quot;

&quot;Yes, you may call it that. Yes, it ''will'' be millions.
There, now—does that satisfy you?&quot;

&quot;Splendid! I can wait. I can wait patiently—ever so
patiently. Once I was near selling the land for twenty thousand dollars; once for thirty thousand dollars; once after that
for seven thousand dollars; and once for forty thousand
dollars—but something always told me not to do it. What
a fool I would have been to sell it for such a beggarly trifle!
It ''is'' the land that's to bring the money, isn't it Laura? You
can tell me that much, can't you?&quot;.

&quot;Yes, I don't mind saying that much. It ''is'' the land.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>swoj38tki3x6ahpmh9oslif4znlnkmr</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Anderson, Joseph Reid</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4018950</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507539</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:27:38Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chiraq Bears</username>
        <id>2621984</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Anderson, Joseph Reid  | previous   = [[../Anderson, Joseph (senator)|Anderson, Joseph (senator)]]  | next       = [[../Anderson, Martin Brewer|Anderson, Martin Brewer]]  | wikipedia  = Joseph R. Anderson  | wikidata   = Q1707873  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biogra...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="660" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Anderson, Joseph Reid
 | previous   = [[../Anderson, Joseph (senator)|Anderson, Joseph (senator)]]
 | next       = [[../Anderson, Martin Brewer|Anderson, Martin Brewer]]
 | wikipedia  = Joseph R. Anderson
 | wikidata   = Q1707873
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;110&quot; to=&quot;110&quot; fromsection=&quot;s2&quot; tosection=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, Joseph Reid}}

[[Category:Biographies of soldiers]]</text>
      <sha1>2jytf1c40z0sov8dkui82jiwr0kno6q</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Gilded Age - Twain - 1874.pdf/347</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018951</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507546</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:33:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1489" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|319|{{fine|CASTLES IN THE AIR.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;But mind—don't ever hint that you got it from me. Don't
mention me in the matter at all, Washington.&quot;

&quot;All right—I won't. Millions! Isn't it splendid! I mean
to look around for a building lot; a lot with fine ornamental
shrubbery and all that sort of thing. I will do it to-day.
And I might as well see an architect, too, and get him to go
to work at a plan for a house. I don't intend to spare {{SIC|and|any}} expense;
I mean to have the noblest house that money can
build.&quot; Then after a pause he did not notice Laura's smiles—&quot;Laura, would you lay the main hall in encaustic tiles, or
just in fancy patterns of hard wood?&quot;

Laura laughed a good old-fashioned laugh that had more of
her former natural self about it than any sound that had
issued from her mouth in many weeks. She said:
&quot;''You'' don't change, Washington. You still begin to
squander a fortune right and left the instant you hear of
it in the distance; you never wait till the foremost dollar of
it arrives within a hundred miles of yon,&quot;--and she kissed
her brother good bye and left him weltering in his dreams,
so to speak.
He got up and walked the floor feverishly during two
hours; and when he sat down he had married Louise, built a
house, reared a family, married them off, spent upwards of
eight hundred thousand dollars on mere luxuries, and died
worth twelve millions.

But mind-don't ever hint that you got it from me.
mention me in the matter at all, Washington.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>g6pp5kspbmomzkho9p74e53lbm9fe2i</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507551</id>
      <parentid>12507546</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:34:36Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Stamlou</username>
        <id>1217106</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1403" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|319|{{fine|CASTLES IN THE AIR.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;But mind—don't ever hint that you got it from me. Don't
mention me in the matter at all, Washington.&quot;

&quot;All right—I won't. Millions! Isn't it splendid! I mean
to look around for a building lot; a lot with fine ornamental
shrubbery and all that sort of thing. I will do it to-day.
And I might as well see an architect, too, and get him to go
to work at a plan for a house. I don't intend to spare {{SIC|and|any}} expense;
I mean to have the noblest house that money can
build.&quot; Then after a pause he did not notice Laura's smiles—&quot;Laura, would you lay the main hall in encaustic tiles, or
just in fancy patterns of hard wood?&quot;

Laura laughed a good old-fashioned laugh that had more of
her former natural self about it than any sound that had
issued from her mouth in many weeks. She said:

&quot;''You'' don't change, Washington. You still begin to
squander a fortune right and left the instant you hear of
it in the distance; you never wait till the foremost dollar of
it arrives within a hundred miles of you,&quot;—and she kissed
her brother good bye and left him weltering in his dreams,
so to speak.

He got up and walked the floor feverishly during two
hours; and when he sat down he had married Louise, built a
house, reared a family, married them off, spent upwards of
eight hundred thousand dollars on mere luxuries, and died
worth twelve millions.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>d0i8i9tjkauk7fr4weh39mxv1027ymh</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Johnson v. McAdoo (45 App. D.C. 440)/Brief for Appellee</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4018952</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507548</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-24T23:33:54Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>ET8bDeFp</username>
        <id>3047866</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="65618" xml:space="preserve">{{header
|title = Johnson v. McAdoo&lt;br/&gt;45 App. D.C. 440 (1916)
|author =
|section = [https://archive.org/details/dc_circ_1916_2918_johnson_v_mcadoo/page/n23/mode/1up Brief for Appellee (McAdoo)]&lt;br/&gt;Filed: April 26, 1916
|previous = [[Johnson v. McAdoo (45 App. D.C. 440)/Opinion of the Court|Opinion of the Court]]
|next = [[Johnson v. McAdoo (45 App. D.C. 440)/Brief of Appellants|Brief of Appellants]]
|portal =
|year = 1916|noyear = yes|noyearcat = yes
|notes =
}}
&lt;div style = &quot;text-width:50%; &quot;&gt;
&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
_________________________________________________________________________&lt;br/&gt;
_________________________________________________________________________&lt;br/&gt;
'''IN THE'''

'''Court of Appeals, District of Columbia'''

APRIL TERM, 1916.

_________


'''No. 2918.'''

_________


H. N. JOHNSON, et al., [[w:Appeal#Access_to_appellant_status|Appellants]],

vs.

WM. G. McADOO, Secretary of the Treasury, [[w:Appeal#Who_can_appeal|Appellee]].

_________


'''BRIEF FOR APPELLEE.'''

_________


JOHN E. LASKEY,&lt;br/&gt;
[[w:United States Attorney |United States Attorney]], [[w:Washington, D.C.|D.C.]];&lt;br/&gt;
MABRY C. VAN FLEET&lt;br/&gt;
[[w:Special Assistant United States Attorney|Special Assistant U.S. Attorney]], D.C.,&lt;br/&gt;
::::'''For Appellee.'''

_________________________________________________________________________&lt;br/&gt;
_________________________________________________________________________&lt;br/&gt;
J. D. Milans &amp; Sons, Law Printers 707 8th Street, N.W., Washington, D.C.
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;div style=&quot;max-width:{{{entry-width|50%}}};&quot;&gt;
&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''[page i]'''&lt;br/&gt;'''TABLE OF CONTENTS.'''

_________
&lt;/div&gt;
{{TOC page listing|{{smaller|}}|{{smaller|PAGE}}}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||'''The Case'''|pagenum=1|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||'''Points'''|pagenum=5|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||'''Argument'''|pagenum=6|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||… '''I.''' SUIT IS AGAINST THE UNITED STATES.|pagenum=6|positionoffset=30}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||… '''II.''' THERE IS NO EQUITY IN THE SUIT.|pagenum=9|positionoffset=30}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||… '''III.''' THAT SUIT IS BARRED BY GROSS LACHES.|pagenum=17|positionoffset=30}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||… '''IV.''' APPELLANTS' REMEDY, IF ANY, IN ANY ASPECT OF THE{{gap}}CASE, IS IN THE COURT OF CLAIMS.|pagenum=18|positionoffset=30}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||'''Appendix'''|pagenum=21|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||… RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.|pagenum=21|positionoffset=30}}


&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''CASES CITED.'''
&lt;/div&gt;

{{dotted TOC page listing||Belknap vs. Schild, [[161 U.S. 10|161 U.S., 10]]|pagenum=9|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Carr vs. United States, [[98 U.S. 433|98 U.S., 433]]|pagenum=11|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Craig vs. Beatty, 11 South Carolina, 375|pagenum=12|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Crease vs. Parker, Fed. Cas. No. 3,376|pagenum=13|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Curry vs. Curry, 30 Georgia, 253|pagenum=11|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Farrington vs. Saunders (not reported)|pagenum=3|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Francois vs. Lobrano, 10 Rob. (Louisiana)|pagenum=12|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Gildersleeve vs. New Mexico Mining Company, [[161 U.S. 573|161 U.S., 573]]|pagenum=18|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Gist vs. Toohey, 2 Rich. Law (South Carolina), 424|pagenum=12|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Godden vs. Kimmell, [[99 U.S. 201|99 U.S., 201]]|pagenum=18|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Goldberg vs. Daniels, [[231 U.S. 218|231 U.S., 218]]|pagenum=6|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Graves vs. Allan, 52 Kentucky (13 B. Mon.), 190|pagenum=11|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Hall vs. United States, -; United State vs. Roach, [[92 U.S. 27|92 U.S., 27]]|pagenum=13|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Hammond vs. Candler, 30 Georgia, 275|pagenum=13|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Hartman vs. Greenhow, [[102 U.S. 672|102 U.S., 672]]|pagenum=9|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Hume vs. Beale, [[17 Wall. 336|17 Wallace, 336]]|pagenum=18|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Hunter vs. Pittsburgh, [[207 U.S. 161|207 U.S., 161]]|pagenum=10|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Jackson vs. Lervey, 5 Cow. (New York), 397|pagenum=12|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Jenkins vs. Brown, 25 Tennessee (6 Hump) 299|pagenum=13|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Levy vs. Stockslager, [[129 U.S. 470|129 U.S., 470]]|pagenum=9|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Livaudais' Heirs vs. Fon, 8 Martin, O. S. (Louisiana), 161|pagenum=12|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Louisiana vs. McAdoo, [[234 U.S. 627|234 U.S., 627]]|pagenum=6|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Lupton vs. Janney, [[13 Pet. 381|13 Peters, 381]]|pagenum=17|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Malinda vs. Gardner, 24 Alabama, 719|pagenum=13|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Pennoyer vs. McConnaughy, [[140 U.S. 1|140 U.S., 1]]|pagenum=7|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Piatt vs. Vattier, [[9 Pet. 405|9 Peters, 405]]|pagenum=18|positionoffset=20}}
&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''[page ii]'''&lt;br/&gt;''Index — Continued.''
&lt;/div&gt;
{{dotted TOC page listing||Postal Supply Co. vs. Bruce, [[194 U.S. 601|194 U.S., 601]]|pagenum=9|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Scranton vs. Wheeler, [[179 U.S. 141|179 U.S., 141]]|pagenum=9|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Simmons vs. Burlington, etc., R. Co., [[159 U.S. 278|159 U.S., 278]]|pagenum=17|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Smith's Admr. vs. Betty, 11 Grattan (Virginia), 752|pagenum=13|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||State vs. Van Lear, 5 Maryland, 91|pagenum=12|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Strader vs. Graham, [[10 How. 82|10 Howard, 82]]|pagenum=10|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Thomas vs. Brockenbrough, [[10 Wheat. 146|10 Wheat., 146]]|pagenum=17|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Trotter vs. Blocker, 6 Port. (Alabama), 269|pagenum=11|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Turner vs. Smith, 12 Louisiana Ann., 417|pagenum=12|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||United States vs. Lee, [[106 U.S. 196|106 U.S., 196]]|pagenum=9|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||University of North Carolina vs. Cambreling, 14 Tennessee (6 Yerg.), 79|pagenum=12|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Wells vs. Nichols, [[104 U.S. 444|104 U.S., 444]]|pagenum=9|positionoffset=20}}
{{dotted TOC page listing||Wells vs. Roper, Volume 44, Washington Law Reporter, 34|pagenum=19|positionoffset=20}}
&lt;/div&gt;


{{pagenum|p1}}
&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''IN THE'''

'''Court of Appeals, District of Columbia'''

APRIL TERM, 1916.

_________


'''No. 2918.'''

__________

H. N. JOHNSON, et al., Appellants,&lt;br/&gt;
vs. &lt;br/&gt;
WM. G. McADOO, Secretary of the Treasury, Appellee. &lt;br/&gt;

_________


'''BRIEF FOR APPELLEE.'''

_________


'''THE CASE.'''
&lt;/div&gt;

The appellants' original and amended bills, filed on [[w:Court_of_equity#United_States|the Equity side]] of the [[w:United States District Court for the District of Columbia|Supreme Court of the District of Columbia]], seek an accounting from [[w:William Gibbs McAdoo|William G. McAdoo]], [[w:United States Secretary of the Treasury|Secretary of the Treasury]], appellee herein, in respect to, and a recovery from him, of the sum of sixty-eight million seventy-two thousand three hundred and eighty-eight and 99/100 dollars ('''$68,072,388.99''') ([https://www.calculator.net/inflation-calculator.html?cstartingamount1=68%2C072%2C388.99&amp;cinyear1=1915&amp;coutyear1=2022&amp;calctype=1&amp;x=75&amp;y=15 $1.8 billion in 2022 dollars]), which sum the appellants allege and claim came into possession of '''[p2]''' appellee, William G. McAdoo, as Secretary of the Treasury under the following circumstances:

During the years from 1859 to 1868, the appellants claim that [[w:American Descendants of Slavery|they]] and [[w:Slavery_in_the_colonial_history_of_the_United_States#The_first_enslaved_Africans|their ancestors]] were dominated and subjected to [[w:Slavery in the United State|a system of involuntary servitude]], and that under said system, they were forced to labor in the cultivation of, and otherwise prepare for general market purposes, many millions of [[w:Cotton bale|bales of cotton]]; that said alleged services were rendered by the appellants in the [[w:Slave_states_and_free_states#Slave_and_free_state_pairs|Southern States of the United States]]; that by the system of the said involuntary servitude, the appellants being placed under [[w:Duress_in_American_law#Duress_to_the_person|duress and coercion]], as is alleged by them, and as a result of the alleged system aforesaid, when the [[w:cotton|cotton]] was produced by them, {{quote|&quot;it was conveyed away from the places of production without notice or consideration of any rights these appellants might have had in said fruit of their labor&quot;;}} and it is further alleged by the appellants that they [[w:Arm's_length_principle#Examples_in_contract_law|did not receive any compensation for said labor]]. The appellants further allege, as a cause of action, that the said cotton was disposed of without payment therefor to the appellants for the alleged labor in the production thereof, and that they are entitled to a [[w:Lien#Equitable_lien_(U.S.)|lien]] upon the proceeds derived from the sale of said cotton, and the appellants further allege that they are informed that the Secretary of the Treasury has the custody of the said sixty-eight million seventy-two thousand three hundred and eighty-eight and 99/100 dollars ($68,072,388.99), {{quote|&quot;which said money is part of the fruit of the cotton produced by these appellants,&quot;}} as it is alleged in said amended bill. The original bill states, as to the source from which was derived the sixty-eight million seventy-two thousand three hundred and eighty-eight and 99/100 dollars ($68,072,388.99) as follows: '''[p3]'''

{{quote| * * * &quot;being a portion of the proceeds of the identical cotton heretofore mentioned, and that said money is designated on the books of the defendant, named on said books and known as '[[w:Internal Revenue Tax on Raw Cotton|Internal Revenue Tax on Raw Cotton]].' &quot;}}

The amended bill contains no statement as to the source from which the sum above referred to was derived.

Counsel for appellee deem it proper to set out a resume of data having relation to the Cotton Tax:

The tax on raw cotton, which at first was one-half cent per pound, was levied under the 75th section of &quot;[https://archive.org/details/sim_united-states-united-states-statutes-at-large_1860-1863_12/page/462/mode/1up An Act to provide internal revenue to support the Government and to pay interest on the Public Debt],&quot; approved July 1, 1862 (12 Stat., 432, 462-465).

The tax became effective October 1, 1862, and by a [[Wiktionary:proviso|proviso]] to the law all cotton owned and held by any manufacturer of cotton fabrics on the first day of October, 1862, and prior thereto, was [[w:Tax_exemption|exempted from the tax]].

The tax was increased to two cents per pound by Section 4 of the Act of March 7, 1864 ([https://archive.org/details/sim_united-states-united-states-statutes-at-large_1863-1865_13/page/n38/mode/1up 13 Stat., 15, sec. 4]), and further increased to three cents per pound by Section 1 of the Act of July 13, 1866 ([https://archive.org/details/sim_united-states-united-states-statutes-at-large_1865-1867_14/page/98/mode/1up 14 Stat., 98]). By the Act of March 2, 1867 ([https://archive.org/details/sim_united-states-united-states-statutes-at-large_1865-1867_14/page/471/mode/1up 14 Stat., 471, sec. 1]), the tax was reduced to two and one-half cents per pound on and after September 1, 1867, and Congress, by &quot;An Act to provide for the exemption of cotton from internal tax,&quot; approved February 3, 1868 ([https://archive.org/details/sim_united-states-united-states-statutes-at-large_1867-1869_15/page/34/mode/1up 15 Stat., 34]), exempted all cotton grown in the United States after the year 1867. The total collections during the time the tax was in force amounted to [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Southern_Magazine/ILQRAAAAYAAJ?hl=en&amp;gbpv=1&amp;dq=%2268,072,388.99%22&amp;pg=PA683 $68,072,388.99].

The constitutionality of the tax on cotton was raised in [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Certain_Taxes_Collected_in_1866_1867_and/Ip8WAAAAIAAJ?hl=en&amp;gbpv=1&amp;dq=William+M.+Farrington+vs.+Rolfe+M+Saunders+sixth+circuit&amp;pg=PA22&amp;printsec=frontcover the case of William M. Farrington vs. Rolfe M. '''(p4)''' Saunders], Internal Revenue Collector for the Eighth District of the State of Tennessee, September Term, 1867, wherein it was held that the tax was constitutional and valid. On appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States, [https://books.google.com/books?id=8603AQAAIAAJ&amp;pg=RA49-PA4&amp;lpg=RA49-PA4&amp;dq=%22148+bales+of+cotton%22+Farrington&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=v93qKGP86Y&amp;sig=ACfU3U0yVyj7jx7dOVC-1NdKRKUWjdoegw&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=2ahUKEwiu9PatrIH5AhUMKEQIHeXPAj4Q6AF6BAgDEAM#v=onepage&amp;q=%22148%20bales%20of%20cotton%22%20Farrington&amp;f=false the court was equally divided], with the effect that the judgement of the court below was affirmed. The case is not found in the Supreme Court reports, but the record is included in &quot;Transcripts of Records, Supreme Court of the United States&quot; (Volume 1, December Term, 1870, page 178), and the briefs and arguments, in &quot;File Copies of Briefs, Supreme Court of the United States&quot; (Vol. 1, December Term, 1870).
No separate or distinct account, known or described as &quot;Cotton Tax Fund,&quot; or otherwise designated as a separate fund or account, was ever kept on the books of the Treasury Department. The moneys derived from the tax on cotton were deposited in [[w:Fund_accounting#Federal_funds_group|the general fund of the Treasury]] as receipts from internal revenue and expended for the support of the Government and payment of interest on the public debt, as the law provided.
Moneys of the United States derived from taxes levied and collected under laws enacted by Congress when paid into the United States Treasury constitute a part of the general fund of the Treasury, consisting principally of duties collected on merchandise imported into the United States and from internal revenue taxes that Congress makes the necessary appropriation for the support of the Government, the payment of the principal and interest of the public debt, and the support of the Army and Navy. Appropriations by Congress under [[w:Taxing and Spending Clause |Section 8]] of Article '''[p5]''' I of the Constitution of the United States are not made by naming custom duties, internal revenue taxes, etc., as applicable to such appropriations, but are made from &quot;any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated.&quot;

The title of the Internal Revenue law of July 1, 1862, under which (Section 75) the cotton tax was levied, was declaratory of the object of the law, and the moneys derived from the taxes imposed by that law, and amendments thereto, being paid into the general fund of the Treasury were appropriated and expended for objects, of Government authorized by Congress, consequently no moneys derived from the cotton tax now remain in the United States Treasury. This will more fully appear from the last column headed &quot;Surplus (+) or deficit (—) on all receipts,&quot; in an excerpt from &quot;RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES—RECAPITULATION OF RECEIPTS BY FISCAL YEARS,&quot; which shows the various years (from 1856 to 1915, inclusive) wherein there was a deficit in the Treasury, caused by disbursements being in excess of receipts, for the particular years. (See appendix to this brief.)


&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''POINTS.'''
&lt;/div&gt;

Counsel for the appellee contend: &lt;br/&gt;
::'''1.''' That the case made by the appellants is [[w:Sovereign_immunity_in_the_United_States#Federal_sovereign_immunity|a suit against the United States]], though nominally the relief is prayed against appellee.&lt;br/&gt;
::'''2.''' That there is no [[w:Equity_(law)#United_States|equity]] in the suit.&lt;br/&gt;
::'''3.''' That if any right the appellants have, the same is barred by gross [[w:Laches (equity)|laches]] as appears by the original and amended bills. '''[p6]''' &lt;br/&gt;
::'''4.''' The appellants' remedy, if any, in any aspect of the case, is in the [[w:United States Court of Claims |Court of Claims]].


&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''Argument.'''

'''I.'''

'''SUIT IS AGAINST THE UNITED STATES.'''
&lt;/div&gt;

In the late case (1914) of Louisiana vs. McAdoo, [[234 U.S. 627|234 U.S., 627]], the Supreme Court has shown no departure from the proposition that the United States cannot be sued without its consent. And the impossibility is quite the same whether it is sued directly or indirectly. Louisiana applied for leave to file a petition for mandamus to compel the Secretary of the Treasury to collect from [[w:Cuba| Cuba]] a larger [https://archive.org/details/sim_united-states-united-states-statutes-at-large_march-1897-march-1899_30/page/151/mode/1up duty on sugar] than he had officially determined was collectible. At the threshold of the case, Mr. Justice Lurton, speaking for the court, at page 627, said:

{{quote|&quot;No principle is better established than that [[w:Sovereign_immunity_in_the_United_States#Federal_sovereign_immunity|the United States may not be sued in the courts of this country without its consent.]] * * * &quot;That the United States is not named on the record is true. But the question whether it is in legal effect a party to the controversy is not always determined by the fact that it is not named as a party on the record, but by the effect of the judgment or [[w:Decree#United_States|decree]] here rendered.&quot; Citing: [[185 U.S. 373|185 U.S., 373]], Minnesota vs. Hitchcock. [[204 U.S. 331|204 U.S., 331]], Kansas vs. U.S.}}

In Goldberg vs. Daniels, [[231 U.S. 218|231 U.S., 218]], although the Supreme Court found ample ground for affirmance upon the branch of the case upon which it was considered in this court, [[w:Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr.|Mr. Justice Holmes]], speaking for the court (p. 221), dismissed the application. '''[p7]'''

{{quote|&quot;We see no sufficient reason for throwing doubt upon the premise for the decision, but there is another that comes earlier in point of logic. The United States is the owner in possession of the vessel. It cannot be interfered with behind its back, and, as it cannot be made a party the suit must fail.&quot; Goldberg vs. Daniels ([[Wiktionary:supra#Adverb|supra]]).}}

In all the cases in the Supreme Court bearing upon the question, whether as a matter of law the suit is one against the sovereignty, be it State or nation, it has been the nature of the complaint or the nature of the relief sought, or both, which has determined the matter. A glance at some of the numerous cases is necessary.

Mr. Justice Lamar, delivering the opinion of the court in Pennoyer vs. McConnanghy, [[140 U.S. 1|140 U.S., 1, 9]], made use of the following language:

{{quote|&quot;The question, then, of jurisdiction is first presented for determination. Is this suit, in legal effect, one against a State, within the meaning of [[w:Eleventh Amendment to the United States Constitution|the Eleventh Amendment of the Constitution]]? A very large number of cases involving a variety of questions arising under this amendment have been before this court for adjudication; and, as might naturally be expected, in view of the important interests and the wide-reaching political relations involved, the dissenting opinions have been numerous, still the general principles enunciated by these [[w:Adjudication|adjudications]] will, upon a review of the whole, be found to be such as [[w:Majority opinion |the majority of the court]] and [[w:Dissenting_opinion#United_States|the dissentients]] are substantially agreed upon.

&quot;It is well settled that no action can be maintained in any Federal court by the citizens of one State against a State, without its consent, even '''[p8]''' though the sole object of such suit be to bring the State within the operation of the constitutional provision which provides that '[[w:Contract Clause|no State shall pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts]].' This immunity of a State is absolute and unqualified, and the constitutional provision securing it is not to be so construed as to place the State within the reach of the process of the court. Accordingly, it is equally well settled that a suit against the officers of a State, to compel them to do the acts which constitute a performance by it of its contracts, is, in effect, a suit against the State itself.

&quot;In the application of this latter principle two classes of cases have appeared in the decisions of this court, and it is in determining to which class a particular case belongs that different views have been presented.

&quot;The first class is where the suit is brought against the officers of the State, as representing the State's action and liability, thus making it, though not a party to the record, the real party against which the judgment will so operate as to compel it to specifically perform its contracts. In re Ayers, [[123 U.S. 443|123 U.S., 443]]; Louisiana vs. Jumel, [[107 U.S. 711|107 U.S., 711]]; Antoni vs. Grcenhow, [[107 U.S. 769|107 U.S., 769]]; Cunningham vs. Macon &amp; Brunswick Railroad, [[109 U.S. 446|109 U.S., 446]]; Hagwood vs. Southern [[117 U.S. 52|117 U.S., 52]].

&quot;The other class is where a suit is brought against defendants, who, claiming to act as officers of the State, and under the color of an unconstitutional statute, commit acts of wrong and injury to the rights and property of the plaintiff acquired under a contract with the State. Such suit, whether brought to recover money or property in the hands of such defendants, unlawfully taken by them in behalf of the State, or for compensation in damages, or in a proper case, where the remedy at law is inadequate, for an injunction '''[p9]''' to prevent such wrong and injury, or for [[w:Mandamus#Federal_courts|a mandamus]], in a like case, to enforce upon the defendant the performance of a plain, legal, duty, purely [[wiktionary:ministerial#Adjective |ministerial]]—is not, within the meaning of the Eleventh Amendment, an action against the State.&quot; Osborn vs. Bank of the United States, [[9 Wheat. 738|9 Wheat., 738]]; Davis vs. Gray, [[16 Wall. 203|16 Wall., 203]]; Tomlinson vs. Branch, [[15 Wall. 460|15 Wall., 460]]; Litchfield vs. Webster, [[101 U.S. 773|101 U.S., 773]]; Allen vs. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, [[114 U.S. 311|114 U.S., 311]]; Board of Liquidation vs. McComb, [[92 U.S. 531|92 U.S., 531]]; Poindexter vs. Greenhow, [[114 U.S. 270|114 U.S., 270]].}}

Among other cases in which the same questions have been presented to the Supreme Court of the United States and which follow the same classification are:

:In the class of [[Osborn v. President, Directors, and Company of the Bank of the United States|Osborn vs. Bank]] (supra):
::[[104 U.S. 444|104 U.S., 444]], Wells vs. Nichols.&lt;br/&gt;
:: [[179 U.S. 141|179 U.S., 141]], Scranton vs. Wheeler.&lt;br/&gt;
:: [[102 U.S. 672|102 U.S., 672]], Hartman vs. Greenhow.&lt;br/&gt;
:: [[106 U.S. 196|106 U.S., 196]], U.S. vs. Lee.&lt;br/&gt;
:In the class of [[Ayers Scott McCabe|In re Ayers]]:&lt;br/&gt;
:: [[98 U.S. 433|98 U.S., 433]], Carr vs. U.S.&lt;br/&gt;
:: [[161 U.S. 10|161 U.S., 10]], Belknap vs. Schild.&lt;br/&gt;
:: [[194 U.S. 601|194 U.S., 601]], Postal Supply Co. vs. Bruce.&lt;br/&gt;
:: [[129 U.S. 470|129 U.S., 470]], Levy vs. Stockslager.

&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''Argument.'''

'''II.'''

'''THERE IS NO EQUITY IN THE SUIT.'''
&lt;/div&gt;

Counsel for appellee submit that it is unlikely that a more unfounded claim than this was ever presented to any court. So apparent is this, that counsel for appellee, in considering the question involved here, cannot refrain '''[p10]''' from having in mind the view expressed by the Supreme Court of the United States in Hunter vs. Pittsburgh, [[207 U.S. 161|207 U.S., 161, 177]], where [[w:William Henry Moody|Mr. Justice Moody]], referring to the fact that no authority or reason in support of a cause of action had been offered to the court, said:

{{quote|&quot;It is difficult to deal with a proposition of this kind except by saying that it is not true.&quot;}}

But this apart, it is clear that the claim of appellants, if any they have, could only arise as a property right ''[[w:ex contractu|ex contractu]]'' or on a ''[[w:quantum meruit|quantum meruit]]'', for compensation for the services alleged by them to have been rendered. Such claim cannot be asserted by them as arising against the Federal Government under any constitutional or statutory provision of the United States, for the Supreme Court in Strader vs. Graham, [[10 How. 82|10 Howard, 82]], which was a suit to recover for the value of escaped slaves, said:

{{quote|&quot;Every State has an undoubted right to determine the status, or domestic and social condition, of the persons domiciled within its territory; except insofar as the powers of the States in this respect are restrained, or duties and obligations imposed upon them, by the Constitution of the United States. There is nothing in the Constitution of the United States that can in any degree control the law of Kentucky upon this subject. And the condition of the [[wiktionary:negro#Usage_notes|negroes]], therefore, as to freedom or slavery, after their return, depended altogether upon the laws of that State, and could not be influenced by the laws of [[w:Ohio|Ohio]]. It was exclusively in the power of [[w:Kentucky|Kentucky]] to determine for itself whether their employment in another State should or should not make them free on their return. The Court of Appeals have de-'''[p11]'''termined, that by the laws of the State they continued to be slaves. And their judgment upon this point is, upon this [[wiktionary:writ#Synonyms|writ]] of error, conclusive upon this court, and we have no jurisdiction over it.&quot; [[Strader v. Graham (51 U.S. 82)/Opinion of the Court|Page 93]], et seq.}}

Hence, it appears that as the separate States fixed the status and the consequent property and contractual rights, if any, of persons rendering chattel service therein, it must follow that the claim of appellants, if any they have, is one against the State or States wherein the alleged services in producing the cotton in question were rendered.

Relative to the property and contractual rights of persons performing chattel service under the system formerly in force in certain of the States of the Union, counsel for appellee respectfully invite the attention of the court to the following cases selected from decisions in Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, New York, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, the District of Columbia, and in the Supreme Court of the United States.

{| class=&quot;wikitable&quot;
|+
|-
! Case !! Decision
|-
| Trotter vs. Blocker, 6 Port. (Alabama), 269:||Slaves have not the capacity to take property by purchase or descent; and a bequest in trust for a slave will not be enforced for his benefit, but the bequest will lapse.
|-
| Curry vs. Curry, 30 Georgia, 253:||A bequest of money in trust for slaves, the interest of which is to be paid them after their removal to a free State, is invalid.
|-
| Graves vs. Allan, 52 Kentucky (13 B. Mon.) 190:||Slaves cannot become the legal owners of property. By the assent of their masters, they have '''[p12]''' the physical possession and use of property. They cannot take as legatees, nor can their owners derive title to any property bequeathed or devised to a slave.
|-
| Livaudais Heirs 7's. Fon, 8 Martin, O. S. (Louisiana) 101:||Slaves are incapable of inheritance.
|-
| Francois vs. Fob ratio, 10 Rob. (Louisiana), 450:||A slave cannot, until legally and absolutely emancipated, own any property without his master's consent.
|-
| Turner vs. Smith, 12 Louisiana Ann., 417:||A slave can neither sue for alimony nor inherit.
|-
| State vs. Van Lear, 5 Maryland, 91:||A slave can acquire no rights under a deed which either a [[Wiktionary:court of law|court of law]] or [[w:Court_of_equity#United_States|of equity]] can enforce.
|-
| Jackson vs. Lervey, 5 Cow. (New York), 397:||At common law a slave could not take lands, either by descent or purchase.
|-
| Gist vs. Toohey, 2 Rich. Law (South Carolina), 424:||All the acquisitions of the slave in possession are the property of his master, notwithstanding the master's promise that the slave shall have certain of them.
|-
| Craig vs. Beatty, 11 South Carolina, 375:||Held, as a testatrix intended to create a trust for the benefit of slaves, that the bequest was therefore void.
|-
| University of North Carolina vs. Cambreling, 14 Tennessee (6 Yerg.), 79:||A slave owner is entitled to the warrant issued to the slave for military service rendered by him.
|-
| '''[p13]''' Jenkins vs. Brown, 25 Tennessee (6 Humph.), 299:||A slave can make no contract obligatory on himself or the other party; and money acquired by him by permission of his master inures to the benefit of his master.
|-
| Smith's Admr. vs. Betty, 11 Grattan (Virginia), 752:||A conveyance of land and slaves in trust to allow the slaves to occupy the land, and receive the profits thereof and of their labor, is void.
|-
| Malinda vs. Gardner, 24 Alabama, 719:||The children of a slave, born during slavery, are not such heirs as will prevent the escheat of his property in the event of his death intestate after he has obtained his freedom.
|-
| Crease vs. Parker, Fed. Cas. No. 3,376 (1 Cranch, C. C., 448); Id. Fed. Cas. No. 3,377 (1 Cranch, C. C., 506):||A promise by a slave to repay money advanced to him to enable him to purchase his freedom is not binding, and it cannot be enforced, though the slave acknowledges his liability after [[w:Emancipation Proclamation|emancipation]].
|-
| Hammond Z's. Candler, 30 Georgia, 275:||A slave cannot become free by lapse of time.
|-
| Hall vs. United States.—United States vs. Roach, [[92 U.S. 27|92 U.S., 27]]:
|| The essential facts in this case were as follows:
|-
|
||&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;{{underline|Hall vs. United States.—United States vs. Roach, [[92 U.S. 27|92 U.S., 27]]}} &lt;/div&gt;

&quot;Hall is [[w: Person_of_color#History|a man of color]], of Indian and African descent, and claims to have been [[w:Free people of color |free born]]. His mother was of Indian extraction, residing at the time of his birth in [[w: Alexandria, Virginia |the city of Alexandria]] as [[w: Free Negro | a free woman]].

&quot; ''''8.''' [Warren] Hall, with other slaves, was taken from [[w:Slave_market#Slave_markets_in_North_America |a slave-market]] in Washington, D.C., by one Thomas Williams, to [[w: New Orleans|New Orleans, La.]]; and there '''[p14]''' he, with other slaves, was sold by a trader to the claimant [Mary] Roach's father, who sent him up to the [[w: Blantonia Plantation|Bachelor's Bend plantation]], in Mississippi. Hall was sent to the plantation in 1844, and remained there as the slave of Roach's father until the latter's death in 1847, and after that as the slave of the claimant Roach, who succeeded to the estate of his father, and remained there until after the cotton in question was seized in 1863. He was treated all the time as a slave, fed and clothed by his master, and worked with the other slaves, sometimes as a field-hand, and at others as a stock-minder.

&quot; ''''9.''' On the contrary. Hall now claims to have been a free man while living with claimant Roach, and that, as such, Roach was justly indebted to him on account of stock, hogs, pork, etc., which he had raised on Roach's plantation, and sold and delivered to him, and that the cotton now in suit was given him by Roach in discharge of his indebtedness.

&quot; ''''10.''' Hall, under this claim of title, followed the cotton, after its seizure, to the river, and made affidavit that he was the lawful owner thereof. Roach's [[w: Plantation_complexes_in_the_Southern_United_States#Overseer|overseer]], McDowell, hearing of Hall's claim to the cotton, immediately contested his right to it before the officers of the United States having it in charge; and Hall afterward admitted to McDowell, the overseer, that the cotton was not his, and that his oath, in which he asserted a claim thereto, was false.

&quot; 'Afterward, however, Hall continued to prosecute his efforts to obtain the release of the cotton, and finally brought suit to recover the proceeds in this court.

&quot; ''''I.''' On the foregoing facts, the court holds as conclusions of law, that, under the laws of the State of Mississippi, the claimant Hall, in his condition of servitude, could not lawfully contract with his master, or hold the property he claims to '''[p15]''' have given in consideration of the cotton, and that no title to it was ever vested in Hall.' &quot; Page 28, et seq.


Relative to the finding of facts, the Supreme Court said:


&quot;It is one of the findings of fact that Hall admitted that he had no title to the cotton, and that he had [[w: erjury#United_States|perjured]] himself in swearing that he had such title; and the finding is without explanation or qualification. This would seem, under the circumstances, to have rendered it unnecessary further to consider the case. But [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Cases_Decided_in_the_United_States_Court/QIsLIitx2ycC?hl=en&amp;gbpv=1&amp;dq=united+states+court+of+claims+Hall+v.+United+States&amp;pg=PA172&amp;printsec=frontcover the court] placed its judgment upon the conclusion of law, that Hall, being a slave, could not contract. There is no finding of facts as to the making of the alleged contract. Perhaps the reason was that, conceding the facts to be as claimed by Hall, still the court was of opinion that his having been then a slave was fatal to his claim. If such were the law, the facts were immaterial; for, whatever they were, they could not avail him. As the record stands, this is the controlling point in the case. We have examined the subject with care, and think the court came to the proper conclusion.&quot; Page 29.


Continuing, the court said:


&quot;In order to see the proposition in its true light, it is necessary, as it were, to [https://writingexplained.org/idiom-dictionary/turn-back-the-hands-of-time roll back the tide of time], and to imagine ourselves in the presence of the circumstances by which the parties were surrounded when and where the contract is said to have been made. Slavery then existed in Mississippi, and her laws upon the subject were as they have been for years. Hall was brought to the State, and there sold, bought, held, and treated as a slave. He belonged ostensibly for years to the father of Roach, the claimant; and, upon the '''[p16]''' death of the father, the son succeeded to the father's rights. Hall held the same relations to the latter which he had held to the former. In this respect there was no change. His color was presumptive proof of bondage. The law of the State provided a way in which he could establish his freedom. He could assert his claim in no other way. The remedy was exclusive. Until he had vindicated his right to freedom in the mode prescribed, the law regarded him as a slave; and it would not allow the question to be collaterally raised in his behalf by himself, or anyone else in any other proeeding. Rev. Code of Miss, of 1857, c. 33, sect. 3, arts. 10, 11, pp. 236, 237; Thornton vs. Demoss, 5 Sm. &amp; Mar. 618; Randall vs. The State, 4 Id. 349; Peters vs. Van Sear, 4 Gill., 249; Queen vs. Neale, 3 H. &amp; J. 158; Peters v. Hargrave, 5 Gratt., 14.

&quot;It was an inflexible rule of the law of African slavery, wherever it existed, that the slave was incapable of entering into any contract, not excepting the contract of marriage. Stephens on West Ind. Slav., 58; Hall vs. Mullin, 5 Har. &amp; J., 190; Gregg vs. Thompson, 2 Const. Ct. Rep. (S.C.), 331; Jenkins vs. Broun, 6 Humph., 299; Jackson vs. Lewey, 5 Cow., 397; Emerson vs. Howland, 1 Mas., 45; Bland vs. Dowling, 9 Gill &amp; J., 27.

&quot;This regulation was harsher than that which obtained in regard to [[w: Nexum|the Roman bondsman]], [[w: Serfdom#Villeins|the Saxon villein]], [[w: Serfdom in Russia|Russian serf]], and the [https://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/hans-georg-betz-germany-colonial-history-slave-trade-namibia-genocide-racism-news-15511/ German] and [[w: Slavery in Poland|Polish slave]]. [[w: Thomas_Reade_Rootes_Cobb#Works |Cobb on Slav.]], sect. 266.

''&quot;In the light of these authorities, it is clear that if Hall did contract with Roach, as he alleges he did, the contract was [[w: Legal nullity|an utter nullity]]. In the view of the law, it created no obligation, and conferred no rights as to cither of the parties. It was as if it were not. This case must be determined as if slavery had not been abolished in Mississippi and the laws referred to were still in force there. The destruction of the institution can have no '''''[p17]''''' effect upon the prior rights here in question&quot;'' Page 30, ct seq. (Italics ours.)
|}

Counsel for appellee regard [[Hall v. United States (92 U.S. 27)/Opinion of the Court|the case last cited]] as decisively against the right of appellants to maintain the suit at bar, for, if a slave could not create a property right in himself by entering into a contract with, and thereby establishing a liability against, his master, how then can these appellants establish a claim against the United States, which, in its essence, can arise only as a property right upon a contractual basis?

It is respectfully submitted that appellants have no cause of action, and that, therefore, there is no equity in the suit.


&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''Argument.'''

'''III.'''

'''THAT SUIT IS BARRED BY GROSS LACHES.'''
&lt;/div&gt;

The [[w: Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Thirteenth Article of Amendments to the Constitution]], abolishing slavery and involuntary servitude, was proclaimed by [[w: William H. Seward |the Secretary of State]], December 18, 1865, and became a part of the Constitution. Fifty years, in round numbers, elapsed between that date and the day of the filing of this suit, without the assertion of a claim by these appellants. Neither in appellants' original or amended bills is any excuse shown for not before asserting their claim. A [[w:Court_of_equity#United_States|court of equity]] always refuses its aid to stale and antiquated demands.

::Simmons vs. Burlington, etc., R. Co., [[159 U.S. 278|159 U.S., 278, 291]].&lt;br/&gt;
::Thomas vs. Brockenbrough, [[10 Wheat. 146|10 Wheat., 146, 149]].&lt;br/&gt;
::Lupton vs. Janney, [[13 Pet. 381|13 Pet., 381, 386]].

In Gilderslccvc vs. New Mexico Mining Company, [[161 U.S. 573|161 U.S., 573]], the Supreme Court quoted with approval the following:

{{quote|&quot;Independently of any statute of limitations, courts of equity uniformly decline to assist a person who has slept upon his rights and shows no excuse for his laches in asserting them. '[https://swarb.co.uk/smith-v-clay-10-may-1767/ A court of equity],' said [[w: Charles Pratt, 1st Earl Camden|Lord Camden]], 'has always refused its aid to stale demands where the party slept upon his rights, and acquiesced for a great length of time. Nothing can call forth this court into activity but conscience, good faith and reasonable diligence; where these are wanting, the court is passive and does nothing. Laches and neglect are always discountenanced, and, therefore, from the beginning of this jurisdiction, there was always a limitation to suits in this court.' &quot;}}

Independently of any [[w:Reparations_for_slavery_in_the_United_States#Statute_of_limitations|statute of limitations]], courts of equity uniformly decline to assist a person who has slept upon his rights and shows no excuse for his laches in asserting them.

::Hume vs. Beale, [[17 Wall. 336|17 Wallace, 336]].&lt;br/&gt;
::Piatt vs. Vattier, [[9 Pet. 405|9 Peters, 405]].&lt;br/&gt;
::Goddcn vs. Kimmcll, [[99 U.S. 201|99 U.S., 201]].&lt;br/&gt;


&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''Argument.'''

'''IV.'''

'''APPELLANTS' REMEDY, IF ANY, IN ANY ASPECT OF THE CASE, IS IN THE COURT OF CLAIMS.'''
&lt;/div&gt;

The principle that a sovereignty cannot be sued, except by its consent thereunto, expressly given, is too well established to require a citation of authorities. '''[p19]'''

It is contended that appellants' remedy, if any, is in the [[w:United States Court of Claims |Court of Claims]], and that the principle laid down by this court, in Wells vs. Roper, Volume 44, Washington Law Reporter, 34, is applicable to this case.

It is submitted that the action of the court below, in dismissing appellants' original and amended bills, was proper and should be affirmed.


&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''Respectfully submitted,'''&lt;br/&gt;
'''John E. Laskey,'''&lt;br/&gt;
'''United States Attorney, D.C.;'''&lt;br/&gt;
'''Mabry C. Van Fleet,'''&lt;br/&gt;
'''Special Assistant U.S. Attorney, D.C.,'''&lt;br/&gt;
::::'''For Appellee.'''
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;&gt;
'''APPENDIX'''
&lt;/div&gt;

{|class = &quot;wikitable sortable&quot; style=&quot;text-align:right;font-size: 9pt&quot;
|+
! colspan=17|'''RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.&lt;br/&gt;RECAPITULATION OF RECEIPTS BY FISCAL YEARS.'''
|-
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot; style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|Year.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; colspan=&quot;6&quot;|Ordinary receipts.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|Postal revenue.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|Total ordinary receipts and postal revenue.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|Surplus (+) or deficit (-) on ordinary receipts, including postal deficiencies.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|Panama Canal receipts - proceeds of bonds and premium.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; colspan=&quot;3&quot;|Public-debt receipts.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|Excess of deposits to retire national-bank notes over redemptions.&lt;math&gt;^b&lt;/math&gt;
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|Total of all receipts.&lt;math&gt;^c&lt;/math&gt;
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;3&quot;|Surplus (+) or deficit (-) on all receipts.
|-
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|Customs.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|Internal revenue.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; colspan=&quot;3&quot; rowspan=&quot;1&quot;|Miscellaneous.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|Total ordinary receipts.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|Proceeds of bonds and other securities.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|Premium received.
! scope=&quot;col&quot; rowspan=&quot;2&quot;|Total public debt.
|-
! scope=&quot;col&quot;|Sale of public lands.
! scope=&quot;col&quot;|Direct tax.
! scope=&quot;col&quot;|Other miscellaneous items.&lt;math&gt;^a&lt;/math&gt;
|-
|1856.........................||$64,022,863.50||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$8,917,644.93||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$1,116,190.81||$74,056,699.24||$6,920,821.66||$80,977,520.90||+$5,330,349.23||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$200.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$200.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$80,977,720.90||+$1,330,557.67
|-
|1857.........................||63,875,905.05||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,829,486.64||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,259,920.88||68,965,312.57||7,353,951.76||$76,319,264.33||+1,330,903.64||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,900.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,900.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$76,323,164.33||-2,305,374.80
|-
|1858.........................||41,789,620.96||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,513,715.87||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,352,029.13||46,655,365.96||7,486,792.86||$54,142,158.82||-27,327,126.88||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||23,717,300.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||23,717,300.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$77,859,458.82||-11,689,520.78
|-
|1859.........................||49,565,824.38||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,756,687.30||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,454,596.24||52,777,107.92||7,968,484.07||$60,745,591.99||-16,216,491.85||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||28,287,500.00||$709,357.72||28,996,857.72||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$89,742,449.71||-1,904,677.28
|-
|1860.........................||53,187,511.87||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,778,557.71||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,088,530.25||56,054,599.83||8,518,067.40||$64,572,667.23||-7,146,275.82||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||20,776,800.00||10,008.00||20,786,808.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$85,359,475.23||-213,717.82
|-
|1861.........................||39,582,125.64||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||870,658.54||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,023,515.31||41,476,299.49||8,349,296.40||$49,825,595.89||-25,173,913.59||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||41,861,709.74||33,630.90||41,895,340.64||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$91,720,936.53||-2,015,672.95
|-
|1862.........................||49,056,397.62||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||152,203.77||$1,795,331.73||915,327.97||51,919,261.09||8,299,820.90||$60,219,081.99||-417,650,980.56||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||529,692,460.50||68,400.00||529,760,860.50||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$589,979,942.49||+16,012,557.85
|-
|1863.........................||69,059,642.40||$37,640,787.95||167,617.17||1,485,103.61||3,741,794.38||112,094,945.51||11,163,789.59||$123,258,735.10||-606,639,330.67||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||774,583,361.57||602,345.44||775,185,707.01||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$898,444,442.11||-10,436,258.73
|-
|1864.........................||102,316,152.99||109,741,134.10||588,333.29||475,648.96||49,590,595.99||262,711,865.33||12,438,253.78||$275,150,119.11||-602,257,235.50||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,086,312,896.82||1,875,206.88||1,088,188,103.70||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$1,363,338,222.81||+97,919,902.71
|-
|1865.........................||84,928,260.60||209,464,215.25||996,553.31||1,200,573.03||30,693,916.49||327,283,518.68||14,556,158.70||$341,839,677.38||-967,815,770.90||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,468,064,910.85||6,431,086.40||1,474,495,997.25||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$1,816,335,674.63||-100,493,985.44
|-
|1866.........................||179,046,651.58||309,226,813.42||665,031.03||1,974,754.12||66,903,980.19||557,817,230.34||14,436,986.21||$572,254,216.55||+38,794,874.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||612,035,278.05||215,389.72||612,250,667.77||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$1,184,504,884.32||+120,757,951.16
|-
|1867.........................||176,417,810.88||266,027,537.43||1,163,575.76||4,200,233.70||29,192,365.70||477,001,523.47||15,297,026.87||$492,298,550.34||+130,272,197.69||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||473,024,790.29||13,632,486.80||486,657,277.09||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$978,955,827.43||+29,995,625.29
|-
|1868.........................||164,464,599.56||191,087,589.41||1,348,715.41||1,788,145.85||39,680,390.13||398,369,440.36||16,292,600.80||$414,662,041.16||+28,030,306.54||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||537,099,974.00||7,268,642.96||544,368,616.96||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$959,030,658.12||-38,051,314.22
|-
|1869.........................||180,048,426.63||158,356,460.86||4,020,344.34||765,685.61||26,373,628.03||369,564,545.47||18,344,510.72||$387,909,056.19||+48,373,947.72||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||100,069,071.06||1,379,201.74||101,448,272.80||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$489,357,328.99||+9,436,292.16
|-
|1870.........................||194,538,374.44||184,899,756.49||3,350,481.76||229,102.88||28,236,255.67||411,253,971.21&lt;ref&gt;Note: The correct total is $411,253,971.'''24''', which is $0.03 more than the $411,253,971.'''21''' amount listed in the brief.&lt;/ref&gt;||19,772,220.65||$431,026,191.89||+117,596,966.09||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||31,569,916.00||1,506.39||31,571,422.39||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$462,597,614.28||-7,638,809.25
|-
|1871.........................||206,270,408.05||143,098,153.63||2,388,646.68||580,355.37||30,986,381.16||383,323,944.89||20,037,045.42||$403,360,990.31||+100,163,551.38||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||91,603,212.47||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||91,603,212.47||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$494,964,202.78||-24,927,570.54
|-
|1872.........................||216,370,286.77||130,642,177.72||2,575,714.19||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||24,518,688.88||374,106,867.56||21,915,426.37||$396,022,293.93||+103,547,171.65||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||173,717,750.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||173,717,750.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$569,740,043.93||-15,571,348.65
|-
|1873.........................||188,089,522.70||113,729,314.14||2,882,312.38||315,254.51||28,721,800.94||333,738,204.67||22,996,741.57||$356,734,946.24||+48,498,879.33||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||38,681,450.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||38,681,450.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$395,416,396.24||-14,479,076.24
|-
|1874.........................||163,103,833.69||102,409,784.90||1,852,428.93||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||37,612,708.54||304,978,756.06||26,471,071.82||$331,449,827.88||+3,739,955.85||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||183,235,866.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||183,235,866.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$514,685,693.88||+9,157,257.53
|-
|1875.........................||157,167,722.35||110,007,493.58||1,413,640.17||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||19,411,195.00||288,000,051.10||26,791,360.59||$314,791,411.69||+13,376,658.26||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||133,118,500.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||133,118,500.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$447,909,911.69||-4,655,478.22
|-
|1876.........................||148,071,984.61||116,700,732.03||1,129,466.95||93,798.80||27,794,148.11||293,790,130.50||28,644,197.50||$322,434,328.00||+28,689,045.91||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||132,928,950.00||305,734.78||133,234,684.78||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$455,669,012.78||-4,204,784.11
|-
|1877.........................||130,956,493.07||118,630,407.83||976,253.68||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||30,687,068.20||281,250,222.78||27,531,585.26||$308,781,808.04||+39,915,747.92||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||141,134,650.00||156,195.80||141,290,845.80||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$450,072,653.84||+29,967,068.67
|-
|1878.........................||130,170,680.20||110,581,624.74||1,079,743.37||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||15,931,830.39||257,763,878.70||29,277,516.95||$287,041,395.65||+20,799,551.90||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||198,850,250.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||198,850,250.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$485,891,645.65||+75,651,808.00
|-
|1879.........................||137,250,047.70||113,561,610.58||924,781.06||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||20,593,801.87||272,330,241.21||30,041,982.86||$302,372,224.07||+5,382,357.68||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||617,578,010.00||1,496,943.25||619,074,953.25||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$921,447,177.32||+144,575,084.77
|-
|1880.........................||186,522,064.60||124,009,373.92||1,016,506.60||30.85||21,978,525.01||333,526,500.98||33,315,479.34||$366,841,980.32||+68,678,863.62||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||73,065,540.00||110.00||73,065,650.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$439,907,630.32||-141,485,744.21
|-
|1881.........................||198,159,676.02||135,264,385.51||2,201,863.17||1,516.89||25,154,850.98||360,782,292.57||36,785,397.97||$397,567,690.54||+101,130,653.76||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||678,200.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||678,200.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$398,245,890.54||+14,637,023.93
|-
|1882.........................||220,410,730.25||146,497,595.45||4,753,140.37||160,141.69||31,703,642.52||403,525,250.28||41,876,410.15||$445,401,660.43||+145,543,810.71||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||225,300.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||225,300.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$445,626,960.43||-20,736,144.84
|-
|1883.........................||214,706,496.93||144,720,368.98||7,955,864.42||108,156.60||30,796,695.02||398,287,581.95||45,508,692.61||$443,796,274.56||+132,879,444.41||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||304,372,850.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||304,372,850.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$748,169,124.56||-1,178,462.55
|-
|1884.........................||195,067,489.76||121,586,072.51||9,810,705.01||70,720.75||21,984,881.89||348,519,869.92||43,325,958.81||$391,845,828.73||+104,393,625.59||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,404,650.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,404,650.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$393,250,478.73||+4,531,941.09
|-
|1885.........................||181,471,939.34||112,498,725.54||5,705,986.44||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||24,014,055.06||323,690,706.38||42,560,843.83||$366,251,550.21||+63,463,771.27||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||58,150.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||58,150.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$366,309,700.21||+17,479,285.84
|-
|1886.........................||192,905,023.44||116,805,936.48||5,630,999.34||108,239.94||20,989,527.86||336,439,727.06||43,948,422.95||$380,388,150.01||+93,956,588.56||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||39,850.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||39,850.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$380,428,000.01||+49,412,595.20
|-
|1887.........................||217,286,893.13||118,823,391.22||9,254,286.42||32,892.05||26,005,814.84||371,403,277.66||48,837,609.39||$420,240,887.05||+103,471,097.69||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||40,900.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||40,900.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$420,281,787.05||-24,447,370.46
|-
|1888.........................||219,091,173.63||124,296,871.98||11,202,017.23||1,565.82||24,674,446.10||379,266,074.76||52,695,176.79||$431,961,251.55||+119,612,116.09||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||48,650.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||48,650.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$432,009,901.55||+36,527,710.58
|-
|1889.........................||223,832,741.69||130,881,513.92||8,038,651.79||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||24,297,151.44||387,050,058.84||56,175,611.18||$443,225,670.02||+105,053,443.21||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||24,350.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||24,350.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$443,250,020.02||-33,503,357.76
|-
|1890.........................||229668584.6||142,606,705.81||6,358,272.51||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||24,447,419.74||403,080,982.63||60,882,097.92||$463,963,080.55||+105,344,496.03||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||21,650.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||21,650.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$463,984,730.55||-19,601,877.53
|-
|1891.........................||219,522,205.23||145,686,249.44||4,029,535.41||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||23,374,457.23||392,612,447.31||65,931,785.72||$458,544,233.03||+37,239,762.57||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||13,750.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||13,750.00||40,018,392.25||$498,576,375.28||-34,132,372.16
|-
|1892.........................||177,452,964.15||153,971,072.57||3,261,875.58||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||20,251,871.94||354,937,784.24||70,930,475.98||$425,868,260.22||+9,914,453.66||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||15,250.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||15,250.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$425,883,510.22||-27,673,266.32
|-
|1893.........................||203,355,016.73||161,027,623.93||3,182,089.78||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||18,254,898.34||385,819,628.78||75,896,993.16||$461,716,621.94||+2,341,674.29||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||22,900.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||22,900.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$461,739,521.94||-4,445,400.21
|-
|1894.........................||131,818,530.62||147,111,232.81||1,673,637.30||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||17,118,618.52||297,722,019.25||75,080,479.04||$372,802,498.29||-69,803,260.58||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||50,014,250.00||8,633,295.71||58,647,545.71||5,708,247.75||$437,158,291.75||-5,703,914.32
|-
|1895.........................||152,158,617.45||143,421,672.02||1,103,347.16||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||16,706,438.48||313,390,075.11||76,983,128.19||$390,373,203.30||-42,805,223.18||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||81,165,050.00||11,339,344.62||92,504,394.62||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$482,877,597.92||+46,192,425.01
|-
|1896.........................||160,021,751.67||146,762,864.74||1,005,523.43||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||19,186,060.54||326,976,200.38||82,499,208.40||$409,475,408.78||-25,203,245.70||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||131,168,800.00||11,166,246.41||142,335,046.41||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$551,810,455.19||+104,580,230.86
|-
|1897.........................||176,554,126.65||146,688,574.29||864,581.41||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||23,614,422.81||347,721,705.16||82,665,462.73||$430,387,167.89||-18,052,454.41||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,250.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,250.00||4,356,614.50||$434,747,032.39||-25,071,091.91
|-
|1898.........................||149,575,062.35||170,900,641.49||1,243,129.42||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||83,602,501.94||405,321,335.20||89,012,618.55||$494,333,953.75||-38,047,247.60||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||5,950.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||5,950.00||6,034,510.00||$500,374,413.75||-61,948,849.60
|-
|1899.........................||206,128,481.75||273,437,161.51||1,678,246.81||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||34,716,730.11||515,960,620.18||95,021,384.17||$610,982,004.35||-89,111,559.67||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||199,201,210.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||199,201,210.00||5,324,234.50||$815,507,448.85||+100,791,521.35
|-
|1900.........................||233,164,871.16||295,327,926.76||2,836,882.98||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||35,911,170.99||567,240,851.89||102,354,579.29||$669,595,431.18||+79,527,060.18||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||117,770.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||117,770.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$669,713,201.18||+23,038,214.12
|-
|1901.........................||238,585,455.99||307,180,663.77||2,965,119.65||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||38,954,098.12||587,685,337.53||111,631,193.39||$699,316,530.92||+77,717,984.38||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,700.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,700.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$699,320,230.92||+21,215,743.65
|-
|1902.........................||254,444,708.19||271,880,122.10||4,144,122.78||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||32,009,280.14||562,478,233.21||121,848,047.26||$684,326,280.47||+91,287,375.57||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||2,370.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||2,370.00||12,650,160.00||$696,978,810.47||+33,672,596.43
|-
|1903.........................||284,479,581.81||230,810,124.17||8,926,311.22||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||36,180,657.20||560,396,674.40||134,224,443.24||$694,621,117.64||+54,307,652.36||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||2,050.00||1,484,048.00||1,486,098.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$696,107,215.64||+26,266,651.54
|-
|1904.........................||261,274,564.81||232,904,119.45||7,453,479.72||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||38,084,749.88||539,716,913.86||143,582,624.34||$683,299,538.20||+7,479,092.55||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||2,600.00||455,336.00||457,936.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$683,757,474.20||-66,634,546.21
|-
|1905.........................||261,798,856.91||234,095,740.85||4,859,249.80||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||43,852,911.06||544,606,758.62||152,826,585.10||$697,433,343.72||-18,753,335.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||2,750.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||2,750.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$697,436,093.72||-26,574,076.13
|-
|1906.........................||300,251,877.77||249,150,212.91||4,879,833.65||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||40,436,017.99||594,717,942.32||167,932,782.95||$762,650,725.27||+45,312,516.97||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||2,050.00||530,324.00||532,374.00||10,408,537.00||$773,591,636.27||+35,211,862.93
|-
|1907.........................||332,233,362.70||269,666,772.85||7,878,811.13||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||53,346,713.24||663,125,659.92||183,585,005.57||$846,710,665.49||+111,420,530.88||$31,210,817.95||5,100.00||1,509,234.00||1,514,334.00||5,023,165.50||$884,458,982.94||+91,372,090.65
|-
|1908.........................||286,113,130.29||251,711,126.70||9,731,560.23||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||53,504,906.05||601,060,723.27||191,478,663.41||$792,539,386.68||-20,041,667.37||25,367,768.67||15,436,500.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||15,436,500.00||24,797,980.00||$858,141,635.35||-26,890,097.74
|-
|1909.........................||300,711,933.95||246,212,643.59||7,700,567.78||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||48,964,344.52||603,589,489.84||203,562,383.07||$807,151,872.91||-58,734,954.93||30,731,008.21||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$837,882,881.12||-118,795,919.63
|-
|1910.........................||333,683,445.03||&lt;math&gt;^d&lt;/math&gt;289,933,519.45||6,355,797.49||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||45,538,953.05||675,511,715.02||224,128,657.62||$899,640,372.64||+15,806,323.94||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$899,640,372.64||-19,480,752.43
|-
|1911.........................||314,497,071.24||&lt;math&gt;^g&lt;/math&gt;322,529,200.79||5,731,636.88||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||58,614,466.08||701,372,374.99||237,879,823.60||$939,252,198.59||+47,234,377.10||18,102,170.04||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||5,255,715.00||$962,610,083.63||+33,501,368.58
|-
|1912.........................||311,321,672.22||&lt;math&gt;^h&lt;/math&gt;321,612,199.66||5,392,796.75||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||53,451,796.74||691,778,465.37||246,744,015.88||$938,522,481.25||+37,214,501.90||33,189,104.15||459,280.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||459,280.00||||$972,170,865.40||+26,975,552.86
|-
|1913.........................||318,891,395.86||&lt;math&gt;^i&lt;/math&gt;344,416,965.65||2,910,204.69||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||57,892,663.64||724,111,229.84||266,619,525.65||$990,730,755.49||+41,340,524.33||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,929,840.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||1,929,840.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$992,660,595.49||+3,319,156.71
|-
|1914.........................||292,320,014.51||&lt;math&gt;^j&lt;/math&gt;38,0041,007.3||2,571,774.77||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||59,740,370.13||734,673,166.71||287,934,565.67||$1,022,607,732.38||+34,418,677.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,118,940.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||3,118,940.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||$1,025,726,672.38||+28,093.79
|-
|1915.........................||209,786,672.21||&lt;math&gt;^k&lt;/math&gt;415,669,646||2,167,136.47||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||70,287,372.90||697,910,827.58||287,248,165.27||$985,158,992.85||-33,488,931.53||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||933,540.00||style=&quot;text-align:center&quot;|................||933,540.00||4,347,457.00||$990,439,989.85||-57,442,509.75
|-
|.............'''TOTALS:'''............||'''$11,378,619,331.85'''||'''$10,095,945,620.18'''||'''$224,818,139.83'''||'''$15,387,252.76'''||'''$1,818,524,142.36'''||'''$23,533,294,486.95'''||'''$4,694,420,008.90'''||'''$28,227,714,495.88'''||'''-$514,336,122.33'''||'''$138,600,869.02'''||'''$8,301,555,697.35'''||'''$69,304,075.52'''||'''$8,370,859,772.87'''||'''$123,925,013.50'''||'''$36,861,100,151.27'''||'''$249,224,828.14'''
|}

==Notes==
&lt;references /&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Anderson, Joseph (senator)</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Anderson, Joseph (senator)  | previous   = [[../Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)|Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)]]  | next       = [[../Anderson, Joseph Reid|Anderson, Joseph Reid]]  | wikipedia  = Joseph Anderson  | wikidata   = Q925017  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biogr...&quot;</comment>
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 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Anderson, Joseph (senator)
 | previous   = [[../Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)|Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)]]
 | next       = [[../Anderson, Joseph Reid|Anderson, Joseph Reid]]
 | wikipedia  = Joseph Anderson
 | wikidata   = Q925017
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;109&quot; to=&quot;110&quot; fromsection=&quot;s6&quot; tosection=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, Joseph (senator)}}

[[Category:Biographies of politicians]]</text>
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{{heading|CHAPTER XXXV.|3|c|normal}}
{{dhr}}
{{center block|{{smaller block|&quot;Mi-x-in tzakcaamah, x-in tzakcolobch chirech nu zaki caam, nu zaki colo. nu chincu, nu galgab, nu zalmet&quot;{{…|5}}
Rabinal-Achi.
Chascus hom a sas palmas deves se meteys viradas.{{dhr}}
AURA went down stairs, knocked at the study door,
L
Dilworthy was alone-with an open Bible in his hand, upside
down. Laura smiled, and said, forgetting her acquired cor-
rectness of speech,
&quot;It is only me.&quot;
&quot;Ah, come in, sit down,&quot; and the Senator closed the
book and laid it down. &quot;I wanted to see you. Time to
report progress from the committee of the whole,&quot; and the
Senator beamed with his own congressional wit.
&quot;In the committee of the whole things are working very
well. We have made ever so much progress in a week. I
believe that you and I together could run this government
beautifully, uncle.&quot;
The Senator beamed again. He liked to be called &quot;uncle&quot;
by this beautiful woman.
&quot;Did you see Hopperson last night after the congressional
prayer meeting ?&quot;
&quot;Yes. He came. He's a kind of &quot;
&quot;Eh? he is one of my friends, Laura. He's a fine man,
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{{smaller block|&quot;Mi-x-in tzakcaamah, x-in tzakcolobch chirech nu zaki caam, nu zaki colo. nu chincu, nu galgab, nu zalmet&quot;{{…|5}}

{{gap|20em}}Rabinal-Achi.

{{c|Chascus hom a sas palmas deves se meteys viradas.}}}}
{{dhr}}
{{di|L}}AURA went down stairs, knocked at the study door,
Dilworthy was alone—with an open Bible in his hand, upside
down. Laura smiled, and said, forgetting her acquired correctness of speech,

&quot;It is only me.&quot;

&quot;Ah, come in, sit down,&quot; and the Senator closed the
book and laid it down. &quot;I wanted to see you. Time to
report progress from the committee of the whole,&quot; and the
Senator beamed with his own congressional wit.

&quot;In the committee of the whole things are working very
well. We have made ever so much progress in a week. I
believe that you and I together could run this government
beautifully, uncle.&quot;

The Senator beamed again. He liked to be called &quot;uncle&quot;
by this beautiful woman.

&quot;Did you see Hopperson last night after the congressional
prayer meeting?&quot;

&quot;Yes. He came. He's a kind of—&quot;

&quot;Eh? he is one of my friends, Laura. He's a fine man, a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|320}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{right|Rabinal-Achi.}}

{{c|Chascus hom a sas palmas deves se meteys viradas.}}}}
{{dhr}}
{{di|L}}AURA went down stairs, knocked at the study door,
Dilworthy was alone—with an open Bible in his hand, upside
down. Laura smiled, and said, forgetting her acquired correctness of speech,

&quot;It is only me.&quot;

&quot;Ah, come in, sit down,&quot; and the Senator closed the
book and laid it down. &quot;I wanted to see you. Time to
report progress from the committee of the whole,&quot; and the
Senator beamed with his own congressional wit.

&quot;In the committee of the whole things are working very
well. We have made ever so much progress in a week. I
believe that you and I together could run this government
beautifully, uncle.&quot;

The Senator beamed again. He liked to be called &quot;uncle&quot;
by this beautiful woman.

&quot;Did you see Hopperson last night after the congressional
prayer meeting?&quot;

&quot;Yes. He came. He's a kind of—&quot;

&quot;Eh? he is one of my friends, Laura. He's a fine man, a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|320}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1150" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Stamlou&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
{{heading|CHAPTER XXXV.|3|c|normal}}
{{dhr}}
{{smaller block|&quot;Mi-x-in tzakcaamah, x-in tzakcolobch chirech nu zaki caam, nu zaki colo. nu chincu, nu galgab, nu zalmet&quot;{{…|5}}
{{right|Rabinal-Achi.|1}}

{{c|Chascus hom a sas palmas deves se meteys viradas.}}}}
{{dhr}}
{{di|L}}AURA went down stairs, knocked at the study door,
Dilworthy was alone—with an open Bible in his hand, upside
down. Laura smiled, and said, forgetting her acquired correctness of speech,

&quot;It is only me.&quot;

&quot;Ah, come in, sit down,&quot; and the Senator closed the
book and laid it down. &quot;I wanted to see you. Time to
report progress from the committee of the whole,&quot; and the
Senator beamed with his own congressional wit.

&quot;In the committee of the whole things are working very
well. We have made ever so much progress in a week. I
believe that you and I together could run this government
beautifully, uncle.&quot;

The Senator beamed again. He liked to be called &quot;uncle&quot;
by this beautiful woman.

&quot;Did you see Hopperson last night after the congressional
prayer meeting?&quot;

&quot;Yes. He came. He's a kind of—&quot;

&quot;Eh? he is one of my friends, Laura. He's a fine man, a&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|320}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 43).djvu/371</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018955</id>
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      <text bytes="2052" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;2&quot; user=&quot;Qq1122qq&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{xx-larger|THE STRAND MAGAZINE}}}}
{{rh|Vol. xliii.|APRIL, 1912.|No. 256}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|
{{xxxx-larger|THE LOST WORLD.}}}}

{{box|{{x-larger|'''Being an account of the recent amazing adventures of Professor George E. Challenger, Lord John Roxton, Professor Summerlee, and Mr. E. D. Malone of the &quot;Daily Gazette.&quot;'''}}}}

{{c|
BY&lt;br/&gt;
{{xxx-larger|ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE.}}

{{x-larger|Illustrated by Harry Rountree and the late Maple White.}}

&lt;poem&gt;
I have wrought my simple plan
:If I give one hour of joy
To the boy who's half a man,
:Or the man who's half a boy.
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}

'''FOREWORD.—Mr. E. D. Malone desires to state that both the injunction for restraint and the libel action have been withdrawn unreservedly by Professor G. E. Challenger, who, being satisfied that no criticism or comment in this book is meant in an offensive spirit, has guaranteed that he will place no impediment to its publication and circulation. Mr. E. D. Malone would wish also to express his gratitude to Mr. Patrick L. Forbes, of Rosslyn Hill, Hampstead, for the skill and sympathy with which he has worked up the sketches which were brought from South America, and also to Mr. W. Ransford, of Elm Row, Hampstead, for his valuable expert help in dealing with the photographs.—Streatham, 1912.'''


{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER I.&lt;br/&gt;}}
&quot;THERE ARE HEROISMS ALL ROUND US.&quot;}}

{{image}}
{{initial|M|r. Hungerton}}, her father, really was the most tactless person upon earth—a fluffy,
feathery, untidy cockatoo of a man, perfectly good-natured, but absolutely centred upon his own silly self. If anything could have driven me from Gladys, it would have been the thought of such a father-in-law. I am convinced that he really believed in his heart that I came round to the Chestnuts three days a week for the
pleasure of his company, and very especially to hear his views upon bimetallism—a subject upon which he was by way of being an authority.

For an hour or more that evening I listened to his monotonous chirrup about bad money&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|Copyright, 1912, by Arthur Conan Doyle.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Index:The Leveller movement; a study in the history and political theory of the English Great Civil War (IA levellermovement01peas).pdf</title>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Leveller movement; a study in the history and political theory of the English Great Civil War (IA levellermovement01peas).pdf/16</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018957</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507592</id>
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      <text bytes="443" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{fine block|The Law is that which puts a difference betwixt Good and Evil, betwixt Just and Unjust; if you take away the Law, all things will fall into Confusion, every Man will become a Law to himself, which in the depraved condition of Human Nature, must needs produce many great Enormities; Lust will become a Law, and Envy will become a Law, Covetousness and Ambition will become Laws.{{float right|{{sc|John Pym.}}|gutter=1em}}}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Hutcheson Macaulay Posnett - Comparative Literature (1886).djvu/153</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018958</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507595</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:01:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1957" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|132|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of personal independence and the devotion of man to man. The progress of society, says Sir Henry Maine, has been from communal restraint to personal freedom. Both of these apparently conflicting statements are true. The personal independence of which M. Guizot speaks is the communal equality of fellow-clansmen, an independence which each possesses not because he is a man but because he is a ''clans''man, an independence which, far from implying any &quot;offhangingness&quot; from the group, simply results from the union of the individual with his group. On the other hand, the personal independence in which Sir Henry Maine sees the latest outcome of a slow and fitful evolution is one which (to apply an expression of Savigny) draws a circle round each individual as distinct from his group and the government of his group, an independence which sets him apart from every tie of kinship in an isolation which primitive socialism would have contemplated and treated as a terrible calamity—the isolation of the clanless and the lordless man.

§ 37. Over and above the choral song-dances of the clan, over and above communal hymns of all descriptions, we shall therefore be prepared to find some sort of personal poetry in clan life. Moreover, it need not surprise us if such poetry should give the clearest insight into clan sentiments, for it is evidently in the relation of the clansman to his group that such sentiments are most distinctly expressed. Self-sacrificing devotion to the cause of the clan, uncompromising vengeance for the blood of slaughtered kinsfolk, justice in the distribution of the common property, faithfulness in the discharge of funeral obsequies—these and such as these are the ideal characteristics of the clansman; and clearly they may be best illustrated where conditions of climate and soil have allowed the largest personal freedom compatible with a&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Leveller movement; a study in the history and political theory of the English Great Civil War (IA levellermovement01peas).pdf/17</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1368" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|INTRODUCTION}}

{{di|T}}{{uc|he}} establishment in England of a democratic government limited and bounded by law—that in a word was the vision pursued in the midst of the political strife and confusion of the Great Civil War by the men ordinarily called Levellers. To trace the evolution of this idea and of the corollaries to it that completed the Leveller platform, to show the political machinery devised by the Levellers to promote it, and in short to sketch the history of the Leveller movement as a whole is the purpose of this essay.

The political ideas of the Levellers at the outset were perceptibly molded by two different intellectual forces. The first of these originated in the series of controversies in the years 1640–43 through which the Long Parliament advanced from the doctrine of the supremacy of the law to the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. The second force came from the ecclesiastical dispute centering around the Westminster Assembly that gave form and spirit to the Independent idea of church government, originating in compact and limited by the supreme law of Christ. In the course of translating this idea into politics the Levellers in successive drafts of Agreements of the People developed the concept of a written constitution originating in a compact of the sovereign people and, therefore, superior to govern-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|1}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/105</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018960</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507597</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:06:47Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Pokechu22</username>
        <id>2303232</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1606" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Pokechu22&quot; /&gt;{{rh||REFINEMENTS AND PASTIMES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;two groups of the Eight Diagrams,&lt;ref name=&quot;Note 23&quot;&gt;See Appendix, note 23.&lt;/ref&gt; and the black 
eaves-curtain with its design of white waves represents 
the passion-calming element. At the base 
of each pillar sits an expert, whom age has compelled 
to retire from the arena, and who has 
acted as teacher to the men in the ring. Near 
him is placed a vessel of water with a wine-cup 
beside it, and wrestlers, before a contest, take a 
draught of this water, in deference to the old 
custom of warriors on the eve of a perilous undertaking 
who exchanged a &quot;water-cup&quot; (''mizu-sakazuki'') 
in token of farewell that might be 
for ever. The relations of the wrestlers to their 
teacher are the poetical phase of their career. 
They still regulate their treatment of him by the 
ancient formula of reverence, that to tread even 
within three feet of his shadow is disrespectful. 
Altogether the Japanese wrestler has no counterpart 
elsewhere. The nature of his profession is 
not reflected in his daily life; though uneducated, 
he knows how to conduct himself with propriety 
in the high society to which his patrons often 
introduce him; he has a fine moral code of his 
own which holds him in the path of honest manliness, 
and the crime of abusing his strength is 
almost unrecorded against him. 

It has already been noted that the Japanese 
swordsman practised an art called by various 
names at different epochs or by different schools, 
but having for its fundamental principle the sub-&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{rule|5em|align=left}}
{{smallrefs}}
{{fine|{{asc|Vol. III.—6}}}}
{{c|81}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Leveller movement; a study in the history and political theory of the English Great Civil War (IA levellermovement01peas).pdf/18</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018961</id>
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      <id>12507598</id>
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      <text bytes="1578" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{rh|2|''INTRODUCTION''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ment. Such ideas led them further still—almost to the conclusion that the interpretation of their constitution was of necessity a judicial function belonging to the courts.

So defined, the Leveller movement has more than antiquarian interest. The fact that such a thing as the Leveller party existed, and professed constitutional ideas and methods similar to those developed in American constitutional history is more than an interesting coincidence. In truth it reveals at a critical point in the development of English political institutions a trend toward the supremacy, not of government, nor of a branch of government, but of law.

Historians, it is true, have assigned the idea of the supremacy of law an important position in the earlier stages of the Puritan Revolution. They have quoted Coke’s saying of 1628, “Sovereign Power is no Parliamentary word; {{...|4}} Magna Charta is such a Fellow that he will have no Sovereign,”&lt;ref&gt;Quotation adapted. John Rushworth, ''Historical Collections'', I, 562.&lt;/ref&gt; and they have assigned due significance to the fact that in the Petition of Right Parliament defined the ancient statutes of the realm as a law paramount to the prerogative. On the other hand they have recognized the fact that the indirect consequence of 1640, 1660, and 1688 has been to make Parliament sovereign over the law. “We have,” wrote Professor Maitland, “no irrepealable laws; all laws may be repealed by the ordinary legislature, even the conditions upon which the English and Scottish parliaments&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/106</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018962</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507599</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:09:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Pokechu22</username>
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      <text bytes="1551" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Pokechu22&quot; /&gt;{{rh||JAPAN|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;stitution of subtlety for strength. This method 
of parrying or delivering an attack has now begun 
to attract attention in Europe, and is enthusiastically 
studied in Japan under the name of ''ju-jutsu'' 
or ''ju-dō'', a term of which the nearest English 
equivalent is the &quot;art of pliancy.&quot; ''Ju-jutsu'' does 
not appear to have been familiar to the Japanese 
in ancient eras. At any rate, they were not acquainted 
with it in the elaborate form that it 
assumed during the seventeenth century. According 
to the view of some historians, its methods 
were first taught by a Chinese immigrant at that 
time. But nothing of the kind has ever been 
known to exist in China. The probability, if 
not the certainty, is that what ''ju-jutsu'' received 
from China was merely some new plans for disabling 
an adversary by striking or kicking; and 
that, since this happened at a time when the art 
had passed out of vogue, its professors tried to 
bring about a ''renaissance'' by magnifying the value 
of the Chinese innovations. In point of fact, 
such innovations were discordant with the true 
spirit of the system, which aimed, not at breaking 
down force by force, nor yet at initiating 
assaults, but at utilising an enemy's strength for 
his own destruction, and at rendering his attacks 
suicidal. It may be supposed, on superficial 
reflection, that to set up a distinction between 
such an art and wrestling is pedantic. In a 
sense that is true. If by &quot;wrestling&quot; is understood 
every possible device for overthrowing an&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{c|82}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Hutcheson Macaulay Posnett - Comparative Literature (1886).djvu/154</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018963</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507600</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:10:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2058" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|133|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;vigorous clan life. Such conditions may be found among the Arabs of the burning deserts. The Arab, on his horse or camel, shifting from spot to spot, cannot feel or express the impersonality of clan feelings with the intensity peculiar to settled village communities. In the early poetry of the Arab clans we shall accordingly find some of the best specimens of that personal expression of the clansman's feelings which we seek to illustrate.

[[Author:Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Marzuqi|Marzûki]], in the preface of his Commentary on the ''Mufaddalian Poems'' (so called from their collector, Al Mufaddal, who made the anthology about the year 160 of the Hejîra), tells us that a great deal of early Arab poetry owed its origin to tribal wars. &quot;I have been told,&quot; says the Arab authority,&lt;ref&gt;The words are translated from a Berlin manuscript by Professor Kosegarten, in the introduction to his edition of the Huzailiau Poems.&lt;/ref&gt; &quot;that Ali ben Mahdi, the Kisrawite, reported that in Attâïf there were both poetry and reciters, but not in abundance. For poetry increased only during the wars between the tribes, such as happened among the Ausites and Kasragites, and in the engagements and expeditions which were continually going on. Among the Kuraishites poetry was rare, for there were no inveterate animosities among them.&quot; The passage reminds us of our Border Ballads; but the presence of genuine clan sentiments, such as those of Blood-revenge, in the early Arab poems carries us far nearer the beginnings of literature than Chevy Chace. Some examples of this Arab poetry we shall now offer from the ''Hamâseh,'' or &quot;Valour,&quot; an anthology so called because the first chapter contains verses on valour and manly behaviour. Collected about the year 220 of the Hejîra by Abu Tammâm, this anthology contains many short pieces of verse and fragments selected from complete odes. The collection is distributed into ten chapters, the first of which takes up&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/107</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018964</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507602</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:11:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Pokechu22</username>
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      <text bytes="1606" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Pokechu22&quot; /&gt;{{rh||REFINEMENTS AND PASTIMES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;opponent, then ''ju-jutsu'' is wrestling. But it is 
not Japanese wrestling. In the first place, Japanese 
wrestling absolutely forbids every dangerous 
resolution of force into components acting in 
opposite directions, whereas ''ju-jutsu'' puts such 
resolution in the forefront of its methods. In 
the second place, Japanese wrestling has for its 
object the development of strength in excess of 
that of an adversary, whereas ''ju-jutsu'' seeks primarily 
to divert an adversary's force into directions 
fatal to his own equilibrium. So essential is the 
difference between the two arts that while success 
in wrestling depends theoretically on preponderance 
of force on the side of the victor, success in 
''ju-jutsu'' is promoted by preponderance of force 
on the side of the vanquished. A skilled wrestler 
of great thews fares worse than a feeble tyro at 
the hands of a ''ju-jutsu'' expert. The science starts 
from the mathematical principle that the stability 
of a body is destroyed so soon as the vertical line 
passing through its centre of gravity falls outside 
its base. To achieve disturbance of equilibrium 
in accordance with that principle, the ''ju-jutsu'' 
player may throw himself on the ground by way 
of preliminary to throwing his opponent, a 
sequence of proceedings that would, of course, be 
suicidal in wrestling. In fact, to know how to 
fall is as essential a part of his science as to know 
how to throw. Checking, disabling by blows 
delivered in special parts of the body, paralysing 
an opponent's limb by applying a &quot;breaking&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{c|83}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Charleston • Irwin Faris • (1941).pdf/106</title>
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      <id>12507603</id>
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      <text bytes="2254" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;KAynsley&quot; /&gt;{{c|WESTPORT}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;cemetery washed away, “the river,” one recorder says, “being strewn with coffins.”&lt;ref&gt;Another writer holds that the old cemetery was abandoned in 1870, owing to the tidal wave or flood of that year.&lt;/ref&gt; He also states that he watched the National Hotel slip bodily into the flood and sail across the bar with its lights still burning. The old cemetery was where the centre of the river now is.

On 19th April, 1873, Warden Giles reported: “The past twelve months has been a period of calamity and depression to the town of Westport. Street after street has been washed away by the river and sea encroachments, and the inhabitants have been compelled, at a great loss, to move their houses and places of business to such sites as they could secure, the approach to the new site of the township being then unfinished. There seems to be no particular assignable limit to the further encroachments of the sea and river, and I do not see why the former destruction should not be again repeated if the river bank is not better protected than has yet been the case.” This report implies that at that date, 19th April, 1873, the approach to the new township had been completed and that the “Second Township” was becoming the business centre. 

The ''Westport Times'' of 6th June, 1873, stated: “Tuesday last will be long remembered in Westport as a day of dire disaster. Of all the misfortunes heretofore, occurring from sea and river encroachment, none has happened so suddenly or resulted in so much loss and destruction of property. The damage done has been variously estimated at from ten to fifteen thousand pounds.” The paper gave a list of premises washed away, destroyed, or pulled down and removed, including 3 wharves; 1 bank; 4 hotels; 9 stores; 2 business premises; 1 office; and 6 residences.

The name “Westport” was recommended to the Executive Council of Nelson Province on 16th July, 1863, by Mr. J. C. Richmond, Land Commissioner, for “the township at the Buller mouth”; and it was adopted.

The new town of Westport, which was about a mile from the bar and in area 730 acres, was partly surveyed by Henry Lewis, Government Surveyor, about 1865, and partly by A. D.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}
{{c|{{smaller|89}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/108</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018966</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507604</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:13:35Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Pokechu22</username>
        <id>2303232</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1576" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Pokechu22&quot; /&gt;{{rh||JAPAN|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;moment&quot; to it,—all these are branches of the 
science, but it has its root in making an enemy 
undo himself by his own strength. These principles 
may be seen strikingly illustrated in any of 
the schools in Tōkyō, where weak striplings not 
yet out of their teens easily gain the mastery over 
stalwart men. On the abolition of feudalism 
after the Restoration in 1867, ''ju-jutsu'' shared the 
decadence that befell everything patronised by the 
''samurai'' of early eras. But it was subsequently 
revived by Professor K. Kano, an eminent educationist, 
and it is now taught gratuitously in two 
large institutions organised by him in Tōkyō, as 
well as at many of the chief seats of learning 
throughout the Empire. Every police-constable 
is required to go through a course, and the result 
of his instruction is that he can generally master 
the strongest malefactor without difficulty. Evidently 
to explain such a system in writing would 
require a special treatise with elaborate illustrations. 
It may be stated, however, that the novice 
passes through three preliminary classes, and then 
reaches the first of the ten stages into which the 
science proper is divided. Six of the stages are 
devoted to physical training and four to moral 
discipline, the time required to graduate in the 
whole course being ten years. Before matriculation 
every pupil must take an oath to obey the 
rules implicitly, and he learns not merely the art of 
overcoming an adversary, but also the science of 
resuscitating persons who have been temporarily&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{c|84}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Protected page text</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018967</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507605</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:15:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;includeonly&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;mw-parser-output&quot;&gt;&lt;!-- TODO? should probably try to restrain direct use of mw-parser-output to MW space but I'm being lazy and most of the gunk is in this template --&gt;&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Protected page text/styles.css&quot;/&gt;{{fmbox  | id    = mw-protectedpagetext  | type  = system  | image = none  | style = border-style:none;  | text  =     {{mbox     | type = protection     | textstyle = font-weight:bold; font-size:130%;     | image = File:{{{ima...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="4457" xml:space="preserve">&lt;includeonly&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;mw-parser-output&quot;&gt;&lt;!-- TODO? should probably try to restrain direct use of mw-parser-output to MW space but I'm being lazy and most of the gunk is in this template --&gt;&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Protected page text/styles.css&quot;/&gt;{{fmbox
 | id    = mw-protectedpagetext
 | type  = system
 | image = none
 | style = border-style:none;
 | text  = 
   {{mbox
    | type = protection
    | textstyle = font-weight:bold; font-size:130%;
    | image = [[File:{{{image|Full-protection-shackle.svg}}}|40x40px|link=|alt=]]
    | text = &lt;div style=&quot;text-align: center;&quot;&gt;{{{protection-message}}}&lt;/div&gt;
   }}{{#if: {{{suggestions|}}}
    |
&lt;div class=&quot;pptext-whywhat&quot;&gt;
&lt;div class=&quot;pptext-why&quot;&gt;
&lt;h2&gt;Why is the page protected?&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;{{{protection-reason}}}
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;{{{log-text|The reason for protection can be found in the [{{fullurl:Special:Log|type=protect&amp;page={{urlencode:{{#ifeq:{{NAMESPACENUMBER}}|-1|{{#titleparts:{{FULLPAGENAME}}|0|2}}|{{FULLPAGENAME}}}}}}}} protection log]. If there are no relevant entries in the protection log, the page may have been moved after being protected.}}}
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div class=&quot;pptext-what&quot;&gt;
&lt;h2&gt;What can I do?&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
{{#if: {{{login-message|}}}
 | &lt;li&gt;If you have a user account, [[Special:UserLogin|log in]] first. If you do not yet have an account, you may [{{fullurl:Special:UserLogin|type=signup&amp;campaign=semiprotectednotice}} create one]; after [[Wikipedia:User access levels#Autoconfirmed users|4 days and 10 edits]], you will be able to edit semi-protected pages.&lt;/li&gt;
}}{{#ifeq: {{#if:{{{main-page-links|}}}|{{FULLPAGENAME}}}} | Main Page
 | 
&lt;li&gt;[[Wikipedia:Why create an account?|Register for an account]] if you don't already have one&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Visit the [[Wikipedia:Sandbox|Sandbox]] to make test edits&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Check out the [[Wikipedia:Tutorial|Tutorial]] to learn more about editing&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;[[Wikipedia:Main Page/Errors|Report errors on the Main Page]]&lt;/li&gt;
 | {{#ifeq: {{#if:{{{template-links|}}}|{{NAMESPACE}}}} | Template
    | {{#switch:
         {{#ifexist: {{FULLPAGENAME}}/doc
          | doc
         }}{{#ifexist: {{FULLPAGENAME}}/sandbox
          | sandbox
         }}
       | doc = &lt;li&gt;This template has a [[Wikipedia:Template documentation|documentation]] page – [[{{FULLPAGENAME}}/doc]] – which may be freely edited.&lt;/li&gt;
       | sandbox = &lt;li&gt;This template has a [[Wikipedia:Template test cases|sandbox]] page – [[{{FULLPAGENAME}}/sandbox]] – which may be freely edited.&lt;/li&gt;
       | docsandbox = &lt;li&gt;This template has a [[Wikipedia:Template documentation|documentation]] page – [[{{FULLPAGENAME}}/doc]] – and a [[Wikipedia:Template test cases|sandbox]] page – [[{{FULLPAGENAME}}/sandbox]] – both may be freely edited.&lt;/li&gt;
      }}
   }}{{#ifexist: {{FULLPAGENAME}}
    | {{#ifeq: {{NAMESPACE}} | {{TALKSPACE}}
       |
       | {{#if: {{TALKPAGENAME}}
          | &lt;li&gt;[[{{TALKPAGENAME}}|Discuss this page]] with others.&lt;/li&gt;
         }}
&lt;li&gt;For move-protected pages, see [[Wikipedia:requested moves|requested moves]].&lt;/li&gt;
      }}
   }}
{{#if: {{{hide-requestlower|}}}||&lt;li&gt;[[Wikipedia:Requests for page protection#Current requests for reduction in protection level|Request that the page's protection level be reduced]].&lt;/li&gt;}}
&lt;li&gt;[[Help:Introduction|Find out more about how to get started editing Wikipedia]].&lt;/li&gt;
{{#if: {{TALKPAGENAME}}
 | {{#ifeq: {{{talk-protected|false}}} | true |
&lt;li&gt;If you have noticed an error or have a suggestion for a simple, non-controversial change, please check [[{{TALKPAGENAMEE}}|the talk page]] first in case the issue is already being discussed. If the issue has not been discussed yet, you can submit an edit request at [[Wikipedia:Requests for page protection/Edit]]. Make sure to clearly describe which page your request is about, and which change exactly you are requesting.&lt;/li&gt;|
&lt;li&gt;If you have noticed an error or have a suggestion for a simple, non-controversial change, you can submit an edit request by clicking the button below and following the instructions. {{{who-can-edit}}} may then make the change on your behalf. Please check [[{{TALKPAGENAMEE}}|the talk page]] first in case the issue is already being discussed.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li class=&quot;pptext-submit&quot;&gt;&lt;div&gt;
{{Submit an edit request|type={{{request-type}}}}}
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
}}
}}
}}
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
}}
}}&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Template:Protected page text/full</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018968</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507606</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:15:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{protected page text | image = {{#ifeq:{{{2|}}}|edit|Full|{{{2|Full}}}}}-protection-shackle.svg | protection-message = This page is currently [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#{{#switch:{{{2}}}|move=Move|upload=Upload|create=Creation|Full}} protection|protected]] so that only [[Wikipedia:Administrators|administrators]] can {{{2}}} it. | suggestions = {{#ifexist: {{FULLPAGENAME}} | yes}} | protection-reason = Some [[Wikipedia:Template messages|templates]] and site interface...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1091" xml:space="preserve">{{protected page text
| image = {{#ifeq:{{{2|}}}|edit|Full|{{{2|Full}}}}}-protection-shackle.svg
| protection-message = This page is currently [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#{{#switch:{{{2}}}|move=Move|upload=Upload|create=Creation|Full}} protection|protected]] so that only [[Wikipedia:Administrators|administrators]] can {{{2}}} it.
| suggestions = {{#ifexist: {{FULLPAGENAME}} | yes}}
| protection-reason = Some [[Wikipedia:Template messages|templates]] and site interface pages are permanently [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Full protection|protected]] due to visibility. Occasionally, articles are temporarily protected because of [[Wikipedia:Edit war|editing disputes]]. Most articles can be edited by anyone.
| main-page-links = yes
| template-links = yes
| who-can-edit = An [[Wikipedia:Administrators|administrator]]
| request-type = {{#if:{{yesno|{{{manual-editrequest|}}}}}|manual|full}}
| attempted-action = {{{2}}}
| talk-protected = {{{talk-protected|false}}}
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Template:Protected page text/styles.css</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507607</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:15:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;/* {{pp|small=y}} */ .pptext-whywhat h2 { 	margin-top: 1em; 	border-bottom: 0; 	font-size: 130%; 	font-weight: bold; 	padding: 0.15em; }  .pptext-submit { 	list-style: none; 	display: inline; 	text-align: center; }  .pptext-whywhat { 	display: flex; 	flex-wrap: wrap; 	column-gap: 2em; }  .pptext-whywhat &gt; div { 	flex: 1 1 400px; }&quot;</comment>
      <model>sanitized-css</model>
      <format>text/css</format>
      <text bytes="332" xml:space="preserve">/* {{pp|small=y}} */
.pptext-whywhat h2 {
	margin-top: 1em;
	border-bottom: 0;
	font-size: 130%;
	font-weight: bold;
	padding: 0.15em;
}

.pptext-submit {
	list-style: none;
	display: inline;
	text-align: center;
}

.pptext-whywhat {
	display: flex;
	flex-wrap: wrap;
	column-gap: 2em;
}

.pptext-whywhat &gt; div {
	flex: 1 1 400px;
}</text>
      <sha1>79s3kzhhzgx1t3j569x0tc254t7s0qh</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Hutcheson Macaulay Posnett - Comparative Literature (1886).djvu/155</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018970</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507608</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:16:15Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;nearly half the work. The Arabic text, accompanied by a commentary of Tabrizi, Latin translation and notes, was published by Freytag at Bonn in 1851.  Perhaps the best specimen of the poetry of Blood-revenge to be found in any literature is a poem of this ''Hamâseh'' assigned to Taʾabbata Sherrâ, but attributed on better grounds to his sister's son, and believed to refer to the vengeance taken by the nephew on his uncle's slayers. Mr. Author:Charles Jame...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2007" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|134|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;nearly half the work. The Arabic text, accompanied by a commentary of Tabrizi, Latin translation and notes, was published by Freytag at Bonn in 1851.

Perhaps the best specimen of the poetry of Blood-revenge to be found in any literature is a poem of this ''Hamâseh'' assigned to Taʾabbata Sherrâ, but attributed on better grounds to his sister's son, and believed to refer to the vengeance taken by the nephew on his uncle's slayers. Mr. [[Author:Charles James Lyall|C. J. Lyall]], who has attempted to translate the poem into a metre resembling the Arab in the ''[[Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal]]'' for 1877, would find its author in Khalaf el-Ahmar, a famous imitator of old Arab poetry. But when we remember that early Arab poems were regarded as partially the property of the poet's clan, we cannot treat the authorship of these poems as a profitable inquiry. So far as Mr. Lyall's effort to express the Arab metres in English is concerned, we can only regard it as a brilliant failure. Even if the English language permitted exactly the same metres as the Arabic—which was not to be expected and is not the case—the repetition of the same rime throughout an entire poem, a repetition which Mr. Lyall has not attempted except in a few very short poems translated in the same journal for 1881, would be fatal to such well-intended efforts. No moderniser of the ''Chansons de Geste'' could try to reproduce in modern French the medieval monorimes with any hope of success; and in English the attempt to transplant the Arab monorimes in any poem longer than a few lines must only result in a comic repetition of sounds so far as the attempt is even practicable. Since, therefore, the very structure of the English language prevents imitation of the most striking characteristic of early Arab poetry in point of form, why should we with Mr. Lyall seek to retain the Arab measures ''wâfir, tawil,'' and the rest?&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>lw6jlzyu51xhmef6v0chz6cvk8eh7l2</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507613</id>
      <parentid>12507608</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:17:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2008" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|134|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;nearly half the work. The Arabic text, accompanied by a commentary of Tabrizi, Latin translation and notes, was published by Freytag at Bonn in 1851.

Perhaps the best specimen of the poetry of Blood-revenge to be found in any literature is a poem of this ''Hamâseh'' assigned to Taʾabbata Sherrâ, but attributed on better grounds to his sister's son, and believed to refer to the vengeance taken by the nephew on his uncle's slayers. Mr. [[Author:Charles James Lyall|C. J. Lyall]], who has attempted to translate the poem into a metre resembling the Arab in the ''[[Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal]]'' for 1877, would find its author in Khalaf el-Ahmar, a famous imitator of old Arab poetry. But when we remember that early Arab poems were regarded as partially the property of the poet's clan, we cannot treat the authorship of these poems as a profitable inquiry. So far as Mr. Lyall's effort to express the Arab metres in English is concerned, we can only regard it as a brilliant failure. Even if the English language permitted exactly the same metres as the Arabic—which was not to be expected and is not the case—the repetition of the same rime throughout an entire poem, a repetition which Mr. Lyall has not attempted except in a few very short poems translated in the same journal for 1881, would be fatal to such well-intended efforts. No moderniser of the ''Chansons de Geste'' could try to reproduce in modern French the medieval monorimes with any hope of success; and in English the attempt to transplant the Arab monorimes in any poem longer than a few lines must only result in a comic repetition of sounds so far as the attempt is even practicable. Since, therefore, the very structure of the English language prevents imitation of the most striking characteristic of early Arab poetry in point of form, why should we with Mr. Lyall seek to retain the Arab measures ''wâfir, tawîl,'' and the rest?&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>9z86nl5z0f9v91xlvh7btd081h0p401</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/109</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018971</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507609</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:16:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Pokechu22</username>
        <id>2303232</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1603" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Pokechu22&quot; /&gt;{{rh||REFINEMENTS AND PASTIMES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;disabled, whether by his own devices or by certain 
other kinds of accident. It may appear curious 
that moral training should form part of the course, 
but the students of ''ju-jutsu'', or ''ju-dō'' (the path of 
pliancy), claim a great deal for it in the latter 
respect. Mr. T. Shidachi, in a paper read before 
the Japan Society in London in 1892, has this to 
say about the moral side of the art: &quot;Respect 
and kindness, fidelity and sincerity are essential 
points which ''ju-dō'' students should particularly 
observe. We come by daily training to know 
that irritability is one of our weakest points, and 
that we have to try to avoid it in our life, as it 
facilitates our opponents' efforts to overcome us. 
Not to be irritated by any emergency, but to be 
always calm and composed is one of the first 
principles of ''ju-dō''. Prudence, precaution, temperance, 
perseverance, presence of mind, quick 
discernment, decision after deliberation, animation, 
self-respect, and self-control,—all these are 
moral qualities inculcated by the study of ''ju-dō''. 
Greatness of mind, obedience to duty, and abhorrence 
of extravagance should be cultivated 
with no less attention. The influence which 
''ju-dō'' exerts on intellectual power is no less important. 
The strict attention we have to give to 
daily duties is acknowledged. {{...}} I take the liberty 
of saying that I have received conscious 
benefit to my faculties of concentration and 
observation by the study of ''ju-dō''.&quot; A measure 
of enthusiasm certainly presided at the compila-&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{c|85}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6j4murbi20m8paa2p3lxh0d217nckh1</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Submit an edit request</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018972</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507610</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:16:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{#invoke:Submit an edit request|button}}&lt;noinclude&gt; {{documentation}} &lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt; &lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="158" xml:space="preserve">{{#invoke:Submit an edit request|button}}&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>fmz461vtigl3b81wdjepv19k95bs8u3</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Module:Submit an edit request</title>
    <ns>828</ns>
    <id>4018973</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507612</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:17:01Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;-- This module implements {{Submit an edit request}}.  local CONFIG_MODULE = 'Module:Submit an edit request/config'  -- Load necessary modules local mRedirect = require('Module:Redirect') local cfg = mw.loadData(CONFIG_MODULE) local effectiveProtectionLevel = require('Module:Effective protection level')._main local escape = require(&quot;Module:String&quot;)._escapePattern local lang = mw.language.getContentLanguage()  local p = {}  local validLevels = { 	semi = 'semi', 	extended...&quot;</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="3830" xml:space="preserve">-- This module implements {{Submit an edit request}}.

local CONFIG_MODULE = 'Module:Submit an edit request/config'

-- Load necessary modules
local mRedirect = require('Module:Redirect')
local cfg = mw.loadData(CONFIG_MODULE)
local effectiveProtectionLevel = require('Module:Effective protection level')._main
local escape = require(&quot;Module:String&quot;)._escapePattern
local lang = mw.language.getContentLanguage()

local p = {}

local validLevels = {
	semi = 'semi',
	extended = 'extended',
	template = 'template',
	full = 'full',
	interface = 'interface',
	manual = 'manual'
}

local function message(key, ...)
	local params = {...}
	local msg = cfg[key]
	if #params &lt; 1 then
		return msg
	else
		return mw.message.newRawMessage(msg):params(params):plain()
	end
end

local function validateLevel(level)
	return level and validLevels[level] or 'full'
end

local function getLevelInfo(level, field)
	return cfg.protectionLevels[level][field]
end

local function resolveRedirect(page)
	return mRedirect.luaMain(page)
end

local function isProtected(page)
	local action = mw.title.new(page).exists and 'edit' or 'create'
	return effectiveProtectionLevel(action, page) ~= '*'
end

function p.makeRequestUrl(level, titleObj)
	titleObj = titleObj or mw.title.getCurrentTitle()
	local basePage = titleObj.basePageTitle.fullText
	if cfg['main-page-content'][basePage] then
		return tostring(mw.uri.fullUrl(message('main-page-request-page')))
	end

	local talkPageName = titleObj.talkPageTitle
	if talkPageName == nil then
		return tostring(mw.uri.fullUrl(message('protected-talk-page-request-page')))
	end
	talkPageName = resolveRedirect(talkPageName.prefixedText)
	if isProtected(talkPageName) then
		return tostring(mw.uri.fullUrl(message('protected-talk-page-request-page')))
	end
	level = validateLevel(level)
	if level == 'manual' then
		return tostring(mw.uri.fullUrl(talkPageName, {
			action = 'edit',
			section = 'new'
		}))
	end
	local sectionname = message(
			'preload-title-text',
			getLevelInfo(level, 'levelText'),
			lang:formatDate(message('preload-title-date-format'))
	)
	local content = mw.title.new(talkPageName):getContent()
	if content and content:find(&quot;== *&quot; .. escape(sectionname) .. &quot; *==&quot;) then
		local dedup = 2
		while true do
			local newname = message(&quot;preload-title-dedup-suffix&quot;, sectionname, dedup)
			if not content:find(&quot;== *&quot; .. escape(newname) .. &quot; *==&quot;) then
				sectionname = newname
				break
			end
			dedup = dedup + 1
		end
	end
	local url = mw.uri.fullUrl(talkPageName, {
		action = 'edit',
		editintro = getLevelInfo(level, 'editintro'),
		preload = message('preload-template'),
		preloadtitle = sectionname,
		section = 'new'
	})
	url = tostring(url)

	-- Add the preload parameters. @TODO: merge this into the mw.uri.fullUrl
	-- query table once [[phab:T93059]] is fixed.
	local function encodeParam(key, val)
		return string.format('&amp;%s=%s', mw.uri.encode(key), mw.uri.encode(val))
	end
	url = url .. encodeParam('preloadparams[]', getLevelInfo(level, 'requestTemplate'))
	url = url .. encodeParam('preloadparams[]', titleObj.prefixedText)

	return url
end

function p._link(args)
	return string.format(
		'&lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[%s %s]&lt;/span&gt;',
		p.makeRequestUrl(args.type),
		args.display or message('default-display-value')
	)
end

function p._button(args)
	return require('Module:Clickable button 2').luaMain{
		[1] = args.display or message('default-display-value'),
		url = p.makeRequestUrl(args.type),
		class = 'mw-ui-progressive'
	}
end

local function makeInvokeFunc(func, wrapper)
	return function (frame)
		local args = require('Module:Arguments').getArgs(frame, {
			wrappers = {wrapper}
		})
		return func(args)
	end
end

p.link = makeInvokeFunc(p._link, message('link-wrapper-template'))
p.button = makeInvokeFunc(p._button, message('button-wrapper-template'))

return p</text>
      <sha1>2c0ofx7u6wfuwm9if27uqcb367n9zxm</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Module:Redirect</title>
    <ns>828</ns>
    <id>4018974</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507614</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:17:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;-- This module provides functions for getting the target of a redirect page.  local p = {}  -- Gets a mw.title object, using pcall to avoid generating script errors if we -- are over the expensive function count limit (among other possible causes). local function getTitle(...) 	local success, titleObj = pcall(mw.title.new, ...) 	if success then 		return titleObj 	else 		return nil 	end end  -- Gets the name of a page that a redirect leads to, or nil if it isn't a -- redi...&quot;</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="3295" xml:space="preserve">-- This module provides functions for getting the target of a redirect page.

local p = {}

-- Gets a mw.title object, using pcall to avoid generating script errors if we
-- are over the expensive function count limit (among other possible causes).
local function getTitle(...)
	local success, titleObj = pcall(mw.title.new, ...)
	if success then
		return titleObj
	else
		return nil
	end
end

-- Gets the name of a page that a redirect leads to, or nil if it isn't a
-- redirect.
function p.getTargetFromText(text)
	local target = string.match(
		text,
		&quot;^%s*#[Rr][Ee][Dd][Ii][Rr][Ee][Cc][Tt]%s*:?%s*%[%[([^%[%]|]-)%]%]&quot;
	) or string.match(
		text,
		&quot;^%s*#[Rr][Ee][Dd][Ii][Rr][Ee][Cc][Tt]%s*:?%s*%[%[([^%[%]|]-)|[^%[%]]-%]%]&quot;
	)
	return target and mw.uri.decode(target, 'PATH')
end

-- Gets the target of a redirect. If the page specified is not a redirect,
-- returns nil.
function p.getTarget(page, fulltext)
	-- Get the title object. Both page names and title objects are allowed
	-- as input.
	local titleObj
	if type(page) == 'string' or type(page) == 'number' then
		titleObj = getTitle(page)
	elseif type(page) == 'table' and type(page.getContent) == 'function' then
		titleObj = page
	else
		error(string.format(
			&quot;bad argument #1 to 'getTarget'&quot;
				.. &quot; (string, number, or title object expected, got %s)&quot;,
			type(page)
		), 2)
	end
	if not titleObj then
		return nil
	end
	local targetTitle = titleObj.redirectTarget
	if targetTitle then
		if fulltext then
			return targetTitle.fullText
		else
			return targetTitle.prefixedText
		end
	else
		return nil
	end
end

--[[
-- Given a single page name determines what page it redirects to and returns the
-- target page name, or the passed page name when not a redirect. The passed
-- page name can be given as plain text or as a page link.
--
-- Returns page name as plain text, or when the bracket parameter is given, as a
-- page link. Returns an error message when page does not exist or the redirect
-- target cannot be determined for some reason.
--]]
function p.luaMain(rname, bracket, fulltext)
	if type(rname) ~= &quot;string&quot; or not rname:find(&quot;%S&quot;) then
		return nil
	end
	bracket = bracket and &quot;[[%s]]&quot; or &quot;%s&quot;
	rname = rname:match(&quot;%[%[(.+)%]%]&quot;) or rname
	local target = p.getTarget(rname, fulltext)
	local ret = target or rname
	ret = getTitle(ret)
	if ret then
		if fulltext then
			ret = ret.fullText
		else
			ret = ret.prefixedText
		end
		return bracket:format(ret)
	else
		return nil
	end
end

-- Provides access to the luaMain function from wikitext.
function p.main(frame)
	local args = require('Module:Arguments').getArgs(frame, {frameOnly = true})
	return p.luaMain(args[1], args.bracket, args.fulltext) or ''
end

-- Returns true if the specified page is a redirect, and false otherwise.
function p.luaIsRedirect(page)
	local titleObj = getTitle(page)
	if not titleObj then
		return false
	end
	if titleObj.isRedirect then
		return true
	else
		return false
	end
end

-- Provides access to the luaIsRedirect function from wikitext, returning 'yes'
-- if the specified page is a redirect, and the blank string otherwise.
function p.isRedirect(frame)
	local args = require('Module:Arguments').getArgs(frame, {frameOnly = true})
	if p.luaIsRedirect(args[1]) then
		return 'yes'
	else
		return ''
	end
end

return p</text>
      <sha1>ixuh7hehfu8mxwx3ai7pksok45inaxs</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Module:Submit an edit request/config</title>
    <ns>828</ns>
    <id>4018975</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507616</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:18:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;-- This module contains configuration data for [[Module:Submit an edit request]].  return {  -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -- Messages --------------------------------------------------------------------------------  -- The default display value for edit requests. ['default-display-value'] = 'Submit an edit request',  -- The template that stores the edit request preload text ['preload-template'] = 'Template:Submit an edi...&quot;</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="3833" xml:space="preserve">-- This module contains configuration data for [[Module:Submit an edit request]].

return {

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Messages
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

-- The default display value for edit requests.
['default-display-value'] = 'Submit an edit request',

-- The template that stores the edit request preload text
['preload-template'] = 'Template:Submit an edit request/preload',

-- The section heading that is generated when a user clicks on an edit request
-- link. $1 is the protection level text, e.g. &quot;Semi-protected&quot; or
-- &quot;Template-protected&quot;. $2 is the current date, in the format specified by the
-- &quot;preload-title-date-format&quot; message.
['preload-title-text'] = '$1 edit request on $2',

-- The date format for the automatically-generated section heading. The format
-- must be valid input for the #time parser function.
['preload-title-date-format'] = 'j F Y',

-- What do do with the generated section header if another header with the same section already exists
-- $1 is the original section header. $2 is an automatically generated number, starting at 2 and increasing
-- by one until a unique header is found.
['preload-title-dedup-suffix'] = '$1 ($2)',

-- The names of pages (and their subpages) that make up the content of the main page for this wiki
['main-page-content'] = {
	['Wikipedia:Today\'s featured article'] = true,
	['Template:In the news'] = true,
	['Template:Did you know'] = true,
	['Wikipedia:Selected anniversaries'] = true,
	['Template:POTD protected'] = true,
	['Wikipedia:Today\'s featured list'] = true
},

-- The page used to request changes to things on the Main Page.
['main-page-request-page'] = 'Wikipedia:Main Page/Errors',

-- The page used to request edits to protected talk pages.
['protected-talk-page-request-page'] = 'Wikipedia:Requests for page protection/Edit',

-- The names of the templates to be used as wrappers for the &quot;link&quot; and &quot;button&quot;
-- functions. These are passed as arguments to the &quot;wrappers&quot; option of
-- [[Module:Arguments]].
['link-wrapper-template'] = 'Template:Submit an edit request/link',
['button-wrapper-template'] = 'Template:Submit an edit request',

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Protection level config
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

protectionLevels = {

--[[
-- These settings are for the different protection levels which the module can
-- output edit request links for.
--
-- editintro:
-- The template to use as the edit intro users see when they click on an edit
-- request link.
--
-- request-template:
-- The name of the edit request template for that protection level. Do not
-- include the &quot;Template:&quot; text.
--
-- protectionlevel:
-- The name of the protection level, used for formatting the automatically-
-- generated section headings.
--]]

-- Semi-protection
semi = {
	editintro = 'Template:Edit semi-protected/editintro',
	requestTemplate = 'edit semi-protected',
	levelText = 'Semi-protected',
},

-- Extended-confirmed-protection
extended = {
	editintro = 'Template:Edit extended-protected/editintro',
	requestTemplate = 'edit extended-protected',
	levelText = 'Extended-confirmed-protected',
},

-- Template-protection
template = {
	editintro = 'Template:Edit template-protected/editintro',
	requestTemplate = 'edit template-protected',
	levelText = 'Template-protected',
},

-- Full protection
full = {
	editintro = 'Template:Edit protected/editintro',
	requestTemplate = 'edit fully-protected',
	levelText = 'Protected',
},

-- Interface-protection
interface = {
	editintro = 'Template:Edit interface-protected/editintro',
	requestTemplate = 'edit interface-protected',
	levelText = 'Interface-protected',
},

}

}</text>
      <sha1>g2cw0sza4grvyqer5wl8rec95c9kc4l</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Brinkley - Japan - Volume 3.djvu/110</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018977</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507621</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:19:21Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Pokechu22</username>
        <id>2303232</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="310" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Pokechu22&quot; /&gt;{{rh||JAPAN|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;tion of this list of advantages, and several of the 
moral results here claimed for ''ju-dō'' would be 
equally attained by any system of well-directed 
discipline. But ''ju-dō'' is one of Japan's unique 
possessions, and her estimate of its nature may 
fairly claim attention. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|86}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>7jfoi6926z7h7uoy4vb7ngku98sqwq1</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Submit an edit request/preload</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018978</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507622</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:19:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{$1|$2|answered=no}}&lt;/includeonly&gt; {{&lt;includeonly&gt;subst:&lt;/includeonly&gt;trim|1= &lt;!-- State UNAMBIGUOUSLY your suggested changes below this line, preferably in a &quot;change X to Y&quot; format. Other editors need to know what to add or remove. Blank edit requests will be declined. --&gt;    &lt;!-- Write your request ABOVE this line and do not remove the tildes and curly brackets below. --&gt; }} ~~&lt;noinclude /&gt;~~&lt;noinclude&gt;{{pp|small=y}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="448" xml:space="preserve">&lt;includeonly&gt;{{$1|$2|answered=no}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;
{{&lt;includeonly&gt;subst:&lt;/includeonly&gt;trim|1=
&lt;!-- State UNAMBIGUOUSLY your suggested changes below this line, preferably in a &quot;change X to Y&quot; format. Other editors need to know what to add or remove. Blank edit requests will be declined. --&gt;


&lt;!-- Write your request ABOVE this line and do not remove the tildes and curly brackets below. --&gt;
}} ~~&lt;noinclude /&gt;~~&lt;noinclude&gt;{{pp|small=y}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>4rnu8fd5kud31b4ef9vh1vwo74tq159</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Protected page text/semi</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018979</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507624</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:20:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{protected page text | image = Semi-protection-shackle.svg | protection-message = This page is currently semi-protected so that only [[Wikipedia:User_access_levels#Autoconfirmed|established]], [[Wikipedia:Why create an account?|registered users]] can {{{2}}} it. | suggestions = yes | protection-reason = While most articles can be edited by anyone, [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Semi-protection|semi-protection]] is sometimes necessary to prevent Wikipedia:Vandalism|vand...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="880" xml:space="preserve">{{protected page text
| image = Semi-protection-shackle.svg
| protection-message = This page is currently semi-protected so that only [[Wikipedia:User_access_levels#Autoconfirmed|established]], [[Wikipedia:Why create an account?|registered users]] can {{{2}}} it.
| suggestions = yes
| protection-reason = While most articles can be edited by anyone, [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Semi-protection|semi-protection]] is sometimes necessary to prevent [[Wikipedia:Vandalism|vandalism]] to popular pages.
| login-message = yes
| who-can-edit = An [[Wikipedia:User access levels#Autoconfirmed users|established user]]
| request-type = {{#if:{{yesno|{{{manual-editrequest|}}}}}|manual|semi}}
| attempted-action = {{{2}}}
| talk-protected = {{{talk-protected|false}}}
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>tge915staz3i4y72uh9noot3jlp4j0z</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Protected page text/cascade</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018980</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507625</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:20:29Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{protected page text     | image = Cascade-protection-shackle.svg     | protection-message = This page is [[Wikipedia:Transclusion|transcluded]] in {{PLURAL:{{{number}}}|a [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Cascading protection|cascade-protected]] page|multiple [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Cascading protection|cascade-protected]] pages}}, so only [[Wikipedia:Administrators|administrators]] can {{{2}}} it.     | suggestions = yes     | protection-reason = Cascading protectio...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1095" xml:space="preserve">{{protected page text
    | image = Cascade-protection-shackle.svg
    | protection-message = This page is [[Wikipedia:Transclusion|transcluded]] in {{PLURAL:{{{number}}}|a [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Cascading protection|cascade-protected]] page|multiple [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Cascading protection|cascade-protected]] pages}}, so only [[Wikipedia:Administrators|administrators]] can {{{2}}} it.
    | suggestions = yes
    | protection-reason = Cascading protection is used to prevent vandalism to particularly visible pages, such as the [[Main Page]] and a few [[Wikipedia:High-risk templates|very highly used templates]].
    | log-text = This page is [[Wikipedia:Transclusion|transcluded]] in the following {{PLURAL:{{{number}}}|page, which is|pages, which are}} protected with the &quot;[[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Cascading protection|cascading]]&quot; option:
{{{pages}}}
    | main-page-links = yes
    | template-links = yes
    | who-can-edit = An [[Wikipedia:Administrators|administrator]]
    | request-type = full
    | attempted-action = {{{2|}}}
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{doc}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>mll71frn3ivvnyphzpadkt9r055x7cc</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Protected page text/json</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018981</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507626</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:20:52Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{protected page text | image = {{#switch:{{{2|}}}|$1|edit|=Full|#default={{{2}}}}}-protection-shackle.svg | protection-message = This user JSON page is currently [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Permanent protection|protected]] so that only {{#switch:{{{2}}}|move={{PAGENAME:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|1|2}}}}|#default={{ROOTPAGENAME}}}} and [[Wikipedia:Administrators|administrators]] can {{{2}}} it. | suggestions = {{#ifexist: {{FULLPAGENAME}} | yes}} | protection-reason =...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="974" xml:space="preserve">{{protected page text
| image = {{#switch:{{{2|}}}|$1|edit|=Full|#default={{{2}}}}}-protection-shackle.svg
| protection-message = This user JSON page is currently [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Permanent protection|protected]] so that only {{#switch:{{{2}}}|move={{PAGENAME:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|1|2}}}}|#default={{ROOTPAGENAME}}}} and [[Wikipedia:Administrators|administrators]] can {{{2}}} it.
| suggestions = {{#ifexist: {{FULLPAGENAME}} | yes}}
| protection-reason = User JSON pages contain delicate personal settings of another user, such as configurations for [[WP:BOT|bots]] and [[WP:US|user scripts]].
| log-text = As a security precaution, these pages are only able to be edited by the user and administrators.
| who-can-edit = {{ROOTPAGENAME}} or an administrator
| request-type = full
| hide-requestlower = yes
| attempted-action = {{{2}}}
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>2y3u0r94pob3dtissnj1ego97tznh0k</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Protected page text/interface</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018982</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507627</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:21:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{protected page text | image = Interface-protection-shackle.svg | protection-message = This {{#switch:{{{type}}}|CSS=[[Help:User style#CSS|user CSS page]]|JS|#default=[[Wikipedia:User script|user script]]}} is [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Permanent protection|protected]] so that only [[User:{{#switch:{{{2}}}|move={{PAGENAME:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|1|2}}}}|#default={{ROOTPAGENAME}}}}]] and Wikipedia:User access levels#Interface administrators|interface administrato...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1096" xml:space="preserve">{{protected page text
| image = Interface-protection-shackle.svg
| protection-message = This {{#switch:{{{type}}}|CSS=[[Help:User style#CSS|user CSS page]]|JS|#default=[[Wikipedia:User script|user script]]}} is [[Wikipedia:Protection policy#Permanent protection|protected]] so that only [[User:{{#switch:{{{2}}}|move={{PAGENAME:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|1|2}}}}|#default={{ROOTPAGENAME}}}}]] and [[Wikipedia:User access levels#Interface administrators|interface administrators]] can {{{2}}} it.
| suggestions = Yes
| hide-requestlower = Yes
| protection-reason = User {{#switch:{{{type}}}|CSS=[[Cascading Style Sheets|CSS]] pages|JS|#default=scripts}} are able to execute code in a user's browser.
| log-text = As a security precaution, these pages are only able to be edited by the user and interface administrators.
| who-can-edit = {{ROOTPAGENAME}} or an [[Wikipedia:Interface administrators|interface administrator]]
| request-type = interface
| attempted-action = {{{2}}}
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>07equ7k2bailkgxqdvyorej8mbfwaha</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4018983</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507628</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:21:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chiraq Bears</username>
        <id>2621984</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)  | previous   = [[../Anderson, John Jacob|Anderson, John Jacob]]  | next       = [[../Anderson, Joseph (senator)|Anderson, Joseph (senator)]]  | wikipedia  =   | wikidata   = Q111025502  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictiona...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="651" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)
 | previous   = [[../Anderson, John Jacob|Anderson, John Jacob]]
 | next       = [[../Anderson, Joseph (senator)|Anderson, Joseph (senator)]]
 | wikipedia  = 
 | wikidata   = Q111025502
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;109&quot; to=&quot;109&quot; fromsection=&quot;s5&quot; tosection=&quot;s5&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)}}

[[Category:Biographies of clerics]]</text>
      <sha1>gjphw0yx0tg6c8styedhlger9edrvyk</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Charleston • Irwin Faris • (1941).pdf/107</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018984</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507629</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:21:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>KAynsley</username>
        <id>3026276</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2214" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;KAynsley&quot; /&gt;{{c|CHARLESTON}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Dobson about 1869. The latter in his reminiscences, says: “In the very early days there was a considerable extent of level ground between the forest and the sea; this was the first part occupied. A very large flood occurred and threatened to wash away the whole settlement, and the buildings had to be removed as quickly as possible. I set out a new cemetery at the river Orawaiti, and all the coffins, about 200, were moved from the old cemetery to the new one.” Another authority states that when the cemetery was washed away, some coffins and bodies were collected from the river-banks and the beach.

On 8th April, 1870, Mr. John Blackett, Provincial Engineer, reported: “The sea has made considerable encroachments, necessitating the removal of a great many houses. The damage to the beach extends about 30 chains, the greatest damage being opposite the north end of Russell Street.” On 2nd June, 1870, a petition was presented to the Government by the holders of land, praying for compensation for “land purchased from the Government as freehold, and since removed by the sea.”

In 1872 or 1873 Westport’s main street, was, according to one writer, “completely demolished, and where the old town school stood became a waterway.” Mr. A. D. Dodson records that “Palmerston Street ran parallel to the river and had, in 1869, been cleared to a chain in width.”

The Kawatiri River, later named Buller by Brunner and Heaphy in honour of Charles Buller, a Director of the New Zealand Company, was first entered by Thoms’s sealing schooner in 1844. This vessel was almost certainly the ''Three Brothers,'' to which vessel Heaphy refers in an article in the ''Nelson Examiner,'' regarding his journey in 1846. He says: “Thoms, master of the ''Three Brothers,'' anchored near the Three Steeples or Black Reef about two years since;... reporting on his return the existence of a large river, with a, considerable tract of level land on its banks, in the vicinity of that place.”

The first trading vessel to enter the port was the cutter ''Supply,'' Captain John Walker, on 30th August, 1859, with stores for Mackay and Rochfort. She landed the stores in&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{smaller|90}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ay322w62v9ltk8mhbmmgolepnpdi9z7</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Edit fully-protected</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018985</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507630</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:22:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:protected edit request|full}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt; {{documentation}} &lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt; &lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="183" xml:space="preserve">&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:protected edit request|full}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>m9hwayfbeuolyfpn25ftszhb1u2hbcc</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Module:Protected edit request</title>
    <ns>828</ns>
    <id>4018986</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507632</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:23:26Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;require('Module:No globals')  local yesno = require('Module:Yesno') local makeMessageBox = require('Module:Message box').main local getArgs  local activeBox -- lazily initialized if we get an active request  ---------------------------------------------------------------------- -- Box class definition ----------------------------------------------------------------------  local box = {} box.__index = box  function box.new(protectionType, args) 	local obj = {} 	obj.args =...&quot;</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="3170" xml:space="preserve">require('Module:No globals')

local yesno = require('Module:Yesno')
local makeMessageBox = require('Module:Message box').main
local getArgs

local activeBox -- lazily initialized if we get an active request

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Box class definition
----------------------------------------------------------------------

local box = {}
box.__index = box

function box.new(protectionType, args)
	local obj = {}
	obj.args = args
	setmetatable(obj, box)
	obj.tmboxArgs = {} -- Used to store arguments to be passed to tmbox by the box:export method.
	-- Set data fields.
	obj.tmboxArgs.attrs = { ['data-origlevel'] = protectionType }
	return obj
end

function box:setArg(key, value)
	-- This sets a value to be passed to tmbox.
	if key then
		self.tmboxArgs[key] = value
	end
end

function box:export()
	local title = mw.title.getCurrentTitle()
	local skipCheck = yesno(self.args.demo) or yesno(self.args.skiptalk)
	if not title.isTalkPage and not skipCheck then
		return '&lt;span class=&quot;error&quot;&gt;Error: Protected edit requests can only be made on the talk page.&lt;/span&gt;[[Category:Non-talk pages with an edit request template]]'
	end

	-- String together page names provided
	local titles = {}
	for k, v in pairs(self.args) do
		if type(k) == 'number' then
			table.insert(titles, self.args[k])
		end
	end
	local pagesText
	if #titles == 0 then
		pagesText = ''
	elseif #titles == 1 and mw.title.getCurrentTitle().subjectPageTitle.fullText == titles[1] then
		pagesText = ''
	else 
		for i, v in pairs(titles) do
		    if i == 1 then
		        pagesText = ' to [[:' .. v .. ']]'
		    elseif i == #titles then
		        pagesText = pagesText .. ' and [[:' .. v .. ']]'
		    else
		        pagesText = pagesText .. ', [[:' .. v .. ']]'
		    end
		end
	end
	
	self:setArg('smalltext', &quot;This [[Wikipedia:Edit requests|edit request]]&quot; .. pagesText ..
		&quot; has been answered. Set the &lt;code style=\&quot;white-space: nowrap;\&quot;&gt;&amp;#124;answered&amp;#61;&lt;/code&gt; or &lt;code style=\&quot;white-space: nowrap;\&quot;&gt;&amp;#124;ans&amp;#61;&lt;/code&gt; parameter to '''no''' to reactivate your request.&quot;)
	self:setArg('small', true)
	self:setArg('class', 'editrequest')
	return makeMessageBox('tmbox', self.tmboxArgs)
end

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Process arguments and initialise objects
----------------------------------------------------------------------

local p = {}

function p._main(protectionType, args)
	local boxType = box
	if not yesno(args.answered or args.ans, true) then
		if not activeBox then
			activeBox = require('Module:Protected edit request/active')(box, yesno, makeMessageBox)
		end
		boxType = activeBox
	end
	local requestBox = boxType.new(protectionType, args)
	return requestBox:export()
end

local mt = {}

function mt.__index(t, k)
	if not getArgs then
		getArgs = require('Module:Arguments').getArgs
	end
	return function (frame)
		return t._main(k, getArgs(frame, {wrappers = {'Template:Edit fully-protected', 'Template:Edit semi-protected', 'Template:Edit template-protected', 'Template:Edit extended-protected', 'Template:Edit interface-protected'}}))
	end
end

return setmetatable(p, mt)</text>
      <sha1>3z2h5kh5hz6nu0cxja4ujo9b9fci5s4</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Works of Voltaire/Volume 1</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4018987</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507634</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:24:09Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>JesseW</username>
        <id>10613</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[../]]  | author     = Voltaire  | translator = William F. Fleming  | section    = Volume 1  | previous   =   | next       = [[../Volume 2|Volume 2]]  | notes      =  }}{{default layout|Layout 2}}  &lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; include=7 /&gt;  {{pb|label=}} &lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; from=10 to=11 /&gt;  {{pb|label=}} &lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; include=13 /&gt;  {{pb|label=}} &lt;pages index=&quot;Work...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="749" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Voltaire
 | translator = William F. Fleming
 | section    = Volume 1
 | previous   = 
 | next       = [[../Volume 2|Volume 2]]
 | notes      = 
}}{{default layout|Layout 2}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; include=7 /&gt;

{{pb|label=}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; from=10 to=11 /&gt;

{{pb|label=}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; include=13 /&gt;

{{pb|label=}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; include=14 /&gt;

{{pb|label=}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; include=15 /&gt;

{{pb|label=}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; include=17 /&gt;

{{pb|label=}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu&quot; include=19 /&gt;</text>
      <sha1>1a1dibcz03iiah0ziza0g0o125j9dsc</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Module:Protected edit request/active</title>
    <ns>828</ns>
    <id>4018988</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507635</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:24:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;require('Module:No globals')  local yesno, makeMessageBox -- passed in from Module:Protected edit request local makeToolbar = require('Module:Toolbar')._main local getPagetype = require('Module:Pagetype')._main local effectiveProtectionLevel = require('Module:Effective protection level')._main  ---------------------------------------------------------------------- -- Helper functions ----------------------------------------------------------------------  local function m...&quot;</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="22543" xml:space="preserve">require('Module:No globals')

local yesno, makeMessageBox -- passed in from Module:Protected edit request
local makeToolbar = require('Module:Toolbar')._main
local getPagetype = require('Module:Pagetype')._main
local effectiveProtectionLevel = require('Module:Effective protection level')._main

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Helper functions
----------------------------------------------------------------------

local function makeWikilink(page, display)
	if display then
		return mw.ustring.format('[[%s|%s]]', page, display)
	else
		return mw.ustring.format('[[%s]]', page)
	end
end

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Title class
----------------------------------------------------------------------

-- This is basically the mw.title class with some extras thrown in.

local title = {}
title.__index = title

function title.getProtectionLevelText(protectionLevel)
	-- Gets the text to use in anchors and urn links.
	local levels = {unprotected = 'editunprotected', autoconfirmed = 'editsemiprotected', extendedconfirmed = 'editextendedprotected', templateeditor = 'edittemplateprotected', sysop = 'editprotected', interfaceadmin = 'editinterfaceprotected'}
	return levels[protectionLevel]
end

function title.new(...)
	local success, obj = pcall(mw.title.new, ...)
	if not (success and obj) then return end
	title.init(obj)
	return obj
end

function title.init(obj)
	-- Add a protectionLevel property.
	obj.protectionLevel = effectiveProtectionLevel(obj.exists and 'edit' or 'create', obj)
	if obj.protectionLevel == '*' then
		-- Make unprotected pages return &quot;unprotected&quot;.
		obj.protectionLevel = 'unprotected'
	elseif obj.protectionLevel == 'user' then
		-- If we just need to be registered, pretend we need to be autoconfirmed, since it's the closest thing we have.
		obj.protectionLevel = 'autoconfirmed'
	end

	-- Add a pagetype property.
	obj.pagetype = getPagetype{page = obj.prefixedText, defaultns = 'all'}
	
	-- Add link-making methods.
	function obj:makeUrlLink(query, display)
		return mw.ustring.format('[%s %s]', self:fullUrl(query), display)
	end

	function obj:makeViewLink(display)
		return self:makeUrlLink({redirect = 'no'}, display)
	end

	function obj:makeEditLink(display)
		return self:makeUrlLink({action = 'edit'}, display)
	end

	function obj:makeHistoryLink(display)
		return self:makeUrlLink({action = 'history'}, display)
	end

	function obj:makeLastEditLink(display)
		return self:makeUrlLink({diff = 'cur', oldid = 'prev'}, display)
	end

	function obj:makeWhatLinksHereLink(display)
		return makeWikilink('Special:WhatLinksHere/' .. self.prefixedText, display)
	end

	function obj:makeCompareLink(otherTitle, display)
		display = display or 'diff'
		local comparePagesTitle = title.new('Special:ComparePages')
		return comparePagesTitle:makeUrlLink({page1 = self.prefixedText, page2 = otherTitle.prefixedText}, display)
	end

	function obj:makeLogLink(logType, display)
		local logTitle = title.new('Special:Log')
		return logTitle:makeUrlLink({type = logType, page = self.prefixedText}, display)
	end

	function obj:urlEncode()
		return mw.uri.encode(self.prefixedText, 'WIKI')
	end

	function obj:makeUrnLink(boxProtectionLevel)
		-- Outputs a urn link. The protection level is taken from the template, rather than detected from page itself,
		-- as the detection may be inaccurate for cascade-protected and title-blacklisted pages as of Nov 2013.
		local protectionLinkText = title.getProtectionLevelText(boxProtectionLevel)
		return mw.ustring.format('[urn:x-wp-%s:%s &lt;span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;]', protectionLinkText, self:urlEncode())
	end

	-- Get a subpage title object, but go through pcall rather than use the unprotected mw.title:subPageTitle.
	function obj:getSubpageTitle(subpage)
		return title.new(self.prefixedText .. '/' .. subpage)
	end

	function obj:getSandboxTitle()
		if self.isSubpage and self.contentModel == 'sanitized-css' then
			local success2, obj2 = pcall(mw.title.makeTitle, self.namespace, self.baseText .. '/sandbox/' .. self.subpageText)
			if success2 and obj2 then
				title.init(obj2)
				return obj2
			end
		end
		return self:getSubpageTitle('sandbox')
	end
end

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-- TitleTable class
----------------------------------------------------------------------

local titleTable = {}
titleTable.__index = titleTable

function titleTable.new(args)
	-- Get numerical arguments and make title objects for each of them. 
	local nums = {}
	for k, v in pairs(args) do
		if type(k) == 'number' then
			table.insert(nums, k)
		end
	end
	table.sort(nums)
	local titles = {}
	for _, num in ipairs(nums) do
		local title = title.new(args[num])
		table.insert(titles, title)
	end
	-- Get the current title, and get the subject title if no titles were specified.
	titles.currentTitle = mw.title.getCurrentTitle()
	if #titles &lt; 1 then
		local subjectNs = titles.currentTitle.subjectNsText
		if subjectNs ~= '' then
			subjectNs = subjectNs .. ':'
		end
		table.insert(titles, title.new(subjectNs .. titles.currentTitle.text))
	end
	-- Set the metatable.
	setmetatable(titles, titleTable)
	return titles
end

function titleTable:memoize(memoField, func, ...)
	if self[memoField] ~= nil then
		return self[memoField]
	else
		self[memoField] = func(...)
		return self[memoField]
	end
end

function titleTable:titleIterator()
	local i = 0
	local n = #self
	return function()
		i = i + 1
		if i &lt;= n then
			return self[i]
		end
	end
end

function titleTable:hasSameProperty(memoField, getPropertyFunc)
	-- If the titles table has more than one title in it, check if they have the same property.
	-- The property is found using the getPropertyFunc function, which takes a title object as its single argument.
	
	local function hasSameProperty(getPropertyFunc)
		local property
		for i, obj in ipairs(self) do
			if i == 1 then
				property = getPropertyFunc(obj)
			elseif getPropertyFunc(obj) ~= property then
				return false
			end
		end
		return true
	end

	return self:memoize(memoField, hasSameProperty, getPropertyFunc)
end	

function titleTable:hasSameExistenceStatus()
	-- Returns true if all the titles exist, or if they all don't exist. Returns false if there is a mixture of existence statuses.
	return self:hasSameProperty('sameExistenceStatus', function (title) return title.exists end)
end

function titleTable:hasSameProtectionStatus()
	-- Checks if all the titles have the same protection status (either for creation protection or for edit-protection - the two are not mixed).
	local sameExistenceStatus = self:hasSameExistenceStatus()
	if sameExistenceStatus then
		return self:hasSameProperty('sameProtectionStatus', function (title) return title.protectionLevel end)
	else
		return sameExistenceStatus
	end
end

function titleTable:hasSamePagetype()
	-- Checks if all the titles have the same pagetype.
	return self:hasSameProperty('samePagetype', function (title) return title.pagetype end)
end

function titleTable:propertyExists(memoField, getPropertyFunc)
	-- Checks if a title with a certain property exists.
	-- The property is found using the getPropertyFunc function, which takes a title object as its single argument
	-- and should return a boolean value.
	local function propertyExists(getPropertyFunc)
		for titleObj in self:titleIterator() do
			if getPropertyFunc(titleObj) then
				return true
			end
		end
		return false
	end
	return self:memoize(memoField, propertyExists, getPropertyFunc)
end

function titleTable:hasNonInterfacePage()
	return self:propertyExists('nonInterfacePage', function (titleObj) return titleObj.namespace ~= 8 end)
end

function titleTable:hasTemplateOrModule()
	return self:propertyExists('templateOrModule', function (titleObj) return titleObj.namespace == 10 or titleObj.namespace == 828 end)
end

function titleTable:hasNonTemplateOrModule()
	return self:propertyExists('nontemplateormodule', function (titleobj) return titleobj.namespace ~= 10 and titleobj.namespace ~= 828 end)
end

function titleTable:hasOtherProtectionLevel(level)
	for titleObj in self:titleIterator() do
		if titleObj.protectionLevel ~= level then
			return true
		end
	end
	return false
end

function titleTable:getProtectionLevels()
	local function getProtectionLevels()
		local levels = {}
		for titleObj in self:titleIterator() do
			local level = titleObj.protectionLevel
			levels[level] = true
		end
		return levels
	end
	return self:memoize('protectionLevels', getProtectionLevels)
end

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Blurb class definition
----------------------------------------------------------------------

local blurb = {}
blurb.__index = blurb

function blurb.new(titleTable, boxProtectionLevel)
	local obj = {}
	obj.titles = titleTable
	obj.boxProtectionLevel = boxProtectionLevel
	obj.linkCount = 0 -- Counter for the number of total items in the object's link lists. 
	setmetatable(obj, blurb)
	return obj
end

-- Static methods --

function blurb.makeParaText(name, val)
	local pipe = mw.text.nowiki('|')
	local equals = mw.text.nowiki('=')
	val = val and (&quot;''&quot; .. val .. &quot;''&quot;) or ''
	return mw.ustring.format('&lt;code style=&quot;white-space: nowrap;&quot;&gt;%s%s%s%s&lt;/code&gt;', pipe, name, equals, val)
end

function blurb.makeTemplateLink(s)
	return mw.ustring.format('%s[[Template:%s|%s]]%s', mw.text.nowiki('{{'), s,	s, mw.text.nowiki('}}'))
end

function blurb:makeProtectionText()
	local boxProtectionLevel = self.boxProtectionLevel
	local levels = {['*'] = 'unprotected', autoconfirmed = 'semi-protected', extendedconfirmed = 'extended-confirmed-protected', templateeditor = 'template-protected', sysop = 'fully protected', interfaceadmin = 'interface-protected'}
	for level, protectionText in pairs(levels) do
		if level == boxProtectionLevel then
			return mw.ustring.format('[[Help:Protection|%s]]', protectionText)
		end
	end
	error('Unknown protection level ' .. boxProtectionLevel)
end

function blurb.getPagetypePlural(title)
	local pagetype = title.pagetype
	if pagetype == 'category' then
		return 'categories'
	else
		return pagetype .. 's'
	end
end

-- Normal methods --

function blurb:makeLinkList(title)
	local tbargs = {} -- The argument list to pass to Module:Toolbar
	tbargs.style = 'font-size: smaller;'
	tbargs.separator = 'dot'
	-- Page links.
	table.insert(tbargs, title:makeEditLink('edit'))
	table.insert(tbargs, title:makeHistoryLink('history'))
	table.insert(tbargs, title:makeLastEditLink('last'))
	table.insert(tbargs, title:makeWhatLinksHereLink('links'))
	-- Sandbox links.
	local sandboxTitle = title:getSandboxTitle()
	if sandboxTitle and sandboxTitle.exists then
		table.insert(tbargs, sandboxTitle:makeViewLink('sandbox'))
		table.insert(tbargs, sandboxTitle:makeEditLink('edit sandbox'))
		table.insert(tbargs, sandboxTitle:makeHistoryLink('sandbox history'))
		table.insert(tbargs, sandboxTitle:makeLastEditLink('sandbox last edit'))
		table.insert(tbargs, title:makeCompareLink(sandboxTitle, 'sandbox diff'))
	end
	-- Test cases links.
	local testcasesTitle = title:getSubpageTitle('testcases')
	if testcasesTitle and testcasesTitle.exists then
		table.insert(tbargs, testcasesTitle:makeViewLink('test cases'))
	end
	-- Transclusion count link.
	if title.namespace == 10 or title.namespace == 828 then -- Only add the transclusion count link for templates and modules.
		local tclink = mw.uri.new{
			host = 'templatecount.toolforge.org',
			path = '/index.php',
			query = {
				lang = 'en',
				name = title.text,
				namespace = title.namespace,
			},
			fragment = 'bottom'
		}
		tclink = string.format('[%s transclusion count]', tostring(tclink))
		table.insert(tbargs, tclink)
	end
	-- Protection log link.
	if title.namespace ~= 8 then -- MediaWiki pages don't have protection log entries.
		table.insert(tbargs, title:makeLogLink('protect', 'protection log'))
	end
	self.linkCount = self.linkCount + #tbargs -- Keep track of the number of total links created by the object.
	return makeToolbar(tbargs)
end

function blurb:makeLinkLists()
	local titles = self.titles
	if #titles == 1 then
		return self:makeLinkList(titles[1])
	else
		local ret = {}
		table.insert(ret, '&lt;ul&gt;')
		for i, titleObj in ipairs(titles) do
			table.insert(ret, mw.ustring.format('&lt;li&gt;%s %s&lt;/li&gt;', titleObj:makeViewLink(titleObj.prefixedText), self:makeLinkList(titleObj)))
		end
		table.insert(ret, '&lt;/ul&gt;')
		return table.concat(ret)
	end
end

function blurb:makeIntro()
	local titles = self.titles
	local requested = 'It is [[Wikipedia:Edit requests|requested]] that'
	local protectionText
	if titles:hasNonInterfacePage() then
		protectionText = ' ' .. self:makeProtectionText()
	else
		protectionText = '' -- Interface pages cannot be unprotected, so we don't need to explicitly say they are protected.
	end
	-- Deal with cases where we are passed multiple titles.
	if #titles &gt; 1 then
		local pagetype
		if titles:hasSamePagetype() then
			pagetype = blurb.getPagetypePlural(titles[1])
		else
			pagetype = 'pages'
		end
		return mw.ustring.format(&quot;'''%s edits be made to the following%s %s''':&quot;, requested, protectionText, pagetype)
	end
	-- Deal with cases where we are passed only one title.
	local title = titles[1]
	local stringToFormat
	if title.exists then
		stringToFormat = '%s an edit be made to the%s %s at %s.'
	else
		stringToFormat = '%s the%s %s at %s be created.'
	end
	stringToFormat = &quot;'''&quot; .. stringToFormat .. &quot;'''&quot;
	return mw.ustring.format(stringToFormat, requested, protectionText, title.pagetype, title:makeViewLink(title.prefixedText))
end

function blurb:makeBody()
	local titles = self.titles
	local protectionLevels = titles:getProtectionLevels()
	local boxProtectionLevel = self.boxProtectionLevel
	local hasNonInterfacePage = titles:hasNonInterfacePage()
	local isPlural = false
	if #titles &gt; 1 then
		isPlural = true
	end

	local descriptionText = &quot;This template must be followed by a '''complete and specific description''' of the request, &quot;
	if boxProtectionLevel == 'sysop' or boxProtectionLevel == 'templateeditor' then
		local editText = 'edit'
		if isPlural then
			editText = editText .. 's'
		end
		local descriptionCompleteText = mw.ustring.format('so that an editor unfamiliar with the subject matter could complete the requested %s immediately.', editText)
		descriptionText = descriptionText .. descriptionCompleteText
	else
		descriptionText = descriptionText .. 'that is, specify what text should be removed and a verbatim copy of the text that should replace it. '
			.. [[&quot;Please change ''X''&quot; is '''not acceptable''' and will be rejected; the request '''must''' be of the form &quot;please change ''X'' to ''Y''&quot;.]]
	end

	local smallText = ''
	if boxProtectionLevel == 'sysop' or boxProtectionLevel == 'templateeditor' then
		local templateFullText
		if boxProtectionLevel == 'sysop' then
			templateFullText = 'fully protected'
		elseif boxProtectionLevel == 'templateeditor' then
			templateFullText = 'template-protected'
		end
		smallText =	'Edit requests to ' .. templateFullText	.. &quot; pages should only be used for edits that are either '''uncontroversial''' or supported by [[Wikipedia:Consensus|consensus]].&quot;
			.. &quot; If the proposed edit might be controversial, discuss it on the protected page's talk page '''before''' using this template.&quot;
	else
		local userText
		local responseTemplate
		if boxProtectionLevel == 'extendedconfirmed' then
			userText = '[[Wikipedia:User access levels#Extended confirmed users|extended confirmed]] user'
			responseTemplate = blurb.makeTemplateLink('EEp')
		elseif boxProtectionLevel == 'autoconfirmed' then
			userText = '[[Wikipedia:User access levels#Autoconfirmed|autoconfirmed]] user'
			responseTemplate = blurb.makeTemplateLink('ESp')
		elseif boxProtectionLevel == 'interfaceadmin' then
			userText = '[[Wikipedia:User access levels#Interface administrators|interface administrator]]'
			responseTemplate = blurb.makeTemplateLink('EIp')
		else
			userText = 'user'
			responseTemplate = blurb.makeTemplateLink('ESp')
		end
		local answeredPara = blurb.makeParaText('answered', 'no')
		local stringToFormat =	'The edit may be made by any %s. '
			.. [[Remember to change the %s parameter to &quot;'''yes'''&quot; when the request has been accepted, rejected or on hold awaiting user input. ]]
			.. &quot;This is so that inactive or completed requests don't needlessly fill up the edit requests category. &quot;
			.. 'You may also wish to use the %s template in the response.'
		smallText = mw.ustring.format(stringToFormat, userText, answeredPara, responseTemplate)
	end

	if not isPlural then
		local title = titles[1]
		if title.namespace == 10 or title.namespace == 828 then
			local sandboxTitle = title:getSubpageTitle('sandbox')
			if sandboxTitle and sandboxTitle.exists then
				smallText = smallText .. ' Consider making changes first to the '
					.. sandboxTitle:makeViewLink(title.pagetype .. &quot;'s sandbox&quot;)
				local testcasesTitle = title:getSubpageTitle('testcases')
				if testcasesTitle and testcasesTitle.exists then
					smallText = smallText .. ' and ' .. testcasesTitle:makeViewLink('test them thoroughly here')
				end
				smallText = smallText .. ' before submitting an edit request.'
			end
		end
	end
	if hasNonInterfacePage then
		smallText = smallText .. ' To request that a page be protected or unprotected, make a [[Wikipedia:Requests for page protection|protection request]].'
	end
	if boxProtectionLevel == 'sysop' or boxProtectionLevel == 'templateeditor' or boxProtectionLevel == 'interfaceadmin' then
		smallText = smallText .. ' When the request has been completed or denied, please add the ' .. blurb.makeParaText('answered', 'yes') .. ' parameter to deactivate the template.'
	end
	return mw.ustring.format('%s\n&lt;p style=&quot;font-size:smaller; line-height:1.3em;&quot;&gt;\n%s\n&lt;/p&gt;', descriptionText, smallText)
end

function blurb:export()
	local intro = self:makeIntro()
	local linkLists = self:makeLinkLists()
	local body = self:makeBody()
	-- Start long links lists on a new line.
	local linkListSep = ' '
	if self.linkCount &gt; 5 then
		linkListSep = '&lt;br /&gt;'
	end
	return mw.ustring.format('%s%s%s\n\n%s', intro, linkListSep, linkLists, body)
end

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Subclass of Module:Protected edit request's box class for active boxes
----------------------------------------------------------------------

local box = {}
box.__index = box

function box.new(protectionType, args)
	-- In the inheritance system used here, an object's metatable is its class, and a class's metatable is its superclass
	local obj = getmetatable(box).new(protectionType, args)
	setmetatable(obj, box)
	local boxProtectionLevels = {semi = 'autoconfirmed', extended = 'extendedconfirmed', template = 'templateeditor', full = 'sysop', interface = 'interfaceadmin'}
	obj.boxProtectionLevel = boxProtectionLevels[protectionType]
	obj.demo = yesno(args.demo)
	-- Set dependent objects.
	obj.titles = titleTable.new(args)
	if not yesno(args.force) and obj.titles:hasSameProperty('sameProtectionStatus', function (title) return title.protectionLevel end) and obj.titles[1].protectionLevel ~= 'unprotected' then
		obj.boxProtectionLevel = obj.titles[1].protectionLevel
	end
	obj.blurb = blurb.new(obj.titles, obj.boxProtectionLevel)
	return obj
end

function box:setImage()
	local titles = self.titles
	local boxProtectionLevel = self.boxProtectionLevel
	local padlock
	if boxProtectionLevel == 'sysop' then
		padlock = 'Full-protection-shackle.svg'
	elseif boxProtectionLevel == 'interfaceadmin' then
		padlock = 'Interface-protection-shackle.svg '
	elseif boxProtectionLevel == 'templateeditor' then
		padlock = 'Template-protection-shackle.svg'
	elseif boxProtectionLevel == 'autoconfirmed' then
		padlock = 'Semi-protection-shackle.svg'
	elseif boxProtectionLevel == 'extendedconfirmed' then
		padlock = 'Extended-protection-shackle.svg'
	else
		padlock = 'Padlock-bronze-open.svg'
	end
	local stringToFormat = '[[File:%s|%dpx|alt=|link=]]'
	local smallPadlock = mw.ustring.format(stringToFormat, padlock, 25)
	local largePadlock = mw.ustring.format(stringToFormat, padlock, 60)
	self:setArg('smallimage', smallPadlock)
	self:setArg('image', largePadlock)
end

function box:buildUrnLinks()
	local ret = {}
	local boxProtectionLevel = self.boxProtectionLevel
	for titleObj in self.titles:titleIterator() do
		table.insert(ret, titleObj:makeUrnLink(boxProtectionLevel))
	end
	return mw.ustring.format('&lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot; style=&quot;display:none&quot;&gt;%s&lt;/span&gt;', table.concat(ret))
end

function box:setBlurbText()
	self:setArg('text', self.blurb:export() .. self:buildUrnLinks())
end

function box:exportRequestTmbox()
	self:setImage()
	self:setBlurbText()
	self:setArg('class', 'editrequest')
	self:setArg('id', title.getProtectionLevelText(self.boxProtectionLevel)) -- for anchor. yes, this leads to multiple elements with the same ID. we should probably fix this at some point
	return makeMessageBox('tmbox', self.tmboxArgs)
end

function box:exportRequestCategories()
	local cats = {}
	local boxProtectionLevel = self.boxProtectionLevel
	local function addCat(cat)
		table.insert(cats, mw.ustring.format('[[Category:%s]]', cat))
	end
	local protectionCats = {
		autoconfirmed = 'Wikipedia semi-protected edit requests',
		extendedconfirmed = 'Wikipedia extended-confirmed-protected edit requests',
		templateeditor = 'Wikipedia template-protected edit requests',
		sysop = 'Wikipedia fully-protected edit requests',
		interfaceadmin = 'Wikipedia interface-protected edit requests'
	}
	addCat(protectionCats[boxProtectionLevel])
	if self.titles:hasOtherProtectionLevel(boxProtectionLevel) then
		addCat('Wikipedia edit requests possibly using incorrect templates')
	end
	return table.concat(cats)
end

function box:export()
	local title = self.titles.currentTitle
	if not title.isTalkPage and not self.demo and not yesno(self.args.skiptalk) then
		return '&lt;span class=&quot;error&quot;&gt;Error: Protected edit requests can only be made on the talk page.&lt;/span&gt;[[Category:Non-talk pages with an edit request template]]'
	end
	local ret = {}
	table.insert(ret, self:exportRequestTmbox())
	if not self.demo then
		table.insert(ret, self:exportRequestCategories())
	end
	return table.concat(ret)
end

----------------------------------------------------------------------
-- Function exported to Module:Protected edit request
----------------------------------------------------------------------

return function(superclass, yn, mb)
	yesno = yn
	makeMessageBox = mb
	return setmetatable(box, superclass)
end</text>
      <sha1>2dw1l7jo6wtapxufzelegjfl301sd8w</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu/108</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018989</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507636</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:24:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>JesseW</username>
        <id>10613</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Without text */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="0" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;0&quot; user=&quot;JesseW&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6ti8i9wi73cc885x7j47r9tq6cgo6y4</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Module:Pagetype</title>
    <ns>828</ns>
    <id>4018990</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507638</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:25:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- --                                                                            -- --                                PAGETYPE                                    -- --                                                                            -- --      This is a meta-module intended to replace {{pagetype}} and similar    -- --      templates. It automatically detects namespaces, and allows for...&quot;</comment>
      <model>Scribunto</model>
      <format>text/plain</format>
      <text bytes="6765" xml:space="preserve">--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--                                                                            --
--                                PAGETYPE                                    --
--                                                                            --
--      This is a meta-module intended to replace {{pagetype}} and similar    --
--      templates. It automatically detects namespaces, and allows for a      --
--      great deal of customisation. It can easily be ported to other         --
--      wikis by changing the values in the [[Module:Pagetype/config]].       --
--                                                                            --
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

-- Load config.
local cfg = mw.loadData('Module:Pagetype/config')

-- Load required modules.
local getArgs = require('Module:Arguments').getArgs
local yesno = require('Module:Yesno')
local nsDetectModule = require('Module:Namespace detect')
local nsDetect = nsDetectModule._main
local getParamMappings = nsDetectModule.getParamMappings
local getPageObject = nsDetectModule.getPageObject

local p = {}

local function shallowCopy(t)
	-- Makes a shallow copy of a table.
	local ret = {}
	for k, v in pairs(t) do
		ret[k] = v
	end
	return ret
end

local function checkPagetypeInput(namespace, val)
	-- Checks to see whether we need the default value for the given namespace,
	-- and if so gets it from the pagetypes table.
	-- The yesno function returns true/false for &quot;yes&quot;, &quot;no&quot;, etc., and returns
	-- val for other input.
	local ret = yesno(val, val)
	if ret and type(ret) ~= 'string' then
		ret = cfg.pagetypes[namespace]
	end
	return ret
end

local function getPagetypeFromClass(class, param, aliasTable, default)
	-- Gets the pagetype from a class specified from the first positional
	-- parameter.
	param = yesno(param, param)
	if param ~= false then -- No check if specifically disallowed.
		for _, alias in ipairs(aliasTable) do
			if class == alias then
				if type(param) == 'string' then
					return param
				else
					return default
				end
			end
		end
	end
end

local function getNsDetectValue(args)
	-- Builds the arguments to pass to [[Module:Namespace detect]] and returns
	-- the result.

	-- Get the default values.
	local ndArgs = {}
	local defaultns = args[cfg.defaultns]
	if defaultns == cfg.defaultnsAll then
		ndArgs = shallowCopy(cfg.pagetypes)
	else
		local defaultnsArray
		if defaultns == cfg.defaultnsExtended then
			defaultnsArray = cfg.extendedNamespaces
		elseif defaultns == cfg.defaultnsNone then
			defaultnsArray = {}
		else
			defaultnsArray = cfg.defaultNamespaces
		end
		for _, namespace in ipairs(defaultnsArray) do
			ndArgs[namespace] = cfg.pagetypes[namespace]
		end
	end

	--[[
	-- Add custom values passed in from the arguments. These overwrite the
	-- defaults. The possible argument names are fetched from
	-- Module:Namespace detect automatically in case new namespaces are
	-- added. Although we accept namespace aliases as parameters, we only pass
	-- the local namespace name as a parameter to Module:Namespace detect.
	-- This means that the &quot;image&quot; parameter can overwrite defaults for the
	-- File: namespace, which wouldn't work if we passed the parameters through
	-- separately.
	--]]
	local mappings = getParamMappings()
	for ns, paramAliases in pairs(mappings) do
		-- Copy the aliases table, as # doesn't work with tables returned from
		-- mw.loadData.
		paramAliases = shallowCopy(paramAliases)
		local paramName = paramAliases[1]
		-- Iterate backwards along the array so that any values for the local
		-- namespace names overwrite those for namespace aliases.
		for i = #paramAliases, 1, -1 do
			local paramAlias = paramAliases[i]
			local ndArg = checkPagetypeInput(paramAlias, args[paramAlias])
			if ndArg == false then
				-- If any arguments are false, convert them to nil to protect
				-- against breakage by future changes to
				-- [[Module:Namespace detect]].
				ndArgs[paramName] = nil
			elseif ndArg then
				ndArgs[paramName] = ndArg
			end
		end
	end
	-- Check for disambiguation-class and N/A-class pages in mainspace.
	if ndArgs.main then
		local class = args[1]
		if type(class) == 'string' then
			-- Put in lower case so e.g. &quot;Dab&quot; and &quot;dab&quot; will both match.
			class = mw.ustring.lower(class)
		end
		local dab = getPagetypeFromClass(
			class,
			args[cfg.dab],
			cfg.dabAliases,
			cfg.dabDefault
		)
		if dab then
			ndArgs.main = dab
		else
			local na = getPagetypeFromClass(
				class,
				args[cfg.na],
				cfg.naAliases,
				cfg.naDefault
			)
			if na then
				ndArgs.main = na
			end
		end
	end
	-- If there is no talk value specified, use the corresponding subject 
	-- namespace for talk pages.
	if not ndArgs.talk then
		ndArgs.subjectns = true
	end
	-- Add the fallback value. This can also be customised, but it cannot be
	-- disabled.
	local other = args[cfg.other]
	-- We will ignore true/false/nil results from yesno here, but using it
	-- anyway for consistency.
	other = yesno(other, other)
	if type(other) == 'string' then
		ndArgs.other = other
	else
		ndArgs.other = cfg.otherDefault
	end
	-- Allow custom page values.
	ndArgs.page = args.page
	return nsDetect(ndArgs)
end

local function detectRedirects(args)
	local redirect = args[cfg.redirect]
	-- The yesno function returns true/false for &quot;yes&quot;, &quot;no&quot;, etc., and returns
	-- redirect for other input.
	redirect = yesno(redirect, redirect)
	if redirect == false then
		-- Detect redirects unless they have been explicitly disallowed with
		-- &quot;redirect=no&quot; or similar.
		return
	end
	local pageObject = getPageObject(args.page)
	-- If we are using subject namespaces elsewhere, do so here as well.
	if pageObject
		and not yesno(args.talk, true)
		and args[cfg.defaultns] ~= cfg.defaultnsAll
	then
		pageObject = getPageObject(
			pageObject.subjectNsText .. ':' .. pageObject.text
		)
	end
	-- Allow custom values for redirects.
	if pageObject and pageObject.isRedirect then
		if type(redirect) == 'string' then
			return redirect
		else
			return cfg.redirectDefault
		end
	end
end

function p._main(args)
	local redirect = detectRedirects(args)
	local pagetype = &quot;&quot;
	if redirect then
		pagetype = redirect
	else
		pagetype = getNsDetectValue(args)
	end
	if yesno(args.plural, false) then
		if cfg.irregularPlurals[pagetype] then
			pagetype = cfg.irregularPlurals[pagetype]
		else
			pagetype = pagetype .. cfg.plural -- often 's'
		end
	end
	if yesno(args.caps, false) then
		pagetype = mw.ustring.upper(mw.ustring.sub(pagetype, 1, 1)) ..
			mw.ustring.sub(pagetype, 2)
	end
	return pagetype
end

function p.main(frame)
	local args = getArgs(frame)
	return p._main(args)
end

return p</text>
      <sha1>3uutklb10j89clizor7gnyrlkhbqg0d</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Edit interface-protected</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018991</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507640</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:27:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:protected edit request|interface}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt; {{documentation}} &lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt; &lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="188" xml:space="preserve">&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:protected edit request|interface}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>nvbz0g3ya7honm76oabbk2jw7j0jegj</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Anderson, John Jacob</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4018992</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507641</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:27:45Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chiraq Bears</username>
        <id>2621984</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Anderson, John Jacob  | previous   = [[../Anderson, John A.|Anderson, John A.]]  | next       = [[../Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)|Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)]]  | wikipedia  =   | wikidata   = Q109538942  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of Amer...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="635" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Anderson, John Jacob
 | previous   = [[../Anderson, John A.|Anderson, John A.]]
 | next       = [[../Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)|Anderson, Joseph (clergyman)]]
 | wikipedia  = 
 | wikidata   = Q109538942
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;109&quot; to=&quot;109&quot; fromsection=&quot;s4&quot; tosection=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, John Jacob}}

[[Category:Biographies of educators]]</text>
      <sha1>qvoqt27ci7zr03nuupsl5wp2p687mx9</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Edit semi-protected</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018993</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507643</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:28:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:protected edit request|semi}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt; {{documentation}} &lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt; &lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="183" xml:space="preserve">&lt;includeonly&gt;{{#invoke:protected edit request|semi}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{documentation}}
&lt;!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --&gt;
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>bdwhzaexdxdj6jz7o1p2l3cotr8m5vs</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu/19</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4018994</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507645</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:29:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>JesseW</username>
        <id>10613</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */ still need to fix links to Page and transcluded pages, once they are added</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="487" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;JesseW&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger|{{asc|List of Plates}}}}}}

{{c|{{larger|{{sc|Vol. I}}}}}}

{{TOC begin|sc=yes|width=80%}}
{{TOC row r|3|{{x-smaller|PAGE}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Meeting of Voltaire and Franklin|{{TOC link|10|Volume 1|Fpiece|''Frontispiece''}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Victor Hugo|{{TOC link||Volume 1/|Plate|44}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Candide Removes Miss Cunegund's Veil|{{TOC link||Volume 1/|Plate|84}}}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|Virtue Triumphant Over Vice|{{TOC link||Volume 1/|Plate|282}}}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>i99lpon8fbmrd05mz9had0bm8mg15pv</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Edit protected/editintro</title>
    <ns>10</ns>
    <id>4018995</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507646</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:30:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{fmbox | type  = editnotice | style = background: #f8eaba; | image = [[File:Full-protection-shackle.svg|45px]] | text  = &lt;div style=&quot;text-align: center; font-size: 140%;&quot;&gt;'''How to make an edit request:'''&lt;/div&gt; * If you want to fix an error on the main page, use [[Wikipedia:Main Page/Errors]]. * If this is your first time making an edit request, please read '''[[Wikipedia:Edit requests]]'''. * Be specific. {{#ifeq: {{NAMESPACE}} | Template talk | If possible, add your...&quot;</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1011" xml:space="preserve">{{fmbox
| type  = editnotice
| style = background: #f8eaba;
| image = [[File:Full-protection-shackle.svg|45px]]
| text  = &lt;div style=&quot;text-align: center; font-size: 140%;&quot;&gt;'''How to make an edit request:'''&lt;/div&gt;
* If you want to fix an error on the main page, use [[Wikipedia:Main Page/Errors]].
* If this is your first time making an edit request, please read '''[[Wikipedia:Edit requests]]'''.
* Be specific. {{#ifeq: {{NAMESPACE}} | Template talk | If possible, add your suggested template code to the {{#ifexist: {{SUBJECTPAGENAME}}/sandbox | [[{{SUBJECTPAGENAME}}/sandbox|sandbox]] | &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl: {{SUBJECTPAGENAME}}/sandbox | action=edit&amp;preload=Template:Documentation/preload-sandbox }} create]&lt;/span&gt; }} and create some [[WP:TESTCASES|test cases]]. | Say exactly what text you want changed, and include a copy of exactly what text should replace it. }}
* Give your reasons. Requests without reasons will probably be declined.
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;
{{pp-template|small=yes}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Anderson, John A.</title>
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      <id>12507647</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:31:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chiraq Bears</username>
        <id>2621984</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Anderson, John A.  | previous   = [[../Anderson, James Wright|Anderson, James Wright]]  | next       = [[../Anderson, John Jacob|Anderson, John Jacob]]  | wikipedia  = John Alexander Anderson  | wikidata   = Q1699114  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictio...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="646" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Anderson, John A.
 | previous   = [[../Anderson, James Wright|Anderson, James Wright]]
 | next       = [[../Anderson, John Jacob|Anderson, John Jacob]]
 | wikipedia  = John Alexander Anderson
 | wikidata   = Q1699114
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;109&quot; to=&quot;109&quot; fromsection=&quot;s3&quot; tosection=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, John A.}}

[[Category:Biographies of politicians]]</text>
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  <page>
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    <revision>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:31:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;div class=&quot;mw-parser-output&quot;&gt; {{Quote box |width     = 80% |border    = 1px |align     = center |bgcolor   =  |fontsize  = 1em |title_bg  = #dddddd |title_fnt =  |title     = About edit requests |qalign    = left |quote     = [[File:Information icon.svg|50px|right|alt=|link=]] {{col-float}} '''What an edit request IS NOT for:'''&lt;br /&gt; [[File:X mark.svg|15px]] making test edits: use the [[Wikipedia:Sandbox|sandbox]]&lt;br /&gt; [[File:X mark.svg|15px]] asking for help: go to t...&quot;</comment>
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{{Quote box
|width     = 80%
|border    = 1px
|align     = center
|bgcolor   = 
|fontsize  = 1em
|title_bg  = #dddddd
|title_fnt = 
|title     = About edit requests
|qalign    = left
|quote     = [[File:Information icon.svg|50px|right|alt=|link=]]
{{col-float}}
'''What an edit request IS NOT for:'''&lt;br /&gt;
[[File:X mark.svg|15px]] making test edits: use the [[Wikipedia:Sandbox|sandbox]]&lt;br /&gt;
[[File:X mark.svg|15px]] asking for help: go to the [[Wikipedia:Help desk|Help Desk]]&lt;br /&gt;
[[File:X mark.svg|15px]] making a comment or starting a discussion: go to the [[{{TALKPAGENAME}}#top|talk page]]&lt;br /&gt;
[[File:X mark.svg|15px]] requesting unprotection: go to [[Wikipedia:Requests for page protection|requests for page protection]]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
{{col-float-break}}
'''What an edit request IS for:'''&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:Yes check.svg|15px]] requesting straight-forward changes like grammar, spelling, formatting&lt;br /&gt;
[[Image:Yes check.svg|15px]] requesting more substantive changes, if they are justified with reference to [[WP:RS|reliable sources]], and not the subject of ongoing discussion
{{col-float-break}}
'''When submitting your request'''&lt;br /&gt;
#Please provide a ''specific'' description of the edit request
#Please don't copy the entire article into the request. Only copy the part you're changing.
#Please '''provide [[WP:RS|reliable sources]]''' to support your edit, if appropriate.
{{col-float-end}}
|salign    = 
|source    = 
}}
{{fmbox
  | id    = 
  | type  = system
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  | style = width:80%; margin: auto
  | text  = 
''If you have a user account, [[Special:UserLogin|log in]] first. If you do not yet have an account, you may [{{fullurl:Special:UserLogin|type=signup}} create one] (this is free and requires no personal information); after [[Wikipedia:User access levels#Autoconfirmed users|a while and some edits]], you will be able to edit semi-protected pages. You might also be interested in the [[Wikipedia:Tutorial]].''
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{pp-template|small=yes}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;</text>
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      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Template:Quote_box/styles.css&quot; /&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;quotebox pullquote {{#switch: {{lc:{{{align|}}}}}          | center = centered         | left = floatleft         | none =          | floatright      }} {{{class|}}}&quot; style=&quot;     {{#if:{{{width|}}} |width:{{{width}}};}}      {{#ifeq:{{{border}}}|none|border:none;|{{#if:{{{border|}}}|border-width: {{{border}}}}};}}     {{#if:{{{fontsize|}}}|font-size: {{{fontsize}}};}}      {{#if:{{{bgcolor|}}}|background-c...&quot;</comment>
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        | center = centered
        | left = floatleft
        | none = 
        | floatright 
    }} {{{class|}}}&quot; style=&quot;
    {{#if:{{{width|}}} |width:{{{width}}};}} 
    {{#ifeq:{{{border}}}|none|border:none;|{{#if:{{{border|}}}|border-width: {{{border}}}}};}}
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{{#if:{{{title|}}}
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&lt;blockquote class=&quot;quotebox-quote {{main other||{{#if:{{{quoted|}}}|quoted}}}} {{#switch: {{lc:{{{qalign|{{{halign|left}}}}}}}}
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{{{text|{{{content|{{{quotetext|{{{quote|{{{1|&lt;includeonly&gt;{{error|Error: No text given for quotation (or equals sign used in the actual argument to an unnamed parameter)}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{lorem ipsum}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}
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{{#if:{{{author|{{{source|}}}}}}{{{2|}}}{{{3|}}}|&lt;cite class=&quot;{{#switch: {{lc:{{{salign|{{{qalign|{{{halign|left}}} }}} }}} }}
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{{Documentation}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;/* {{pp-template}} */ .quotebox { 	background-color: #F9F9F9; 	border: 1px solid #aaa; 	box-sizing: border-box; 	padding: 10px; 	font-size: 88%; 	max-width: 100%; } .quotebox.floatleft { 	margin: .5em 1.4em .8em 0; } .quotebox.floatright { 	margin: .5em 0 .8em 1.4em; } .quotebox.centered { 	overflow: hidden; 	position: relative; 	margin: .5em auto .8em auto; } .quotebox.floatleft span, .quotebox.floatright span { 	font-style: inherit;	 } .quotebox &gt; blockquote { 	margin:...&quot;</comment>
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.quotebox {
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	border: 1px solid #aaa;
	box-sizing: border-box;
	padding: 10px;
	font-size: 88%;
	max-width: 100%;
}
.quotebox.floatleft {
	margin: .5em 1.4em .8em 0;
}
.quotebox.floatright {
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}
.quotebox.centered {
	overflow: hidden;
	position: relative;
	margin: .5em auto .8em auto;
}
.quotebox.floatleft span,
.quotebox.floatright span {
	font-style: inherit;	
}
.quotebox &gt; blockquote {
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	padding: 0;
	
	/* Styling from Minerva */
	border-left: 0;
	font-family: inherit;
	font-size: inherit;
}
.quotebox-title {
	background-color: #F9F9F9;
	text-align: center; 
    font-size: 110%;
    font-weight: bold; 
}
.quotebox-quote &gt; :first-child {
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}
.quotebox-quote:last-child &gt; :last-child {
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.quotebox-quote.quoted:before {
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    font-weight:bold;
    font-size: large;
    color: gray;
    content: ' “ ';
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	line-height: 0;
}
.quotebox-quote.quoted:after {
    font-family:'Times New Roman',serif;
    font-weight:bold;
    font-size: large;
    color: gray;
	content: ' ” ';
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}
.quotebox .left-aligned {
	text-align: left;
}
.quotebox .right-aligned {
	text-align: right;
}
.quotebox .center-aligned {
	text-align: center;
}
.quotebox .quote-title,
.quotebox .quotebox-quote {
	display: block;
}
.quotebox cite {
	display:block;
	font-style:normal;
}

@media screen and (max-width:640px) {
	.quotebox {
		/*override inline styles */
		width: 100% !important;
		margin: 0 0 .8em !important;
		float: none !important;
	}
}</text>
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  <page>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:32:40Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;includeonly&gt;&lt;templatestyles src=&quot;Col-float/styles.css&quot; /&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;multicol-float {{{class|}}}&quot; style=&quot;{{#if:{{{nextcol|{{{firstcol|{{{width|}}}}}}}}}|min-width: {{{nextcol|{{{firstcol|{{{width|}}}}}}}}};}}{{{style|}}}&quot;&gt;{{{{{|safesubst:}}}#if:{{{1|}}}|{{{{{|safesubst:}}}#invoke:separated entries|main|separator= &lt;/div&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;multicol-float {{{class|}}}&quot; style=&quot;min-width: {{{nextcol|{{{width|30.0em}}}}}};{{{style|}}}&quot;&gt;}} &lt;/div&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;multicol-float-clear {{{cl...&quot;</comment>
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    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Anderson, James Wright</title>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:33:15Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chiraq Bears</username>
        <id>2621984</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Anderson, James Wright  | previous   = [[../Anderson, James Patton|Anderson, James Patton]]  | next       = [[../Anderson, John A.|Anderson, John A.]]  | wikipedia  =   | wikidata   =   | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; h...&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="617" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Anderson, James Wright
 | previous   = [[../Anderson, James Patton|Anderson, James Patton]]
 | next       = [[../Anderson, John A.|Anderson, John A.]]
 | wikipedia  = 
 | wikidata   = 
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;109&quot; to=&quot;109&quot; fromsection=&quot;s2&quot; tosection=&quot;s2&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, James Wright}}

[[Category:Biographies of educators]]</text>
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      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;/* {{pp-template}} */ @media all and ( max-width: 720px ) { 	.multicol-float { 		width: auto !important; 	} } .multicol-float { 	width: 30em; 	clear: none; 	float: left; } .multicol-float-clear { 	clear: both; }&quot;</comment>
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}
.multicol-float {
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}
.multicol-float-clear {
	clear: both;
}</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:33:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;includeonly&gt;&lt;/div&gt;{{Col-float |width={{#if:{{{nextcol|{{{width|}}}}}}|{{{nextcol|{{{width|}}}}}}}} |class={{{class|}}} |style={{{style|}}}}}&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Documentation|{{ns:Template}}:Col-float/doc}} &lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;</comment>
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&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:34:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;&lt;includeonly&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;multicol-float-clear {{{class|}}}&quot; style=&quot;{{{style|}}}&quot; &gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt; {{Documentation|{{Ns:Template}}:Col-float/doc}} &lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;</comment>
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{{Documentation|{{Ns:Template}}:Col-float/doc}}
&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Anderson, James Patton</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507658</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:35:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chiraq Bears</username>
        <id>2621984</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Anderson, James Patton  | previous   = [[../Anderson, Henry James|Anderson, Henry James]]  | next       = [[../Anderson, James Wright|Anderson, James Wright]]  | wikipedia  = James Patton Anderson  | wikidata   = Q1680958  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical D...&quot;</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="653" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Anderson, James Patton
 | previous   = [[../Anderson, Henry James|Anderson, Henry James]]
 | next       = [[../Anderson, James Wright|Anderson, James Wright]]
 | wikipedia  = James Patton Anderson
 | wikidata   = Q1680958
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;108&quot; to=&quot;109&quot; fromsection=&quot;s7&quot; tosection=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, James Patton}}

[[Category:Biographies of soldiers]]</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Template:Edit interface-protected/editintro</title>
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    <id>4019006</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507660</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T00:36:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <ip>2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</ip>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{fmbox | type  = editnotice | style = background: #f8eaba; | image = [[File:Interface-protection-shackle.svg|45px]] | text  = &lt;div style=&quot;text-align: center; font-size: 140%;&quot;&gt;'''How to make an edit request:'''&lt;/div&gt; * If this is your first time making an edit request, please read '''[[Wikipedia:Edit requests]]'''. * Be specific. If possible, add your suggested code changes to the {{#ifexist: {{SUBJECTPAGENAME}}/sandbox | [[{{SUBJECTPAGENAME}}/sandbox|sandbox]] | &lt;span...&quot;</comment>
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| text  = &lt;div style=&quot;text-align: center; font-size: 140%;&quot;&gt;'''How to make an edit request:'''&lt;/div&gt;
* If this is your first time making an edit request, please read '''[[Wikipedia:Edit requests]]'''.
* Be specific. If possible, add your suggested code changes to the {{#ifexist: {{SUBJECTPAGENAME}}/sandbox | [[{{SUBJECTPAGENAME}}/sandbox|sandbox]] | &lt;span class=&quot;plainlinks&quot;&gt;[{{fullurl: {{SUBJECTPAGENAME}}/sandbox | action=edit }} sandbox]&lt;/span&gt; }}.
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Anderson, Charles}}

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It ''wouldn't'' have done, he eventually, he lucidly saw, each time he had been refused; and the candour of his nature was such that he could live to think of these very passages as a proof of how right he had been—right, that is, to have put himself forward always, by the happiest instinct, only in impossible&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="3124" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(69)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''The third is this that relates to the Army, you have heard what his expressions have been, and they have been read unto you, concerning them and the rest, that he, not being an Officer or Souldier or member of the present Army, hath offered to stir up mutiny in the Army, and to withdraw the Souldiers from their obedience and {{SIC|ubjection|subjection}} to their superiour Officer, and thereby to stir them up to mutiny and discontent.''

''These are the maine parts, and substance of what I intend to Charge him with in the evidence, to prove that which was contained in the Indictment. My Lord, you have heard in what hath been read out of the Indictment, what expressions they are, those that are traiterous to the publicke, an{{reconstruct|d}} have been so declared, so judged, so executed, these are here Mr Lilburns engaged true friends; the Parliament, the Government, the Authority, of both Parliament and Army, they are Tyrants, Vsurpers, Mercenaries, Janisaries, Murderers, Traytors, stan{{reconstruct|d}}ing by their own power and swords, and over-ruling all by their Wills; these are the expressions that he hath used. My ''L''ords, I shall not trouble you with any thing of agravation; for my ''L''ords, I do conceive, that the reading of the Bookes themselves aggravates every thing against him; and I thinke there is no ''English''-man (as Mr. ''Lilburn'' so often stiles himself to be) will own such words or acts as these are.''

''And truly my Lord, if I had read the Books, and not known the person, I should not have thought he had been either a Christian, or a Gentleman, or a Civill man, to have given such base and bitter language; but my Lords, and you of the Jury, I {{SIC|stall|shall}} hold you no longer the evidence being so plaine, and the matter so foule, that it will not admit ouer{{sic|or?}} much stand in need of any dispute, and to make it plaine and cleere to your judgements, and Consciences, there is Witnesses in the Court evidently to prove every thing that will stand in need, to be proved for the Indictment.''

''My Lords, the words are maliciously, advise{{reconstruct|d}}ly and traiterously, I shall not catch at words, but as himself sayes, what he prints is of mature, and deliberate consideration, and such are his books in print; that {{SIC|himseif|himself}} hath either printed, or caused to be published.''

''The first that he is Charged withall, is that which is called ''An Out-Cry'', it hath a very dangerous Title, and in the Direction especially to the Souldiers of the Army, but especially to the privat Souldiers of the Generalls Regiment of horse, that helped to plunder the true hearted ''English''-men, traiterously defeated at ''Burford'', so that the Rebels at ''Burford'' were Mr. ''Lilburns'' deare friends. My Lord, it hath not only a dangerous Title, but was published at a dangerous time; yea and for a dangerous end, which was to stir up the great mutiny that was in the City of ''Oxford''. My Lord for the proof of this, we shall offer this, That ''Mr. Lilburn'' himself was Capt. ''Iones'' associate in the publish-''&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|''ing''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Amory, Thomas J. C.}}

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      <text bytes="2456" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|66|MORE MEMORIES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;how, if there were no &quot;innate ideas,&quot; he would explain the skill shown by a bird in making its nest, Locke replied, &quot;I did not write to explain the actions of dumb creatures,&quot; and his translator thought the answer &quot;very good,&quot; seeing that he had named his book &quot;A Philosophical Essay upon Human Understanding.&quot; Henry More, upon the other hand, considered that the bird's instinct proved the existence of the ''Anima Mundi'', with its ideas and memories. Did modern enlightenment think with Coste that Locke had the better logic, because it was not free to think otherwise? 


{{c|XIX}}

I ceased to read modern books that were not books of pure literature; when I met some current thought that interested me, I tried to trace it back to its earliest use, believing that there must be a tradition of belief older than any European Church, and founded upon the experience of the world before the modern bias. It was this search for a tradition that urged George Pollexfen and myself to study the visions and thoughts of the country people, and some country conversation repeated by one or the other often gave us a day's discussion. These visions, we soon discovered, were very like those we called up by symbol. Mary Battle, looking out of the window at Rosses Point, saw coming from Knocknarea, where Queen Maeve, according to local folk-lore, is buried under a great heap of stones, &quot;the finest woman you ever saw travelling right across from the mountains and straight to here.&quot;—I quote a record written at the time. &quot;She looked very strong, but not wicked&quot; (that is to say, not cruel). &quot;I have seen the Irish Giant&quot; (some big man shown at a fair). &quot;And though he was a fine man he was nothing to her, for he was round and could not have stepped out so soldierly {{...}} she had no stomach on her but was slight and broad in the shoulders, and was handsomer than any one you ever saw; she looked about thirty.&quot; And when I asked if she had seen others like her, she said, &quot;Some of them have their hair down, but they look quite different, more like the sleepy-looking ladies one sees in the papers. Those with their hair up are like this one. The others have long white dresses, but those with their hair up have short dresses, so that you can see their legs right up to the calf.&quot; And when I questioned her, I found that they wore what might well be some kind of buskin. &quot;They are fine and dashing-looking, like the men one sees&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2585" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||WILLIAM BUTLER YEATS|67}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;riding their horses in twos or threes on the slopes of the mountains with their swords swinging. There is no such race living now, none so finely proportioned{{...|4}} When I think of her and the ladies now they are like little children running about not knowing how to put their clothes on right {{...}} why, I would not call them women at all.&quot;

Not at this time, but some three or four years later, when the visions came without any conscious use of symbol for a short time, and with much greater vividness, I saw two or three forms of this incredible beauty, one especially that must always haunt my memory. Then, too, the Master Pilot told us of meeting at night close to the Pilot House a procession of women in what seemed the costume of another age. Were they really people of the past, revisiting, perhaps, the places where they lived, or must I explain them, as I explained that vision of Eden as a mountain garden, by some memory of the race, as distinct from individual memory? Certainly these Spirits, as the country people called them, seemed full of personality; were they not capricious, generous, spiteful, anxious, angry, and yet did that prove them more than images and symbols? When I used a combined earth and fire and lunar symbol, my seer, a girl of twenty-five, saw an obvious Diana and her dogs about a fire in a cavern. Presently, judging from her closed eyes, and from the tone of her voice, that she was in trance, not in reverie, I wished to lighten the trance a little, and made through carelessness or hasty thinking a symbol of dismissal, and at once she started and cried out, &quot;She says you are driving her away too quickly. You have made her angry.&quot; Then, too, if my visions had a subjective element, so had Mary Battle's, for her fairies had but one tune, The Distant Waterfall, and she never heard anything described in a sermon at the Cathedral that she did not &quot;see it after,&quot; and spoke of seeing in this way the gates of Purgatory. 

Furthermore, if my images could affect her dreams, the folk-images could affect mine in turn, for one night I saw between sleeping and waking a strange long-bodied pair of dogs, one black and one white, that I found presently in some country tale. How, too, could one separate the dogs of the country tale from those my uncle heard bay in his pillow? In order to keep myself from nightmare, I had formed the habit of imagining four watch-dogs, one at each corner of my room, and, though I had not told him or anybody, he said, &quot;Here is a very curious thing; most nights now, when I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2389" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|68|MORE MEMORIES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;lay my head upon the pillow, I hear a sound of dogs baying—the sound seems to come up out of the pillow.&quot; A friend of Strindberg's, in ''delirium tremens'', was haunted by mice, and a friend in the next room heard the squealing of the mice. 


{{c|XX}}

To that multiplicity of interest and opinion, of arts and sciences, which had driven me to conceive a unity of culture defined and evoked by unity of image, I had but added a multiplicity of images, and I was the more troubled because, the first excitement over, I had done nothing to rouse George Pollexfen from the gloom and hypochondria always thickening about him. I asked no help of books, for I believed that the truth I sought would come to me like the subject of a poem, from some moment of passionate experience, and that if I filled my exposition with other men's thought, other men's investigation, I would sink with all that multiplicity of interest and opinion. That passionate experience could never come—of that I was certain—until I had found the right image or right images. From what but the image of Apollo, fixed always in memory and passion, did his priesthood get that occasional power a classical historian has described, of lifting great stones and snapping great branches; and did not Gemma Galgani, like many others that had gone before, in 1889 cause deep wounds to appear in her body by contemplating her crucifix? In the essay that Wilde read to me one Christmas Day occurred these words—&quot;What does not the world owe to the imitation of Christ, what to the imitation of Caesar?&quot; and I had seen Macgregor Mathers paint little pictures combining the forms of men, animals, and birds according to a rule which provided a form for every possible mental condition, and I had heard him describing, upon what authority I do not remember, how citizens of ancient Egypt assumed, when in contemplation, the images of their gods. 

But now image called up image in an endless procession, and I could not always choose among them with any confidence; and when I did choose, the image lost its intensity, or changed into some other image. I had but exchanged the Temptation of Flaubert's Bouvard et Pecuchet for that of his St Anthony, and I was lost in that region a manuscript shown me by Macgregor Mathers had warned me of; astray upon the path of the Cameleon, upon Hodos Camelionis.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2397" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|68|MORE MEMORIES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;lay my head upon the pillow, I hear a sound of dogs baying—the sound seems to come up out of the pillow.&quot; A friend of Strindberg's, in ''delirium tremens'', was haunted by mice, and a friend in the next room heard the squealing of the mice. 


{{c|XX}}

To that multiplicity of interest and opinion, of arts and sciences, which had driven me to conceive a unity of culture defined and evoked by unity of image, I had but added a multiplicity of images, and I was the more troubled because, the first excitement over, I had done nothing to rouse George Pollexfen from the gloom and hypochondria always thickening about him. I asked no help of books, for I believed that the truth I sought would come to me like the subject of a poem, from some moment of passionate experience, and that if I filled my exposition with other men's thought, other men's investigation, I would sink with all that multiplicity of interest and opinion. That passionate experience could never come—of that I was certain—until I had found the right image or right images. From what but the image of Apollo, fixed always in memory and passion, did his priesthood get that occasional power a classical historian has described, of lifting great stones and snapping great branches; and did not Gemma Galgani, like many others that had gone before, in 1889 cause deep wounds to appear in her body by contemplating her crucifix? In the essay that Wilde read to me one Christmas Day occurred these words—&quot;What does not the world owe to the imitation of Christ, what to the imitation of Caesar?&quot; and I had seen Macgregor Mathers paint little pictures combining the forms of men, animals, and birds according to a rule which provided a form for every possible mental condition, and I had heard him describing, upon what authority I do not remember, how citizens of ancient Egypt assumed, when in contemplation, the images of their gods. 

But now image called up image in an endless procession, and I could not always choose among them with any confidence; and when I did choose, the image lost its intensity, or changed into some other image. I had but exchanged the Temptation of Flaubert's Bouvard et Pecuchet for that of his St Anthony, and I was lost in that region a manuscript shown me by Macgregor Mathers had warned me of; astray upon the path of the Cameleon, upon Hodos Camelionis.
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{{c|XXI}}

Now that I am old and settled and have many birds—the canaries have just hatched out four nestlings—I have before me the problem that Locke waved aside. As I gave them an artificial nest, a hollow vessel like a saucer, they had no need of that skill the wild bird shows, each species having its own preference among lichen, or moss; but they could sort out wool and hair and a certain soft white down that I found under a big tree. They would twist a stem of grass till it was limber, and would wind all about the centre of the nest, and when the four grey eggs were laid, the mother bird knew how to turn them over from time to time, that they might be warmed evenly; and how long she must leave them uncovered, that the white might not be dried up, and when to return that the growing bird might not take cold. Then the young birds, even when they had all their feathers, were very still as compared with the older birds, as though any habit of movement would disturb the nest or make them tumble out. One of them would now and again pass on the food that he had received from his mother's beak to some other nestling. The father had often pecked the mother bird before the eggs were laid, but now, until the last nestling was decently feathered, he took his share in the feeding, and was very peaceable, and it was only when the young could be left to feed themselves that he grew jealous, and had to be put into another cage. 


When I watch my child who is not yet three years old, I can see so many signs of knowledge from beyond her own mind; why else should she be so excited when a little boy passes outside the window, and take so little interest in a girl; why should she put a cloak about her, and look over her shoulder to see it trailing upon the stairs, as she will some day trail a dress; and why, above all, as she lay against her mother's side, and felt the unborn child moving within, did she murmur &quot;Baby, baby&quot;?


When a man writes any work of genius, or invents some creative action, is it not because some knowledge or power has come into his mind from beyond his mind? It is called up by an image, as I think; all my birds' adventures started when I hung a little saucer at one side of the cage, and at the other a bundle of hair and grass; but our images must be given to us, we cannot choose them deliberately. 
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{{c|XXII}}

I know now that revelation is from the self, but from that age-long memoried self, that shapes the elaborate shell of the mollusc and the child in the womb, that teaches the birds to make their nest; and that genius is a crisis that joins that buried self for certain moments to our trivial daily self. There are, indeed, personifying spirits that we had best call but gates and gate-keepers, because through their dramatic power they bring our souls to crisis, to Mask and Image, caring not a straw whether we be Juliet going to her wedding, or Cleopatra to her death; for in their eyes nothing has weight but passion. We have dreamed a foolish dream these many centuries in thinking that they value a life of contemplation, for they scorn that more than any possible life, unless it be but a name for the worst crisis of all. They have but one purpose, to bring their chosen man to the greatest obstacle he may confront without despair. They contrived Dante's banishment, and snatched away his Beatrice, and thrust Villon into the arms of harlots, and sent him to gather cronies at the foot of the gallows, that Dante and Villon might through passion become conjoint to their buried selves, turn all to Mask and Image, and so be phantoms in their own eyes. In great lesser writers like Landor and like Keats we are shown that Image and that Mask as something set apart; Andromeda and her Perseus but not the sea-dragon; but in a few in whom we recognize supreme masters of tragedy, the whole contest is brought into the circle of their beauty. Such masters, Villon and Dante, let us say, would not, when they speak through their art, change their luck; yet they are mirrored in all the suffering of desire. The two halves of their nature are so completely joined that they seem to labour for their objects, and yet to desire whatever happens, being at the same instant predestinate and free, creation's very self. We gaze at such men in awe; because we gaze not at a work of art, but at the re-creation of the man through that art, the birth of a new species of man, and it may even seem that the hairs of our heads stand up; because that birth, that re-creation, is from terror. Had not Dante and Villon understood that their fate wrecked what life could not rebuild, had they lacked their vision of Evil, had they cherished any species of optimism, they could but have found a false beauty, or some momentary instinctive beauty, and suffered&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1794" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||WILLIAM BUTLER YEATS|71}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;no change at all, or but changed as do the wild creatures, or from devil well to devil sick, and so go round the clock. 

They and their sort alone earn contemplation, for it is only when the intellect has wrought the whole of life to drama, to crisis, that we may live for contemplation, and yet keep our intensity. 

And these things are true also of nations, but the Gate-keepers who drive the nation to war or anarchy that it may find its Image are different from those who drive individual men, though I think at times they work together. And as I look backward upon my own writing, I take pleasure alone in those verses where it seems to me I have found something hard, cold, some articulation of the image, which is the opposite of all that I am in my daily life, and all that my country is; yet man or nation can no more make Mask or Image than the seed can be made by the soil into which 1t is cast. 

{{block center|{{c|{{sc|Ille}}}}
&lt;poem&gt;What portion in the world can the artist have, 
Who has awakened from the common dream, 
But dissipation and despair?&lt;/poem&gt;

{{c|{{sc|Hic}}}}
&lt;poem&gt;{{gap|16em}}And yet 
No one denies to Keats, love of the world. 
Remember his deliberate happiness.&lt;/poem&gt;

{{c|{{sc|Ille}}}}
&lt;poem&gt;His art is happy, but who knows his mind?
I see a schoolboy, when I think of him, 
With face and nose pressed to a sweet-shop window. 
For certainly he sank into his grave 
His senses and his heart unsatisfied, 
And made, being poor, ailing, and ignorant, 
Shut out from all the luxury of the world, 
Luxurious song.&lt;/poem&gt;}}


{{c|XXIII}}

Two or three years after our return to Bedford Park The Doll's House had been played at the Royalty Theatre in Dean Street, the first Ibsen play to be played in England and somebody had given&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2336" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|72|MORE MEMORIES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;me a seat for the gallery. In the middle of the first act, while the heroine was asking for macaroons, a middle aged washerwoman who sat in front of me, stood up and said to the little boy at her side &quot;Tommy, if you promise to go home straight, we will go now&quot;; and at the end of the play, as I wandered through the entrance hall, I heard an elderly critic murmur &quot;A series of conversations terminated by an accident.&quot; I was divided in mind, I hated the play; what was it but Carolus Duran, Bastien-Lepage, Huxley, and Tyndall, all over again; I resented being invited to admire dialogue so close to modern educated speech that music and style were impossible. 

&quot;Art is art because it is not nature,&quot; I kept repeating to myself, but how could I take the same side with critic and washerwoman? As time passed Ibsen became in my eyes the chosen author of very clever young journalists, who, condemned to their treadmill of abstraction, hated music and style; and yet neither I nor my generation could escape him because, though we and he had not the same friends, we had the same enemies. I bought his collected works in Mr Archer's translation out of my thirty shillings a week and carried them to and fro upon my journeys to Ireland and Sligo, and Florence Farr, who had but one great gift, the most perfect poetical elocution, became prominent as an Ibsen actress and had almost a success in Rosmersholm where there is symbolism and a stale odour of spilt poetry. She and I and half our friends found ourselves involved in a quarrel with the supporters of old fashioned melodrama and conventional romance, and in the support of the new dramatists who wrote in what the Daily Press chose to consider the manner of Ibsen. In 1894 she became manageress of the Avenue Theatre with a play of Dr Todhunter's called The Comedy of Sighs, and Mr Bernard Shaw's Arms and the Man. She asked me to write a one act play for her niece Miss Dorothy Paget, a girl of eight or nine, to make her first stage appearance in; and I with my Irish Theatre in mind wrote The Land of Heart's Desire, in some discomfort when the child was theme, as I knew nothing of children, but with an abundant mind when Mary Bruin was, for I knew an Irish woman whose unrest troubled me and lay beyond my comprehension. 


{{c|''To be continued''}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2414" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|62|MORE MEMORIES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;red George Pollexfen would see nothing. I therefore gave him exercises to make him sensitive to yellow and to red, and gradually we found ourselves well fitted for this work, and he began to take as active an interest as was possible, to a nature given over to habit, in my plans for the Castle on the Rock. I worked with others, sworn to the scheme for the most part, and I made many curious observations. It was the symbol itself, or, at any rate, not my conscious intention that produced the effect, for if I made an error and told someone, let us say, to gaze at the wrong symbol—they were painted upon cards—the vision would be suggested by the symbol, not by my thought, or two visions would appear side by side, one from the symbol and one from my thought. When two people between whose minds there was even a casual sympathy, worked together under the same symbolic influence, the dream or reverie would divide itself between them, each half being the complement of the other; and now and again these complementary dreams, or reveries, would arise spontaneously. I find, for instance, in an old notebook, &quot;I saw quite suddenly a tent with a wooden badly-carved idol, painted dull red; a man looking like a Red Indian was prostrate before it. The idol was seated to the left. I asked G. what he saw. He saw a most august immense being, glowing with a ruddy opalescent colour, sitting on a throne to the left,&quot; or, to summarize from a later notebook—I am meditating in one room, and a fellow-investigator in another, when I see a boat full of tumult and movement on a still sea, and my friend sees a boat with motionless sails upon a tumultuous sea. There was nothing in the originating symbol to suggest a boat. 


{{c|XVI}}

We never began our work until George's old servant was in her bed; and yet, when we went upstairs to our beds, we constantly heard her crying out with nightmare, and in the morning we would find that her dream echoed our vision. One night, started by what symbol I forget, we had seen an allegorical marriage of Heaven and Earth. When Mary Battle brought in the breakfast next morning, I said, &quot;Well, Mary, did you dream anything last night?&quot; and she replied (I am quoting from an old notebook) &quot;indeed she had,&quot; and that it was &quot;a dream she would not have liked to have had twice in one night.&quot; She had dreamed that her bishop, the Catholic bishop of&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Ammen, Jacob</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Ammen, Jacob  | previous   = [[../Ammen, Daniel|Ammen, Daniel]]  | next       = [[../Amory, Robert|Amory, Robert]]  | wikipedia  = Jacob Ammen  | wikidata   = Q1677417  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;10...&quot;</comment>
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 | previous   = [[../Ammen, Daniel|Ammen, Daniel]]
 | next       = [[../Amory, Robert|Amory, Robert]]
 | wikipedia  = Jacob Ammen
 | wikidata   = Q1677417
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;106&quot; to=&quot;107&quot; fromsection=&quot;s4&quot; tosection=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Ammen, Jacob}}

[[Category:Biographies of soldiers]]</text>
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      <text bytes="2681" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||WILLIAM BUTLER YEATS|63}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Sligo, had gone away &quot;without telling anybody,&quot; and had married &quot;a very high-up lady {{...}} and she not too young, either.&quot; She had thought in her dream, &quot;Now all the clergy will get married, and it will be no use going to confession.&quot; There were &quot;layers upon layers of flowers, many roses, all round the church.&quot;

Another time, when George Pollexfen had seen in answer to some evocation of mine a man with his head cut in two, she woke, to find that she &quot;must have cut her face with a pin, as it was all over blood.&quot; When three or four saw together, the dream or vision would divide itself into three or four parts, each seeming complete in itself, and all fitting together, so that each part was an adaptation of a single meaning to a different personality. A visionary being would give, let us say, a lighted torch to one, an unlighted candle to another, an unripe fruit to a third, and to the fourth a ripe fruit. At times coherent stories were built up, as if a company of actors were to improvise, and play, not only without previous consultation, but without {{SIC|forseeing}} at any moment what would be said or done a moment after. Who made the story? Was it the mind of one of the visionaries? Perhaps, for I have endless proof that, where two worked together, the symbolic influence commonly took upon itself, though no word was spoken, the quality of the mind that had first fixed a symbol in the mind's eye. But, if so, what part of the mind? One friend, in whom the symbolic impulse produced actual trance, described an elaborate and very strange story while the trance was upon him, but upon waking told a story that after a certain point was quite different. &quot;They gave me a cup of wine, and after that I remembered nothing.&quot; While speaking out of trance he had said nothing of the cup of wine, which must have been offered to a portion of his mind quite early in the dream. Then, too, from whence come the images of the dream? Not always, I was soon persuaded, from the memory, perhaps never in trance or sleep. One man, who certainly thought that Eve's apple was the sort that you got from the greengrocer, and as certainly never doubted its story's literal truth, said, when I used some symbol to send him to Eden, that he saw a walled garden on the top of a high mountain, and in the middle a tree with great birds in the branches, and fruit out of which, if you held a fruit to your ear, came the sound of fighting. I had not at the time read Dante's Purgatorio, and it caused me some trouble to verify the mountain garden, and, from some passage in the Zohar, the great birds among the boughs; while a young girl, on being sent&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/98</title>
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      <text bytes="2369" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|64|MORE MEMORIES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to the same garden, heard the music of heaven from a tree, and on listening with her ear against the trunk, found that it was made by the &quot;continual clashing of swords.&quot; Whence came that fine thought of music-making swords, that image of the garden, and many like images and thoughts? I had as yet no answer, but knew myself to be face to face with the ''Anima Mundi'' described by Platonic philosophers, and more especially in modern times by Henry More, which has a memory independent of individual memories, though they constantly enrich it with their images and their thoughts. 


{{c|XVII}}

At Sligo we walked twice every day, once after lunch and once after dinner, to the same gate on the road to Knocknarea; and at Rosses Point, to the same spot upon the shore; and as we walked we exchanged those thoughts that never rise before me now without bringing some sight of mountain or of shore. Considering that Mary Battle received our thoughts in sleep, though coarsened or turned to caricature, do not the thoughts of the scholar or the hermit, though they speak no word, or something of their shape and impulse, pass into the general mind? Does not the emotion of some woman of fashion, caught in the subtle torture of self-analysing passion, pass down, although she speak no word, to Joan with her Pot, Jill with her Pail, and, it may be, with one knows not what nightmare melancholy, to Tom the Fool. 

Seeing that a vision could divide itself in divers complementary portions, might not the thought of philosopher or poet or mathematician depend at every moment of its progress upon the thought of others, perhaps at a great distance, and utterly unknown. Is there nation-wide multiform reverie, every mind passing from suggestion to suggestion, and all suggestions acting and reacting upon one another no matter how distant the minds, how dumb the lips? A man passed, as it were, casting a shadow, and yet one could never say which was man and which was shadow, or how many the shadows that he cast. Was not a nation, as distinguished from a crowd of chance comers, bound together by these parallel streams of thought, that unity of image, which I sought in national literature, merely the originating symbol?

From the moment when these speculations grew vivid, I had created for myself an intellectual solitude, most arguments that&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Ammen, Daniel</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Ammen, Daniel  | previous   = [[../Ames, Samuel|Ames, Samuel]]  | next       = [[../Ammen, Jacob|Ammen, Jacob]]  | wikipedia  = Daniel Ammen  | wikidata   = Q5216405  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;106&quot;...&quot;</comment>
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 | previous   = [[../Ames, Samuel|Ames, Samuel]]
 | next       = [[../Ammen, Jacob|Ammen, Jacob]]
 | wikipedia  = Daniel Ammen
 | wikidata   = Q5216405
 | notes      = 
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&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;106&quot; to=&quot;106&quot; fromsection=&quot;s3&quot; tosection=&quot;s3&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Ammen, Daniel}}

[[Category:Biographies of naval officers]]</text>
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      <text bytes="2407" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||WILLIAM BUTLER YEATS|65}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;could influence action had lost something of their meaning. How could I judge any scheme of education, or of social reform, when I could not measure what the different classes and occupations contributed to that invisible commerce of reverie and of sleep; and what is luxury and what necessity when a fragment of gold braid, or a flower in the wallpaper may be an originating impulse to revolution or to philosophy? I began to feel myself not only solitary but helpless. 


{{c|XVIII}}

I had not taken up these subjects wilfully, nor through love of strangeness nor love of excitement, nor because I found myself in some experimental circle, but because unaccountable things had happened even in my childhood, and because of an ungovernable craving. When supernatural events begin, a man first doubts his own testimony, but when they repeat themselves again and again, he doubts all human testimony. At least he knows his own bias, and may perhaps allow for it, but how trust historian and psychologist that have for many hundred years ignored in writing of the history of the world, or of the human mind, so momentous a part of human experience? What else had they ignored and distorted? When Mesmerists first travelled about as public entertainers, a favourite trick was to tell a mesmerised man that some letter of the alphabet had ceased to exist, and after that to make him write his name upon the blackboard. Brown, or Jones, or Robinson would become without any surprise or hesitation, Rown, or Ones, or Obinson. 

Was modern civilization a conspiracy of the sub-conscious? Did we turn away from certain thoughts and things because the Middle Ages lived in terror of the dark, or had some seminal illusion been imposed upon us by Beings greater than ourselves for an unknown purpose? Even when no facts of experience were denied, might not what had seemed logical proof be but a mechanism of change, an automatic impulse? Once in London, at a dinner party, where all the guests were intimate friends, I had written upon a piece of paper, &quot;In five minutes York Powell will talk of a burning house,&quot; thrust the paper under my neighbour's plate, and imagined my fire symbol, and waited in silence. Powell shifted conversation from topic to topic and within the five minutes was describing a fire he had seen as a young man. When Locke's French translator, Coste asked him&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2153" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||WILLIAM BUTLER YEATS|59}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;mind, and turn our places of beauty or legendary association into holy symbols. I did not think this philosophy would be wholly pagan, for it was plain that its symbols must be selected from all those things that had moved men most during many, mainly Christian, centuries. 

I thought that for a time I could rhyme of love, calling it The Rose, because of the Rose's double meaning; of an old fisherman with &quot;never a crack in his heart&quot;; of an old woman complaining of the idleness of the young, or of some cheerful fiddler, and all those things that &quot;popular poets&quot; write of, but that I must some day, on that day when the gates began to open, become difficult or obscure. With a rhythm that still echoed Morris I prayed to the Red Rose, to Intellectual Beauty: 

{{block center|&lt;poem&gt;{{fqm}}Come near, come near, come near—ah, leave me still 
A little space for the Rose-breath to fill, 
Lest I no more hear common things{{...|4}}
But seek alone to hear the strange things said 
By God to the bright hearts of those long dead, 
And learn to chant a tongue men do not know.&quot;&lt;/poem&gt;}}

I do not remember what I meant by &quot;the bright hearts,&quot; but a little later I wrote of Spirits &quot;with mirrors in their hearts.&quot;

My rituals were not to be made deliberately, like a poem, but all got by that method Macgregor had explained to me, and with this hope I plunged without a clue into a labyrinth of images, into that labyrinth that we are warned against in those &quot;Oracles&quot; which antiquity has attributed to Zoroaster, but modern scholarship to some Alexandrian poet. &quot;Stoop not down to the darkly splendid world wherein lieth continually a faithless depth and Hades wrapped in cloud, delighting in unintelligible images.&quot;


{{c|XV}}

I found a supporter at Sligo in my elderly uncle, a man of fifty-three or fifty-four, with the habits of a much older man. He had never left the West of Ireland, except for a few days to London every year, and a single fortnight's voyage to Spain on board a trading schooner, in his boyhood. He was in politics a Unionist and Tory of the most obstinate kind, and knew nothing of Irish litera-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The Dial (Volume 73).djvu/94</title>
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      <text bytes="2609" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|60|MORE MEMORIES|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ture or history. He was, however, strangely beset by the romance of Ireland, as he discovered it among the people who served him, sailing upon his ships or attending to his horses, and, though narrow and obstinate of opinion, and puritanical in his judgement of life, was perhaps the most tolerant man I have ever known. He never expected anybody to agree with him, and if you did not upset his habits by cheating him over a horse or by offending his taste, he would think as well of you as he did of other men, and that was not very well; and help you out of any scrape whatever. I was accustomed to people much better read than he, much more liberal-minded, but they had no life but the intellectual life, and if they and I differed, they could not take it lightly, and were often angry, and so for years now I had gone to Sligo, sometimes because I could not afford my Dublin lodging, but most often for freedom and peace. He would receive me with &quot;I have learned that your friend So-and-So has been seen at the Gresham Hotel talking to Mr William Redmond. What will not people do for notoriety?&quot; He considered all Irish Nationalist Members of Parliament as outside the social pale, but after dinner, when conversation grew intimate, would talk sympathetically of the Fenians in Ballina, where he spent his early manhood, or of the Fenian privateer that landed the wounded man at Sligo in the 'sixties. When Parnell was contesting an election at Sligo a little before his death, other Unionist magistrates refused or made difficulties when asked for some assistance, what I do not remember, made necessary under election law; and so my uncle gave that assistance. He walked up and down some Town Hall assembly-room or some courtroom with Parnell, but would tell me nothing of that conversation, except that Parnell spoke of Gladstone with extravagant hatred. He would not repeat words spoken by a great man in his bitterness, yet Parnell at the moment was too angry to care who listened. I knew one other man who kept as firm a silence; he had attended Parnell's last public meeting, and after it sat alone beside him, and heard him speak of the followers that were falling away, or showing their faint hearts; but Parnell was the chief devotion of his life. 

When I first began my visits, he had lived in the town itself, and close to a disreputable neighbourhood called the Burrough, till one evening, when he sat over his dinner, he heard a man and woman quarrelling under his window. &quot;I mind the time,&quot; shouted the man, &quot;when I slept with you and your daughter in the one bed.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Ames, Samuel</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Ames, Samuel  | previous   = [[../Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)|Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)]]  | next       = [[../Ammen, Daniel|Ammen, Daniel]]  | wikipedia  = Samuel Ames (jurist)  | wikidata   = Q47541934  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Biog...&quot;</comment>
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Ames, Samuel}}

[[Category:Biographies of judges]]</text>
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      <text bytes="2667" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh||WILLIAM BUTLER YEATS|61}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;My uncle was horrified, and moved into a little house about a quarter of a mile into the country, where he lived with an old second-sighted servant, and a man-servant to look after the racehorse that was browsing in the neighbouring field, with a donkey to keep it company. His furniture had not been changed since he set up house for himself as a very young man, and in a room opposite his dining-room were the saddles of his youth, and though he would soon give up riding, they would be oiled and the stirrups kept clean and bright till the day of his death. Some love-affair had gone wrong when he was a very young man; he had now no interest in women; certainly never sought favour of a woman, and yet he took great care of his appearance. He did not let his beard grow, though he had, or believed that he had, for he was hypochondriacal, a sensitiveness of the skin that forced him to spend an hour in shaving, and he would take to club and dumb-bell if his waist thickened by a hair's breadth, and twenty years after, when a very old man, he had the erect shapely figure of his youth. I often wondered why he went through so much labour, for it was not pride, which had seemed histrionic in his eyes—and certainly he had no vanity; and now, looking back, I am convinced that it was from habit, mere habit, formed when he was a young man, the best rider of his district. 

Probably through long association with Mary Battle, the second-sighted servant, he had come to believe much in the supernatural world, and would tell how several times, arriving home with an unexpected guest, he had found the table set for three, and that he himself had dreamed of his brother's illness in Liverpool before he had other news of it. He saw me using images learned from Macgregor to start reverie, and, though I held out for a long time, thinking him too old and habit-bound, he persuaded me to tell him their use, and from that on we experimented continually, and after a time I began to keep careful record. In summer he always had the same little house at Rosses Point, and it was there that he first became sensitive to the cabalistic symbols. There are some high sand- hills and low cliffs, and T adopted the practice of walking by the seashore while he walked on cliff or sandhill; I, without speaking, would imagine the symbol, and he would notice what passed before his mind's eye, and in a short time he would practically never fail of the appropriate vision. In the symbols which are used yellow and red are classified as &quot;actives,&quot; while purple, green, and white are &quot;passives,&quot; and I had soon discovered that if I used yellow and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)  | previous   = [[../Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1807–1877)|Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1807–1877)]]  | next       = [[../Ames, Samuel|Ames, Samuel]]  | wikipedia  = Oliver Ames (governor)  | wikidata   = Q440631  | notes      =...&quot;</comment>
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 | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]
 | year       = 1906
 | author     = Rossiter Johnson
 | section    = Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)
 | previous   = [[../Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1807–1877)|Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1807–1877)]]
 | next       = [[../Ames, Samuel|Ames, Samuel]]
 | wikipedia  = Oliver Ames (governor)
 | wikidata   = Q440631
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;106&quot; to=&quot;106&quot; fromsection=&quot;s1&quot; tosection=&quot;s1&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)}}

[[Category:Biographies of politicians]]</text>
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    <title>The Biographical Dictionary of America/Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1807–1877)</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = [[The Biographical Dictionary of America]], [[The Biographical Dictionary of America/Volume 1|Volume 1]]  | year       = 1906  | author     = Rossiter Johnson  | section    = Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1807–1877)  | previous   = [[../Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1779–1863)|Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1779–1863)]]  | next       = [[../Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)|Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)]]  | wikipedia  = Oliver A...&quot;</comment>
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 | year       = 1906
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 | section    = Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1807–1877)
 | previous   = [[../Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1779–1863)|Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1779–1863)]]
 | next       = [[../Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)|Ames, Oliver (governor of Massachusetts)]]
 | wikipedia  = Oliver Ames Sr.
 | wikidata   = Q23018196
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;The Biographical Dictionary of America, vol. 01.djvu&quot; header=&quot;&quot; from=&quot;105&quot; to=&quot;105&quot; fromsection=&quot;s4&quot; tosection=&quot;s4&quot; /&gt;

{{DEFAULTSORT:Ames, Oliver (manufacturer, 1807–1877)}}

[[Category:Biographies of manufacturers]]</text>
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    <title>Page:The Apocryphal New Testament (1924).djvu/589</title>
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      <text bytes="2892" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;SnowFire&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|551|APOCALYPSE OF PAUL|APOCALYPSE OF PAUL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Hail, Paul, dearly beloved of God and men. The Lord hath not grieved us, that we might see thee yet being in the body, before thou departedst out of the world. And every one of them signified his name unto me in order, from Ruben unto Benjamin; and Joseph said unto me: I am he that was sold; and I say unto thee, Paul, that ''for'' all that my brethren did unto me, in nothing did I deal evilly with them, not in all the labour which they laid upon me, nor did I hurt them in any thing (''Copt.'' kept no evil thought against them) from morning until evening. Blessed is he that is hurt for the Lord’s sake and hath endured, for the Lord will recompense him manifold more when he departeth out of the world. 

48 While he yet spake I saw another coming from afar, beautiful, and his angels singing hymns, and I asked: Who is this, Lord, that is fair of countenance? And he said unto me: Dost thou not know him? And I said: No, Lord. And he said to me: This is Moses the lawgiver, unto whom God gave the law. And when he was nigh me, straightway he wept, and after that he greeted me; and I said unto him: Why weepest thou? for I have heard that thou excellest all men in meekness. And he answered, saying: I weep for them whom I planted with much labour, for they have borne no fruit, neither doth any of them do well. And I have seen all the sheep whom I fed that they are scattered and become as having no shepherd, and that all the labours which I have endured for the children of Israel are come to nought, and however great wonders I did in their midst [and] they understood not: and I marvel how the strangers and uncircumcised and idolaters are converted and entered into the promises of God, but Israel hath not entered in: and now I say unto thee, O brother Paul, that in that hour when the people hanged up Jesus whom thou preachest, God the Father of all, which gave me the law, and Michael and all the angels and archangels, and Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and all the righteous wept over the Son of God that was hanged on the cross. And in that hour all the saints waited upon me, looking on me.and saying: Behold, Moses, what they of thy people have done unto the Son of God. Therefore blessed art thou, O Paul, and blessed is the generation and people that hath believed thy word. 

49 While he yet spake there came other twelve and saw me and said: Art thou Paul that is glorified in heaven and upon earth? And I answered and said: Who are ye? The first answered and said: I am Esaias whose head Manasses cut with a saw of wood. And the second said likewise: I am Jeremias who was stoned by the children of Israel, and slain. And the third said: I am Ezechiel whom the children of Israel dragged by the feet over the stones in the mountain until they scattered my brains abroad: and all of us endured these labours, desiring&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu/21</title>
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Students of Voltaire need not be told that nearly 
every important circumstance in connection with 
the history of this extraordinary man, from his 
birth to the final interment of his ashes in the 
Panthéon at Paris, is still matter of bitter 
controversy. 

If, guided in our judgment by the detractors of 
Voltaire, we were to read only the vituperative 
productions of the sentimentalists, the orthodox critics of 
the schools, the Dr. Johnsons, the Abbé Maynards, 
Voltaire would still remain the most remarkable 
man of the eighteenth century. Even the most 
hostile critics admit that he gave his name to an 
epoch and that his genius changed the mental, the 
spiritual, and the political conformation, not only 
of France but of the civilized world. The 
anti-Voltairean literature concedes that Voltaire was 
the greatest literary genius of his age, a master of 
language, and that his historical writings effected 
a revolution. Lord Macaulay, an unfriendly critic, 
says: &quot;Of all the intellectual weapons that have 
ever been wielded by man, the most terrible was the 
mockery of Voltaire. Bigots and tyrants who had 
never been moved by the wailings and cursings of 
millions, turned pale at his name.&quot; That still more&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{smaller|5}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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Students of Voltaire need not be told that nearly 
every important circumstance in connection with 
the history of this extraordinary man, from his 
birth to the final interment of his ashes in the 
Panthéon at Paris, is still matter of bitter 
controversy. 

If, guided in our judgment by the detractors of Voltaire, we were to read only the vituperative productions of the sentimentalists, the orthodox critics of the schools, the Dr. Johnsons, the Abbé Maynards, Voltaire would still remain the most remarkable man of the eighteenth century. Even the most hostile critics admit that he gave his name to an epoch and that his genius changed the mental, the spiritual, and the political conformation, not only of France but of the civilized world. The anti-Voltairean literature concedes that Voltaire was the greatest literary genius of his age, a master of language, and that his historical writings effected a revolution. Lord Macaulay, an unfriendly critic, says: &quot;Of all the intellectual weapons that have ever been wielded by man, the most terrible was the mockery of Voltaire. Bigots and tyrants who had never been moved by the wailings and cursings of millions, turned pale at his name.&quot; That still more&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{smaller|5}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu/22</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1489" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;JesseW&quot; /&gt;{{rh|6|{{larger|Publisher's Preface.}}|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;hostile authority, the evangelical Guizot, the eminent French historian, makes the admission that &quot;innate love of justice and horror of fanaticism inspired Voltaire with his zeal in behalf of persecuted Protestants,&quot; and that Voltaire contributed most powerfully to the triumphs of those conceptions of Humanity, Justice, and Freedom which did honor to the eighteenth century. 

Were we to form an estimate of Voltaire's character and transcendent ability through such a temperate non-sectarian writer as the Hon. John Morley, we would conclude with him that when the right sense of historical proportion is more fully developed in men's minds, the name of Voltaire will stand out like the names of the great decisive movements in the European advance, like the Revival of Learning, or the Reformation, and that the existence, character, and career of Voltaire constitute in themselves a new and prodigious era. We would further agree with Morley, that &quot;no sooner did the rays of Voltaire's burning and far-shining spirit strike upon the genius of the time, seated dark and dead like the black stone of Memnon's statue, than the clang of the breaking chord was heard through Europe and men awoke in a new day and more spacious air.&quot; And we would probably say of Voltaire what he magnanimously said of his contemporary, Montesquieu, that &quot;humanity had lost its title-deeds and he had recovered them.&quot; 

Were we acquainted only with that Voltaire de-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu/23</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="1399" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;JesseW&quot; /&gt;{{rh||{{larger|Publisher's Preface.}}|7}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;scribed by Goethe, Hugo, Pompery, Bradlaugh, Paine, and Ingersoll, we might believe with Ingersoll that it was Voltaire who sowed the seeds of liberty in the heart and brain of Franklin, Jefferson, and Thomas Paine, and that he did more to 
free the human race than any other of the sons of men. Hugo says that &quot;between two servants of humanity which appeared eighteen hundred years apart, there was indeed a mysterious relation,&quot; and we might even agree that the estimate of the young philanthropist Édouard de Pompery was temperate when he said, &quot;Voltaire was the best Christian of his times, the first and most glorious disciple of Jesus.&quot; 

So whatever our authority, no matter how limited our investigation, the fact must be recognized that Voltaire, who gave to France her long-sought national epic in the ''Henriade'', was in the front rank of her poets. For nearly a century his tragedies and dramas held the boards to extravagant applause. Even from his enemies we learn that he kept himself abreast of his generation in all departments of literature, and won the world's homage as a king of philosophers in an age of philosophers and encyclopædists. 

He was the father of modern French, clear, unambiguous, witty without buffoonery, convincing without truculency, dignified without effort. He constituted himself the defender of humanity, toler-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Works of Voltaire Volume 01.djvu/24</title>
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No matter what the reader's opinion of Voltaire's works may be, it will readily be conceded that without these translations of his comedies, tragedies, poems, romances, letters, and incomparable histories, the literature of the world would sustain an immeasurable loss, and that these forty-two exquisite volumes will endure as a stately monument, alike to the great master and the book-maker's artcraft he did so much to inspire. {{right|E. R. D.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}{{c|{{smaller|8}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Trial of john lilburne (IA trial john lilburne).djvu/84</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019055</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507752</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:17:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Shells-shells</username>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2578" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(70)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''ing that Booke; For ''Mr. Lilburn'' and this Capt. ''Iones'' brought this Booke to the presse to be Printed, we shall offer unto you where he hath published it to Souldiers of the Army, to engage them in a mutiny, and discontent against their superiour Officers; therefore in the first place call ''Thomas Newcombe.
{{dhr}}
{{c|Thomas Newcombe ''sworne.''}}

Iust. Iermin ''Before you speak look upon the prisoner first, whether you know him or not.''

Mr. Atturney. M''y Lord, if you please, he may take the booke in his hand, and see whether he printed it, and when he printed it, and who brought it to the presse?''

Mr. Newcombe. ''I Printed of this Booke onely the last sheet, not knowing where the former part of it was done, which Booke was brought to me by Leiut. Col. ''Lilburn'', and Capt. ''Iones'', which Capt. ''Iones'' did agree with me in the price, I was stopt in the proceedings in it: I say, that Capt. ''Iones'' together with Leiut. Col. ''Lilburn'' did bring it to me, and that Capt. ''Iones'' did agree with me in the price, but I was taken before I did perfect it, but Capt. ''Iones'' did indent with me for the price; but this I must say, Leiut. Col. ''Lilburne'' came alone with the Copy, and afterwards at night he came againe, and had a proof of it, and that he was present when it was corrected.''

Mr. Atturney. ''And when the first sheet was printed, then they came at night again, and examined the proof with Capt. ''Iones'', and his Corrector.''

L. Keeble. ''And he brought the Copy of the whole draught of the Booke unto you.''

''Leiut. Col. Lilb.'' Sir by your favour, if Mr. ''Prideaux'' have done with the Witnesse, I crave my right by Law to aske him some questions. In the first place, I desire he may be asked, whether I was either reader of the Originall Copy, or the over-looker of the printed proof?

Mr. Newcombe. Y''ou had a printed sheet of it and that was all.''

L''eiut. Col. ''L''ilb.'' I desire to know, whether I was either the reader of that he printed, or the looker upon the written Copy?

Mr. Newcombe. ''You look’t upon the sheet that was printed, Capt. ''Iones'' read the manuscript.''

L''eiut. Col. ''L''ilb.'' Aske him the question thus, whether was I the Corrector of the thing printed, or the looker on upon the printed Copy? And whether or no he can sweare, That the printed sheet that he saies I had, was corrected and revized, and was a true and perfect sheet according to the Originall?

Mr. Newcombe. ''It was a Copy of the sheet before it was corrected or revized.''
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|Mr. At-}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Final Problem</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{other versions|The Final Problem}} {{header  | title      = The Final Problem  | author     = Arthur Conan Doyle  | translator =   | section    =   | previous   =   | next       =   | wikipedia   = The Final Problem  | commonscat  = The Final Problem  | year        = 1893  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu&quot; from=554 to=564 /&gt;  {{PD/US|1930}} {{smallrefs}}&quot;</comment>
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      <minor />
      <comment>Chrisguise moved page [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Final Problem]] to [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Final Problem]]: Corrected title per original publication and for consistency with others</comment>
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      <text bytes="429" xml:space="preserve">{{other versions|The Adventure of the Final Problem}}
{{header
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      <text bytes="523" xml:space="preserve">{{other versions|The Adventure of the Final Problem}}
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 | author     = Arthur Conan Doyle
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 | year        = 1893
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      <text bytes="524" xml:space="preserve">{{other versions|The Adventure of the Final Problem}}
{{header
 | title      = The Adventure of the Final Problem
 | author     = Arthur Conan Doyle
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
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 | wikipedia   = The Final Problem
 | commonscat  = The Adventure of the Final Problem
 | year        = 1893
 | notes      = 
}}

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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/54</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019057</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507771</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:48:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;pocket and looking at it, and every time he wished more and more that he could keep it. While he was in Sunday-school, he thought of the cent in his pocket, and kept wondering how many marbles it would buy. After the lessons were said, his teacher told Harry to collect the cents for the day. Harry took his hat and went round the class, and after the other cents were put in, he dropped in his own one and sat down. His teacher had gone to the library, and...</comment>
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      <text bytes="637" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|41|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;pocket and looking at it, and every time
he wished more and more that he could
keep it. While he was in Sunday-school,
he thought of the cent in his pocket, and
kept wondering how many marbles it
would buy. After the lessons were said,
his teacher told Harry to collect the cents
for the day. Harry took his hat and went
round the class, and after the other cents
were put in, he dropped in his own one
and sat down. His teacher had gone to
the library, and the other boys were look-
ing at their Sunday papers, and, in the
course of a very few minutes, Harry and
his conscience had a conversation together.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/55</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019058</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507772</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:48:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;&quot;I have a great mind to take my bright cent out of my hat again,&quot; said Harry. &quot;But that will be very wicked,&quot; whispered his conscience. &quot;It is mine, anyhow,&quot; said Harry. &quot;No, no,&quot; whispered con- science, &quot;it is not yours, Harry; your fa- ther gave it to you to put into the mis- sionary box.&quot; &quot;It will buy eight mar- bles,&quot; said Harry. &quot;It will help to buy Bibles and tracts to send to the heathen,&quot; answered conscience. &quot;But I do want it very much, and no o...</comment>
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      <text bytes="626" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|42|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;I have a great mind to take my bright
cent out of my hat again,&quot; said Harry.
&quot;But that will be very wicked,&quot; whispered
his conscience. &quot;It is mine, anyhow,&quot;
said Harry. &quot;No, no,&quot; whispered con-
science, &quot;it is not yours, Harry; your fa-
ther gave it to you to put into the mis-
sionary box.&quot; &quot;It will buy eight mar-
bles,&quot; said Harry. &quot;It will help to buy
Bibles and tracts to send to the heathen,&quot;
answered conscience. &quot;But I do want it
very much, and no one will know it.&quot;
&quot;Yes, God will know it,&quot; said conscience.
But Harry would not listen to what his
conscience said to him, and just as his&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/56</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019059</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507773</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:48:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;teacher was turning to come back to the class, Harry caught up the bright cent, and put it in his pocket. Then his con- science would make itself heard. It cried out, &quot;You wicked, wicked boy, you are a thief, you are a thief, Harry;&quot; and Har- ry's cheeks burned like fire. Poor little Harry went to church, and then went home with the rest of the family; but oh! how unhappy he was all day. That cent in the little side pocket of his coat, seemed to press li...</comment>
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      <text bytes="626" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|43|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;teacher was turning to come back to the
class, Harry caught up the bright cent,
and put it in his pocket. Then his con-
science would make itself heard. It cried
out, &quot;You wicked, wicked boy, you are a
thief, you are a thief, Harry;&quot; and Har-
ry's cheeks burned like fire.
Poor little Harry went to church, and
then went home with the rest of the family;
but oh! how unhappy he was all day. That
cent in the little side pocket of his coat,
seemed to press like lead on his heart.
He felt it all the time. He did not think
a cent could feel so heavy. When his
mother, and brother, and sisters sung&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/57</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019060</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507774</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:48:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;sweet hymns together, he could not join with them, for there was a lump in his throat, which felt as if the cent itself was sticking there. In the evening, their mother began question them and talk to them as usual; she made this remark, &quot;that a single sin would call down the anger of God upon us, and if not repented of, would send us to everlasting punish- ment.&quot; Harry left his seat, and came round and stood by his mother, and laid his hand on her shoul...</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="598" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|44|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;sweet hymns together, he could not join
with them, for there was a lump in his
throat, which felt as if the cent itself was
sticking there.
In the evening, their mother began
question them and talk to them as
usual; she made this remark, &quot;that a
single sin would call down the anger
of God upon us, and if not repented
of, would send us to everlasting punish-
ment.&quot; Harry left his seat, and came round
and stood by his mother, and laid his hand
on her shoulder, as she went on talking.
She heard a sob, and looking round she
saw that Harry was crying as if his little&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/58</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019061</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507775</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:49:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;heart would break. &quot;What is the mat- ter, Harry?&quot; she asked. But Harry only threw himself down on the floor and laid his head in his mother's lap, and cried more bitterly. &quot;Are you sick, my son ?&quot; asked his mother. &quot;No, mamma.&quot; &quot;What is the trouble, then?&quot; But Harry made no answer except by tears and groans. When the time came for them to go to bed, Harry went up with the rest, a wretched, unhappy little boy. His broth- ers were soon asleep, but Harry to...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="610" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|45|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;heart would break. &quot;What is the mat-
ter, Harry?&quot; she asked. But Harry only
threw himself down on the floor and laid
his head in his mother's lap, and cried
more bitterly. &quot;Are you sick, my son ?&quot;
asked his mother. &quot;No, mamma.&quot; &quot;What
is the trouble, then?&quot; But Harry made
no answer except by tears and groans.
When the time came for them to go to
bed, Harry went up with the rest, a
wretched, unhappy little boy. His broth-
ers were soon asleep, but Harry tossed
about on his pillow, and could not sleep
or rest. The lump in his throat seemed
as if it would choke him, and a great&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/59</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019062</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507776</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:49:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;many times he was on the point of call- ing to his mother and confessing the whole. After a time he heard his father and mother locking the doors. &quot;Now,&quot; said he, &quot;they are going to bed, and if I do not tell mother now, I shall not sleep any to-night.&quot; So he sat up in his bed and called &quot;mother.&quot; &quot;What, my son,&quot; she answered. &quot;Will you come up here one moment; please mother?&quot; His mother came directly, and he asked her for a drink of water. She gave it to...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="612" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|46|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;many times he was on the point of call-
ing to his mother and confessing the
whole. After a time he heard his father
and mother locking the doors. &quot;Now,&quot;
said he, &quot;they are going to bed, and if I
do not tell mother now, I shall not sleep
any to-night.&quot; So he sat up in his bed
and called &quot;mother.&quot; &quot;What, my son,&quot;
she answered. &quot;Will you come up here
one moment; please mother?&quot;
His mother came directly, and he asked
her for a drink of water. She gave it to
him, and said, &quot;is that all you want, Har-
ry?&quot; &quot;No, mamma,&quot; he said, &quot;I cannot
sleep till I tell you what a wicked thing I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/60</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019063</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507777</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:50:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;did to-day.&quot; He then told his mother the story of his temptation and his sin. She sat down by him and talked to him for some time, and then told him to get up and kneel down by her, and confess his sin to God. &quot;For though God knows it all,&quot; she said, &quot;he requires of us to confess our sins to him.&quot;  Harry knelt by his mother, and in broken sentences, mingled with many tears, confessed his sin. After he had laid down in bed again, he said, &quot;Tell me this, m...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="641" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|47|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;did to-day.&quot; He then told his mother the
story of his temptation and his sin. She
sat down by him and talked to him for some
time, and then told him to get up and kneel
down by her, and confess his sin to God.
&quot;For though God knows it all,&quot; she said, &quot;he
requires of us to confess our sins to him.&quot;

Harry knelt by his mother, and in
broken sentences, mingled with many
tears, confessed his sin. After he had
laid down in bed again, he said, &quot;Tell me
this, mamma, will you always be afraid.
to trust me after this?&quot; &quot;No, my boy,
I shall not be afraid to trust you, for I
think you have had a lesson to-day which&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/61</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019064</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507778</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:50:26Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;you will never forget; but you must not forget to pray daily, that God will keep you from entering into temptation ;-good night.&quot; His mother kissed him and went into another room to pray for him. In a few minutes she returned and looked at Harry; he was lying with his cheek rest- ing on his hand, the tears were yet glis- tening on his eye-lashes, but the troubled look had passed away from his face, and he was in a sweet and happy sleep. But what are we t...</comment>
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      <text bytes="624" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|48|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;you will never forget; but you must not
forget to pray daily, that God will keep
you from entering into temptation ;-good
night.&quot; His mother kissed him and went
into another room to pray for him. In a
few minutes she returned and looked at
Harry; he was lying with his cheek rest-
ing on his hand, the tears were yet glis-
tening on his eye-lashes, but the troubled
look had passed away from his face, and
he was in a sweet and happy sleep.
But what are we to do when the tempta-
tion comes? Why do just what Harry's
mother told him to do; pray to God that
he will keep you from temptation, and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/130</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019065</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507779</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:50:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2127" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|120|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;will itself, are unalterably determined as its manifestations in time. But in the ordinary consciousness, unenlightened by philosophy, the will is at once confused with its manifestation, and what belongs only to the former is attributed to the latter, whence arises the illusion of the unconditioned freedom of the individual. Therefore Spinoza says rightly that if the projected stone had consciousness, it would believe that it flew of its own free will. For certainly the in-itself of the stone also is the will, which alone is free; but, as in all its manifestations, here also, where it appears as a stone, it is already fully determined. But of all this enough has already been said in the text of this work.

Kant fails to understand and overlooks this immediate origin of the conception of freedom in every human consciousness, and therefore he now places (p. 533; V. 561) the source of that conception in a very subtle speculation, through which the unconditioned, to which the reason must always tend, leads us to hypostatise the conception of freedom, and it is only upon this transcendent Idea of freedom that the practical conception of it is supposed to be founded. In the &quot;Critique of Practical Reason,&quot; § 6, and p. 158 of the fourth and 235 of Rosenkranz's edition, he yet deduces this last conception differently by saying that the categorical imperative presupposes it. The speculative Idea is accordingly only the primary source of the conception of freedom for the sake of this presupposition, but here it obtains both significance and application. Neither, however, is the case. For the delusion of a perfect freedom of the individual in his particular actions is most lively in the conviction of the least cultivated man who has never reflected, and it is thus founded on no speculation, although often assumed by speculation from without. Thus only philosophers, and indeed only the most profound of them, are free from it, and also the most thoughtful and enlightened of the writers of the Church.

It follows, then, from all that has been said, that the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/62</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507780</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;whenever you are tempted to do anything that only seems to be wrong, stop and think, and pray. This is what the Bible means when it says, &quot;Watch and pray, lest ye enter into temptation.&quot; But can children resist temptation-are they strong enough? No, not without the help of God.  A little boy called Jem Roberts, having been set to weed in a gentleman's gar- den, observing some very beautiful look- ing fruit on a tree which grew upon a wall, was strongly t...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="595" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|49|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;whenever you are tempted to do anything
that only seems to be wrong, stop and
think, and pray. This is what the Bible
means when it says, &quot;Watch and pray,
lest ye enter into temptation.&quot; But
can children resist temptation-are they
strong enough? No, not without the help
of God.

A little boy called Jem Roberts, having
been set to weed in a gentleman's gar-
den, observing some very beautiful look-
ing fruit on a tree which grew upon a
wall, was strongly tempted to pluck some.
&quot;If it tastes but half as nice as it looks,&quot;
thought he, &quot;how delightful it must be.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>30kv2bbjf51ox1hfpiahwd636h00q94</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507781</id>
      <parentid>12507780</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:51:08Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="607" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|49|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;whenever you are tempted to do anything
that only seems to be wrong, stop and
think, and pray. This is what the Bible
means when it says, &quot;Watch and pray,
lest ye enter into temptation.&quot; But
can children resist temptation—are they
strong enough? No, not without the help
of God.

A little boy called Jem Roberts, having
been set to weed in a gentleman's garden, observing some very beautiful looking fruit on a tree which grew upon a
wall, was strongly tempted to pluck some.
&quot;If it tastes but half as nice as it looks,&quot;
thought he, &quot;how delightful it must be.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sm|4}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>a9vchwtzcgjvyn3lodchqtvazcvj6kg</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/63</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12507782</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;He stood for an instant gazing upon the tree, while his mother's words, &quot;Touch nothing that does not belong to you,&quot; came vividly to mind. He withdrew his eyes from the tempting object, and with great diligence pursued his occupation. The fruit was forgotten, and with pleas- ure he now perceived he had nearly reached the end of the bed which he had been ordered to clear. Collecting in his hands the heap of weeds he had laid be- side him, he returned to t...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="618" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|50|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;He stood for an instant gazing upon the
tree, while his mother's words, &quot;Touch
nothing that does not belong to you,&quot;
came vividly to mind. He withdrew his
eyes from the tempting object, and with
great diligence pursued his occupation.
The fruit was forgotten, and with pleas-
ure he now perceived he had nearly
reached the end of the bed which he had
been ordered to clear. Collecting in his
hands the heap of weeds he had laid be-
side him, he returned to throw them in
the wheelbarrow, which stood near the
peach tree. Again the glowing fruit met
his eye, more beautiful and more tempt-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/64</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019068</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507783</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:51:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;ing than ever, for he was hot and thirsty. He stood still, his heart beat, his mother's command was heard no more, his resolu- tion was gone. He looked around, there was no one but himself in the garden. &quot;They can never miss one out of so many,&quot; said he to himself. He made a step, only one, he was now within reach of the prize, he darted forth his hand to seize it, when, at the very moment, a sparrow from a neighboring tree calling to his companions, see...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="625" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|51|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ing than ever, for he was hot and thirsty.
He stood still, his heart beat, his mother's
command was heard no more, his resolu-
tion was gone. He looked around, there
was no one but himself in the garden.
&quot;They can never miss one out of so
many,&quot; said he to himself. He made a
step, only one, he was now within reach
of the prize, he darted forth his hand to
seize it, when, at the very moment, a
sparrow from a neighboring tree calling
to his companions, seemed to his startled
ear to say, &quot;Jem, Jem.&quot; He sprang
back upon the walk, his hand fell by his
side, his whole frame shook, and no sooner&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/131</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019069</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507786</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:53:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2111" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|121}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;true source of the conception of freedom is in no way essentially an inference, either from the speculative Idea of an unconditioned cause, nor from the fact that it is presupposed by the categorical imperative. But it springs directly from the consciousness in which each one recognises himself at once as the ''will, i.e.,'' as that which, as the thing in itself, has not the principle of sufficient reason for its form, and which itself depends upon nothing, but on which everything else rather depends. Every one, however, does not recognise himself at once with the critical and reflective insight of philosophy as a determined manifestation of this will which has already entered time, as we might say, an act of will distinguished from that will to live itself; and, therefore, instead of recognising his whole existence as an act of his freedom, he rather seeks for freedom in his individual actions. Upon this point I refer the reader to my prize-essay on the freedom of the will.

Now if Kant, as he here pretends, and also apparently did in earlier cases, had merely inferred the thing in itself, and that with the great inconsistency of an inference absolutely forbidden by himself, what a remarkable accident would it then be that here, where for the first time he approaches the thing in itself more closely and explains it, he should recognise in it at once the ''will,'' the free will showing itself in the world only in temporal manifestations! I therefore really assume, though it cannot be proved, that whenever Kant spoke of the thing in itself, in the obscure depths of his mind he already always indistinctly thought of the will. This receives support from a passage in the preface to the second edition of the &quot;Critique of Pure Reason,&quot; pp. xxvii. and xxviii., in Rosenkranz's edition, p. 677 of the Supplement.

For the rest, it is just this predetermined solution of the sham third conflict that affords Kant the opportunity of expressing very beautifully the deepest thoughts of his whole philosophy. This is the case in the whole of the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/132</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019070</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507788</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T02:57:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2117" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|122|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot;Sixth Section of the Antinomy of Pure Reason;&quot; but, above all, in the exposition of the opposition between the empirical and the intelligible character, p. 534-550; V. 562-578, which I number among the most admirable things that have ever been said by man. (As a supplemental explanation of this passage, compare a parallel passage in the Critique of Practical Reason, p. 169-179 of the fourth edition, or p. 224-231 of Rosenkranz's edition.) It is yet all the more to be regretted that this is here not in its right place, partly because it is not found in the way which the exposition states, and therefore could be otherwise deduced than it is, partly because it does not fulfil the end for which it is there – the solution of the sham antinomy. The intelligible character, the thing in itself, is inferred from the phenomenon by the inconsistent use of the category of causality beyond the sphere of all phenomena, which has already been sufficiently condemned. In this case the will of man (which Kant entitles reason, most improperly, and with an unpardonable breach of all use of language) is set up as the thing in itself, with an appeal to an unconditioned ought, the categorical imperative, which is postulated without more ado.

Now, instead of all this, the plain open procedure would have been to start directly from the will, and prove it to be the in-itself of our own phenomenal being, recognised without any mediation; and then to give that exposition of the empirical and the intelligible character to explain how all actions, although necessitated by motives, yet, both by their author and by the disinterested judge, are necessarily and absolutely ascribed to the former himself and alone, as depending solely upon him, to whom therefore guilt and merit are attributed in respect of them. This alone was the straight path to the knowledge of that which is not phenomenon, and therefore will not be found by the help of the laws of the phenomenon, but is that which reveals itself through the phenomenon, becomes knowable, {{hws|objec|objectifies}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/133</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{hwe|tifies|objectifies}} itself – the will to live. It would then have had to be exhibited merely by analogy as the inner nature of every phenomenon. Then, however, it certainly could not have been said that in lifeless or even animal nature no faculty can be thought except as sensuously conditioned (p. 546; V. 574), which in Kant's language is simply saying that the explanation, according to the law of causality, exhausts the inner nature of these phe...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2189" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|123}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|tifies|objectifies}} itself – the will to live. It would then have had to be exhibited merely by analogy as the inner nature of every phenomenon. Then, however, it certainly could not have been said that in lifeless or even animal nature no faculty can be thought except as sensuously conditioned (p. 546; V. 574), which in Kant's language is simply saying that the explanation, according to the law of causality, exhausts the inner nature of these phenomena, and thus in their case, very inconsistently, the thing in itself disappears. Through the false position and the roundabout deduction according with it which the exposition of the thing in itself has received from Kant, the whole conception of it has also become falsified. For the will or the thing in itself, found through the investigation of an unconditioned cause, appears here related to the phenomenon as cause to effect. But this relation exists only within the phenomenal world, therefore presupposes it, and cannot connect the phenomenal world itself with what lies outside it, and is ''toto genere'' different from it.

Further, the intended end, the solution of the third antinomy by the decision that both sides, each in a different sense, are right, is not reached at all. For neither the thesis nor the antithesis have anything to do with the thing in itself, but entirely with the phenomenon, the objective world, the world as idea. This it is, and absolutely nothing else, of which the thesis tries to show, by means of the sophistry we have laid bare, that it contains unconditioned causes, and it is also this of which the antithesis rightly denies that it contains such causes. Therefore the whole exposition of the transcendental freedom of the will, so far as it is a thing in itself, which is given here in justification of the thesis, excellent as it is in itself, is yet here entirely a {{greek missing}}. For the transcendental freedom of the will which is expounded is by no means the unconditioned causality of a cause, which the thesis asserts, because it is of the essence of a cause that it must be a phenomenon, and not {{hws|some|something}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/134</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019072</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507790</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:01:49Z</timestamp>
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        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2123" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|124|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|thing|something}} which lies beyond all phenomena and is ''toto genere'' different.

If what is spoken of is cause and effect, the relation of the will to the manifestation (or of the intelligible character to the empirical) must never be introduced, as happens here: for it is entirely different from causal relation. However, here also, in this solution of the antinomy, it is said with truth that the empirical character of man, like that of every other cause in nature, is unalterably determined, and therefore that his actions necessarily take place in accordance with the external influences; therefore also, in spite of all transcendental freedom (''i.e.,'' independence of the will in itself of the laws of the connection of its manifestation), no man has the power of himself to begin a series of actions, which, however, was asserted by the thesis. Thus also freedom has no causality; for only the will is free, and it lies outside nature or the phenomenon, which is just its objectification, but does not stand in a causal relation to it, for this relation is only found within the sphere of the phenomenon, thus presupposes it, and cannot embrace the phenomenon itself and connect it with what is expressly not a phenomenon. The world itself can only be explained through the will (for it is the will itself, so far as it manifests itself), and not through causality. But ''in the world,'' causality is the sole principle of explanation, and everything happens simply according to the laws of nature. Thus the right lies entirely on the side of the antithesis, which sticks to the question in hand, and uses that principle of explanation which is valid with regard to it; therefore it needs no apology. The thesis, on the other hand, is supposed to be got out of the matter by an apology, which first passes over to something quite different from the question at issue, and then assumes a principle of explanation which is inapplicable to it.

The fourth conflict is, as has already been said, in its real meaning tautological with the third. In its solution&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Trial of john lilburne (IA trial john lilburne).djvu/85</title>
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      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2524" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Shells-shells&quot; /&gt;{{c|(71)}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Mr. Atturney. ''And Mr. ''Iones'' did read the Originall, and ''L''eiut. Col. ''Lilburn'' corrected the Copy.''

L''eiut. Col ''L''ilb.'' Vnder favour you are mistaken, he saies, that I cast my eyes upon the Copy; but doth not in the least say, that I corrected it; and therefore Sir, you do abuse me, in going about to make him say more then his own Conscience tels him is truth.

L. Keeble. ''While the examination was, he saith you read the proof.''

''L. Col. Lilb.'' Sir, he says no such thing by your favour.

L. Keeble. ''Mr. ''Newcombe'', was not Mr. ''Lilburne'' there the second time at night, and did he not look upon the Copy?''

Mr. Newcombe. ''That he did my Lord, but my Lord I shall tell you the manner of our Trade in this particular, the manner is, that after we have set a forme of the letter, we make a proof of it, which proof we have a Corrector does read, my Corrector he had one being he Corrected it, and Capt. ''Iones'' lookt upon the Manuscript, and L. Col. Lilburne had a copy of the same sheet uncorrected, but he did not correct it, nor read to the Corrector; there was two pul’d off, the Corrector had one, and Mr. ''Lilburne'' had the other, and Capt{{SIC|,|.}} ''Iones'' look’t upon the Manuscript, and read it to the Corrector.''
{{dhr}}
L''eiut. Col. Lilb.'' He has declared unto you, that he was taken printing the thing before it was perfected, I desire to know, whether I was at his house to give any further directions at all after it was taken?

Mr. Atturney. ''That’s no thanks neither to you nor him.''

''Leiut. Col. ''L''ilb.'' I pray let him answer the thing, let me have faire play above board. Sir, I beseech you let me hold him close to the question, he saies he was taken before the sheet was perfected, truly I think they are his very words.

Mr. Newcomb. ''I said in my examination, that it was a proof of that printed which you had.''

L''eiut. Col. ''L''ilb.'' I desire again to know this of him, whether before he had printed or perfected that sheet he had doing, he was not taken, and both the formes?

L. Keeble. ''Mr. ''Lilburn'', you must desire to aske him the question, and not you to demand it of him your self.''

''Mr. ''L''ilb.'' I shall Sir,

Mr. Newcombe. ''It was before the formes were taken.''

''Leiut. Col. ''L''ilb.'' I ask you, whether before the things were compleat and perfect, your formes were not both taken, and your person seized upon?

Mr. Newcombe. ''There were onely some few Copies printed, and then I''&lt;noinclude&gt;{{continues|''was''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Pantographia - Fry - 1799.djvu/47</title>
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      <text bytes="42" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{x-larger|{{lsp||PANTOGRAPHI|A.}}}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}  Abbahn schirfifu. Selengskqi zebonsha. Meffhaq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskan hirman egahquahn. Parchon pmlegron; ha parchons phlegonaos. Ne hibli kan scepi kha. Erupn ihapsa. Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha, Meffahq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskhan hirmin egaquahn. Parchon pmlegron.&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="336" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{left|2}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

Abbahn schirfifu. Selengskqi zebonsha. Meffhaq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskan hirman egahquahn. Parchon pmlegron; ha parchons phlegonaos. Ne hibli kan scepi kha. Erupn ihapsa. Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha, Meffahq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskhan hirmin egaquahn. Parchon pmlegron.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507794</id>
      <parentid>12507793</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:12:28Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="335" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{left|2}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha. Meffhaq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskan hirman egahquahn. Parchon pmlegron; ha parchons phlegonaos. Ne hibli kan scepi kha. Erupn ihapsa. Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha, Meffahq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskhan hirmin egaquahn. Parchon pmlegron.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>aqwga7w6429l0sjvudmach0aqbr9sx4</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507796</id>
      <parentid>12507794</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:14:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="393" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{left|2}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;aby1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha. Meffhaq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskan hirman egahquahn. Parchon pmlegron; ha parchons phlegonaos. Ne hibli kan scepi kha. Erupn ihapsa. Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha, Meffahq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskhan hirmin egaquahn. Parchon pmlegron.

## ahm1 ##&lt;section end=&quot;aby1&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>alz90juxf3p816mbqyvzvb8a0dcnrg3</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507801</id>
      <parentid>12507796</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:17:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="430" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{left|2}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;aby1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha. Meffhaq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskan hirman egahquahn. Parchon pmlegron; ha parchons phlegonaos. Ne hibli kan scepi kha. Erupn ihapsa. Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha, Meffahq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskhan hirmin egaquahn. Parchon pmlegron.

&lt;section end=&quot;aby1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;ahm1&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;ahm1&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>4g8353ekia1lib1h8aih6exb0x3wppl</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507803</id>
      <parentid>12507801</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:19:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="434" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{left|2}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;lang1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha. Meffhaq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskan hirman egahquahn. Parchon pmlegron; ha parchons phlegonaos. Ne hibli kan scepi kha. Erupn ihapsa. Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha, Meffahq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskhan hirmin egaquahn. Parchon pmlegron.

&lt;section end=&quot;lang1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;lang2&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;lang2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>plr1dx74365zj8yr7alc697grxp7qxr</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507960</id>
      <parentid>12507803</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:49:41Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="759" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{left|2}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;lang1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha. Meffhaq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskan hirman egahquahn. Parchon pmlegron; ha parchons phlegonaos. Ne hibli kan scepi kha. Erupn ihapsa. Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha, Meffahq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskhan hirmin egaquahn. Parchon pmlegron.

&lt;section end=&quot;lang1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;lang2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Amhari|c.}}}}}}

Abâtâyn bassamaj jalach. Jynzalyn mangystcha. Fakâdychm jyhuyn bassamaj yndalachschig bamydram. Sisâjâtyn yjatlatu zâre sytan. Badalâtyn myharan ynjam jabadalanan yndo nymhyr. Hamansut nygabâ matan attawan. Adhanan yndu kabis nagar. Ysma ziaka jyy'ti mengy'st hajl wasybhat laalama a.&lt;section end=&quot;lang2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508113</id>
      <parentid>12507960</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:34:08Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1079" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{left|2}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;lang1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha. Meffhaq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskan hirman egahquahn. Parchon pmlegron; ha parchons phlegonaos. Ne hibli kan scepi kha. Erupn ihapsa. Abbahn schirfifu. Selenskgi zebonsha, Meffahq spirsa. Ischir jergash. Semskhan hirmin egaquahn. Parchon pmlegron.

&lt;section end=&quot;lang1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;lang2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Amhari|c.}}}}}}

Abâtâyn bassamaj jalach. Jynzalyn mangystcha. Fakâdychm jyhuyn bassamaj yndalachschig bamydram. Sisâjâtyn yjatlatu zâre sytan. Badalâtyn myharan ynjam jabadalanan yndo nymhyr. Hamansut nygabâ matan attawan. Adhanan yndu kabis nagar. Ysma ziaka jyy'ti mengy'st hajl wasybhat laalama a.

&lt;section end=&quot;lang2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;lang3&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Angola|n.}}}}}}
Tota a monte. 1. Hosa azure. 2. Macla agisa. 3. Anfonsa ara quereola azureta o amano. 4. Afonnimonte iouro toma montiouro a fauco. 5. O augomont plecha mon almont augumos plechomont. 6. Ouanmont-cault plutech. 7. Si auermont moiue. Amin.&lt;section end=&quot;lang3&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Household Words - Volume 12.djvu/39</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019076</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507795</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:12:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="5572" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{x-smaller|Charles Dickens.]}}|THE LITTLE CHORISTER.|{{x-smaller|Aug. 11, 1855.]}} 29}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;came quite close to Ange and leant over him; and then a peace greater than before came over him, and the sleep of unconsciousness returned. 

What noise was that that startled Ange out of his sleep? How heavy old Jeannette trod—she who always wore list shoes in the house! Ah, Ange must have overslept himself, and Jeannette must have on her sabots to go to market! But that sound—it was a key turning in a lock; and then, the sound of huge heavy doors being thrown open. &quot;Where am I?&quot; cried little Ange, getting up and rubbing his eyes; and then he stared round him, first amazed and then aghast. In the cathedral he had slept all night—in the cathedral! And then came the terrible thought of how old Jeannette would scold him, and how displeased Father Mathurin would be. And then he sat down and cried, fairly overpowered by this new trouble, dreading to go home, for fear of old Jeannette, and not knowing what in the world he should do. But then Ange dried his tears—for the thought of his dream came into his mind—and prayed that he might be guided to do that which was right; and then he rose and took off his little chorister's gown, and folded it up, as he usually did after service, and he smoothed his hair as well as he could, that he might not look disorderly, and walked out of the wide-opened church-door with a strengthened heart, prepared to make a full confession to Father Mathurin of how he had fallen asleep during his sermon, and slept all night in the cathedral. 


{{c|{{asc|CHAPTER II.}}}}

{{sc|Ange}} ran all the way to Father Mathurin's; he would not stop a moment, or even walk slowly, for fear his courage should fail him. He intended to throw himself first at Father Mathurin's feet, and, if he should be so fortunate as to procure his pardon, to prevail upon him to intercede with old Jeannette, of whom poor Ange stood so greatly in dread. 

When Ange arrived at Father Mathurin's house, he was surprised to find a group of neighbours round the door, for it was yet very early, and he had quite forgotten that it was the day when the boys of the choir were paid their weekly salary. A mother or sister came with each boy; for though Father Mathurin gave the money into their own hands, yet, when all had been paid, he came to the door, spoke to the parents, and saw that the money was safely delivered up to them, that it might not be ill spent. But poor Ange had forgotten the importance of the day, his heart was so full of his dream, and he thought it was some especial malice on the part of old Jeannette to make his disgrace more public. Poor Ange's heart sunk within him, and he would fain have run away; but there seemed a strange new strength, not his own, supporting him, and he made his way manfully through the little crowd. Jeannette stood on the door-step, talking to the neighbours; but, when Ange came near her, she caught hold of him, and, turning his little face towards her, said, &quot;Why, how bright thou art! Where hast thou been so early?&quot; And when Ange had passed, he heard her say to the neighbours, &quot;Is he not a beautiful boy, our Ange?&quot; Ange was quite bewildered. It seemed as though he was still dreaming. How strange that Jeannette should be so kind! How strange that she should never have missed him! And so Ange, lost in these conjectures, tried to find his way to Father Mathurin's room, but he was too late: the boys were all coming out. 

Ange was very glad it was over, for he dreaded being disgraced before the other boys, and he knew he had done very wrong to fall asleep during Father Mathurin's sermon; so he crept quietly into Father Mathurin's room, and waited till he should come back again. 

Now Ange had a little room all to himself, at Father Mathurin's house, and every night Jeannette put his supper there while he was at the evening service; for she loved to spend the evening with Margot, and then they gossipped together merrily about their neighbours, which they would not have liked to do so well if Ange had been with them in the kitchen; and Father Mathurin always spent the evening alone, reading and writing, and it would have annoyed him very much to have such a little boy as Ange in the room with him. So Ange always spent the evening quite alone; and so it was that neither Jeannette nor Father Mathurin knew that he had been out of the house all night. 

&quot;Ange!&quot; and Ange started up hastily, and his heart throbbed very much, for it was Father Mathurin who had entered the room, and the tone of his voice was angry; &quot;How is it that thou hast lain in bed so late this morning? dost thou not know how many temptations laziness leadeth thee into?&quot; 

&quot;Father,&quot; answered Ange, more and more surprised, &quot;I have never been in bed all night. I am very, very sorry, but I fell asleep during your sermon, and I slept all night in the cathedral, and it was not till Pierre opened the doors this morning that I awoke and ran here. Do, do forgive me,&quot; and little Ange clasped his hands together and looked up in Father Mathurin's face. 

&quot;Poor, poor child,&quot; and something like a tear glistened in his eye, and his heart smote him for this poor little one; for who but a desolate and uncared-for child could have been a whole night away from his home and none miss him? 

Ange had no kind mother or sister to take his money, so that he always gave his weekly salary back to Father Mathurin, but this day Father Mathurin told Ange to keep it. 

&quot;Jeannette tells me,&quot; he said, &quot;that thou&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Pantographia - Fry - 1799.djvu/49</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019077</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507800</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:16:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;&lt;section begin=&quot;aby1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}  This is the language of one of the provinces of Ethiopia, of which there are many, all varying much in their dialect, but using the same character.---See {{sc|Ethiopic}}.  The {{ls}}pecimen given is a version of the Lord's Prayer.  {{right|Orat. Dom. p. 26.}}  &lt;section end=&quot;aby1&quot; /&gt; &lt;section begin=&quot;ahm1&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;ahm1&quot; /&gt;&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="401" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{right|3}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;aby1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

This is the language of one of the provinces of Ethiopia, of which there are many, all varying much in their dialect, but using the same character.---See {{sc|Ethiopic}}.

The {{ls}}pecimen given is a version of the Lord's Prayer.

{{right|Orat. Dom. p. 26.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;aby1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;ahm1&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;ahm1&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507804</id>
      <parentid>12507800</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:19:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="405" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{right|3}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;desc1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

This is the language of one of the provinces of Ethiopia, of which there are many, all varying much in their dialect, but using the same character.---See {{sc|Ethiopic}}.

The {{ls}}pecimen given is a version of the Lord's Prayer.

{{right|Orat. Dom. p. 26.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;desc1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;desc2&quot; /&gt;&lt;section end=&quot;desc2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507963</id>
      <parentid>12507804</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:51:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="626" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{right|3}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;desc1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

This is the language of one of the provinces of Ethiopia, of which there are many, all varying much in their dialect, but using the same character.---See {{sc|Ethiopic}}.

The {{ls}}pecimen given is a version of the Lord's Prayer.
{{right|Orat. Dom. p. 26.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;desc1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;desc2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Amhari|c.}}}}}}
This is also one of the provincial tongues of Ethiopia, which are particularly noticed in Bruce's Travels, vol. 1, p. 401.—It is a version of the Lord's Prayer.
{{right|Orat. Dom. p. 15.}}&lt;section end=&quot;desc2&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508115</id>
      <parentid>12507963</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:35:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Reboot01</username>
        <id>2805164</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="755" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Reboot01&quot; /&gt;{{right|3}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;section begin=&quot;desc1&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Abyssinia|n.}}}}}}

This is the language of one of the provinces of Ethiopia, of which there are many, all varying much in their dialect, but using the same character.---See {{sc|Ethiopic}}.

The {{ls}}pecimen given is a version of the Lord's Prayer.
{{right|Orat. Dom. p. 26.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;desc1&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;desc2&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Amhari|c.}}}}}}
This is also one of the provincial tongues of Ethiopia, which are particularly noticed in Bruce's Travels, vol. 1, p. 401.—It is a version of the Lord's Prayer.
{{right|Orat. Dom. p. 15.}}

&lt;section end=&quot;desc2&quot; /&gt;
&lt;section begin=&quot;desc3&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{sc|{{lsp||Angola|n.}}}}}}
The Lord's Prayer.
{{right|Orat. Dom. P. 25.}}&lt;section end=&quot;desc3&quot; /&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/52</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019078</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507809</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:23:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|THE ASPERGES. }}  ''Ant.'' Thou shalt sprinkle me with hyssop, O  Lord, and I shall be cleansed: Thou shalt wash  me, and I shall be made whiter than snow.  Ps. Have mercy on me, O God, according to  Thy great mercy. ''V.'' Glory be, &amp;amp;c.   ''Ant.'' Thou shalt sprinkle me.   The Priest, having returned to the foot of the Altar,  says: —   ''V.'' Show us, O Lord, Thy mercy.   ''R.'' And grant us Thy salvation.   ''V.'' O Lord, hear my prayer.   ''R...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1262" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|THE ASPERGES. }}

''Ant.'' Thou shalt sprinkle me with hyssop, O 
Lord, and I shall be cleansed: Thou shalt wash 
me, and I shall be made whiter than snow. 
Ps. Have mercy on me, O God, according to 
Thy great mercy. ''V.'' Glory be, &amp;amp;c. 

''Ant.'' Thou shalt sprinkle me. 

The Priest, having returned to the foot of the Altar, 
says: — 

''V.'' Show us, O Lord, Thy mercy. 

''R.'' And grant us Thy salvation. 

''V.'' O Lord, hear my prayer. 

''R.'' And let my cry come unto Thee. 

''V.'' The Lord be with you. 

''R.'' And with thy spirit. 

{{c|''Let us pray. ''}}

Hear us, O holy Lord, Almighty Father, 
Eternal God; and vouchsafe to send Thy holy 
Angel from heaven, to guard, cherish, protect, 
visit, and defend all that are assembled in this 
house. Through Christ our Lord. Amen. 

{{smaller|From Easter to Whit Sunday, inclusively, instead of the 
foregoing Antiphon, the following is sung, and Alleluia is added to the ''V.'' ( Ostende nobis), and also to the 
''R.'' (Et salutare ). }}

''Ant.'' I saw water flowing from the right side 
of the temple, Alleluia; and all to whom that 
water came were saved, and they shall say, Alleluia. ''Ps.'' Praise the Lord, for He is good; 
for His mercy endureth for ever. Glory, &amp;amp;c. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/54</title>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{larger|ORDINARY OF THE MASS. }}  The Priest begins at the foot of the Altar. }}  In the name of the Father, ✠ and of the Son,  and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.   I will go unto the altar of God.   ''R.'' To God, who giveth joy to my youth.   {{c|Psalm xlii. }}  ''P.'' Judge me,O God, and distinguish my cause  from the nation that is not holy; deliver me  from the unjust and deceitful man.   ''R.'' For Thou, O God, art my strength, why  hast Thou cast m...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1315" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|ORDINARY OF THE MASS. }}

The Priest begins at the foot of the Altar. }}

In the name of the Father, ✠ and of the Son, 
and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. 

I will go unto the altar of God. 

''R.'' To God, who giveth joy to my youth. 

{{c|Psalm xlii. }}

''P.'' Judge me,O God, and distinguish my cause 
from the nation that is not holy; deliver me 
from the unjust and deceitful man. 

''R.'' For Thou, O God, art my strength, why 
hast Thou cast me off? and why do I go sorrowful whilst the enemy afflicteth me? 

''P.'' Send forth Thy light and Thy truth; they 
have conducted me and brought me unto Thy 
holy mount, and into Thy tabernhcles. 

''R.'' And I will g*o unto the altar of God: to 
God, who giveth joy to my youth. 

''P.'' I will praise Thee on the harp, O God, 
my God: why art Thou sorrowful, O my soul? 
and why dost Thou disquiet me? 

''R.'' Hope in God, for I will still give praise to 
Him: who is the salvation of my countenance, 
and my God. 

''P.'' Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, 
and to the Holy Ghost. 

''R.'' As it was in the beginning, is now, and 
ever shall be, world without end. Amen. 

''V.'' I will go unto the altar of God. 

R. To God, who giveth joy to my youth. 

''V.'' Our help is in the name of the Lord. 

R. Who hath made heaven and earth. 
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Household Words - Volume 12.djvu/34</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:26:26Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Hilohello</username>
        <id>2345291</id>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;environs, an interest which will be easily understood, and which tilled the hall with an anxious and overflowing throng. The bitter reproaches which Lesnier's advocate directly addressed against the three accused were richly deserved, although they do not accord with our forms of criminal justice. Monsieur the President Delange summed up. The jury, after an hour and half's consideration, replied negatively to the questions of homicide and incendiarism re...</comment>
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      <text bytes="5739" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;24 

HOUSEHOLD WORDS. 

[Aug. -1, 1B55.]&lt;/noinclude&gt;environs, an interest which will be easily understood, and which tilled the hall with an anxious and overflowing throng. The bitter reproaches which Lesnier's advocate directly addressed against the three accused were richly deserved, although they do not accord with our forms of criminal justice. Monsieur the President Delange summed up. The jury, after an hour and half's consideration, replied negatively to the questions of homicide and incendiarism relative to Lespagne, and affirmatively to those of blows resulting ill death, without the intention of causing it, and of subornation of false witnesses. The woman Lespagne and Daignaud were declared guilty of false witness. Attenuating circumstances were admitted in favour of the three accused. In consequence of this verdict, the three accused were each condemned to twenty years of hard labour. 

What the &quot;attenuating circumstances&quot; were, Heaven may know, but no mortal can guess, unless M. Lesnier will have the magnanimity to suggest any in his forthcoming autobiography. All that one is able to make out of the meaning of &quot;attenuating circumstances&quot; in France is, that they are the representatives, in so many letters and syllables, of an unwillingness to strike the last irrevocable blow; they are the sobering influence which time interposes between the commission of a crime and its punishment; they are the angels of mercy who shout to justice, &quot;Beware lest preventive punishment become revenge and retaliation!&quot; they are benevolent fictions raised to temper the severity of deserved retribution; they are the John Does and the Richard Roes of judicial forbearance. 

M. Gergerès instituted proceedings at civil law demanding the sum of fifty thousand francs damages. The court, in a subsequent audience devoted to this decision, allowed ten thousand francs damages to Lesnier. It now rests with the supreme court (perhaps it may be done already) to cancel the sentence of July eighteen hundred and forty-eight, as irreconcilable with that of March, eighteen hundred and fifty-five, and to remand the accused before a new court, to pronounce a final and definitive judgment on their fate. The man Lespague will probably get hard labour for life. 

The immense revulsion in the tide of Lesnier's existence can be appreciated only by himself; and scarcely by himself, yet. It takes time for such a series of events to ferment, and work themselves clear, in a man's thoughts and feelings. Lookers on can only say, that if similar judicial errors are happily becoming rarer from year to year, the real point to be arrived at is, to make their commision impossible. Again, too, that if committed, they should not be irretrievable. No man living can be secure that he shall never be the object of unfounded accusations; no man can be sure of not being surprised, unconsciously mixed up with doubtful and even suspicious circumstances. And if things go wrong; if a sentence past recal is pronounced—without entertaining the entire abolition of the punishment of death in certain cases—the facts thus briefly related are sufficient to make us ponder seriously the question, whether we have a right to hang, or not, criminals who have been found guilty of murder, by twelve men of fallible judgment, except upon evidence that amounts to demonstration of guilt. 

The newspapers report that one of the jury, who condemned Lesnier, went and shook hands with him, expressing at the same time his regrets and his felicitations. We can sympathise with the tempest and struggle in that juror's mind, and congratulate him on the happiness he must feel now, on remembering that Lesnier was only sentenced to hard labour for life. But the judge who has ever hung an innocent man—can he banish from his presence, by night or by day, the earnest, tearful, pale, protesting phantom, to whom the last words he deigned to address were, &quot;the Lord have mercy on {{asc|YOUR SOUL}}!&quot; 


In a French newspaper, bearing the date of July the eleventh, eighteen hundred and fifty-five, appears the following : &quot;By order of the Emperor, his Excellency the Minister of Agriculture, Commerce, and Public Works, has just named Monsieur Lesnier, Son, government commissary to the coal-mine company of La Mayenne and La Sarthe. Monsieur Lesnier, late schoolmaster, condemned in eighteen hundred and forty-seven, to hard labour for life for murder and arson, had, by his exemplary conduct, merited the confidence of the commissaire of the Bagne, who employed him in his office when, seven years after his condemnation, his innocence was completely demonstrated, thanks to the pious and active devotion of his father. In consequence of a judgment pronounced against the real perpetrators of the double crime, whose manœuvres had misled the authorities, he has been discharged, by a decree of the Court of Assizes of the Haute Garonne of the twenty-seventh of June, from the accusation brought against him. This formal reparation did not completely pay the debt owed by society; and it has been the wish of his majesty, in giving M. Lesnier an honourable employment, to repair the ruin brought upon him by a fatal judicial error.&quot; 

This is satisfactory, and as it should be. But if M. Lesnier, instead of being condemned to forced work for life, had been buried in quicklime within the precincts of a jail, all the reparation that society and the Secretary of State could have made would be the restoration of what remained of his remains to his friends, to receive the posthumous compliment of decent burial. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|{{xx-smaller|Published at the Office, No. 15, Wellington Street North, strand. Printed by {{sc|Bradbury &amp; Evans}}, Whitefriars, London.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>The Daily Prayer-Book/Asperges</title>
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        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = The Daily Prayer-Book  | author     =   | translator =   | section    = Asperges  | previous   =   | next       =  | year       =  1882   | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf&quot; include=&quot;52&quot; /&gt;&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="236" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = The Daily Prayer-Book
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 | translator = 
 | section    = Asperges
 | previous   = 
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 | year       =  1882 
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf&quot; include=&quot;52&quot; /&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>The Daily Prayer-Book/Ordinary Mass</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507814</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:27:23Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>2943726</id>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = The Daily Prayer-Book  | author     =   | translator =   | section    = Ordinary of the Mass  | previous   =   | next       =   | year       =  1882   | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf&quot; include=&quot;54,56,58,60&quot; /&gt;&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="258" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = The Daily Prayer-Book
 | author     = 
 | translator = 
 | section    = Ordinary of the Mass
 | previous   = 
 | next       = 
 | year       =  1882 
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;pages index=&quot;TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf&quot; include=&quot;54,56,58,60&quot; /&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:TheDailyPrayerBook.pdf/56</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{smaller|Then joining his hands and humbly bowing down,  he says the Confession: }}}}  ''P.'' I confess, &amp;amp;c.   ''R.'' May Almighty God, &amp;amp;o.   ''R.'' I confess, &amp;amp;c.   Then the Priest, with his hands joined, gives the  Absolution, saying —   ''P.'' May Almighty God, &amp;amp;c.   {{c|{{smaller|Signing himself with the sign of the Cross, he says — }}}}  ''P.'' ✠ May the Almighty, &amp;amp;c.   {{c|{{smaller|Then, bowing down, he proceeds: }}}}  ''V...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1238" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{smaller|Then joining his hands and humbly bowing down, 
he says the Confession: }}}}

''P.'' I confess, &amp;amp;c. 

''R.'' May Almighty God, &amp;amp;o. 

''R.'' I confess, &amp;amp;c. 

Then the Priest, with his hands joined, gives the 
Absolution, saying — 

''P.'' May Almighty God, &amp;amp;c. 

{{c|{{smaller|Signing himself with the sign of the Cross, he says — }}}}

''P.'' ✠ May the Almighty, &amp;amp;c. 

{{c|{{smaller|Then, bowing down, he proceeds: }}}}

''V.'' Thou wilt turn again, O God, and quicken 
us. 

''R.'' And Thy neople shall rejoice in Thee. 

''V.'' Show us, O Lord Thy mercy. 

''R.'' And grant us Thy salvation. 

''V.'' O Lord, hear my prayer. 

''R.'' And let my cry come unto Thee. 

''V.'' The Lord be with you. 

''R.'' And with thy spirit. 

{{smaller|{{c|Going up to the Altar, he says secretly — }}}}

Take away from us our iniquities, we beseech 
Thee, O Lord; that we may oe worthy to enter 
with pure minds into the Holy of Holies. 
Through Christ Jesus our Lord. Amen. 

{{smaller|{{c|Bowing down over the Altar, he says — }}}}

We beseech Thee, O Lord, by the merits of 
Thy Saints, whose relics are here, and of all 
the Saints, that Thou wouldst vouchsafe to forgive me all my sins. Amen. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1238" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{smaller|Then joining his hands and humbly bowing down, 
he says the Confession: }}}}

''P.'' I confess, &amp;amp;c. 

''R.'' May Almighty God, &amp;amp;c. 

''R.'' I confess, &amp;amp;c. 

Then the Priest, with his hands joined, gives the 
Absolution, saying — 

''P.'' May Almighty God, &amp;amp;c. 

{{c|{{smaller|Signing himself with the sign of the Cross, he says — }}}}

''P.'' ✠ May the Almighty, &amp;amp;c. 

{{c|{{smaller|Then, bowing down, he proceeds: }}}}

''V.'' Thou wilt turn again, O God, and quicken 
us. 

''R.'' And Thy neople shall rejoice in Thee. 

''V.'' Show us, O Lord Thy mercy. 

''R.'' And grant us Thy salvation. 

''V.'' O Lord, hear my prayer. 

''R.'' And let my cry come unto Thee. 

''V.'' The Lord be with you. 

''R.'' And with thy spirit. 

{{smaller|{{c|Going up to the Altar, he says secretly — }}}}

Take away from us our iniquities, we beseech 
Thee, O Lord; that we may oe worthy to enter 
with pure minds into the Holy of Holies. 
Through Christ Jesus our Lord. Amen. 

{{smaller|{{c|Bowing down over the Altar, he says — }}}}

We beseech Thee, O Lord, by the merits of 
Thy Saints, whose relics are here, and of all 
the Saints, that Thou wouldst vouchsafe to forgive me all my sins. Amen. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Household Words - Volume 12.djvu/36</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019084</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507822</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:35:11Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Hilohello</username>
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      <text bytes="5791" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Hilohello&quot; /&gt;{{rh|26 {{x-smaller|[Aug. 11, 1855.]}}|HOUSEHOLD WORDS.|{{x-smaller|(Conducted by}}}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Commission, he conceived to be this:—Every wholesale dealer in that drug was sure to have on hand, in beginning business, a large stock of Noodledom; which was extremely cheap, and lamentably abundant. He immediately mixed the drug with the poison. Now, it was the peculiarity of the Public-Office trade that the wholesale dealers were constantly retiring from business, and having successors. A new dealer came into possession of the already adulterated stock, and he, in his turn, infused into it a fresh quantity of Noodledom from his own private store. Then, on his retirement, came another dealer who did the same; then, on ''his'' retirement, another dealer who did the same; and so on. Thus, many of the samples before the Commission, positively contained nothing but Noodledom—enough, in short, to paralyze the whole country. To the question, whether the useful properties of the drug before the Commission were not of necessity impaired by these malpractices, Mr. Bull replied, that all the samples were perniciously weakened, and that half of them were good for nothing. To the question, how he would remedy a state of things so much to be deplored, Mr. Bull replied, that he would take the drug out of the hands of mercenary dealers altogether. 

Mr. Bull next exhibited three or four samples of Lawn-sleeves, warranted at the various establishments from which they had been procured, to be fine and spotless, but evidently soiled and composed of inferior materials ill made up. On one pair, he pointed out extensive stains of printer's-ink, of a very foul kind; also a coarse interweaving, which on examination clearly betrayed, without the aid of the microscope, the fibres of the thistle, Old Bailey Attorneyism. A third pair of these sleeves, though sold as white, were really nothing but the ordinary Mammon pattern, chalked over—a fact which Mr. Bull showed to be beyond dispute, by merely holding them up to the light. He represented this branch of industry as over-stocked, and in an unhealthy condition. 

There were then placed upon the table, several samples of British Peasant, to which Mr. Bull expressed himself as particularly solicitous to draw the attention of the Commision, with one plain object: the good of his beloved country. He remarked that with that object before him, he would not inquire into the general condition, whether perfectly healthy or otherwise, of any of the samples now produced. He would not ask, whether this specimen or that men might have been stronger, larger, better fitted for wear and tear, and less liable to early decay, if the human creature were reared with a little more of such care, study, and attention, as were rightfully bestowed on the vegetable world around it. But, the samples before the Commission had been obtained from every county in England, and, though brought from opposite parts of the kingdom, were alike deficient in the ability to defend their country by handling a gun or a sword, or by uniting in any mode of action, as a disciplined body. It was said in a breath, that the English were not a military people, and that they made (equally on the testimony of their friends and enemies), the best soldiers in the world. He hoped that in a time of war and common danger he might take the liberty of putting those opposite assertions into the crucible of Common Sense, consuming the Humbug, and producing the Truth—at any rate he would, whether or no. Now, he begged to inform the Commission that, in the samples before them and thousands of others, he had carefully analysed and tested the British Peasant, and had found him to hold in combination just the same qualities that he always had possessed. Analysing and testing, however, as a part of the inquiry, certain other matters not fairly to be separated from it, he (Mr. Bull) had found the said Peasant to have been some time ago disarmed by lords and gentlemen who were jealous of their game, and by administrations—hirers of spies and suborners of false witnesses—who were jealous of their power. &quot;So, if you wish to restore to these samples,&quot; said Mr. Bull, &quot;the serviceable quality that I find to be wanting in them, and the absence of which so much surprises you, be a little more patriotic and a little less timorously selfish; trust your Peasant a little more; instruct him a little better, in a freeman's knowledge—not in a good child's merely; and you will soon have your Saxon Bowmen with percussion rifles, and may save the charges of your Foreign Legion.&quot; 

Having withdrawn the samples to which his observations referred—the production whereof, in connection with Mr. Bull's remarks, had powerfully impressed the assembled Commission, some of whom even went so far as to register vows on the spot that they would look into this matter some day—Mr. Bull laid before the Commission a great variety of extremely fine specimens of genuine British Job. He expressed his opinion that these thriving Plants upon the public property, were absolutely immortal: so surprisingly did they flourish, and so perseveringly were they cultivated. Job was the only article he had found in England, in a perfectly unadulterated state. He congratulated the Commission on there being at least one commodity enjoyed by Great Britain, with which nobody successfully meddled, and of which the Public always had an ample supply, unattended by the smallest prospect of failure in the perennial crop. 

On the subsidence of the sensation of pleasure with which this gratifying announcement was received, Mr. Bull informed the Commission, that he now approached the most serious and the most discouraging part of his task. He would not shrink from a faith-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Spiritual Reflections for Every Day in the Year - Vol 2.pdf/258</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507832</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:45:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jpez</username>
        <id>1761489</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1759" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;cannot transgress those laws which omnipotent wisdom has laid down. To be the just and Omnipotent Being I am, I must be regulated by the same laws of justice which I impose upon you. If you are in a state, the one to sit at My right hand, the other at My left, you will assuredly sit there; but, or except, you are in such a state of preparation, I cannot violate the laws of order, and interpose My omnipotence to sanction a manifest injustice; therefore a seat at My right hand, and at My left, are not mine to give, except to such as have prepared themselves to enjoy it.&quot;

That this is the obvious meaning, and that the Lord does possess omnipotence—but an omnipotence always guided by divine justice—may be inferred from what is recorded of Him in the following words:—&quot;When the Son of Man shall come in His glory, and all the holy angels with Him, then shall He sit upon the throne of His glory. &quot;And He shall set the sheep on His right hand, but the goats on His left. Then shall the king say to them on His right hand, Come, ye blessed of My Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world.&quot; ([[Bible (King James)/Matthew#25:31|Matt. xxv. 31, 33, 34.]]) After this follows the condition of their acceptance, namely, a good and useful life, as well as a belief in the Lord. Therefore, in the case of Zebedee's children and their ambitious mother, the plain and obvious instruction is, that the Lord is not like an earthly sovereign, who makes choice of a particular person or persons, and elevates them to high dignities and honours, and by favouritism, keeps them always near his royal person. The highest glories of the kingdom of heaven can only be bestowed on such persons as are properly prepared for the august&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Speeches and addresses by the late Thomas E Ellis M P.pdf/161</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019086</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507836</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:52:03Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>AlwynapHuw</username>
        <id>844368</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1133" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;AlwynapHuw&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|155|{{asc|Speech.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;I shall briefly refer to similar work already
done which may serve as models for us.
There is first of all the great Rolls series of the
Government. Four or five books relating to
Wales have been published as part of the
series, but there is no reason why we as
Welshmen should not secure a series on the
same lines, as well-edited and proportionately
as ample as the Rolls series, to form a basis
for a real and scholarly insight into the past
of Wales, whether that past has reference to
the political, religious, social, material or
agrarian development of Welsh life. Another
model which occurs to me is that interesting
series of books, documents and extracts
published by the Clarendon Press under the
general title of ''Anecdota Oxoniensia.'' We
are proud that our countryman, Mr. Morris
Jones, has contributed one scholarly work to
that splendid series, but my hope is that
books such as his will form part of a collection
which would do for Wales what that valuable
collection has done for research more
especially relating to Oxford and life in Oxford.
There is another, and perhaps a more modest&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Spiritual Reflections for Every Day in the Year - Vol 2.pdf/259</title>
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      <text bytes="1534" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;dignity; who, like their Lord and Master, have been willing in this world to be. &quot;the least of all, and the servant of all.&quot; Let us rest assured that our heavenly Father will bestow upon each of us as much happiness as we are prepared to enjoy. Meantime, let us keep ourselves humble. It will be better for us to hear the words, &quot;Friend, come up higher,&quot; than those other words, &quot;Give this man place.&quot;


{{c|{{larger block|{{bl|July Twenty-fifth.}}}}}}

{{c|{{fine block|THE TRUE AND SAVING FAITH.}}}}

{{c|{{smaller block|''&quot;Have faith in God.&quot;''—[[Bible (King James)/Mark#11:22|{{sc|Mark}} xi. 22.]]}}}}

{{di|T}}HE attentive reader of the sacred Scriptures must have remarked a distinction which is made respecting true and erroneous faith, and, noted the solemn warnings which are given against being misled by the one, or neglecting the other. To believe even the greatest of truths, without a life corresponding therewith, is of no avail. &quot;Thou believest,&quot; says the Apostle James, &quot;that there is one God; thou doest well; the devils also believe, and tremble.&quot; But if this belief had been all that was sufficient, then had the devils never been devils.

&quot; Have the faith, of God;&quot; this is the true faith, and it is a faith which carries blessing with it, because to the knowledge of God is added a life of practical goodness, It is most desirable that every one should form Just ideas of faith; and to help him to do so, the Supreme Being has put into our hands his Word of truth, accompanying it with this injunction, &quot;Search&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Spiritual Reflections for Every Day in the Year - Vol 2.pdf/260</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507843</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T03:56:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jpez</username>
        <id>1761489</id>
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      <text bytes="1790" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;the Scriptures! in them ye have eternal life, and they are they which testify of me.&quot; The great cause of diversity of belief, and of erroneous faith, is neglect of obedience to this plain injunction. Instead of searching the Scriptures for themselves, men have taken for granted what others have said, and have thus forfeited their own freedom; which was actually forfeiting their life, for it is freedom of will which renders us accountable in the sight of God, and no man can relinquish this freedom without criminality. If we could, from the mouth of infinite wisdom itself, learn in what true faith consisted, and if from this knowledge we could be led into the full enjoyment of heaven, it is presumed there would be an end of the controversy. And so there would, but that men refuse to be convinced even by this testimony. Let us hear what our duty is:—&quot;Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy strength, and with all thy mind, and thy neighbour as thyself. This do, and thou shalt live.&quot; ([[Bible (King James)/Luke#10:27|Luke x. 27, 28]]) Can anything be plainer? This is the true faith. It is an epitome of the whole book of God, for on it hangs all the law and the prophets. Love, then, may be said to be the animating cause, or soul of faith. As if there were no heat in the sun, there could be no vivification merely because it emitted light, so without this principle of holy love, there could be no living and true faith. We have a plain rule, then, for distinguishing the faith which is of God, and the faith which is of man. The faith of God is a belief in the Lord Jesus Christ, as the true God in whom all fulness dwells, It is a faith filled with a principle of humble and confiding love, It is a faith which takes the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Spiritual Reflections for Every Day in the Year - Vol 2.pdf/261</title>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;greatest delight in doing justly, loving mercy, and walking humbly before the Lord. It is a faith which places the Lord as a model for imitation, fearing to do evil, but rejoicing in the truth; and so conducting itself, that whatever is opposed to the spirit and temper of Christ is avoided, and that alone loved which is in harmony with his Spirit.   Salp Twentp-sixth. THE SCATTERING OF KINGS. LIKE SNOW IN SALMON.  \ When the Almighty scattered kings in i...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1489" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;greatest delight in doing justly, loving mercy, and walking humbly before the Lord. It is a faith which places the Lord as a model for imitation, fearing to do evil, but rejoicing in the truth; and so conducting itself, that whatever is opposed to the spirit and temper of Christ is avoided, and that alone loved which is in harmony with his Spirit.


Salp Twentp-sixth. THE SCATTERING OF KINGS. LIKE SNOW IN SALMON.

\ When the Almighty scattered kings in if, it was white az snow in Salmon? —Psatat levi, 14.

MONG the innumerable proofs that the divine providence superintends all, and extends his care to every single thing, the sacred Scriptures may be cited as bearing the most undoubted evidence. How much misunderstanding would be removed were men to consider that they, being finite, and God infinite. His Word cannot at all times be understood at first reading; that our duty is patiently to study it, before we assign qualities to it, or fix upon it arbitrary comparisons which it will not bear. Yet evenin this work of man, the providence of the Lord is seen visible, and words with which men have sought to improve, or as they imagined, to throw a greater or clearer light upon the text, are printed in a different type, to shew that they are not to be found in the original. This is the case with the word whzte in the present passage. Snow has many qualities beside colour, it is light and fleecy; it is very susceptible to heat, and thus is easily melted. It possesses an&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>Christ in art: the story of the words and acts of Jesus Christ, as related in the language of the four evangelists, arranged in one continuous narrative</comment>
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      <text bytes="194" xml:space="preserve">== Summary ==
Christ in art: the story of the words and acts of Jesus Christ, as related in the language of the four evangelists, arranged in one continuous narrative 
== Licensing ==
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Statutes of Canada, Victoria 31, Part 1.djvu/85</title>
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      <text bytes="4213" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;I'm mender&quot; /&gt;{{float right|{{larger|'''79'''}}}}{{sidenotes begin|side=right}}{{rh|1867.|''Collection of the Revenue, &amp;c.''|Cap. 5.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|any other member.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;other Member, the matter shall be submitted to the Board ; and nothing herein contained shall prevent any member from bringing any question of audit before the Board although it may not relate to the Department under his charge:

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Reports to Minister of Finance.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Reports to Minister of Finance.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;{{anchor+|s-23-2|2.}} Upon all matters of importance the Board shall report to the Minister of Finance, and no decision of the Board shall be binding until it has been approved by him; and when any such report is made, any Member of the Board may record his dissent on the minutes and may submit to the Minister of Finance a minority report.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Cancelling debentures redeemed.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Cancelling debentures redeemed.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-24&quot;&gt;24.&lt;/span&gt; It shall also be the duty of the said Board to examine and cancel debentures redeemed; the Board shall meet at least once in each month for the purposes of this Act, and the Auditor may call an extra meeting of the Board on the requisition of any member thereof.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Case of absence of members provided for.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Case of absence of members provided for.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-25&quot;&gt;25.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor may, in case of the illness or absence of any Member of the Board, authorize any officer of the same department to perform all or any of the duties of the absent member as such.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Board to frame system of Book keeping, to be used in departments, &amp;c.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Board to frame system of Book keeping, to be used in departments, &amp;c.&lt;br/&gt;Regulations.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-26&quot;&gt;26.&lt;/span&gt; It shall be the duty of the Board of Audit to frame Regulations respecting the method of Book-keeping to be used in the several departments and by the several sub-accountants of the Dominion, the issuing of warrants, the accounting for public moneys, and the auditing of accounts thereof, and to submit such Regulations to the Governor in Council through the Minister of Finance, and from time to time to suggest any amendments they may deem advisable in such Regulations, and to submit them in like manner; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Regulations.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and any Order in Council made on any of the subjects aforesaid, shall have the force of law until revoked or amended, as it may be, by any subsequent Order.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|To prepare Public Accounts.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}To prepare Public Accounts.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-27&quot;&gt;27.&lt;/span&gt; It shall be the duty of the Board of Audit to prepare and submit to the Minister of Finance the Public Accounts to be annually laid before Parliament.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Financial year.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Financial year.&lt;br/&gt;Unexpended balances to lapse.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-28&quot;&gt;28.&lt;/span&gt; The said Public Accounts shall include the period from the thirtieth of June in one year to the thirtieth of June in the next year, which period shall constitute the Financial Year; all Estimates submitted to Parliament shall be for the services coming in course of payment during the financial year; &lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Unexpended balances to lapse.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and all balances of appropriation which remain unexpended at the end of the financial year, shall lapse and be written off.

&lt;noinclude&gt;{{outside RL|Governor in Council may alter period for accounting.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;includeonly&gt;{{p|sm|pl1}}Governor in Council may alter period for accounting.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/includeonly&gt;&lt;span class=&quot;sec&quot; id=&quot;s-29&quot;&gt;29.&lt;/span&gt; The Governor in Council may alter the period at or to which any Accountant for public moneys, Public Officer, Corporation or Institution, is required to render any account or to make any return, whenever in his opinion such alteration&lt;noinclude&gt;{{right|will}}
{{sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/65</title>
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        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;had he recovered himself, than he fled from the spot. In a short time after- wards he began thus to reason with him- self: &quot;If a sparrow could frighten me thus, I may be sure that what I was go- ing to do was very wicked.&quot; And now he worked with greater diligence than ever, nor once again trusted himself to gaze on the fruit which had so nearly led him to commit a great sin. The spar- rows chirped again as he was leaving the garden, but he no longer fled...</comment>
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      <text bytes="623" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|52|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;had he recovered himself, than he fled
from the spot. In a short time after-
wards he began thus to reason with him-
self: &quot;If a sparrow could frighten me
thus, I may be sure that what I was go-
ing to do was very wicked.&quot; And now
he worked with greater diligence than
ever, nor once again trusted himself to
gaze on the fruit which had so nearly led
him to commit a great sin. The spar-
rows chirped again as he was leaving the
garden, but he no longer fled at the sound.
&quot;You may cry 'Jem, Jem,' said he, look-
ing steadily at the tree in which several
were perched, &quot;as often as you like. I&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/66</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019095</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507872</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;don't care for you now; but this I will say, I will never forget how good a friend one of you has been to me, and I will rob none of your nests again.&quot; Now, every person, man, woman, and child, that have ever lived or are now living, have again and again yielded to temptation, like little Harry. Sometimes, like little Jem, conscience has called loud and frightened us, and thus we have been prevented from doing that which we should have been sorry for all...</comment>
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      <text bytes="589" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|53|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;don't care for you now; but this I will
say, I will never forget how good a friend
one of
you has been to me, and I will rob
none of your nests again.&quot;
Now, every person, man, woman, and
child, that have ever lived or are now
living, have again and again yielded to
temptation, like little Harry. Sometimes,
like little Jem, conscience has called loud
and frightened us, and thus we have been
prevented from doing that which we
should have been sorry for all our lives
afterwards.
From this, then, we learn that we have
done those things which we ought not to&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/67</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019096</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507873</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;have done, and left undone many things which we ought to have done, and there is naturally no good in us. We have wicked and deceitful hearts, which we cannot trust, and every one of us like sheep have gone astray, are lost, and must perish, unless help is sent to bring us back into the paths of holiness and truth. This I will explain more fully by the following story :- A little child wandered from its moth- er's cottage on the prairie, in search of flo...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="607" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|54|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;have done, and left undone many things
which we ought to have done, and there
is naturally no good in us. We have
wicked and deceitful hearts, which we
cannot trust, and every one of us like
sheep have gone astray, are lost, and
must perish, unless help is sent to bring
us back into the paths of holiness and
truth. This I will explain more fully by
the following story :-
A little child wandered from its moth-
er's cottage on the prairie, in search of
flowers. Pleased with the pursuit, and
absorbed in new pleasures, it was nearly
night before she thought of returning, and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/68</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;then she attempted in vain to retrace her steps, and was lost in the pathless mead- OWS. She sat down and wept. She looked in all directions in hope of seeing some one to lead her homeward, but no one appeared. She strained her eyes, now dim with tears, to catch sight of the smoke curling from the cot she had left, but in vain. She was alone in the wilderness, and hours had passed since she had left her home. A few hours more, and the dark night would be...</comment>
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      <text bytes="601" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|55|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;then she attempted in vain to retrace her
steps, and was lost in the pathless mead-
OWS. She sat down and wept. She
looked in all directions in hope of seeing
some one to lead her homeward, but no
one appeared. She strained her eyes,
now dim with tears, to catch sight of the
smoke curling from the cot she had left,
but in vain.
She was alone in the wilderness, and
hours had passed since she had left her
home. A few hours more, and the dark
night would be around her, and stars would
look down upon her, and her locks would be
wet with the dew. She knelt on the ground&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Book of Family Worship.pdf/228</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Jpez</username>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;216 THIBTIETH WEEK.    .  Lord, help us to enter, as we reat upon our pillows, into an examination of our souls, that we may thereby reflect how we have performed the duties of this day; and as our consciences reprove us of sin, may we look to Thee for help to resist every evil thought, and may we not only make, but strive to keep, resolutions of amendment. Helpless as we ate when stretched upon our beds, and more liable then, than at other times, to the...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2978" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;216 THIBTIETH WEEK.


.

Lord, help us to enter, as we reat upon our pillows, into an examination of our souls, that we may thereby reflect how we have performed the duties of this day; and as our consciences reprove us of sin, may we look to Thee for help to resist every evil thought, and may we not only make, but strive to keep, resolutions of amendment. Helpless as we ate when stretched upon our beds, and more liable then, than at other times, to the agsaulta of our spiritual enemies, what could save us from their malice, bat Thy watchtulness and love? Yea. Thy 'love never sleeps.&quot;

We therefore commit our souls into Thy hands. Preserve us, we beseech Thee, for Thy mercy sake. O Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.

Our Father, &amp;c. .


{{c|MONDAY MORNING.}}

{{di|E}}TERNAL and omnipotent Lord, we, Thine humble and unworthy servants, blessed so much above our deserving, protected amidst the perils of the night, and permitted to rise in health and safety, draw near to Thy mercy seat; O &quot;hear our prayer, and let our cry come unto Thee, our King and our God.&quot; After the blessings of the Sabbath, the refreshment of our bodies by sleep prepares us again for the labour of another week, and brings us before Thee to supplicate Thy divine aid that those labours may be faithfully and effectually performed. Upon Thee, O Lord, we depend for help in every time of need. Thou art the Father of our spirits; hold Thou us up, and we shall be safe.

Help us to acquire spirits of dependence and resignation to Thy will, that we may so bend to Thy providential dispensations as to submit to all Thy wisdom shall ordain or permit, not only without murmuring, but with cheerful resignation, as knowing that the infinity of Thy wisdom cannot but arrange all things for our present and future good. May we in truth pray that Thy will may be done.

In the prosecution of our various avocations may diligence distinguish us; never may we be slothful in business; but grant that this activity may not originate in the desire of worldly distinction, or in an undue anxiety to acquire wealth; but, as Thou knowest what we have need of before we ask Thee, we commit ourselves to Thee, and pray only for that which is needful. {{gap|.7em}} Amen.

Our Father, etc.

{{rule|4em}}

MONDAY EVENING.

GP4Actous and holy Saviour, with gratitude and thankfulness we humbly approach Theos this evening. Thy divine and holy arm hath upheld us through this day, protected us in all our duties, and brought us again in peace and safety te our home; so that here are we enabled again to unite in worship, and with trath to exclaim,
* Hitherto hath the Lord helped ua; the Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.&quot;

Enable us, 0 Lora, we beseech Thee, to enter upon an examination of our actions during the past day, so that those things which accuse us may be repented of, and we be enabled to serve Thee more faithfully for the future. O help us to keep our own state under constant review.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>aun4h9j2vgvhbdrb1gm2l4iqgdcirpb</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/69</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019099</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507876</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;and prayed. Her parents in the cottage were beyond the reach of her voice, but her heavenly Father, she knew, was always near, and could hear her feeblest cry. Mary had been taught to say, &quot;our Fa- ther,&quot; and in this time of sorrow, when friends were far away, and there was none to help, she called upon Him who has said to little children, &quot;Come to me.&quot;  Mary had closed her eyes in prayer, and when she opened them she espied a lamb. It was seeking the te...</comment>
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      <text bytes="634" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|56|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and prayed.
Her parents in the cottage
were beyond the reach of her voice, but her
heavenly Father, she knew, was always
near, and could hear her feeblest cry.
Mary had been taught to say, &quot;our Fa-
ther,&quot; and in this time of sorrow, when
friends were far away, and there was none
to help, she called upon Him who has said
to little children, &quot;Come to me.&quot;

Mary had closed her eyes in prayer, and
when she opened them she espied a lamb.
It was seeking the tenderest herbs among
the tall grass, and had strayed away from
its mother and the rest of the flock, so that
Mary saw at a glance she had a compan-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/70</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019100</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507877</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;ion in her loneliness, and her heart was gladdened as if she heard the voice and saw the face of a friend. The lamb was happy also; it played at her side, and took the little tufts of grass from her hand as readily as if she had been its friend from infancy. And then the lamb leaped away, and Mary's heart went out after it, and she followed her heart. Now the little thing would sport by her side, and then rush forward as if about to forsake her altogethe...</comment>
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      <text bytes="629" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|57|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ion in her loneliness, and her heart was
gladdened as if she heard the voice and
saw the face of a friend. The lamb was
happy also; it played at her side, and
took the little tufts of grass from her
hand as readily as if she had been its
friend from infancy. And then the lamb
leaped away, and Mary's heart went out
after it, and she followed her heart.
Now the little thing would sport by her
side, and then rush forward as if about to
forsake her altogether, and so she followed
it, without any anxiety as to whither it
would lead her. She was lost, she had
no friends to help her in her distress.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/71</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019101</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507878</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:34:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;The lamb had found her in loneliness, and she loved it and loved to follow it, and would go wherever it should go. So she went on, and the sun-a sum- mer's sun was setting, and her shadow stretched away before her as if she were tall as a tree. She was thinking of home, and wondering if she should ever reach it, when the lamb of a sudden sprang away over a gentle knoll, and as she reached it, her sportive playmate had found the flock from which it had st...</comment>
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      <text bytes="603" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|58|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;The lamb had found her in loneliness,
and she loved it and loved to follow it,
and would go wherever it should go.
So she went on, and the sun-a sum-
mer's sun was setting, and her shadow
stretched away before her as if she were
tall as a tree. She was thinking of home,
and wondering if she should ever reach
it, when the lamb of a sudden sprang
away over a gentle knoll, and as she
reached it, her sportive playmate had
found the flock from which it had strayed,
and they were both within sight of home.
The lamb had led Mary home.
Now, dear child, do you see the bearing&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/72</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;of this on your own case. You have been tempted, and have wandered from your father's house, in pursuit of the fol- lies and sinful pleasures of life; and oh that, like this child, you may feel your lost and wretched condition. Night, the dark and doleful night of death, is coming on, and dangers are thickening around you; dangers from which there is only one can deliver you. You know that you have a Father in heaven, a forgotten, and neglected, and desp...</comment>
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      <text bytes="624" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|59|{{asc|TEMPTATION.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of this on your own case. You have
been tempted, and have wandered from
your father's house, in pursuit of the fol-
lies and sinful pleasures of life; and oh
that, like this child, you may feel your
lost and wretched condition. Night, the
dark and doleful night of death, is coming
on, and dangers are thickening around
you; dangers from which there is only
one can deliver you. You know that
you have a Father in heaven, a forgotten,
and neglected, and despised Father, but a
Father still; one who is moved with com-
passion towards you, and waits to be
gracious unto you. And, oh, if you will&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{red|{{c|{{xxxx-larger|{{blackletter|Christ in Art:}}}}}}}}  {{c|THE STORY OF THE WORDS AND ACTS OF JESUS CHRIST, AS RELATED IN THE   LANGUAGE OF THE FOUR EVANGELISTS, ARRANGED IN ONE  CONTINUOUS NARRATIVE. }}  {{c|{{larger|BY EDWARD EGGLESTON, D. D. }}}}   {{red|{{c|{{larger|{{blackletter|Illustrated }}}}}}}}  {{c|WITH ONE HUNDRED FULL-PAGE PLATES ON STEEL AND WOOD,  EXECUTED BY BREND AMOUR, OF DUSSELDORF,   {{smaller|AFTER THE FAMOUS DESIGNS OF }}   {...</comment>
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{{c|THE STORY OF THE WORDS AND ACTS OF JESUS CHRIST, AS RELATED IN THE 

LANGUAGE OF THE FOUR EVANGELISTS, ARRANGED IN ONE

CONTINUOUS NARRATIVE. }}

{{c|{{larger|BY EDWARD EGGLESTON, D. D. }}}}


{{red|{{c|{{larger|{{blackletter|Illustrated }}}}}}}}

{{c|WITH ONE HUNDRED FULL-PAGE PLATES ON STEEL AND WOOD,

EXECUTED BY BREND AMOUR, OF DUSSELDORF, 

{{smaller|AFTER THE FAMOUS DESIGNS OF }}


{{red|{{c|{{larger|ALEXANDER BIDA.}}}}}}

{{smaller|TOGETHER WITH NUMEROUS EXPOSITORY ENGRAVINGS IN THE TEXT }}

{{smaller|BY}}

AMERICAN ARTISTS. }}


{{red|{{c|{{larger|NEW YORK.}}}}}}

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{{c|{{larger|1875}}}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{c|THE STORY OF THE WORDS AND ACTS OF JESUS CHRIST, AS RELATED IN THE 

LANGUAGE OF THE FOUR EVANGELISTS, ARRANGED IN ONE

CONTINUOUS NARRATIVE. }}

{{c|{{larger|BY EDWARD EGGLESTON, D. D. }}}}


{{red|{{c|{{larger|{{blackletter|Illustrated }}}}}}}}

{{c|WITH ONE HUNDRED FULL-PAGE PLATES ON STEEL AND WOOD,

EXECUTED BY BREND AMOUR, OF DUSSELDORF, 

{{smaller|AFTER THE FAMOUS DESIGNS OF }}


{{red|{{c|{{larger|ALEXANDER BIDA.}}}}}}

{{smaller|TOGETHER WITH NUMEROUS EXPOSITORY ENGRAVINGS IN THE TEXT }}

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AMERICAN ARTISTS. }}


[[File:American Wings.png|frameless|center]]


{{red|{{c|{{larger|NEW YORK.}}}}}}

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{{c|{{larger|1875}}}}
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{{c|THE STORY OF THE WORDS AND ACTS OF JESUS CHRIST, AS RELATED IN THE 

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CONTINUOUS NARRATIVE. }}

{{c|{{larger|BY EDWARD EGGLESTON, D. D. }}}}


{{red|{{c|{{larger|{{blackletter|Illustrated }}}}}}}}

{{c|WITH ONE HUNDRED FULL-PAGE PLATES ON STEEL AND WOOD,

EXECUTED BY BREND AMOUR, OF DUSSELDORF, 

{{smaller|AFTER THE FAMOUS DESIGNS OF }}


{{red|{{c|{{larger|ALEXANDER BIDA.}}}}}}

{{smaller|TOGETHER WITH NUMEROUS EXPOSITORY ENGRAVINGS IN THE TEXT }}

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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/273</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019104</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507886</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:38:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
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      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;itants are clothed in robes of pure white, crowned with a diadem that glitters like the mid-day sun, and the music from their golden harps fills the land with the sweetest sounds of gladness and joy; I fancied I saw a large company of men, women, and children, travelling on a certain road, which they entered by a wicket gate. Upon asking who they were, and where they had come from, and where they were going, I was told that they were the children of men,...</comment>
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      <text bytes="641" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|252|{{asc|OF THE BODY.}}|{{asc|THE RESURRECTION}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;itants are clothed in robes of pure white,
crowned with a diadem that glitters like
the mid-day sun, and the music from
their golden harps fills the land with
the sweetest sounds of gladness and joy;
I fancied I saw a large company of
men, women, and children, travelling on
a certain road, which they entered by a
wicket gate. Upon asking who they
were, and where they had come from, and
where they were going, I was told that
they were the children of men, that they
were from the city of destruction, and
were on their way to the heavenly Ca-
naan. So I thought I would watch them,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>615hqxui4b8munyyeu75yznq4a5mx89</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/274</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019105</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507887</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T04:39:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="644" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|{{PAGENUM}}|{{asc|OF THE BODY.}}|{{asc|THE RESURRECTION}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and as my eye followed them, I noticed
that some, after they had passed through
the gate, seemed to think that all was
safe; so they sat down in the fields, or
amused themselves, wasting their time.

Many little children I saw amongst the
company, travelling on the King's highway; and now and then an angel clothed
in white, would catch up in his arms one,
and then another of these children, and,
placing them in a glorious chariot, hurry
them on by a shorter way to the end of
the journey. But all the travellers did
not idle about the gate; they pitied those
who did.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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that some, after they had passed through
the gate, seemed to think that all was
safe; so they sat down in the fields, or
amused themselves, wasting their time.

Many little children I saw amongst the
company, travelling on the King's highway; and now and then an angel clothed
in white, would catch up in his arms one,
and then another of these children, and,
placing them in a glorious chariot, hurry
them on by a shorter way to the end of
the journey. But all the travellers did
not idle about the gate; they pitied those
who did.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Tender Grass for Little Lambs.pdf/275</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019106</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507890</id>
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      <contributor>
        <username>CalendulaAsteraceae</username>
        <id>2973212</id>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;Now I noticed that there was given to each traveller a map of the road, drawn out with all the dangers and turns marked on it, showing where each lane would lead, and the danger of leaving the right path for a single moment. Besides this, each traveller had presented to him a lamp, and was told how to hold and use it. That it was to be of no use unless he held it down to his feet. Now I looked, and some of them soon forgot the directions given, and held...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="658" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;CalendulaAsteraceae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|254|{{asc|OF THE BODY.}}|{{asc|THE RESURRECTION}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Now I noticed that there was given to
each traveller a map of the road, drawn
out with all the dangers and turns marked
on it, showing where each lane would lead,
and the danger of leaving the right path
for a single moment. Besides this, each
traveller had presented to him a lamp,
and was told how to hold and use it.
That it was to be of no use unless he held
it down to his feet. Now I looked, and
some of them soon forgot the directions
given, and held their lamps high above
their heads. It gave them light, but only
at a distance, and every now and then
they stumbled and almost fell. But those&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, vol. 32.djvu/37</title>
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{{c|{{smaller|THE}}

{{xxxx-larger|QUARTERLY JOURNAL}}

{{x-smaller|OF}}

{{xx-larger|THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON.}}

{{larger|{{sc|Vol}}. XXXII.}}}}
{{dhr}}
{{rule|10em}}{{rule|10em}}
{{dhr}}
{{hi|1. ''On the'' {{sc|Granitic, Granitoid,}} ''and'' {{sc|Associated Metamorphic Rocks}} ''of the'' {{sc|Lake-district}}. Parts III.— V. By {{sc|J. Clifton Ward}}, Esq., Assoc. R.S.M., F.G.S., of the Geological Survey of England and Wales. (Read December 1, 1875.))}}

{{c|[{{sc|Plates}} I. &amp; II.] 

Part III.—''On the Skiddaw Granite and its associated Metamorphic Rocks''. 

[{{sc|Plate}} I]}}

Contents. 
Introduction. 

I. Examination in the Field. 

1. Unaltered Slate. 

2. First Stage of Alteration : Chiastolite Slate. 

3. Second Stage of Alteration : Spotted Schist (Knotenschiefer). 

4. Third Stage of Alteration : Mica-schist. 

5. Granite and its Junctions with the Altered Rocks. 

II. Microscopical Examination. 

1. Chiastolite Slate. 

2. Spotted Schist (Knotenschiefer). 

3. Mica-schist. 

III. Chemical Examination. 
Summary. 

Appendix : Notices of papers on similar rocks. 
Q. J. G. S. No. 125. a&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The New View of Hell.djvu/62</title>
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      <text bytes="1593" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;reference only to natural space. We employ them to designate superiority and inferiority of character, or of mental and moral attributes. Thus we speak familiarly of a ''high'' order of intellect, of a ''high''-minded man, of ''lofty'' souls, ''superior'' worth, ''exalted'' wisdom and love. We say of an individual that he stands ''high'' in the community, ''high'' in the church or in the state, that he is ''above'' others, etc., when our meaning is that he is spiritually or mentally above them—superior in wisdom, skill, integrity, and moral worth. And equally often in familiar discourse is the word ''low'' used in a similar way. As when it is said of a mean and selfish man, that he is a person of a ''low'' mind, ''low'' desires, ''low'' motives, or that he is a ''low'' fellow. Indeed, the correspondence between the natural and spiritual import of these terms, is so obvious that it has never been lost sight of. Every one perceives it from common influx.

The Lord is called the ''Most High'' in Scripture, and is said to dwell ''on high, above'' the earth, and ''above'' the heavens. Surely it is not with any reference to natural locality that such things are predicated of the omnipresent One. No rational mind thinks of interpreting such language literally; for no one thinks of localizing the Divine Being. He is in all space—in the depths beneath as truly as in the heights above—yet is Himself without space. But on account of the infinite purity and excellence of his character—because, in respect to the human attributes of love, wisdom and power, He is infinitely&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The New View of Hell.djvu/63</title>
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      <text bytes="1563" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;exalted above men and angels, He is said to be above all the earth, above the heavens, the Most High, etc.

Yes:—The Scripture has everywhere a deeper meaning than that of the letter. It was given, not to teach us natural but spiritual truth. And it is by means of the law or rule of correspondence now revealed, that its true spiritual meaning is to be elicited. Space corresponds to state. And the words ''high'' and ''low,'' therefore, which in their natural sense refer to opposite regions of space, in their spiritual sense denote opposite mental states—opposite kinds of love. The Lord is spiritually the Most High. Therefore those who draw near to Him spiritually, who become like Him in the spirit and temper of their minds, are spiritually exalted. And because all the angels are images and likenesses of Himself—because they resemble Him in their love, wisdom and works—because their affections, thoughts, motives, purposes are all pure, noble and elevated, therefore they are said to dwell ''on high;'' or, what is equivalent, ''in heaven.''

And on the other hand those who are spiritually most remote from the Lord, who are most unlike Him in disposition and character, whose aims are altogether selfish, whose affections, thoughts, motives and actions are low and ignoble, and contrary to the nature of the Divine Love, and who are, therefore, in a state the very opposite to that of the angels, are said to dwell in a ''low place, beneath the earth;'' or what is the same, ''in hell.''

I have said, moreover, that the Greek word translated&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1545" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;''heaven,'' involves the idea of light, being derived from a verb which signifies ''to see;'' and that the original word translated ''hell,'' involves the idea of darkness, being composed of two words, which together mean ''impossible to see,'' or where one cannot see. Here, again, let that magic Key, the law of Correspondence, be applied; and observe the result.

Light and darkness, like all other objects, have a two-fold signification—an outer and an inner, or a natural and a spiritual meaning. Light in its natural sense, is the light of the natural world, which affects our natural organs of vision. But spiritual light is of a different nature, though in perfect correspondence with the natural. It is the light of the spiritual world; and although in its essence it is divine truth, it appears before the eyes of the angels as light. They see by means of it. This light proceeds from the Lord who is the Sun of the spiritual world—a Sun that appears to the angels immeasurably more brilliant than the sun of our world appears to us. It is the light of this spiritual Sun which illumines the minds of both angels and men. This is &quot;the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world.&quot;

And as natural darkness is the absence of natural light, so spiritual darkness is the absence of spiritual light. But there are two causes of natural darkness; one is the absence of light, and the other is a diseased state of the organs of vision. The darkness from the first of these causes is seldom of long duration; and if the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The New View of Hell.djvu/65</title>
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      <text bytes="1488" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;organs of vision are preserved in a healthy condition, we shall be able to see when the light comes. But the darkness produced by the second cause is, indeed, deplorable. However brightly the light may shine, it is (if the eye-sight be gone) as if the sun were blotted out. The brightness of noon-day is as midnight darkness to us.

So, likewise, there are two corresponding causes of spiritual darkness. One is, the absence of truth, or spiritual light. But this kind of darkness may soon be dispersed. For a person may be ignorant, and therefore in spiritual darkness yet he may preserve his mind in such an honest and healthy condition, that he will be able to understand and receive the truth so soon as it is presented to him. But there is another and far more deplorable kind of spiritual darkness. It is that which results from disobedience to the known laws of the heavenly life. It is the darkness into which those fall, who, under the influence of selfish and evil loves, confirm themselves in various false ideas contrary to the revealed Word of the Lord. For everywhere and always is it true, that &quot;he who doeth evil hateth the light, neither cometh to the light lest his deeds should be reproved.&quot; Persons who, under the prompting influence of infernal loves, disregard and trample on the laws of their inner life, and so obscure their moral perceptions, come at last to hate the light of truth, and shun it as owls and bats shun the light of day. Their understanding becomes&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The New View of Hell.djvu/66</title>
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      <text bytes="1464" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;diseased; their mental eye, adjusted to error. And however bright the truth may shine, they do not see it. To them it appears as falsity. They &quot;put darkness for light and light for darkness.&quot; Therefore the Lord says: &quot;If thine eye be single [or more correctly, ''sound, healthy''] thy whole body shall be full of light; but if thine eye be evil [i. e., ''unsound, diseased''], thy whole body shall be full of darkness. If, therefore, the light that is in thee be darkness, how great is that darkness!&quot; [[Bible (King James)/Matthew#6:22|Matt. vi. 22, 23.]]

Agreeably to this, Swedenborg often tells us that the denizens of heaven dwell in light inconceivably more brilliant than the light of this world; while those in hell live in great darkness—for their understandings are darkened by innumerable falsities originating in evil lusts. Milton had a perception of this great truth when he sang:

{{center block|{{smaller block|{{fqm}}He that hath light within his own clear breast,&lt;br /&gt;
May sit in the centre and enjoy bright day;&lt;br /&gt;
But he that hides a dark soul and foul thoughts,&lt;br /&gt; Benighted walks under the mid-day sun,&lt;br /&gt;
Himself is his own dungeon.&quot;}}}}

There is a great darkness ''within'' all evil spirits, and this produces the darkness ''without;'' for in the other world everything without is but the reflection, under the great law of correspondence, of the state or quality of life within. But evil spirits do not appear to themselves to&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The New View of Hell.djvu/67</title>
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      <text bytes="1489" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;be in such darkness as they really are. Neither do evil men, whose understandings are darkened by falsities originating in evil loves. They even imagine themselves in clearer light than others. And so do the devils think they see far better than the angels. But their light is the light of fatuity—the dim (yet mercifully accommodated) light of perverted natures—which, compared with the light that shines in heaven, is as the light from ignited coals compared with the splendor of the noon-day sun.

From what has been said, and from the correspondence of light and darkness, we may see why the Divine Saviour—the embodiment and living manifestation of the Truth—calls himself &quot;the light of the world&quot;; and why He says to those who had not previously known the truth, but had nevertheless kept themselves in a state to receive it, &quot;They that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, upon them hath the light shined.&quot; We may see also why it is said that &quot;God is light, and in Him is no darkness at all&quot;; and of the wicked, that &quot;they walk in darkness,&quot; and will finally be &quot;cast into the ''outer'' darkness where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth.&quot;

All who do not, while here on earth, resist and overcome their evil loves, find themselves in that &quot;outer darkness&quot; when they enter the other world; for through the indulgence of their evil lusts they shut out the light of God and the things of his wisdom from their minds. They are, therefore, excluded from the kingdom of&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Hutcheson Macaulay Posnett - Comparative Literature (1886).djvu/158</title>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:02:10Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="1930" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|137|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;winning of revenge. The heart and hand of the Arab are remembered, his blood is to be avenged, but his spirit haunts not the rocks any more than that of his dead camel. The heritage of blood is a material burden which must be taken up and borne; it is no ghost-voice crying from the grave. All this is in keeping with the clan spirit which turns away from the shadow-world of kinsmen, where punishment or reward are yet unknown, to the sphere of the dead man's achievements and the very real work of revenge. For the murdered Arab is only the central figure of a group; around and behind him move his avenging kin, and even the virtues he possesses are rather those of a kinsman than of an individual in our modern conceptions of character.

In Burckhardt's ''Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys''&lt;ref&gt;Vol. i. p. 149.&lt;/ref&gt; occurs a passage which, as fully describing this communal nature of Arab Blood-revenge, deserves to be here quoted; it will show how widely the personal vengeance of a Bothwellhaugh is socially separated from the feelings of clan duty. &quot;It is a received law among the Arabs that whoever sheds the blood of a man owes blood on that account to the family of the slain person; the law is sanctioned by the Qurʾân, which says, 'Whoever shall be unjustly slain, we have given to his heir the power of demanding satisfaction.' The Arabs, however, do not strictly observe the command of their holy volume; they claim the blood not only from the actual homicide but from all his relations, and it is these claims which constitute the right of ''Thâr,'' or Blood-revenge. … This rests within the ''Khomse,'' or fifth generation, those having a right to avenge whose fourth lineal ascendant is at the same time the fourth lineal ascendant of the person slain; and, on the other hand, only those male kindred&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The New View of Hell.djvu/68</title>
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      <text bytes="1504" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;heaven, having no heaven, and no love for the things which constitute heaven, in their hearts. Whatever truths they have ever known, they now reject and turn away from, because such truths condemn their evil loves. And so they immerse themselves altogether in falsities, for these are in agreement with their evils. Hence there are endless strifes and bickerings among them; for each one fights for his own falsity, and calls it truth. And the jarring discord and angry disputes among those who are in falsities, joined also with mutual hatred, derision and contempt, are what the ''gnashing of teeth'' corresponds to, and what it, therefore, spiritually denotes.

{{c|{{smaller block|GEHENNA AND THE LAKE OF FIRE.}}}}

But the Bible speaks of a ''fire'' in the great Hereafter—of the fire of hell, the everlasting fire, a furnace of fire; a lake burning with fire and brimstone, etc. And in this hell-fire, or lake of fire, it is said that the wicked will have their part. And the rich man in the parable is represented as saying, &quot;I am tormented in this ''flame;''&quot;—and this, after he had died and was buried.

I presume few intelligent Christians now-a-days think of interpreting such language according to the strict sense of the letter—as it was interpreted a hundred years ago. They will tell you that this language is figurative, though none of them may be able to tell precisely what was meant to be conveyed by it. But Swedenborg, in his great doctrine of Correspondence, has furnished the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:08:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="2127" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|138|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of the homicide are liable to pay with their own blood for the blood shed whose fourth lineal ascendant is at the same time the fourth lineal ascendant of the homicide.&lt;ref&gt;Cf. Exod. xx. 5, &quot;Visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, ''upon the third and upon the fourth generation'' of them that hate me (ʾal shilléshîm ve-ʾal ribbéʾim).&lt;/ref&gt; … The right of ''Thâr'' is never lost; it descends on both sides to the latest generations. It depends upon the next relation of the slain person to accept the price of blood. If he will not agree to the offered price of blood, the homicide and all his relations who are comprised within the ''Khomse'' take refuge with some tribe where the arm of vengeance cannot reach them. … A sacred custom allows the fugitives three days and four hours, during which no pursuit after them is made. These exiles are styled ''djelâwy,'' and some of them are found in almost every camp. The ''djelâwys'' remain in exile till their friends have effected a reconciliation, and prevailed on the nearest relations of the slain to accept the price of blood. Families of ''djelâwys'' are known to have been fugitives from one tribe to another (according as these became friendly or hostile to their original tribe) for more than fifty years.&quot;

§ 38. It is not difficult to collect examples of Blood-revenge inspiring the early poetry of the Arabs. Thus another poem of the ''Hamâseh'' begins—
{{dhr}}
{{center block|{{smaller block|{{fqm|&quot;}}Surely shall I wash the blood-stain&lt;br /&gt;
{{em|1}}With my sword away,&lt;br /&gt;
Ay, whatever fate of Allâh&lt;br /&gt;
{{em|1}}Come across my way!&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''Ham.,'' p. 355.&lt;/ref&gt;}}}}
{{dhr}}
In another poem of the same anthology an ideal warrior is described as
{{center block|{{smaller block|{{em|4}}&quot;A man who girdeth night on;&lt;br /&gt;
Seldom cometh sleep for him; his greatest care&lt;br /&gt;
Is vengeance and to break the ranks right on.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''Ibid.,'' p. 405. &quot;To gird on night&quot; is an Arab phrase for &quot;daring the dangers of the night.&quot;&lt;/ref&gt;}}}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{rule}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1518" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jpez&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;true key to its meaning. He has given us the spiritual meaning of hell-fire, or the Gehenna of fire, and told us what it is in the human soul that fire corresponds to.

But as the literal sense is the foundation of the spiritual, it is necessary always to give careful attention to this first.

In the original Greek, ''Gehenna'' is the word translated ''hell,'' where the fire of hell, or the hell of fire, is spoken of. And ''Gehenna'' is a Hebrew word transplanted into the Greek, with but little variation in its form. It is composed of two other Hebrew words. ''Gai'' or ''Gē,'' which means a valley, and ''Hinnom,'' the name of a man. The literal meaning, therefore, of ''Gehenna'' is, the ''valley of Hinnom''. This valley was south-east of, and near to Jerusalem. The brook Kedron ran through it. Here the Jews at one time practiced the most impious idolatry. They had an image dedicated to Moloch, to which they offered in sacrifice not only bulls, lambs, rams, etc., but even their own children, who were placed in the arms of the image previously heated by a fire within, and thus were quickly destroyed. On this account the place subsequently came to be regarded with such abhorrence, that it was made the common receptacle of all the filth and rubbish of the city. The dead bodies of animals as well as of the most notorious criminals, were there thrown into one common heap. And a fire was kept continually burning to prevent the atmosphere from becoming pestilential—the worms, meanwhile, reveling in&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1982" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|139|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Again, another poem on Blood-revenge in the same collection ends with the words—
{{dhr}}
{{center block|{{smaller block|{{fqm|&quot;}}Vengeance have I taken fully&lt;br /&gt;
{{em|1}}For my father and forefather,&lt;br /&gt;
Nor in aught betrayed the household&lt;br /&gt;
{{em|1}}Which my shoulders must sustain.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;''Ham.,'' pp. 487–497.&lt;/ref&gt;}}}}
{{dhr}}
This prominence of communal sentiment should prevent us from picturing the chiefs of an Arab clan as corresponding to the knights of medieval Europe. The Arab's sense of honour has been compared with the feelings of medieval chivalry; Antar has been called the Bayard of Pagan Arabia; and the Arabs of the days of Ignorance (that is, before the Prophet's birth) have been described as the forerunners of our Western chivalry. In all this there is but a grain of truth. No doubt the Arabs in Spain and during the Crusades often supplied models of chivalrous deportment to European knights. But, in the first place, the old clan feelings of the Arabs underwent great changes during the Mohammedan conquests, and under the military organisation such conquests required. Feelings of honour resembling those of the German ''gefolge'' towards their military chief were developed and tended more and more to take the place of clan ties. Moreover, without some such loosening of these ties, without some such expansion of Arab sentiments as these conquering hosts brought about, it is hard to see how the common creed of Islâm could have subdued the tribal antipathies with which it had a long and troublesome contest. But these poems of Blood-revenge display feelings of duty and honour altogether older than the chivalry of Christian knight or Moslem soldier, just in this, that clan kinship—not military service, or nationality, or universal religion—is still the bond of social union. In fact, it was military combination for purposes&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Hutcheson Macaulay Posnett - Comparative Literature (1886).djvu/161</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019119</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507926</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:14:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1933" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|140|{{fine|PERSONAL CLAN POETRY.}}|{{fine|COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of conquest which almost everywhere broke down the old communal organisations, created distinctions of rank and property before which the clansmen often have sunk into serfs, and ultimately displaced sentiments of kinship by mere ties of local contiguity and self-interest.

The communal character of Arab honour is therefore to be carefully distinguished from any bonds of military service; and the poetry of Blood-revenge illustrates the distinction more accurately perhaps than any other. To another and final example of such poetry we accordingly turn—the Moʾallaqah of Zuheyr. This poem has been excellently translated by Mr. C. J. Lyall,&lt;ref&gt;''Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,'' 1878.&lt;/ref&gt; and wherever the exact words are offered we shall avail ourselves of Mr. Lyall's translation in the following sketch of its contents:—The pasture-lands which the tribesmen leave at the end of spring are deserted, and over the camping ground of Umm Aufa's tents—those &quot;black lines that speak no word in the stony plains&quot;—roam &quot;the large-eyed kine, and the deer pass to and fro.&quot; Umm Aufa was the poet's wife, whom one day in an angry mood he had divorced; since then he had repented and prayed her to return, but she would not. Here where her tents had stood he stands and gazes—twenty years have passed since last he saw the spot—hard was it to find again &quot;the black stones in order ranged in the place where the pot was set, and the trench,&lt;ref&gt;Dug round the tent to receive the rain.&lt;/ref&gt; like a cistern's root, with its sides unbroken still.&quot;

Then the poet turns to the praises of the makers of peace for the clans of ʿAbs and Dubyân, and swears, &quot;by the Holy House which worshippers circle round,&quot; the Kaʿbeh, that the work of peacemaking is good. &quot;Busily wrought they for peace when the kin had been rent in&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu/116</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507927</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:20:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="2095" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|100|''{{uc|Section}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;'In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. The following is what the Messenger of Allah, Muhammad, wrote to Najrân, at whose disposal&lt;ref&gt;The text here is probably corrupt; ''cf.'' Wellhausen, ''Skizzen und Vorarbeiten,'' vol. iv, pp. 25 and 132; Yûsuf, p. 41.&lt;/ref&gt; were all their fruits, their gold, silver and domestic utensils, and their slaves, but which he benevolently left for them, assessing on them two thousand robes each having the value of one ''auḳiyah,'' one thousand to be delivered in Rajab of every year, and one thousand in Ṣafar of every year. Each robe shall be one ''auḳiyah''; and whatever robes cost more or less than one ''auḳiyah,'' their overcost or deficiency shall be taken into consideration; and whatever coats of mail, horses, camels or goods they substitute for the robes shall be taken into consideration. It is binding on Najrân to provide board and lodging for my messengers&lt;ref&gt;Sent to bring the ''kharâj.''&lt;/ref&gt; for one month or less, and never to detain them for more than a month. It is also binding on them to offer as loan thirty coats of mail, thirty mares and thirty camels, in case of war in al-Yaman due to their rebelling. Whatever perishes of the horses or camels, lent to my messengers, is guaranteed by my messengers and is returned by them. Najrân and their followers&lt;ref&gt;Ar. ''ḥâshiyah'' = Jews. Sprenger, vol. Hi, p. 502.&lt;/ref&gt; are entitled to the protection of Allah and to the security of Muḥammad the Prophet, the Messenger of Allah, which security shall involve their persons, religion, lands and possessions, including those of them who are absent as well as those who are present, their camels, messengers and images.&lt;ref&gt;''amthilah'' crosses and pictures used in churches.&lt;/ref&gt; The state they previously held shall not be changed, nor shall any of their religious services or images be changed. No attempt shall be made to turn a bishop from his office as a bishop, a monk from his office as a monk, nor the sexton&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/11</title>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{larger|PREFACE. }}}}   {{di|G}}REAT pains have been taken in the construction of this work, to give the narrative the  roundness, unity, and fluency that are so essential to the interest and picturesqueness of  the story, and to a conception of the life of  the Lord Jesus in its oneness and consecutiveness. Without doubt the best way to  study Christ is to read each of the Gospels in its unity. Supplementary to this the  scholar is able to construc...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1040" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|PREFACE. }}}}


{{di|G}}REAT pains have been taken in the construction of this work, to give the narrative the 
roundness, unity, and fluency that are so essential to the interest and picturesqueness of 
the story, and to a conception of the life of 
the Lord Jesus in its oneness and consecutiveness. Without doubt the best way to 
study Christ is to read each of the Gospels in its unity. Supplementary to this the 
scholar is able to construct for himself, by 
a laborious study of learned works and a 
diligent comparison of the several Gospels, 
a conception of the life of Christ as a 
whole. It is to assist the general reader in 
forming such a conception that the present 
consolidation is made. 

It is now two hundred and twenty years since the learned Dr. 
Lightfoot published his celebrated harmony of the four Gospels; 
and very many others have labored in this Held during these two 
centuries. But the plan and purpose of the present work differs 
in some regards from all that have gone before. For this is not&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/12</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019122</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507929</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:24:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;a harmony, properly so called. No endeavor has been made to  reconcile apparent discrepancies. Where there were variations in  the minor details of an incident as given in the Gospels, I have  followed that which was the fullest and the most vivid. I might  have gone further in piecing together the narratives, but this sort  of patchwork has been often made at the expense of fluency and  interest in the history. To have woven into the narrative all the...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1738" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;a harmony, properly so called. No endeavor has been made to 
reconcile apparent discrepancies. Where there were variations in 
the minor details of an incident as given in the Gospels, I have 
followed that which was the fullest and the most vivid. I might 
have gone further in piecing together the narratives, but this sort 
of patchwork has been often made at the expense of fluency and 
interest in the history. To have woven into the narrative all the 
varying phrases of the four historians, even at the expense of clearness and grammatical construction, would have been to sacrifice 
to a masoretic veneration for the letter of the sacred text the interest and usefulness of the work. All marginal readings, and 
all references to the several Gospels, and all marks of chapters and 
verses in the Gospels, have been carefully omitted, that the attention of the reader might never be diverted from the narrative itself, 
and that the picture of Christ s life might be presented with that 
unbroken continuity to which we are accustomed in reading modern books. The preface to Luke, as pertaining to but one Gospel, 
and the two genealogies, have been omitted; since, however valuable they may be in their places, they would not help, but rather 
hinder, the purpose of this compilation. The present arrangement, 
therefore, is in the exact words of the authorized version of the 
Gospels; there is nothing added, nothing changed. But it makes 
no pretension to include every word of all the Gospels. It is better to be useful than ingenious. 

The order of time is chiefly that marked out by Dr. Ellicott in 
his Hulsean Lectures. In minor arrangements and adaptations of 
the text much assistance has been derived from an anonymous&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507930</id>
      <parentid>12507929</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:25:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2116" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;a harmony, properly so called. No endeavor has been made to 
reconcile apparent discrepancies. Where there were variations in 
the minor details of an incident as given in the Gospels, I have 
followed that which was the fullest and the most vivid. I might 
have gone further in piecing together the narratives, but this sort 
of patchwork has been often made at the expense of fluency and 
interest in the history. To have woven into the narrative all the 
varying phrases of the four historians, even at the expense of clearness and grammatical construction, would have been to sacrifice 
to a masoretic veneration for the letter of the sacred text the interest and usefulness of the work. All marginal readings, and 
all references to the several Gospels, and all marks of chapters and 
verses in the Gospels, have been carefully omitted, that the attention of the reader might never be diverted from the narrative itself, 
and that the picture of Christ s life might be presented with that 
unbroken continuity to which we are accustomed in reading modern books. The preface to Luke, as pertaining to but one Gospel, 
and the two genealogies, have been omitted; since, however valuable they may be in their places, they would not help, but rather 
hinder, the purpose of this compilation. The present arrangement, 
therefore, is in the exact words of the authorized version of the 
Gospels; there is nothing added, nothing changed. But it makes 
no pretension to include every word of all the Gospels. It is better to be useful than ingenious. 

The order of time is chiefly that marked out by Dr. Ellicott in 
his Hulsean Lectures. In minor arrangements and adaptations of 
the text much assistance has been derived from an anonymous
Diatesseron published in Oxford in 1837. 

I am fully aware that the principal attraction of the book is 
not the part which fell to my share, but the illustrations after Alexandre Bida's magnificent designs. The artist s pencil has hardly 
ever told THE STORY so effectively. To these the publishers have 
added a series of exegetical illustrations that serve exceedingly well&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/13</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019123</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507931</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:26:45Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;to explain those portions of the narrative which refer to Oriental  customs.   I sincerely hope that these pages may contribute something to a  better comprehension of the life of the Son of Man, who &quot;came not  into the world to condemn the world, but that the world through  him might be saved.&quot;   {{Right|E. E. }}  {{sc|November, 1874. }} {{nop}}&quot;</comment>
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      <text bytes="348" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;to explain those portions of the narrative which refer to Oriental 
customs. 

I sincerely hope that these pages may contribute something to a 
better comprehension of the life of the Son of Man, who &quot;came not 
into the world to condemn the world, but that the world through 
him might be saved.&quot; 

{{Right|E. E. }}

{{sc|November, 1874. }}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu/117</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019124</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507932</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:28:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2141" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|101|''{{uc|The Capitulation of Najrân}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of a church from his office, whether what is under the control of each is great or little. They shall not be held responsible for any wrong deed or blood shed in pre-Islamic time. They shall neither be called to military service nor compelled to pay the tithe. No army shall tread on their land. If some one demands of them some right, then the case is decided with equity without giving the people of Najrân the advantage over the other party, or giving the other party the advantage over them. But whosoever of them has up till now&lt;ref&gt;Yaʿḳûbi, vol. ii, p. 62, has &quot;after this year&quot;.&lt;/ref&gt; received usury, I am clear of the responsibility of his protection.&lt;ref&gt;Caetani, vol. ii, p. 352; Sprenger, vol. iii, p. 502; Athîr, vol. ii, p. 223.&lt;/ref&gt; None of them, however, shall be held responsible for the guilt of the other. And as a guarantee to what is recorded in this document, they are entitled to the right of protection from Allah, and to the security of Muhammad the Prophet, until Allah's order is issued, and so long as they give the right counsel [to Moslems] and render whatever dues are bound on them, provided they are not asked to do anything unjust. Witnessed by abu-Sufyân ibn-Ḥarb, Ghailân ibn-ʿAmr, Mâlik ibn-ʿAuf of banu-Naṣr, al-Aḳraʿ ibn-Ḥâbis al-Ḥanẓali and al-Mughîrah. Written by—'&quot;&lt;ref&gt;ʿAbdallâh ibn-abi-Bakr; abu-Yûsuf, p. 4; see H. Lammens' comment on this protocol, ''Mélanges de la Faculté Orientale,'' vol. v&lt;sup&gt;2&lt;/sup&gt;, p. 346.&lt;/ref&gt;

Yaḥa ibn-Âdam adds, &quot;I have seen in the hands of the people of Najrân another statement whose reading is similar to that of this copy, but at the close of it the following words occur: Written by ʿAli ibn-abu-Ṭâlib.'&lt;ref&gt;And not &quot;abi&quot; as required by the rules of the Arabic grammar.&lt;/ref&gt; Concerning this I am at a loss to know what to say.&quot;

''{{ul|ʿUmar expels them}}.'' When abu-Bakr aṣ-Ṣiddîḳ became caliph he enforced the terms agreed upon and issued another statement similar to that given by the Prophet. When&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu/118</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019125</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507941</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:35:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1929" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|102|''{{uc|Section}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ʿUmar ibn-al-Khattab became caliph, they began to practise usury, and became so numerous as to be considered by him a menace to Islâm. He therefore expelled them and wrote to them the following statement:

&quot;Greetings! Whomever of the people of Syria and al-ʿIrâḳ they happen to come across, let him clear for them tillable land; and whatever land they work, becomes theirs in place of their land in al-Yaman.&quot; Thus the people of Najrân were dispersed, some settling in Syria and others in an-Najrâniyah in the district of al-Kûfah, after whom it was so named. The Jews of Najrân were included with the Christians in the terms and went with them as their followers.

''{{ul|The Najranites under ʿUthmân}}.'' When ʿUthmân ibn-ʿAffân became caliph, he wrote to his ''ʿâmil'' in al-Kûfah, al-Walîd ibn-ʿUḳbah ibn-abi-Muʿaiṭ, as follows:

&quot;Greetings! The civil ruler, the bishop and the nobles of Najrân have presented to me the written statement of the Prophet and showed me the recommendation&lt;ref&gt;Lammens, ''MFO,'' vol. v&lt;sup&gt;2&lt;/sup&gt;, p. 677.&lt;/ref&gt; of ʿUmar. Having made inquiry regarding their case from ʿUthmân ibn-Ḥunaif, I learned that he had investigated their state and found it injurious to the great landlords&lt;ref&gt;''dihḳâns''; Âdam, pp. 42–43.&lt;/ref&gt; whom they prevented from possessing their land. I have, therefore, reduced their taxation by 200 robes—for the sake of Allah and in place of their old lands. I recommend them to thee as they are included among the people entitled to our protection.&quot;

''{{ul|Another source for ʿUmar's statement}}.'' I heard it said by one of the learned that ʿUmar wrote them the following statement:—&quot;Greetings! Whomsoever of the people of Syria or al-ʿIrâḳ they pass by, let him clear for them tillable land&quot;. Another I heard say, &quot;waste land&quot;.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/16</title>
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        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{larger|CONTENTS.}}}}  {{rule|6em}}  {{TOC begin|width=100%}} {{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 1: The Eternal Word|THE ETERNAL WORD]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/23|15]]}} {{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 2: The Annunciation Birth Of John|THE ANNUNCIATION BIRTH OF JOHN]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/25|17]]}} {{TOC row 2dot-1|Christ in art/Chapter 3: The Nativity And Presentation In The Temple|THE NATIVITY AND PR...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2797" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CONTENTS.}}}}

{{rule|6em}}

{{TOC begin|width=100%}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 1: The Eternal Word|THE ETERNAL WORD]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/23|15]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 2: The Annunciation Birth Of John|THE ANNUNCIATION BIRTH OF JOHN]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/25|17]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 3: The Nativity And Presentation In The Temple|THE NATIVITY AND PRESENTATION IN THE TEMPLE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/31|23]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 4: Infancy And Early Life Of Jesus|INFANCY AND EARLY LIFE OF JESUS]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/35|27]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 5: The Voice In The Wilderness|THE VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/41|33]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 6: The Baptism And Temptation Of Jesus|THE BAPTISM AND TEMPTATION OF JESUS]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/44|36]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 7: Early Ministry|EARLY MINISTRY]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/49|41]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 8: In Samaria And Galilee|IN SAMARIA AND GALILEE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/54|46]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 9: The Impotent Man Healed|THE IMPOTENT MAN HEALED]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/59|51]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 10: Incidents In Galilee|INCIDENTS IN GALILEE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/64|56]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 11: Calling Of The Twelve, And Other Incidents|CALLING OF THE TWELVE, AND OTHER INCIDENTS]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/72|64]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 12: The Sermon On The Mount|THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/78|70]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 13: Divers Miracles, Conversations, And Addresses In Galilee|DIVERS MIRACLES, CONVERSATIONS, AND ADDRESSES IN GALILEE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/88|80]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 14: Seaside Parables|SEASIDE PARABLES]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/97|89]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 15: The Voyage To Gadara And The Return|THE VOYAGE TO GADARA AND THE RETURN]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/103|95]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 16: From The Raising Of Jairus Daughter To The Mission Of The Twelve|FROM THE RAISING OF JAIRUS DAUGHTER TO THE MISSION OF THE TWELVE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/107|99]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 17: The Feeding Of The Five Thousand|THE FEEDING OF THE FIVE THOUSAND]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/116|108]]}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{rule|6em}}

{{TOC begin|width=100%}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Preface|PREFACE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/11|iii]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 1: The Eternal Word|THE ETERNAL WORD]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/23|15]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 2: The Annunciation Birth Of John|THE ANNUNCIATION BIRTH OF JOHN]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/25|17]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 3: The Nativity And Presentation In The Temple|THE NATIVITY AND PRESENTATION IN THE TEMPLE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/31|23]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 4: Infancy And Early Life Of Jesus|INFANCY AND EARLY LIFE OF JESUS]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/35|27]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 5: The Voice In The Wilderness|THE VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/41|33]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 6: The Baptism And Temptation Of Jesus|THE BAPTISM AND TEMPTATION OF JESUS]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/44|36]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 7: Early Ministry|EARLY MINISTRY]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/49|41]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 8: In Samaria And Galilee|IN SAMARIA AND GALILEE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/54|46]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 9: The Impotent Man Healed|THE IMPOTENT MAN HEALED]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/59|51]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 10: Incidents In Galilee|INCIDENTS IN GALILEE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/64|56]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 11: Calling Of The Twelve, And Other Incidents|CALLING OF THE TWELVE, AND OTHER INCIDENTS]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/72|64]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 12: The Sermon On The Mount|THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/78|70]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 13: Divers Miracles, Conversations, And Addresses In Galilee|DIVERS MIRACLES, CONVERSATIONS, AND ADDRESSES IN GALILEE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/88|80]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 14: Seaside Parables|SEASIDE PARABLES]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/97|89]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 15: The Voyage To Gadara And The Return|THE VOYAGE TO GADARA AND THE RETURN]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/103|95]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 16: From The Raising Of Jairus Daughter To The Mission Of The Twelve|FROM THE RAISING OF JAIRUS DAUGHTER TO THE MISSION OF THE TWELVE]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/107|99]]}}
{{TOC row 2dot-1|[[Christ in art/Chapter 17: The Feeding Of The Five Thousand|THE FEEDING OF THE FIVE THOUSAND]]|[[Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/116|108]]}}
{{TOC end}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{larger|INTRODUCTION. }}  THE ETERNAL WORD. }}  {{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}HE beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ the Son of  In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was  with God, and the Word was God. The same was in  the beginning with God. All things were  made by him; and without him was not anything made that was made. In him was life; and the life was the light of men. And the light shineth...</comment>
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THE ETERNAL WORD. }}

{{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}HE beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ the Son of 
In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was 
with God, and the Word was God. The same was in 
the beginning with God. All things were 
made by him; and without him was not anything made that
was made. In him was life; and the life was the light of
men. And the light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not. 

There was a man sent from God, whose name was John. The same came 
for a witness, to bear witness of the Light, that all men through him might 
believe. He was not that Light, but was sent to bear witness 
of that Light. That was the true Light, which lighteth every
man that cometh into the world. He was in the world, and the world was 
made by him, and the world knew him not. He came unto his own, and 
his own received him not. But as many as received him, to them gave he 
power to become the sons of God, even to them that believe on his name: 
which were born, not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will 
of man, but of God. 

And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, (and we beheld his 
glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father,) full of
grace and truth. John bare witness of him, and cried, saying, 
&quot;This was he of whom I spake, He that cometh after me is preferred before 
me; for he was before me. And of his fullness have all we received, and 
grace for gran-. For the law was given by Moses, but grace and truth 
came by Jesus Christ, No man hath seen God at any time; the only-begotten Son, which is in the bosom of the Father, he hath declared 
him.&quot; 
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THE ETERNAL WORD. }}

{{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}HE beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ the Son of 
In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was 
with God, and the Word was God. The same was in 
the beginning with God. All things were 
made by him; and without him was not anything made that
was made. In him was life; and the life was the light of
men. And the light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not. 

There was a man sent from God, whose name was John. The same came 
for a witness, to bear witness of the Light, that all men through him might 
believe. He was not that Light, but was sent to bear witness 
of that Light. That was the true Light, which lighteth every
man that cometh into the world. He was in the world, and the world was 
made by him, and the world knew him not. He came unto his own, and 
his own received him not. But as many as received him, to them gave he 
power to become the sons of God, even to them that believe on his name: 
which were born, not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will 
of man, but of God. 

And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, (and we beheld his 
glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father,) full of
grace and truth. John bare witness of him, and cried, saying, 
&quot;This was he of whom I spake, He that cometh after me is preferred before 
me; for he was before me. And of his fullness have all we received, and 
grace for grace. For the law was given by Moses, but grace and truth 
came by Jesus Christ. No man hath seen God at any time; the only-begotten Son, which is in the bosom of the Father, he hath declared 
him.&quot; 
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      <text bytes="1795" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{#ifexpr:131 mod 2|{{rh|1582–1583]|{{fine|RELATION BY LOARCA}}|131}}|{{rh|131|{{fine|THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS}}|[Vol. 5}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;alliance of villages) , they say, go to a very high mountain in the island of Panay, called Mayas. The souls of the Yligueynes, who comprise the people of Çubu, Bohol, and Bantay, go with the god called Sisiburanen, to a very high mountain in the island of Burney.

''The god Sidapa.'' They say that there is in the sky another god, called Sidapa. This god possesses a very tall tree on mount Mayas. There he measures the lives of all the new-born, and places a mark on the tree; when the person's stature equals this mark, he dies immediately.

''Belief concerning the destination of souls.'' It is believed that at death all souls go directly to the infernal regions; but that, by means of the ''maganitos,'' which are the sacrifices and offerings made to the god Pandaque in sight of the mount of Mayas, they are redeemed from Simuran and Siguinarugan, gods of the lower regions.

It is said that, when the Yligueynes die, the god Maguayen carries them to Inferno. When he has carried them thither in his barangay, Sumpoy, another god, sallies forth, takes them away, and leads them to Sisiburanen, the god before mentioned, who keeps them all. Good or bad alike, he takes them all on equal terms, when they go to Inferno. But the poor, who have no one to offer sacrifices for them, remain forever, in the inferno, and the god of those regions eats them, or keeps them forever in prison. From this it will be seen how little their being good or bad avails them, and how much reason they have to hate poverty.

''Baylanas.'' The natives of these islands have neither time nor place set apart for the offering of prayers and sacrifices to their gods. It is only in case&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER I. }}  THE ANNUNCIATION. BIRTH OF JOHN. }}  {{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}here was in the days of Herod, the king of Judaea, a  certain priest named Zacharias, of the course of Abia:  and his wife was of the daughters of Aaron,  and her name was Elisabeth. And they were both righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless. And they had no child,  bec...</comment>
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THE ANNUNCIATION. BIRTH OF JOHN. }}

{{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}here was in the days of Herod, the king of Judaea, a 
certain priest named Zacharias, of the course of Abia: 
and his wife was of the daughters of Aaron, 
and her name was Elisabeth. And they were
both righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless. And they had no child, 
because that Elisabeth was barren; and they both were now well stricken 
in years. 

And it came to pass, that while he executed the priest s 
office before God in the order of his course, according to 
the custom of the priest s office, his lot was to burn incense when he went into the temple of the Lord. And 
the whole multitude of the people were praying without 
at the time of incense. And there appeared unto him an 
angel of the Lord, standing on the right side of the altar 
of incense. And when Zacharias saw him, he was troubled, and fear fell upon him. But the angel said unto 
him, 

{{bc|
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;Fear not, Zacharias: for thy prayer is heard; 
And thy wife Elisabeth shall bear thee a son, 
And thou shalt call his name John. 
And thou shalt have joy and gladness; 
And many shall rejoice at his birth. 
For he shall be great in the sight of the Lord, 
And shall drink neither wine nor strong drink; 

And he shall be filled with the Holy Ghost even from his mother s womb. 
And many of the children of Israel shall he turn to the Lord their God. 
And he shall go before him in the spirit and power of Elias, 
To turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, 
And the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; 
To make ready a people prepared for the Lord.&quot; 
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}

And Zacharias said unto the angel, &quot; Whereby shall I know this? for I 
am an old man, and my wife well stricken in years.&quot; And the angel&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>ax610xto0zc7xnc8c3n32d6nqxd7gk1</sha1>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1965" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER I. }}

THE ANNUNCIATION. BIRTH OF JOHN. }}

{{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}here was in the days of Herod, the king of Judaea, a 
certain priest named Zacharias, of the course of Abia: 
and his wife was of the daughters of Aaron, 
and her name was Elisabeth. And they were
both righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless. And they had no child, 
because that Elisabeth was barren; and they both were now well stricken 
in years. 

[[File:Jewish priest offers incense.png|thumb|150px|right|Jewish priest offers incense]]
And it came to pass, that while he executed the priest s 
office before God in the order of his course, according to 
the custom of the priest s office, his lot was to burn incense when he went into the temple of the Lord. And 
the whole multitude of the people were praying without 
at the time of incense. And there appeared unto him an 
angel of the Lord, standing on the right side of the altar 
of incense. And when Zacharias saw him, he was troubled, and fear fell upon him. But the angel said unto 
him, 

{{bc|
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;Fear not, Zacharias: for thy prayer is heard; 
And thy wife Elisabeth shall bear thee a son, 
And thou shalt call his name John. 
And thou shalt have joy and gladness; 
And many shall rejoice at his birth. 
For he shall be great in the sight of the Lord, 
And shall drink neither wine nor strong drink; 

And he shall be filled with the Holy Ghost even from his mother s womb. 
And many of the children of Israel shall he turn to the Lord their God. 
And he shall go before him in the spirit and power of Elias, 
To turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, 
And the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; 
To make ready a people prepared for the Lord.&quot; 
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}

And Zacharias said unto the angel, &quot; Whereby shall I know this? for I 
am an old man, and my wife well stricken in years.&quot; And the angel&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
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      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="1965" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER I. }}

THE ANNUNCIATION. BIRTH OF JOHN. }}

{{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}here was in the days of Herod, the king of Judaea, a 
certain priest named Zacharias, of the course of Abia: 
and his wife was of the daughters of Aaron, 
and her name was Elisabeth. And they were
both righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless. And they had no child, 
because that Elisabeth was barren; and they both were now well stricken 
in years. 

[[File:Jewish priest offers incense.png|thumb|120px|right|Jewish priest offers incense]]
And it came to pass, that while he executed the priest s 
office before God in the order of his course, according to 
the custom of the priest s office, his lot was to burn incense when he went into the temple of the Lord. And 
the whole multitude of the people were praying without 
at the time of incense. And there appeared unto him an 
angel of the Lord, standing on the right side of the altar 
of incense. And when Zacharias saw him, he was troubled, and fear fell upon him. But the angel said unto 
him, 

{{bc|
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;Fear not, Zacharias: for thy prayer is heard; 
And thy wife Elisabeth shall bear thee a son, 
And thou shalt call his name John. 
And thou shalt have joy and gladness; 
And many shall rejoice at his birth. 
For he shall be great in the sight of the Lord, 
And shall drink neither wine nor strong drink; 

And he shall be filled with the Holy Ghost even from his mother s womb. 
And many of the children of Israel shall he turn to the Lord their God. 
And he shall go before him in the spirit and power of Elias, 
To turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, 
And the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; 
To make ready a people prepared for the Lord.&quot; 
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}

And Zacharias said unto the angel, &quot; Whereby shall I know this? for I 
am an old man, and my wife well stricken in years.&quot; And the angel&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507997</id>
      <parentid>12507968</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:14:37Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1965" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER I. }}

THE ANNUNCIATION. BIRTH OF JOHN. }}

{{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}here was in the days of Herod, the king of Judaea, a 
certain priest named Zacharias, of the course of Abia: 
and his wife was of the daughters of Aaron, 
and her name was Elisabeth. And they were
both righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless. And they had no child, 
because that Elisabeth was barren; and they both were now well stricken 
in years. 

[[File:Jewish priest offers incense.png|thumb|120px|right|Jewish priest offers incense]]
And it came to pass, that while he executed the priest's 
office before God in the order of his course, according to 
the custom of the priest's office, his lot was to burn incense when he went into the temple of the Lord. And 
the whole multitude of the people were praying without 
at the time of incense. And there appeared unto him an 
angel of the Lord, standing on the right side of the altar 
of incense. And when Zacharias saw him, he was troubled, and fear fell upon him. But the angel said unto 
him, 

{{bc|
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;Fear not, Zacharias: for thy prayer is heard; 
And thy wife Elisabeth shall bear thee a son, 
And thou shalt call his name John. 
And thou shalt have joy and gladness; 
And many shall rejoice at his birth. 
For he shall be great in the sight of the Lord, 
And shall drink neither wine nor strong drink; 

And he shall be filled with the Holy Ghost even from his mother s womb. 
And many of the children of Israel shall he turn to the Lord their God. 
And he shall go before him in the spirit and power of Elias, 
To turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, 
And the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; 
To make ready a people prepared for the Lord.&quot; 
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}

And Zacharias said unto the angel, &quot; Whereby shall I know this? for I 
am an old man, and my wife well stricken in years.&quot; And the angel&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>o33foq3wrqysuw7lbrzuvlujs9dr651</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508001</id>
      <parentid>12507997</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:15:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1965" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER I. }}

THE ANNUNCIATION. BIRTH OF JOHN. }}

{{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}here was in the days of Herod, the king of Judaea, a 
certain priest named Zacharias, of the course of Abia: 
and his wife was of the daughters of Aaron, 
and her name was Elisabeth. And they were
both righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless. And they had no child, 
because that Elisabeth was barren; and they both were now well stricken 
in years. 

[[File:Jewish priest offers incense.png|thumb|120px|right|Jewish priest offers incense]]
And it came to pass, that while he executed the priest's 
office before God in the order of his course, according to 
the custom of the priest's office, his lot was to burn incense when he went into the temple of the Lord. And 
the whole multitude of the people were praying without 
at the time of incense. And there appeared unto him an 
angel of the Lord, standing on the right side of the altar 
of incense. And when Zacharias saw him, he was troubled, and fear fell upon him. But the angel said unto 
him, 

{{bc|
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;Fear not, Zacharias: for thy prayer is heard; 
And thy wife Elisabeth shall bear thee a son, 
And thou shalt call his name John. 
And thou shalt have joy and gladness; 
And many shall rejoice at his birth. 
For he shall be great in the sight of the Lord, 
And shall drink neither wine nor strong drink; 

And he shall be filled with the Holy Ghost even from his mother's womb. 
And many of the children of Israel shall he turn to the Lord their God. 
And he shall go before him in the spirit and power of Elias, 
To turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, 
And the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; 
To make ready a people prepared for the Lord.&quot; 
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}

And Zacharias said unto the angel, &quot; Whereby shall I know this? for I 
am an old man, and my wife well stricken in years.&quot; And the angel&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>nuupelrqj7vl2apocwohf00afl6kl8v</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508020</id>
      <parentid>12508001</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:26:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1969" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|{{larger|CHAPTER I. }}

THE ANNUNCIATION. — BIRTH OF JOHN. }}

{{di|T|image=Dropcap illus letter T--Love in Idleness.png|imgsize=80px}}here was in the days of Herod, the king of Judaea, a 
certain priest named Zacharias, of the course of Abia: 
and his wife was of the daughters of Aaron, 
and her name was Elisabeth. And they were
both righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless. And they had no child, 
because that Elisabeth was barren; and they both were now well stricken 
in years. 

[[File:Jewish priest offers incense.png|thumb|120px|right|Jewish priest offers incense]]
And it came to pass, that while he executed the priest's 
office before God in the order of his course, according to 
the custom of the priest's office, his lot was to burn incense when he went into the temple of the Lord. And 
the whole multitude of the people were praying without 
at the time of incense. And there appeared unto him an 
angel of the Lord, standing on the right side of the altar 
of incense. And when Zacharias saw him, he was troubled, and fear fell upon him. But the angel said unto 
him, 

{{bc|
&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;Fear not, Zacharias: for thy prayer is heard; 
And thy wife Elisabeth shall bear thee a son, 
And thou shalt call his name John. 
And thou shalt have joy and gladness; 
And many shall rejoice at his birth. 
For he shall be great in the sight of the Lord, 
And shall drink neither wine nor strong drink; 

And he shall be filled with the Holy Ghost even from his mother's womb. 
And many of the children of Israel shall he turn to the Lord their God. 
And he shall go before him in the spirit and power of Elias, 
To turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, 
And the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; 
To make ready a people prepared for the Lord.&quot; 
&lt;/poem&gt;
}}

And Zacharias said unto the angel, &quot; Whereby shall I know this? for I 
am an old man, and my wife well stricken in years.&quot; And the angel&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>at35jbo1p5s0z6f73qv6x1chwit8ucn</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu/135</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019134</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507964</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:51:38Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1896" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{#ifexpr:133 mod 2|{{rh|1582–1583]|{{fine|RELATION BY LOARCA}}|133}}|{{rh|133|{{fine|THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS}}|[Vol. 5}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of sickness, and in times of seed-sowing or of war, that sacrifices are offered. These sacrifices are called ''baylanes,'' and the priestesses, or the men who perform this office, are also called ''baylanes.'' The priestesses dress very gaily, with garlands on their heads, and are resplendent with gold. They bring to the place of sacrifice some ''pitarrillas'' (a kind of earthen jar) full of rice-wine, besides a live hog and a quantity of prepared food. Then the priestess chants her songs and invokes the demon, who appears to her all glistening in gold. Then he enters her body and hurls her to the ground, foaming at the mouth as one possessed. In this state she declares whether the sick person is to recover or not. In regard to other matters, she foretells the future. All this takes place to the sound of bells and kettle-drums. Then she rises and taking a spear, she pierces the heart of the hog. They dress it and prepare a dish for the demons. Upon an altar erected there, they place the dressed hog, rice, bananas, wine, and all the other articles of food that they have brought. All this is done in behalf of sick persons, or to redeem those who are confined in the infernal regions. When they go to war or on a plundering expedition, they offer prayers to Varangao, who is the rainbow, and to their gods, Ynaguinid and Macanduc. For the redemption of souls detained in the inferno above mentioned, they invoke also their ancestors, and the dead, claiming to see them and receive answers to their questions.

''Belief concerning the world. The god Macaptan.'' They believe that the world has no end. They say that Macaptan dwells highest in the sky. They consider him a bad god, because he sends disease and death among them, saying that because he has not&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>4f5ut79f144w2glvnmr1nkrhtqnrdct</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu/137</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019135</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507969</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:54:53Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1859" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{#ifexpr:135 mod 2|{{rh|1582–1583]|{{fine|RELATION BY LOARCA}}|135}}|{{rh|135|{{fine|THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS}}|[Vol. 5}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;eaten anything of this world, or drunk any pitarrillas, he does not love them, and so kills them.

''The god Lalahon.'' It is said that the divinity Lalahon dwells in a volcano in Negros island, whence she hurls fire. The volcano is about five leagues from the town of Arevalo. They invoke Lalahon for their harvest; when she does not choose to grant them good harvests she sends the locusts to destroy and consume the crops. This Lalahon is a woman.

''Burials.'' These natives bury their dead in certain wooden coffins, in their own houses. They bury with the dead gold, cloth, and other valuable objects—saying that if they depart rich they will be well received in the other world, but coldly if they go poor.

''How they guard the dead.'' When anyone dies, the people light many fires near his house; and at night armed men go to act as sentinels about his coffin, for fear that the sorcerers (who are in this country also) may come and touch the coffin; for then the coffin would immediately burst open and a great stench issue from the corpse, which could not any longer remain in the coffin. For this reason they keep watch for several nights.

''Slaves killed at the death of chiefs.'' When any chief descended from Dumaguet dies, a slave is made to die by the same death as that of the chief. They choose the most wretched slave whom they can find, so that he may serve the chief in the other world. They always select for this a slave who is a foreigner, and not a native; for they really are not at all cruel. They say that the reason for their killing slaves, as we have said, at the death of any chief is very ancient. According to their story, a chief called Marapan, more than ten thousand years ago, while easing his&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/26</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019136</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507970</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:56:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;answering said unto him, &quot; I am Gabriel, that stand in the presence of  God; and am sent to speak unto thee, and to show thee these glad tidings. And, behold, thou shalt be dumb, and not able to speak, until the  day that these things shall be performed, because thou believest not my  words, which shall be fulfilled in their season.&quot;   And the people waited for Zacharias, and marveled that he tarried so  long in the temple. And when he came out, he could...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2793" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;answering said unto him, &quot; I am Gabriel, that stand in the presence of 
God; and am sent to speak unto thee, and to show thee these glad tidings. And, behold, thou shalt be dumb, and not able to speak, until the 
day that these things shall be performed, because thou believest not my 
words, which shall be fulfilled in their season.&quot; 

And the people waited for Zacharias, and marveled that he tarried so 
long in the temple. And when he came out, he could not speak unto 
them: and they perceived that he had seen a vision in the temple; for he 
beckoned unto them, and remained speechless. And it came to pass, that, 
as soon as the days of his ministration were accomplished, he departed to 
his own house. 

And after those days his wife Elisabeth conceived, and hid herself 
five months, saying, &quot;Thus hath the Lord dealt with me in the days 
wherein he looked on me, to take away my reproach among men.&quot; 

And in the sixth month the angel Gabriel was sent from God unto a city 
of Galilee, named Nazareth, to a virgin espoused to a man whose name was 
Joseph, of the house of David; and the virgin s name was Mary. 
And the angel came in unto her, and said, &quot; Hail, thou that art 
highly favored, the Lord is with thee: blessed art thou among women.&quot; 
And when she saw him, she was troubled at his saying, and cast in her 
mind what manner of salutation this should be. And the angel said unto
her, &quot;Fear not, Mary: for thou hast found favor with God. And, behold, 
thou shalt conceive in thy womb, and bring forth a son, and shalt call 
his name JESUS. He shall be great, and shall be called the Son of 
the Highest; and the Lord God shall give unto him the throne of his 
father David. And he shall reign over the house of Jacob forever; 
and of his kingdom there shall be no end.&quot; 

Then said Mary unto the angel, &quot; How shall this be, seeing I know 
not a man? &quot; 

And the angel answered and said unto her, &quot;The Holy Ghost shall 
come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee: 
therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called 
the Son of God. And, behold, thy cousin Elisabeth, she hath also conceived a son in her old age; and this is the sixth month with her, who 
was called barren. For with God nothing shall be impossible.&quot; 

And Mary said, &quot;Behold the handmaid of the Lord; be it unto me 
according to thy word.&quot; And the angel departed from her. 

And Mary arose in those days, and went into the hill country with haste, 
into a city of Juda; and entered into the house of Zacharias, and saluted 
Mary visits Elisabeth. And it came to pass, that, when Elisabeth heard the 
salutation of Mary, the babe leaped in her womb; and Elisabeth was filled with the Holy Ghost: and she spake out with a loud voice, 
and said, — 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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        <id>2943726</id>
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      <text bytes="2781" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;answering said unto him, &quot; I am Gabriel, that stand in the presence of 
God; and am sent to speak unto thee, and to show thee these glad tidings. And, behold, thou shalt be dumb, and not able to speak, until the 
day that these things shall be performed, because thou believest not my 
words, which shall be fulfilled in their season.&quot; 

And the people waited for Zacharias, and marveled that he tarried so 
long in the temple. And when he came out, he could not speak unto 
them: and they perceived that he had seen a vision in the temple; for he 
beckoned unto them, and remained speechless. And it came to pass, that, 
as soon as the days of his ministration were accomplished, he departed to 
his own house. 

And after those days his wife Elisabeth conceived, and hid herself 
five months, saying, &quot;Thus hath the Lord dealt with me in the days 
wherein he looked on me, to take away my reproach among men.&quot; 

And in the sixth month the angel Gabriel was sent from God unto a city 
of Galilee, named Nazareth, to a virgin espoused to a man whose name was 
Joseph, of the house of David; and the virgin s name was Mary. 
And the angel came in unto her, and said, &quot; Hail, thou that art 
highly favored, the Lord is with thee: blessed art thou among women.&quot; 
And when she saw him, she was troubled at his saying, and cast in her 
mind what manner of salutation this should be. And the angel said unto
her, &quot;Fear not, Mary: for thou hast found favor with God. And, behold, 
thou shalt conceive in thy womb, and bring forth a son, and shalt call 
his name JESUS. He shall be great, and shall be called the Son of 
the Highest; and the Lord God shall give unto him the throne of his 
father David. And he shall reign over the house of Jacob forever; 
and of his kingdom there shall be no end.&quot; 

Then said Mary unto the angel, &quot; How shall this be, seeing I know 
not a man? &quot; 

And the angel answered and said unto her, &quot;The Holy Ghost shall 
come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee: 
therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called 
the Son of God. And, behold, thy cousin Elisabeth, she hath also conceived a son in her old age; and this is the sixth month with her, who 
was called barren. For with God nothing shall be impossible.&quot; 

And Mary said, &quot;Behold the handmaid of the Lord; be it unto me 
according to thy word.&quot; And the angel departed from her. 

And Mary arose in those days, and went into the hill country with haste, 
into a city of Juda; and entered into the house of Zacharias, and saluted 
Elisabeth. And it came to pass, that, when Elisabeth heard the 
salutation of Mary, the babe leaped in her womb; and Elisabeth was filled with the Holy Ghost: and she spake out with a loud voice, 
and said, — 
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    <revision>
      <id>12508000</id>
      <parentid>12507977</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:15:11Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2781" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;answering said unto him, &quot; I am Gabriel, that stand in the presence of 
God; and am sent to speak unto thee, and to show thee these glad tidings. And, behold, thou shalt be dumb, and not able to speak, until the 
day that these things shall be performed, because thou believest not my 
words, which shall be fulfilled in their season.&quot; 

And the people waited for Zacharias, and marveled that he tarried so 
long in the temple. And when he came out, he could not speak unto 
them: and they perceived that he had seen a vision in the temple; for he 
beckoned unto them, and remained speechless. And it came to pass, that, 
as soon as the days of his ministration were accomplished, he departed to 
his own house. 

And after those days his wife Elisabeth conceived, and hid herself 
five months, saying, &quot;Thus hath the Lord dealt with me in the days 
wherein he looked on me, to take away my reproach among men.&quot; 

And in the sixth month the angel Gabriel was sent from God unto a city 
of Galilee, named Nazareth, to a virgin espoused to a man whose name was 
Joseph, of the house of David; and the virgin's name was Mary. 
And the angel came in unto her, and said, &quot; Hail, thou that art 
highly favored, the Lord is with thee: blessed art thou among women.&quot; 
And when she saw him, she was troubled at his saying, and cast in her 
mind what manner of salutation this should be. And the angel said unto
her, &quot;Fear not, Mary: for thou hast found favor with God. And, behold, 
thou shalt conceive in thy womb, and bring forth a son, and shalt call 
his name JESUS. He shall be great, and shall be called the Son of 
the Highest; and the Lord God shall give unto him the throne of his 
father David. And he shall reign over the house of Jacob forever; 
and of his kingdom there shall be no end.&quot; 

Then said Mary unto the angel, &quot; How shall this be, seeing I know 
not a man? &quot; 

And the angel answered and said unto her, &quot;The Holy Ghost shall 
come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee: 
therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called 
the Son of God. And, behold, thy cousin Elisabeth, she hath also conceived a son in her old age; and this is the sixth month with her, who 
was called barren. For with God nothing shall be impossible.&quot; 

And Mary said, &quot;Behold the handmaid of the Lord; be it unto me 
according to thy word.&quot; And the angel departed from her. 

And Mary arose in those days, and went into the hill country with haste, 
into a city of Juda; and entered into the house of Zacharias, and saluted 
Elisabeth. And it came to pass, that, when Elisabeth heard the 
salutation of Mary, the babe leaped in her womb; and Elisabeth was filled with the Holy Ghost: and she spake out with a loud voice, 
and said, — 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu/139</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019137</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507971</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:57:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
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      <text bytes="1843" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{#ifexpr:137 mod 2|{{rh|1582–1583]|{{fine|RELATION BY LOARCA}}|137}}|{{rh|137|{{fine|THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS}}|[Vol. 5}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;body asked a slave of his for some grass with which to clean himself. The slave threw to him a large stalk of reed-grass, which seems to have hit the chief on the knee, causing a wound. As he was at the time a very old man, he died, as they say, from the blow; but before his death he gave orders that, when he should die, the slave and all his children should be put to death. From this arose the custom of killing slaves at the death of a chief.

''Mourning indicated by fasting.'' When the father or mother or any near relative died, they promised to eat no rice until they should seize some captive in battle. The actual sign of mourning among them was the wearing of armlets made of bejucos [rattans] which covered the entire arm, with a similar band around the neck. They drank no pitarrilla, and their only food was bananas and camotes, until they had either taken a captive or killed some one, when they ceased their mourning; it might thus happen that they would eat no rice for a whole year, and therefore they would be, at the end of that period, very languid and weak. Sometimes a man determined, soon after a relative's death, to eat nothing, but to abandon himself to death. But his timaguas and slaves quickly assembled, and made a collection throughout the village; bananas were given him for food, and ''tuba'' (which is a wine made from the palm-tree) for drink, so that he should not die. These gains were the perquisites of the chiefs. This kind of mourning is called among them ''maglahe.''

''Mourning among the women.'' The mourning observed by the women they call ''morotal.'' It is similar to that of the men, except that the mourner—instead of going to capture or kill some one before she is&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Christ in art/Chapter 2: The Annunciation Birth Of John</title>
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      <comment>Created page with &quot;{{header  | title      = Christ in art: the story of the words and acts of Jesus Christ, as related in the language of the four evangelists, arranged in one continuous narrative  | author     = Edward Eggleston  | translator =   | section    = Chapter 2: The Annunciation Birth Of John  | previous   =   | next       =  | year       = 1875  | notes      =  }}  &lt;pages index=&quot;Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu&quot; from=25 to=28 /&gt;&quot;</comment>
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 | title      = Christ in art: the story of the words and acts of Jesus Christ, as related in the language of the four evangelists, arranged in one continuous narrative
 | author     = Edward Eggleston
 | translator = 
 | section    = Chapter 2: The Annunciation Birth Of John
 | previous   = 
 | next       =
 | year       = 1875
 | notes      = 
}}

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      <text bytes="459" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = Christ in art: the story of the words and acts of Jesus Christ, as related in the language of the four evangelists, arranged in one continuous narrative
 | author     = Edward Eggleston
 | translator = 
 | section    = Chapter 2: The Annunciation Birth Of John
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 1: The Eternal Word/]]
 | next       =
 | year       = 1875
 | notes      = 
}}

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      <id>12507993</id>
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      <text bytes="459" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = Christ in art: the story of the words and acts of Jesus Christ, as related in the language of the four evangelists, arranged in one continuous narrative
 | author     = Edward Eggleston
 | translator = 
 | section    = Chapter 2: The Annunciation Birth Of John
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 1: The Eternal Word/]]
 | next       =
 | year       = 1875
 | notes      = 
}}

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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/266</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019139</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507973</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:58:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1080" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|250|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;promises better paving under another régime. But the paving could not be made better without a special assessment upon the property owners of the vicinity, and paying more taxes is exactly what his constituents do not want to do. In reality, &quot;getting them off,&quot; or at the worst postponing the time of the improvement, is one of the genuine favors which he performs. A movement to have the paving done from a general fund would doubtless be opposed by the property owners in other parts of the city who have already paid for the asphalt bordering their own possessions, but they have no conception of the struggle and possible bankruptcy which repaving may mean to the small property owner, nor how his chief concern may be to elect an alderman who cares more for the feelings and pocket-books of his constituents than he does for the repute and cleanliness of his city.

The alderman exhibited great wisdom in procuring from certain of his down-town friends the sum of three thousand dollars&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|250}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu/141</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019140</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507976</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T05:59:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1869" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{#ifexpr:139 mod 2|{{rh|1582–1583]|{{fine|RELATION BY LOARCA}}|139}}|{{rh|139|{{fine|THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS}}|[Vol. 5}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;allowed to cease mourning and to eat rice again—embarks in a barangay with many women; they have one Indian man to steer, one to bail, and one in the bow. These three Indians are always chosen as being very valiant men, who have achieved much success in war. Thus they go to a village of their friends, the three Indians singing all along the way, keeping time with their oars; they recount their exploits, the slaves whom they have captured, and the men whom they have killed in war. The vessel is laden with wine and pitarrillas. When they reach the village, they exchange invitations with the inhabitants, and hold a great revel. After this they lay aside their white robes, and strip the bejuco bands from their arms and necks; the mourning ends, and they begin to eat rice again, and to adorn themselves with gold.

''Larao of the dead—that is, mourning.'' One of the observances which is carried out with most rigor is that called ''larao.'' This rule requires that when a chief dies all must mourn him, and must observe the following restrictions: No one shall quarrel with any other during the time of mourning, and especially at the time of the burial. Spears must be carried point downward, and daggers be carried in the belt with hilt reversed. No gala or colored dress shall be worn during that time. There must be no singing on board a barangay when returning to the village, but strict silence is maintained. They make an enclosure around the house of the dead man; and if anyone, great or small, passes by and transgresses this bound, he shall be punished. In order that all men may know of a chief's death and no one feign ignorance, one of the timaguas who is held in honor goes through the village and makes announcement of&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <id>12507981</id>
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      <text bytes="83" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:Mary's visit to Elizabeth.png|300px|thumb|center|Mary's visit to Elizabeth]]&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="91" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:Mary's visit to Elizabeth.png|300px|thumb|center|Mary's visit to Elizabeth]]
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/267</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019142</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507979</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:02:01Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1098" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|251|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;with which to uniform and equip a boys' temperance brigade which had been formed in one of the ward churches a few months before his campaign. Is it strange that the good leader, whose heart was filled with innocent pride as he looked upon these promising young scions of virtue, should decline to enter into a reform campaign? Of what use to suggest that uniforms and bayonets for the purpose of promoting temperance, bought with money contributed by a man who was proprietor of a saloon and a gambling house, might perhaps confuse the ethics of the young soldiers? Why take the pains to urge that it was vain to lecture and march abstract virtues into them, so long as the &quot;champion boodler&quot; of the town was the man whom the boys recognized as a loyal and kindhearted friend, the public-spirited citizen, whom their fathers enthusiastically voted for, and their mothers called &quot;the friend of the poor.&quot; As long as the actual and tangible success is thus embodied, marching whether in kindergartens or bri-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|251}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 05).djvu/143</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019143</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507980</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:02:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1818" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{#ifexpr:141 mod 2|{{rh|1582–1583]|{{fine|RELATION BY LOARCA}}|141}}|{{rh|141|{{fine|THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS}}|[Vol. 5}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the mourning. He who transgresses the law must pay the penalty, without fail. If he who does this wrong be a slave—one of those who serve without the dwelling—and has not the means to pay, his owner pays for him; but the latter takes the slave to his own house, that he may serve him, and makes him an ayoey. They say that these rules were left to them by Lubluban and Panas. To some, especially to the religious, it has seemed as if they were too rigorous for these people; but they were general among chiefs, timaguas, and slaves.

''Wars.'' The first man who waged war, according to their story, was Panas, the son of that Anoranor, who was grandson of the first human [parents: ''crossed out in MS.''] beings. He declared war against Mañgaran, on account of an inheritance; and from that time date the first wars, because the people were divided into two factions, and hostility was handed down from father to son. They say that Panas was the first man to use weapons in fighting.

''Just wars.'' There are three cases in which these natives regard war as just. The first is when an Indian goes to another village and is there put to death without cause; the second, when their wives are stolen from them; and the third is when they go in friendly manner to trade at any village, and there, under the appearance of friendship, are wronged or maltreated.

''Laws.'' They say that the laws by which they have thus far been governed were left to them by Lubluban, the woman whom we have already mentioned. Of these laws only the chiefs are defenders and executors. There are no judges, although there are mediators who go from one party to another to bring about a reconciliation.
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The attorney-general and the cabinet (IA attorneygeneralc00lear).pdf/18</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019144</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507982</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:03:26Z</timestamp>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2632" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;DraftSaturn15&quot; /&gt;{{rh|{{o s|450}}|''POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY''|[{{sc|Vol. XXIV}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;could be vitalized and molded by Wirt, it was to be done. After his long occupancy ({{o s|1817–1829}}) the attorney-generalship had certainly risen in importance and was considered as more closely allied to the whole executive administration than ever before. It cannot be said that Wirt's suggestions influenced directly congressional action, for there is no proof of such influence. But there was at last a man in the attorney-generalship with a few clear ideas on the subject of organization which
he was ready to make effective. This, at any rate, Congress must have understood.

The details of administrative organization it is not the province of this paper to consider. It is enough to say that Wirt was provided by congress with a clerk in {{o s|1818 and a small sum of money ($500) for office-room and stationery. In response to criticism over inequalities in the salaries of the secretaries, these salaries were raised and equalized the next year (1819}}); and the salary of the attorney-general was increased to thirty-five hundred dollars. Other improvements of a minor character were made during his long term of service.&lt;ref&gt;Act of April {{o s|20, 1818, sec. 6. Annals of Congress, 15th Cong., 1st sess., vol. ii, p. 2566. Lowndes complained in the House April 20, 1818, of allowing &quot;any longer the discrimination which had heretofore existed in the salaries of the Heads of Departments.&quot; ''Ibid.'', vol. ii, 1779. In the following November, the subject of salaries came up in both Senate and House. The discussion led to the Act of February 20, 1819. Annals, 15th Cong., 2d sess. (1818–1819), vol. i, pp. 21 ''et seq.'', vol. ii, page 2486. Easby-Smith, The Department of Justice, page 10, gives sundry details.}}&lt;/ref&gt;

Early in his term Wirt had intimated to the House that by the law creating his position he could not be reckoned legal counselor to that body.&lt;ref&gt;House Documents, No. {{o s|68, 16th Cong., 1st sess., vol. v. &quot;Letter from the Attorney-General {{...}} in reply to an Order of the House of Representatives,&quot; page 2. Dated February 3, 1820.}}&lt;/ref&gt; When, in January, 1820, the House sent an order for his official opinion on a certain subject before
them, he deliberately declined to give the opinion. This was
his mode of reasoning:

{{quote|
It is true that, in this case, I should have the sanction of the House. and it is not less true that my respect for the House impels me strongly to obey the order. The precedent, however, would not be less dangerous on account of the purity of the motives in which it
}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <contributor>
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        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;&quot; Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy  womb. And whence is this to me, that the mother of my Lord should  come to me f for, lo, as soon as the voice of thy salutation sounded in  mine ears, the babe leaped in my womb for joy. And blessed is she  that believed: for there shall be a performance of those thing s which were  told her from the Lord.&quot;   And Mary said, —  {{bc|&lt;poem&gt; &quot;My soul doth magnify the Lord,  And my spirit hath...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2101" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot; Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy 
womb. And whence is this to me, that the mother of my Lord should 
come to me f for, lo, as soon as the voice of thy salutation sounded in 
mine ears, the babe leaped in my womb for joy. And blessed is she 
that believed: for there shall be a performance of those thing s which were 
told her from the Lord.&quot; 

And Mary said, —

{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;My soul doth magnify the Lord, 
And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour. 
For he hath regarded the low estate of his handmaiden; 
For, behold, from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed. 
For he that is mighty hath done to me great things; 
And holy is his name. 
And his mercy is on them that fear him 
From generation to generation. 
He hath showed strength with his arm; 

He hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts. 
He hath put down the mighty from their seats, 
And exalted them of low degree. 
He hath filled the hungry with good things; 
And the rich he hath sent empty away. 
He hath holpen his servant Israel, 
In remembrance of his mercy; 
As he spake to our fathers, 
To Abraham, and to his seed forever.&quot;
&lt;/poem&gt;}}

And Mary abode with her about three months, and returned to her own 
house. 

Now Elisabeth s full time came that she should be delivered; and she 
brought forth a son. And her neighbors and her cousins heard how the 
Lord had showed great mercy upon her; and they rejoiced with 
her. And it came to pass, that on the eighth day they came to 
circumcise the child; and they called him Zacharias, after the name of his 
father. 

And his mother answered and said, &quot; Not so; but he shall be called 
John.&quot; And they said unto her, &quot; There is none of thy kindred that is 
called by this name.&quot; 

And they made signs to his father, how 
he would have him called. And he asked 
for a writing-table, and wrote, saying, 
&quot;His name is John.&quot; And they marveled all. And his mouth was opened 
immediately, and his tongue loosed, and 
he spake and praised God. And fear 
came on all that dwelt round about them: and all these sayings were&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>6syjtvmqzzqjun934btthxxpkguaxt1</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507991</id>
      <parentid>12507985</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:13:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2201" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot; Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy 
womb. And whence is this to me, that the mother of my Lord should 
come to me f for, lo, as soon as the voice of thy salutation sounded in 
mine ears, the babe leaped in my womb for joy. And blessed is she 
that believed: for there shall be a performance of those thing s which were 
told her from the Lord.&quot; 

And Mary said, —

{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;My soul doth magnify the Lord, 
And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour. 
For he hath regarded the low estate of his handmaiden; 
For, behold, from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed. 
For he that is mighty hath done to me great things; 
And holy is his name. 
And his mercy is on them that fear him 
From generation to generation. 
He hath showed strength with his arm; 

He hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts. 
He hath put down the mighty from their seats, 
And exalted them of low degree. 
He hath filled the hungry with good things; 
And the rich he hath sent empty away. 
He hath holpen his servant Israel, 
In remembrance of his mercy; 
As he spake to our fathers, 
To Abraham, and to his seed forever.&quot;
&lt;/poem&gt;}}

And Mary abode with her about three months, and returned to her own 
house. 

Now Elisabeth s full time came that she should be delivered; and she 
brought forth a son. And her neighbors and her cousins heard how the 
Lord had showed great mercy upon her; and they rejoiced with 
her. And it came to pass, that on the eighth day they came to 
circumcise the child; and they called him Zacharias, after the name of his 
father. 

[[File:Ancient writing material and books.png|220px|thumb|left|Ancient writing material and books]]
And his mother answered and said, &quot; Not so; but he shall be called 
John.&quot; And they said unto her, &quot; There is none of thy kindred that is 
called by this name.&quot; 

And they made signs to his father, how 
he would have him called. And he asked 
for a writing-table, and wrote, saying, 
&quot;His name is John.&quot; And they marveled all. And his mouth was opened 
immediately, and his tongue loosed, and 
he spake and praised God. And fear 
came on all that dwelt round about them: and all these sayings were&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>swrs012nopbw1f9m6i4y9uk990i3a0m</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507994</id>
      <parentid>12507991</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:13:44Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2201" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot; Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy 
womb. And whence is this to me, that the mother of my Lord should 
come to me f for, lo, as soon as the voice of thy salutation sounded in 
mine ears, the babe leaped in my womb for joy. And blessed is she 
that believed: for there shall be a performance of those thing s which were 
told her from the Lord.&quot; 

And Mary said, —

{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;My soul doth magnify the Lord, 
And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour. 
For he hath regarded the low estate of his handmaiden; 
For, behold, from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed. 
For he that is mighty hath done to me great things; 
And holy is his name. 
And his mercy is on them that fear him 
From generation to generation. 
He hath showed strength with his arm; 

He hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts. 
He hath put down the mighty from their seats, 
And exalted them of low degree. 
He hath filled the hungry with good things; 
And the rich he hath sent empty away. 
He hath holpen his servant Israel, 
In remembrance of his mercy; 
As he spake to our fathers, 
To Abraham, and to his seed forever.&quot;
&lt;/poem&gt;}}

And Mary abode with her about three months, and returned to her own 
house. 

[[File:Ancient writing material and books.png|220px|thumb|left|Ancient writing material and books]]
Now Elisabeth's full time came that she should be delivered; and she 
brought forth a son. And her neighbors and her cousins heard how the 
Lord had showed great mercy upon her; and they rejoiced with 
her. And it came to pass, that on the eighth day they came to 
circumcise the child; and they called him Zacharias, after the name of his 
father. 

And his mother answered and said, &quot; Not so; but he shall be called 
John.&quot; And they said unto her, &quot; There is none of thy kindred that is 
called by this name.&quot; 

And they made signs to his father, how 
he would have him called. And he asked 
for a writing-table, and wrote, saying, 
&quot;His name is John.&quot; And they marveled all. And his mouth was opened 
immediately, and his tongue loosed, and 
he spake and praised God. And fear 
came on all that dwelt round about them: and all these sayings were&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>8g61wtkmxqsfwajslziqf02mtut06eo</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12507998</id>
      <parentid>12507994</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:14:58Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2200" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot; Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy 
womb. And whence is this to me, that the mother of my Lord should 
come to me f for, lo, as soon as the voice of thy salutation sounded in 
mine ears, the babe leaped in my womb for joy. And blessed is she 
that believed: for there shall be a performance of those things which were 
told her from the Lord.&quot; 

And Mary said, —

{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;My soul doth magnify the Lord, 
And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour. 
For he hath regarded the low estate of his handmaiden; 
For, behold, from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed. 
For he that is mighty hath done to me great things; 
And holy is his name. 
And his mercy is on them that fear him 
From generation to generation. 
He hath showed strength with his arm; 

He hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts. 
He hath put down the mighty from their seats, 
And exalted them of low degree. 
He hath filled the hungry with good things; 
And the rich he hath sent empty away. 
He hath holpen his servant Israel, 
In remembrance of his mercy; 
As he spake to our fathers, 
To Abraham, and to his seed forever.&quot;
&lt;/poem&gt;}}

And Mary abode with her about three months, and returned to her own 
house. 

[[File:Ancient writing material and books.png|220px|thumb|left|Ancient writing material and books]]
Now Elisabeth's full time came that she should be delivered; and she 
brought forth a son. And her neighbors and her cousins heard how the 
Lord had showed great mercy upon her; and they rejoiced with 
her. And it came to pass, that on the eighth day they came to 
circumcise the child; and they called him Zacharias, after the name of his 
father. 

And his mother answered and said, &quot; Not so; but he shall be called 
John.&quot; And they said unto her, &quot; There is none of thy kindred that is 
called by this name.&quot; 

And they made signs to his father, how 
he would have him called. And he asked 
for a writing-table, and wrote, saying, 
&quot;His name is John.&quot; And they marveled all. And his mouth was opened 
immediately, and his tongue loosed, and 
he spake and praised God. And fear 
came on all that dwelt round about them: and all these sayings were&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>b8bzdaowsaxalsi8vu3jmlpql7yri5e</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508002</id>
      <parentid>12507998</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:15:38Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2199" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&quot; Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy 
womb. And whence is this to me, that the mother of my Lord should 
come to me? for, lo, as soon as the voice of thy salutation sounded in 
mine ears, the babe leaped in my womb for joy. And blessed is she 
that believed: for there shall be a performance of those things which were 
told her from the Lord.&quot; 

And Mary said, —

{{bc|&lt;poem&gt;
&quot;My soul doth magnify the Lord, 
And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour. 
For he hath regarded the low estate of his handmaiden; 
For, behold, from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed. 
For he that is mighty hath done to me great things; 
And holy is his name. 
And his mercy is on them that fear him 
From generation to generation. 
He hath showed strength with his arm; 

He hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts. 
He hath put down the mighty from their seats, 
And exalted them of low degree. 
He hath filled the hungry with good things; 
And the rich he hath sent empty away. 
He hath holpen his servant Israel, 
In remembrance of his mercy; 
As he spake to our fathers, 
To Abraham, and to his seed forever.&quot;
&lt;/poem&gt;}}

And Mary abode with her about three months, and returned to her own 
house. 

[[File:Ancient writing material and books.png|220px|thumb|left|Ancient writing material and books]]
Now Elisabeth's full time came that she should be delivered; and she 
brought forth a son. And her neighbors and her cousins heard how the 
Lord had showed great mercy upon her; and they rejoiced with 
her. And it came to pass, that on the eighth day they came to 
circumcise the child; and they called him Zacharias, after the name of his 
father. 

And his mother answered and said, &quot; Not so; but he shall be called 
John.&quot; And they said unto her, &quot; There is none of thy kindred that is 
called by this name.&quot; 

And they made signs to his father, how 
he would have him called. And he asked 
for a writing-table, and wrote, saying, 
&quot;His name is John.&quot; And they marveled all. And his mouth was opened 
immediately, and his tongue loosed, and 
he spake and praised God. And fear 
came on all that dwelt round about them: and all these sayings were&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>2xf20qmii9ddezcaajbuhfrtmdefpkq</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/30</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019146</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507986</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:07:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;noised abroad throughout all the hill country of Judaea. And all they that  heard them laid them up in their hearts, saying, &quot;What manner of child  shall this be!&quot; And the hand of the Lord was with him.   And his father Zacharias was filled with the Holy Ghost, and  prophesied, saying, —  {{bc| &lt;poem&gt;&quot;Blessed be the Lord God of Israel;  For he hath visited and redeemed his people,  And hath raised up an horn of salvation for us  In the house of his serva...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1513" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;noised abroad throughout all the hill country of Judaea. And all they that 
heard them laid them up in their hearts, saying, &quot;What manner of child 
shall this be!&quot; And the hand of the Lord was with him. 

And his father Zacharias was filled with the Holy Ghost, and 
prophesied, saying, —

{{bc|
&lt;poem&gt;&quot;Blessed be the Lord God of Israel; 
For he hath visited and redeemed his people, 
And hath raised up an horn of salvation for us 
In the house of his servant David; 
As he spake by the mouth of his holy prophets, 
Which have been since the world began: 
That we should be saved from our enemies, 
And from the hand of all that hate us; 
To perform the mercy promised to our fathers, 
And to remember his holy covenant, 
The oath which lie sware to our father Abraham, 
That he would grant unto us, 

That we, being delivered out of the hand of our enemies, 
Might serve him without fear, 
In holiness and righteousness before him, 
All the days of our life. 

And thou, child, shalt be called the prophet of the Highest: 
For thou shalt go before the face of the Lord to prepare his ways; 
To give knowledge of salvation unto his people 
By the remission of their sins, 
Through the tender mercy of our God; 
Whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited us, 
To give light to them that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, 
To guide our feet into the way of peace.&quot;
&lt;/poem&gt;}}

And the child grew and waxed strong in spirit, and was in the deserts till 
the day of his showing unto Israel. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12507987</id>
      <parentid>12507986</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:08:40Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1557" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;noised abroad throughout all the hill country of Judaea. And all they that 
heard them laid them up in their hearts, saying, &quot;What manner of child 
shall this be!&quot; And the hand of the Lord was with him. 

And his father Zacharias was filled with the Holy Ghost, and 
prophesied, saying, —

{{bc|
&lt;poem&gt;&quot;Blessed be the Lord God of Israel; 
For he hath visited and redeemed his people, 
And hath raised up an horn of salvation for us 
In the house of his servant David; 
As he spake by the mouth of his holy prophets, 
Which have been since the world began: 
That we should be saved from our enemies, 
And from the hand of all that hate us; 
To perform the mercy promised to our fathers, 
And to remember his holy covenant, 
The oath which lie sware to our father Abraham, 
That he would grant unto us, 

That we, being delivered out of the hand of our enemies, 
Might serve him without fear, 
In holiness and righteousness before him, 
All the days of our life. 

And thou, child, shalt be called the prophet of the Highest: 
For thou shalt go before the face of the Lord to prepare his ways; 
To give knowledge of salvation unto his people 
By the remission of their sins, 
Through the tender mercy of our God; 
Whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited us, 
To give light to them that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, 
To guide our feet into the way of peace.&quot;
&lt;/poem&gt;}}

And the child grew and waxed strong in spirit, and was in the deserts till 
the day of his showing unto Israel. 

[[File:Grapes wheat.png|frameless|center]]
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Christinartstory00egglrich.djvu/29</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019147</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507988</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:08:47Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Bobdole2021</username>
        <id>2943726</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created blank page</comment>
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      <text bytes="0" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="83" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:Birth of John the Baptist.png|400px|thumb|center|Birth of John the Baptist]]&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="91" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;Bobdole2021&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;[[File:Birth of John the Baptist.png|400px|thumb|center|Birth of John the Baptist]]
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Strand Magazine (Volume 6).djvu/553</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019148</id>
    <revision>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:11:32Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="183" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Img float
 | file     = The Final Problem 01, The Strand Magazine, Vol 6.png
 | width    = 550px
 | align    = center
 | cap      = {{asc|The death of Sherlock Holmes.}}
}}

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/268</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019149</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12507995</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:13:54Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1111" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|252|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;gades, talking whether in clubs or classes, does little to change the code of ethics.

The question of where does the money come from which is spent so successfully, does of course occur to many minds. The more primitive people accept the truthful statement of its sources without any shock to their moral sense. To their simple minds he gets it &quot;from the rich&quot; and, so long as he again gives it out to the poor as a true Robin Hood, with open hand, they have no objections to offer. Their ethics are quite honestly those of the merry-making foresters. The next less primitive people of the vicinage are quite willing to admit that he leads the &quot;gang&quot; in the city council, and sells out the city franchises; that he makes deals with the franchise-seeking companies; that he guarantees to steer dubious measures through the council, for which he demands liberal pay; that he is, in short, a successful &quot;boodler.&quot; When, however, there is intellect enough to get this point of view, there is also enough to make the contention&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|252}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>d29gry2tyacfo6f5rygcfejf9blvjmk</sha1>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/269</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019150</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508006</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:17:15Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1115" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|253|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;that this is universally done, that all the aldermen do it more or less successfully, but that the alderman of this particular ward is unique in being so generous; that such a state of affairs is to be deplored, of course; but that that is the way business is run, and we are fortunate when a kind-hearted man who is close to the people gets a large share of the spoils; that he serves franchised companies who employ men in the building and construction of their enterprises, and that they are bound in return to give work to his constituents. It is again the justification of stealing from the rich to give to the poor. Even when they are intelligent enough to complete the circle, and to see that the money comes, not from the pockets of the companies' agents, but from the street-car fares of people like themselves, it almost seems as if they would rather pay two cents more each time they ride than to give up the consciousness that they have a big, warm-hearted friend at court who will stand by them in an emergency.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|253}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu/119</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019151</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508008</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:18:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1985" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|103|''{{uc|The Capitulation of Najrân}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''{{ul|One reason for their expulsion}}.'' ʿAbd-al-Aʿla ibn-Ḥammâd an-Narsi from ʿUmar ibn-ʿAbd-al-ʿAziz:—The Prophet said during his illness, &quot;There shall not remain two religions in the land of Arabia.&quot; Consequently, when ʿUmar ibn-al-Khaṭṭâb became caliph, he expelled the people of Najrân to an-Najrâniyah and bought their properties and possessions.

Al-ʿAbbâs ibn-Hishâm al-Kalbi from his grandfather:—The Najrân of al-Yaman received their name from Najrân ibn-Zaid ibn-Saba ibn-Yashjub ibn-Yaʿrub ibn-Ḳaḥṭân.

''{{ul|ʿUmar and ʿAli refuse to reinstate them in the land}}.'' Al-Ḥusain ibn-al-Aswad from Sâlim ibn-abi-l-Jaʿd:—The people of Najrân having increased in number to 40,000, became jealous of one another and came to ʿUmar ibn-al-Khaṭṭâb saying, &quot;Transplant us from the land&quot;. ʿUmar had considered them a menace to the Moslems, so he took this opportunity and expelled them from the land. Later, however, they repented, and returning to ʿUmar said, &quot;Reinstate us in the land&quot;, but ʿUmar refused. When ʿAli ibn-abi-Ṭâlib became caliph, they came to him and said, &quot;We plead with thee by thy right-hand writing and thy intermediacy on our behalf with thy Prophet that thou mayst reinstate us in the land.&quot; To this ʿAli replied:—&quot;ʿUmar was a man of sound judgment, and I hate to act differently.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Âdam, p. 9.&lt;/ref&gt;

''{{ul|The number of robes received by Muʿâwiyah}}.'' Abu-Masʿûd al-Kûfi from al-Kalbi:—The chief of an-Najrâniyah at al-Kûfah used to send his messengers to all the people of Najrân who were in Syria and other districts and to gather money assessed evenly on them for raising the required robes. When Muʿâwiyah (or Yazîd ibn-Muʿâwiyah) came to power, they complained to him because of their dispersion, the death of some of them, and the conversion to Islâm of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>bvtphn2xy2vp9qb19kgctaw0m3bix9p</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508010</id>
      <parentid>12508008</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:19:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1983" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|103|''{{uc|The Capitulation of Najrân}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''{{ul|One reason for their expulsion}}.'' ʿAbd-al-Aʿla ibn-Ḥammâd an-Narsi from ʿUmar ibn-ʿAbd-al-ʿAziz:—The Prophet said during his illness, &quot;There shall not remain two religions in the land of Arabia.&quot; Consequently, when ʿUmar ibn-al-Khaṭṭâb became caliph, he expelled the people of Najrân to an-Najrâniyah and bought their properties and possessions.

Al-ʿAbbâs ibn-Hishâm al-Kalbi from his grandfather:—The Najrân of al-Yaman received their name from Najrân ibn-Zaid ibn-Saba ibn-Yashjub ibn-Yaʿrub ibn-Ḳaḥṭân.

''{{ul|ʿUmar and ʿAli refuse to reinstate them in the land}}.'' Al-Ḥusain ibn-al-Aswad from Sâlim ibn-abi-l-Jaʿd:—The people of Najrân having increased in number to 40,000, became jealous of one another and came to ʿUmar ibn-al-Khaṭṭâb saying, &quot;Transplant us from the land&quot;. ʿUmar had considered them a menace to the Moslems, so he took this opportunity and expelled them from the land. Later, however, they repented, and returning to ʿUmar said, &quot;Reinstate us in the land&quot;, but ʿUmar refused. When ʿAli ibn-abi-Ṭâlib became caliph, they came to him and said, &quot;We plead with thee by thy right-hand writing and thy intermediacy on our behalf with thy Prophet that thou mayst reinstate us in the land.&quot; To this ʿAli replied: &quot;ʿUmar was a man of sound judgment, and I hate to act differently.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Âdam, p. 9.&lt;/ref&gt;

''{{ul|The number of robes received by Muʿâwiyah}}.'' Abu-Masʿûd al-Kûfi from al-Kalbi:—The chief of an-Najrâniyah at al-Kûfah used to send his messengers to all the people of Najrân who were in Syria and other districts and to gather money assessed evenly on them for raising the required robes. When Muʿâwiyah (or Yazîd ibn-Muʿâwiyah) came to power, they complained to him because of their dispersion, the death of some of them, and the conversion to Islâm of&lt;noinclude&gt;{{center block|{{smallrefs}}}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu/120</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019152</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508013</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:20:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;others. They also presented the statement issued by  'Uthman ibn-'Affan for the reduction of the number of  robes. To this they added, &quot;And now we have still more  decreased, and become weaker.&quot; He then reduced the num-  ber by another 200 robes, thus reducing the original number  by four hundred.   Al-Hajjaj restores the number. When al-Hajjaj ibn-  Yusuf was made governor of al-'Irak and ibn-al-Ash'ath  revolted against him, the former charged the non-...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1920" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|104|''{{uc|Section}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;others. They also presented the statement issued by 
'Uthman ibn-'Affan for the reduction of the number of 
robes. To this they added, &quot;And now we have still more 
decreased, and become weaker.&quot; He then reduced the num- 
ber by another 200 robes, thus reducing the original number 
by four hundred. 

Al-Hajjaj restores the number. When al-Hajjaj ibn- 
Yusuf was made governor of al-'Irak and ibn-al-Ash'ath 
revolted against him, the former charged the non-Arab 
landlords and the people of Najran with siding with the 
latter, and, therefore, he raised the number to 1,800 robes, 
and ordered that the robes be of the kind adorned with 
figures. 

f Umar ibn- Abd-al- c Aziz reduces the number. When 
'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz came to power, they complained to 
him that they were in danger of extinction, that they were 
decreasing in number, that the continuous raids of the Arabs 
overburdened them with heavy taxes for revictualling them, 
and that they suffered from the unjust treatment of al- 
Hajjaj. By 'Umar's orders their census was taken, and it 
was found that they were reduced to one-tenth of their 
original number, upon which 'Umar said, &quot; I consider that 
the terms of this capitulation impose a tax on their heads 
and not on their lands. The poll-tax of the dead and the 
Moslems, however, is annulled.&quot; He therefore held them 
responsible for 200 robes of the value of 8,000 dirhams. 

Yusuf ibn- U mar restores the original tax. In the time 
of al-Walid ibn-Yazid, when Yusuf ibn-'Umar was made 68 
governor of al-'Irak, he [Yusuf], moved with partisanship 
to al-Hajjaj, charged them the original tax. 

Abu-l- Abbas reduces the number of robes. When abu- 
1-' Abbas was proclaimed caliph, they met him on the way 
as he appeared in al-Kufah and strewed myrtle branches on 
the road and threw some on him as he was going home from&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>3cgyntgao0tyviox1sih4an8qvqatr8</sha1>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508037</id>
      <parentid>12508013</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:37:02Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1925" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|104|''{{uc|Section}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;others. They also presented the statement issued by ʿUthman ibn-'Affan for the reduction of the number of robes. To this they added, &quot;And now we have still more decreased, and become weaker.&quot; He then reduced the number by another 200 robes, thus reducing the original number by four hundred.

''{{ul|Al-Hajjaj restores the number}}.'' When al-Hajjaj ibn-Yŭsuf was made governor of al-ʿIraḳ and ibn-al-Ash'ath revolted against him, the former charged the non-Arab landlords and the people of Najran with siding with the latter, and, therefore, he raised the number to 1,800 robes, and ordered that the robes be of the kind adorned with figures.

''{{ul|ʿUmar ibn-ʿAbd-al-ʿAziz reduces the number}}.'' When ʿUmar ibn-ʿAbd-al-ʿAziz came to power, they complained to him that they were in danger of extinction, that they were decreasing in number, that the continuous raids of the Arabs overburdened them with heavy taxes for revictualling them, and that they suffered from the unjust treatment of al-Hajjaj. By ʿUmar's orders their census was taken, and it was found that they were reduced to one-tenth of their original number, upon which ʿUmar said, &quot;I consider that the terms of this capitulation impose a tax on their heads and not on their lands. The poll-tax of the dead and the Moslems, however, is annulled.&quot; He therefore held them responsible for 200 robes of the value of 8,000 ''dirhams.''

Yusuf ibn- U mar restores the original tax. In the time 
of al-Walid ibn-Yazid, when Yusuf ibn-'Umar was made 68 
governor of al-'Irak, he [Yusuf], moved with partisanship 
to al-Hajjaj, charged them the original tax. 

Abu-l- Abbas reduces the number of robes. When abu- 
1-' Abbas was proclaimed caliph, they met him on the way 
as he appeared in al-Kufah and strewed myrtle branches on 
the road and threw some on him as he was going home from&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/271</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019153</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508015</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:22:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1116" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|255|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;which this group of successful, prominent men, including the alderman who lives there, have had upon the ideals of the youth in the vicinity. The path which leads to riches and success, to civic prominence and honor, is the path of political corruption. We might compare this to the path laid out by [[Author:Benjamin Franklin|Benjamin Franklin]], who also secured all of these things, but told young men that they could be obtained only by strenuous effort and frugal living, by the cultivation of the mind, and the holding fast to righteousness; or, again, we might compare it to the ideals which were held up to the American youth fifty years ago, lower, to be sure, than the revolutionary ideal, but still fine and aspiring toward honorable dealing and careful living. They were told that the career of the self-made man was open to every American boy, if he worked hard and saved his money, improved his mind, and followed a steady ambition. The writer remembers that when she was ten years old, the village schoolmaster&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|255}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>d9kzk3yvxb3h4y9e1sitnyyqnl3548j</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu/84</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019154</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508018</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:25:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>BOMMABORUSU</username>
        <id>3045156</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;  shades of brown and blue and nearly all shades of gray are irreproachably good taste if — and this &quot;if&quot; is an important one — they are becoming.   {{c|{{asc|THE GARDEN PARTY}}}}   Charming indeed is the simple entertainment of the garden party. It is an undebatable fact that informal entertainments are always more enjoyable than those that are strictly formal, and the easy harmony of the garden  party is certainly informal to an acceptable degree.   So...</comment>
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      <text bytes="1569" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;BOMMABORUSU&quot; /&gt;{{rh|62|BOOK OF ETIQUETTE|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;

shades of brown and blue and nearly all shades of gray are irreproachably good taste if — and this &quot;if&quot; is an important one — they are becoming. 

{{c|{{asc|THE GARDEN PARTY}}}} 

Charming indeed is the simple entertainment of the garden party. It is an undebatable fact that informal entertainments are always more enjoyable than those that are strictly formal, and the easy harmony of the garden 
party is certainly informal to an acceptable degree. 

Someone once said of the lawn fete (which is merely another name for a garden party) that &quot;a green lawn, a few trees, a fine day and something to eat&quot; constitute a perfect garden party. To this we add, that the guests 
must be carefully selected and the grounds must be attractive. 

The garden party must be held in the open air; refreshments are served outside and the guests remain outside until they are ready to depart. At Newport, where garden parties are quite the vogue, the invitations are 
sent weeks in advance, and, if the weather is bad, the party is held indoors. But ordinarily it must be held entirely on the grounds. A large porch is a great advantage, for if there is a sudden downpour of rain, the guests may repair to its shelter. 

There are many opportunities for the hostess to show consideration and hospitality at the garden party. Easy chairs arranged in groups or couples under spreading trees always make for comfort. Some hostesses have a tent provided on the lawn for the purpose of serving the refreshments — a custom which earns the approbation of&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/272</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019155</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508019</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:25:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="1080" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|256|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;told his little flock, without any mitigating clauses, that [[Author:Jason Gould|Jay Gould]] had laid the foundation of his colossal fortune by always saving bits of string, and that, as a result, every child in the village assiduously collected party-colored balls of twine. A bright Chicago boy might well draw the inference that the path of the corrupt politician not only leads to civic honors, but to the glories of benevolence and philanthropy. This lowering of standards, this setting of an ideal, is perhaps the worst of the situation, for, as we said in the first chapter, we determine ideals by our daily actions and decisions not only for ourselves, but largely for each other.

We are all involved in this political corruption, and as members of the community stand indicted. This is the penalty of a democracy,—that we are bound to move forward or retrograde together. None of us can stand aside; our feet are mired in the same soil, and our lungs breathe the same air.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|256}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Baladhuri-Hitti1916.djvu/121</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019156</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508026</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:29:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>MarkLSteadman</username>
        <id>559943</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2029" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;MarkLSteadman&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|105|''{{uc|The Capitulation of Najrân}}''|''THE ORIGINS OF THE ISLAMIC STATE''}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the mosque. With this the caliph was greatly pleased. Later they brought their case before him and told him of their paucity in number and of their treatment by ʿUmar ibn-ʿAbd-al-ʿAzîz and Yûsuf ibn-ʿUmar. To this they added, &quot;We are somehow related to thy uncles (on the mother's side), the banu-l-Ḥârith ibn-Kaʿb.&quot; ʿAbdallâh ibn-ar-Rabîʿ al-Ḥârithi spoke in their favor; and al-Ḥajjâj ibn-Arṭât confirmed what they claimed. Therefore, abu-l-ʿAbbâs held them responsible only for the 200 robes previously given by them, having a value of 8,000 ''dirhams.'' 

''{{ul|Ar-Rashîd writes them a favorable statement}}.'' Abu-Masʿûd said, &quot;When ar-Rashîd Hârûn became caliph and started for al-Kûfah on his way to the Pilgrimage, they brought their case before him and complained of the harsh treatment of the ''ʿâmils.'' By the caliph's orders there was written to them a statement fixing the number at 200 robes. The statement I myself saw. Moreover the caliph ordered that they be freed from dealing with the ''ʿâmils,'' and that they pay the dues directly to the treasury.&quot; 

ʿAmr an-Nâḳid from ibn-Shihâb az-Zuhri:—The following text was revealed against the unbelievers among the Ḳuraish and the Arabs,&lt;ref&gt;Kor., 2: 189.&lt;/ref&gt; &quot;Fight therefore against them until there is no more civil discord, and the only worship be that of Allah,&quot; and the following against the &quot;People of the Book.&quot;&lt;ref&gt;Kor., 9 : 29.&lt;/ref&gt; &quot;Make war upon such of those to whom the Book has been given as believe not in Allah, or in the last day, and who forbid not that which Allah and his Messenger have forbidden, and who profess not the profession of the truth,&quot; etc. to &quot;humbled.&quot; Thus the first among the &quot;People of the Book&quot; to pay poll-tax, so far as we know, were the people of Najrân who were Christian. Then, the people of Ailah, Adhruḥ and Adhriʿât paid it in the battle of Tabûk.
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{dhr}}
{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Book of Etiquette, Volume 2, by Lilian Eichler.djvu/85</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019157</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508028</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:30:01Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>BOMMABORUSU</username>
        <id>3045156</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;  fastidious guests who search the food for imaginary specks of dust when it is served in the open.   {{c|{{asc|RECEIVING THE GUESTS}}}}   Invitations to garden parties may be sent ten days to two weeks in advance, and a prompt reply of acceptance or regret is expected. The hostess receives on the lawn — never in the house. The guests, however, drive up to the door of the house, are directed upstairs to deposit  their wraps (if they wish they may keep th...</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1592" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;BOMMABORUSU&quot; /&gt;{{rh||TEAS AND OTHER ENTERTAINMENTS|63}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;

fastidious guests who search the food for imaginary specks of dust when it is served in the open. 

{{c|{{asc|RECEIVING THE GUESTS}}}} 

Invitations to garden parties may be sent ten days to two weeks in advance, and a prompt reply of acceptance or regret is expected. The hostess receives on the lawn — never in the house. The guests, however, drive up to the door of the house, are directed upstairs to deposit 
their wraps (if they wish they may keep them with them), and then are shown to the part of the grounds where the hostess is receiving. A servant should be in attendance to see that each guest is properly directed, unless the grounds where the hostess is receiving are visible from the 
house. 

After being greeted by the hostess, guests may wander about the grounds, stopping to chat with different groups, and seeking the refreshment table when they are weary. The hostess must be sure that her lawns are faultlessly mowed, and that the tennis courts are in order. Lawn- tennis has had a large share In the making of the garden party's popularity, and the wise hostess will always be sure that her courts are in readiness for those who enjoy the game. 

Cold refreshments are usually served at the garden party. Salads, ham and tongue sandwiches, fruits, jellies, ices, cakes, candles and punch are in order. Particular care must be taken in serving the refreshments to avoid any accidents or mussiness. There is nothing more disturbing to both hostess and guest than to have a glass of punch or a dish of strawberries overturned on&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Final Problem</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4019158</id>
    <redirect title="The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Final Problem" />
    <revision>
      <id>12508031</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:32:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Chrisguise moved page [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Final Problem]] to [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Final Problem]]: Corrected title per original publication and for consistency with others</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="77" xml:space="preserve">#REDIRECT [[The Strand Magazine/Volume 6/The Adventure of the Final Problem]]</text>
      <sha1>t4973cq7zvvnz8knt7aicapzt5h01jk</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>The Final Problem</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4019159</id>
    <redirect title="The Adventure of the Final Problem" />
    <revision>
      <id>12508033</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:33:07Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Chrisguise moved page [[The Final Problem]] to [[The Adventure of the Final Problem]]: Corrected title per original publication and for consistency with others</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="48" xml:space="preserve">#REDIRECT [[The Adventure of the Final Problem]]</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/273</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019160</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508039</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:42:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1080" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|257|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;That the alderman has much to do with setting the standard of life and desirable prosperity may be illustrated by the following incident: During one of the campaigns a clever cartoonist drew a poster representing the successful alderman in portraiture drinking champagne at a table loaded with pretentious dishes and surrounded by other revellers. In contradistinction was his opponent, a bricklayer, who sat upon a half-finished wall, eating a meagre dinner from a workingman's dinner-pail, and the passer-by was asked which type of representative he preferred, the presumption being that at least in a workingman's district the bricklayer would come out ahead. To the chagrin of the reformers, however, it was gradually discovered that, in the popular mind, a man who laid bricks and wore overalls was not nearly so desirable for an alderman as the man who drank champagne and wore a diamond in his shirt front. The district wished its representative &quot;to stand up with the best of them,&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|257}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/275</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019161</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508045</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:48:33Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1111" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|259|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the same work in the community, but as quickly as possible handed it on to the Italians, to whom the name &quot;dago&quot; is said to cling as a result of the digging which the Irishman resigned to him. The Italian himself is at last waking up to this fact. In a political speech recently made by an Italian padrone, he bitterly reproached the alderman for giving the-four-dollars-a-day &quot;jobs&quot; of sitting in an office to Irishmen and the-dollar-and-a-half-a-day &quot;jobs&quot; of sweeping the streets to the Italians. This general struggle to rise in life, to be at least politically represented by one of the best, as to occupation and social status, has also its negative side. We must remember that the imitative impulse plays an important part in life, and that the loss of social estimation, keenly felt by all of us, is perhaps most dreaded by the humblest, among whom freedom of individual conduct, the power to give only just weight to the opinion of neighbors, is but feebly developed. A form of constraint, gentle, but powerful,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|259}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/276</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019162</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508048</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T06:57:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1062" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|260|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;is afforded by the simple desire to do what others do, in order to share with them the approval of the community. Of course, the larger the number of people among whom an habitual mode of conduct obtains, the greater the constraint it puts upon the individual will. Thus it is that the political corruption of the city presses most heavily where it can be least resisted, and is most likely to be imitated.

According to the same law, the positive evils of corrupt government are bound to fall heaviest upon the poorest and least capable. When the water of Chicago is foul, the prosperous buy water bottled at distant springs; the poor have no alternative but the typhoid fever which comes from using the city's supply. When the garbage contracts are not enforced, the well-to-do pay for private service; the poor suffer the discomfort and illness which are inevitable from a foul atmosphere. The prosperous business man has a certain choice as to whether he will treat with&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|260}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/277</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019163</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508052</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:08:19Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1176" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|261|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the &quot;boss&quot; politician or preserve his independence on a smaller income; but to an Italian day laborer it is a choice between obeying the commands of a political &quot;boss&quot; or practical starvation. Again, a more intelligent man may philosophize a little upon the present state of corruption, and reflect that it is but a phase of our commercialism, from which we are bound to emerge; at any rate, he may give himself the solace of literature and ideals in other directions, but the more ignorant man who lives only in the narrow present has no such resource; slowly the conviction enters his mind that politics is a matter of favors and positions, that self-government means pleasing the &quot;boss&quot; and standing in with the &quot;gang.&quot; This slowly acquired knowledge he hands on to his family. During the month of February his boy may come home from school with rather incoherent tales about [[Author:George Washington|Washington]] and [[Author:Abraham Lincoln|Lincoln]], and the father may for the moment be fired to tell of [[Author:Giuseppe Garibaldi|Garibaldi]], but such talk is only periodic,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|261}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/278</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019164</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508056</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:15:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1046" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|262|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and the long year round the fortunes of the entire family, down to the opportunity to earn food and shelter, depend upon the &quot;boss.&quot;

In a certain measure also, the opportunities for pleasure and recreation depend upon him. To use a former illustration, if a man happens to have a taste for gambling, if the slot machine affords him diversion, he goes to those houses which are protected by political influence. If he and his friends like to drop into a saloon after midnight, or even want to hear a little music while they drink together early in the evening, he is breaking the law when he indulges in either of them, and can only be exempt from arrest or fine because the great political machine is friendly to him and expects his allegiance in return.

During the campaign, when it was found hard to secure enough local speakers of the moral tone which was desired, orators were imported from other parts of the town, from the so-called &quot;better element.&quot;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|262}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/279</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019165</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508059</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:18:43Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1082" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|263|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Suddenly it was rumored on all sides that, while the money and speakers for the reform candidate were coming from the swells, the money which was backing the corrupt alderman also came from a swell source; that the president of a street-car combination, for whom he performed constant offices in the city council, was ready to back him to the extent of fifty thousand dollars; that this president, too, was a good man, and sat in high places; that he had recently given a large sum of money to an educational institution and was therefore as philanthropic, not to say good and upright, as any man in town; that the corrupt alderman had the sanction of the highest authorities, and that the lecturers who were talking against corruption, and the selling and buying of franchises, were only the cranks, and not the solid business men who had developed and built up Chicago.

All parts of the community are bound together in ethical development. If the so-called more enlightened members accept&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|263}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/280</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019166</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508065</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:24:22Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1080" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|264|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;corporate gifts from the man who buys up the council, and the so-called less enlightened members accept individual gifts from the man who sells out the council, we surely must take our punishment together. There is the difference, of course, that in the first case we act collectively, and in the second case individually; but is the punishment which follows the first any lighter or less far-reaching in its consequences than the more obvious one which follows the second?

Have our morals been so captured by commercialism, to use Mr. Chapman's generalization, that we do not see a moral dereliction when business or educational interests are served thereby, although we are still shocked when the saloon interest is thus served?

The street-car company which declares that it is impossible to do business without managing the city council, is on exactly the same moral level with the man who cannot retain political power unless he has a saloon, a large acquaintance with the semi-criminal&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|264}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/281</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019167</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508073</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:27:25Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1102" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|265|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;class, and questionable money with which to debauch his constituents. Both sets of men assume that the only appeal possible is along the line of self-interest. They frankly acknowledge money getting as their own motive power, and they believe in the cupidity of all the men whom they encounter. No attempt in either case is made to put forward the claims of the public, or to find a moral basis for action. As the corrupt politician assumes that public morality is impossible, so many business men become convinced that to pay tribute to the corrupt aldermen is on the whole cheaper than to have taxes too high; that it is better to pay exorbitant rates for franchises, than to be made unwilling partners in transportation experiments. Such men come to regard political reformers as a sort of monomaniac, who are not reasonable enough to see the necessity of the present arrangement which has slowly been evolved and developed, and upon which business is safely conducted.

A reformer who really knew the people&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|265}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/282</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019168</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508076</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:34:04Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1114" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|266|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;and their great human needs, who believed that it was the business of government to serve them, and who further recognized the educative power of a sense of responsibility, would possess a clew by which he might analyze the situation. He would find out what needs, which the alderman supplies, are legitimate ones which the city itself could undertake, in counter-distinction to those which pander to the lower instincts of the constituency. A mother who eats her Christmas turkey in a reverent spirit of thankfulness to the alderman who gave it to her, might be gradually brought to a genuine sense of appreciation and gratitude to the city which supplies her little children with a Kindergarten, or, to the Board of Health which properly placarded a case of scarlet-fever next door and spared her sleepless nights and wearing anxiety, as well as the money paid with such difficulty to the doctor and the druggist. The man who in his emotional gratitude almost kneels before his political friend who gets his boy out of jail,&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|266}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Poet Lore, volume 4, 1892.djvu/246</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019169</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508080</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:47:06Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2462" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jan.Kamenicek&quot; /&gt;{{rule}}{{rvh|231|''Notes and News.''|''Poet-lore.''}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|style=margin-bottom:0.5em|SHAKESPEARE IN BOHEMIA.}}

{{sc|The}} latter half of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth is regarded as the golden age of Bohemian prose. This period also saw the first Bohemian dramas. But in 1620 Bohemia lost its freedom and political independence in the battle of the White Mountain, and the House of Austria began a systematical persecution of the people, and carried it on so successfully that almost for two hundred years there seemed to be no such thing as a Bohemian nationality. The French Revolution, however, which shook all European thrones, reminded other nations also of their rights, and its echo was heard in Bohemia. Accordingly, the long-oppressed nation slowly rose from its sleep of two centuries, and the dawn of the nineteenth century was the morning of modern Bohemian literature, which was naturally founded, in the main, upon foreign models. It was the genius of [[Author:William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|Shakespeare]] that inspired the best of the new Bohemian dramatists. Wellnigh impossible was it to dramatize the glorious deeds of their domestic forefathers, because that would mean to celebrate heroes who were enemies either to the dynasty or to the Established Church; and so the dramatists first undertook to translate foreign works, and among them those of Shakespeare. ‘[[Romeo and Juliet (Shakespeare)|Romeo and Juliet]]’ was the first to be translated. The tragedy was rendered into Bohemian by Mr. F. Doucha, and the translation published in 1847 by the ''{{lang|cs|Matice Ceska}}'', an institution for encouraging Bohemian literature. The success of this first attempt was greater than was expected; and in 1854 the directors of the ''{{lang|cs|Matice}}'' determined to publish translations of all the thirty-seven Shakespearian dramas. Five authors were engaged in the work,—namely. J. Cejka, F. Doucha, J. J. Kolar, [[Author:František Ladislav Čelakovský|L. Celakovsky]], and J. Maly, —and within three years thirty-two dramas were published. The translations of the remaining five, however, were delayed for political reasons and not finished until 1872. Besides this collective publication, many of the plays were reprinted separately in cheaper editions, to secure the greatest possible circulation for them; thus a copy of ‘[[Macbeth (Shakespeare)|Macbeth]],’ for example, may be had for&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508082</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:47:56Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
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      <comment>typo</comment>
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      <text bytes="2462" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jan.Kamenicek&quot; /&gt;{{rule}}{{rvh|231|''Notes and News.''|''Poet-lore.''}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{c|style=margin-bottom:0.5em|SHAKESPEARE IN BOHEMIA.}}

{{sc|The}} latter half of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth is regarded as the golden age of Bohemian prose. This period also saw the first Bohemian dramas. But in 1620 Bohemia lost its freedom and political independence in the battle of the White Mountain, and the House of Austria began a systematical persecution of the people, and carried it on so successfully that almost for two hundred years there seemed to be no such thing as a Bohemian nationality. The French Revolution, however, which shook all European thrones, reminded other nations also of their rights, and its echo was heard in Bohemia. Accordingly, the long-oppressed nation slowly rose from its sleep of two centuries, and the dawn of the nineteenth century was the morning of modern Bohemian literature, which was naturally founded, in the main, upon foreign models. It was the genius of [[Author:William Shakespeare (1564-1616)|Shakespeare]] that inspired the best of the new Bohemian dramatists. Wellnigh impossible was it to dramatize the glorious deeds of their domestic forefathers, because that would mean to celebrate heroes who were enemies either to the dynasty or to the Established Church; and so the dramatists first undertook to translate foreign works, and among them those of Shakespeare. ‘[[Romeo and Juliet (Shakespeare)|Romeo and Juliet]]’ was the first to be translated. The tragedy was rendered into Bohemian by Mr. F. Doucha, and the translation published in 1847 by the ''{{lang|cs|Matice Ceska}}'', an institution for encouraging Bohemian literature. The success of this first attempt was greater than was expected; and in 1854 the directors of the ''{{lang|cs|Matice}}'' determined to publish translations of all the thirty-seven Shakespearian dramas. Five authors were engaged in the work,—namely, J. Cejka, F. Doucha, J. J. Kolar, [[Author:František Ladislav Čelakovský|L. Celakovsky]], and J. Maly, —and within three years thirty-two dramas were published. The translations of the remaining five, however, were delayed for political reasons and not finished until 1872. Besides this collective publication, many of the plays were reprinted separately in cheaper editions, to secure the greatest possible circulation for them; thus a copy of ‘[[Macbeth (Shakespeare)|Macbeth]],’ for example, may be had for&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>User talk:2604:3D08:6286:7500:A41E:EAFA:4A1C:8500</title>
    <ns>3</ns>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:53:38Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Xover</username>
        <id>21450</id>
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      <comment>A query regarding your recent edits</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="598" xml:space="preserve">== Your recent template edits ==
Hi 2604:…:8500,

I observe that you've recently made a number of edits to template and module namespaces here, some of which had to be reverted because they broke the functionality of high-traffic templates. I also wonder what your purpose is in manually copying over several templates and modules from English Wikipedia, given the page protection notice system they use on that project is not in use on English Wikisource. Could you perhaps explain what it is you are trying to achieve? --[[User:Xover|Xover]] ([[User talk:Xover|talk]]) 07:53, 25 July 2022 (UTC)</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:First Lessons in Geography (1856).djvu/18</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019171</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508088</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T07:57:39Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Sp1nd01</username>
        <id>631214</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1179" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;{{rh||LESSON VIII|15}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Q. In what Division of the Earth do we live?
A. In North America.

Q. What Division south of North America?
A. South America.

Q. When you look at the rising Sun, what Ocean is before you?
A. Atlantic Ocean.

Q. Where does the Sun rise?
A. In the East.

Q. Where, then, is the Atlantic Ocean?
A. East of America.

Q. When you look at the setting Sun, what Oeean is before you?
A. Pacific Ocean.

Q. Where does the Sun set?
A. In the West.

Q. Where is the Pacific Ocean?
A. West of America.

Q. What Ocean north of America?
A. Northern Ocean.
&lt;/poem&gt;


{{Custom rule|sp|50|sp|10|d|4|sp|10|sp|50}}


{{center|LESSON IX.}}

&lt;poem&gt;
Q. What Ocean south of America?
A. Southern Ocean.

Q. What Isthmus joins South America to North America?
A. Isthmus of Darien.

Q. Which is the most northern Country of North America?
A. Greenland.

Q. What Bay west of Greenland?
A. Baffin's Bay

Q. Do you live in North America or in South America?
Q. What Ocean east of America?
Q. What Ocean west of America?
Q. Where is the Northern Ocean?
Q. Where is the Southern Ocean?
Q. In what Ocean are the Sandwich Islands?
Q. In what Ocean are the Cape Verd Islands?
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Poet Lore, volume 4, 1892.djvu/247</title>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:01:23Z</timestamp>
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        <username>Jan.Kamenicek</username>
        <id>17858</id>
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      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="2646" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Jan.Kamenicek&quot; /&gt;{{rule}}{{rvh|232|''Newton’s Brain''|''Poet-lore.''}}{{rule}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;eight cents, and the prices of other plays vary from eight to twenty cents. The translations of Shakespeare have been given the same rights in the libraries and the schools as the products of native classics; and ‘[[Coriolanus (Shakespeare)|Coriolanus]],’ ‘[[Julius Caesar (Shakespeare)|Julius Cæsar]],’ or ‘Macbeth’ are read in the “gymnasiums” as models of dramatic poetry. The general knowledge of Shakespeare’s works has made many of the witty sayings of [[Hamlet (Shakespeare)|Hamlet]] and other heroes of the British poet proverbial. Shakespeare is recognized as the greatest of modern poets, as [[Author:Homer|Homer]] was of the ancient singers, and some of his works may always be found in the repertoires of theatrical companies. Even the National Theatre of Prague, which is expected to foster the interests of domestic art almost exclusively, devotes on an average four evenings in a year to Shakespeare. The favorite plays are ‘[[Merchant of Venice (Shakespeare)|The Merchant of Venice]],’ ‘Hamlet,’ ‘[[Othello (Shakespeare)|Othello]],’ and ‘Coriolanus,’ and it may be said that theatrical enthusiasts treat the “Shakespearian days” as holidays. The best interpreters of Shakespeare on the Bohemian stage have been thus far Messrs. Kolar and Slukov. And even on the stage of Bohemian amateurs in this country, a person may occasionally see ‘Hamlet;’ and a few months ago, one of the Bohemian clubs of Chicago came out with a spirited representation of ‘The Merchant of Venice,’ Dr. Jan Habenicht playing an excellent Shylock. The same club announces ‘[[King Lear (Shakespeare)|King Lear]]’ for this season.

It is but natural, then, that the influence of Shakespeare should be felt in Bohemian dramatic literature. Of the authors who have imitated Shakespeare, [[Author:Vítězslav Hálek|V. Halek]] and J. J. Kolar are the most conspicuous examples. We do not think it a disgrace for an author if it be said of him that he imitates Shakespeare, for such a master is a good model; but the two authors mentioned seem to have gone a little too far,—one endeavoring even to imitate Shakespeare’s puns, and the other undoubtedly following in this the custom of his master himself, borrowing, sometimes, whole sentences from him. But these are the extreme cases; on the whole, it may be said that the influence of Shakespeare has been a beneficial one, raising the standard of dramatic productions without destroying the individuality of the authors.{{float right|''[[Author:Josef Jiří Král|{{larger|J. K.}}]]''|1em.}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/283</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508094</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:10:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
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      <text bytes="1061" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|267|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;might be made to see the kindness and good sense of the city authorities who provided the boy with a playground and reading room, where he might spend his hours of idleness and restlessness, and through which his temptations to petty crime might be averted. A man who is grateful to the alderman who sees that his gambling and racing are not interfered with, might learn to feel loyal and responsible to the city which supplied him with a gymnasium and swimming tank where manly and well-conducted sports are possible. The voter who is eager to serve the alderman at all times, because the tenure of his job is dependent upon aldermanic favor, might find great relief and pleasure in working for the city in which his place was secured by a well-administered civil service law.

After all, what the corrupt alderman demands from his followers and largely depends upon is a sense of loyalty, a standing-by the man who is good to you, who understands you, and who gets you&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|267}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/284</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508096</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:15:40Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
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      <text bytes="1086" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|268|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;out of trouble. All the social life of the voter from the time he was a little boy and played &quot;craps&quot; with his &quot;own push,&quot; and not with some other &quot;push,&quot; has been founded on this sense of loyalty and of standing in with his friends. Now that he is a man, he likes the sense of being inside a political organization, of being trusted with political gossip, of belonging to a set of fellows who understand things, and whose interests are being cared for by a strong friend in the city council itself. All this is perfectly legitimate, and all in the line of the development of a strong civic loyalty, if it were merely socialized and enlarged. Such a voter has already proceeded in the forward direction in so far as he has lost the sense of isolation, and has abandoned the conviction that city government does not touch his individual affairs. Even Mill claims that the social feelings of man, his desire to be at unity with his fellow-creatures, are the natural basis for morality, and he defines&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|268}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The Apocryphal New Testament (1924).djvu/590</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019175</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508097</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:18:13Z</timestamp>
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        <username>SnowFire</username>
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      <text bytes="2958" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;SnowFire&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|552|APOCALYPSE OF PAUL|APOCALYPSE OF PAUL}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to save the children of Israel: and I say unto thee that after the toils which they laid upon me I would cast myself down upon my face before the Lord, praying for them and bowing my knees unto the second hour of the Lord’s day, even until Michael came and raised me up from the earth. Blessed art thou, Paul, and blessed is the people that hath believed through thee.

And as they passed by, I saw another, fair of countenance, and asked: Who is this, Lord? [And when he saw me he was glad] and he said unto me: This is Lot, which was found righteous in Sodom. And he came near and greeted me and said: Blessed art thou, Paul, and blessed is the generation unto whom thou hast ministered. And I answered and said unto him: Art thou Lot, that wast found righteous in Sodom? And he said: I entertained angels in mine house as strangers, and when they of the city would have done them violence I offered them my two daughters, virgins, that had never known man, and gave them to them, saying: Use them as ye will, only do no ill unto these men, for therefore have they entered under the roof of mine house. Therefore ought we to have confidence, and know that whatsoever any man hath done, God recompenseth him manifold more when he cometh (they come) unto him. Blessed art thou, Paul, and blessed is the generation which hath believed thy word. 

When therefore he had ceased speaking unto me, I saw another coming from afar off, very beautiful in the face, and smiling, and his angels singing hymns, and I said unto the angel that was with me: Hath, then, every one of the righteous an angel for his fellow? And he saith to me: Every one of the saints hath his own, that standeth by him and singeth hymns, and the one departeth not from the other. And I said: Who is this, Lord? And he said: This is Job. And he drew near and greeted me and said: Brother Paul, thou hast great praise with God and men. Now I am Job, which suffered much for the season of thirty years by the issue of a plague; and in the beginning the blains that came forth of my body were as grains of wheat; but on the third day they became like an ass’s foot, and the worms that fell from them were four fingers long: and thrice the devil appeared unto me&lt;ref&gt;It seems as if the author had read the [[Testament of Job]] (ed. by me in ''Apocrypha Anecdota'', ii), in which are very similar details.&lt;/ref&gt; and saith to me: Speak a word against the Lord, and die. ''But'' I said unto him: If thus be the will of God that I continue in the plague all the time of my life until I die, I will not rest from blessing the Lord God, and I shall receive the greater reward. For I know that the sufferings of this world are nought compared with the refreshment that is thereafter: wherefore blessed art thou, Paul, and blessed is the people which hath believed by thy means. 

50 While he yet spake there came another crying out from&lt;noinclude&gt;{{smallrefs}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Canadian Alpine Journal/Volume 1/Number 1/Report of Secretary</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4019176</id>
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      <comment>transclude section - Report of Secretary</comment>
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      <text bytes="350" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../../../]]
 | author     = Alpine Club of Canada
 | override_author =
 | translator = 
 | year       = 1907
 | section    = Report of Secretary
 | previous   = [[../Alpine Club Notes/]]
 | next       = [[../Statement of Treasurer/]]
 | notes      = 
}}


&lt;pages index=&quot;Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1.djvu&quot; from=249 to=253 /&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/287</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019177</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508102</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:20:57Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>8582e</username>
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      <text bytes="2111" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||ON THE THEORY OF THE LUDICROUS.|277}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;In all the examples of wit given here we find that under a conception, or in general an abstract thought, a real thing is, directly, or by means of a narrower conception, subsumed, which indeed, strictly speaking, comes under it, and yet is as different as possible from the proper and original intention and tendency of the thought. Accordingly wit, as a mental capacity, consists entirely in a facility for finding for every object that appears a conception under which it certainly can be thought, though it is very different from all the other objects which come under this conception.

The second species of the ludicrous follows, as we have mentioned, the opposite path from the abstract conception to the real or perceptible things thought through it. But this now brings to light any incongruity with the conception which was overlooked, and hence arises an absurdity, and therefore in the practical sphere a foolish action. Since the play requires action, this species of the ludicrous is essential to comedy. Upon this depends the observation of Voltaire: &quot;''J'ai cru remarquer aux spectacles, qu'il ne s'élève presque jamais de ces éclats de rire universels, qu'à l'occasion d'une'' {{sc|méprise}}&quot; (''Preface de l'Enfant Prodigue''). The following may serve as examples of this species of the ludicrous. When some one had declared that he was fond of walking alone, an Austrian said to him: &quot;You like walking alone; so do I: therefore we can go together.&quot; He starts from the conception, &quot;A pleasure which two love they can enjoy in common,&quot; and subsumes under it the very case which excludes community. Further, the servant who rubbed a worn sealskin in his master's box with Macassar oil, so that it might become covered with hair again; in doing which he started from the conception, &quot;Macassar oil makes hair grow.&quot; The soldiers in the guard-room who allowed a prisoner who was brought in to join in their game of cards, then quarrelled with him for cheating, and turned him out. They let themselves be led by the general conception, &quot;Bad companions&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Canadian Alpine Journal/Volume 1/Number 1/Statement of Treasurer</title>
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      <text bytes="352" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../../../]]
 | author     = Alpine Club of Canada
 | override_author =
 | translator = 
 | year       = 1907
 | section    = Statement of Treasurer
 | previous   = [[../Report of Secretary/]]
 | next       = [[../Report of Librarian/]]
 | notes      = 
}}


&lt;pages index=&quot;Canadian Alpine Journal I, 1.djvu&quot; from=254 to=254 /&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/285</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019179</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508106</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:26:00Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
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      <text bytes="1080" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|269|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;a man of high moral culture as one who thinks of himself, not as an isolated individual, but as a part in a social organism.

Upon this foundation it ought not to be difficult to build a structure of civic virtue. It is only necessary to make it clear to the voter that his individual needs are common needs, that is, public needs, and that they can only be legitimately supplied for him when they are supplied for all. If we believe that the individual struggle for life may widen into a struggle for the lives of all, surely the demand of an individual for decency and comfort, for a chance to work and obtain the fulness of life may be widened until it gradually embraces all the members of the community, and rises into a sense of the common weal.

In order, however, to give him a sense of conviction that his individual needs must be merged into the needs of the many, and are only important as they are thus merged, the appeal cannot be made along the line of self-interest. The de-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|269}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/288</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508107</id>
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      <text bytes="2078" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|278|FIRST BOOK. CHAPTER VIII.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;are turned out,&quot; and forget that he is also a prisoner, ''i.e.,'' one whom they ought to hold fast. Two young peasants had loaded their gun with coarse shot, which they wished to extract, in order to substitute fine, without losing the powder. So one of them put the mouth of the barrel in his hat, which he took between his legs, and said to the other: &quot;Now you pull the trigger slowly, slowly, slowly; then the shot will come first.&quot; He starts from the conception, &quot;Prolonging the cause prolongs the effect.&quot; Most of the actions of Don Quixote are also cases in point, for he subsumes the realities he encounters under conceptions drawn from the romances of chivalry, from which they are very different. For example, in order to support the oppressed he frees the galley slaves. Properly all Münchhausenisms are also of this nature, only they are not actions which are performed, but impossibilities, which are passed off upon the hearer as having really happened. In them the fact is always so conceived that when it is thought merely in the abstract, and therefore comparatively ''a priori,'' it appears possible and plausible; but afterwards, if we come down to the perception of the particular case, thus ''a posteriori'' the impossibility of the thing, indeed the absurdity of the assumption, is brought into prominence, and excites laughter through the evident incongruity of what is perceived and what is thought. For example, when the melodies frozen up in the post-horn are thawed in the warm room – when Münchhausen, sitting upon a tree during a hard frost, draws up his knife which has dropped to the ground by the frozen jet of his own water, &amp;c. Such is also the story of the two lions who broke down the partition between them during the night and devoured each other in their rage, so that in the morning there was nothing to be found but the two tails.

There are also cases of the ludicrous where the conception under which the perceptible facts are brought does not require to be expressed or signified, but comes into&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/290</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019181</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508109</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:28:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>BethNaught</username>
        <id>1181679</id>
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      <text bytes="1091" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;BethNaught&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|274|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;our theory. A stirring appeal has lately been made by a recognized ethical lecturer who has declared that &quot;It is insanity to expect to receive the data of wisdom by looking on. We arrive at moral knowledge only by tentative and observant practice. We learn how to apply the new insight by having attempted to apply the old and having found it to fail.&quot;

This necessity of reducing the experiment to action throws out of the undertaking all timid and irresolute persons, more than that, all those who shrink before the need of striving forward shoulder to shoulder with the cruder men, whose sole virtue may be social effort, and even that not untainted by self-seeking, who are indeed pushing forward social morality, but who are doing it irrationally and emotionally, and often at the expense of the well-settled standards of morality.

The power to distinguish between the genuine effort and the adventitious mistakes is perhaps the most difficult test which comes to our fallible intelligence. In the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|274}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/290</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:30:42Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2111" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|280|FIRST BOOK. CHAPTER VIII.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|able|inseparable}} from animal nature, in which everything that gives direct satisfaction to the will presents itself. It is the medium of the present, of enjoyment and gaiety; more over it is attended with no exertion. With thinking the opposite is the case; it is the second power of knowledge, the exercise of which always demands some, and often considerable, exertion. Besides, it is the conceptions of thought that often oppose the gratification of our immediate desires, for, as the medium of the past, the future, and of seriousness, they are the vehicle of our fears, our repentance, and all our cares. It must therefore be diverting to us to see this strict, untiring, troublesome governess, the reason, for once convicted of insufficiency. On this account then the mien or appearance of laughter is very closely related to that of joy.

On account of the want of reason, thus of general conceptions, the brute is incapable of laughter, as of speech. This is therefore a prerogative and characteristic mark of man. Yet it may be remarked in passing that his one friend the dog has an analogous characteristic action peculiar to him alone in distinction from all other brutes, the very expressive, kindly, and thoroughly honest fawning and wagging of its tail. But how favourably does this salutation given him by nature compare with the bows and simpering civilities of men. At least for the present, it is a thousand times more reliable than their assurance of inward friendship and devotion.

The opposite of laughing and joking is ''seriousness.'' Accordingly it consists in the consciousness of the perfect agreement and congruity of the conception, or thought, with what is perceived, or the reality. The serious man is convinced that he thinks the things as they are, and that they are as he thinks them. This is just why the transition from profound seriousness to laughter is so easy, and can be effected by trifles. For the more perfect that agreement assumed by seriousness may seem to be, the more easily is it destroyed by the unexpected discovery&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/289</title>
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      <id>12508112</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:33:32Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2127" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||ON THE THEORY OF THE LUDICROUS.|279}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;consciousness itself through the association of ideas. The laughter into which Garrick burst in the middle of playing tragedy because a butcher in the front of the pit, who had taken off his wig to wipe the sweat from his head, placed the wig for a while upon his large dog, who stood facing the stage with his fore paws resting on the pit railings, was occasioned by the fact that Garrick started from the conception of a spectator, which was added in his own mind. This is the reason why certain animal forms, such as apes, kangaroos, jumping-hares, &amp;c., sometimes appear to us ludicrous because something about them resembling man leads us to subsume them under the conception of the human form, and starting from this we perceive their incongruity with it.

Now the conceptions whose observed incongruity with the perceptions moves us to laughter are either those of others or our own. In the first case we laugh at others, in the second we feel a surprise, often agreeable, at the least amusing. Therefore children and uneducated people laugh at the most trifling things, even at misfortunes, if they were unexpected, and thus convicted their preconceived conception of error. As a rule laughing is a pleasant condition; accordingly the apprehension of the incongruity between what is thought and what is perceived, that is, the real, gives us pleasure, and we give ourselves up gladly to the spasmodic convulsions which this apprehension excites. The reason of this is as follows. In every suddenly appearing conflict between what is perceived and what is thought, what is perceived is always unquestionably right; for it is not subject to error at all, requires no confirmation from without, but answers for itself. Its conflict with what is thought springs ultimately from the fact that the latter, with its abstract conceptions, cannot get down to the infinite multifariousness and fine shades of difference of the concrete. This victory of knowledge of perception over thought affords us pleasure. For perception is the original kind of knowledge {{hws|insepar|inseparable}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/286</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508114</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T08:34:40Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
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      <text bytes="1070" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|270|{{fine|CHAPTER TITLE}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;mand should be universalized; in this process it would also become clarified, and the basis of our political organization become perforce social and ethical.

Would it be dangerous to conclude that the corrupt politician himself, because he is democratic in method, is on a more ethical line of social development than the reformer, who believes that the people must be made over by &quot;good citizens&quot; and governed by &quot;experts&quot;? The former at least are engaged in that great moral effort of getting the mass to express itself, and of adding this mass energy and wisdom to the community as a whole.

The wide divergence of experience makes it difficult for the good citizen to understand this point of view, and many things conspire to make it hard for him to act upon it. He is more or less a victim to that curious feeling so often possessed by the good man, that the righteous do not need to be agreeable, that their goodness alone is sufficient, and that they can leave the arts and&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|270}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/291</title>
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    <revision>
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      <text bytes="2119" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||ON THE THEORY OF THE LUDICROUS.|281}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;of even a slight incongruity. Therefore the more a man is capable of entire seriousness, the more heartily can he laugh. Men whose laughter is always affected and forced are intellectually and morally of little worth; and in general the way of laughing, and, on the other hand, the occasions of it, are very characteristic of the person. That the relations of the sexes afford the easiest materials for jokes always ready to hand and within the reach of the weakest wit, as is proved by the abundance of obscene jests, could not be if it were not that the deepest seriousness lies at their foundation.

That the laughter of others at what we do or say seriously offends us so keenly depends on the fact that it asserts that there is a great incongruity between our conceptions and the objective realities. For the same reason, the predicate &quot;ludicrous&quot; or &quot;absurd&quot; is insulting. The laugh of scorn announces with triumph to the baffled adversary how incongruous were the conceptions he cherished with the reality which is now revealing itself to him. Our own bitter laughter at the fearful disclosure of the truth through which our firmly cherished expectations are proved to be delusive is the active expression of the discovery now made of the incongruity between the thoughts which, in our foolish confidence in man or fate, we entertained, and the truth which is now unveiled.

The ''intentionally'' ludicrous is the ''joke.'' It is the effort to bring about a discrepancy between the conceptions of another and the reality by disarranging one of the two; while its opposite, ''seriousness,'' consists in the exact conformity of the two to each other, which is at least aimed at. But if now the joke is concealed behind seriousness, then we have ''irony.'' For example, if with apparent seriousness we acquiesce in the opinions of another which are the opposite of our own, and pretend to share them with him, till at last the result perplexes him both as to us and them. This is the attitude of Socrates as opposed to Hippias, Protagoras, Gorgias, and other sophists, and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/243</title>
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      <text bytes="717" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||ON THE IRRATIONAL INTELLECT.233}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;oblivion a parallel case to this, because it has the advantage of being authenticated by judicial investigation. On the 27th of August 1830 there was held at Morpeth, in England, a coroner's inquest on the keeper, Baptist Bernhard, who was killed by his elephant. It appeared from the evidence that two years before he had offended the elephant grossly, and now, without any occasion, but on a favourable opportunity, the elephant had seized him and crushed him. (See the ''Spectator'' and other English papers of that day.) For special information on the intelligence of brutes I recommend Leroy's excellent book, ''&quot;Sur l'Intelligence des Animaux,&quot; nouv. éd.'' 1802. 
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/174</title>
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      <text bytes="2115" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|164|FIRST BOOK. CHAPTER I.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;to mind that all this is first of all merely a ''phenomenon of the brain,'' and is affected with such great, so many, and such different ''subjective'' conditions that its supposed absolute reality vanishes away, and leaves room for an entirely different scheme of the world, which consists of what lies at the foundation of that phenomenon, ''i.e.,'' what is related to it as the thing in itself is related to its mere manifestation.

&quot;The world is my idea&quot; is, like the axioms of Euclid, a proposition which every one must recognise as true as soon as he understands it; although it is not a proposition which every one understands as soon as he hears it. To have brought this proposition to clear consciousness, and in it the problem of the relation of the ideal and the real, ''i.e.,'' of the world in the head to the world outside the head, together with the problem of moral freedom, is the distinctive feature of modern philosophy. For it was only after men had spent their labour for thousands of years upon a mere philosophy of the object that they discovered that among the many things that make the world so obscure and doubtful the first and chiefest is this, that however immeasurable and massive it may be, its existence yet hangs by a single thread; and this is the actual consciousness in which it exists. This condition, to which the existence of the world is irrevocably subject, marks it, in spite of all ''empirical'' reality, with the stamp of ''ideality,'' and therefore of mere ''phenomenal appearance.'' Thus on one side at least the world must be recognised as akin to dreams, and indeed to be classified along with them. For the same function of the brain which, during sleep, conjures up before us a completely objective, perceptible, and even palpable world must have just as large a share in the presentation of the objective world of waking life. Both worlds, although different as regards their matter, are yet clearly moulded in the one form. This form is the intellect, the function of the brain. Descartes was probably the first who attained to the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/176</title>
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      <text bytes="2204" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|166|FIRST BOOK. CHAPTER I.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|sophy|philosophy}}, which has to go back to what is first and original. Only consciousness is immediately given; therefore the basis of philosophy is limited to facts of consciousness, ''i.e.,'' it is essentially ''idealistic.'' Realism which commends itself to the crude understanding, by the appearance which it assumes of being matter-of-fact, really starts from an arbitrary assumption, and is therefore an empty castle in the air, for it ignores or denies the first of all facts, that all that we know lies within consciousness. For that the ''objective existence'' of things is conditioned through a subject whose ideas they are, and consequently that the objective world exists only as ''idea,'' is no hypothesis, and still less a dogma, or even a paradox set up for the sake of discussion; but it is the most certain and the simplest truth; and the knowledge of it is only made difficult by the fact that it is indeed so simple, and that it is not every one who has sufficient power of reflection to go back to the first elements of his consciousness of things. There can never be an absolute and independent objective existence; indeed such an existence is quite unintelligible. For the objective, as such, always and essentially has its existence in the consciousness of a subject, is thus the idea of this subject, and consequently is conditioned by it, and also by its forms, the forms of the idea, which depend upon the subject and not on the object.

That ''the objective world would exist'' even if there existed no conscious being certainly seems at the first blush to be unquestionable, because it can be thought in the abstract, without bringing to light the contradiction which it carries within it. But if we desire to ''realise'' this abstract thought, that is, to reduce it to ideas of perception, from which alone (like everything abstract) it can have content and truth, and if accordingly we try ''to imagine an objective world without a knowing subject,'' we become aware that what we then imagine is in truth the opposite of what we intended, is in fact nothing else than the process in the intellect of a knowing subject who perceives an&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1071" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|271|{{fine|POLITICAL REFORM}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;wiles of securing popular favor to the self-seeking. This results in a certain repellent manner, commonly regarded as the apparel of righteousness, and is further responsible for the fatal mistake of making the surroundings of &quot;good influences&quot; singularly unattractive; a mistake which really deserves a reprimand quite as severe as the equally reprehensible deed of making the surroundings of &quot;evil influences&quot; so beguiling. Both are akin to that state of mind which narrows the entrance into a wider morality to the eye of a needle, and accounts for the fact that new moral movements have ever and again been inaugurated by those who have found themselves in revolt against the conventionalized good.

The success of the reforming politician who insists upon mere purity of administration and upon the control and suppression of the unruly elements in the community, may be the easy result of a narrowing and selfish process. For the painful condition of endeavoring to minister&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|271}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2149" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;THE STANDPOINT OF IDEALISM. 165&lt;/noinclude&gt;degree of reflection which this fundamental truth demands, and consequently he made it the starting-point of his philosophy, though provisionally only in the form of a sceptical doubt. When he took his ''cogito ergo sum'' as alone certain, and provisionally regarded the existence of the world as problematical, he really discovered the essential and only right starting-point of all philosophy, and at the same time its ''true'' foundation. This foundation is essentially and inevitably the ''subjective,'' the ''individual consciousness.'' For this alone is and remains immediate; everything else, whatever it may be, is mediated and conditioned through it, and is therefore dependent upon it. Therefore modern philosophy is rightly regarded as starting with Descartes, who was the father of it. Not long afterwards Berkeley followed the same path further, and attained to ''idealism'' proper, ''i.e.,'' to the knowledge that the world which is extended in space, thus the objective, material world in general, exists as such simply and solely in our ''idea,'' and that it is false, and indeed absurd, to attribute to it, ''as such,'' an existence apart from all idea and independent of the knowing subject, thus to assume matter as something absolute and possessed of real being in itself. But his correct and profound insight into this truth really constitutes Berkeley's whole philosophy; in it he had exhausted himself.

Thus true philosophy must always be idealistic; indeed, it must be so in order to be merely honest. For nothing is more certain than that no man ever came out of him self in order to identify himself directly with things which are different from him; but everything of which he has certain, and therefore immediate, knowledge lies within his own consciousness. Beyond this consciousness, therefore, there can be no ''immediate'' certainty; but the first principles of a science must have such certainty. For the empirical standpoint of the other sciences it is quite right to assume the objective world as something absolutely given; but not so for the standpoint of {{hws|philo|philosophy}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2157" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||THE STANDPOINT OF IDEALISM.|165}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;degree of reflection which this fundamental truth demands, and consequently he made it the starting-point of his philosophy, though provisionally only in the form of a sceptical doubt. When he took his ''cogito ergo sum'' as alone certain, and provisionally regarded the existence of the world as problematical, he really discovered the essential and only right starting-point of all philosophy, and at the same time its ''true'' foundation. This foundation is essentially and inevitably the ''subjective,'' the ''individual consciousness.'' For this alone is and remains immediate; everything else, whatever it may be, is mediated and conditioned through it, and is therefore dependent upon it. Therefore modern philosophy is rightly regarded as starting with Descartes, who was the father of it. Not long afterwards Berkeley followed the same path further, and attained to ''idealism'' proper, ''i.e.,'' to the knowledge that the world which is extended in space, thus the objective, material world in general, exists as such simply and solely in our ''idea,'' and that it is false, and indeed absurd, to attribute to it, ''as such,'' an existence apart from all idea and independent of the knowing subject, thus to assume matter as something absolute and possessed of real being in itself. But his correct and profound insight into this truth really constitutes Berkeley's whole philosophy; in it he had exhausted himself.

Thus true philosophy must always be idealistic; indeed, it must be so in order to be merely honest. For nothing is more certain than that no man ever came out of him self in order to identify himself directly with things which are different from him; but everything of which he has certain, and therefore immediate, knowledge lies within his own consciousness. Beyond this consciousness, therefore, there can be no ''immediate'' certainty; but the first principles of a science must have such certainty. For the empirical standpoint of the other sciences it is quite right to assume the objective world as something absolutely given; but not so for the standpoint of {{hws|philo|philosophy}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2094" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||ON KNOWLEDGE A PRIORI.|207}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;no longer observe it; but if we once turn our attention to it we become keenly conscious of the incomprehensibility of the matter, just because in this we have something before us which we do not understand as the effect of a cause. This apprehension, then, could never lead us to the idea of causality, for that never appears in it at all. Maine de Biran himself recognises the perfect simultaneousness of the act of will and the movement (''Nouvelles Considérations des Rapports du Physique au Moral,'' p. 377, 378.) In England Thomas Reid (On the First Principles of Contingent Truths, Essay IV. c. 5) already asserted that the knowledge of the causal relation has its ground in the nature of the faculty of knowledge itself. Quite recently Thomas Brown, in his very tediously composed book, &quot;Inquiry into the Relation of Cause and Effect,&quot; 4th edit, 1835, says much the same thing, that that knowledge springs from an innate, intuitive, and instinctive conviction; thus he is at bottom upon the right path. Quite unpardonable, however, is the crass ignorance on account of which in this book of 476 pages, of which 130 are devoted to the refutation of Hume, absolutely no mention is made of Kant, who cleared up the question more than seventy years ago. If Latin had remained the exclusive language of science such a thing would not have occurred. In spite of Brown's exposition, which in the main is correct, a modification of the doctrine set up by Maine de Biran, of the empirical origin of the fundamental knowledge of the causal relation, has yet found acceptance in England; for it is not without a certain degree of plausibility. It is this, that we abstract the law of causality from the perceived effect of our own body upon other bodies. This was already refuted by Hume. I, however, have shown that it is untenable in my work, &quot;Ueber den Willen in der Natur&quot; (p. 75 of the second edition, p. 82 of the third), from the fact that since we apprehend both our own and other bodies objectively in spatial perception, the knowledge of causality must&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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''COPYRIGHT''.


First Edition 1910.

Reprinted 1911 (twice), 1912, 1913.

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    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/289</title>
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Perhaps the last and greatest difficulty in the paths of those who are attempting to define and attain a social morality, is that which arises from the fact that they cannot adequately test the value of their efforts, cannot indeed be sure of their motives until their efforts are reduced to action and are presented in some workable form of social conduct or control. For action is indeed the sole medium of expression for ethics. We continually forget that the sphere of morals is the sphere of action, that speculation in regard to morality is but observation and must remain in the sphere of intellectual comment, that a situation does not really become moral until we are confronted with the question of what shall be done in a concrete case, and are obliged to act upon&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|273}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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The cry of &quot;Back to the people&quot; is always heard at the same time, when we have the prophet's demand for repentance or the religious cry of &quot;Back to Christ,&quot; as though we would seek refuge with our fel-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|275}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:First Lessons in Geography (1856).djvu/22</title>
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      <text bytes="1108" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;{{rh||LESSON XII.|19}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Q. What three Oceans around North America?
A. Arctic, Atlantic, and Pacific. 

Q. What Country furthest north? 
A. Greenland. 

Q. What Country furthest south?
A. Central America. 

Q. In what Country do we live?
A. In the United States.

Q. What Country north of the United States?
A. British America. 

Q. What Country south of the United States? 
A. Mexico. 

Q. What Country in the northwest? 
A. Russian America. 

Q. What Peninsula in the south?
A. Yucatan.
&lt;/poem&gt;


{{Custom rule|sp|50|sp|10|d|4|sp|10|sp|50}}


{{center|LESSON XIII.}}


&lt;poem&gt;
Q. Between what two Oceans is the United States? A. Atlantic and Pacific. 

Q. What Bay west of Greenland? 
A. Baffin's Bay. 

Q. What Bay in British America? 
A. Hudson's Bay. 

Q. What large Sea southeast of North America?
A. Caribbéan Sea.

Q. Which are the largest two Countries of North America? 
Q. Between what two Countries is the United States? 
Q. In what Country is Hudson's Bay?
Q. Between what two Countries is Baffin's Bay?
Q. What large Island southeast of the United States?
Q. Where is Cape Farewell?
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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As the acceptance of democracy brings a certain life-giving power, so it has its own sanctions and comforts. Perhaps the most obvious one is the curious sense which comes to us from time to time, that we belong to the whole, that a certain basic well being can never be taken away from us whatever the turn of fortune. Tolstoy has portrayed the experience in &quot;[[Master and Man]].&quot; The former saves his servant from freezing, by protecting him with the heat of his body, and his dying hours are filled with an ineffable sense of healing and well-being. Such experiences, of which we have all had glimpses, anticipate in our relation to the living that peace of mind which envelopes us when we meditate upon the great multitude of the dead. It is akin to the assurance that the dead understand, because they have entered into the Great Experience, and therefore must comprehend all lesser ones; that all the misunderstand-&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|276}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Democracy and Social Ethics/Chapter 7</title>
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      <text bytes="364" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Jane Addams
 | translator = 
 | section    = {{sc|Political Reform}}
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 6|{{sc|Educational Methods}}]]
 | next       = [[../Index|{{sc|Index}}]]
 | notes      = 
}}

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      <text bytes="7825" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;PeterR2&quot; /&gt;{{rh|50|JOSHUA, IX.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;50 

JOSHUA, IX. 

because of their victuals, perceiving perhaps, upon 
the view and taste of their bread, not only that now 
it was old, but that it had been fine and very good 
at first, whence they inferred that they were per- 
sons of some quality; and therefore the friendship 
of their country was not to be despised. But they 
asked not counsel at the mouth of the Lord. They 
had the Urim and Thummim with them, which 
they might have advised with in this difficult case, 
and that would have told them no lie, would have 
led them into no error; but they relied so much on 
their own politics, that they thought it needless to 
bring: the matter to the oracle. Joshua himself was 
not altogether without blame herein. Note, We 
then make more haste than good speed in any busi- 
ness, when we stay not to take God along with us, 
and by the word and prayer to consult him. Many 
a time we see cause to reflect upon it with regret, 
that such and such an affair miscarried, because we 
asked not counsel at the mouth of the Lord; would 
we acknowledge him in all our ways, we should 
find them more safe, easy, and successful. 

II. The fraud soon ciiscovered by which this 
league was procured. A lying tongue is but for a 
moment, and truth will be the daughter of time. 
Within three days they found, to their great sur- 
prise, that the cities which these ambassadors had 
treated for, were very near them, but one night's 
foot-march from the camp at Gilgal, ch. 10. 9. 
Either their own scouts, or the parties that sallied 
out to acquaint themselves with the country, or per- 
haps some deserters that came over to them from 
the enemy, informed them of the truth of this mat- 
ter. They that suffer tliemselves to be deceived 
by the wiles of Satan, will soon be undeceived to 
their confusion, and will find that near, even at 
the door, which they imagined was very far off 

III. The disgust of the congregation at this. 
They did indeed submit to the restraints which this 
league laid upon them, and smote not the cities of 
the Gibeonites, neither slew the persons, nor seized 
the prey; but it vexed them to have their hands 
thus tiecl, and they murmured against the princes, 
{y. 18.) it is to be feared, more from a jealousy for 
their own profit, than from a zeal for the fulfilling 
of God's command, though some of them perhaps 
had a regard to that Many are forward to arraign 
and censure the actions of princes while they are 
ignorant of the springs of those actions, and are in- 
competent judges of the reasons of state that go- 
vern them. While therefore we are satisfied in 
general that those who are over us aim at nothing 
but the public good, and sincerely seek the welfare 
of their people, we ought to make the best of what 
they do, and not exercise ourselves in things above 
us. 

IV. The prudent endeavour of the princes to pa- 
cify the discontented congregation, and to accom- 
modate the matter; herein all the princes concur- 
I'ed and were unanimous, which doubtless disposed 
the people to acquiesce. 

1. They resolved to spare the lives of the Gibe- 
unites, for so they had expressly sworn to do, v. 15. 
to let them live. 

(1.) The oath was lawful, else it had not bound 
them any more than Herod's oath bound him to 
cut off John Biptist's head; it is true, God had ap- 
pointed them to destroy all the Canaanites, but that 
law must be construed in favorem vitx — with some 
fender alloivancc, to mean those only that stood it 
out, and would not surrender their country to them, 
and not to bind them so far to put off the sense of 
lionour and humanity, as to slay those who had 
never lifted up a hand against them, nor ever 
would, but before they were reduced to any ex- 
tremity, or ever attempted any act of hostility, with 
one consent humbled themselves; the kiiigs of Is- 

rael were ceriairily more merciful kings than to do 
so, ,1 Kings 20. 31. and the God of Israel a more 
merciful God than to order it so; Satis est firos- 
trdsse leoni — It is enough to have laid the lion pros- 
trate. And besides, the reason of the law is the 
law; the mischief designed to be pre ented by that 
law, was the infecting of the Israelites with their 
idolatry; Deut. 7. 4. But if the Gibeonites re- 
nounce their idolatry, and become friends and ser- 
vants to the house of God, the danger is effectually 
prevented, the reason of the law ceases, and conse- 
quently the obligation of it, especially to a thing of 
this nature. The conversion of sinners sliall pre- 
vent their ruin. 

(2. ) The oath being lawful, both the princes, and 
the people for whom they transacted, were bound 
by it, bound in conscience, bound in honour to the 
God of Israel, by whom they had sworn, and whose 
names would have been blasphemed by the Ca- 
naanites, if they had  iolated this oath. They speak 
as those that y^-arerf en oa^A (Eccl. 9. 2.) when they 
argued thus; We will let them live, lest wrath be 
upon us, because of the oath which we sware, v. 20. 
He that ratifies a promise with an oath, imprecates 
the divine vengeance if he wilfully break his pro- 
mise, and has reason to expect that divine justice 
will take him at his word. God is not mocked, 
and therefore oaths are not to be jested with. The 
princes will keep their word, [1.] Though they 
lest by it. A citizen of Sion swears to his own hurt, 
and changes not, Ps. 15. 4. Joshua and the princes, 
when they found it was to their prejudice that they 
had thus bound themselves, did not apply them- 
selves to Eleazar for a dispensation, much less did 
they pretend that no faith is to be kept with here- 
tics, with Canaanites; no, they were strangers to 
the modern artifices of the Roman Church, to elude 
the most sacred bonds, and even to sanctify per- 
juries. [2.] Though the people were uneasy at it, 
and their discontent might have ended in a mutinv, 
yet the princes would not violate their engagement 
to the Gibeonites; we must never be over-awed, 
either by majesty or multitude, to do a sinful thing, 
and to go against our consciences. [3. ] Though 
they were drawn into this league by a wile, and 
might have had a very plausible pretence to de- 
clare it null and void, yet they adhered to it. They 
might have pleaded that though these were the 
men with whom they exchanged the ratifications, 
yet these were not the cities intended in the league; 
they had promised to spare certain cities, without 
names, that were very far off, and upon the express 
consideration of their being so, but these were very 
near, and therefore not the cities that they covenant- 
ed with. And many learned men have thought that 
they were so grossly imposed upon by the Gibeonites, 
that it would have been lawful for them to have re- 
called their promise; but to preserve their reputa- 
tion, and to keep up in Israel a veneration for an 
oath, they would stand to it; but it is plain that 
they thought themselves indispensably obliged by 
it, and were apprehensive that the wrath of God 
would fall upon them if they broke it. And how- 
ever their adherence to it might be displeasing to 
the congregation, it is plain that it was acceptable 
to God, for when, in pursuance of this league, they 
undertook the protection of the Gibeonites, God 
gave them the most glorious victory that ever they 
had in all their wars, ch. 10. and long after severely 
avenged the wrong Saul did to the Gibeonites in vio- 
lation of this league, 2 Sam. 21. 1. Let this con- 
vince us all how religiously we ought to perform 
our promises, and make good our bargains; and 
what conscience we ought to make of our words, 
when they are once given. If a covenant obtained 
by so many lies and deceits might not be broken, 
shall we think to evade the obligation of those that&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="7632" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;PeterR2&quot; /&gt;{{rh|50|JOSHUA, IX.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;''because of their victuals'', perceiving perhaps, upon the view and taste of their bread, not only that now it was old, but that it had been fine and very good at first, whence they inferred that they were persons of some quality; and therefore the friendship of their country was not to be despised. But ''they asked not counsel at the mouth of the Lord''. They had the Urim and Thummim with them, which they might have advised with in this difficult case, and that would have told them no lie, would have led them into no error; but they relied so much on their own politics, that they thought it needless to bring the matter to the oracle. Joshua himself was not altogether without blame herein. Note, We then make more haste than good speed in any business, when we stay not to take God along with us, and by the word and prayer to consult him. Many a time we see cause to reflect upon it with regret, that such and such an affair miscarried, because we ''asked not counsel at the mouth of the Lord;'' would we acknowledge him in all our ways, we should find them more safe, easy, and successful.

II. The fraud soon discovered by which this league was procured. A ''lying tongue is but for a moment'', and truth will be the daughter of time. Within three days they found, to their great surprise, that the cities which these ambassadors had treated for, were very near them, but one night's foot-march from the camp at Gilgal, ''ch''. 10. 9. Either their own scouts, or the parties that sallied out to acquaint themselves with the country, or perhaps some deserters that came over to them from the enemy, informed them of the truth of this matter. They that suffer themselves to be deceived by the wiles of Satan, will soon be undeceived to their confusion, and will find that near, even at the door, which they imagined was very far off.

III. The disgust of the congregation at this. They did indeed submit to the restraints which this league laid upon them, and smote not the cities of the Gibeonites, neither slew the persons, nor seized the prey; but it vexed them to have their hands thus tied, and they ''murmured against the princes'', (''v''. 18.) it is to be feared, more from a jealousy for their own profit, than from a zeal for the fulfilling of God's command, though some of them perhaps had a regard to that. Many are forward to arraign and censure the actions of princes while they are ignorant of the springs of those actions, and are incompetent judges of the reasons of state that govern them. While therefore we are satisfied in general that those who are over us aim at nothing but the public good, and sincerely seek the welfare of their people, we ought to make the best of what they do, and not exercise ourselves in things above us.

IV. The prudent endeavour of the princes to pacify the discontented congregation, and to accommodate the matter; herein all the princes concurred and were unanimous, which doubtless disposed the people to acquiesce.

1. They resolved to spare the lives of the Gibeonites, for so they had expressly sworn to do, ''v''. 15. to let them live.

(1.) The oath was lawful, else it had not bound them any more than Herod's oath bound him to cut off John Baptist's head; it is true, God had appointed them to destroy all the Canaanites, but that law must be construed ''in favorem vitae—with some tender allowance'', to mean those only that stood it out, and would not surrender their country to them, and not to bind them so far to put off the sense of honour and humanity, as to slay those who had never lifted up a hand against them, nor ever would, but before they were reduced to any extremity, or ever attempted any act of hostility, with one consent humbled themselves; the ''kings of Israel were certainly more merciful kings than to do so'', 1 Kings 20. 31. and the God of Israel a more merciful God than to order it so; ''Satis est prostrâsse leoni—It is enough to have laid the lion prostrate''. And besides, the reason of the law is the law; the mischief designed to be prevented by that law, was the infecting of the Israelites with their idolatry; Deut. 7. 4. But if the Gibeonites renounce their idolatry, and become friends and servants to the house of God, the danger is effectually prevented, the reason of the law ceases, and consequently the obligation of it, especially to a thing of this nature. The conversion of sinners shall prevent their ruin.

(2.) The oath being lawful, both the princes, and the people for whom they transacted, were bound by it, bound in conscience, bound in honour to the God of Israel, by whom they had sworn, and whose names would have been blasphemed by the Canaanites, if they had violated this oath. They speak as those that ''feared an oath'' (Eccl. 9. 2.) when they argued thus; ''We will let them live, lest wrath be upon us, because of the oath which we sware, v''. 20. He that ratifies a promise with an oath, imprecates the divine vengeance if he wilfully break his promise, and has reason to expect that divine justice will take him at his word. God is not mocked, and therefore oaths are not to be jested with. The princes will keep their word, [1.] Though they lost by it. A citizen of Sion ''swears to his own hurt, and changes not'', Ps. 15. 4. Joshua and the princes, when they found it was to their prejudice that they had thus bound themselves, did not apply themselves to Eleazar for a dispensation, much less did they pretend that no faith is to be kept with heretics, with Canaanites; no, they were strangers to the modern artifices of the Roman Church, to elude the most sacred bonds, and even to sanctify perjuries. [2.] Though the people were uneasy at it, and their discontent might have ended in a mutiny, yet the princes would not violate their engagement to the Gibeonites; we must never be over-awed, either by majesty or multitude, to do a sinful thing, and to go against our consciences. [3.] Though they were drawn into this league by a wile, and might have had a very plausible pretence to declare it null and void, yet they adhered to it. They might have pleaded that though those were the men with whom they exchanged the ratifications, yet these were not the cities intended in the league; they had promised to spare certain cities, without names, that were very far off, and upon the express consideration of their being so, but these were very near, and therefore not the cities that they covenanted with. And many learned men have thought that they were so grossly imposed upon by the Gibeonites, that it would have been lawful for them to have recalled their promise; but to preserve their reputation, and to keep up in Israel a veneration for an oath, they would stand to it; but it is plain that they thought themselves indispensably obliged by it, and were apprehensive that the wrath of God would fall upon them if they broke it. And however their adherence to it might be displeasing to the congregation, it is plain that it was acceptable to God, for when, in pursuance of this league, they undertook the protection of the Gibeonites, God gave them the most glorious victory that ever they had in all their wars, ''ch''. 10. and long after severely avenged the wrong Saul did to the Gibeonites in violation of this league, 2 Sam. 21. 1. Let this convince us all how religiously we ought to perform our promises, and make good our bargains; and what conscience we ought to make of our words, when they are once given. If a covenant obtained by so many lies and deceits might not be broken, shall we think to evade the obligation of those that&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;references/&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{hwe|tion|revelation}}, this clearly takes place only under the guidance of causality. This is so evident that it requires no proof. Therefore Chr. Wolf says (''Cosmologia Generalis, præf.,'' p. 1): ''Sane in theologia naturali existentiam Numinis e principiis cosmologicis demonstramus. Contingentia universi et ordinis naturæ, una cum impossibilitate casus, sunt scala, per quam a mundo hoc adspectabili ad Deum ascenditur.'' And, before him, Leibnitz sai...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2196" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|127}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|tion|revelation}}, this clearly takes place only under the guidance of causality. This is so evident that it requires no proof. Therefore Chr. Wolf says (''Cosmologia Generalis, præf.,'' p. 1): ''Sane in theologia naturali existentiam Numinis e principiis cosmologicis demonstramus. Contingentia universi et ordinis naturæ, una cum impossibilitate casus, sunt scala, per quam a mundo hoc adspectabili ad Deum ascenditur.'' And, before him, Leibnitz said, in connection with the law of causality: ''Sans ce grand principe on ne saurait venir à la preuve de l'existence de Dieu.'' On the other hand, the thought which is worked out in this chapter is so far from being essential and necessary to reason, that it is rather to be regarded as a veritable masterpiece of the monstrous productions of an age which, through strange circumstances, fell into the most singular aberrations and perversities, such as the age of the Scholastics was – an age which is unparalleled in the history of the world, and can never return again. This Scholasticism, as it advanced to its final form, certainly derived the principal proof of the existence of God from the conception of the ''ens realissimum,'' and only then used the other proofs as accessory. This, however, is mere methodology, and proves nothing as to the origin of theology in the human mind. Kant has here taken the procedure of Scholasticism for that of reason – a mistake which indeed he has made more than once. If it were true that according to the essential laws of reason the Idea of God proceeds from the disjunctive syllogism under the form of an Idea of the most real being, this Idea would also have existed in the philosophy of antiquity; but of the ''ens realissimum'' there is nowhere a trace in any of the ancient philosophers, although some of them certainly teach that there is a Creator of the world, yet only as the giver of form to the matter which exists without him, {{greek missing}}, a being whom they yet infer simply and solely in accordance with the law of causality. It is true that Sextus Empiricus (''adv. Math.,'' ix. § 88) quotes an {{hws|argu|argument}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="1858" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;M-le-mot-dit&quot; /&gt;{{running header||THE BURIAL FIELDS|469}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;ory which would from time to time overwhelm some old countrywoman driving her cow along the French highway, murmuring between her sobs: &quot;My little one!… I wonder where they buried my little one!&quot; Or, perhaps, it would live in the heart of the village woman clad in mourning who did not know how to solve the problem of existence; or in the minds of the children going to school in black blouses and saying with ferocious energy—&quot;When I grow up I am going to kill the ''Boches'' to avenge my father's death!&quot;

And Doña Luisa, motionless in her seat, followed with her eyes Chichí's course among the graves, while returning to her interrupted prayer—&quot;Lord, for the mothers without sons … for the little ones without fathers!… May thy wrath not be turned against us, and may thy smile shine upon us once more!&quot;

Her husband, shrunken in his seat, was also looking over the funereal fields, but his eyes were fixed most tenaciously on some mounds without wreaths or flags, simple crosses with a little board bearing the briefest inscription. These were the German bodies which seemed to have a page to themselves in the Book of Death. On one side, the innumerable French tombs with inscriptions as small as possible, simple numbers—one, two, three dead. On the other, in each of the spacious, unadorned sepulchre's, great quantities of soldiers, with a number of terrifying terseness. Fences of wooden strips, narrow and wide, surrounded these latter ditches filled to the tops with bodies. The earth was as bleached as though covered with snow or saltpetre. This was the lime returning to mix with the land. The crosses raised above these huge mounds bore each an inscription stating that it contained Germans, and then a number—200 … 300 … 400.

Such appalling figures obliged Desnoyers to exert his&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;{{hwe|ment|argument}} of Cleanthes, which some have held to be the ontological proof. This, however, it is not, but merely an inference from analogy; because experience teaches that upon earth one being is always better than another, and man, indeed, as the best, closes the series, but yet has many faults; therefore there must exist beings who are still better, and finally one being who is best of all ({{greek missing}}), and this would be God.  *  On th...</comment>
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*

On the detailed refutation of speculative theology which now follows I have only briefly to remark that it, and in general the whole criticism of the three so-called Ideas of reason, thus the whole Dialectic of Pure Reason, is indeed to a certain extent the goal and end of the whole work; yet this polemical part has not really an absolutely universal, permanent, and purely philosophical interest, such as is possessed by the preceding doctrinal part, ''i.e.,'' the æsthetic and analytic; but rather a temporary and local interest, because it stands in a special relation to the leading points of the philosophy which prevailed in Europe up till the time of Kant, the complete overthrow of which was yet, to his immortal credit, achieved by him through this polemic. He has eliminated theism from philosophy; for in it, as a science and not a system of faith, only that can find a place which is either empirically given or established by valid proofs. Naturally we only mean here the real seriously understood philosophy which is concerned with the truth, and nothing else; and by no means the jest of philosophy taught in the universities, in which, after Kant as before him, speculative theology plays the principal part, and where, also, after as before him, the soul appears without ceremony as a familiar person. For it is the philosophy endowed with salaries and fees, and, indeed, also with titles of Hofrath, which, looking proudly down from its height, remains for forty years entirely unaware of the existence of little people like me, and would be thoroughly&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2118" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|126|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;set apart for the world, there remained for the third Idea nothing but the disjunctive major. Fortunately there existed a previous work in this direction, the ''ens realissimum'' of the Scholastics, together with the ontological proof of the existence of God set up in a rudimentary form by Anselm of Canterbury and then perfected by Descartes. This was joyfully made use of by Kant, with some reminiscence also of an earlier Latin work of his youth. However, the sacrifice which Kant makes to his love of architectonic symmetry in this chapter is exceedingly great. In defiance of all truth, what one must regard as the grotesque idea of an essence of all possible realities is made an essential and necessary thought of the reason. For the deduction of this Kant makes use of the false assertion that our knowledge of particular things arises from a progressive limitation of general conceptions; thus also of a most general conception of all which contains all reality ''in itself.'' In this he stands just as much in contradiction with his own teaching as with the truth, for exactly the converse is the case. Our knowledge starts with the particular and is extended to the general, and all general conceptions arise by abstraction from real, particular things known by perception, and this can be carried on to the most general of all conceptions, which includes everything under it, but almost nothing ''in it.'' Thus Kant has here placed the procedure of our faculty of knowledge just upside down, and thus might well be accused of having given occasion to a philosophical charletanism that has become famous in our day, which, instead of recognising that conceptions are thoughts abstracted from things, makes, on the contrary the conceptions first, and sees in things only concrete conceptions, thus bringing to market the world turned upside down as a philosophical buffoonery, which of course necessarily found great acceptance.

Even if we assume that every reason must, or at least can, attain to the conception of God, even without {{hws|revela|revelation}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Calculus Made Easy.pdf/20</title>
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      <text bytes="4" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;2001:4450:810D:1B00:3D35:E2FE:2B4D:B045&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;-

.&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/82</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;the understanding; the necessary, for both. Indeed, the distinction between necessary, actual, and possible really exists only in the abstract and according to the conception; in the real world, on the other hand, all three fall into one. For all that happens, happens ''necessarily,'' because it happens from causes; but these themselves have again causes, so that the whole of the events of the world, great and small, are a strict concatenation of necessa...</comment>
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      <text bytes="2175" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|72|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;the understanding; the necessary, for both. Indeed, the distinction between necessary, actual, and possible really exists only in the abstract and according to the conception; in the real world, on the other hand, all three fall into one. For all that happens, happens ''necessarily,'' because it happens from causes; but these themselves have again causes, so that the whole of the events of the world, great and small, are a strict concatenation of necessary occurrences. Accordingly everything actual is also necessary, and in the real world there is no difference between actuality and necessity, and in the same way no difference between actuality and possibility; for what has not happened, ''i.e.,'' has not become actual, was also not possible, because the causes without which it could never appear have not themselves appeared, nor could appear, in the great concatenation of causes; thus it was an impossibility. Every event is therefore either necessary or impossible. All this holds good only of the empirically real world, ''i.e.,'' the complex of individual things, thus of the whole particular as such. If, on the other hand, we consider things generally, comprehending them ''in abstracto,'' necessity, actuality, and possibility are again separated; we then know everything which is in accordance with the ''a priori'' laws which belong to our intellect as possible in general; that which corresponds to the empirical laws of nature as possible in this world, even if it has never become actual; thus we distinguish clearly the possible from the actual. The actual is in itself always also necessary, but is only comprehended as such by him who knows its cause; regarded apart from this, it is and is called contingent. This consideration also gives us the key to that ''contentio'' {{greek missing}} between the Megaric Diodorus and Chrysippus the Stoic which Cicero refers to in his book ''De Fato.'' Diodorus says: &quot;Only what becomes actual was possible, and all that is actual is also necessary.&quot; Chrysippus on the other hand says: &quot;Much that is possible never becomes actual; for only the necessary becomes&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/1</title>
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      <text bytes="2233" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh||SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|A279}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Center|{{Big|'''SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH) ORDINANCE'''}}}}
{{Center|{{Big|'''CONTENTS'''}}}}
{{TOC page listing|{{Smaller|''Section''}}|{{Smaller|''Page''}}}}
{{TOC begin}}
{{TOC row c|3|PART I&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Preliminary}}}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|1.|Short title and commencement|A280|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|2.|Interpretation|A280|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row c|3|PART II&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|No smoking areas}}}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|3.|Prohibition on smoking in no smoking areas|A281|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|4.|Setting aside of no smoking areas|A282|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|5.|Display of signs in no smoking areas|A282|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|6.|Powers exercisable in relation to persons smoking in no smoking area|A283|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|7.|Offences under Part II|A283|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row c|3|PART III&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Sales of cigarettes and cigarette tobacco}}}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|8.|Health warnings and tar group designation when cigarettes sold|A283|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|9.|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold|A284|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|10.|Offences under Part III|A284|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row c|3|PART IV&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Cigarette advertising}}}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|11.|Cigarette advertisements in printed publications|A284|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|12.|Health warning when cigarette advertisement displayed|A285|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|13.|Cigarette advertisements on radio|A285|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|14.|Meaning of cigarette advertisement|A286|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|15.|Offences under Part IV|A286|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row c|3|PART V&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Supplementary}}}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|16.|Evidence of tar group|A286|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|17.|Amendment of section 7 of Places of Public Entertainment Ordinance|A286|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC row 1-dot-1|spaces=0|18.|Regulations and Orders|A287|chapter-align=left}}
{{TOC end}}
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The four horsemen of the Apocalypse - (Los cuatro jinetes de Apocalipsis) (IA cu31924014386738).djvu/494</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019228</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508179</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:05:02Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="1867" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;M-le-mot-dit&quot; /&gt;{{running header|470|FOUR HORSEMEN OF THE APOCALYPSE|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;imagination. It was not easy to evoke with exactitude the vision of three hundred carcasses in helmets, boots and cloaks, in all the revolting aspects of death, piled in rows as though they were bricks, locked forever in the depths of a great trench.… And this funereal alignment was repeated at intervals all over the great immensity of the plain!

The mere sight of them filled Don Marcelo with a kind of savage joy, as his mourning fatherhood tasted the fleeting consolation of vengeance. Julio had died, and he was going to die, too, not having strength to survive his bitter woe; but how many hundreds of the enemy wasting in these awful trenches were also leaving in the world loved beings who would remember them as he was remembering his son!…

He imagined them as they must have been before the death call sounded, as he had seen them in the advance around his castle.

Some of them, the most prominent and terrifying, probably still showed on their faces the theatrical cicatrices of their university duels. They were the soldiers who carried books in their knapsacks, and after the fusillade of a lot of country folk, or the sacking and burning of a hamlet, devoted themselves to reading the poets and philosophers by the glare of the blaze which they had kindled. They were bloated with science as with the puffiness of a toad, proud of their pedantic and all-sufficient intellectuality. Sons of sophistry and grandsons of cant, they had considered themselves capable of proving the greatest absurdities by the mental capers to which they had accustomed their acrobatic intellects.

They had employed the favorite method of the thesis, antithesis and synthesis in order to demonstrate that Germany ought to be the Mistress of the World; that Belgium was guilty of her own ruin because she had de-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/83</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019229</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508180</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:06:03Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2088" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|73}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;actual.&quot; We may explain this thus: Actuality is the conclusion of a syllogism to which possibility gives the premises. But for this is required not only the major but also the minor; only the two give complete possibility. The major gives a merely theoretical, general possibility ''in abstracto,'' but this of itself does not make anything possible, ''i.e.,'' capable of becoming actual. For this the minor also is needed, which gives the possibility for the particular case, because it brings it under the rule, and thereby it becomes at once actual. For example:

''Maj.'' All houses (consequently also my house) can be destroyed by fire.

''Min.'' My house is on fire.

''Concl.'' My house is being destroyed by fire.

For every general proposition, thus every major, always determines things with reference to actuality only under a presupposition, therefore hypothetically; for example, the capability of being burnt down has as a presupposition the catching fire. This presupposition is produced in the minor. The major always loads the cannon, but only if the minor brings the match does the shot, ''i.e.,'' the conclusion, follow. This holds good throughout of the relation of possibility to actuality. Since now the conclusion, which is the assertion of actuality, always follows ''necessarily,'' it is evident from this that all that is actual is also necessary, which can also be seen from the fact that necessity only means being the consequent of a given reason: this is in the case of the actual a cause: thus everything actual is necessary. Accordingly, we see here the conceptions of the possible, the actual, and the necessary unite, and not merely the last presuppose the first, but also the converse. What keeps them apart is the limitation of our intellect through the form of time; for time is the mediator between possibility and actuality. The necessity of the particular event may be fully seen from the knowledge of all its causes; but the concurrence of the whole of these different and independent causes seems to&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/84</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019230</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508184</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:09:16Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2166" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|74|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;us ''contingent;'' indeed their independence of each other is just the conception of contingency. Since, however, each of them was the necessary effect of ''its'' causes, the chain of which has no beginning, it is evident that contingency is merely a subjective phenomenon, arising from the limitation of the horizon of our understanding, and just as subjective as the optical horizon at which the heavens touch the earth.

Since necessity is the same thing as following from given grounds, it must appear in a special way in the case of every form of the principle of sufficient reason, and also have its opposite in the possibility and impossibility which always arises only through the application of the abstract reflection of the reason to the object. Therefore the four kinds of necessity mentioned above stand opposed to as many kinds of impossibility, physical, logical, mathematical, and practical. It may further be remarked that if one remains entirely within the province of abstract concepts, possibility is always connected with the more general, and necessity with the more limited concept; for example, &quot;An animal ''may'' be a bird, a fish, an amphibious creature, &amp;c.&quot; &quot;A nightingale ''must'' be a bird, a bird ''must'' be an animal, an animal ''must'' be an organism, an organism ''must'' be a body.&quot; This is because logical necessity, the expression of which is the syllogism, proceeds from the general to the particular, and never conversely. In the concrete world of nature (ideas of the first class), on the contrary, everything is really necessary through the law of causality; only added reflection can conceive it as also contingent, comparing it with that which is not its cause, and also as merely and purely actual, by disregarding all causal connection. Only in this class of ideas does the conception of the actual properly occur, as is also shown by the derivation of the word from the conception of causality. In the third class of ideas, that of pure mathematical perception or intuition, if we confine ourselves strictly to it, there is only necessity. Possibility occurs here also only&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508185</id>
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      <text bytes="2170" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|74|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;us ''contingent;'' indeed their independence of each other is just the conception of contingency. Since, however, each of them was the necessary effect of ''its'' causes, the chain of which has no beginning, it is evident that contingency is merely a subjective phenomenon, arising from the limitation of the horizon of our understanding, and just as subjective as the optical horizon at which the heavens touch the earth.

Since necessity is the same thing as following from given grounds, it must appear in a special way in the case of every form of the principle of sufficient reason, and also have its opposite in the possibility and impossibility which always arises only through the application of the abstract reflection of the reason to the object. Therefore the four kinds of necessity mentioned above stand opposed to as many kinds of impossibility, physical, logical, mathematical, and practical. It may further be remarked that if one remains entirely within the province of abstract concepts, possibility is always connected with the more general, and necessity with the more limited concept; for example, &quot;An animal ''may'' be a bird, a fish, an amphibious creature, &amp;c.&quot; &quot;A nightingale ''must'' be a bird, a bird ''must'' be an animal, an animal ''must'' be an organism, an organism ''must'' be a body.&quot; This is because logical necessity, the expression of which is the syllogism, proceeds from the general to the particular, and never conversely. In the concrete world of nature (ideas of the first class), on the contrary, everything is really necessary through the law of causality; only added reflection can conceive it as also contingent, comparing it with that which is not its cause, and also as merely and purely actual, by disregarding all causal connection. Only in this class of ideas does the conception of the ''actual'' properly occur, as is also shown by the derivation of the word from the conception of causality. In the third class of ideas, that of pure mathematical perception or intuition, if we confine ourselves strictly to it, there is only necessity. Possibility occurs here also only&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/2</title>
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      <text bytes="2455" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A280|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Center|{{Big|'''HONG KONG'''}}}}
{{Rule|16em}}
{{Center|{{Sc|No. 58 of 1982.}}}}
{{Rh|[[File:Locus sigilli.svg|50px]]||{{Center|I assent.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Philip HADDON-CAVE,&lt;br&gt;''Acting Governor.&lt;br&gt;&lt;/br&gt;29 July 1982''}}}}
&lt;br&gt;
An Ordinance to prohibit smoking in certain areas, to provide for the display of a health warning and other information on cigarette packets and in cigarette advertisements and for matters incidental thereto including the amendment of the Places of [[Public Entertainment Ordinance]].
{{Right|[{{Gap|8em}}]}}
Enacted by the Governor of Hong Kong, with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council thereof.
{{Center|{{Big|PART I&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Preliminary}}}}}}
{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|1.0|{{smaller|Short title and commencement.}}}}}}
1. This Ordinance may be cited as the Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 and shall come into operation on a day to be appointed by the Governor by notice in the Gazette; and different days may be so appointed for different provisions of this Ordinance and for different purposes of the same provision.

{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|2.0|{{smaller|Interpretation.}}}}}}
2. In this Ordinance, unless the context otherwise requires—

“advertisement” means any announcement to the public made or to be made in any manner;

“brand”, except in section 14(3), includes a brand product, that is to say a variety of a brand marketed as having qualities differing from another variety of that brand;

“cigarette” means tobacco rolled up in paper or in any other material except tobacco, in such form as to be capable of immediate use for smoking;

“cigarette advertisement” has the meaning assigned to it by section 14;

“cigarette tobacco” means tobacco packaged as being suitable for the making by the purchaser of cigarettes for his own use;

“class” in relation to a class of seats means a class defined by reference to their price, all seats sold at the same price on the same occasion to the same category of persons being deemed to belong to the same class;

“ferry vessel” means a vessel operated on a ferry service as defined for the purposes of the [[Ferry Services Ordinance 1982]] and having seating accommodation for 50 or more passengers;

“land vehicle” means a vehicle other than a train used on land for the transport of members of the public for hire or reward;
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2453" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A280|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Center|{{Big|'''HONG KONG'''}}}}
{{Rule|16em}}
{{Center|{{Sc|No. 58 of 1982.}}}}
{{Rh|[[File:Locus sigilli.svg|50px]]||{{Center|I assent.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Philip HADDON-CAVE,&lt;br&gt;''Acting Governor.&lt;br&gt;&lt;/br&gt;29 July 1982''}}}}
&lt;br&gt;
An Ordinance to prohibit smoking in certain areas, to provide for the display of a health warning and other information on cigarette packets and in cigarette advertisements and for matters incidental thereto including the amendment of the Places of [[Public Entertainment Ordinance]].
{{Right|[{{Gap|8em}}]}}
Enacted by the Governor of Hong Kong, with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council thereof.
{{Center|{{Big|PART I&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Preliminary}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|1.0|{{smaller|Short title and commencement.}}}}}}
1. This Ordinance may be cited as the Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 and shall come into operation on a day to be appointed by the Governor by notice in the Gazette; and different days may be so appointed for different provisions of this Ordinance and for different purposes of the same provision.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|2.0|{{smaller|Interpretation.}}}}}}
2. In this Ordinance, unless the context otherwise requires—

“advertisement” means any announcement to the public made or to be made in any manner;

“brand”, except in section 14(3), includes a brand product, that is to say a variety of a brand marketed as having qualities differing from another variety of that brand;

“cigarette” means tobacco rolled up in paper or in any other material except tobacco, in such form as to be capable of immediate use for smoking;

“cigarette advertisement” has the meaning assigned to it by section 14;

“cigarette tobacco” means tobacco packaged as being suitable for the making by the purchaser of cigarettes for his own use;

“class” in relation to a class of seats means a class defined by reference to their price, all seats sold at the same price on the same occasion to the same category of persons being deemed to belong to the same class;

“ferry vessel” means a vessel operated on a ferry service as defined for the purposes of the [[Ferry Services Ordinance 1982]] and having seating accommodation for 50 or more passengers;

“land vehicle” means a vehicle other than a train used on land for the transport of members of the public for hire or reward;
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2495" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A280|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Center|{{Big|'''HONG KONG'''}}}}
{{Rule|16em}}
{{Center|{{Sc|No. 58 of 1982.}}}}
{{Rh|[[File:Locus sigilli.svg|50px]]||{{Center|I assent.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Philip HADDON-CAVE,&lt;br&gt;''Acting Governor.&lt;br&gt;&lt;/br&gt;29 July 1982''}}}}
&lt;br&gt;
An Ordinance to prohibit smoking in certain areas, to provide for the display of a health warning and other information on cigarette packets and in cigarette advertisements and for matters incidental thereto including the amendment of the Places of [[Public Entertainment Ordinance]].
{{Right|[{{Gap|8em}}]}}
Enacted by the Governor of Hong Kong, with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council thereof.
{{Center|{{Big|PART I&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Preliminary}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|1.0|{{smaller|Short title and commencement.}}}}}}
1. This Ordinance may be cited as the Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 and shall come into operation on a day to be appointed by the Governor by notice in the Gazette; and different days may be so appointed for different provisions of this Ordinance and for different purposes of the same provision.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|2.0|{{smaller|Interpretation.}}}}}}
2. In this Ordinance, unless the context otherwise requires—

“advertisement” means any announcement to the public made or to be made in any manner;

“brand”, except in section 14(3), includes a brand product, that is to say a variety of a brand marketed as having qualities differing from another variety of that brand;

“cigarette” means tobacco rolled up in paper or in any other material except tobacco, in such form as to be capable of immediate use for smoking;

“cigarette advertisement” has the meaning assigned to it by section 14;

“cigarette tobacco” means tobacco packaged as being suitable for the making by the purchaser of cigarettes for his own use;

“class” in relation to a class of seats means a class defined by reference to their price, all seats sold at the same price on the same occasion to the same category of persons being deemed to belong to the same class;

“ferry vessel” means a vessel operated on a ferry service as defined for the purposes of the {{Outside L|{{xx-smaller|(30 of 1982.)}}}}[[Ferry Services Ordinance 1982]] and having seating accommodation for 50 or more passengers;

“land vehicle” means a vehicle other than a train used on land for the transport of members of the public for hire or reward;
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2499" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A280|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Center|{{Big|'''HONG KONG'''}}}}
{{Rule|16em}}
{{Center|{{Sc|No. 58 of 1982.}}}}
{{Rh|[[File:Locus sigilli.svg|50px]]||{{Center|I assent.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Philip HADDON-CAVE,&lt;br&gt;''Acting Governor.&lt;br&gt;&lt;/br&gt;29 July 1982''}}}}
&lt;br&gt;
An Ordinance to prohibit smoking in certain areas, to provide for the display of a health warning and other information on cigarette packets and in cigarette advertisements and for matters incidental thereto including the amendment of the Places of [[Public Entertainment Ordinance]].
{{Right|[{{Gap|8em}}]}}
Enacted by the Governor of Hong Kong, with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council thereof.
{{Center|{{Big|PART I&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Preliminary}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|1.0|{{smaller|Short title and commencement.}}}}}}
1. This Ordinance may be cited as the Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 and shall come into operation on a day to be appointed by the Governor by notice in the ''Gazette''; and different days may be so appointed for different provisions of this Ordinance and for different purposes of the same provision.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|2.0|{{smaller|Interpretation.}}}}}}
2. In this Ordinance, unless the context otherwise requires—

“advertisement” means any announcement to the public made or to be made in any manner;

“brand”, except in section 14(3), includes a brand product, that is to say a variety of a brand marketed as having qualities differing from another variety of that brand;

“cigarette” means tobacco rolled up in paper or in any other material except tobacco, in such form as to be capable of immediate use for smoking;

“cigarette advertisement” has the meaning assigned to it by section 14;

“cigarette tobacco” means tobacco packaged as being suitable for the making by the purchaser of cigarettes for his own use;

“class” in relation to a class of seats means a class defined by reference to their price, all seats sold at the same price on the same occasion to the same category of persons being deemed to belong to the same class;

“ferry vessel” means a vessel operated on a ferry service as defined for the purposes of the {{Outside L|{{xx-smaller|(30 of 1982.)}}}}[[Ferry Services Ordinance 1982]] and having seating accommodation for 50 or more passengers;

“land vehicle” means a vehicle other than a train used on land for the transport of members of the public for hire or reward;
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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      <text bytes="2511" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A280|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Center|{{Big|'''HONG KONG'''}}}}
{{Rule|16em}}
{{Center|{{Sc|No. 58 of 1982.}}}}
{{Rh|[[File:Locus sigilli.svg|50px]]||{{Center|I assent.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Philip HADDON-CAVE,&lt;br&gt;''Acting Governor.&lt;br&gt;&lt;/br&gt;29 July 1982''}}}}
&lt;br&gt;
An Ordinance to prohibit smoking in certain areas, to provide for the display of a health warning and other information on cigarette packets and in cigarette advertisements and for matters incidental thereto including the amendment of the Places of [[Public Entertainment Ordinance]].
{{Right|[{{Gap|8em}}]}}
Enacted by the Governor of Hong Kong, with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council thereof.
{{Center|{{Big|PART I&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Preliminary}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|1.0|{{smaller|Short title and commencement.}}}}}}
'''1.''' This Ordinance may be cited as the Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 and shall come into operation on a day to be appointed by the Governor by notice in the ''Gazette''; and different days may be so appointed for different provisions of this Ordinance and for different purposes of the same provision.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|2.0|{{smaller|Interpretation.}}}}}}
'''2.''' In this Ordinance, unless the context otherwise requires—

“advertisement” means any announcement to the public made or to be made in any manner;

“brand”, except in section 14(3), includes a brand product, that is to say a variety of a brand marketed as having qualities differing from another variety of that brand;

“cigarette” means tobacco rolled up in paper or in any other material except tobacco, in such form as to be capable of immediate use for smoking;

“cigarette advertisement” has the meaning assigned to it by section 14;

“cigarette tobacco” means tobacco packaged as being suitable for the making by the purchaser of cigarettes for his own use;

“class” in relation to a class of seats means a class defined by reference to their price, all seats sold at the same price on the same occasion to the same category of persons being deemed to belong to the same class;

“ferry vessel” means a vessel operated on a ferry service as defined for the purposes of the {{Outside L|{{xx-smaller|(30 of 1982.)}}}}[[Ferry Services Ordinance 1982]] and having seating accommodation for 50 or more passengers;

“land vehicle” means a vehicle other than a train used on land for the transport of members of the public for hire or reward;
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/296</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019232</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508188</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:12:20Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="3001" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{rvh2|280|{{fine|INDEX}}|{{fine|DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS}}|&amp;nbsp;}}
{{plainlist/s|hanging-indent=1em}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;factory, 116, 118, 119, 122; isolation of, 109, 111, 117, 120, 132;
morals of, 125; unnatural relation of, 113, 120, 121, 126, 127; unreasonable demands on, 113, 115; residence clubs for, 133; social position of, 114, 119, 122.
* Household employer, the, undemocratic ethics of, 116; reform of, in relation to employee, 126.
* Household, the, advantages and disadvantages of factory work over, 129; competition of factory work with, 128; difficulties of the small, 135; industrial isolation of, 117; industry of, transferred to factory, 104, 105; lack of progress in, 117; origin of, 104; social ''vs.'' individual aspects of, 103; suburban difficulties of, 134; wages in, 131.
* Hull-house experiences, 43, 53, 58, 59, 240, 247.
* Human life, value of, 7, 178.
{{plainlist/e}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Individual action ''vs.'' associated, 137, 153, 158; advantages of, 158, 162; limitations of, 165; moral evolution involved in, 226.
* Individual ''vs.'' social needs, 155, 269.
* Individual ''vs.'' social virtues, 224, 227, 265.
* Italian immigrant, the, conception of abstract virtue among, 229; dependence of, on their children, 184; education of, 185; new conditions of life of, 181.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Juvenile criminal, the, evolution of, 53-56, 187.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Labor, division of, 210, 213; reaction from, 215.
* Law and order, 172, 174, 234.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Moral fact and moral idea, 227, 229, 273.
* Morality, natural basis of, 268; personal and social, 6, 176, 103.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Philanthropic standpoint, the, its dangers, 150, 155-157.
* Philanthropist, the, 154, 175-176.
* Political corruption, ethical development in, 270; formation of reform clubs, 246; greatest pressure of, 260; individual and social aspect of, 264; leniency in regard to, 239; responsibility for, 256, 263; selling of votes, 244-246; street railway and saloon interest, 262.
* Political leaders, causes of success of, 224.
* Political standards, 228, 229, 251-253, 261; compared with Benjamin Franklin's, 255.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Referendum method, the, 164.
* Reformer, the, ethics of, 270.
* Reform movements in politics, causes of failure in, 222, 240, 262, 272, 274; business men's attitude toward, 265.
* Rumford, Count, 117.
* Ruskin, 219.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Saloon, the, 243, 264.
* Social claim, the, 4, 77; child study and, 92, 180; misplaced energy and, 90.
* Social virtues, code of employer, 143, 148; code of laboring man, ''ibid.''}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Technical schools, 201; adaptation of, to workinginen, 204; compromises in, 203; polytechnic institutions, 202; textile schools, 203; women in, ''ibid.''
* Thrift, individualism of, 31, 40, 212.
* Trades unions, 148, 158, 167, 169, 171; sympathetic strikes, 174.}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|280}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508191</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:13:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
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      <text bytes="2950" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{fine|INDEX}}}}
{{plainlist/s|hanging-indent=1em}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;factory, 116, 118, 119, 122; isolation of, 109, 111, 117, 120, 132;
morals of, 125; unnatural relation of, 113, 120, 121, 126, 127; unreasonable demands on, 113, 115; residence clubs for, 133; social position of, 114, 119, 122.
* Household employer, the, undemocratic ethics of, 116; reform of, in relation to employee, 126.
* Household, the, advantages and disadvantages of factory work over, 129; competition of factory work with, 128; difficulties of the small, 135; industrial isolation of, 117; industry of, transferred to factory, 104, 105; lack of progress in, 117; origin of, 104; social ''vs.'' individual aspects of, 103; suburban difficulties of, 134; wages in, 131.
* Hull-house experiences, 43, 53, 58, 59, 240, 247.
* Human life, value of, 7, 178.
{{plainlist/e}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Individual action ''vs.'' associated, 137, 153, 158; advantages of, 158, 162; limitations of, 165; moral evolution involved in, 226.
* Individual ''vs.'' social needs, 155, 269.
* Individual ''vs.'' social virtues, 224, 227, 265.
* Italian immigrant, the, conception of abstract virtue among, 229; dependence of, on their children, 184; education of, 185; new conditions of life of, 181.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Juvenile criminal, the, evolution of, 53-56, 187.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Labor, division of, 210, 213; reaction from, 215.
* Law and order, 172, 174, 234.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Moral fact and moral idea, 227, 229, 273.
* Morality, natural basis of, 268; personal and social, 6, 176, 103.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Philanthropic standpoint, the, its dangers, 150, 155-157.
* Philanthropist, the, 154, 175-176.
* Political corruption, ethical development in, 270; formation of reform clubs, 246; greatest pressure of, 260; individual and social aspect of, 264; leniency in regard to, 239; responsibility for, 256, 263; selling of votes, 244-246; street railway and saloon interest, 262.
* Political leaders, causes of success of, 224.
* Political standards, 228, 229, 251-253, 261; compared with Benjamin Franklin's, 255.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Referendum method, the, 164.
* Reformer, the, ethics of, 270.
* Reform movements in politics, causes of failure in, 222, 240, 262, 272, 274; business men's attitude toward, 265.
* Rumford, Count, 117.
* Ruskin, 219.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Saloon, the, 243, 264.
* Social claim, the, 4, 77; child study and, 92, 180; misplaced energy and, 90.
* Social virtues, code of employer, 143, 148; code of laboring man, ''ibid.''}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Technical schools, 201; adaptation of, to workinginen, 204; compromises in, 203; polytechnic institutions, 202; textile schools, 203; women in, ''ibid.''
* Thrift, individualism of, 31, 40, 212.
* Trades unions, 148, 158, 167, 169, 171; sympathetic strikes, 174.}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|280}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508200</id>
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      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:18:47Z</timestamp>
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      <text bytes="2950" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;{{c|{{fine|INDEX}}}}
{{plainlist/s|hanging-indent=1em}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;factory, 116, 118, 119, 122; isolation of, 109, 111, 117, 120, 132; morals of, 125; unnatural relation of, 113, 120, 121, 126, 127; unreasonable demands on, 113, 115; residence clubs for, 133; social position of, 114, 119, 122.
* Household employer, the, undemocratic ethics of, 116; reform of, in relation to employee, 126.
* Household, the, advantages and disadvantages of factory work over, 129; competition of factory work with, 128; difficulties of the small, 135; industrial isolation of, 117; industry of, transferred to factory, 104, 105; lack of progress in, 117; origin of, 104; social ''vs.'' individual aspects of, 103; suburban difficulties of, 134; wages in, 131.
* Hull-house experiences, 43, 53, 58, 59, 240, 247.
* Human life, value of, 7, 178.
{{plainlist/e}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Individual action ''vs.'' associated, 137, 153, 158; advantages of, 158, 162; limitations of, 165; moral evolution involved in, 226.
* Individual ''vs.'' social needs, 155, 269.
* Individual ''vs.'' social virtues, 224, 227, 265.
* Italian immigrant, the, conception of abstract virtue among, 229; dependence of, on their children, 184; education of, 185; new conditions of life of, 181.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Juvenile criminal, the, evolution of, 53-56, 187.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Labor, division of, 210, 213; reaction from, 215.
* Law and order, 172, 174, 234.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Moral fact and moral idea, 227, 229, 273.
* Morality, natural basis of, 268; personal and social, 6, 176, 103.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Philanthropic standpoint, the, its dangers, 150, 155-157.
* Philanthropist, the, 154, 175-176.
* Political corruption, ethical development in, 270; formation of reform clubs, 246; greatest pressure of, 260; individual and social aspect of, 264; leniency in regard to, 239; responsibility for, 256, 263; selling of votes, 244-246; street railway and saloon interest, 262.
* Political leaders, causes of success of, 224.
* Political standards, 228, 229, 251-253, 261; compared with Benjamin Franklin's, 255.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Referendum method, the, 164.
* Reformer, the, ethics of, 270.
* Reform movements in politics, causes of failure in, 222, 240, 262, 272, 274; business men's attitude toward, 265.
* Rumford, Count, 117.
* Ruskin, 219.}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Saloon, the, 243, 264.
* Social claim, the, 4, 77; child study and, 92, 180; misplaced energy and, 90.
* Social virtues, code of employer, 143, 148; code of laboring man, ''ibid.''}}


{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Technical schools, 201; adaptation of, to workinginen, 204; compromises in, 203; polytechnic institutions, 202; textile schools, 203; women in, ''ibid.''
* Thrift, individualism of, 31, 40, 212.
* Trades unions, 148, 158, 167, 169, 171; sympathetic strikes, 174.}}
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    <title>Page:The four horsemen of the Apocalypse - (Los cuatro jinetes de Apocalipsis) (IA cu31924014386738).djvu/495</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019233</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508192</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:14:12Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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        <id>95366</id>
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      <text bytes="1863" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;M-le-mot-dit&quot; /&gt;{{running header||THE BURIAL FIELDS|471}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;fended herself; that true happiness consisted in having all humanity dominated by Prussia; that the supreme idea of existence consisted in a clean stable and a full manger; that Liberty and Justice were nothing more than illusions of the romanticism of the French; that every deed accomplished became virtuous from the moment it triumphed, and that Right was simply a derivative of Might. These metaphysical athletes with guns and sabres were accustomed to consider themselves the paladins of a crusade of civilization. They wished the blond type to triumph definitely over the brunette; they wished to enslave the worthless man of the South, consigning him forever to a world regulated by &quot;the salt of the earth,&quot; &quot;the aristocracy of humanity.&quot; Everything on the page of history that had amounted to anything was German. The ancient Greeks had been of Germanic origin; German, too, the great artists of the Italian Renaissance. The men of the Mediterranean countries, with the inherent badness of their extraction, had falsified history.…

&quot;That's the best place for you.… You are better where you are buried, you pitiless pedants!&quot; thought Desnoyers, recalling his conversations with his friend, the Russian.

What a shame that there were not here, too, all the ''Herr Professors'' of the German universities—those wise men so unquestionably skilful in altering the trademarks of intellectual products and changing the terminology of things! Those men with flowing beards and gold-rimmed spectacles, pacific rabbits of the laboratory and the professor's chair that had been preparing the ground for the present war with their sophistries and their unblushing effrontery! Their guilt was far greater than that of the ''Herr Lieutenant'' of the tight corset and the gleaming monocle, who in his thirst for strife and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu/297</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019234</id>
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      <id>12508193</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:15:35Z</timestamp>
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{{plainlist|hanging-indent=1em|
* Workingman, the, ambition of, for his children, 191, 258; art in relation to, 218; charity of, 154; evening classes and social entertainment for, 189; grievance of, 211; historical perspective in the work of, ''ibid.;'' organizations of, 214; standards for political candidate, 257.}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{c|281}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/85</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019235</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508195</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:16:08Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
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      <text bytes="2134" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|75}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;through relation to the concepts of reflection: for example, &quot;A triangle ''may'' be right-angled, obtuse-angled, or equi-angular; its three angles ''must'' be equal to two right-angles.&quot; Thus here we only arrive at the possible through the transition from the perceptible to the abstract.

After this exposition, which presupposes the recollection of what was said both in the essay on the principle of sufficient reason and in the first book of the present work, there will, it is hoped, be no further doubt as to the true and very heterogeneous source of those forms which the table of judgments lays before us, nor as to the inadmissibility and utter groundlessness of the assumption of twelve special functions of the understanding for the explanation of them. The latter point is also supported by a number of special circumstances very easily noted. Thus, for example, it requires great love of symmetry and much trust in a clue derived from it, to lead one to assume that an affirmative, a categorical, and an assertatory judgment are three such different things that they justify the assumption of an entirely special function of the understanding for each of them.

Kant himself betrays his consciousness of the untenable nature of his doctrine of the categories by the fact that in the third chapter of the Analytic of Principles (''phænomena et noumena'') several long passages of the first edition (p. 241, 242, 244-246, 248-253) are omitted in the second – passages which displayed the weakness of that doctrine too openly. So, for example, he says there (p. 241) that he has not defined the individual categories, because he could not define them even if he had wished to do so, inasmuch as they were susceptible of no definition. In saying this he forgot that at p. 82 of the same first edition he had said: &quot;I purposely dispense with the definition of the categories although I may be in possession of it.&quot; This then was, ''sit venia verbo,'' wind. But this last passage he has allowed to stand. And so all those passages wisely omitted afterwards betray the fact that&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/3</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="2596" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh||SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|A281}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;“manager” in relation to—
:(''a'') a cinema, theatre, concert hall or public transport vehicle service, includes an assistant manager, any person holding an appointment who is responsible for the management, or is in charge or control analogous to that of manager or assistant manager or any person of the cinema, theatre, concert hall or public transport service;
:(''b'') a lift, includes the owner, occupier or lessee of the building in which the lift is situated or the person in charge or control of such building or lift;

“newspaper”, “local newspaper” and “printed document” have the same meaning as in the {{Outside RL|{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 268.)}}}}Control of Publications Consolidation Ordinance; 

“no smoking area”, except in section 5(2), means an area or place in which smoking is prohibited by section 3;

“proof of identity” means proof of identity for the purposes of Part IVA of the {{Outside RL|{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 115.)}}}}Immigration Ordinance;

“public lift” means a lift to which the public have access and includes any lift giving access to separately occupied flats, offices or other units of accommodation and a hotel lift;

“public transport vehicle” means—
:(''a'') a ferry vessel;
:(''b'') a land vehicle; or
:(''c'') a train;
while the vessel, vehicle or train is transporting members of the public, but excludes a taxicab, private hire vehicle or other vehicle or vessel hired or chartered to an individual whether on his own behalf or that of a number of persons;

“publish” in relation to an advertisement means making known an advertisement in any manner;

“regulations” means regulations under section 18;

“retail container” means a container suitable for the retail marketing of cigarette packets;

“smoke” means inhaling and expelling the smoke of tobacco or other substance;

“train” means a train of linked carriages used for the transport of members of the public for hire or reward.
{{Center|{{Big|PART II&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|No smoking areas}}}}}}
{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|3.0|{{smaller|Prohibition on smoking in no smoking areas.}}
'''3.''' No person shall smoke or carry a lighted cigarette, cigar or pipe in—
:{{Anchor|3.a}}(''a'') any area demarcated as a no smoking area under section 4;
:{{Anchor|3.b}}(''b'') any public lift;
:{{Anchor|3.c}}(''c'') any land vehicle, being a public transport vehicle, having only one deck;
:{{Anchor|3.d}}(''d'') the lower deck of a land vehicle, being a public transport vehicle, having more than one deck.
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>aq03ws5mx5ex1rvj7ia6zcqmf00fz64</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508197</id>
      <parentid>12508196</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:16:42Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
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      <comment>fix</comment>
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      <text bytes="2600" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh||SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|A281}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;“manager” in relation to—
:(''a'') a cinema, theatre, concert hall or public transport vehicle service, includes an assistant manager, any person holding an appointment who is responsible for the management, or is in charge or control analogous to that of manager or assistant manager or any person of the cinema, theatre, concert hall or public transport service;
:(''b'') a lift, includes the owner, occupier or lessee of the building in which the lift is situated or the person in charge or control of such building or lift;

“newspaper”, “local newspaper” and “printed document” have the same meaning as in the {{Outside RL|{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 268.)}}}}Control of Publications Consolidation Ordinance; 

“no smoking area”, except in section 5(2), means an area or place in which smoking is prohibited by section 3;

“proof of identity” means proof of identity for the purposes of Part IVA of the {{Outside RL|{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 115.)}}}}Immigration Ordinance;

“public lift” means a lift to which the public have access and includes any lift giving access to separately occupied flats, offices or other units of accommodation and a hotel lift;

“public transport vehicle” means—
:(''a'') a ferry vessel;
:(''b'') a land vehicle; or
:(''c'') a train;
while the vessel, vehicle or train is transporting members of the public, but excludes a taxicab, private hire vehicle or other vehicle or vessel hired or chartered to an individual whether on his own behalf or that of a number of persons;

“publish” in relation to an advertisement means making known an advertisement in any manner;

“regulations” means regulations under section 18;

“retail container” means a container suitable for the retail marketing of cigarette packets;

“smoke” means inhaling and expelling the smoke of tobacco or other substance;

“train” means a train of linked carriages used for the transport of members of the public for hire or reward.
{{Center|{{Big|PART II&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|No smoking areas}}}}}}
{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|3.0|{{smaller|Prohibition on smoking in no smoking areas.}}}}}}
'''3.''' No person shall smoke or carry a lighted cigarette, cigar or pipe in—
:{{Anchor|3.a}}(''a'') any area demarcated as a no smoking area under section 4;
:{{Anchor|3.b}}(''b'') any public lift;
:{{Anchor|3.c}}(''c'') any land vehicle, being a public transport vehicle, having only one deck;
:{{Anchor|3.d}}(''d'') the lower deck of a land vehicle, being a public transport vehicle, having more than one deck.
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>czskvifdqt2wc9i4miuiz85ke7u8gma</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508198</id>
      <parentid>12508197</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:16:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>fix</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2637" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh||SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|A281}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;“manager” in relation to—
:(''a'') a cinema, theatre, concert hall or public transport vehicle service, includes an assistant manager, any person holding an appointment who is responsible for the management, or is in charge or control analogous to that of manager or assistant manager or any person of the cinema, theatre, concert hall or public transport service;
:(''b'') a lift, includes the owner, occupier or lessee of the building in which the lift is situated or the person in charge or control of such building or lift;

“newspaper”, “local newspaper” and “printed document” have the same meaning as in the {{Outside RL|{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 268.)}}}}Control of Publications Consolidation Ordinance; 

“no smoking area”, except in section 5(2), means an area or place in which smoking is prohibited by section 3;

“proof of identity” means proof of identity for the purposes of Part IVA of the {{Outside RL|{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 115.)}}}}Immigration Ordinance;

“public lift” means a lift to which the public have access and includes any lift giving access to separately occupied flats, offices or other units of accommodation and a hotel lift;

“public transport vehicle” means—
:(''a'') a ferry vessel;
:(''b'') a land vehicle; or
:(''c'') a train;
while the vessel, vehicle or train is transporting members of the public, but excludes a taxicab, private hire vehicle or other vehicle or vessel hired or chartered to an individual whether on his own behalf or that of a number of persons;

“publish” in relation to an advertisement means making known an advertisement in any manner;

“regulations” means regulations under section 18;

“retail container” means a container suitable for the retail marketing of cigarette packets;

“smoke” means inhaling and expelling the smoke of tobacco or other substance;

“train” means a train of linked carriages used for the transport of members of the public for hire or reward.
{{Center|{{Big|PART II&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|No smoking areas}}}}}}
{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|3.0|{{smaller|Prohibition on smoking in no smoking areas.}}}}}}
'''3.''' No person shall smoke or carry a lighted cigarette, cigar or pipe in—
:{{Anchor|3.a}}(''a'') any area demarcated as a no smoking area under section 4;
:{{Anchor|3.b}}(''b'') any public lift;
:{{Anchor|3.c}}(''c'') any land vehicle, being a public transport vehicle, having only one deck;
:{{Anchor|3.d}}(''d'') the lower deck of a land vehicle, being a public transport vehicle, having more than one deck.
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>lm9v1t1guttbtpn8mrhe83x9sy5znxk</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Democracy and Social Ethics/Index</title>
    <ns>0</ns>
    <id>4019237</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508202</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:19:30Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>Create page</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="347" xml:space="preserve">{{header
 | title      = [[../]]
 | author     = Jane Addams
 | translator = 
 | section    = {{sc|Index}}
 | previous   = [[../Chapter 7|{{sc|Political Reform}}]]
 | next       = 
 | notes      = 
}}

&lt;div style=&quot;text-align:justify;&quot;&gt;
&lt;pages index=&quot;Addams - 1902 - Democracy and Social Ethics.djvu&quot; include=295-297 /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;


{{c|{{smallrefs}}}}</text>
      <sha1>rk9hn5nx4wrof8at25hh572mrcj37x2</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The four horsemen of the Apocalypse - (Los cuatro jinetes de Apocalipsis) (IA cu31924014386738).djvu/496</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019238</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508203</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:20:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>M-le-mot-dit</username>
        <id>95366</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1868" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;M-le-mot-dit&quot; /&gt;{{running header|472|FOUR HORSEMEN OF THE APOCALYPSE|}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;slaughter was simply and logically working out the professional charts.

While the German soldier of the lower classes was plundering what he could and drunkenly shooting whatever crossed his path, the warrior student was reading by the camp glow, Hegel and Nietzsche. He was too enlightened to execute with his own hands these acts of &quot;historical justice,&quot; but he, with the professors, was rousing all the bad instincts of the Teutonic beast and giving them a varnish of scientific justification.

&quot;Lie there, in your sepulchre, you intellectual scourge!&quot; continued Desnoyers mentally.

The fierce Moors, the negroes of infantile intelligence, the sullen Hindus, appeared to him more deserving of respect than all the ermine-bordered togas parading haughtily and aggressively through the cloisters of the German universities. What peacefulness for the world if their wearers should disappear forever! He preferred the simple and primitive barbarity of the savage to the refined, deliberate and merciless barbarity of the greedy sage;—it did less harm and was not so hypocritical.

For this reason, the only ones in the enemy's ranks who awakened his commiseration were the lowly and unlettered dead interred beneath the sod. They had been peasants, factory hands, business clerks, German gluttons of measureless (intestinal) capacity, who had seen in the war an opportunity for satisfying their appetites, for beating somebody and ordering them about after having passed their lives in their country, obeying and receiving kicks.

The history of their country was nothing more than a series of raids—like the Indian forays, in order to plunder the property of those who lived in the mild Mediterranean climes. The ''Herr Professors'' had proved to their countrymen that such sacking incursions were indispen-&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>3fvtqhkffzzecpixvj08704m4nbnq2l</sha1>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/86</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019239</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508204</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:20:31Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;nothing distinct can be thought in connection with the categories, and this whole doctrine stands upon a weak foundation.  This table of the categories is now made the guiding clue according to which every metaphysical, and indeed every scientific inquiry is to be conducted (Prolegomena, § 39). And, in fact, it is not only the foundation of the whole Kantian philosophy and the type according to which its symmetry is everywhere carried out, as I have alre...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2073" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|76|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;nothing distinct can be thought in connection with the categories, and this whole doctrine stands upon a weak foundation.

This table of the categories is now made the guiding clue according to which every metaphysical, and indeed every scientific inquiry is to be conducted (Prolegomena, § 39). And, in fact, it is not only the foundation of the whole Kantian philosophy and the type according to which its symmetry is everywhere carried out, as I have already shown above, but it has also really become the procrustean bed into which Kant forces every possible inquiry, by means of a violence which I shall now consider somewhat more closely. But with such an opportunity what must not the ''imitatores servum pecus'' have done! We have seen. That violence then is applied in this way. The meaning of the expressions denoted by the titles, forms of judgment and categories, is entirely set aside and forgotten, and the expressions alone are retained. These have their source partly in Aristotle's ''Analyt. priora,'' i. 23 ({{greek missing}}: ''de qualitate et quantitate terminorum syllogismi''), but are arbitrarily chosen; for the extent of the concepts might certainly have been otherwise expressed than through the word ''quantity,'' though this word is more suited to its object than the rest of the titles of the categories. Even the word ''quality'' has obviously been chosen on account of the custom of opposing quality to quantity; for the name quality is certainly taken arbitrarily enough for affirmation and negation. But now in every inquiry instituted by Kant, every quantity in time and space, and every possible quality of things, physical, moral, &amp;c., is brought by him under those category titles, although between these things and those titles of the forms of judgment and of thought there is absolutely nothing in common except the accidental and arbitrary nomenclature. It is needful to keep in mind all the respect which in other regards is due to Kant to enable one to refrain from expressing in hard&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>3zte15l4wzcw47nir060hdi2arlfcgg</sha1>
    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/87</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019240</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508209</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:25:14Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2152" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|77}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;terms one's repugnance to this procedure. The nearest example is afforded us at once by the pure physiological table of the general principles of natural science. What in all the world has the quantity of judgments to do with the fact that every perception has an extensive magnitude? What has the quality of judgments to do with the fact that every sensation has a degree? The former rests rather on the fact that space is the form of our external perception, and the latter is nothing more than an empirical, and, moreover, entirely subjective feeling, drawn merely from the consideration of the nature of our organs of sense. Further, in the table which gives the basis of rational psychology (Critique of Pure Reason, p. 344; V. 402), the ''simplicity'' of the soul is cited under quality; but this is just a quantitative property, and has absolutely no relation to the affirmation or negation in the judgment. But quantity had to be completed by the ''unity'' of the soul, which is, however, already included in its simplicity. Then modality is forced in in an absurd way; the soul stands in connection with ''possible'' objects; but connection belongs to relation, only this is already taken possession of by substance. Then the four cosmological Ideas, which are the material of the antinomies, are referred to the titles of the categories; but of this we shall speak more fully further on, when we come to the examination of these antinomies. Several, if possible, still more glaring examples are to be found in the table of the ''Categories of Freedom!'' in the &quot;Critique of Practical Reason;&quot; also in the first book of the &quot;Critique of Judgment,&quot; which goes through the judgment of taste according to the four titles of the categories; and, finally, in the &quot;Metaphysical First Principles of Natural Science,&quot; which are entirely adapted to the table of the categories, whereby the false that is mingled here and there with what is true and excellent in this important work is for the most part introduced. See, for example, at the end of the first chapter how the unity, the multiplicity, and the&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:The painters of Florence from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century (1915).djvu/252</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019241</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508216</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:27:26Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Sp1nd01</username>
        <id>631214</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
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      <text bytes="1804" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;{{rh|212|SANDRO BOTTICELLI|[1446-}}
{{smaller block/s}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;Woe of the Apocalypse, in the loosing of the devil for three years and a half. Afterwards, he shall be chained according to the Twelfth of John, and we shall see him trodden down as in this picture.&quot;
{{smaller block/e}}

The Holy Family, as usual, form the central group, and the Shepherds and Magi kneel on either side. A troop of angels, clad in symbolic hues of red, white, and green, sing the ''Gloria in Excelsis'', on the penthouse roof, and in the heavens above, twelve more seraphs dance hand-in-hand, swinging olive-boughs and dangling their golden crowns in an ecstacy of joy. In the foreground the devils are seen crawling away to hide under the rocks, while rejoicing angels fall on the necks of Savonarola and his martyred companions,—the witnesses slain for the word of their testimony, as told in the Revelation of St. John. So Botticelli would have us know that in these dark times when vice and wickedness ran riot in the streets of Florence, and contemporary writers tell us that there was &quot;no reverence for holy things, nor fear of shame,&quot; his faith in the Friar never faltered, and that he still looked forward to a day when the prophet's word should be fulfilled and good triumph over evil.

Sandro's old connection with the Medici saved him from the persecution which overtook the leading ''piagnoni'', and during his last years he was chiefly engaged in illustrating Dante's great poem. He had always been a student of the divine poet, and probably executed designs for the plates in the first printed edition of the ''Divina Commedia'', published by Landino in 1481, while a line from the ''Paradiso'':—

{{center|{{smaller|&quot;Vergine madre, figlia del tuo figlio&quot;—}}}}

is inscribed on the throne of the Madonna which he&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/88</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019242</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508220</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:29:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Not proofread */ Created page with &quot;totality of the directions of lines are supposed to correspond to the categories, which are so named according to the quantity of judgments.  *  The principle of the ''Permanence of Substance'' is deduced from the category of subsistence and inherence. This, however, we know only from the form of the categorical judgment, ''i.e.,'' from the connection of two concepts as subject and predicate. With what violence then is that great metaphysical principle m...</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
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      <text bytes="2054" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;1&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|78|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;totality of the directions of lines are supposed to correspond to the categories, which are so named according to the quantity of judgments.

*

The principle of the ''Permanence of Substance'' is deduced from the category of subsistence and inherence. This, however, we know only from the form of the categorical judgment, ''i.e.,'' from the connection of two concepts as subject and predicate. With what violence then is that great metaphysical principle made dependent upon this simple, purely logical form! Yet this is only done ''pro forma,'' and for the sake of symmetry. The proof of this principle, which is given here, sets entirely aside its supposed origin in the understanding and in the category, and is based upon the pure intuition or perception of time. But this proof also is quite incorrect. It is false that in mere time there is ''simultaneity'' and ''duration;'' these ideas only arise from the union of ''space'' with time, as I have already shown in the essay on the principle of sufficient reason, § 18, and worked out more fully in § 4 of the present work. I must assume a knowledge of both these expositions for the understanding of what follows. It is false that time ''remains'' the same through all change; on the contrary, it is just time itself that is fleeting; a permanent time is a contradiction. Kant's proof is untenable, strenuously as he has supported it with sophisms; indeed, he falls into the most palpable contradictions. Thus, after he has falsely set up co-existence as a mode of time (p. 177; V. 219), he says, quite rightly (p. 183; V. 226), &quot;Co-existence is not a mode of time, for in time there are absolutely no parts together, but all in succession.&quot; In truth, space is quite as much implicated in co-existence as time. For if two things are co-existent and yet not one, they are different in respect of space; if two states of one thing are co-existent (''e.g.,'' the glow and the heat of iron), then they are two contemporaneous effects of ''one'' thing,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/89</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019243</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508222</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T10:33:27Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>8582e</username>
        <id>2903218</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="2185" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|79}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;therefore presuppose matter, and matter presupposes space. Strictly speaking, co-existence is a negative determination, which merely signifies that two things or states are not different in respect of time; thus their difference is to be sought for elsewhere. But in any case, our knowledge of the permanence of substance, ''i.e.,'' of matter, must be based upon insight ''a priori;'' for it is raised above all doubt, and therefore cannot be drawn from experience. I deduce it from the fact that the principle of all becoming and passing away, the law of causality, of which we are conscious ''a priori,'' is essentially concerned only with the ''changes, i.e.,'' the successive ''states'' of matter, is thus limited to the form, and leaves the matter untouched, which therefore exists in our consciousness as the foundation of all things, which is not subject to becoming or passing away, which has therefore always been and will always continue to be. A deeper proof of the permanence of substance, drawn from the analysis of our perception of the empirical world in general, is to be found in the first book of this work, § 4, where it is shown that the nature of matter consists in the absolute ''union of space and time,'' a union which is only possible by means of the idea of causality, consequently only for the understanding, which is nothing but the subjective correlative of causality. Hence, also, matter is never known otherwise than as producing effects, ''i.e.,'' as through and through causality; to be and to act are with it one, which is indeed signified by the word ''actuality.'' Intimate union of space and time – causality, matter, actuality – are thus one, and the subjective correlative of this one is the understanding. Matter must bear in itself the conflicting properties of both factors from which it proceeds, and it is the idea of causality which abolishes what is contradictory in both, and makes their co-existence conceivable by the understanding, through which and for which alone matter is, and whose whole faculty consists in the knowledge of cause and effect. Thus for the understanding there is&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
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      <text bytes="2214" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|80|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;united in matter the inconstant flux of time, appearing as change of the accidents, with the rigid immobility of space, which exhibits itself as the permanence of substance. For if the substance passed away like the accidents, the phenomenon would be torn away from space altogether, and would only belong to time; the world of experience would be destroyed by the abolition of matter, annihilation. Thus from the share which space has in matter, ''i.e.,'' in all phenomena of the actual – in that it is the opposite and counterpart of time, and therefore in itself and apart from the union with the latter knows absolutely no change – the principle of the permanence of substance, which recognises everything as ''a priori'' certain, had to be deduced and explained; but not from mere time, to which for this purpose and quite erroneously Kant has attributed ''permanence.''

In the essay on the principle of sufficient reason, § 23, I have fully explained the incorrectness of the following proof of the ''a priori'' nature and of the necessity of the law of causality from the mere succession of events in time; I must, therefore, content myself here by referring to that passage.&lt;ref&gt;With my refutation of the Kantian proof may be compared the earlier attacks upon it by Feder, ''Ueber Zeit, Raum und Kausalität,'' § 28; and by G. E. Schulze, ''Kritik der theoretischen Philosophie,'' Bd. ii. S. 422-442.&lt;/ref&gt; This is precisely the case with the proof of reciprocity also, the concept of which I was obliged to explain above as invalid. What is necessary has also been said of modality, the working out of the principles of which now follows.

There are still a few points in the further course of the transcendental analytic which I should have to refute were it not that I am afraid of trying the patience of the reader; I therefore leave them to his own reflection. But ever anew in the &quot;Critique of Pure Reason&quot; we meet that principal and fundamental error of Kant's, which I have copiously denounced above, the complete failure to distinguish abstract, discursive knowledge from intuitive. It is this that throws a constant obscurity over Kant's whole&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/92</title>
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      <id>12508242</id>
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      <text bytes="2134" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|82|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{hwe|thing|everything}} to ideas of perception. But yet he arrives at no distinction; and although Locke and Leibnitz really committed these errors, Kant himself is burdened with a third error which includes them both – the error of having so mixed up knowledge of perception and abstract knowledge that a monstrous hybrid of the two resulted, a chimera of which no distinct idea is possible, and which therefore necessarily only confused and stupefied students, and set them at variance.

Certainly thought and perception are separated more in the chapter referred to &quot;On the Division of all Objects into Phenomena and Noumena&quot; than anywhere else, but the nature of this distinction is here a fundamentally false one. On p. 253; V. 309, it is said: &quot;If I take away all thought (through the categories) from empirical knowledge, there remains absolutely no knowledge of an object, for through mere perception nothing at all is thought, and that this affection of sensibility is in me establishes really no relation of such ideas to any object.&quot; This sentence contains, in some degree, all the errors of Kant in a nutshell; for it brings out clearly that he has falsely conceived the relation between sensation, perception, and thought, and accordingly identifies the perception, whose form he yet supposes to be space, and indeed space in all its three dimensions, with the mere subjective sensation in the organs of sense, but only allows the knowledge of an object to be given through thought, which is different from perception. I, on the contrary, say: Objects are first of all objects of perception, not of thought, and all knowledge of ''objects'' is originally and in itself perception. Perception, however, is by no means mere sensation, but the understanding is already active in it. The thought, which is added only in the case of men, not in the case of the brutes, is mere abstraction from perception, gives no fundamentally new knowledge, does not itself establish objects which were not before, but merely changes the form of the knowledge already won through perception,&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/91</title>
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      <text bytes="2176" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|81}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;theory of the faculty of knowledge, and never allows the reader to know what he is really speaking about at any time, so that instead of understanding, he always merely conjectures, for he alternately tries to understand what is said as referring to thought and to perception, and remains always in suspense. In the chapter &quot;On the Division of all Objects into Phenomena and Noumena,&quot; Kant carries that incredible want of reflection as to the nature of the idea of perception and the abstract idea, as I shall explain more fully immediately, so far as to make the monstrous assertion that without thought, that is, without abstract conceptions, there is no knowledge of an object; and that perception, because it is not thought, is also not knowledge, and, in general, is nothing but a mere affection of sensibility, mere sensation! Nay, more, that perception without conception is absolutely void; but conception without perception is yet always something (p. 253; V. 309). Now this is exactly the opposite of the truth; for concepts obtain all significance, all content, only from their relation to ideas of perception, from which they have been abstracted, derived, that is, constructed through the omission of all that is unessential: therefore if the foundation of perception is taken away from them, they are empty and void. Perceptions, on the contrary, have in themselves immediate and very great significance (in them, indeed, the thing in itself objectifies itself); they represent themselves, express themselves, have no mere borrowed content like concepts. For the principle of sufficient reason governs them only as the law of causality, and determines as such only their position in space and time; it does not, however, condition their content and their significance, as is the case with concepts, in which it appears as the principle of the ground of knowing. For the rest, it looks as if Kant really wished here to set about distinguishing the idea of perception and the abstract idea. He objects to Leibnitz and Locke that the former reduced everything to abstract ideas, and the latter {{hws|every|everything}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Poems Sigourney 1834/The Mohegan Church</title>
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 | title       = [[../]]
 | author      = Lydia Sigourney
 | translator  = 
 | section     = '''The Mohegan Church'''
 | previous    = [[../Evening at Home/]]
 | next        = [[../Radiant Clouds at Sunset/]]
 | year        = 1834
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      <comment>Esme Shepherd moved page [[Poems Sigourney 1834/The Mohegan Church,]] to [[Poems Sigourney 1834/The Mohegan Church]]: comma in error</comment>
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 | section     = '''The Mohegan Church'''
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 | next        = [[../Radiant Clouds at Sunset/]]
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 | title       = [[../]]
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 | next        = [[../Solitude/]]
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      <comment>Esme Shepherd moved page [[Poems Sigourney 1834/The Mohegan Church,]] to [[Poems Sigourney 1834/The Mohegan Church]]: comma in error</comment>
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      <text bytes="53" xml:space="preserve">#REDIRECT [[Poems Sigourney 1834/The Mohegan Church]]</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/93</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <id>12508253</id>
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      <text bytes="2117" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh||CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.|83}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;makes it abstract knowledge in concepts, whereby its concrete or perceptible character is lost, but, on the other hand, combination of it becomes possible, which immeasurably extends the range of its applicability. The material of our thought is, on the other hand, nothing else than our perceptions themselves, and not something which the perceptions did not contain, and which was added by the thought; therefore the material of everything that appears in our thought must be capable of verification in our perception, for otherwise it would be an empty thought. Although this material is variously manipulated and transformed by thought, it must yet be capable of being reduced to perception, and the thought traced back to this – just as a piece of gold can be reduced from all its solutions, oxides, sublimates, and combinations, and presented pure and undiminished. This could not happen if thought itself had added something, and, indeed, the principal thing, to the object.

The whole of the chapter on the Amphiboly, which follows this, is merely a criticism of the Leibnitzian philosophy, and as such is on the whole correct, though the form or pattern on which it is constructed is chosen merely for the sake of architectonic symmetry, which here also is the guiding clue. Thus, to carry out the analogy with the Aristotelian Organon, a transcendental Topic is set up, which consists in this, that every conception is to be considered from four points of view, in order to make out to which faculty of knowledge it belongs. But these four points of view are quite arbitrarily selected, and ten others might be added to them with just as much right; but their fourfold number corresponds to the titles of the categories, and therefore the chief doctrine of Leibnitz is divided among them as best it may be. By this critique, also, to some extent, certain errors are stamped as natural to the reason, whereas they were merely false abstractions of Leibnitz's, who, rather than learn from his great philosophical contemporaries, Spinoza and Locke, preferred to&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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 | title       = [[../]]
 | author      = Lydia Sigourney
 | translator  = 
 | section     = '''Solitude'''
 | previous    = [[../Radiant Clouds at Sunset/]]
 | next        = [[../Barzillai, the Gileadite/]]
 | year        = 1834
 | notes       =
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 | title       = [[../]]
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 | section     = '''Barzillai, the Gileadite'''
 | previous    = [[../Radiant Clouds at Sunset/]]
 | next        = [[../Lochleven Castle/]]
 | year        = 1834
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 | section     = '''Barzillai, the Gileadite'''
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 | next        = [[../Appeal for Missions/]]
 | year        = 1834
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The World as Will and Idea - Schopenhauer, tr. Haldane and Kemp - Volume 2.djvu/94</title>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508261</id>
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      <text bytes="2170" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;8582e&quot; /&gt;{{rh|84|CRITICISM OF THE KANTIAN PHILOSOPHY.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;serve up his own strange inventions. In the chapter on the Amphiboly of Reflection it is finally said that there may possibly be a kind of perception entirely different from ours, to which, however, our categories are applicable; therefore the objects of that supposed perception would be ''noumena,'' things which can only be ''thought'' by us; but since the perception which would give that thought meaning is wanting to us, and indeed is altogether quite problematical, the object of that thought would also merely be a wholly indefinite possibility. I have shown above by quotations that Kant, in utter contradiction with himself, sets up the categories now as the condition of knowledge of perception, now as the function of merely abstract thought. Here they appear exclusively in the latter sense, and it seems quite as if he wished to attribute them merely to discursive thought. But if this is really his opinion, then necessarily at the beginning of the Transcendental Logic, before specifying the different functions of thought at such length, he was necessarily bound to characterise thought in general, and consequently to distinguish it from perception; he ought to have shown what knowledge is given by mere perception, and what that is new is added by thought. Then we would have known what he was really speaking about; or rather, he would then have spoken quite differently, first of perception, and then of thought; instead of which, as it is, he is always dealing with something between the two, which is a mere delusion. There would not then be that great gap between the transcendental Æsthetic and the transcendental Logic, where, after the exposition of the mere form of perception, he simply dismisses its content, all that is empirically apprehended, with the phrase &quot;It is given,&quot; and does not ask how it came about, ''whether with or without understanding;'' but, with one spring, passes over to abstract thought; and not even to thought in general, but at once to certain forms of thought, and does not say a word about what thought is, what the concept is, what is the relation of abstract and&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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 | title       = [[../]]
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 | next        = [[../Death of an Infant/]]
 | year        = 1834
 | notes       =
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 | title       = [[../]]
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 | next        = [[../King John/]]
 | year        = 1834
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 | title       = [[../]]
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 | section     = '''King John'''
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    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/4</title>
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      <text bytes="3700" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A282|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|4.0|{{smaller|Setting aside of no smoking areas.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|4.1}}'''4.''' (1) The manager of a cinema, theatre or concert hall shall set aside not less than 50 ''per cent'' of each class of its seating accommodation as an area in which smoking is prohibited; and he may set aside all such accommodation.

{{Anchor|4.2}}(2) The manager of a public transport service shall set aside not less than 50 ''per cent'' of each class of seating accommodation in every public transport vehicle of that service, not being a vehicle to which paragraph (''c'') or (''d'') of section 3 applies, as an area in which smoking is prohibited; and he may set aside all such accommodation.

{{Anchor|4.3}}(3) For the purposes of this section—
:{{Anchor|4.3.a}}(''a'') an area shall be deemed to have been set aside under subsection (1) only while it is open to the public;
:{{Anchor|4.3.b}}(''b'') a cinema, theatre or concert hall means—
::{{Anchor|4.3.b.i}}(i) any building or part of a building used primarily as a cinema, theatre or concert hall, whether or not it is being so used at the material time, other than the premises of any club, association or other body in which films are exhibited, or plays or music performed for the benefit primarily of the members thereof and their guests;
::{{Anchor|4.3.b.ii}}(ii) any place of public entertainment licensed under the Places of {{Outside L|{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 172.)}}}}Public Entertainment Ordinance while open to the public on account of any concert, stage play, stage performance or other musical, dramatic or theatrical entertainment or any cinematograph display;
:{{Anchor|4.3.c}}(''c'') the passenger carriages of a train shall be deemed to be a single vehicle.

{{Anchor|4.4}}(4) Subject to compliance with the provisions of this section, seating accommodation set aside under this section as a no smoking area may be varied by increasing or reducing that area or by substituting another area in place thereof.

{{Anchor|4.5}}(5) Any seating accommodation demarcated as an smoking is prohibited by signs placed in compliance, or purported compliance, with section 5 shall be deemed to have been set aside under this area in which section.

{{Anchor|4.6}}(6) In setting aside seating accommodation under this section the manager shall comply with any prescribed requirements relating to the relative positioning of smoking and no smoking areas.

{{Anchor|4.7}}(7) The Secretary for Social Services may in writing exempt—
:{{Anchor|4.7.a}}(''a'') the manager of any cinema, theatre or concert hall from compliance with subsection (1) in relation to any occasion;
:{{Anchor|4.7.b}}(''b'') the manager of a public transport vehicle from compliance, either temporarily or {{SIC|permanantly|permanently}}, with subsection (2) in relation to any vehicle or vessel.

{{Anchor|4.8}}(8) The General Manager of the Kowloon-Canton Railway may set aside seating accommodation under subsection (2) and, if he does so, the provisions of this Ordinance shall apply in relation to the accommodation so set aside notwithstanding that the functions of the General Manager are performed on behalf of the Crown by virtue of the provisions of section 29(1) of the {{Outside L|{{xx-smaller|(17 of 1982.)}}}}Kowloon-Canton Railway Ordinance 1982.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|5.0|{{smaller|Display of signs in no smoking areas.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|5.1}}'''5.''' (1) The manager shall place in a prominent position in each no smoking area a sufficient number of signs in English and Chinese to indicate that smoking is prohibited in the area; such signs shall be of the&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/5</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019258</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508270</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:08:55Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */ 5</comment>
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      <text bytes="3404" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh||SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|A283}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;prescribed description and shall be maintained by the manager in legible condition and good order.

{{Anchor|5.2}}(2) Where an area was designated as a no smoking area prior to the coming into operation of this Ordinance, the manager shall be deemed to have sufficiently complied with subsection (1) in relation to the description of the signs if the signs, being signs placed before such coming into operation, are in English and Chinese and are to the effect that smoking is prohibited.

{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|6.0|{{smaller|Powers exercisable in relation to persons smoking in no smoking area.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|6.1}}'''6.''' (1) The—
:{{Anchor|6.1.a}}(''a'') manager or any ticket collector or usher of any cinema, theatre or concert hall or such employee as the manager may authorize in that behalf:
:{{Anchor|6.1.b}}(''b'') driver, conductor, inspector, ticket collector of any public transport vehicle or such other employee as the manager may authorize in that behalf;
:{{Anchor|6.1.c}}(''c'') manager of a public lift or such employee as the manager may authorize in that behalf,
may require any person who smokes in a no smoking area to cease smoking forthwith, indicating the penalty therefor, and if he fails to do so, require him to give his name and address and to produce proof of identity.

{{Anchor|6.2}}(2) Any person who fails to comply with a requirement to cease smoking made under subsection (1) shall be deemed to be a trespasser and, if he is required to leave, or he is removed from, the building or vehicle in which the no smoking area is situated, he shall not be entitled to a refund of any admission fee or money paid by him for entry into the building or transport by the vehicle:

Provided that nothing in this section shall have the effect of deeming a person who smokes in a public lift to be a trespasser in the building (other than the lift) in which the lift is situated.

{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|7.0|{{smaller|Offences under Part II.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|7.1}}'''7.''' (1) Any person who contravenes section 3 commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $1,000.

{{Anchor|7.2}}(2) Any person who fails to give his name and address or to produce proof of identity when required to do so under section 6 or who then gives a false or misleading name or address commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $3,000.

{{Anchor|7.3}}(3) Any manager who—
:{{Anchor|7.3.a}}(''a'') fails to set aside any area as a no smoking area in accordance with section 4; or
:{{Anchor|7.3.b}}(''b'') fails to place signs in accordance with section 5 or to maintain the signs in the manner required by that section,
commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.
{{Center|{{Big|PART III&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Sales of cigarettes and cigarette tobacco}}}}}}
{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|8.0|{{smaller|Health warnings and tar group designation when cigarettes sold.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|8.1}}'''8.''' (1) No person shall sell, offer for sale or possess for the purposes of sale any cigarettes unless the packets thereof and, if the packets are within a retail container, the container also, bear in the prescribed form and manner—
:{{Anchor|8.1.a}}(''a'') a health warning;
:{{Anchor|8.1.b}}(''b'') the tar group designation of the cigarettes.
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/6</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019259</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508273</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:13:38Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */ 6</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3217" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A284|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Anchor|8.2}}(2) Nothing in this section or section 9 shall apply to anything done in relation to cigarettes which are held—
:{{Anchor|8.2.a}}(''a'') in bond: or
:{{Anchor|8.2.b}}(''b'') by a manufacturer of tobacco products,
for export from Hong Kong.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|9.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold. }}}}}}
'''9.''' No person shall sell, offer for sale or possess for the purposes of sale any cigarette tobacco unless the container thereof bears a health warning in the prescribed form and manner.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|10.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold. }}}}}}
{{Anchor|10.1}}'''10.''' (1) Any person who contravenes section 8 or 9 commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.2}}(2) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or retail container a tar group designation which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, is incorrect, commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.3}}(3) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or their retail container—
:{{Anchor|10.3.a}}(''a'') a brand name which indicates the cigarettes belong to a tar group to which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, they do not belong; or
:{{Anchor|10.3.b}}(''b'') a statement as to the amount of tar in the cigarettes which, having regard to the regulations, would place the cigarettes in a tar group other than that indicated by the tar group designation on the packet or retail container or, as the case may be, by the brand name,
commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.
{{Center|{{Big|PART IV&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Cigarette advertising}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|11.0|{{smaller|Cigarette advertisements in printed publications.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|11.1}}'''11.''' (1) No person shall print or publish a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication to which this section applies unless the advertisement bears, in the prescribed form and manner—
:{{Anchor|11.1.a}}(''a'') a health warning;
:{{Anchor|11.1.b}}(''b'') the tar group designation of the cigarettes advertised.

{{Anchor|11.2}}(2) This section applies to—
:{{Anchor|11.2.a}}(''a'') any local newspaper;
:{{Anchor|11.2.b}}(''b'') any printed document published or distributed in Hong Kong, not being a newspaper or an advertisement published or distributed for the purpose of display.

{{Anchor|11.3}}(3) Nothing in this section or section 12 shall apply in relation to a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication—
:{{Anchor|11.3.a}}(''a'') being a local newspaper—
::{{Anchor|11.3.a.i}}(i) not less than 80 per cent of whose circulation is outside Hong Kong;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
      <sha1>gy1hp64bqbr34s5vtlsvpf9ogd94b4b</sha1>
    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508274</id>
      <parentid>12508273</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:14:01Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3217" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A284|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Anchor|8.2}}(2) Nothing in this section or section 9 shall apply to anything done in relation to cigarettes which are held—
:{{Anchor|8.2.a}}(''a'') in bond; or
:{{Anchor|8.2.b}}(''b'') by a manufacturer of tobacco products,
for export from Hong Kong.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|9.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold. }}}}}}
'''9.''' No person shall sell, offer for sale or possess for the purposes of sale any cigarette tobacco unless the container thereof bears a health warning in the prescribed form and manner.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|10.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold. }}}}}}
{{Anchor|10.1}}'''10.''' (1) Any person who contravenes section 8 or 9 commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.2}}(2) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or retail container a tar group designation which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, is incorrect, commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.3}}(3) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or their retail container—
:{{Anchor|10.3.a}}(''a'') a brand name which indicates the cigarettes belong to a tar group to which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, they do not belong; or
:{{Anchor|10.3.b}}(''b'') a statement as to the amount of tar in the cigarettes which, having regard to the regulations, would place the cigarettes in a tar group other than that indicated by the tar group designation on the packet or retail container or, as the case may be, by the brand name,
commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.
{{Center|{{Big|PART IV&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Cigarette advertising}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|11.0|{{smaller|Cigarette advertisements in printed publications.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|11.1}}'''11.''' (1) No person shall print or publish a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication to which this section applies unless the advertisement bears, in the prescribed form and manner—
:{{Anchor|11.1.a}}(''a'') a health warning;
:{{Anchor|11.1.b}}(''b'') the tar group designation of the cigarettes advertised.

{{Anchor|11.2}}(2) This section applies to—
:{{Anchor|11.2.a}}(''a'') any local newspaper;
:{{Anchor|11.2.b}}(''b'') any printed document published or distributed in Hong Kong, not being a newspaper or an advertisement published or distributed for the purpose of display.

{{Anchor|11.3}}(3) Nothing in this section or section 12 shall apply in relation to a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication—
:{{Anchor|11.3.a}}(''a'') being a local newspaper—
::{{Anchor|11.3.a.i}}(i) not less than 80 per cent of whose circulation is outside Hong Kong;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
    <revision>
      <id>12508278</id>
      <parentid>12508274</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:19:05Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3216" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A284|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Anchor|8.2}}(2) Nothing in this section or section 9 shall apply to anything done in relation to cigarettes which are held—
:{{Anchor|8.2.a}}(''a'') in bond; or
:{{Anchor|8.2.b}}(''b'') by a manufacturer of tobacco products,
for export from Hong Kong.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|9.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold. }}}}}}
'''9.''' No person shall sell, offer for sale or possess for the purposes of sale any cigarette tobacco unless the container thereof bears a health warning in the prescribed form and manner.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|10.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|10.1}}'''10.''' (1) Any person who contravenes section 8 or 9 commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.2}}(2) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or retail container a tar group designation which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, is incorrect, commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.3}}(3) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or their retail container—
:{{Anchor|10.3.a}}(''a'') a brand name which indicates the cigarettes belong to a tar group to which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, they do not belong; or
:{{Anchor|10.3.b}}(''b'') a statement as to the amount of tar in the cigarettes which, having regard to the regulations, would place the cigarettes in a tar group other than that indicated by the tar group designation on the packet or retail container or, as the case may be, by the brand name,
commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.
{{Center|{{Big|PART IV&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Cigarette advertising}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|11.0|{{smaller|Cigarette advertisements in printed publications.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|11.1}}'''11.''' (1) No person shall print or publish a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication to which this section applies unless the advertisement bears, in the prescribed form and manner—
:{{Anchor|11.1.a}}(''a'') a health warning;
:{{Anchor|11.1.b}}(''b'') the tar group designation of the cigarettes advertised.

{{Anchor|11.2}}(2) This section applies to—
:{{Anchor|11.2.a}}(''a'') any local newspaper;
:{{Anchor|11.2.b}}(''b'') any printed document published or distributed in Hong Kong, not being a newspaper or an advertisement published or distributed for the purpose of display.

{{Anchor|11.3}}(3) Nothing in this section or section 12 shall apply in relation to a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication—
:{{Anchor|11.3.a}}(''a'') being a local newspaper—
::{{Anchor|11.3.a.i}}(i) not less than 80 per cent of whose circulation is outside Hong Kong;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508280</id>
      <parentid>12508278</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:20:35Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <minor />
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      <text bytes="3215" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A284|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Anchor|8.2}}(2) Nothing in this section or section 9 shall apply to anything done in relation to cigarettes which are held—
:{{Anchor|8.2.a}}(''a'') in bond; or
:{{Anchor|8.2.b}}(''b'') by a manufacturer of tobacco products,
for export from Hong Kong.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|9.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold.}}}}}}
'''9.''' No person shall sell, offer for sale or possess for the purposes of sale any cigarette tobacco unless the container thereof bears a health warning in the prescribed form and manner.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|10.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|10.1}}'''10.''' (1) Any person who contravenes section 8 or 9 commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.2}}(2) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or retail container a tar group designation which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, is incorrect, commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.3}}(3) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or their retail container—
:{{Anchor|10.3.a}}(''a'') a brand name which indicates the cigarettes belong to a tar group to which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, they do not belong; or
:{{Anchor|10.3.b}}(''b'') a statement as to the amount of tar in the cigarettes which, having regard to the regulations, would place the cigarettes in a tar group other than that indicated by the tar group designation on the packet or retail container or, as the case may be, by the brand name,
commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.
{{Center|{{Big|PART IV&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Cigarette advertising}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|11.0|{{smaller|Cigarette advertisements in printed publications.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|11.1}}'''11.''' (1) No person shall print or publish a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication to which this section applies unless the advertisement bears, in the prescribed form and manner—
:{{Anchor|11.1.a}}(''a'') a health warning;
:{{Anchor|11.1.b}}(''b'') the tar group designation of the cigarettes advertised.

{{Anchor|11.2}}(2) This section applies to—
:{{Anchor|11.2.a}}(''a'') any local newspaper;
:{{Anchor|11.2.b}}(''b'') any printed document published or distributed in Hong Kong, not being a newspaper or an advertisement published or distributed for the purpose of display.

{{Anchor|11.3}}(3) Nothing in this section or section 12 shall apply in relation to a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication—
:{{Anchor|11.3.a}}(''a'') being a local newspaper—
::{{Anchor|11.3.a.i}}(i) not less than 80 per cent of whose circulation is outside Hong Kong;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508289</id>
      <parentid>12508280</parentid>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:30:34Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>fix</comment>
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      <text bytes="3219" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A284|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Anchor|8.2}}(2) Nothing in this section or section 9 shall apply to anything done in relation to cigarettes which are held—
:{{Anchor|8.2.a}}(''a'') in bond; or
:{{Anchor|8.2.b}}(''b'') by a manufacturer of tobacco products,
for export from Hong Kong.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|9.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold.}}}}}}
'''9.''' No person shall sell, offer for sale or possess for the purposes of sale any cigarette tobacco unless the container thereof bears a health warning in the prescribed form and manner.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|10.0|{{smaller|Health warnings when cigarette tobacco is sold.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|10.1}}'''10.''' (1) Any person who contravenes section 8 or 9 commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.2}}(2) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or retail container a tar group designation which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, is incorrect, commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.

{{Anchor|10.3}}(3) Any manufacturer of cigarettes or his agent and any wholesale distributor of cigarettes who sells, offers for sale or possesses for the purpose of sale any cigarettes to which section 8 applies which have on their packet or their retail container—
:{{Anchor|10.3.a}}(''a'') a brand name which indicates the cigarettes belong to a tar group to which, having regard to any determination under section 16 and the regulations, they do not belong; or
:{{Anchor|10.3.b}}(''b'') a statement as to the amount of tar in the cigarettes which, having regard to the regulations, would place the cigarettes in a tar group other than that indicated by the tar group designation on the packet or retail container or, as the case may be, by the brand name,
commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000.
{{Center|{{Big|PART IV&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Cigarette advertising}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|11.0|{{smaller|Cigarette advertisements in printed publications.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|11.1}}'''11.''' (1) No person shall print or publish a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication to which this section applies unless the advertisement bears, in the prescribed form and manner—
:{{Anchor|11.1.a}}(''a'') a health warning;
:{{Anchor|11.1.b}}(''b'') the tar group designation of the cigarettes advertised.

{{Anchor|11.2}}(2) This section applies to—
:{{Anchor|11.2.a}}(''a'') any local newspaper;
:{{Anchor|11.2.b}}(''b'') any printed document published or distributed in Hong Kong, not being a newspaper or an advertisement published or distributed for the purpose of display.

{{Anchor|11.3}}(3) Nothing in this section or section 12 shall apply in relation to a cigarette advertisement in a printed publication—
:{{Anchor|11.3.a}}(''a'') being a local newspaper—
::{{Anchor|11.3.a.i}}(i) not less than 80 ''per cent'' of whose circulation is outside Hong Kong;&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/7</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019260</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508276</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:17:48Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */ 7</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="3240" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh||SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|A285}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;::{{Anchor|11.3.a.ii}}(ii) published for the passengers of any airline or shipping company;
::{{Anchor|11.3.a.iii}}(iii) published for the tobacco trade or as the “in house” magazine of any company engaged in that trade;
:{{Anchor|11.3.b}}(b) in such circumstances as may be prescribed.

{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|12.0|{{smaller|Health warning when cigarette advertisement displayed.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|12.1}}'''12.''' (1) No person shall—
:{{Anchor|12.1.a}}(''a'') display;
:{{Anchor|12.1.b}}(''b'') publish or distribute for the purpose of display,
any cigarette advertisement in writing or other permanent or semi-permanent form unless the advertisement has a health warning in the prescribed form and manner.

{{Anchor|12.2}}(2) Nothing in this section shall apply in relation to a cigarette advertisement—
:{{Anchor|12.2.a}}(''a'') on any—
::{{Anchor|12.2.a.i}}(i) small portable object, being of a decorative nature or for personal, domestic or business use;
::{{Anchor|12.2.a.ii}}(ii) object worn on the person;
::{{Anchor|12.2.a.iii}}(iii) umbrella,
:if that object or umbrella carries a cigarette advertisement only because it bears the name or trade name of a person associated with the marketing of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco or a brand name of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco and additionally or alternatively any pictorial device commonly associated therewith, but which does not illustrate or mention cigarette tobacco or cigarettes or their packages or qualities or smoking;
:{{Anchor|12.2.b}}(''b'') in or upon that part of the premises of any manufacturer of tobacco or tobacco products or any dealer (whether by way of wholesale or retail) in cigarettes or cigarette tobacco which is used for the manufacture of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco or for the purpose of dealing in cigarettes or cigarette tobacco;
:{{Anchor|12.2.c}}(''c'') upon a commercial vehicle registered in the name of a person who is a manufacturer or distributor of, or wholesale dealer in, cigarettes or cigarette tobacco;
:{{Anchor|12.2.d}}(''d'') broadcast by television;
:{{Anchor|12.2.e}}(''e'') of such other categories as may be prescribed.

{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|13.0|{{smaller|Cigarette advertisements on radio.}}&lt;br&gt;{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 52.)}}}}}}
{{Anchor|13.1}}'''13.''' (1) The Television Authority appointed under the Television Ordinance may from time to time issue Codes of Practice relating to cigarette advertisements broadcast by radio.

{{Anchor|13.2}}(2) Any Code of Practice issued under subsection (1) shall not be inconsistent with any prescribed conditions relating to the broadcast by radio of any cigarette advertisement.

{{Anchor|13.3}}(3) A Code of Practice issued under this section shall provide that when a cigarette advertisement is broadcast by radio a health warning shall also be broadcast in such manner and at such time as the Code may specify.

{{Anchor|13.4}}(4) No person shall broadcast by radio a cigarette advertisement which does not comply with a Code of Practice issued under this section or fail to broadcast a health warning in the manner and at the time specified in such a Code of Practice.
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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  <page>
    <title>Page:The painters of Florence from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century (1915).djvu/253</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="1728" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;{{rh|1510]|DANTE DRAWINGS|213}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;painted for the convent of S. Barnabà. The eighty-four drawings in illustration of the ''Divina Commedia'', formerly at Hamilton Palace, and now at Berlin, were executed by him for Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de' Medici, who remained in Florence until his death in 1503. Eight sheets from the same volume, once the property of Queen Christina of Sweden, are now in the Vatican. The whole series is of the deepest interest, especially the illustrations of the ''Purgatorio'' and ''Paradiso'', which reveal the mystic tendency of Sandro's imagination, while his love of delicate foliage, of fluttering draperies and showering roses, appears at every page. In the last design Beatrice is seen, crowned with flowers, standing with the poet at her side, in the highest spheres of Paradise, attended by nine circles of rejoicing angels, and one little cherub bearing a cartellino with the artist's name, Sandro di Mariano.

In January, 1504, Botticelli, although infirm and old, came out of his retreat to meet his old friend Leonardo and the other chief masters in Florence, and choose a site for Michelangelo's David. After that we hear no more until, on the 17th May, 1510, he was buried in his father's vault in the church of Ognissanti.


{|{{ts|mc|sm}}
|{{sc|Chief Works}}—
|-
|{{ts|pl2}} colspan=2 |''Florence—Ognissanti''.—Fresco—St. Augustine.
|-
|{{ts|pl2}} colspan=2 |''Accademia:'' 73. Coronation of the Virgin (San Marco). 74. Predella of the Annunciation and Saints. 80. Spring. 85. Madonna with Saints and Angels (S. Barnabà). 157-162. Predella of Dead Christ and Saints. 
|-
|{{ts|pl2}} colspan=2 |''Uffizi:'' 39. Birth of Venus. 1154. Portrait of Giovanni de' Medici.&lt;noinclude&gt;{{nopt}}
|}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/8</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="3815" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh|A286|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|14.0|{{smaller|Meaning of cigarette advertisement.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|14.1}}'''14.''' (1) For the purposes of this Part an advertisement is a cigarette advertisement if it—
:{{Anchor|14.1.a}}(''a'') contains any express or implied inducement, suggestion or request to purchase or smoke cigarettes or cigarette tobacco; or
:{{Anchor|14.1.b}}(''b'') relates to smoking in terms which are calculated, expressly or impliedly, to promote or encourage the use of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco.

{{Anchor|14.2}}(2) An advertisement which mentions the name or trade name of any person associated with the marketing of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco or a brand name of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco or any pictorial device commonly associated therewith or which illustrates or mentions smoking or cigarettes or cigarette tobacco or their packages or qualities shall be deemed to be a cigarette advertisement unless the contrary is proved.

{{Anchor|14.3}}(3) Notwithstanding subsection (2), no advertisement shall be deemed to be a cigarette advertisement only because it uses the name or trade name or a brand name of, or otherwise identifies, a person associated with the manufacture or marketing of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco as the sponsor of an event or as congratulating another person or thing on an achievement of, or event relating to, such person or thing.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|15.0|{{smaller|Offences under Part IV.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|15.1}}'''15.''' (1) Any person who contravenes section 11(1), 12(1) or 13(4) commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000 and, in the case of a continuing offence, to a further penalty of $500 for each day during which the offence continues.

{{Anchor|15.2}}(2) In any proceedings for a contravention of section 11(1) it shall be a defence for the person charged to prove that the advertisement to which the proceedings relate was printed or published in such circumstances that he did not know and had no reason to believe he was taking part in the printing or publication thereof.
{{Center|{{Big|PART V&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Supplementary}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|16.0|{{smaller|Evidence of tar group.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|16.1}}'''16.''' (1) The Government Chemist may from time to time analyse any cigarette for the purpose of determining the tar group to which it belongs for the purposes of this Ordinance and may publish the result of any such analysis.

{{Anchor|15.2}}(2) The determination of the Government Chemist under subsection (1) as published by him shall be evidence of the tar group of the brand of cigarettes from which the cigarette analysed was taken subject to such conditions or limitations as may be prescribed; and any publication purporting to be a determination so published shall be deemed to be such a determination unless and until the contrary is proved.

{{Anchor|15.3}}(3) The power of a member of the Customs and Excise Service to take samples of any goods to which the {{Outside L|{{smaller|(Cap. 109.)}}}}Dutiable Commodities Ordinance applies conferred by section 11(1)(''d'') of that Ordinance shall extend to the taking of samples of cigarettes for analysis by the Government Chemist for the purposes of this section.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|17.0|{{smaller|Amendment of section 7 of Places of Public Entertainment Ordinance.}}&lt;br&gt;{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 172.)}}}}}}
'''17.''' Section 7(1) of the Places of Public Entertainment Ordinance is amended by inserting, after paragraph (1), the following paragraph—
:“(''ia'') the inclusion in any cigarette advertisement (as defined for the purposes of the Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982), intended for exhibition at a cinematographic display, of a health&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|14.0|{{smaller|Meaning of cigarette advertisement.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|14.1}}'''14.''' (1) For the purposes of this Part an advertisement is a cigarette advertisement if it—
:{{Anchor|14.1.a}}(''a'') contains any express or implied inducement, suggestion or request to purchase or smoke cigarettes or cigarette tobacco; or
:{{Anchor|14.1.b}}(''b'') relates to smoking in terms which are calculated, expressly or impliedly, to promote or encourage the use of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco.

{{Anchor|14.2}}(2) An advertisement which mentions the name or trade name of any person associated with the marketing of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco or a brand name of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco or any pictorial device commonly associated therewith or which illustrates or mentions smoking or cigarettes or cigarette tobacco or their packages or qualities shall be deemed to be a cigarette advertisement unless the contrary is proved.

{{Anchor|14.3}}(3) Notwithstanding subsection (2), no advertisement shall be deemed to be a cigarette advertisement only because it uses the name or trade name or a brand name of, or otherwise identifies, a person associated with the manufacture or marketing of cigarettes or cigarette tobacco as the sponsor of an event or as congratulating another person or thing on an achievement of, or event relating to, such person or thing.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|15.0|{{smaller|Offences under Part IV.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|15.1}}'''15.''' (1) Any person who contravenes section 11(1), 12(1) or 13(4) commits an offence and is liable on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000 and, in the case of a continuing offence, to a further penalty of $500 for each day during which the offence continues.

{{Anchor|15.2}}(2) In any proceedings for a contravention of section 11(1) it shall be a defence for the person charged to prove that the advertisement to which the proceedings relate was printed or published in such circumstances that he did not know and had no reason to believe he was taking part in the printing or publication thereof.
{{Center|{{Big|PART V&lt;br&gt;{{Sc|Supplementary}}}}}}
{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|16.0|{{smaller|Evidence of tar group.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|16.1}}'''16.''' (1) The Government Chemist may from time to time analyse any cigarette for the purpose of determining the tar group to which it belongs for the purposes of this Ordinance and may publish the result of any such analysis.

{{Anchor|15.2}}(2) The determination of the Government Chemist under subsection (1) as published by him shall be evidence of the tar group of the brand of cigarettes from which the cigarette analysed was taken subject to such conditions or limitations as may be prescribed; and any publication purporting to be a determination so published shall be deemed to be such a determination unless and until the contrary is proved.

{{Anchor|15.3}}(3) The power of a member of the Customs and Excise Service to take samples of any goods to which the {{Outside L|{{smaller|(Cap. 109.)}}}}Dutiable Commodities Ordinance applies conferred by section 11(1)(''d'') of that Ordinance shall extend to the taking of samples of cigarettes for analysis by the Government Chemist for the purposes of this section.

{{Outside L|{{Anchor+|17.0|{{smaller|Amendment of section 7 of Places of Public Entertainment Ordinance.}}&lt;br&gt;{{xx-smaller|(Cap. 172.)}}}}}}
'''17.''' Section 7(1) of the Places of Public Entertainment Ordinance is amended by inserting, after paragraph (1), the following paragraph—

“(''ia'') the inclusion in any cigarette advertisement (as defined for the purposes of the Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982), intended for exhibition at a cinematographic display, of a health&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf/9</title>
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      <text bytes="2036" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;廣九直通車&quot; /&gt;{{Rh||SMOKING (PUBLIC HEALTH)|'''Ord. No. 58/82'''|A287}}
{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;warning in such manner as may be prescribed in the regulations and enabling any advertisement which does not display such a warning to be disapproved of for exhibition;”.


{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|18.0|{{smaller|Regulations and Orders.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|18.1}}'''18.''' (1) The Governor in Council may make regulations for all or any of the following matters—
:{{Anchor|18.1.a}}(''a'') prescribing anything required or permitted to be prescribed under this Ordinance;
:{{Anchor|18.1.b}}(''b'') prescribing the manner in which the tar group designation of a cigarette is to be determined for the purposes of section 12;
:{{Anchor|18.1.c}}(''c'') requiring notification of anything done by any person which may be relevant to the tar group designation of cigarettes and im- posing penalties not exceeding $2,000 for a failure to comply with such requirement;
:{{Anchor|18.1.d}}(''d'') excepting any cigarette advertisement from the provisions of Part IV either absolutely or subject to such exceptions as may be prescribed; and
:{{Anchor|18.1.e}}(''e'') for the better carrying into effect of this Ordinance.

{{Anchor|18.2}}(2) Subject to the regulations, the Secretary for Social Services may by order in the ''Gazette'' prescribe—
:{{Anchor|18.2.a}}(''a'') the form of any notice that smoking is prohibited, any health warning or any tar group designation where the form is required or permitted to be prescribed under this Ordinance;
:{{Anchor|18.2.b}}(''b'') the manner in which any such notice, warning or designation is to be displayed.

Passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council this 28th day of July 1982.
{{Right block|{{center|Jennie CHOK,&lt;br&gt;''Clerk to the Legislative Council''.}}}}{{-}}
''This printed impression has been carefully compared by me with the bill, and is found by me to be a true and correctly printed copy of the said bill.''
{{Right block|Jennie CHOK,&lt;br&gt;''Clerk to the Legislative Council''.}}}}
{{-}}
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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{{Sidenotes begin}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;warning in such manner as may be prescribed in the regulations and enabling any advertisement which does not display such a warning to be disapproved of for exhibition;”.


{{Outside RL|{{Anchor+|18.0|{{smaller|Regulations and Orders.}}}}}}
{{Anchor|18.1}}'''18.''' (1) The Governor in Council may make regulations for all or any of the following matters—
:{{Anchor|18.1.a}}(''a'') prescribing anything required or permitted to be prescribed under this Ordinance;
:{{Anchor|18.1.b}}(''b'') prescribing the manner in which the tar group designation of a cigarette is to be determined for the purposes of section 12;
:{{Anchor|18.1.c}}(''c'') requiring notification of anything done by any person which may be relevant to the tar group designation of cigarettes and im- posing penalties not exceeding $2,000 for a failure to comply with such requirement;
:{{Anchor|18.1.d}}(''d'') excepting any cigarette advertisement from the provisions of Part IV either absolutely or subject to such exceptions as may be prescribed; and
:{{Anchor|18.1.e}}(''e'') for the better carrying into effect of this Ordinance.

{{Anchor|18.2}}(2) Subject to the regulations, the Secretary for Social Services may by order in the ''Gazette'' prescribe—
:{{Anchor|18.2.a}}(''a'') the form of any notice that smoking is prohibited, any health warning or any tar group designation where the form is required or permitted to be prescribed under this Ordinance;
:{{Anchor|18.2.b}}(''b'') the manner in which any such notice, warning or designation is to be displayed.

Passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council this 28th day of July 1982.
{{Right block|{{center|Jennie CHOK,&lt;br&gt;''Clerk to the Legislative Council''.}}}}{{-}}
''This printed impression has been carefully compared by me with the bill, and is found by me to be a true and correctly printed copy of the said bill.''
{{Right block|{{center|Jennie CHOK,&lt;br&gt;''Clerk to the Legislative Council''.}}}}
{{-}}
{{Nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;{{Sidenotes end}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Page:First Lessons in Geography (1856).djvu/26</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019264</id>
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      <text bytes="1143" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;{{rh||LESSON XVI.|23}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Q. How many States are there? 31.

Q. How are they divided? 
A. Into Eastern, Middle, Western, and Southern States.

Q. Which is the largest State? 
A. Texas. 

Q. Which is the smallest State?
A. Rhode Island. 

Q. What State on the Pacific? 
A. California.

Q. What State in the north, almost surrounded by Lakes? 
A. Michigan. 

Q. Which is the largest of these Lakes? 
A. Lake Superior. 

Q. What Lake east of Michigan? 
A. Lake Huron.

Q. What Lake west of Michigan? 
A. Lake Michigan. 

Q. What River west of Texas?
A. Rio Grande.
&lt;/poem&gt;


{{Custom rule|sp|50|sp|10|d|4|sp|10|sp|50}}


{{center|LESSON XVII.}}

&lt;poem&gt;
Q. What large River flows south into the Gulf of Mexico?
A. Mississippi River. 

Q. What large Rivers flow into the Mississippi? 
A. Missouri, Ohio, Arkansas, and Red. 

Q. What River between Texas and Mexico? 
A. Rio Grande.

Q. What Ocean east of the United States? 
Q. What Ocean west? 
Q. What Country south?
Q. What Gulf south? 
Q. In what State do you live? 
Q. What States touch your State? 
Q. Where is Lake Superior? 
Q. What Lake in Utah? 
Q. Into what does the Ohio flow?
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <title>Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982</title>
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      <text bytes="937" xml:space="preserve">{{Header
 | title      = Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371)
 | author     = | override_author = by Legislative Council of Hong Kong
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = 
 | year       = 1982
 | portal     = Ordinances of Hong Kong/Banking
 | notes      = '''Date of Commencement: 15 November 1982''' (s. 11) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 February 1983''' (Part II and s. 12, except neon light advertisements) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 May 1983''' (s. 12 for neon light advertisements) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 August 1983''' (Remaining) (L.N. 314 of 1982)
}}
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{{ppb}}
&lt;pages index=&quot;Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371).pdf&quot; from=&quot;2&quot; to=&quot;9&quot; /&gt;
{{Legislation-HKGov}}
[[Category:Laws of Hong Kong]]</text>
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      <text bytes="1120" xml:space="preserve">{{Header
 | title      = Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371)
 | author     = | override_author = by Legislative Council of Hong Kong
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = 
 | year       = 1982
 | portal     = Ordinances of Hong Kong/Banking
 | notes      = '''Date of Commencement: 15 November 1982''' (s. 11) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 February 1983''' (Part II and s. 12, except neon light advertisements) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 May 1983''' (s. 12 for neon light advertisements) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 August 1983''' (Remaining) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;Paragraph (ia) added to section 7 of the Places of Public Entertainment Ordinance (Cap. 172) was later deleted by section 33 of the [[Film Censorship Ordinance 1988]] (25 of 1988)
}}
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{{Legislation-HKGov}}
[[Category:Laws of Hong Kong]]</text>
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      <text bytes="1112" xml:space="preserve">{{Header
 | title      = Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982 (Cap. 371)
 | author     = | override_author = by Legislative Council of Hong Kong
 | translator = 
 | section    = 
 | previous   = 
 | next       = 
 | year       = 1982
 | portal     = Ordinances of Hong Kong
 | notes      = '''Date of Commencement: 15 November 1982''' (s. 11) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 February 1983''' (Part II and s. 12, except neon light advertisements) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 May 1983''' (s. 12 for neon light advertisements) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;'''Date of Commencement: 15 August 1983''' (Remaining) (L.N. 314 of 1982)&lt;br&gt;Paragraph (ia) added to section 7 of the Places of Public Entertainment Ordinance (Cap. 172) was later deleted by section 33 of the [[Film Censorship Ordinance 1988]] (25 of 1988)
}}
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{{Legislation-HKGov}}
[[Category:Laws of Hong Kong]]</text>
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    <title>Page:First Lessons in Geography (1856).djvu/27</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
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      <text bytes="675" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Sp1nd01&quot; /&gt;{{rh|24|LESSON XVIII.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;&lt;poem&gt;
Q. Which State is furthest northeast?
A. Maine. 

Q. Where is Maine?
A. In the northeastern part of the United States. 

Q. Which State is furthest south?
A. Florida.
&lt;/poem&gt; 

{{center block|[[File:First Lesson in Geography Image17.png|center|350px]]
{{rh|{{smaller|Locomotive.}}|{{smaller|Telegraph.}}|{{smaller|Steamship.}}}}}}

&lt;poem&gt;Q. Between what Ocean and Gulf is Florida? 
Q. What State is furthest west? 
A. California.

Q. Where is California? 
Q. What States touch the Mississippi River? 
Q. What States touch the Gulf of Mexico? 
Q. How many Territories are there? ''Eight.''
Q. Which is the largest Territory? ''Nebraska.''
&lt;/poem&gt;&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    <revision>
      <id>12508298</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:36:13Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>廣九直通車</username>
        <id>2256060</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>RD</comment>
      <model>wikitext</model>
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      <text bytes="52" xml:space="preserve">#REDIRECT [[Smoking (Public Health) Ordinance 1982]]</text>
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  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Bismarck and the foundation of the German empire (IA bismarckfoundati00head).pdf/9</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019268</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508309</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:55:59Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Ciridae</username>
        <id>2335428</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="500" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Ciridae&quot; /&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{block left|{{center|{{bl|{{x-larger|{{u|heroes of the Nations.}}}}}}

{{x-smaller|EDITED BY}} 

{{bl|[[Author:Evelyn Abbott|Evelyn Abbott]], M.A.}}

{{x-smaller|FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD}}}}}}
{{dhr|3}}
{{block right|{{x-smaller|{{gap|1em}}FACTA DUCIS VIVENT, OPEROSAQUE}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{x-smaller|GLORIA RERUM—OVID, IN LIVIAM, 265}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{x-smaller|{{gap|1em}}THE HERO'S DEEDS AND HARD-WON}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{x-smaller|FAME SHALL LIVE}}}}
{{dhr|4}}
{{center|{{xxx-larger|BISMARCK}}}}
{{dhr|6}}
{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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    </revision>
  </page>
  <page>
    <title>Page:Tennysoniana (1879).djvu/101</title>
    <ns>104</ns>
    <id>4019269</id>
    <revision>
      <id>12508313</id>
      <timestamp>2022-07-25T11:57:24Z</timestamp>
      <contributor>
        <username>Chrisguise</username>
        <id>2855804</id>
      </contributor>
      <comment>/* Proofread */</comment>
      <model>proofread-page</model>
      <format>text/x-wiki</format>
      <text bytes="1037" xml:space="preserve">&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;pagequality level=&quot;3&quot; user=&quot;Chrisguise&quot; /&gt;{{rvh|91|''TEN YEARS' SILENCE.''|''TENNYSONIANA''.}}&lt;/noinclude&gt;{{ppoem|start=stanza|end=close|&lt;&gt;1853.

&quot;''Against its fountain up''ward runs
:The ''current'' of my days.&quot;}}

The expression, &quot;[[Shakespeare - First Folio facsimile (1910)/Twelfe Night/Act 5 Scene 1#Tennysonianap91|whirligig of Time]],&quot; is borrowed from Shakespeare, &quot;[[Twelfth Night (Shakespeare)|Twelfth Night]]&quot; (act v. sc. ''ult'',).
{{dhr}}
{{rule|5em}}
{{dhr}}
&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/Lady Clare|Lady Clare]].&quot; This poem originally opened thus:

{{ppoem|end=close|&quot;Lord Ronald courted Lady Clare,
:I trow they did not part in scorn; 
Lord Ronald, her cousin, courted her, 
:And they will wed the morrow morn.&quot;
&gt;&gt;&gt;1842-1850.}}

The stanza which now stands as the sixteenth, 

{{c|&quot;The lily-white doe Lord Ronald had brought,&quot; &amp;c.,}}

was added in 1851.

We have already seen that the ballad of &quot;Lady Clare&quot; was suggested by Miss Ferrier's novel of &quot;The Inheritance.&quot;

&quot;[[Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/The Lord of Burleigh|The Lord of Burleigh]].&quot; Unaltered.

{{nop}}&lt;noinclude&gt;&lt;/noinclude&gt;</text>
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